Page 1
Jafna Ret
Hundreds of Tamil civilians going hone on for
Journalists visit Jaffna
- Il- ist Sitz ( Seile Teil
- IECIDITI DI O LI
How JR hounded Mrs B out of politics
Jayalalina United
 
 
 
 

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I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll refering to the death your
fight to say its:
' * : Vofaire
SSN 0266-4488
Vol.XV No.5 15 MAY 1996
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CONTENTS
Jaffna Returns to Life. . . . . . . . . . 4.
Journalists Tour Jaffna. . . . . . . . . 6
The Return of Karunanidhi. . . . . . 7
War Affected Economy. . . . . . . . . 7
Recognition of LTTE. . . . . . . . . . . 9
Post Riviresa II. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
War For Peace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Hounding Mrs. B. . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
India at Crossroads. . . . . . . . . . . 2O
Jayalalitha Humbled. . . . . . . . . . 21
Power Crisis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
The Monent of Truth. . . . . . . . . . 26
Tempting the Fury
of the Gods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - 27
Call for Third Party
Mediation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
The crushing d from the landsc be forgotten by
By design of and legacy of lamented M.G. base for his par Centre, She WC elections held i aSSassination ( Chief Minister.
Now She has own seat along brought upon people exacts
It took little peopleto reali Which irretrieva in India has lim passed Jayala WaSan abSOlu
Jayalalitha b' party and unle, political oppor abused her p machinery oft
Her unrestra to See. She d abject Subserv prostrated the never objecte giant-sized cut throughout the
She Shannel ZaS, Spending demonstration She Conducted of India as the
The gravest Consummatep, guiding virtues. a State indulgi such magnitud her dirty handi to her kith and pastine.
The people Wilderness whe the democratic opportunity to power and ther to the very pec
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
Abuse of Power
efeat and almost total removal of Jayalalitha Jayaram cape of Tamil Nadu politics should be a lesson not to
all those who aspire to acquire political power.
by default Jayalalitha inherited the political mantle the popular and populist AIADMK leader, the late Ramachandran who left behind an enormous support ty. Aligning with Congress both in the State and at the in for the AIADMK an impressive victory in the 1991 n the context of the sympathy wave generated by the of Rajiv Gandhi, and thus became Tamil Nadu's first
not only been ousted from power. Jayalalitha lost her
7 with most of her party candidates. The defeat she the AIADMK was near total. How and why did the Luch a heavy political price?
ime after Jayalalitha became Chief Minister for most se that here was a woman who went mad with power ably corrupted her. Though a Chief Minister of a State ited power circumscribed by the Constitution, as time litha began to behave and conduct herself as if she te ruler aCCountable to no One.
brooked no opposition whether within or outside her ashed her goon Squads upon journalists, lawyers and ents in her sustained effort to silence them. She Osition and power in deploying the law and order he State to intimidate and Silence her Critics.
ined arrogance was on constant display for everyone
semanded and obtained total Obedience, and even
'ience from her party members and Ministers. They
mselves in front of her kissing her feet and the lady
d. Such was her vanity that she ensured that
outs of her were displayed in prominent public places
State.
2ssly indulged in crude and vainglorious extravaganbillions of rupees of people's money in well publicised s of her self-importance. the 'mother of all weddings' for her so-called fosterson will go down in the annals most disgraceful act of self-indulgence.
indictment against Jayalalitha was that she was a ractitioner of corruption and bribery which became her Never before in Indian politics has a Chief Minister of 2d in naked corruption and financial skulduggery of e. Besides amassing vast fortunes for herself, dipping nto the tills of the State's treasury to dispense favours kin and party and business associates became her
of Tamil Nadu have thrown her out into the political are Jayalalitha deservedly belongs. It is to the Credit of process that it affords to the ordinary people the turn out those who aspire to and acquire political eafter abuse their power and become unaccountable ple who put them there in the first place.

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
affna, normally a vibrant city with a teaming population, turned into a ghost town emptied of its people following Operation Riviresa 1, is slowly returning to life again with the gradual return of civilians following Operation Riviresa 3.
Government forces advancing on the last Tamil Tiger bastions in northern Sri Lanka on Thursday 16 May reached the port town of Point Pedro, the main Sea Tiger base in the northern Jaffna peninsula, thus successfully completing the effort at bringing the almost the whole of the peninsula under the control of government forces. The troops, backed by tanks, artillery and air support, launched the of fensive at dawn on Wednesday 15 May from defence lines in Kodikamam and moved north to Point Pedro on the nor theastern edge of the peninsula. Mili
a major offensive c tion Riviresa 2 in n to free more than villians from LTE ( this operation, acc ment SOurces, tens people who had fle mam division and ) wake of previous C 1 in October 1995 in large numbers.
The Tigers had a most of their cadre ; ware from Jaffna an Kilinochchi and W mainland taking all estimated 100,000p ninsula.
“Now the governi its ability to win the of the Tamil peop ahead with its peac
Schools reopen in Jaffna as Tami
tary sources claimed that they encountered very little resistance from the Tigers.
Deputy Defence Minister Anurud dha Ratwatte was quoted as saying that not a single civilian was killed in Operation Riviresa 3. "I wonder whether our troops had even to fire 100 shots to finish off Tiger resistance. The Tigers who could not withstand the onslaught of security forces beata hasty retreat,” Ratwatte said. But the LTTE now based on the mainland south of the peninsula, said attacks by the military killed at least 20 Tamil civilians ahead of the capture of the Vadamarachchi area.
The army captured Kodikamam and Chavakachcheri in the Thenmaradchchi division of the peninsula, in
Paikiasothy Sarava cal analyst.
Now that the la which has for years stronghold of the Ti ught back under g( and with the return of Tamil civilians, 13 year civil war cial stage. The gov be to win the heart Tamil people with nalise the LTTE, a ernment andmilita illusion that they c feat the Tigers tota ch has regroupeda quarters and bases and Wanni areas af Jaffna last Novem
 
 

15 MAY 1996
denamed Operaid April claiming 00,000 Tamil ciontrol. Following rding to governof thousands of from the Valigaaffna town in the peration Riviresa egan to trek back
lready withdrawn und military harddregrouped in the anni areas on the ong with them an eople from the pe
ment should show hearts and minds le, while forging
main a formidable force with dedicated cadres ready to lay down their lives on their leader's command.
Situation in Jaffna An independent assessment of the situation in Jaffna came from the Medical Emergency Relief International (Merlin), a British registered charity, which sent in a German surgeon and expert in tropical medicine, Dr Michael Schubert, for a "rapid assessment' at the end April following Operation Riviresa 2.
Schubert confirmed the military's claims that large numbers of Tamil civilians were on the move in Jaffna. He was allowed to travel freely and saw no evidence of high civilian casualties.
"Several I spoke to said they were happy to be going home but a few said they feared the LTTE would put
'e proposal,” said
lcivilians return in large numbers
namuttu, a politi
st strip of Jaffna, been the base and gers, has been brovernment control, of a large number observers say the as reached a crurnment's aim will and minds of the a view to margithough both govy leaders under no buld militarily dely. The LTTE whind set up its headin the Kilinochchi er evacuating from er continue to re
pressure on them," he told the press on his return to Colombo on 2 May. "They said they were allowed to pass without paying the usual money (to the LTTE) but were warned not to speak to the army. They said they feared there would be attacks,' he said.
He also said the Jaffna Teaching Hospital, the main medical facility in northern Sri Lanka, had been "to a large extent” destroyed.
Many of the refugees were exhausted, although there was no immediate evidence of malnutrition, and there was "an unknown number of explosives in the area to which they were returning,
Schubert's report said The surgeon monitored the movement of refugees from Jaffna town to

Page 5
15 MAY 1996
northern Palali- 1,200 inhalf an hour, 1,400 in an hour - later the same day, travelling by bicycle, tractor or on foot and carrying their personal belongings.
"These figures show very clearly that people are returning to their homes in large numbers,” the report said. “This was also confirmed by the returnees themselves when many of them mentioned that neighbours or family members would soon follow.” Schubert, with experience in war Zones from Africa to the former Soviet republics, was sent to Jaffna to assess the security situation, identify medical needs and gauge capacity of local medical centres.
"The Jaffna Teaching Hospital is to a large extent destroyed,” the report said, adding that only the former paediatric unit was functioning as an outpatient department, inpatient department, pharmacy, medical store, dressing room and consultation room.
"In all departments, the medical material has been removed with only very few exceptions,” it said. With most diagnostic facilities missing, the army was helping to transport severely ill patients to the giant Palali camp, about an hour's drive away on potholed roads.
There was no running water and the sewage system was not working. The hospital compound had been cleared of explosives. There was no electricity in the day and only a small generator for heating water. At night, an army generator lit up some bulbs in the hospital and some street lights and houses.
In Jaffna town, 60 percent of buildings were in need of repair. "An estimated five percent of all buildings have been severely damaged during the last six months,” the report said, adding that explosives posed a risk in some buildings.
Govt’s Moves From the speeches by Deputy Defence Minister, Anuruddha Ratwatte, it is obvious that the government is in an upbeat mood about the military's successes in the Jaffna peninsula. Referring to the return of "more than 200,000 Tamil civilians' to the areas under army control, Ratwatte that the Tamil people had abandoned and repudiated the LTTE who claimed to be their leaders for more than a decade. He claimed in parliament that the Tigers have been defeated both militarily and politically.
He said the government was helping displaced people to rebuild their
homes. Roads wel power and water restored. Fertilise tural implements for them to begin quantities of food items are being them. Fertiliser v list of items previ north by the gover the Tigers might u Welcoming th Over the LTTE an ians to Jaffna, D0 the Eelam Peopl (EPDP) said that replace it with a
"We welcome t tion, which has all without much dau and property, but followed immedi civilian administr cal vacuum sets i It has been rep nanda met Presi and requested tha go to Jaffna and military, and that: been made by PL President is unde to the idea of the Jaffna at this time It is learnt that eager to institute and administrativ affairs of the nor military to carry long. In this con that consideration formation of an similar to the One the Indo-Sri Lank 1987. This Coun will be composed all political partie mitted to the dem understood the th has been asked to stitutional implica such an interim b President Chan said on 2 May th would begin dire people on a peace nic war. About 2 being resettled in vision of norther she told heads of and relief agenc: north.
In her briefing, of the offensive h ple forced out of LTTE before the area late last year

e being repaired and supplies were being r and other agriculwere being supplied their farming. Large
and other essential .
made available to as on an extensive
ously banned in the
nment, which feared seitto make bombs. e military success d the return of civiluglas Devananda of es Democratic Part it was time now to political process.
he (military) operamost been completed Image to civilian life we feel this must be ately by an interim ation before a politin,' Devananda said Orted that Mr.Devadent Kumaratunga at he be allowed to work along with the a similar request had OTE. However the rstood to be averse ese groups going to
Y. محمدبر
the government is a civilian political e structure to run the th than rely on the the burden for too text, it would seem is being given to the "Interim Council' proposed following a Agreement of July cil, it is suggested, of representatives of es and groups comocratic process. It is e Attorney General o look into the contions of setting up Ody. drika Kumaratunga hat her government ct talks with Tamil plan to end the eth)0,000 people were the Valikamam din Jaffna peninsula, diplomatic missions ies working in the
she said that the aim ad been to free peotheir homes by the army captured the
TAMIL TIMES 5
She added that it was the government’s intention to enter into a dialogue on the devolution proposals with the people in the north who had hitherto been denied the opportunity to do so," the statement said. Describing her government's plan to restore civil administration in the peninsula, the President said that 460 government officials and almost 200 retired officials would help the military restore civil administration.
The President appealed to friendly governments and international agencies to support a government effort to repair infrastructure in the north which had been devastated due to years of war.
Buses, the only public transport for many Sri Lankans, belonging to the Sri Lanka Central Transport Board (CTB) have returned to the roads of the Jaffna peninsula after 11 years, according to CTB officials. “The bus service began on 1 May. It has been received enthusiastically by the people. 23 buses were operating in Valikamam district, the western half of the peninsula,' they said. The board had to ship in the 23 buses from the mainland and plan to send more as demand arises, they added.
The CTB was using its old bus depot at Kondavil on the northern outskirts of Jaffna town to relaunch the service. More than 70 percent of the depot's original staff had reported to work, they said adding, "We had 150 buses registered to the Kondavil depot, but we couldn't even find a piece of any of them.'
Mr. Chelliah Pathmanathan, Government Agent of Jaffna, said that his first task was to restore the civil administration adding that about 40 percent of the government employees, including 300 village officers (Grama Sevakas) and 6000 school teachers had already reported for work.
"We are setting up 71 co-operative stores for food distribution and we hope to start at least some schools. One primary task is to set up a lawand-order machinery. Only three of the police stations are currently funtioning,” Mr.Pathmanathan said.
Medical Staff Return
Four hundred members of the staff of the Jaffna Teaching hospital, who had vacated the area following army offensive in October last year, have returned to the hospital, the defence ministry said on 28 April. The hospital is now under the controll of the government.

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
JOUTUPinal
ournalists who have not been alJ lowed into the northern Jaffna peninsula since fighting recommenced in April last year, were taken by plane to Jaffna on 8 May and were afforded the opportunity of a conducted tour from Jaffna's giant Palaly airbase, down to Jaffna town, east to Chavakachcheri and the Kilali lagoon crossing point that was sealed off by the military last month.
According to a Reuter report by Nick Macfie, "the British-made Avro transport aircraft that brought the journalists to the area had made a long, low approach over water to Palaly as the Sri Lankan air force pilot took precautions against possible surface-to-air missile attacks.
"Along the route the reporters took, Tamil families could be seen riding bicycles, bullock-drawn carts and tractors, carrying possessions home to the northern Valikamam area they fled when the military launched "Operation Riviresa' last year.
"Unprompted by the soldiers, civilians said they were happy to be returning home and to be out of the clutches of the LTTE who appear to have been routed in the peninsula.
"As they spoke, the LTTE released a communique in London warning the military against further expansion in the north, saying it would bring a "terrible disaster.'
“We have been liberated by the armed forces,” a retired postal worker said after standing in line for nine hours for his rations from the military. "So far so good." Asked whether he
SS ON TOUR C.
thought the LTTE what they would "That is a puzzlin, swer.”
“A chemistry te: temple said he th might retaliate aga efforts to return the government's effort civil administration “We need only a told Reuters. Asked of the government' to bring peace to th years of war he sai that they “would gi Tamils.”
"Others nearby heard of the devoluti is currently being all-party parliament tee in Colombo.
"A 69-year-old kachcheri hospital Tamils in the north turn home. "I am v wife is satisfied,' he ting the medicine, vegetables.”
“The LTTE, in its its monthly Viduth paper as saying the returning willingly trapped in the pen and bombing."
Another Reuter 1 May said, "Bright sl mmed blossom h shaded gardens tel Lanka's Jaffna pen trasts with daily re
(Continued from page 5)
The entire hospital staff, some patients and officials of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) had shifted to Point Pedro in the Vadamarachi region in October-November last year following the capture of the Jaffna town by the army.
Two hospitals have reopened and are crowded with patients. "When the military came in, we shifted the hospital to Point Pedro and returned only a week ago. At the moment we have enough facilities to take care of 5,000 people. We need additional supplies urgently because the town's population is now over 200,000,” Dr. Navamalar Kanagaratnam, Director of the
Jaffna Hospital sai
Jaffna University
Sri Lanka's north sity will be reop andsome schools o' already in session, cial sources in Col
Education and Minister R. Pathira his Deputy Prof.V visited the Jaffna U and some schools i tly, has directed of istry to take necess: the conditions of th cials said. The Mi1 ted to have direct
 
 

would return and o next, he said: question to an
cher at a Hindu ought the LTTE nst the military's civilians and the s to re-establish a
peaceful life,” he
what he thought devolution plans country after 13 all he knew was e some rights for
aid they had not On package, which discussed by an aryselect commit
patient at Chavasaid 99 percent of were happy to retery satisfied. My ! said. "We are getwe are getting the
statement, quoted alai Puligal newscivilians were not home but had been Insula by shelling
report datelined 9 hop signboards, triedges and lazy,
a story about Sri insula which conports of bloodshed
5 MAY 1996
during 13 years of ethnic war. Street advertisements and wall paintings tell of businesses and Services taken for granted elsewhere in this tropical island but which here have their shutters up to the outside world.
"On one corner is a shop offering video-mixing services. Down the road is a sign suggesting you turn off to enjoy the facilities of "Oscar's Sports Club." Not far away is an artificial insemination centre, ajudge's house and something called the "Brilliant Academy.”
"In between shops, white flags are sprouting from the gateposts of some houses, marking the return of their owners who fled fighting between the armed forces and the LTTE. Some of the houses are ruined, some are pockmarked with bullets and shrapnel. Some are Dutch and Portuguese style bungalows, setback from the road with wide, cool verandahs and completely intact.
"The centre of Jaffna town is made up of weed-strewn ancient ruins with the Dutch fort, library, police station and post office destroyed in fighting from earlier in the ethnic war which began in 1983.
"The Jaffna government agent, Chelliah Pathmanathan, said 80 percent of the houses in Jaffna town had been damaged. Veteran war reporters said the most noticeable new damage was to the Jaffna Teaching Hospital, once the biggest medical facility in the north and now just a shell with a few broken beds and no ambulance. Many patients sleep on the floor. "We once had 1,015 beds,” said hospital director N.Kanaga. "Now we have about 200." Medical equipment has been stolen, the sewerage system does not work and there is no running water.'O
.
To be Reopened
ern Jaffna Univerened on June 13 the peninsula are according to offi
mbo
Higher Education na who along with ishva Warnapala niversity complex Jaffna city recenicials of the miny steps to improve 2 Schools, the Offiister is also repor'd that the troops
who are camped in many schools should vacate them at the earliest possible opportunity to make way for those schools to reopen and function normally.
"Over 100 schools are now reopened in the peninsula including popular schools like St.Johns College, Jaffna Hindu College and Bosco College. These three Schools alone have a student population of over 7,000," the Minister said.
A total of 565,000 US dollars has been allocated for improvements and other needs of the University and a further 925,000 US dollars has been set apart for reconstruction and other requirements of schools in the Jaffna peninsula, they said. O

