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Tamil
Wo XW No.12 ISSN (256-4488 5 DEC
LTTE Lead
Brush with Death - Sri Lanka's Defence Minister Anirudha RatWatte
 
 
 
 
 

MBER 1996 9Op
er W. Pirabakaran Wows to Continue Struggle
Probe into Missing Persons'
The Forgotten People
Conflict: An Overview

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CONTENTS
Whither Human Rights? Anurudha's Brush With Death Nine Face Rape Trail Missing Persons Probe Sri Lanka Tops in Suicide The Forgotten People Fight To Continue Until Liberation Battle of Closed Minds 10 Chnadrika:Tamil Moon on the Wane 12 A Historical Overview of Conflict 14 Lankan Politics Under Sovereign Rule 16
Local Elections in the North 19 Tiger Women and Emancipation 20 Whither Tamil Nationalism 23 Executive Committee System 25 Indo-Bangla Relations 28 Blaming the Dead for Disasters 30 The Moon and the Chariot 32 Classified 32
Reported ca pearances, rap crease in recen larly in the Jaff Krishanthi, and went in search ment in regard
After it can dent Kumaratur and extent of g. for years under government's a over by judges Welcomed. It W general percep human rights til image and star the increasing curred in recen north of the Col. as to its commi
The fact oft trative structure. ticularly in the J almost a years been no progre, istration. Stop a der cover of loc to commit exce of any mechan
The govern Force in Jaffna quired is the pro The governmer tioning of inde persons with lo must be proact tered access tc they may have. they make with daily up-dated made available
Justice del the case of vic, they do not no With which the tigating and b. murder of Kris ing with all ca tion, speedy tri of authority vic pected of a gc human rights.
 
 
 

ither Human Rights
ses of arbitrary arrests, unacknowledged detentions, disap
of women and extrajudicial killings have been on the inmonths in the army-controlled areas of the north, particua peninsula. The gang-rape and murder of the 18 year-old he brutal murder of her mother, brother and neighbour who f her would appear to be symbolic of the worrying developo the human rights situation in areas under military control.
to power, the Peoples Alliance government under Presiga was able to claim with some justification that the scale oss and widepread abuse of human rights which occurred the previous regime had become a thing of the past. The tion in appointing several Commissions of Inquiry presided to investigate past abuse of human rights was universally as the improvement in the human rights situation and the ion that the goverment was committed to the of protection at contributed a great deal to enhance the government's ding in the eyes of the international community. However, number of cases of human rights violations that have ocmonths and are continuing to occur in the army-controlled Intry puts into serious jeopardy the government's credibility 'ment to protect human rights.
he matter is that in most areas of the north civilian adminiss have become virtually non-existent. What is in place, paraffna peninsula, is military control of every aspect of life. It is ince Jaffna was "recaptured" from the Tigers, but there has ss made to introduce a cvilian element in running the adminnd search operations undertaken by the security forces unall curfews provide an ideal setting for errant men in uniform sses against defenceless civilians who have been deprived sm or avenue of complaint or redress.
ments decision to set up a branch of the Human Rights Task is a step in the right direction. What is more urgently regressive civilianisation of the administration in these areas. 't also must encourage and support the formation and funcendent citizens' committees at village level composed of cal knowledge and understanding. While these committees ve, the ordinary people ought to be enabled to have unfetthem to make representations in respect of any grievances The security forces must be compelled to report any arrest in 24 hours to the office of the HRTF which should maintain lists of persons held in detention, and these lists must be for inspection by members of the public.
yed is justice denied is a legal cliche that is oft repeated. In ims of human rights abuses, their experience has been that mally have obtain even delayed justice. The relative speed government took appropriate action in apprehending, invesnging before court the perpetrators of the gang-rape and anthy must become the norm and not an exception in deales of human rights violations. Prompt arrest and investigaland condign punishment against those who under the cloak late the human rights of others is the minimum that is exsernment which professes to be committed to protection of