Page 7
15 MAY 1996
The veteran Dravida Munetra Kazhagam (DMIK) leader Muthuvel Karunanidhi is back in power as Chief Min-ister of the southern state of Tamil Nadu having inflicted a crushing defeat upon the imperious Jayaram Jayalalitha who even failed to win her own seat in the state assembly in the recently held elections in India.
Whether one likes it or not, there is enormous interest among political circles in Colombo in the outcome of elections in India whether they for the central government in Delhi or for the state government in Tamil Nadu. The interest became almost obsessive par
Tamil Nadu - T
as of Karunanidhi
The Re
ticularly after th Sinhala-Tamil et island and the c ment of Delhi an lution of this con For there are ov living in Tamil centuries of lingu finities with Sri far as the Sinha politicians and p) remind them of th of the island from kings in the dista Karunanidhi ch of the Sri Lankar after the island-w
Sri Lanka's economy could easily match the high growth rates of Asian economies like South Korea and Taiwan if not for the war in the country's northeast, the Governor of the country's Central Bank said on 2 May.
Defence spending rose to 34 billion rupees ($629 million) in 1995 from the budgeted figure of 24 billion ($444 million), after Eelam War III broke out in April 1995 following the abrupt breakdown of talks between the Tigers and the government.
"Defence was the single largest item of expenditure in the country in 1995. The budgeted figure for 1996 is 38 billion rupees ($703 million)," the bank's Governor Jayawardena told the press.
He said it contrasted sharply with the scenario of a decade ago when the government spent 55 billion rupees on a project to divert the Mahaweli River, Sri Lanka's longest, to irrigate more land. "If not for this huge spending on defence, we could easily achieve annual GDP(gross domestic product) growth of about eight percent,” he said speaking the day after the Central Bank's annual report for 1995 said the economy grew by 5.5 percent last year led by industry, fractionally down from 5.6 percent in 1994.
The armed conflict which began in 1983 had cost the country billions of rupees in defence spending. The north
and east, which a Such as agricultur not contributed to break of the war.
The agriculture tion to GDP decli 1995 from 13 per early 1960s the s in GDP was arou to 23 percent in Bank report said. two to three perc could be done e: war,' said Jayawa Despite the bill financial and ma Lanka’s per capita US dollars, the hig according to offici tral Bank report f 3 May stated that product (GDP) prices grew by 14 to 129,053 milli mid-year populati milion, and the rOSe to 713 US di 656 US dollars in This level of p the highest amon countries, the rep annual report fu 1995, Sri Lanka tain the growth m in the recent past 5.5 percent in rea the average grow the previous five port, adding that productat constan percent in 1995 percent in 1994.
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 7
e escalation of the hnic conflict in the onsequent involveMadras in the evoflict. er 55 million Tamils Nadu who have had istic and cultural afLankan Tamils. As ese are concerned, elates do not fail to e repeated invasions south Indian Tamil nt past. ampioned the cause Tamils particularly ide violence against
re rich in resources e and fisheries, have GDP since the out
sector’s contribuned to 11 percentin cent in 1994. In the hare of agriculture ld 40 percent. It fell 1990, the Central "Therefore, adding ent more to growth asily if not for the urdena.
ions wasted both in npower terms, Sri income rose to 713 ghest in South Asia, al figures. The Cenpr 1995 released on the gross domestic at current market 1.3 percent in 1995 on US dollars with on estimated at 18.1 per capita income ollars in 1995 from
previous year. »r capita income is g the South Asian rt Said. The banks rther said that in continued to mainomentum achieved the GDP grew by terms, the same as h rate recorded for years, said the rethe gross national tprices grew by 5.9 'ompared with 5.3 O
Tamils in July 1983 following which over 150,000 of them fled to Tamil Nadu as refugees. Even Tamil political leaders including militant groups and their leaders found sanctuary there to pursue their political and militant activities. Political parties in Tamil Nadu competed with each other to display their concern and support for the Sri Lankan Tamils and brought pressure upon Delhi to do the same. Delhi's concern for the resolution of the island's ethnic conflict with the grant of the "legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people' and the eventual arrival of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in the wake of the IndoSri Lanka Agreement ofJuly 1987 was in no small measure to the influence that Tamil Nadu politicians brought to bear upon the central government in New Delhi.
However with the outbreak of fighting between the IPKF and the LTTE in October 1987 the near-unanimity of support in Tamil Nadu for the Sri Lankan Tamils began to gradually fracture. Karunanidhi who was Chief Minister then was accused of supporting the LTTE although it was fighting the IPKF. His failure to receive the IPKF in Madras when it returned in March 1990 was characterised as "anti-national” and was accused by his adversaries as a collaborator of the LTTE. It was primarily on this charge that the Tamil Nadu state government under his Chief Ministership was dissolved and Governor's rule imposed. But Karunanidhi had always maintained that his support to the Sri Lankan Tamils did not mean support to the LTTE or for the creation of a separate state.
However, the murder of Rajiv Gandhi attributed to the LTTE in September 1991 in the run-up to the general elections brought about a substantial change of attitude in India and particularly in Tamil Nadu, both among politicians and the people in regard to the Sri Lankan Tamil issue. In spite of his strenuous denials and without any evidence whatsoever, Karunanidhi was linked with the LTTE and Rajiv's murder by his political opponents and was soundly defeated in the elections held shortly thereafter in which Jayalalitha triumphed.
During the ensuing years, while Jayalalitha had been vocal in her antiLTTE pronouncements, there have (Continued on page 29)

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
O Tamil Tigers guerrillas blasted two electricity transmission towers on 4 May in the eastern province near Trincomalee plunging the northeastern part of the island into darkness. Previously in April the Tigers had blasted two transmission towers at Tambalagamam near Trincomalee.
OFive air force personnel, 2 navy persons and 3 civilians who went to the Mantheevu island in eastern Sri Lanka near Batticaloa in a boat carrying lunch and other essential equipment to a leprosy colony on 3 May were subjected to an ambush attack by the Tigers as the boat approached the pier which was blasted by an explosive devise fitted to the pier. An army statement said that the bodies of 4 air force personnel and one civilian were recovered, 3 injured persons were evacuated to the Batticaloa Hospital, and 2 persons were reported to be missing.
O An officer and 11 soldiers were killed when Tigers ambushed a road-clearing patrol at Mylanthenna in Punani in the Batticaloa district in the morning of 6 May. Though the military claimed that 18 Tigers were killed and over 30 wounded in the ensuing battle following the arrival of troop reinforcements, there was no independent confirmation as the casualties on the LTTE side. The Tigers, using a rocket-propelled
grenade, hit a Uni bringing in the rei radio traffic monito dicated a Tiger area Kunam who led the killed in the firefigh O Navy patrol bo five Tamil Tiger cı Lankan waters, killi rillas, military offic They said the wo known as "theppam when they were tak army-held Kaytsisla peninsula. They alle were trying to infiltr attack government t On the same da claimed that Sri Lan blew up a rebel boa Tamil Tigers on 9 boats escaped. They reconnaissance dete ing arms to three bo about 50 miles (80 tivu just before suns copter gunships an attack craftwere im to the area.” The a fleeing boats when the boats fired at the One boat burst int miles (16 km) from two escaped as dark
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15 MAY 1996
:orn troop carrier forcements.Rebel ed by the army ineader identified as surprise attack was , the army claimed. ts chased and sank aft in northern Sri g at least four guerals said on 9 May. den- hulled craft ” were intercepted ng Tiger cadres to hd west of the Jaffna ged that the Tigers te Kayts island and "oops.
y, defence officials kan air force planes t carrying arms for May, but two other said an aircraft on cted a ship unloadats in the high seas km) east of Mullaiet.“Two M-24helid a Pucara ground mediately deployed ircraft attacked the suspected rebels in m, the sources said. o flames about 10 shore but the other less set in, they said.
A visiting French government minister has held talks with Sri Lankan officials on a deal to repatriate Sri Lankan refugees living in France, the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry said on 13 May.
It said in a statement the matter was taken up in talks the previous week between a French delegation headed by Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Margie Sudre and Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar and his aides.
"The two delegations discussed the situation of Sri Lanka asylum seekers in France and preliminary steps towards a possible agreement to facilitate and regulate repatriation through mutual co-operation,” it said. A similar arrangement exists between Colombo and Switzerland where also there are an estimated 25,000 Sri Lankan, mostly Tamil asylur seekers.
Thousands of Sri Lankans, mostly Tamils, have sought refuge in France to escape the fighting in northeast Sri Lanka. Most of them have been living in France for many years. O
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Page 9
15 MAY 1996
“Recognition of Tigers, Representative of Tar - the First Step to Settlem
by V.Rudhrakumaran
The following are substantial excerpts of a presel Mr. Visu vanathan Rudrakumaran, political advisor of th tional Unit, USA, at a conference in Norway on the topi Lanka and International Response on 26 February 1996:
s we are all aware, the recentescalation of violence on the island of Sri Lanka has caused great dismay and alarm. The mounting loss of innocent lives, resulting from the Navaly Church bombing, the Nagarkovil School bombing. "Operation Sunshine'. The Colombo bank bombing and the Kumarapuram massacre among the many tragedies has demonstrated that the strategy of “peace through war” is not only untenable but immoral. As the United Nations Secretary-General pointed out in his statement issued on 1 February 1996, the bombing incident in Colombo highlights "the need to find an early negotiated political solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka'. Any lasting resolution of the conflict has to be based on the real situation in the island of Sri Lanka. The response of the Tamil people after the politics of exclusion by all Sinhala governments since independence is a realisation that their lives and their interests only be protected by collectively asserting their aspirations is to form of nationhood.
The characterisation of the Tamil Nation's striving to be responsible for its own affairs and to take its destiny in its own hands as a "Terrorist Problem' is an implicit yet nonetheless glaring denial of the dignity of the Tamil nation. These must be a recognition that the discrimination, deprivation, exclusion from political representation and the power processes as well as the physical insecurity inflicted upon it have forced the Tamil nation to seek a political space of its OW.
The brutalization and alienation of the Tamil nation by the oppressive Sinhala governments is much older than the LTTE. Decitizenisation of substantial numbers of Tamils occu
pying the hill count birth of any Tamilr before the birth of a of the LTTE was bc cation that Sinhala damental problem the Tamil resistanc judge in the Unitec the LTTE arose as : Lankan governmen duce Tamils to Sec or even non-entities ka's foreign mini Kadirgamar, aptly p at the Asia Society April 1995: “LTTE cause in which they are historical prec there is a historica they are doing what
The cause of the "terrorism', but in and alienation of th the Sinhala establis Chandrika Kumaral lemical stipulation down of arms as a future negotiations, of the Government'. nying equality to t The Tamils constitu international law an to exercise the righ nation and, as a cor engage in armed c. in accordance with sembly Declaration tions Among Stat. which is considere international law.
For a successful n both parties should cipal of fairness an tion cannot negotia der occupation. On under duress. Eve contractual law pro it being at the level

TAMIL TIMES 9
as Sole mills’
ent
itation made by e LTTE Internac, Conflict in Sri
ry, long before the 2sistance and long iny of the member rn, is a clear indiracism is the funin Sri Lanka, not e. As one federal | States observed, a result of the Sri it's attempt to reond class citizens s. And as Sri Lanster, Mr.Laxman but it in his speech in New York in is fighting for a believe, and there 2dents for it, and genesis for why t they do.” conflict lies not in the brutalization e Tamil nation by hment. President unge’s recent poof LTTE's laying precondition for is a manifestation s insistence on dehe Tamil Nation. te”people” under d thereby entitled t of self determiollary the right to impaigns. This is the General Asof Friendly Relas (GA Res:625) d as a customary
gotiated outcome proceed on a prind free will. A nate when it is un: cannot negotiate n the most basic hibits it, let alone of nations, a vio
lation of the right to self determination. A negotiated settlement that is gained through coercion only serves to perpetuate and institutionalise the conflict in such a way that "peace through war' will become part of the way of life.
Awholly different constructive ellement is necessary for a truly successful negotiated settlement. The international community has requisite ability to facilitate the peace process and should play a vital role in it. Moral support of the international community for the victim of aggression will prevail upon the aggressor to seek resolution that takes into account the needs and interests of both parties. Unfortunately, in Sri Lanka we are witnessing a phenomenon in which the victim is brutalised then blamed. This is due to the powerlessness of the
Tamil people vis a vis their access to
the media.
Due to the censorship instituted by the Sri Lankan Government, truth itself has become a victim. Therefore, international opinion regarding the conflict in Sri Lanka is fundamentally biased, and the international community has so far been disinclined to show sympathy for the Tamil victimisation. For example when the peace process in the island collapsed, the blame was put on the LTTE. Now as one diplomat observed, when negotiations collapse the blame rests on the withdrawing party, especially where it is a no-state entity. If the withdrawing party is unable to explain its actions because of its powerlessness and lack of access to the media, however, it has no choice but to bear the brunt of the criticism.
The fact that the Sri Lankan Government was escalating its military might even as the talks were in progress, the fact of LTTE's insistence that the urgent day to day problems of severe food, medicine and fuel shortages be given priority; the fact LTTE's proposals to address four situations of paramount importance out of which three were related to civilian life, the fact that LTTE withdrew from the negotiations in conformity with its three weeks' notice, whereas the Agreement required only a 72 hour notice are all relevant to forming a correct opinion about LTTE's behaviour, but none of them were brought to the international community's attention as a result of the Tamils' lack of media access. On the other hand, the lifting of the food embargo, a belated fulfilment of the

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
state's moral and legal obligation to its citizen is viewed as a major concession on President Chandrika's part. This is largely due to the manner in which this event was represented in the media. When LTTE explicitly announced its willingness to consider a political arrangement short of an independent state, their act of goodwill was not appreciated by the international community because it had not been adequately covered in the media. The same asymmetry in the two parties' access to the media results in an effective and swift response by the international community when certain actions are attributed to the LTTE without proof, whereas sheer silence or indifference occur in response to massacres committed by the Sri Lankan government, such as the Navaly church bombing, school bombings and recently the Kumarapuram massacres.
The illusion shared by many today that President Chandrika's devolution package is a panacea for the national conflict in Sri Lanka is also the product of a well-orchestrated media campaign by the Sri Lankan government. It is sad that many "bought' the spurious package without the benefit of a detailed analysis of its contents. It is therefore necessary to examine whether the devolution package indeed provides for meaningful power sharing between Tamils and Sinhalese on the island of Sri Lanka, and whether it is adequate to guarantee the physical security of the Tamil population. It is said in the media and even in some academic circles that the proposal, even though by name it is called a devolution package, in reality embodies a federal formula.
The core of federalism is division of power. In other words no-centralisation is not synonymous with either decentralisation or devolution. Decentralisation or devolution presupposes a higher authority which chooses to dissolve its power. As Daniel Elzar, an expert on Federalism observes the government that can decentralise or devolve can also recentralise it if it so desires, Hence in decentralised systems the diffusion of power is actually a matter of chance, not right, and as history reveals in the long run, it is usually treated as Such. Devolution implies hierarchy, a pyramid of government where power flows downward from the top, whereas no-centralisation requires that there can be no single centre, but rather a dispersal of power among a number of centres that
must co-ordinate policies with one make the entire pc hierarchy, the top more authority a middle or the bot dicts the basic pri ism.ʼ
Moreover, the i effect that their higher authority i. both historically a quently, the very somehow "devolve the North Eastern stand rational scrl Another importa alism is over-rep constituent unit in enable the unit to tively in policy m ance. Kumaratung completely devoid ing arrangement. , substance of the "l als”revealbeyond proposed is not at bles even remotely The other quest Kumaratunga's Tamils to have a l termination of the question before is proposed polity o Lanka, the Tamils cient say in matter tional existence.
It Should be ob that the Sri Lanka tempts to undermi impose the Devol the Tamils is a cl Tamils' right to The devolution pa presented to the l ernment has publi not talk to the L for negotiated se Government sho LTTE as the Sol sentative of the learn to deal wit devolution packe with participation is nothing to pre provisions from t erally by the shee The Sinhalese tute not only a n permanent politic is true that under resentation no si will enjoy a two Parliament. The political parties ways enjoy at le

15 MAY 1996
heir activities and nother in order to icy work. "In any s expected to have d power than the Dm, which Contranciples of federal
mplications to the xists a legitimate Colombo is false nd legally. Consenotion that power s' from Colombo to !egion fails to withtiny. nt feature offederresentation of the the centre SO as to participate efecaking and governa's proposals are of any power sharAs the title and the Devolution Proposany doubt, what is ything that resemf. ion is whether the proposals allow ast word in the deir own destiny. The whether, under the n the island of Sri indeed have suffisaffecting their na
served at the outset
n Government's at
ne the LTTE and to ution package upon ear violation of the self determination. ckage has not been TTE and the Govcly stated that it will ITE. The first step tlement is that the uld recognise the o legitimate repreTamils and Start to them. Even if the ge is implemented of the LTTE, there vent the proposal's eing undone unilatr Sinhala majority.
n Sri Lanka constiumerical but also a al majority. While it a proportional repngle political party -thirds majority in combined Sinhala vill nevertheleSS alst a two-thirds ma
jority. Furthermore, constituting 74% of the entire population the Sinhalese are able unilaterally to modify or abrogate the whole body of the present proposals. It should be remembered that the Sinhala only Act, the 1972 Constitution and the 1978 Constitution were adopted over the objections of the Tamil nation.
In President Kumaratunge's proposals, the concepts of concurrent majority rule and power sharing at the centre are conspicuous by their very absence. Kumaratunga's proposals also rupture the territorial integrity of Tamil homeland. The proposals clearly state that the currently merged North Eastern Province will be demarcated.
Mrs. Kumaratunge's proposals' life span will be solely dependent upon Sinhalese benevolence. The lessons of history and the most basic prudence do not allow the Tamils to put themselves in such a vulnerable position, especially after the sacrifice of so many lives. History will not forgive us if we do. Thus, if the "Devolution Proposals' truly become a step towards terminating the conflict, it must go beyond the present proposals provisions for a concurrent majority rule and parity at the centre.
The “Devolution Proposals”are silent about specific changes that the boundaries of the devolved unit will undergo. By contrast with Belgium, when the established boundaries may only be changed by a special two-thirds majority vote in Parliament combined with a majority of votes within each linguistic group, the boundaries that will be established for the Northern and Eastern regions will be liable to unilateral alterations by the Sinhala dominated centre.
Thus it is not only enough that the Northern region should compromise the existing Northern and Eastern provinces, but also provision must be made that the region's boundaries may not be changed without the consent of the respective council.
The crux of the matter is that the island of Sri Lanka is inhibited by at least two distinct nations, the Sinhalese and the Tamils. The Muslims have separate identity though they have not made a claim for nationhood. The current conflict has resulted from the exclusion of the Tamil nation by the Sinhalese from the political and the power process. Unfortunately, the Colombo political establishment lacks the courage or candour to admit this truth. The denial and de

Page 11
15 MAY 1996
ception on the part of the Colombo political establishment are not merely self defeating but they hinder all prospects of negotiated settlement that will squarely address the cause of the conflict. Recognition of this simple truth, namely that the island of Sri Lanka is inhibited by two nations who have the right to nationhood will help the parties to address the core issue fairly and squarely.
It is refreshing that there is a growing awareness of the true cause of the conflict on the part of the Colombo establishment. The Island newspaper carried an editorial which suggested that the Sri Lankan Government should confine the regional councils to the North and East only. Even if the Colombo political establishment lacks integrity to treat the conflict as one of a national nature, and insists on dealing with it by way of a "Regional" formula, it mustacknowledge that the North Eastern Council is not just another council, but an entity whose function it is to protectand promote the aspirations of the Tamil nation. This involves an asymmetrical relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada was instituted by the British North American Act, and envisaged in the Meechlake Accord and the Charlestown Accord. Such asymmetrical relationships are also observed in Malaysia and to some degree in Germany and Switzerland.
Asymmetry normally applies to three aspects of a federation namely to the Constituent unit, to Jurisdiction and to representation at the centre, even though the form of asymmetry with respect to the Constituent unit is indeed envisaged by President Kumaratunge's devolution package, it provides for no jurisdictional or representational asymmetry.
The issue of asymmetry is of utmost importance and entails significant practical consequences concerning the nature of the settlement the "Devolution Proposals' seek to effect. The proposals provide for the establishment of the conference of chief ministers which is to be vested with considerable authority. Lacking a symmetrical provision, the North Eastern Council will be confined to the status of yet another ordinary body alongside the eight Sinhala Councils. In other words the Tamil dominated North East Council will be reduced to a permanent minority among those entities, which will effectively bar the North Eastern Council from effective participation in the power process.
Therefore, asym garded as an ind toward any mea The proposed Nc be much more t gional council; it press, enact and tions of the Tam less than that is chance.
Besides lackin the centre, any po the centre and t ed...Under the "D , the regions are power to be cons with the obligatio from the centre i land, finance, law cation. The meani sultative power is dent Kumaratung the Constitutiona G.L.Peiris in the ( Under the propos centre may utilis the purposes "in r subject' in consu gional Council. A sor G.L.Peiris, vir forming' as dist rence, and the Sta ability to deprive of its land even i. object to it. It fol sultative power is low one.
As the current strates, a negotia become feasible C ticipation of the in nity. The rational between two par such the effective impossible in the national mediato ently said that it tional mediation. recently the Sri L. ister Said, even aft people and the f: has gone on for matured enough flict. This is a ch nate attitude for assume. This kin rogance will only the conflict.
It is high time t community shoul its vital and mor this regard. The TI the conflict grow tions. It should b have been living of war for overten

metry should be respensable first step ningful settlement. thern Council must an an ordinary remust genuinely exepresent the aspiral Nation. Anything eresy and stands no
g power sharing at wersharing between e region is lopsid:volution Proposals' endowed with the ulted and burdened n to get concurrence n the areas of state and order and edung and depth of conillustrated by Presia and the author and Minister Professor 'ontext of state land. all it is stated that the e the state land for espect of a reserved ltation with the Reccording to Profestually “connotes intinct from concurte wil have the full
a regional council f the council would lows then that connothing but a hol
situation demonted settlement may nly with active parternational commu
is that the distrust ies is too deep, as : communication is absence of an interr. We have consistwelcomes interna
But unfortunately nkan Foreign Miner the loss of 50,000 ct that the conflict 2 years, they were o resolve the conildish and unfortuhe Government to
of attitude and arserve to perpetuate
at the international become aware of ul responsibility in amils' behaviour in
out of real condi: remembered they n a continual state years now. It should
TAMILTIMES 11
also be recognised that the Tamils are deprived by the Sri Lankan government of the most essential, elementary rights and dignities. It should be borne in mind that unlike the Sri Lankan government, the LTTE which currently administers a do-facto state, does not have the luxury of a state apparatus to rely on.
A recognition of the above realities along with the moral incentives that the international community has at its disposal will enable it to exercise influence over the parties and the final outcome of the conflict. Supplying the Sri Lankan Government with more aid than it had asked for and remaining passive observers of the Sri Lankan Government's calculated genocidal attacks, while at the same time maintaining a critical and hostile attitude towards the victim, are not policies that add to the dignity of the victim, are not policies that add to the dignity of the international community or contribute toward a peaceful resolution. The victims' faith inf the international community's sense of goodness and justice should not be betrayed.
The argument that state-to-state relations take precedence over relations with no-state entities does not really hold water. International law and international relations have long recognised that no-state entities are legitimate actors in international life. The recognition of human rights is one example where priority is assigned to no-state entities. Over States. With all this in mind, the international community should reconsider the attitude towards LTTE's legitimate campaign and find a new course of action with respect to the conflict in the Island of Sri Lanka.
As I have attempted to demonstrate the imperatives pointing in this direction are above all of a moral nature. On the legal side of the issue, it is essential to recognise that since self determination is a legitimate and internationally recognised right. LTTE in charge of a defacto state, has every right to be treated as a government. Negotiations toward the conflict's resolution should thus be conducted on what amounts to an inter-governmental basis. The international Community's efforts in trying to bring about peace in the island of Sri Lanka will be best applied if it tries to create incentives for both parties to re-open negotiations with the above realisation in mind. O.

Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
he PA governm
ent has had two
rem- arkable Successes in dealing with the multiple crises in the north and the South which had developed since the conclusion of Operation Riviresa in December last year. The euphoria, generated in the south by the capture of Jaffna turned, within the course of a few months, into general disaffection which was systematically exacerbated by the UNP. The non-government press, with which the President's relationship has not been on the best of terms ever since she assumed office, regularly highlighted aspects of Eelam War Three which corroborated the impression of Riviresa as a pyrrhic victory. Most of the east had come under the LTTE's control. Troops were getting hit often in the Valigamam sector which Operation Riviresa was supposed to have brought under government control after "defeating and driving the Tigers away from their own backyard". More than three hundred soldiers were killed in the months that followed the victory mirth of Riviresa. The Sea Tigers, it was obvious, were as powerful as they had been before the fall of Jaffna. They had blown up a Dvovira Fast Attack Craft off the Vettilaikerni coast, sunk two army(2) Patrol boats near Mannar killing ten soldiers, and attacked the Colombo harbour the impregnability of which had almost been taken for granted since the government became aware of the threat two years ago.
And above all the capital itself was insecure. The UNP gave a memorandum to the President on the inadequacy of security arrangements to safeguard Colo-mbo. Food prices began to rise beyond a tolerable level. Private bus owners were threatening to raise their fares. And to top this all Thondaman and most plantation sector trade unions announced a strike.
Riviresa 2 began at this juncture. There had been wide speculation in Tamil political circles that this long expected operation had been put on hold due to the Indian elections. But the Operation started right on the eve of the Indian polls. Meanwhile a section of the press in the south cried foul at Thondaman for bringing the estate sector to a standstill when an army was about to deliver another fatal blow to the Tigers. The strike, it was claimed,
The Post
was a ploy to divert attention away fron resa 2. A cartoon il one of the main Si pers showed Thond behind a soldierina front. The issue of th was further com CWC's decision to dence motion agai Wickrmammayake, plantations who h warning to the uniol dent was away in C was seen as a very CWC.
As the month of to a close the gover be mired in what a tractable multiple c most overnight thin in the government' compromised. The II tion crisis was ave UNP's disappointm
And later that we was able to take for cal journalists to so the peninsula which during Riviresa OI defence attaches of in Colombo were tal the press. With thi: was able to prove of Operation Riviresa a substantial numbe areas in the peninsul under army control extension of the is gency, the Deputy M General Anurudha that more than two civilians had come were und- er his f which was taken to visited the town, k kachcheri.
A press conferer with the Jaffna GA manathan. He said percent of the houses and its environs wel stroyed. The GA inf ists that about 55 p
 

the government's n Operation Rivih the 'Lakbima' - nhala Sunday paa placing a bomb bunker on the war le plantationstrike pounded by the bring a no confiinst Mr Ratnasiri the minister for ad issued a stern ns while the Presihina. The warning hostile act by the
April was drawing nment appeared to ppeared to be inrises. But then algs started turning s favour. Thonda no confidence morted much to the ent.
ck the government ty foreign and lo
me of the areas in , had been captured
he and Two. The foreign missions ken a day ahead of s the government hce and for all that Two had brought er of civilians into la which had come . Speaking on the sland wide emerinister for Defence Ratwatte claimed hundred thousand into areas which orces. The press, Jaffna on 8 May, Cilali and Chava
ice was arranged Mr Chelliah Paththat almost eighty in the Jaffna town re damaged or deormed the journalercent of the gov
15 MAY 1996
ernmentemployees about 40 percent of the school teachers and about 300 Grama Sevekas had reported to work. Schools, according to him, are scheduled to reopen on 13 May. He, however, did not say anything to confirm the government's claim that more than two hundred thousand people have trekked back into the Valigamam sector and part of the Thenmaradchi division. Mr Pathmanathan stated, quite prudently, that about forty percent of the people displaced in the past had returned to their homes. But officers said that an official count of the number of people who came back is yet to be taken.
There is a major problem in connection with the distribution of food. Fuel still seems to be in short supply. Some villages, according to a foreign aid age-ncy, have been almost completely destroyed. Medicine is in short supply. A large number of wells have to be cleaned in order to ensure an adequate supply of drinking water. The main obstacle to many people who are going back to settle in their homes in the presence of undetected mines and explosives. The army is yet to venture into some areas and clear them of explosives.
In the first few days following the conclusion of Operation Riviresa Two, there was a steady increase in the number of patients going to the Jaffna hospital OPD. Of these a significant number had been injured by mines and improvised explosive devices. The army has no idea of the minefields which the LTTE may have left behind; and in some instances some minefields laid by the army itself may lie unnoticed due to the very fluid military situation obtaining in the peninsula now.
A foreign aid agency worker said that this is common to such situations where there has been intense fighting involving a large number of battalions on the move. One unit moving on into another area in the heat of the battle may forget to hand down the map of the minefields it may have laid to the unit temporarily succeeding it in that particular sector. Some areas such as the pre-Riviresa One, defence perimeter of the Palaly base are, according to some military sources, so heavily mined that if the government govern

Page 13
15 MAY 1996
mentis serious about resettling everyone who wants to get back to his or her village in Valigamam, it will have to draw up an extensive programme to detect and remove the minefields which are found in varying densities in almost every part of the KKS electorate. This can take several years even if foreign aid is sought for the task. The government is apparently and perhaps justifiably keen to first consolidate the gains of a publicity and supposedly political drive aimed at showing the world and the Tamils that the people of Jaffna have completely "rejected the fascist Tigers by voting with their feet'. But the real task which lies ahead is clearly enormous.
Once the Ministry of Defence and the department of information are through with their respective or joint mandates, the treasury has to come with a lot of money for the work the ministry of Reha- bilitation and Reconstruction has to do in the peninsula. “This will be the final test which will determine the government’s proclaimed bona fides on the Tamil question', commented one of the Tamil leaders who remains non-plussed by the success of Op. Riviresa 2. There was also a report that two officials from the northeastern provincial council on May 6 to re-establish a section of the civil administration in the army controlled areas of the peninsula.
It was also reported that the government has decided to fill the large number of vacancies which exist in the civil service with educated unemployed youth in the army controlled areas of the peninsula. Another team of officers from the NE provincial council were also in Jaffna recently to study the matter.
In the midst of all this seemingly enthusiastic flurry of activities, there are some analysts who are close to the SriLankan military establishment who still refuse to take the LTTE for granted especially because of the oft ignored fact that it smoothly moved away without as much as "stooping to pick up a pebble to throw” at the advancing columns of the army by way of a token resistance. This, they say, is a well thought outstrategic withdrawal and as such should not be underestinated at this juncture. Their apparent concern is that the LTTE still retains the key advantage in the war for the peninsula which is the control of the two main motorable land routes to
Jafna from beyo northern provinc a proven ability ernment's supply But there is stro north that the gov concentrate its el its strength in the a view to dominat up to Mulangavi grad-ually or rap the road to Man west to Man- na Vavuniya at the where the army h road also connec the Parayanalank east of Thallady. find it easier to da cause to its West
Whereas the ro Kilinochi has va. wilderness and f difficult to wres hands. The Chav Sangupiddy-Poc Thallady-Mannar main access road it cannot be easil under control for ing one’s military ment forces whic arise, overwhelm
Moreover the Batticaloa has be the time troops we numbers from th Riviresa, with 1 troops amountin; spread along the 1 The Tigers despi the hinterlands ha able to completel ment’s line of su
There is specu hopes to manage Thallady-Poone road in a similar dominate the roa the idea is to have are close to each ( out patrols to clea a convoy has to n achieved in the Tigers may beco LTTE's currents ger arm of the Lib considered the m the government's in the north bec. Strated time anc destabilise the vi to the peninsula.

TAM MES 13
nd the borders of the 2 in conjunction with to interdict the govlines by air and sea. ng speculation in the
fernment might soon.
fforts in building up Pooneryn sector with e the area to the South l, initially and then idly take control of nar which branches r island and east to Thallady junction has a large base. The ‘ts Mada-wachiya at ulam junction south The government may Dminate this road belies the sea.
ad from Vavuniya to st tracts of untamed armlands which are it from the LTTE's akacheri-Kerathivuneryn-Mulangavilroad is similar to the to Batticaloa in that ly attacked and kept long without expospositions to governh, if the need were to
it from the sea.
e access road to 'en controlled, since repulled out in large e east for Operation nothing more than g to two battalions, road in small camps. te their str- ength in ave thus far not been y cut off the govern
pply.
lation that the army the Madawachiya:ryn-Chavakacheri fashion. Rather than ld with large camps a small camps which other and which send ur the road whenever nove along. If this is near future the Sea me redundant in the trategy. The Sea Tieration Tigers is still st effective threat to
post Riviresa gains ause it has demonagain that it can tal sea supply route
If a land access route is opened up, of what use will the Sea Tigers be to the LTTE'? Ask military analysts. In addition to the pure military advantages which may accrue to the army from opening a land route, there might be a political bonus as well. The people in the Vanni may be weaned away from the closed econo- my of the LTTE by the easy access the PoonerynMannar road might offer to Jaffna and Colombo. The Tiger leadership, obviously mindful ofall this, is quiet. Either it is too weak to respond - which does not seem to be the case - or it is waiting for something which might provide it with an opportune moment to strike again.
Nevertheless, it has to first resolve the current refugee crisis in its area of control in the Vanni. Contrary to the claims of the government and some censored reports in the non-government press a substantial number of people moved out of the Thenmaradchi sector and fled into the Tiger controlled parts of the Vanni while the army was moving in. According to some officials in the area there are about 200 families in Kilinochi, 500 in Nedun- kerny, 2,000 persons in Vavuniya north and fifty thousand persons in Mullaithivu who arrived during Riviresa Two. Some have also fled into the Vadamaradchi division which is yet to be brought under military control.
Officials said that the government has not yet granted permission to take dry rations to these displaced people except for a few loads of rice. This might be a measure to build up, pressure on the displaced population to make them return to Jaffna and in the process exacerbate the friction between them and the LTTE. The problem however is that even if this strategy were to work and there are enough people who are willing to get away from the LTTE, the army, out of concern for its own safety, is keeping all access routes from the Vanni to the peninsula sealed.
In the final analysis it is too early to predict that all's going well for the government politically and militarily in Eelam War Three. The control of territory is all that has changed but the balance of forces still remains largely unaltered. The government has only its political acumen - which may dwindle fast to saveitselffromgetting stuck in a quagmire which Eelam War Three may well turn out to be. O

Page 14
14 TAMIL TIMES
By Dr S Narapalasingam
“war for peace” began, both sides
have incurred considerable losses in personnel and hardware. This has been the most expensive period compared with previous phases of the war. The problem of refugees is also more severe than during previous occasions. In so far as the displaced people are concerned, their immediate concern is to get liberated from the miserable conditions they are languishing in temporary overcrowded shelters without basic facilities. Even in their worst dreams, they would not have dreamt that they would be in this miserable state. All they would wish right now is to return to their homes and survive with the basic facilities available to them. In their present plight, the debate on the political solution by the few who are determining their distant future is not theirimmediate concern.
in the relatively short period since the
In the "war for peace", every single move and countermove by the two sides have only hardened the attitudes of the people on either side of the divide, damaged communal harmony, aggravated suspicion and distrustandmade the resolution of the conflict through peaceful means increasingly difficult. It is now no longer a Tamil problem but a major national issue, as it has afflicted the entire population of the country and adversely affected its economy in both the short and the longer term. The death threat sent by an extreme Sinhalese group calling itself"Blood Vipers” to the political parties and their leaders is really an affront to the vast majority of Sri Lankans, past and present, who have cherished democratic freedom. Besides the emergence of political violence and violent uprisings, the way political parties have functioned while in power has undermined democracy pushing the country towards anarchy.
The JVP is reported to be conducting indoctrination classes now, and rising unemployment and economic hardship may present the right conditions for another insurrection. Its success is, however, doubted by former Sinhalese dissidents now in the mainstream of democratic politics. If it occurs, it will only be another dent in the island's economy, reinforcing the vicious circle of economic hardship, unrest and violence.
Hearts a Government's "w ach, has not helped hearts and minds of the contrary, it has s opponent to convinc caught in the war tha determined to destro nate artillery shellir ing. The charge of"g against the Tamils propagated by the L egorically stated in to the people and lea “We are fighting to from racial annihila have been presentec the LTTE to demonst protector of the Tan enemy. The forcedev in the Valikamamre chi and Vanni areas the same grounds. Iti porters that by this thousands of innoci saved. The humiliat in Colombo regardl credentials are arres police cells, after the cidents cannot insp; support the present peace in the country, Another disquieti from the continuanc return of the horrible arrests, detention a ances of suspects Tamils in the South parties in the presen paigned in the 1994g Government also re of the Human Rig mid-1995 to enable it guard the rights of th procedures have als ensure that the beast are not repeated. Des thy moves of the Gov of the rules reportec national, if allowed t its leaders' popular outside Sri Lanka. I der emergency powe
Counter-produ According to reti mander Harry Goon erations have been pi
 

hd Minds ar for peace' approone bit to win the he Tamil people. On served admirably its e the Tamil civilians ut the Governmentis y themby indiscrimig and aerial bombenocidal intentions' has been constantly ITE. Its leader cathis recent message ders of Tamil Nadu: protect our people tion." Opportunities time and again for trate thatitis the true mils against a brutal acuation of civilians gion to Thenmaradis being justified on is claimed by its suphumanitarian act, 2nt lives have been ing way the Tamils ess of their known ted and detained in : recent bombing in
ire many Tamils to
approach to restore
ng feature resulting :e of the war is the practice of arbitrary nd even disappear(now they are the ) against which the t Government cameneral election. The instated the powers hts Task Force in to monitor and safe2 detainees. Specific been laid down to ly events of the past pite these praisewor'ernment, the breach by Amnesty Interpersist will destroy
image within and he familiar rule unrs has also returned.
ture Approach
ed Air Force Cometilleke, the war opolitically motivated.
15 MAY 1996
In this view, Operation Riveresa I was a disaster, except for denting the ego of the LTTE, nothing else of military significance was gained. His pessimism on the likely outcome of Operation Riveresa II is discernable from his recent comment: "The war is a long, long way from over.” Government's restriction preventing independent journalists to visit the LTTEcontrolled and the "liberated' areas has not helped to raise awareness among all sections of the population to influence the enthusiasts of the “war for peace", the necessity to abandon this counterproductive approach of seeking peace. Further colossal and pointless losses seeminevitable, without the prospect of getting any closer to the peace goal. LTTE's spokespersons and front organisations abroad have appealed for help from third parties to end the war, following the recent military setbacks of the group in the North. But, given LTTE's past record on the manner cease-fire agreements have been broken and peace talks used for tactical purposes, political analysts have attributed different motives to the latest appeal. Government too has so far not taken this seriously.
At least no party denies the intolerable suffering of the Tamil people, who are pawns in the war. However, those who have no family and cultural links with the North-East may not understand the severity of the hardship and the psychological trauma that have struck the people there. In President Kumaratunga’s words, they are "caught between the devil and the deep blue sea” (her recent interview published in The Hindu of 27 March). It was alleged recently in the reports of foreign news agencies that food supplies to Tamil refugees in northern Sri Lanka had slowed because Tamil Tiger guerrillas and a pro-government Tamil militia were extorting money from truck drivers. If this is true, from where can the suffering Tamils expect relief to alleviate their pain?
The continuation of the war cannot be justified under any pretext. It is only pushing further the “peace” goal and making reconciliation that must follow difficult. By Government's own admission, its aim is not to force some superficial solution through military means. It is, therefore obliged to weigh all costs in relation to the military gains achievable, without destroying completely the trust necessary for achieving its ultimate goal. If a permanent political solution to the national problem acceptable to all the communities is the desired goal, then the present approach seems contradictory.
Short-sighted Approach The President's explanation for the failure of the last peace talks is accepted by the international community, confirming

Page 15
15 MAY 1996
her standing as ajust and far-sighted national leader. To quote from her interview, “We would have preferred to solve it (the ethnic conflict) through dialogue. But Mr Prabhakaran refused point blank to even agree to begin discussions on the political solution. We kept telling him that we had a general draft of a devolution package that we wanted to give. By December 1994, the devolution package was in our hands. It was the same thing that was offered in August. We offered to discuss it with them, send it to him, discuss it with him. I have all the letters, he constantly kept refusing."
LTTE has not denied the fact that it broke the cease-fire agreement unilaterally in April 1995. The reasons for this decision, as given by its leader can be discerned from the message he sent to the people and leaders of Tamil Nadu at the end of last year (TTJanuary 1996). The decision to resume the War had been based prematurely on the presumption that the Government had a hidden agenda, contrary to its declared intention of settling the conflict peacefully through negotiations. Presumably, the Government did not reveal its package of proposals during the peace talks with the LTTE, when the latter kept refusing to discuss them. LTTE had apparently decided not to waste time but to attack and show its fighting power to the newly elected Government. The leader must have had doubts about accomplishing his own hidden Agenda through negotiations. World opinion and other consequences of their action to the Tamils as a community that must live alongside other communities in Sri Lanka were secondary to the aim of capturing power to rule. The wisdom of this short-sighted and irresponsible approach will also be judged by historians at some future time.
Rebels and Revolutionaries
In retrospect, LTTE's refusal to discuss the Government's political solution has been very costly from the standpoint of a diplomatic strategy. Had some understanding been reached then, and the agreed package been revised subsequently under pressure by the very same forces that are opposing it even after the contents have been tinkered with, the world opinion would have swung in Tamil's favour. More importantly, by resuming the war LTTE has not achieved anything in terms of enhancing the bargaining strength to justify both its decision to reject the 1994 peace initiatives of President Chandrika Kumaratunga as well as the additional lives sacrificed and the sufferings enduredby the Tamilpeople. In fact the opposite has happened.
The publicly declared goal of the LTTE, which its leadership thinks is achievable through military means must be exam
ined objectively fr the social and eco future generations c vengeance and narr terests influence the the war, then there dermining even the of the Tamils. Atte distinction betweer tionary. A rebel by thority or control established govern will not be amenal pragmatic compro hand a revolutional the established orc matic accepting the the opportune time. true revolutionarie tion' struggles.
Unfair President Kumal view referred to pressed her dissati luctance of Tamille openly announce t to the “Tamil probl politics of the LTT tion. She is also di have not started a " to get the Tamil p devolution away frc tics'. In contrast, : tion to the efforts 1 ment through the ' ment” and the lik Sinhala people, aln sage about the nec mony about the fa tion being the onl The Tamil leader mainstream have ri cism by stating th we are shirking our honestly and since it.'
The present Go edly comparedits" of introducing con the hasty way the dled the Indo-Sri quote the Presider dence and the cour versial issue befo) them to discuss it the fact that the coa only a one-seat m with the constitue verse views on th and that a two-thir to incorporate the other major refor the early mobilisa in support of thes the success of the fort to solve the r suggestion to hav endum on the pacl

TAMIL TIMES 15
om the standpoint of
homic well-being of fTamils. If emotions, ow organisational indecision to continue s the high risk of un
legitimate demands htion is drawn to the a rebel and a revoludefinition resists auand/or fights against ment and, therefore, le to persuasion and mise. On the other y fights for change in er and will be prag: best possible deal at Hence, rebels fail and s succeed in “libera
Criticism
'atunga, in her interarlier, has also exsfaction over the readers to take risk and hat the only solution em” is not murderous E but a political soluisappointed that they democratic campaign eople on the side of om the terroristic polishe has drawn attenmade by the Govern"White Lotus Movece to "preach to the hosta Messianic mesessity for ethnic harct of a political soluy possible solution”. s in the democratic sponded to this critiat it is unfair “to say responsibility. We are rely working towards
vernment has repeatpendemocratic” way stitutional changes to ast Government hanLanka package. To t, "we had the confiage to putthis controe the people and get it every level". Given ition Government has jority in Parliament, nt parties having di: devolution package ls majority is required proposals along with is in the constitution, ion of public opinion reforms is crucial to noble and sincere efational problem. The a non-binding referage ion orderto dem
onstrate that all communities want a political settlement, before the proposals are presented to Parliament is sound in the present circumstances and should be seen from this perspective.
But the present position of the Tamils and Muslims in the constitutional exercise cannot be equated with that of the Sinhalese. It is easy for the Sinhalese leaders to persuade the latter to accept any diluted form of devolution, having started from a very extensive set as proposed originally on 3 August 1995. The very opposite is the case In so far as the minority communities are concerned. In the present confused and tensed situation, a campaign to enlighten the Tamil people of the necessity to accept a devolution package, whose contents are not yet known in the final form will be counterproductive.
Misgivings
The writer's view is that there are no qualms about the sincerity of the Government and other political parties representing Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims to seek a political solution. Even the LTTE claims that it is not against a political solution. There are, however, misgivings about the correctness of their approaches to resolve the national problem politically, given the realities on the ground. The al-party parliamentary select committee on constitutional reforms that is studying the legal draft of the devolution proposals has yet to reach a consensus and the indications are that this is not going to be easy and quick, as there seems to be opposition even to the watered down version of the original proposals. Even the constituent parties in the Government appear to have contradictory views on the present set of proposals. The Tamil leaders who welcomed the original devolution proposals are unhappy about the modifications introduced in the legal draft. Certainly, the devolution principle enunciated inthe package cannot be the issue that is worrying the Tamil politicians. Without knowing the contents of the final package likely to be presented to Parliament and to the people in a referendum, after the present discussions have been concluded, it is premature to expect from them a commitment to the draft in the present form. The way opposition to the package is being galvanised by the Buddhist clergy and some political parties keen to be seen as the saviours of the Sinhala nation, there is the real concern that the committee in the end would adopt a different package acceptable only to the majority community. Time is, unequivocally, not on the side of the supporters of devolution, aspiring to seek political solution to the conflict through this means.

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
Political Solution Prerequisites
Those wanting to keep the country unified have not provided any economic arguments against separation. The only argument they have been advancing constantly is an emotive one based on remote historical events, which have no relevance either now or in the future. We are not living in the past. The advantages of power-sharing and the pooling of all available resources to satisfy human needs and improve the living conditions of the people of all communities must be highlighted in any campaign to get the people on the side of devolution. The consequences of separation to the regional and national economies have so far not been explained in any rational manner. In the modern world, contentment is not achieved by the exhibition of racial pride and supremacy and valour as protectors of their religious faith. Nor can it be sustained by pronouncing continually that the power to rule is safely with the people. Constant improvement in the living standards of all citizens of the country is required for its attainment. This in turn requires not rhetoric and fighting power but concerted effort aimed at accelerating the balanced growth of the economy. The wants of the people now are very significantlymore thanthose of theirancestors, who lived in the Dutugemunu-Ellalan era. These will continue to rise in the years to come. Sri Lankans must be made to realise that internal conflicts and the attendant underdevelopment profoundly hinder the satisfaction of their rising needs in several ways.
Since the resumption of hostilities a year ago, the conditions for having direct talks between the two sides have deteriorated dramatically. Besides, there is no rapport between the LTTE and the Tamil parties currently in contact with others functioning outside the North-East region. There is no umbrella organisation like the Palestinian National Council for discussing strategies and reviewing previous decisions taken collectively to regain the legitimate rights and safeguard the common interests of the Tamil community. The PLO is not the only organisation represented in the Council. Groups opposed to it and its leader President Yasser Arafat are also in the Council. The dire strait of the Lankan Tamils may not be obvious to those who have only superficial understanding of the way the Tamil revolt has evolved over the past decade, distancing the people from the democratic leadership.
Return of the Displaced At the present time, the opinions of the Tamils and Muslims in Colombo may be dismissed as not relevant to the determination of the political future of their fel
low members in th Tamils living outside have not experience fellow members ther the basic human facili survival and still sub bombing. The peopl region are notin a po, physically, to decide prejudice and intin separation and politi mediate alleviation hardship and escape siege must be felt, f clear state of mind to efits of devolution. A ity, all the persons ( Jaffna peninsula mu: to their homes. Actu: gation of their suffer port the aim of keep from the Governmen society. Recent comm ernment following its after Operation River on 19 April, indical number of persons c Valikamam area at th are returning now. So prevail in the Northtlement and for them harassment and fear.
At the present time fundamental question be answered. Who will the implications of th posals to the safety, education, racial equ and development con people in the North-) tain time? Can the T in Colombo do this? posals approved by decision of the select the consent of the LT among those Tamils, brunt of the sufferings economic embargo in vious and present gc have also been intensi over sufficiently lor LTTE's communicati trust the Sinhalese lea rious questions that brushed aside.
An Action Pl In order to avoid a possible damage to its image as advocate of settle the conflict in Government should c changing course of in tion programme early, right climate for all c cept the devolution p ternative to separatio very outset, recent ev the Government have

North-East. The the North and East l the trauma their are facing without ies needed fortheir ect to shelling and in the North-East ition, mentally and freely without any idation, between aldevolution. Imof their economic from the sense of or them to be in a consider the bens a matter of priorisplaced from the it first return back lly, undue prolonngs will only supng them alienated and the rest of the uniqués of the Govmilitary successes sa Iwas launched e that a sizeable isplaced from the e end of last year me normalcy must East for their resetto live without any
, there are several s that remain yet to lventure to explain he devolution prosecurity, language, ality, employment cerns of the Tamil East at this uncer
mil leaders based
Will a set of proa simple majority :ommittee without E have credibility who have faced the of the war and the posed by the prevernments? They vely indoctrinated g periods by the on network to disders. These are seannot be simply
ogramme major disaster and own international he peace option to just manner, the onsider in earnest plementing an achat will create the Ymmunities to acoposals, as an al. As stated at the nts and actions of eriously poisoned
15 MAY 1996
the climate needed for reconciliation and peace. Following the escalation of violence since the "war for peace" began with a vengeance, the hardened attitudes of the two warring parties make it difficult to take early measures to end the war permanently. A third party mediation is needed to achieve this first objective. If this can be achieved, the biggest obstacle to peace would have been removed. Unless this is done, any attempt to impose a political solution cannot succeed.
The weaknesses in the last attempt to observe a cease-fire that led to its collapse and the resumption of the war with extreme intensity with each side accusing the other of bad faith should be a lesson for preventing any repeat of the same. Unless the Government and the LTTE are willing to place the interest of the suffering people caught in the war above their separate military interests, there is no prospect for them to get the much needed relief at this critical time. Hopefully, lessons would have been learnt by all parties from the costly mistakes made during the past 13 years including those that escalated the conflict into a bloody war in the first instance and subsequent peace talks that failed for reasons well known
OW.
Foreign Mediation?
Not only the Tamil parties which supported the peace initiative of the Government but also the broad minded Sinhalese feel now without some foreign mediation between the Government and the LTTE, the problem cannot be solved. The co-operation of the UNP is also paramount to the eventual success of any mediation efforts of a third party. In fact, the way politicking is proceeding now, mediation seems necessary even to bring on board the Government and the main opposition UNP to solve this national problem! If the two major parties, SLFP and UNP, can reach an agreement on the framework for political devolution, this would facilitate the subsequent peace talks as well as the task of convincing the Sinhalese electorate about the merits of the agreed formula and solving the conflict. The continuation of the past practice of opposing political solutions acceptable to the minority communities by either of the two main political parties for the purpose of using the problem to sustain or regain lost popular support among the Sinhalese electorate will only help the extremists to whom peace and national development are not important. The mere ending of the war does not necessarily imply lasting peace, a necessary condition for sustained economic growth and national development; a concerted effort by all communities and political parties is needed to achieve this final objective. O

Page 17
15 MAY 1996
HOW JR HOUNDE
OUT OF POLITI
By V W Kularatne
he gift to the Prime Minister, Sirinavo Bandaranaike on her 80th birthday - the proposed invalidation of the Civic Rights disabilities by the monstrous Special Presidential Commissions Inquiry Law No. 7 of 1978 is indeed a welcome move. For its symbolic negation of the infamy caused to her through the inhuman damage of the UNP Government was done by depriving Ms Bandaranaike of her civic rights and keeping her out from Parliament, from the early hours of 17 October 1980 thereby enabling J R Jayewardene to win the Presidential Election in 1982 and also to postpone the General Elections by six years by the infamous and rigged referendum on a trumped up charge of a Naxalite movementalleged by the UNP. On 1 February 1978 Prime Minister J R Jayewardene introducing the Bill which finally became Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry Law No. 7 of 1978 told the National State Assembly that the Commissions of Inquiry Act did not provide inter-alia for any punishment flowing from the decision of the Commission and also that it does not give enough power to admit certain types of evidence. Mr Jayewardene's aim was to make use of the 5/6th steam-roller majority in the NSA to pass the Bill with ease to remove the main opponent who could have frustrated the dream of J R Jayewardene to win the Presidential Election.
The Bill The Bill was heavily debated in the National State Assembly. Ms Bandaranaike made a valuable contribution. Messrs Amirthalingam, Sivasithambaram and Sambandan made no lessercontributions
against the Bill. R Premadasa waxed elo- i
quence on the justification of the barbarian piece of legislation and Lalith Athulathmudali played no lesser partin addition to his justification of the legal implications for whom the Evidence Ordinance did not matter. Whilst do not wish to speak of the dead the Hansard speaks volumes and it is with regret it has to be stated that Lalith Athulathm-udali would have repented to the utmost during his last stages on this kind of legislation. Section 9 of the said Special Pre-sidential Commissions of Inquiry Law No. 7 of 1978 is reproduced below:
"S9(1)Where a Commission finds at
the Inquiry and sident that any pe lity of any act off tion, misuse oral ruption or any relation to any cc any public body o administration of ministration ofju, sion shall recomn person should be civic liability, a shall cause such lished in the Gaze sible, and direct t published. S9(2)Any report, termination, rulin tion made by a C this Lawshall be sive, and shall no tion in any court of writ or otherw It was no doubt strip the civic rights and that of Felix R and Nihal Jayawickr Silva Commission A rights were strippec to state that he was viding a water tap made himpay the su loss of civic rights.
When the Bill can tutional Court, the th Siva Pasupathy add tional Court and the was not inconsistent of the Constitution v knew what to do wi law and the law was the appointment of tial Commission of
By Warrant dated President appointec S Sharvananda and inquire into and rep 29 May 1970 and 23 Bandaranaike who " ister during that pe of the acts set out in Special Presidential quiry Law No. 7 of 1 ticjustice (with no re vananda) that after Chief Justice Mr Sl moved from the G Western Province by tunga.

) MS B CS
eports to the Prerson has been guiolitical victimisause of power, corraudulent act, in urt or tribunal or r in relation to the any law or the adstice, the Commisvend whether such made subject to na the President finding to be pubtte assoon asposhat such reportbe
finding, order, deg or recommendaommission under jinal and сопсlиbe called in quesor tribunal by way ise." designed mainly to of Ms Bandaranaike Dias Bandaranaike ema. Later by GP de HM Fowzie's civic and its is hilarious found guilty of proin a garden which preme penalty of the
he before the Constien Attorney-General ressed the Constituy found that the Bill with any provisions whilst very few of us hen the Bill became to set in motion by a Special PresidenInquiry.
29 March 1978 the i J C T Weeraratne, KC Ede Alwis to Jrt whether between July 1977 Sirimavo was the Prime Minriod committed any Section 9 of the said Commissions of In978. It is indeed poeflection on Mr Sharhis innings as the harvananda was reovernorship of the President DB Wije
TAMIL TIMES 17
President's Council H L de Silva, the present Permanent Representative of the United Nations followed the developments very keenly to avoid Ms Bandaranaike being guillotines by the save attempt to deprive her civic rights purely for political reasons. No sooner the Warrant was issued to the said Commissioners to inquire into the allegations set out in the Warrant than Ms Bandaranaike filed an application for Writ of prohibition in the Court of Appeal (bearing No. 1/78) against the Special Presidential Commission and I was instructing Attorneys H L de Silva, EDWikramanayake and Gomin Dayasri who were Counsel in the case. The very warrant appointing the three Judges was challenged on the ground of inconsistency with certain provisions of the 1972 Constitution and the first ground was on the warrant being ultra vires the enabling law.
The prayer to the said Application of Ms Bandaranaike was for an order in the nature of a writ of prohibition against the Respondents - JCTWeeraratne, S Sharvananda and K C E de Alwis (the three Judges appointed to the Commission) from proceeding to Inquiry into acts/or omissions of Ms Bandaranaike as Prime Minister or as a Minister during the period material to, from making findings of guilt in respect of the said acts or omissions and from making recommendations as to whether she should be subject to civic disabilities by virtue of such findings of guilt. The case was argued on 16, 17, 18 and 19 October 1978 and the matter was watched by Jurists of international repute. The three Judges who heard arguments, namely Justice Wimalaratne (President of the Court of Appeal), Justice Vythialingam and Justice ColinThome made Order, on 9 November 1978. Ms Bandaranaike succeeded in her first ground set out in the petition and the Court in this matter held as follows: "As the Petitioner has succeeded on the first ground set out in the Petition, we make order issuing a Writ of Prohibition on the respondents from proceeding to inquire into acts and omissions of the petitioner during the period commencing 29 May 1970 and ending 23 July 1977, from making findings of guilt in respect of the said acts and omissions, and from making recommendations under Section 9 of Law No. 7 of 1978 as to whether the Petitioner should be subject to civic disabilities by virtue of such findings of guilt."
Writ of Prohibition The Government could not stomach this finding and JR's Cabinet was hell bent on depriving the civic rights of Ms Bandaranaike by any device. Ms Ba

Page 18
8 TAMILTMES
ndaranaike in the meantime appealed to the Supreme Court on the grounds she failed before the Court of Appeal and the Attorney-General filed Petition of Appeal against the most important finding of the Court of Appeal upon which finding a Writ of Prohibition was issued on the Judges of the Commission.
The then Prime Minister R Premadasa made a special statement in Parliament on 10 November 1978 in respect of the Court of Appeal Judgement on application for writ against the Special Presidential Commission which statement contained inter-alia.
The ground on which the Court of Appeal held with the Petitioner was that the Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry Law No. 7 of 1978, did not specifically provide for investigation into matters arising prior to the enactment of the Law, viz 10 February 1978. In the view of the Government the debate in Parliament on the Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry Law made it clear that it was in respect of matters prior to the enactment of the Law that the Commission was to inquiry.
However, since the judgement of the Court of Appeal has held otherwise, the Government has decided to enact legislation to make the intention of Parliament, which passed this Law without a division, unmistakably clear to enable the Special Presidential Commissionto continue with the inquiry into the matters referred to it.
The Deputy Speaker did not permit any comment on the Statement made by Mr Premadasa despite the request of VN Navaratnam. True to the determination of the UNP Government and more specially to the special interest and anxiety of Prime Minister Premadasa the Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry (Special Provisions) Act No. 4 of 1978 was passed in Parliament and it has been certified on 22 February 1978. No doubt, President J R Jayewardene would have given all his blessings towards this exercise and it is a shameful blot on the legal history of the country that a Parliament in effect wrote off or annulled or declared null and void a unanimous Judgement of a Court. Nothing constitutional or otherwise debarred the UNP in its attempt to deprive the civic rights of Ms Bandaranaike who they knew would come back to office in the very next election after 1977.
The Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry (Special Provisions) Bill after its passage through the Parliament entered the Statute Book. The Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry (Special Provisions) Act No. 4 of 1978 when it was released by the Government Printer evoked serious doubts in the minds of
several in that a new Section 21A ap
peared to have been Section 21A reads as "The provisions of varrant issued und, of this law shall b and given full forc order that any Co have full authority, risdiction to inquire of any Prime Minis other Public Office The effect is that in the jurisdiction to he application seeking ar tion against the Comn missioners thus becam selves with the legal a could continue unper turbed in the investiga sult to justice!
The matter was co by the oppositionMP' ber 1978, the then Lea tion A Amirthalingan those in the House by stated:
Mysterious
"Mr Speaker, befoy the Business of the tioned to you in C to draw the attentic to a rather mysterio tion 8 - that appeal Presidential Com quiry (Special Provi of 1978. The Section as it ap which is purporte passed by this hon introduces a new Se original Act. But I the Bill that was tab, Clause 8 orany oth Bill does not int Section 21A. I have also checket 20 November. In stage proceedings C stage was any am duced to add a nev original Act numbe Clause 8 of the am passed as it stood i, Stage according to The question of ho tion 8 came into th to very disturbing misgivings in the
Members with reg the laws that this H ultimately enforce which they are pass That is a very seric I want this whole m into because I find record anywhere ion 21A having bee my capacity as Le

introduced. The
follows: his law and any er the provisions 2 so interpreted e and effect in mmission shall power and juinto the conduct
ter, Minister or
to Court will have
妙》
ur or entertain any
y Writ of Prohibi
mission. The Comle a law unto themssurance that they turbed and undis
tions. What an in
nsidered at length s and on 4 Decemder of the Oppositook majority of
F.
surprise when he
Section
e you get on to House, as I menhambers I want on of this House us section - Secis in the Special missions of Inisions) Act No. 4
pears in the Act, d to have been ourable House, ction 21A to the have looked into led in this House er clause of that
roduce a new
d up Hansard of the Committee on this Bill, at no endment intro4 Section to the red 21A. In fact, ending Bill was n the Committee
the Hansard. w this new Sece Act gives rise and very grave minds of Honand to whether ouse passes are a in the way in ed in this House. PS Ille latter to be gone that there is no of a new Sectin introduced. In ader of the Op
15 MAY 1996
position in this honourable House, I want to draw your attention to this very serious state of affairs, and I would request you to get the Secretary General of Parliament to go into this matter, check it up and submita report to you, and through you to this House, as to how this has happened.”
Evidence The entirety of the above is reproduced for its importance for the reason that the available evidence at that time was indicative of this mysterious Section not having been spoken of or passed by the Parliament even in the Committee stage. The argument of Mr Premadasa was that the amendments were moved by the Minister of Trade and Shipping. He further said that until the Committee Stage was over the Government can move amendments and all amendments were handed over to the Hon Minister of Trade and Shipping. Very strangely on 6 December 1978 Prime Minister Premadasa making a statement in Parliament on the same matter said:
"I presented the amending Bill on 20 November and made my speech introducing the Bill. After that I went to my office in this building. Then I was told that a person known to me was keen to meet me to convey some very important information. I asked him to come, and he made available to me a copy of another writ application which I was told the Hon Member for Attanagalla had filed in the Supreme Court that very day.” He went on to state that he went through the copy of the writ application filed by Ms Bandaranaike and gave specific instructions to the Attorney-General that all loopholes must be closed so that nobody could go through them, not even Ms Bandaranaike, because the Government had decided that the Special Presidential Commission should function. He further stated that it was his duty to see that the law was so framed that the Commission would be able to proceed without any hindrance and he asked the Attorney-General and the Legal Draftsman to draft the necessary amendments to prevent such a situation again.
What a disgraceful abuse of the so-called power to destroy a political opponent in the name of the so-called decent Parliamentary democracy
Make no mistake of the fact that the Amending Bill was presented to parliament on 20 November 1978 and Amirthalingham's disclosure was on 4 December 1978. What do all these indicate It was a blood thirst to hound out Ms Bandaranaike from the Parliament. However, the so-called amendment, it

Page 19
15 MAY 1996
initiation, the absence of evidence of introducing a new Section 21A afore- referred to a strange visit to the Prime Minister's Office by someone to handover'a copy of the writ application filed again would be judged by the posterity in their correct perspectives which no doubt would be stinking.
Two options were available to Ms Bandaranaike. One was to bring a vote of no confidence on the Government in the context of the available evidence including the tape. In fact a vote of no confidence motion was drafted. However, on other advice a motion for a Select Committee was opted for. Speaker Bakir Markar refused the application for a Select Committee.
Incidentally the first amendment to the 1978 Constitution was in respect of the Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry (Special Provisions) Act wherein it was argued that it is improper for the Judges of a lower Court (Court of Appeal) to issue aWrit of Prohibition on Judges of the Supreme Court.
Now that recourse to the law was denied to Ms Sirimavo Bandaranaike, activities were setin motion and Ms Bandaranaike went before the Special Presidential Commission on 7 May 1980. .
Everybody expected a long drawn out trial which according to some cynics was going to be a mock trial. It is only the lawyers of Ms Bandaranaike and the children of Ms Bandaranaike knew that she was not going to give evidence before the Commission but to make a statement. This was kept a secret as Ms Bandaranaike apprehended that she may not get the opportunity to read out the entire statement. Her statement evoked international interest and her statement is historic. Her statement should necessarily find a special place in the Hansard of 17 April 1996 her birthday on which day a Bill will be passed in Parliament to erase off the infamy caused to her by the monstrous piece of legislation to deprive her of her civic rights. In her statement she stated inter-alia as follows:
Humiliation "Having regard to all these matters I have reasonable grounds, to believe that my participating in the proceedings of this Commission will serve no useful purpose except to give the UNP an opportunity of humiliating me in the same way that the Government's Lawyers sought to denigrate me and my family and indeed everybody else who have fallen foul of the Government. There will begin another carnival of calumny which will be given full publicity in the Government newspapers and then broadcast over the State Radio. I shall not be a willing
party to such
vival of that di, even if it mean, litical career I the people of Prime Minister tinguished hone ways accepted people without cour. If at a fai their wish and a not lead this cc certainly accep bow down to t ruthless desires which seeks to a anddestroyden try. Even thoug have been barre lief Ishall take people who wi our destiny.”
Not a "I do not hones circumstances 1 it will be possil fair trial and a exonerating my sons I desire to
able Members that I do not in further in these cordingly I am from it. I than the patient hea, The Commissic Inquiry and fou so-called charges
Alle (1) Did seek te defeat the purp form Law No. the shares whic and your daug Dias Bandara ments of land r ure “Al”. (2)Sоиght to al of agricultura Annexure “A2 of such purpo vested in the L. sion in terms Law, (3) That by rel lotment of lanc by G W K de S Land Reform seek the assist. the Land Reft did seek the c lice and the L sion to have evicted from t (4)(a) Notwith you had alrea to the Commis

TAMIL MES 19
umiliation and reraceful exhibition the end of my powill be an insult to is country whose " have had the disur to be. I have albe judgement of the bitterness or rany held election it is cision that I should untry again. I shall that but I shall not e machination and of this Government 2stroy me politically ocracy in this count courts of the land d from giving me rehis issue before the l ultimately decide
Fair Trial ly believe that in the which I have stated, ble for me to have a fair opportunity of self. For these reainform the Honourof this Commission tend to participate proceedings and acnow withdrawing k Your Honours for ring given to me."
on had its own ex-parte nd her guilty of the
set out below:
egations
circumvent and/or oses of the Land Reof 1972, alienating h were owned by you ter Miss Chandrika naike in the allotventioned in Annex -
ienate the allotments
land mentioned in " which at the time ted alienation were nd Reform Commis2f the Land Reform
resenting that an alwhich was occupied lva had vested in the ommission you did nce of the Police and т Сотission yои sistance of the Pond Reform Commisthe said occupant e said land.
tanding the fact that y made declarations ioner of Inland Rev
enue for the purpose of Wealth Tax in respect of the allotment of land mentioned in Annexure "A3" for the years 1969/70 and 1970/71, you did, after passage and certification of the Land Reform Law No. 1 of 1972, revise the valuations set out in the declarations in respect of the said land.
(b) By the aforementioned Act you did seek to obtain from the Land Reform Commission a monetary advantage by way of higher compensation calculated on the basis of such enhanced valuations. (5) That, even after the conditions precedent for the continuance of a State of Emergency had ceased to exist, you did continue to recommend to the President that such conditions did in fact exist and that you did thereby cause the State of Emergency to continue until it lapsed on 16 February 1977. (6) By the aforementioned Act you did seem to suppress legitimate political opposition to you and your Government and to harass or interfere with the rights and liberties of your political opponents. − (7) Did approve of a course of action which resulted in unlawful acts which were calculated to disrupt and prevent the Satyagraha organised by the United National Party at Attanagalla in December 1973. (8) Did cause the eviction of a) the Rev Meetiyagoda Gunaratane and (b) the Maha Sangha Peramuna from the premises occupied by them at Bauddha loka Mawatha, Colombo. (9) That whilst the Criminal Investigation Department had, on the directions of the Inspector-General of Police given in April 1976, been coinducting investigations into the alleged threat on the life of the then Leader of the Opposition, J R Jayewardene, you did, on or about 26 April 1976, direct the InspectorGeneral of Police that no complaint made by apolitician should be investigated without your permission." She was found not guilty of Charge No. 3
Even assuming that she was guilty, though, not conceded as the findings were contrary to the rule of law how many would have been deprived of civic rights if the law was applied against the powerful UNPers who ruled the country for 17 long years. V,
After several happenings which no doubt is a part of history, Ms Bandaranaike's civic rights were stripped on 16 October 1980 but really the debate went on until the early hours of 17 October 1980. O

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
C by T N Gopalan
leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is the new Prime Minister of India. At the time of going to press, that is. For no one knows how long his government will survive. Many observers believe that he will not be able to survive even one Lok Sabha (lowerhouse of the Indian Parliament) session.
When sworn in as the eleventh prime minister of India on 16 May, Vajpayee had a daunting task before him - President Shankar Dayal Sharma had asked him to prove that he commanded a majority on the floor of the House.
Well, he might have been invited to have the first shot at India's top job on the ground that his BJP is the largest single party in the new Lok Sabha - it has 161 seats and with its known allies like the even more fanatical Shiv Sena it could perhaps mop up 34 more seats. But the bare minimum required for a simple majority in the 537-member House (as of now) means 269 seats - evidently the BJP is in no position to touch that magic figure on 16 May.
Given the secular predilections or professions or pretensions of most other political parties represented in the LokSabha, it looks extremely uncertain whether the first BJP Government in Indian history will remain in power for more than a fortnight. The Congress spokesman V N Gadgil contemptuously described the Vajpayee regime as an eight-day wonder.
Mr. Deve Gowda, the Karnataka Chief Minister, already elected as the leader of the National Front(NF)- Left Front(LF)- and regional parties described as the Third Force could be asked to try his hand next. The ousted Congress still led by the outgoing Prime Minister Narasimha Rao has pledged its support to the Third Force Front.
But that is all into the future. What matters now is that the recently concluded general election has produced a hung parliament - with no party commanding an absolute majority on its own. Regional parties have mushroomed in many corners. Coalition governments will be the order of the day. The country is very much at the cross-roads.
Never in the past have any election proved so indecisive, with not a single clear winner anywhere in sight.
M r Atal Behari Vajpayee, a veteran
The Indian Natio has been badly m swearing by the Hi sion of the Hindu wo near even the 200-r up only 161 seats a of 136 seats.
The so-called N Front allies, the Jai jwadi Party in Uttar garnered around 1 DMK, the Thamizh (TMC), the Telugu I drababu Naidu Gr Samaj Party (of the backwardcastes intl such other minor gro more than 80 seats, clearly poised to play ture scheme of thing The country looks troubled times, with wiped out in many party voted in to tak Parliament does see portents.
As mentioned earli thwarted from its a country. But the Dev tion of disparate for get the opportunity fo could prove fragile a a matter of months.
Afresh round ofel What would the peo back for the Congre giving either of them ity? Or will the result tured next time rou) regional combines el ful than ever, spelling integrity of the natic tions defy a categol IIlOIIlent.
The virtual decima under Mr Narasimha teresting outcome of so-called National P country its independ had an almost uninter rly five decades (bar numa couple of time and another in 1989In a small state like ern coast it was able bagging 16 out of 21 om the State and wir Andhra Pradesh, cas
 

hal Congress (INC) uled but the BJP, dutva, its own verld-view, is nowhere lark. It could notch gainst the INC tally
ational Front-Left ata Dal, the SamaPradesh and the like 17 seats while the Maanila Congress Desam Party (Chanoup), the Bahujan Dalits and the most e northern belt) and pings accounted for the latter category a keyrole in the fus at the Centre. set to undergo some he Congress almost states and no other 2 its place, the hung m to have ominous
er the BJP might be ttempts to rule the e Gowda-led coalices that might then irm the government nd come unstuck in
2ctions could result. ple do then? Plump is or back the BJP, an absolute majorbe even more fracld and the various merge more powerdanger to the very n? All these quesical answer at the
ion of the Congress Rao is the most inhese elections. The rty which won the nce and which has upted reign of neaing some interreg, once in 1977-80 1) is in tatters now. Orissa on the easto sweep the polls, ok Sabha seats frhing 22 seats from ing in on the split
15 MAY 1996
in the Telugu Desam Party following the death of its charismatic founder, NT Rama Rao. Everywhere else it came a cropper.
In Utara Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana and Punjab the Congress was almost blanked out - though in Rajasthan it did reasonably well-in all these states falling in the north. It was an equally miserable story in Maharasthra where the BJP-Shiv Sena combine bagged 33 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats at stake, though in Gujarat the Congress managed to pickup six of 26 seats thanks to the infighting in the BJP there. It lost out in Kerala and stamped out of existence in states like Tamil Nadu and Karnataka in the south.
The BJP still remains confined to the north and west, but it has breached the citadel of Lalloo Pradad Yadav (Bihar) and picked up a few seats in Karnataka. But so strongly it has consolidated itself wherever it has some roots in the North and the West, this reactionary communal party is sure to cast its long and deadly shadow over the polity for a long time to conne.
At the moment by projecting Vajpayee as its leader the party is seeking to reassure everyone around that it has no evil intentions, that it would not run anok but be very accommodative.
Unlike Mr Lal Kishen Advani, the Party President, Vajpayee is considered the moderate face of the BJP, not raucous, not doctrinaire, but much less aggressive and much more acceptable to all sections, Like you know, he is supposed to have regretted the demolition of the Babri Masjid whereas Advani had virtually presided over this monstrous operation. Realising the all round outrage caused by the demolition and the general unhappiness with some of the more militant postures of the party, the Sangh Parivaar seised upon the hawala affair with which Advani is also linked to effectively sideline him and project Vajpayee as its prime ministerial candidate.(Sangh Parivaar is the omnibus term used in Indian Journalism to refer to any and every Hindu fundamentalist fringe, the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) being the mother outfit and Parivaar roughly translates into brigade).
True to formand desperate to formthe government, the BJP is making compromises down the line - it will not insist on a uniform civil code or on the abrogation of Art 370 of the constitution (conferring a special status on Kashmir) or do anything precipitous on the Ayodhya front or for that matter roll back the liberalisation policies and so on. All this is an attempt to make the alliance with the BJP that much more palatable for the various regional groupings if not for the Congress itself.

Page 21
15 MAY 1996
Already a party like the Samata from Bihar and led by fire-brand socialist, George Fernandes has hitched its wagon to the BJP's star, making light of the latter's fundamentalist inclinations. The Samata actually fought as an ally of the BJP and worsted the Janata Dal. Whether such parties as the DMK and the TMC or the TDP would not mind hobnobbing with the BJP remains to be seen.
It is inconceivable that a party like the DMK which prides itself on its Dravidian origins and opposes the Hindu social hierarchy or the TMC lead by a man like Moopanar whose secular credentials are above reproach or the TDP which has to be wary of antagonising the Muslim vote-bank could support the BJP. Right now they have joined hands with the Third Force of the NF-LF-Janatha Dal, but will the lure of office leave them untouched?
(Incidentally the TDP (Naidu Group), led by NTR's son-in-law, has triumphed in AP bagging 17 seats and wiped out the Lakshmi Parvathi faction, thus forestalling the possible emergence of a Jayalalitha clone in that state.
In a most cynical association, the Shironmani Akali Dal, a Sikh fundamentalist grouping which came up trumps in Punjab, has joined hands with the BJP. How could the two parties, catering to two mutually conflicting constituencies stick together? The fanaticism of one is sure to inflame the other.
So also observers are viewing with concern the coming back to power of the Assam Gana Parishad (AGP) in Assam. While on the positive side, it could be said to reflect the Assamese aspirations, it is also anti-Muslim and against most other ethnic groups in the state. The North East being a very sensitive region and being on the boil most of the time, any brinkmanship by the AGP could have disastrous consequences. Mercifully for now, for various reasons, the AGP has decided to stick to the Third Force, but for how long is open to question.
The BJP represents the ugliest facet of Hinduism, contradicting its essential catholicity and tolerance. Already in Maharashtra where BJP-Shiv Sena combine is in power, none squirms when someone like Thackeray indulges in his most outrageous Muslim or Dalit bashing outpourings. The entire political discourse of the nation could undergo a disturbing change if the BJP remains in power and social tensions would grow. From now on it is a fight between the centripetal forces led by the BJP and the centrifugal ones represented by the regional parties. What will happen to the Indian Union? Will a genuine federal structure emerge or the country be torn asunderby communal and caste clashes? One has to wait and see. O
“Nandavanthil or a maalaaru maadham
konduvandhaan or koothadi koothadi
That is an oft-quot literally pokes fun at hedly poor chap who from a potter only to his new-found fortul endlessly - the potis CSS.
That favourite me truction is perhaps 1 illustrating the traged aram in a most stun state's electoral his Anna Dravida Munn been almost complete have merely three 234-strong Tamil N. party supremo Jaya been worsted at Bar over 8,000 votes by a candidate.
It was a tornado lik DMK-Thamizh M (TMC) swept every front ending up with All the 39 Lok Sab the Indian parliame bagged by the front AIADMK from the s New Delhi for the f year-long history.
The 3-seat tally is ever humiliation to party floated by the MGR and Jayalalitha bent Chief Ministert election in the last thr one to meet with Mr M Bhaktavatchal in 1967.
None of her cabine ever-loyal speaker, S. have been spared the The senior-most ar leaders, that permane cabinet (irrespectivec or the AIADMK is i bile university” V R Il trounced by over 50, in the Madurai distri Almost all the AIA didates lost by margi and more.
Such was the electo the Jayalalitha regim nation to usher in a so-called third, fou were also decimated to come in the way

ITHA HUMBLED AT LAST
TAMIL TIMES 21
T N Gopalan
andi - avan
aik kuyayanai vendi
I thondi - athai ottudaithaandi.'
:dsithar song which he plight of a wretccoaxes apot for free be carried away at le and execute jigs broken in the proc
aphor for self-desmost appropriate in y of Jayalalitha Jayning debacle in the ory, the All India etra Kazhagam has ly wiped out-it will
members in the adu assembly. The lalitha herself has gur by a margin of little-known HDMK
enever before. The aanila Congress hing before it, the around 225 seats.
ha (lower house of ht) seats also were blanking out the (cheme of things at irst time in its 14
of course the worst be suffered by the
late matinee idol is the first incumo be defeated in an 2e decades - the last such a fate was an of the Congress
colleagues nor the :dapatti R Muthiah voter's fury.
nong the Dravidian ht No. 2 in the state fwhether the DMK power), the "moedunchezhian was )00 votes in Theni
t. DMK-Cong-I canls of 20,000 votes
ate's wrath against and their determilew order that the h and fifth fronts none was allowed if the DMK-TMC
triumph or split the anti-Jaya votes which could have indirectly helped the discredited lady to at least put up a good show even if not to remain in power.
The much-talked about Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) led by the so-called Tiger-votary V Gopalasamy (Vai Go) came a cropper. Vai Go himself was defeated both in the Assembly and Lok Sabha constituencies he had contested from.
The other party with a lot of promise, the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), could retrieve hardly three seats for itself.
The self-proclaimed anti-Jaya crusader Dr Subramaniam Swamy and his cohorts including former IAS official Ms Chandralekha also fell by the wayside.
While most of the psephological predictions which flooded the Indian newspapers during the run-up to the polls certainly proved wrong in the matter of detail when it came to the scene in many other states, as far as Tamil Nadu was concerned their predictions proved right to the T.
"Jayalalitha is the most hated Chief Minister in the country," the opinion polls had said, "Corruption is the single most important issue before the voters...The DMK-TMK-front is sure to coast to a land-slide victory.” Even the journalists including this writer who traversed the length and breadth of this Tamil country found it difficult to believe that Jayalalitha had been so completely alienated from the masses that the AIADMK would end up with less than 20 seats for the Assembly and a couple in the LokSabha, figures projected by the opinion polls.
"There is widespread resentment against the corrupt and unresponsive regime, yes. The AIADMK-Cong-I front might lose out to the rival combine. But there are such imponderables as loyalty to MGR's memory, to his two-leaves symbol, whatever is left of Jayalalith's own charisma, the split in the antiAIADMK votes and so on. Jaya- lalitha could still put up a good show even if she will have to cool her heels in the opposition rows," this correspondent had written in a despatch to a local newspaper. And such was the general impression among the journalists who, ill-equipped to scientifically gather and analyse data, failed to perceive a wave coming.
Actor Rajnikanth who was indubitably instrumental in Jayalalitha’s downfall had reportedly predicted a definite route for her.

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
Indeed the people have overwhelmingly responded to his call, in his only election campaign telecast, to "launch a silent revolution through the ballot box and throw out this corrupt and autocratic regime."
When he declared war on her ten months ago he said caustically, "If she is voted to power again, not even God can save the people of this state".
Of course no tears are shed anywhere over her present predicament. She has antagonised almost every section of public opinion, the press and the middle-classes particularly, through her overweening arrogance and unrestrained loot of the treasury besides systematic acts of terrorism unleashed by the goon gangs patronised by her minions on the opposition.
That she should have been defeated in Bargur in the Dharmapuridistrict in north western Tamil Nadu is in itself a case in point.Ever since it was carved out in 1987 Bargur had been returning only the AIADMK candidates to the Assembly. Even in the 1989 elections, held after the demise of MGR and when all the established parties went it alone, it was a candidate of the Jaya-faction of the AIADMK who had carried the day. And in 1991 Jayalalitha had triumphed by over 37,000 votes from the very same Bargur.
For the lady who was initiated into politics wayback in 1982 by MGR during an AIADMK conference at Cuddalore and who kept pampering her right through, the latest developments should indeed come as a body-blow. Despite the trials and tribulations in her own personal
life, her political car on the upswing.
She had been able ous MGR's own ten line her, beat back AIADMK and captu ing out the DMK i polls, with the help c a high-point in her c the 1991 general ele for her, reinforcing invincibility.
When she conti by-elections too, e fighting on her ow media reports on her missions, she shoulc more complacent. some antipathy am swallowed her pride, Minister and Congr simha Rao for reviv tween the two parti her efforts on this sc believed that the wa a second term in off But she had failed Rajnikanth’s own ch ing power of Congre panar and the magn tility to her which v ing into goodwill fo Rajni fans in the into action and wor DMK-led front and tion had left the Rac Even during the ci attracted only mode Karunanidhi had tc way troughasea ofh
Sri Lanka's state-run power utility, the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) could extend daily power cuts to eight hours from thecurrent four starting late-May because of the prolonged drought,according to a senior official "We are reviewing the situation daily, but the four-hourpower cut will stay until May 20,” Neil Perera, deputy chairmanof the CEB told the press. "If it becomes critical, there is the possibility of extending the power cut to eight hours,” he said.
CEB chairman Dr Leslie Herath on 15 May described the situation as critical. Weather officials say the southwest monsoon is expected to break at the end of May, heralding amonth of solid
a1.
Power cuts were introduced after the
failure of the monsoon which is country's hydropov than 80 percent of comes from hydrol
"We are reachin now,” General AI Sri Lanka’s ministu ergy, told a press ( at the Sapugaska “The expected moi us down. We can C for 12 days with the els in the reservoil
Faced with the p out of hydropowe weeks, there is Scr to buy diesel gen import sources in pany which impo
 

eer had always been
to overcome a jealative efforts to sideher detractors in the re the party. If blankIn 1989 Lok Sabha f Rajiv Gandhi, was areer, her triumph in ctions proved heady her belief in her own
hued to win in the ven when she was h and amid adverse omissions and comi have become everHowever, sensing ong the public, she sent feelers to Prime ress President Naraall of the alliance bees and succeeded in ore. She should have y was now clear for ice.
to take into account larisma, the mobilis2ss leader G KMooitude of public hoswas once again turnr the DMK. ir thousands swung ked like mad for the ! Moopanar’s deser-Congress empty. ampaign, Jayalalitha rate crowds whereas virtually swim his humanity almost eve
15 MAY 1996
rywhere. Even a man like Moopanar, not known as a charismatic personality, was attracting more crowds than Jayalalitha in some places. Many of the AIADMK candidates including Nedunchezhian and Sedapatti Muthiah could not even enter their constituencies for canvassing for many days.
Arrogance, self-indulgence, corruption, terror tactics, throttling of the opposition inside and outside the assembly, disdain for the judiciary; any and all of these could have worked against her. Taking off from her mentor, her head swollen by some easy victories quite early in her career, she should have thought being arrogant, aloof, unaccountable would not essentially affect her "vote-bank” so ..... persisted with her blunders and allowed her confidante, Sasikala and her clan to continue with their binge. But she failed to realise there had been a streak of humanism in MGR that she miserably lacked. Besides he had always been pragmatic enough not to antagonise his Congress ally.
For the first time since the MGR walked out on him in 1972 Karunanidhi has comprehensively defeated the AIADMK. Even in 1989 when he had won his victory was attributed to the split in the AIADMK and sure enough he was worsted in the subsequent Lok Sabha elections. At long last he has overcome the aversion of rural folks towards him, an aversion ensuing from his own depredations in 1971-76. "Her fall is a lesson to every politician,” he said on the people's verdict. One hopes he has well and truly learnt his lesson. O
winter northeast relied on to fill the ver reservoirs. More Sri Lanka’s energy
OWe. g a critical period huruddha Ratwatte, *r of power anden:onference 15 May nda Power Plant. soon rains have let inly give electricity existing water levs," he said. ossibility of running r in less than two amble in the island erators, according Colombo. A comts American-made
generators said brisk business over the past three months resulted in a 100 percent increase in sales.
"We sold over 150 units during the last three months which is up by 100 percent from the previous year,” said a company spokesman who wished to remain unidentified. "During previous power crises we have had high demand, but it has been nothing like this,' the spokesman told the press. He added that many of the smallergenerators had been grabbed by banks and offices which have to operate during the blackout.
"We are also getting a lot of inquiries from industries which want to be self-sufficient in power. We feel this is a trend we will have to cater to in the future,' the spokesman said. O

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to MAY 1996
TAMASHA ANDs INDAN E
biggest exercise of democracy in the world. The huge affair called Indian elections is as much a carnival or a tamasha, though, thanks to the strict directives of the Election Commission, the atmosphere is a little less noisy, colourful and boisterous, and more suited to the taste of the burgeoning middle classes. Even the middle classes have their superstars. Their choice is Chief Election Commissioner TN Seshan, a hard-boiled Tamil B.... bureaucrat who, with his headmaster-like postures, is certainly building a countrywide constituency for himself.
In India, elections are indeed tamashas, or more seriously, farces. The fight is actually among a few autocracies, better known as political parties, who have never felt the need to elect their own supremos and office-bearers! Doubts, if any, could be cleared by finding out when the last inner-party elections were held by one's own favourite party, if any.
The economics of India's public sphere is saturated not with the rationality of a democracy, but with a hawala discourse by which big business and mafia dons collaborate to fund elections and shape the leaderships of various parties. Hawala rackets are known to drain the country's foreign exchange reserves which are being built by textile, leather and engineering exports and contributions from hardworking Indians in the Gulf. According to the Reserve Bank, Rs 28,000 crore is lost to India in terms of foreign exchange through hawala. Some transnational business houses who want to bribe Indian bureaucrats and politicians use hawala liaison networks through nonresident Indians.
With full convertibility of the rupee against the dollar in the offing, whichever type of government assumes power at the centre, hawala would no longer be a crime. Law it would be. Hence, it might become a legal activity to divert India's foreign exchange reserves towards funding of political parties running for elections!
The public sphere accommodates business houses and mafia chiefs, political dons, crude film stars, bigots, diplomats and bureaucrats, but has little time and space for ordinary citizens, shelterless and unorganised rural labour and landless rural labour, smail entrepreneurs and craftspersons, working women and child labour, ecologists, culturally sensitive
indian journalists proudly call it the
intelligentsia and til who want to reform gions from within. E cretary N N Vohra's admit this. The part to offer in terms of For instance, ev speak about eradi which is particular Nadu. Money powe wala) and muscle ensure that the syste fer the usual choice elites. The parties grassroots level, are of dadas, meaning crats, at the top. Th arbitrarily chosen them with dubious cially if they are fror India where some 1 still intact. In the el resenting the peopl criminal rather than ties stand out
Basic facilitiesne tenance of a civil sc health care, shelter man dignity have a seat in such an atm Conditions in Indi ripe for that revoluti to occur. The revolu lot, which journalis like the waking of a sleep. Only this Ku. the people, will be elections! And ver. people, will have to for their Ravana-lik While Seshan car initiating a debate be stated that his po given him the statu he would like to autocrat-buffoon in cus. For instance, in case, he threatened their registration w they did not hold in cording to their res. But the threat beca Most stringent 1 made apparently to the electoral syster site effect. The Anti supposedly disqua switching parties, tool in the hands of ing smaller parties tections in conven

TAML TIMES 23
ERIOUSINESS OF LECTIONS
ose saintly persons their respective reliven Union Home Serecent report had to ies don't have much basic change. in left parties don't cating child labour y rampant in Tamil r from “abroad” (hapower from within m wouldn't even of between competing at the middle and manned by combines gangsters, and autole choice is between candidates, most of : distinctions, espen rural areas of North orm of feudalism is 1suing clash for repe of their areas, their parliamentary abili
cessary for the mainciety like education, and the barest of hulways taken a backosphere. The result? a have always been bn which never seems tion through the balits want to affirm, is Kumbhakarna from mbhakarna, meaning put to sleep after the y often like him, the sacrifice themselves e masters
take some credit for on all of this, it must mpous gestures have s of not an umpire as feel but that of an the spectacle of a cirthe 1994 Janata party political parties that ould be cancelled if Ier-party elections ac)ective constitutions.
ec WaCUOUS SOO. aws which had been correct the flaws in have had the oppoDefection Act, which ifies a legislator for has become a handy big parties for breakand encouraging deent instalments. The
Congress(I) government at the centre led by Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao managed to survive its full term, thanks to this dubious law. The courts are now full of cases which allege that the Prime Minister's confidante and selfstyled Godman. Chandra Swami, bribed legislators of smaller outfits like the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, a regional party formed to protect the rights of tribals in Eastern India, to support Narasimha Rao. The late NT Rama Rao had gone on record saying that Narasimha Rao broke his Telugu Desam parliamentary wing. The Janata Dal was broken in three instalments to sustain the Rao govern
ment.
That feudalism survives in Indian politics has been brought out by the Congress(I) and the BJP's strategy of giving party tickets to close relatives of those charged with crimes like getting payoffs from hawala racketeer Jain or protecting associates of smuggler Dawood Ibrahim. Kamal Nath, one of those charged with involvement with hawala racket payoffs, has got wife as his substitute in the electoral arena. In any case, Congress(I) and other parties have been promoting wives, husbands, sons, daughters, sons-in-law, daughters-in-law, sisters-in-law, brothers-in-law, grandsons, granddaughters, nephews and nieces and whosoever kinsperson possible, in politics. This calls for a separate anthropological study. How can Narasimha Rao be an exception to this! His sons, Ranga Rao and Rajeswara Rao, are in the electoral arena. The only exception seems to be the country's premier ruling dynasty, the NehruGandhis. Its only member contesting elections this time is Ms Maneka Gandhi, the widow of Sanjay who is estranged from the family. Apart from her famous avatar of an animal rights activist, she is a Janata Dal candidate.
With several states, including Tamil Nadu, disregarding the constitutional mandate for holding elections for local bodies, formal democracy has very little chances of regeneration and renewal at the grassroots level. Moreover, the Indian elections have no proportional representation system. This ensures that the winning party on combine, which manages to get more than 40 per cent of the votes polled (which themselves amount to at most 85 per cent of the total electorate), will walk away with more than 80 percent of the seats. The loser, with 35 per cent votes, will end up with less

Page 24
24 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 25
15 MAY 1996
than 20 per cent seats!
This hopeless scenario leaves a lot of space for convenient and opportunist alliances between political parties. And the political accent is on preventing certain alliances from being forged. This strange situation had made the Congress in Tamil Nadu, which had a vote-base of about 15-18 per cent, the most sought-after party. The AIADMK or the DMK can manage to garner maximum seats only by aligning with the Congress. This also explains why the Congress(I) has split three-way in Tamil Nadu today. Each Congress group has aligned with a Dravidian outfit - DMK, AIADMK, or the PMK in an effort to garner the maximum number of seats.
Membership of the Rajya Sabha, or the Upper House whose members are elected by state legislatures biennially, can be even more hilarious. Nuclear scientist Dr Raja Ramanna, a confirmed Bangalorean, who was made Minister of State for the Defence by the National Front government of Mr V P Singh, was seen seriously stating before this house that he belonged to Uttar Pradesh. Finance Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, acknowledged as a simple-living economistSardar in Delhi, pretends that he hails from distant Assam to get elected to Rajya Sabha. And Janata Dal leader SR Bommai, whose entry into politics in the forties was at the behest of noneother-than the great revolutionary MN Roy, takes an oath that the lives from Orissa and gets elected to the Rajya Sabha. This strategy might be helpful in accommodating members of the intelligentsia, but leaves little scope for accountability in terms of constituency democracy.
Added to this is the spectre of powerful politicos contesting from more than one constituency. Veteran leader, DeviLal fought last time in three places, and fortunately was defeated in two of them. BJP's prime ministerial candidate AB Vajpayee is in the fray this time for Lucknow and Gandhinagar seats; and he says that he would keep the latter seat reserved for BJP Chief LK Advani who has vowed to fight the polls after getting cleared by the court of hawala charges. Why should Gandhinagar elect him if it has to elect Advani again? No answer. Narasimha Rao wants to represent Nandyal in Andhra Pradesh, but also wants to contest from Berhampur in Orissa, just because these two constituencies have never elected non-Congress candidates so far. He promises to build new infrastructure in Berhampur, which he never did in Nandyal as a Prime Minister. Why should Nandyal or Berhampur elect a 74-year young candidate (who did
not contest the 1991 because of old age) Prime Minister? N
Disputes continu tional electoral syst after polling. Reme High Court unseate a full four years afte rupt practices whil elections. This coul the autocrat in her ful Emergency. Ap qualify Jayalalitha ting heard by the after five years of course, the Electio mark that candidate specified limits of e the Apex Court dire ties to file their tax r tion expenses evol politicians.
Their usual polic tem by discountin from expenses of ca
The most serious ments has been that Court on Hindutva tion challenging th rashtra Chief Mini who is the confidan Bal Thackeray, the ' use of religion for on to equate Hin nisation". After prot ists, the Court cam explanation of Hir which signified epi ues like mutual res
The BJP is not Hindutva during ca strategy might well rupt as the Congre emerge as the singl Parliament which would need suppo gional parties to fo the centre. The Babi cannot be forgotten, ists like former Prin Shekhar and Georg to the BJP now, giv credible look. The long-term, is more which means that t tate to give up pov irreversible changes lic sphere. The BJ certainly detriment tural landscape of nent. Mark these w be entering a new a hegemony from w Sri Lanka, Banglad finding so difficult

elections apparently if he does not become
answer again.
e to dog the dysfuncem a number of years mber, the Allahabad d Mrs Indira Gandhi ir she committed cora sweeping the 1971 it directive provoked to declare the dread2tition seeking to disas a legislator is getSupreme Court only judicial wrangle. Of in Commission's rees should stick to the lection expenses and ctive topolitical pareturns including elecke wry smiles from
y is to mock the sysg party expenditure andidates
of all recent judgemade by the Supreme ... Dismissing a petie election of Mahaster Manohar Joshi, te of Shiv Sena Chief Court objected to the campaign, but went du tva with *Indiaests from several left2 up with an unusual dutva as something tomes of Indian valpect and synthesis
that fierce on its mpaign this time. Its
pay off. Not as corss, the BJP is set to largest party in new
would be hung. It rt from smaller reirm a government at iMosque demolition but erstwhile socialme Minister Chandra e Fernandes are close ving it a dangerously BJP's agenda, in the social than political; he BJP will not hesiver to render certain ; in the country's pubP's pre-eminence is alto the pluralist culthe Indian subcontiords: India may well ge of fundamentalist hich neighbours like lesh and Pakistan are to get out.
TAMILTIMES 25
To avoid this, the alternative before the Congress factions, left parties, the Janata Dal and smaller parties, which want continuation of the secular public sphere and humanist agenda, is to come together. Congress factions led by Arjun Singh (and NDTiwari), Madhavrao Scindia and GKMoopanar might well ask for Narasimha Rao to be dumped as a precondition for unity. This may be acceptable to regional parties like DMK and at least one of the two Telugu Desam factions.
There are no dearth of candidates for prime ministership including V P Singh (though he has ruled himself out due to illness), Bihar Chief Minister Lallu Prasad Yadav and Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan (Janata Dal), former Kerala Chief Minister K Karunakaran, former Maharashtra Chief Minister Sharad Pawar and Arjun Singh or Tiwari (Congress), West Bengal Chief Minister Jyoti Basu and Vice-President K R Narayanan.
The feature of this year's elections is that the BJP, the Congress factions and the Janata Dal-left Front combine would not bag all the 547 Lok Sabha seats among themselves. The elections are certain to throw up a fourth cluster of smaller parties with regional, tribal and Dalit identities and radical leftist sympathies. That combine which successfully negotiates among the rest of the three clusters alone would be able to form a government which lasts at least for a while. O

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
G. Ramesh
ts endgame for Chief Minister J Jayalitha. And the moment of truth for DMK President M Karunanidhi, who has fought really hard, right since the time he dropped out of a Tiruvarur school as a fourteen-year-old, until this very day when he is tasting success to head Tamil Nadu for a record fourth time in his eventful life of 72 years so far. Every recent move of his, including forging an alliance with the Tamil Maanila Congress of GKMoopanar, getting support from film star Rajnikant's fans and asking Rajnikant to campaign for the DMK-TMC combine through television, is paying off. The two other combines led by Marumalarchi DMK supremo V Gopalsamy and Pattali Makkal Katchi founder Dr S Ramadoss have not been able to position themselves successfully as an alternative to Jayalalitha’s corrupt regime.
Mu Ka, as he signs in his daily column to his "younger brothers' in party organ Murasoli, is a politician of unique enigma in Indian public life. His knowledge of traditional Tamil is sharp, but that has not earned him a place among India's sophisticated cultural elite. (He was seen presenting his commentary on Tirukkural to Rajnikant who came to his Gopalapuram house to greet him. He is an agitator par
excellence in churni critical of existing sc has been missed by against him. He is a p traordinary strength, the DMK tend to unc grasp of recent social is superb, but that do from being accused a very sections for who his critics, his shortc more than his crede mentS.
Perhaps the most h among the English m tongue is Tamil, Mu crawl back every tim from the top post. Jayalalitha's dismall on ing on excellent 60 pe and the enormous goc which had been more port her.
In Jayalalitha's exis Nadu's moment of tr is none of what Mu K lalitha is all about T. convent English, h foster-sister Sasikala a tunes rather than the problems like water s
277.st Sazer”
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ng out film scripts cial values, but this those who militate rty organiser of exbut those who leave erestimate him. His istory of Tamil nadu es not prevent him an enemy of those m he had toiled. For omings are always htials and achieve
ated leader be those edia whose mother Ka has managed to e he was dismissed Dompare this with e-term record oflosr cent plus majority Edwill from a media than willing to sup
t from office, Tamil uth has arrived. She a is ali about. Jayaamil Nadu's fad for er obsession with und her family’s forstate's intractable shortage, caste riots
Holli
ഗ്രീഗ്രേ)
ாவிற்கு அனைத்துத் தமிழ் மக்களும் ட்டு வீரர்களை த்தை எதிர்நோக்கும் இவ்வேளையில், பும், உணர்வுகளையும் அகில உலகிற்கு
துவோமாக.
Y TO REMEMBER, wHEN THE EELAM to enjoy the Bank HoldAY
பெண்களுக்கான வலைப் அமசங்களும சிற்றுண்டிகள், பிற்பனைக்கு உண்டு.
பல்வே 8,606 LDS
314 370
day Mo
15 MAY 1996
and unemployment. Her facination for helicopter hopping within the city, her decisions to get a film city, a wildlife sanctuary and an interstate transport corporation in Tamil Nadu and a street in United States named after herself, her party men's pathetic attempts to genuflex before her and thrash her critics with hockey sticks or acid bulbs, and so on.
As the first phase of polling got over, the Indian Express published a news item that six trucks with sealed containers left her Poes Garden residence here for her Jedimetla Palace in Hyderabad. What would they have contained? All of Sasikala's loot, or speech copies delivered by Jayalalitha in the last five years? Nobody knows. But everyone reading the opinion polls knows of her impending defeat. In the winner-takes-all arena of Tamil Nadu politics, she has to tackle the electorate's reverse swing.
During her month-long, 3,760km-long, helicopter-hopping campaign tour, she saw the crowds thinning out. They only wanted to see her foster-sister but were disappointed to see Sasikala not with jewellery. Some AIADMK candidates including Finance Minister VR Nedunchezhian and Assembly Speaker Sedapathi R Muthiah were turned away by electorates. The rump Congress(I) owing allegiance to Narasimha Rao and TNCC(I) President Kumari Anandhan is in disarray in the state. Notwithstanding all this, Jayalalitha has braved on, hoping to retain her Bagur seat, and skipped the city, a DMK bastion, during the last leg of her campaign tour. O
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Page 27
15 MAY 1996
here is a strange malady which afflicts Pakistani rulers sooner or later. Just when everything seems to be going fine for them they must do something completely queer to tempt the fury of the gods. It is not too long ago that Mian Nawaz Sharif, while enjoying a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly, forfeited his prime ministership when he entered into a wholly avoidable conflict with the then President, Ghulam, Ishaq Khan. If Nawaz Sharif’s impetuosity had been the result of considered policy, something still might have been said for it. But all the evidence suggests that he and his advisers stumbled into a confrontation whose consequences they probably lacked the imagination to foresee. Nor was the doughty President much better advised. In the twilight of his career, he lived up to what Shakespeare says in As you Like It that in the last stage of his life, a man returns to the helplessness of childhood.
The same malady has now struck the present rulers. Just when their government looked secure, with the Muslim League trying to figure out a strategy for itself and the MQM on the run in Karachi, they had to manufacture a crisis with the superior judiciary.
Packing the high courts of Punjab and Sindh with appointees whose political affiliations shone brighter than their legal ability was bad enough. But what prompted the authorities to give a personal spin to a judicial problem? When the petition filed by Rawalpindi's maverick lawyer, Mr Wahabul Khairi, questioning the manner in which the PPP government had appointed high court judges was accepted for regular hearing by the Chief Justice, Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, the government was incensed. Here was a chief justice who had been elevated over the heads of several colleagues senior to him. What's more, by his appointment a precedent observed since the days of Justice Munir had been broken. And yet this same chief justice was now exercising his mind and acting in an independent manner. The inference was clear. The government and its law officers expected the Chief Justice of Pakistan to behave like an SHO and when, to the government's amazement but to the delight of most Pakistanis interested in the
supremacy of the ju the government was The government sponse was worthy o tough. First a lawy ruling party were n tion in the Peshaw lenging the appointn Ali Shah as Chief J the grounds that he most judge of the S petition has still to t Secondly, the S which in Pakistan most shining examp vincial autonomy, pl Sajjad, Ali shah’s ployee of the provin house in Hyderabac police and he was si ice. So much for pc priety.
The logic which l easily be reconstruct government, Justic fault was not that he adversary. Adversa bent and harsh real changed the Prime M suffer, this being hard-won pragmati Ali Shah, however, pendently when ins been showing his gr ment, therefore, trie Chief Justice of Pa would have dealt wi minions: by sending son-in-law which i book of standard P. where, if a chief susp up, his next of kin i; While engaged in ernment seemed to important law case ( lost could lead to a
At first the Atto Jamil (who, apart fi being blamed for p Minister's ears and destructive path) pri pearing before the SI pretext or another. left with no option ernment case, it bec ous that the Chief La was ill-prepared fol
 

TAMIL TIMES 27
Idiciary, he did not, : angry. 's two-pronged refany neighbourhood er whose ties to the o secret filed a petiar High Court chalment of Justice Sajjad 1stice of Pakistan on was not the senior upreme Court. This be decided. indh government, today presents the ble that there is prout the heat on Justice son-in-law, an emcial government. His i was raided by the uspended from servolitical tact and pro
ed to this action can ed. In the eyes of the e Sajjad Ali Shah’s was perceived as an ries who cannot be ities that cannot be Minister has learnt to a hallmark of her |sm, Justice Sajjad. was behaving indetead he should have atitude. Her governd to behave with the kistan exactly as it th one of its difficult the police after his s a page out of the kistani criminology bect cannot be hauled
S. these tricks the govforget that it had an on its hands which if serious crisis. rney-General, Qazi om any other sin, is oisoning the Prime leading her down a ocrastinated, not apupreme Court on one When he finally was out to open the govame painfully obviw Officer of the land what can safely be
considered as the most important case of his life. But all this is water under the bridge. The important thing is that in the Judges case the Supreme Court has spoken and in doing so has administered a stinging reprimand (to put it no stronger than that) to a government that was getting to be too sure of itself.
In putting the stamp of its interpretation on Articles 177 and 193 of the Constitution - articles which relate to the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court and the High Courts - the Supreme Court has altered the relationship between the Executive and the Judiciary by making it well impossible for the President to appoint judges to the superior courts in opposition to the wishes of the concerned chief justices. ی Furthermore, the powers hitherto exercised, and frequently misused, by the executive authority to harass if not chastise members of the superior judiciary, and also to breed a sense of insecurity in them, have either been done away with completely or sharply curtailed. Thus the practice of appointing acting chief justices has been circumscribed by the condition that within 30 days a vacancy must be filled. No ad hoc judges can be appointed against permanent vacancies in the Supreme Court. A high court judge can be transferred to another high court in the public interest but not as a punishment (which presumably means that a transfer will be subject to the consent of the chief justice concerned or the judge in question).
In deciding this the Supreme Court has declared that Article 209 of the Constitution, which guarantees security of tenure being part of the original 1973 Constitution, has precedence over Article 203-C which is a legacy of military rule.
As has been commented upon widely, if this argument is accepted (As it has to be since it is the highest court which is making it), the door is flung open for striking down the other additions to the Constitution made by General Zia-ul-Haq and later provided blanket cover by Parliament through the passage of the Eighth Amendment. Conceivably, this could re-open a host of constitutional issues hitherto considered settled.
The question, however, can legitimately be asked whether overriding a constitutional provision is a legitimate exercise of judicial interpretation or an encroachment into the field of law making which lies outside the competence of the Supreme Court.
Of more immediate relevance to the government is the fate of its judicial appointees who have come under a cloud because of this judgment. Unless confirmed/regularised by permanent chief (Continued on next page)

Page 28
28 TAM TIMES
Tigers Call for Third Party М
The LTTE has in a statement explained its official position in regard to peace talks and mediation. The statement dated 30 April issued in London said:
"In view of ambiguous reports appearing in the International Media with regard to LTTE's position on peace talks and mediation, the International Secretariat of the LTTE wishes to clarify its stand on this matter.
The LTTE is committed to a negotiated political settlement.
In view of the existing hostility and mistrust between the parties in con
(Continued from page 27)
justices, their appointments are void in terms of the Supreme Court's ruling.
Already the Karachi and Lahore bar associations, displaying an enthusiasm which accords ill with the restraint usually associated with the legal profession, have raised the banners of revolt against these unfortunate souls. None of this can please the government which is still trying to shape its response to a judgment which has been no less than a judicial bombshell for it.
The critical question, therefore, is whether the rulers will have the sense to moderate their reactions and make the best of a verdict delivered by someone who has turned out to be their Becket or whether they will make life difficult for themselves by lockinghorns with the judiciary and giving the legal profession, which at least in this country is no more level-headed than any other, a pretext to raise a nationwide rumpus? Another consideration could also be kept in mind. For a polity still trying to find the golden mean, judicial intemperance can be as unwholesome in its effects as executive excesses. If governments, and this government especially, have been appointing political favourites to judicial offices, the highpriests of the judiciary must doubly guard against the temptation of judicial favouritism.
In any case, for the smooth functioning of the affairs, of the federation a civilised working relationship has to exist between the executive and judicial branches. If it does not, what is supposed to be a system of checks and balances can easily degenerate into mindless obstructionism. In such an eventuality the public interest suffers. At this juncture, therefore, it is not just the rulers and their law minions on trial but also the superior lights of the judiciary. O
By arrangement with Dawn (Courtesy of Asian Age)
flict, we are of ol party mediation is negotiating proces The LTTE wishe creation of a conge a necessary conditi tion of peace talks, with Sri Lankan C be held under the aggression and mil Tamil Lands.
The Sri Lankan ( sently engaged in a aimed to occupy th subjugate the Tami impose a military
The
Serio
he developm ing in Thami linked with have done much t ing and played a p( for a short period modern Thamil lit Social awareness. ways had to come flicts ofinterests su commercial succe and between perso interestand public publishers have b striking the happy present era of the interestand comme cost, many periodi mised their stand: Sure economic via lieved that magazi Aanandha Vihadan high literary stand ers have contribute they are competin to lower their star imaginable thirty Even Kalaimahal, Jah-annaathan, w spected for his co literary standard much of what Ki.
The current Th mate, especially th characterised by passes for the T shifted much of th

ediation
inion that a third ital to promote the
3. s to emphasise the nial atmosphere as on for the conducMeaningful talks OWEITIMEMIt CaillIOt constraints of war, Itary occupation of
overnment is prewar of aggression e Tamil homeland, population and to administration.
5 MAY 1996
This approach will further aggravate the conflict, prolong the war and negate the possibilities of peace. Therefore, we wish to emphasise that cessation of hoStilities and de escalation of the conflict are necessary conditions for creating congenial atmosphere for peace process. The LTTE cannot participate in a political dialogue unless Sri Lanka puts an end to military aggression and occupation and withdraw troops from the occupied territories in the Jaffna peninsula.
We urge the International Community to use their good offices to impress upon Sri Lanka government to give up the military option and create conditions of normality conducive to peace process and negotiated political settlement.” O
Little Magazine and us Writing in Thamil
by S.Sivasegaram
ent of creative writtl has been closely periodicals, which o encourage readositive role, at least in the history of 2rature, to increase eriodicals have alto terms with conch as those between Ss and good taste nal or institutional interest. Not many een successful in medium and, in the glorification of self :rcial success at any cals have comproards simply to enbility. I never benes like Kalhi and were committed to urds, butgoodvritcd to them. Today, g with Kumudham dards to levels unor forty years ago. sounded by Ki. Vaa. ho was highly remmitment to high s, has abandoned Vaa. Ja. stood for.
amil cultural cliat in Thamilnaadu, the obscenity that hamil movie, has burden of uphold
ing not merely good literary standards but also serious and socially responsible discussion to the shoulders of those associated with alternative magazines, better known as "little magazines. Alternative magazines are not new to Thamil, but what makes a little magazine is still disputed. Magazines like Manikkodi were aimed at a narrower readership than any popular magazine of its day, and Thaamarai, founded by the late Pa. Jievaanantham, was serious in its content as was Kalaimahal. There have been other titles like Sarasvathi edited by Vijayabaaskaran and Thiepam edited by Naa. Paarththasaarathi which were serious literary magazines that were sold at news stands dealing in quality magazines. One should also not forget the contributions of Thaamoetharan who persistently published a science monthly, Kalaikkathir in Thamil for Several decades and Vaanamaamalai who edited Aaraichchi a serious journal in Thamil for research in Social Sciences. But none of these were the kind of little magazine of today, which is characterised not only by its limited readership and seriousness of content but also by the methods used for reaching that readership.
Market forces have determined that anything serious or of social value was doomed to be a commercial failure so that it was the little magazine that un

Page 29
15 MAY 1996
dertook the task of dealing with a wide variety of subjects that the mainstream media and popular magazines were, for commercial reasons, reluctant even to consider with the seriousness that they deserved. The little magazines of Thamilnaadu dealt with literary criticism, international literature, modern theatre, alternative technology and medicine, modern philosophy and many other topics. It should not be surprising that free verse (new poetry) in Thamil was actively promoted by the little magazine, Eluththu founded by Si. Su. Sellappaa nearly four decades ago and today free verse has come a long way and still much of the good poetry in Thamil is published in the little magazines. The little magazine was also responsible for introducing subjects like existentialism, structuralism, post-structuralism, post-modernism etc. to the Thamil reader. The way in which many of the subjects are being dealt with may, however, leave much to be desired. But what is significant is that the little magazine has remained the forum for thought provoking discussion and debate.
The 60's and 70's represented a boom time for the little magazine and many magazines like Kanaiyaali and Padihal, to name just two, flourished and inspired Sri Lankan Thamil writers to venture into little magazines. The Sri Lankan Thamil literary scene was a little different from that in Thamilnaadu and had a larger proportion of quality magazines available at the news stands. The events of 1983 changed all that and serious magazines without institutional support slowly ground to a halt. The spirit of the little magazine was reborn among young writers who sought refuge in Europe, Canada and Australia and between 1989 and 1993 many little magazines such as Suvadugal (Norway), A aa i (Holland), Thuundil (Germany), Kaalam (Canada), Oesai (France), Marabu (Australia) and the feminist Sakthi thrived. Today only a handful survive, partly due to the arrival of commercially motivated weekly Thamil newspapers and partly due to the decline in morale among those involved in writing and publishing. Their activity has provoked considerable interest in 'Thami exile literature” in Tha-milnaadu and a number of the little magazines in Thamilnaadu showed considerable interest in writings by Sri Lankan Thamils in exile.
The monthly, Subamangalaa, edited
by the late Koema which was more C in content but a re form, showed mu Lankan Thamil afİ unfortunate death ( concluded a novele Sri Lankan Thami with Ilankai Theis Peiravai. The mag lication with the d have also come a Ilakku, very much which brought out on K. Daniel, thi Thamil novelist an K. Kailaasapathi. " appirihai, commit the dalit people org on Thamils in Exi the International Ta ference held in M which Sri Lankar were prevented fro Indian governmen naadu government An interesting t curred late last ye Kanaiyaali, seen by "Brahminist' in its : ing in sympathy f Thamil cause. A ship also led to an i pearance and a rac attitude to socioEach of the last few Or more contributio Thamils includin Another welcome launched quart chuvadu, founded asaami, ceased pub ago, and revived in mangalaa and Kan vides an open foru number of subjects ary interest and car Lankan Thamil wr
to encourage Sri La
ing from outside T producing in part w little magazines frc
What is importan zines like Subaman Ilakku and Kaalai they have, unlikew to believe, been ve as illuminating. T more careful abou their statements popular magazines, sation prevails ove magazine, in fact, 1 the popular maga: and then, make SOm ousness of COnten

TAMIL TIMES 29
Suvaaminaathan, f a little magazine gular periodical in ch interest in Sri airs and before the f Koemal last year tte competition for ls in collaboration ya Kalai Ilakkiyap azine ceased pubeath of Koemal. I cross a quarterly, a one-man effort, a special number late Sri Lankan d planning one on The magazine Nired to the cause of anised a conference le in parallel with mil Research Conadhurai last year Thamil scholars mattending by the t and the Thamil
ransformation ocar in the monthly, y many to be rather approach and lackor the Sri Lankan change in ownermprovement in aplical change in its political matters. issues carried two ns from Sri Lankan g those in exile. arrival was the reerly, Kaalachby Sunthara Raamlication a few years 1995. Like Subaaiyaali, it too prom for debate on a of social and literries articles by Sri ters. It also seeks inkan Thamil writhamilnaadu by re'ritings by them in m abroad. tabout little magagalaa, Kanaiyaali, 'hchuvadu is that hatmany aremade y readable as well he writers are far t the accuracy of han those in the where, often, Sensense. The little made an impact on lines which, now Le pretence to serind even led to the
publication of imitations of quality journals like, for example, Puthiya Paarvai. The news magazine, India Today (Thamil edition) too brings out special literary issues twice an year or so, but not on a regular basis. This kind of moralsuccessis also the tragedy of writings of good quality: commercial interests always find ways of deceiving the public. On the other hand, a fear of serious reading is cultivated by people who depend on the ignorance of the public for their survival. There is no denying that there are little magazines that specialise in deliberately obscure styles of writing. But that is not true of many of the better magazines which are more concerned with elevating the standard of readerShip andreaching Out to more people. Since many of the little magazines are not commonly available from news stands that sell Thamil magaZines, one depends heavily on private channels and direct subscription to obtain them. It is only by active encouragement of serious reading by the young that the average Thamil readership can be shaken out of its habit of bad reading, especially of magazines that thrive on trivia like the Thamil movie, gossip about personalities, and third-rate fiction lacking in taste and content. O
(Continued from page 7)
been other politicians in Tamil Nadu like the MDMK leader V.Gopalasamay, PMK leader Dr.Ramadas and the less prominent Nedumaran who while openly expressing sympathetic views towards the LTTE accused Karunanidhi of “betraying the Sri Lan kan Tamil cause”.
Now that Karunanidhi is back on the Tamil Nadu saddle of power, there is already evidence on the part of many to obtain his support for their respective viewpoints. While expatriate Sri Lankan Tamil groups have begun sending appeals to Karunanidhi, it is learnt that the Sri Lankan government itself is likely to send a high-powered team to explain its devolution proposals and peace efforts.
The reality of the situation however is that the state government of Tamil Nadu cannot act independently without the central government's concurrence on any external matter. However, Karunanidhi is on record as saying recently that he would endeavour to bring about an end to the blood letting in the island by promoting a peaceful negotiated solution to the conflict. Ο

Page 30
30 AML TIMES
CLASSIFIED ADS
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The Advertisement Manager,
amil Times Ltd. Po Box 121 Sutton, Surrey SM13TD Pone: 0181-644 0972 Fax: 0181-241 4557
MATRMONIAL
Jaffna Hindu parents (father doctor) seeking professional, attractive, outgoing, confident (22-28) bride for US based son, engineer (M.S., M.B.A.), 29, 5/11", religion, horoscope immaterial. Send details and recent photograph (returnable). M 846 C/o Tamil Times.
Mother seeks Christian partner for Son, 41, nurse in Austria. Send details. IM 847 C/o Tamil Tinnes.
Jaffna Hindu Engineering Lecturer in UK University, 38, seeks fair, sociable, graduate, lady partner, 33 +. Photo please. Strict confidence guaranteed. M 848 c/o Tamil Times.
North East Tamil Catholic parents seek qualified Catholic bride, 24-28, for son, 31, professionally well qualified engineer, holding responsible position, USA resident. Send details. M 849 C/o Tanil Times.
WEDDING BELS
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding. Chenduran son of Mr. & Mrs. S. Wijayanayagam of 90 Mossbrook Crescent, Scarborough, Ontario M1 W 2W9, Canada and Sri Vidhya daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Tony Nagendran of 175 Glen Springs Drive, Scarborough, Ontario M1 W 1 Y1, Canada at Moghul Banquet Hall, Hood Road, Markham, Ontario on 18th May 1996.
OBTUARIES
Mr. Nalliah Rasakumaran, former District Inspector — Tele
Communications, Jaffna, Son Of late Mr. Nalliah and Mrs. Balambikai Nalliah of Kokuvil East, Jaffna, beloved husband of Vasanthakumari; loving father of Mayurathan (Engineering student, Leeds University) and Shanthakumar; Son-in-law of the late Mr. Kanagasabai and Mrs. Parasakthy Kanagasabai of Thirunelvaley. Jaffna, brother of Dr. Balakumar (Huddersfield); brother-inlaw of Sakunthala Balakumar, Mrs. Chandrakumari Maheswaran (Germany), Mrs. Shantha ku mari Raje n dram (Teacher, Jaffna), Sivakumaran (France), Mrs. Vijayakumari Mathurayanayagam (France), Mrs. Uththamakumari Srikanthan (Australia), Selvakumaran (Canada) passed away in Huddersfield, UK on 29.3.96 and was cremated on 4th April.
The members of the family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, Sent messages of sympathy and assisted in several Ways during the period of great sorrow. - 199 New Hey Road, Oakes, Huddersfield, West Yorkshire HD34GD. Tel 01484 655025
Mr. Visvalingam Sivasubramaniam (87) Principal Eneritus, Skanda Varodaya College, Chunnakam, beloved husband of Sironmany; loving father of Dr. Sivanandarajah, late Mrs. Sivagnaneswary Rajasingam, Sivagnanasunderam (Bank of Ceylon, Trincomalee), Ayur. Dr. Sivapalan, Sivathasan (Engineer, Batticaloa), Sivaratnam (Valuer, Jaffna), Silvamanohar
 
 
 
 

an (London), Mrs. Sivaloshanadevi Thavarajah (Teacher, Skanda Varodaya College); father-in-law of Maninehaladevi Sivanandarajah, late Rajasingan, Mrs. Anandhi Sivagna nasunderam (Principal, Ramanathan College, Chunnakan), Mrs. Yogeswary Sivapalan, Mrs. Kamaladevy Sivathasan (Teacher), Mrs. Supathiradevi Sivaratnam, Mrs. Devahi Sivannanoharan and Thavarajah (Surveyor, Saudi Arabia); grandfather of Sutharshan, Priyatharshini, Suseenthiran, Su hanthan, Sutharshika, Suloshan, Suthaharan, Sulakshan, Arooran, Gajamohana, Gajaharan and Vaishna passed away in Chavakechcheri on 26.4.96 and was crenated there. - Sivamanoharan, 2C Milton Road, Acton, London MV3 6QA. Tel 0181896 1844.
rs. Lee la wat hy lankanathan (62), endeared as "Archchi” and "Kuddy Mami”, beloved wife of the late lankanathan (Kuddy Mama), Retired Shroff, Hatton National Bank, Nuwara Eliya, daughter of the late Dr. & Mrs. S. Subramaniam of Malaysia (formerly of Thirunelvaley and Uyarapulam, Annaicoddai); daughter-inlaw of the late Mudaliyar and Mrs. Saravanamuttu of Sandilipay North, Jaffna, beloved mother of Urmila; mother-in-law of Kuharajah; fondest grandmother of Shobana and Ranjana, sister of Mrs. Saraswathy Sivasithатрагат (Сатааа), Mrs. Pushpa wathy Sivaguru na than ( Uya rap u la m, Annaicoddai), late Kailasam and Dr. Sivapragasam (Virginia, USA); sister-in-law of late Mrs. Swarn a mathy Wijayanayagam, Mrs. Ratnamathy Ratnarajah (Colombo), late Sinkainathan and Mrs. Pathma Sinkainathan (Sydney, Australia), late Mrs. Rasapoomathy Patkunanathan and late Patkunanathan, Sivasithamparam (Canada), late Sivagurunathan, Mrs. Sivainuththu Kailasam (Colombo) and Mrs. Nageswary Sivapragasam (Virginia, USA) passed away on 28.4.96 in Peterbor
15 MAY 1996
ough, UK and was cremated on 2nd May.
All the members of the family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted in several ways during the period of great sorrow. Their special thanks are due to the Saiva Munneta Sangam which readily arranged the funeral rites and the distribution of Sivapuranam. - 58 Ringwood, South Bretton, Peterborough, PE3 9SH, Cambs. Tel: 01733 26276O.
Mr. M.A.S. Tisseverasinghe, (Rajan), Chartered Accountant, dearly beloved husband of Lorraine (Haringey Council), loving father of Jitesh (limperial College, London) and Shamilia; Son of WinCie and the late Basi Tisseverasinghe, brother o, Wigna, Dilip and Selva; son-inlaw of Quintin and the late Merlyn Phillips passed away suddenly on 18.05.96. Funeral 25.05.96 at 11am at New Southgate Cemetery, London N11. - 22 Dorchester Avenue, LOCOr N13 5EA. Tel 018 834 3767.
IN MEMORAM
ln everloving memory of Dr. Parameswaran Kandiah on the sixth anniversary of his passing away on 12.5.90.
Remembering you every minute of everyday, Missing you always as a father, husband and friend.

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15 MAY 1996
Your spirit, I still feel, in triumph or disaster, The memories of you, can only burn for ever in our hearts And in the face of bereavement, we can rejoice and Celebrate The life and love you shared (Anjali).
Remembered by wife Pathmasany and children Thayalan and Anjali. - 29 Mounston Close, Hartside Grange, Hartlepool TS26 OLR
ln lowing memory of Mr. Thambidura i Shan mugarajah, Attorney-at-Law, J.P., U.M. Of
Kondavil East, Sri Lanka on the second anniversary of his passing away on 5th May 1994.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Ananthavalli; loving daughter Sharmini; son-in-law, Ranjit; loving grandchildren Praveen and Anjana and mother-in-law Mrs. Sivapackiam Navaratnam. - 102 Loutit Street, Yellowknife, N. W. T., Canada X1A 3M5.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS June 1 Full Moon.
June 3 & 49.00am to 5.00pm Conference and Exhibition on Kumbakonam, Sacred & Royal City of South India at the British Museum Organised by the Department of Architecture, Cambridge University and the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum. For details Tel: O171 323 851 1,
June 3 Feast of St. Charles. June 4 Chathurthi.
Demonstration in Canberra: More than 800 Tamils demonstrated outside the Federal Parliament and the Sri Lankan High Commission on 29th April to draw attention to the military offensive conducted by the Sri Lankan government in north Sri Lanka. Demonstrators carried placards with slogans such as "War without witness, Australia save the Tamils, "We want international mediation, 'We want Tamil Eelam' and shouted the slogans in an emotional manner. Eight Federal Members of Parliament addressed the gathering, and the demonstration outside Parliament House lasted around two hours. From Parliament House they marched to the Sri Lankan Embassy outside which they demonstrated for about two hours at the end of which they carried "Kodumpavis' of Chandrika, Kadirgamar and Ratwate and destroyed them. Finally Mr. Ana Pararajasingam made an emotional speech after which the demonstrators dispersed. Vishwa Hindu Parishad is an active organisation in Sydney. Every year it organises a Hindu orientation camp for youth. This year's camp took place for five days from 4th to 8th April and 60 youngsters whose parents had migrated to Australia from several countries including Sri Lanka participated. Everyday the camp started at 6am and continued till 11pm. Brisk warmup exercises, Yoga and Surya Namaskarams in the early hours of the morning were followed by talks by guest speakers, group discussions, prayers and Bhajan Singing, outdoor games and cultural shows. Bush walks, camp fire sessions, Garbha, Bhangra and Indian classical dances were enjoyed by everyone.
The VHP in India had sent a Hindu Pracharak (non-Sanyasi missionary) Sri
Ravi Kumar to org Australia. Sri Ravi h graduate of the Ma nology, speaks sev including Tamil an 1975 as a full-times India and many Sc tries.
MOUut Druitit Tam Several Tamil scho Sydney, where class government assista. ing weekends. The ance and participa and Mount Druit them, held its annu May. The student proficiency in Tami Citation, dramas, da large audience to e ate their efforts.
Weather: Spring sp Rivjresa || Prote Movement (Canad: week long demons Canadian Foreign wa to protest ag. Government's ope North Sri Lanka. part in the daily de place from 25th Ap are very few Tamils city, Torontians fille Suresh Manickava Over the detention C gar under the Imm menced On 19th N the most in Camera
to press no further i
The Annual Ger Senior Tamils' Ce on 27th April at t
 
 
 
 

June 5 Feast of St. Boniface. June 11 Feast of St. Barnabas.
June 13 Pirathosam, Feast of St. Anthony.
June 14 Feast of Sacred Heart of Jesus.
June 15 Anna Vasai. June 20 Chathurthi. June 21 Feast of St. John.
June 21 7.45pm Violin Recital by Sri L. Subramaniam at Oueen Elizabeth Hall RFH 2. Tel 0171 96O 4242
June 27 Ekathasi.
June 28 PirathoSam.
June 30 Full Moon.
At Bhawan Centre, 4A Castle
town Road, London W14 9HQ. Tel: 0171-381 3086
AMIL TIMES 31
June 85.30pm. Lecture by Dr. John Marr on “Temples of India's South. All welcome.
June 9 6.00pm Mandolin by Srinivas & Party.
June 13 6.00pm Workshop on Karnatic Music.
June 15 7.00pm Hindustani Violin by Parur M.S. Gopalakrishnan & Dr. M. Narmada.
June 16 6.00pm Karnatic Violin by the same artistes.
June 29 7.00pm Veena Concert by Students of Mrs. SivaSakthi Sivanesan.
June 30 6.30pm Hindustani
4608.
ranise its activities in cumar, an engineering draS Institute of Techeral Indian languages 'd has worked since Ocial Worker for VHP in uth East Asian Coun
i School: There are ols in the suburbs of Ses are Conducted with nce by volunteers durre is excellent attendtion in these schools, Tamil School, one of all cultural show on 4th s demonstrated their
language through rences etc. There was a ncourage and appreci
ADIAN LETTER
oilt by snow and rain
it: The World Tanni Branch) organised a tration in front of the Affairs Ministry in Ottainst the Sri Lankan ration Riviresa II in everal hundreds took mOnStrations that took il to 3rd May. As there resident in the capital d the void. sagar Trial: The trial f Suresh Manickavasagration Act, that comarch is continuing for and at the time of going formation is available.
eral Meeting of the tre, Ontario was held e Oriole C. R.C., Don
Vocal by Vrinda Mundkar.
Mills. The following were elected for 96/97. President: Rosalind Rajanayagam, Vice President: T. Sivarajah, Secretary: Mani Path ma raja h, Tre a s ur er: S. Srijeyanathan, Asst. Treasurer: S. Thiagarajah, Ex-Officio Past President & Board Members: S. Tharmalingam, Bavani Sivaramalingam, V. Eeswaranathan, P. Soosaithasan, K. Vigneswaran, J.C. Kumaradas, A.N. Chellapillai, S. Poopalasingam and K. Sittampalam. Over 200 attended the meeting.
Canadian Tamil Broadcasting Corporation: The ingenuity of Mr. Kandiah Sivasothy, popularly known as "Elaya Bharathy, a former employee of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation has resulted in a 24 hour Tamil broadcasting service, that is a great boon to the Tamils, particularly the home bound housewives and seniors. The radio sets sold by the C.T.B.C. for 100 dollars becomes a life time in Vestment and no monthly fees are payable. The 24 hour service can be accessed by anyone owning this exclusive radio set and living within a radius of 150 miles of Metropolitan Toronto. Canadian, Sri Lankan and World news is beamed regularly to listeners who number over 40,000 now. The service is inter mixed with South Indian film songs, competitions religious programmes etc. This service has become a great educational tool for many including children, and they are most grateful to Elaya Bharathy. The Official address of C.T.B.C. is 86 Layard Drive, Toronto, Ontario M4G 3V1. Tel: (416) 429 2374.
Prayer Makes History Prayer & Intercession for Sri Lanka Please Call/Fax: 0181 251 8325 Pastor Barnabas Alexander or Elizabeth Thulasi 'Intercession Action Group
for Sri Lanka" Burning Bush

Page 32
32 TAMIL TIMES
Outstanding Achievement in Poetry
Mr. E. Sangarapillai of 1 - 201 Fountain
head Road, Downsview, Ontario, Canada,
writes poetry under the pseudonym 'God
son. His poem on A Beggar Boy' has
been adjudged an outstanding achieve
ment in Poetry by The North American
National Library of Poetry. His award
winning poem appears below. A Beggar Boy
Half dead and naked beggar
boy
In lean and haggard bony
frame
Wandering in vain from door
to door
Begging a few mouthfuls of
food.
I saw him on an evening walk With melted heart and philosophic mind I took him home and fed him well And gave him clothes to dress himself.
I found him job in a friend's farm That fetched him monthly handsome wage Soon he proved his acquired Skill With diligent work and loyalty. Revolting thoughts soon Came to mind About the surrounding cruel World Posing bitter genuine theory Why such gap between haves and 'nots'? Thefts and robbery and terrorisrn Are handiwork of grave injustice Give every youth a just treatment The world will be a peaceful place.
E.S.P. Godson.
Londo Christian C
The London Tamil C now Worshipping at t ist Church will be mo the Putney Methodis line Avenue, London 1996 til the end Of t Will as usual be on each month.
Violinist Perfo)
The legendary a acclaimed Indian Vio niam makes a rare vis ConCert of Carnatic in June 1996 at Queen He will be accompani on Mridangam and
Kanjeera. Sri L. Subr highly respected arti circles is also famol East-West collaborati ern Classical Music í Sir Yehudi Menuhin,
Herbie Hancock, Star ple and Larry Coryell.
He has scored mu winning movies such "Mississippi Masala' He has recorded and One hundred recordi volume 'Anthology of the recipient of numer for the huge contribu the field of music in lir
Violinist M
at Bh
Violinist M.S. Gopala he is affectionately k lndian Violinist who Cá south Indian music tuosity. For this ap after 19 years, at Bhavan, 4A Castle W14 9HQ for Hindus accompanied by his rmada and Shib Shar 15th June at 7pm. Concert is on Saturd and S. Balachander Miridangam. For furi phone 0171 381 3O8.
 
 

i Tami ongregation ristian Congregation e RiverCourt Methoding to worshipping at Church in GwendoSW15 from 26th May
e year. The services he fourth Sunday of
'ms in London
ld Internationally nist, Sri L. Subranait to London to give a usic on Friday, 21st Elizabeth Hall RFH2. 2d by Sri K. Gopinath Sri G. Yogaraj on amanian, one of the tes in Indian music is for his numerous ons with Such Westnd Jazz legends as Stephane Grappelli, ley Clark, Joe Sam
sic for many award as ‘Salaam Bombay’’, and 'Little Buddha. produced more than ngs including a five Indian Music' and is 2us awards and titles ion he has made in dia and beyond.
SG Plays aVa
krishnan Or MSG as nown is the greatest in play both north and styles with equal virbearance in London he Bharatiya Vidya Own Road, LOndOn ani Violin, he will be laughter Dr. M. Narkar Ray on Tabla on The Carnatic Violin y, 16th June at 6pm
will accompany on er particulars tele
15 MAY 1996
Murie V. Hutchins - An Appreciation
Where does one begin with Miss Muriel V. Hutchins? Chronologically, the panorama is ad infinitum. There was no end to the Zest, ardour and toil she put into mundane things, to make others contented. Her thinking itself was practical. Nothing in her calculations went by default. She was a woman of fortitude, with a vision and purpose, that far exceeded her thoughts. Deliberate, decisive, determined to go about doing good, like her Lord and Master, paying lip service and obeisance only to Him. In her days, for more than four decades, after she retired from the teaching profession, (like St. Paul who made tents, and not begging for bread whilst he was preaching) she used her pension. She lived in the wilds of Kilinochchi on virgin soil, to make a home, literally and figuratively, for destitute girls and abused women, who had nowhere to go,
or none to turn to. Those who were shunned and despised by the elite, had a home in her heart, and the merciful abode or the "mercy seat' - Karuna Nilayam.
These young women were taught not only the basics of agriculture and animal husbandry outside, but also Home Economics
inside, not to mention reading and singing On Sundays. We who had read about David Livingstone and Dr. Albert Schweitzer in the wilds of Africa, could not help, but admire the simple life-style of MVH,
and the rustic setting of the mode of worship she organised. There was no set time for the service. MVH and her very meagre and modest staff, and a bevy of girls would be seated on mats, singing to the only musical instrument they then had,
a 'Lily flute, played by her. All of us waited for the hopper-woman, only a few yards,
had finished selling her hoppers. Only then did the worship start. She was so deeply concerned about every soul.
Karuna Nilayam was (and perhaps still is) situated on the western side of Kandy Road, a quarter of a mile or so, south of the Railway Station. "Hutchins Amma, or "Mother Hutchins, as she was affectionately called, was also revered by the township. She would go up and down in her "iron steed, long after people of a younger generation had given up cycling.
Now to her former years, I had seen MVH at various ecumenical functions. Il was told that she was an M.A. Oxford, and been teaching at CMS Chundikuli Girls' College and later Principal of CMS Kopay Training College. I was flabbergasted, when she used the Correct Tamil word for Atom Bomb - a word which I was only getting to know even in English - the medium of instruction then.
During the time of the Hon. S. W.R.D. Bandaranaike, she was given meritorious citizenship. She said she was a Tamil. She was that in many ways, although she outwardly appeared different, she never bathed in the open-air, neither at the well nor beaches. She had a bathroom, even though, of the most primitive kind. Her hairstyle, which must have been in Vogue

Page 33
5 MAY 1996
IMMIGRATION, ASYLUM, NATION
CAL IS FOR FRIENDY UNDERSANDINGLEGAL ADVICE
O 8-478 5797
N
before WW1, remained the same. Her cotton dress was made in one pattern by her. The style was almost ante-diluvian, but practical. Like Mother Theresa of CalCutta, her Wardrobe must have consisted of only three dresses - one to wear, one to wash, and One to mend.
MVH was born two years before the turn of the last century and came to Ceylon, when she was in her mid twenties. She drew her last breath at ninety-eight, just a little while before the turn of the next century on the verge of herself becoming a Centenarian.
Wel done! Thou good and faithful servant, Enter into my rest ln Memoriam Semper Fideles.
Bertha Swarna Nallanayagam.
New Year & 17th Anniversary Celebrations
The Tamil Association of Brent celebrated the Tamil New Year and its 17th anniversary at the Brent Town Hall, Forty Lane, Wembley on 20th April 1996. The Mayor of the London Borough of Brent Cllr. Gwen Tookey was the Chief Guest. The event Commenced with the Ceremonial lighting of lamp by the chairman of the association Mr. V. Kanesanathan.
The first part of the programme was devoted to items from the students of the Brent Tamil School run by the association on Sundays at the Alperton Community Centre. The speeches of the three gold medalists in the elocution Contest Conducted earlier Ainkaran Sivaji (Juniors - Tamil), Bhavatharani Satchithananthan (Seniors - Tamil) and Dhanushini Thanabalasigan (English), the Bharatha Natyam Recital of the students of Mrs. Anandarani Balendra and the flute recital of Mathisoothanan Satchithananthan were highly appreciated by the audience.
R NX&ა: --- 父 The main attraction of the evening was the children's play, "Malaikali Ahattiya Moodak Kila van, the theme of which was that by mere determination one could remove any obstacle. The play was pro
Rengan N. Devarajan
SOLICTORS .
EMERSÈNCIES MOBE og 544
1ST FLOOR, 128 ILFORD LANE, ILFORD, ESSEX
ALSO:
O ANDLORD - T o WELFARE / HO o MATRMONAL o POICE SAlO e PERSONALINJ
duced by the Tamil Pe ty and directed by M. effort taken to keep lively among UK bor laudable and the play deServed ovation fom present.
The latter half of the performance by the Group. The associatio, ate a third of the pro Rehabilitation Organisé
Shivananda Organise Cult
The Past Pupils' Asso da Vidyalaya (UK) or Evening on 11th May Church Hall, Greenforc Called Vipulananda Al Swami Wipulamanda w Of the Institution. The programme was songs rishna rendered by Mr kumar. This was follow Veena recital by Nive ably supported by Ranj on the Miruthangam.
The Chief Guest oft K. Kanapathipillai, a for Vidyalaya. His presen and his speech delight present. Kumari Ka anathan, pupil of Sathiyamoorthy preser atha Natyam with ele Songs which aptly bric Eastern Sri Lanka.
Nadar Kavigal (folk cultural heritage of the stage by Vimal Kulant Kugachandran was a audience. The Tamil dr niyama' produced by M presented by the Croy was indeed a treat. It roaring with laughter end.
The final item was which was an impromp chain songs by in-hc function was a great su enjoyment for the audie Worthy cause - The Shi age - back at home.
Tamil Theatre
it was a remarkable C Tamil Children born anC
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 33
ENANT ISSUES USING
ISSUES NADVICE URY CLAIMS
G 2LE
ALITY & CRIMINAL SOLICTORS
rforming Arts Socie. K. Balendra. The he Tamil language Tanni Children is / received the well the large audience
programme was a
Chitralaya Music n proposes to donDeeds to the Tamil
tion.
Old Pupils ural Evening
Diation of Shivananganised a Cultural 96 at All Hallows i Middx., which Was angu in honour of ho was the founder first item on the
On Swami RamakS. Nivethitha Indraved by an excellent 2thitha Thayakaran it Kanagasundaram
he evening was Mr. mer Principal of the Ce at the function ed his Old Students rthika SithamparSmit Annapoorani Pted iterms Of Bhargant abhinaya to ught memories of
songs) from the
Tamils brought to haived and Ananthi Opreciated by the ama Pavana Punr. S. Yogarajah and don Nadaga Saba kept the audience from beginning to
"Paadduku Paadu” fu talent contest of uSe artistes. The 2CeSS in that it was Ce and funds for a vanandah Orphan
or Children
incidence that our brought up around
London exhibited their histrionic talents, in three different forms at three different venues, during the last week of April. We are talking about (1) the innovative play 'Malaihalai Ahattiya Mooda Kizhavan' by the children of Brent Tamil School, (2) the illustrative play "Harischandra' by the children of Sai Mandir – Merton Chapter, and the devotional play "Kaalathi Vedan" by the children of South London Tamil School, Croydon.
The first play written by Prof. Sivasekaram, based on a Chinese folk story, depicted an old man striving hard to transpose a hill, to make way for a straight path. The people of the village see him as an old fool. But he strives to the last, when the Gods appear and bless him. It was a pleasant experience to watch the children speaking spotless Tamil. The outstanding feature of this play is the deft hand of stage decor by Rajah and direction by Balendra, who is an established modern theatre enthusiast and impressario.
Harischandra, is the well known story of King Arichandran, a personification of truth, who refuses to be tricked even by the powerful Rajarishi Visvanmaitra. This theatre version in English, was written for the children of Merton Sai Mandir and directed by Sivanandan. The stage setting and the costumes were superbly conceived and the dialogues were spoken with excellent modulation and true to the Character. The obtrusive microphones were absent on the stage and the dialogues were mimicked by the actors to the voices from behind the stage. The scenes depicting the sale of Chandramathi, Arichandran's scene at the Crematorium were over bearingly enacted by the little children. Though it was staged by children it had a professional look.
The third play was Kaalathi Vedan, the story of Kannappa Nayanar, the hunter who was venerated as a Saint because of his devotion to God. This was presented by the children of South London Tamil School which had the credit of presenting the dramatic version of Ramayanam and earned kudos four years back. In this play the spotless pronunciation and presentation of the Tamil dialogues were spotless and the devotional feeling in the hero as well as the Sivachariar was visibly enacted. Here, the children showed not only their knowledge of Tamil but also their understanding. A rare achievement in
deed. S. Sivapatha Sundaram.

Page 34
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TAM TIMES 35
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