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****n Tirovî liitik**
Sri Lanka's Deputy Defense Minister, Anurudha Ratwatte, the Army Commander Rohan Daluwatte, the Inspector General of Police Rajaguru and other high-ranking military officials survived a brush with certain death at the hands of the LTTE on 7 December after their helicopter was forced to land due to mechanical problems in LTTE controlled territory in the north of the island.
The Minister and the generals were unhurt in the landing and saved in a hurriedly executedland and air operation just before the U.S. built Bell 412 air force helicopter could have become a target foramil Tiger attack. Airborne troops rushed to rescue the minister and officials and Sri Lankan troops destroyed the stricken Bell 412 to prevent it falling into Tiger hands,
With Gen. Anurudha Ratwatte Were army commander Lt. Gen. Rohan Daluwatte, inspector General of Police W.B. Rajaguru, overall Operations Commander Maj. Gen. Asoka Jayawardena andmembers of their bodyguards. The group was bound for a senior-level conference at Weli Oya military base in the northeastern part of the island.
Anurudha's Brush With
They had to trek ters through rebel-hel from local famil villa state television. "Now ely how soldiers ope gle terrain like this" sa Scribed the drama as ence.” Ratwatte appe and after his three-ho ed on completing his visit to Welli Oya.
Analysts said the Daluwatte would ha\ old Kumaratunga reg have cast a cloud ove war effort against the widely credited with t victories over the Ti December's recaptur tegic northern stro Daluwatte was prom from northern comma victory. Anurudha Ra surely been one in th elimination, and the gretting the fact that advantage of the mec that Anurudha and the military faced in this i
The authorities in Colombo have offered immunity from prosecution to two security service personnel involved in a rape and murder case of an 18 year-old Tamil school girl in exchange for getting the two to testify against nine othersecurity personnel accused of the same crime.
The authorities had to adopt this course because of the absence of other independent witnesses to the crime. Justice Minister G.L. Peiris said the action showed the government's determination to stamp out human rights violations by its security forces.
Krishanthy Kumarasamy, an A-Level student from girls school in Jaffna was taken into custody at a checkpoint in Jaffna on September 7 and disappeared. Her mother and 16-year-old brother, along with a 36 year-old neighbour, were taken
into custody when the point seeking informa tially denied holding t lated bodies were su ered in a nearby pit government has pled everything in their pov petrators of these cri
Peiristold reporte who were not involve murders but allegedly the bodies, had been pardon in return fo against Seven soldiers accused of the crime.
"A conditional pa fered to two accused the case for the prose have brought this cas justice will be done." not matter who is res.
 
 
 
 

almost five kilomeld jungle to find help gers, Ratwatte told know more intimatrate in difficult junaid Ratwate. He de"a good life experiared in good spirits ur ordeal had insist
original mission, a
OSS of Ratwatte and he hit the two-yearime hard and would er the government's Tigers. The pair are he military's recent gers, including last e of the rebels' stranghold of Jaffna. oted to army chief nder after the Jaffna atWatte must have e LTTE's top list for Tigers must be rethey could not take chanical misfortune top echelons of the incident.
y went to the checktion.The military inihem, but their mutibsequently discova month later. The ged that it would do werto bring the permes to justice.
rs the two soldiers, ld in the rape and y helped dispose of offered conditional or their testimony and two policemen S.
rdon has been ofin order to buttress Cution," he said. "We e before the CourtPeiris said. "It does ponsible - army, po
lice, however high, however low, there's nobody who enjoys immunity from the law."
The nine defendants who are already in Custody were recently produced before the Colombo Chief Magistrate to be formally charged with kidnapping, rape and murder. Though on an earlier date, the Court agreed to an application from the defendants for the hearing of the case to be transferred to Jaffna, it was announced in Court that the case would be heard in Colombo.
The government is deeply worried about the increasing number of allegations about widespread human rights violations in army-controlled areas in the Jaffna peninsula. President Chandrika's Peoples Alliance government assumed office in 1994 pledging an end to gross abuse of human rights that characterised the period of the previous regime.
Peiris said Sri Lankans expect a sincere commitment to human rights from the ruling People's Alliance, "This is afragile situation, it has to be constantly monitored and the government has to do everything in its power to see that fundamental rights are observed in practice," he Said.
The rape and subsequent slaying of Krishanthi Kumarasamy has focused attention on allegations of increasing human rights violations in army-controlled Jaffna peninsula.
Dozens of Women from Women's organisations in the mainly Sinhalese south of the island held posters of Krishanthy outside the courthouse where the hearing was held last time demanding punishment and saying the alleged rape and murder was part of a pattern.
"Heroes' Week
Colombo witnessed one of the most tightest security arrangements and security forces in the capital were placed on full alert in anticipation of the start of the LTTE's "HeroesWeek" ending with "Great Heroes Day" on November 27. The LTTE has built up a tradition of launching spectacular attacks during this period on government forces or installations as a mark of honour to its fallen fighters.
In order to prevent or in anticipation of possibleTiger attacks, according to security sources additional forces from the outstations were mobilised to strengthen Colombo's Security. Unusually large number of policemen and policewomen were seen patrolling the city and its suburbs most of them in civvies (civilian clothes).
The increased security and the alert meant delays from stepped up security checks and traffic jams due to road cloSures. The measures added to the inconveniences that have became a fact of life for Colombo residents and tourists after two massive suicide bomb attacks in the

Page 5
capital early this yearfor which blame was
attributed to the Tigers.
However the week passed without any
major attack by the LTTE but with a mes
sage from theTiger to his people that the tinue until the Tamil 1 dom,
HRTF Probes “Missing Pe
The Human RightsTask Force (HRTF) is in the process of perusing a list furnished by the Government Agent of Jaffna, Mr.S. Pathmanathan, containing the names of over five-hundred persons who are said to have "disappeared" or whose whereabouts remain unknown.
The Chairman of the HRTF, Mr. R.T. Jansz, said that officials were engaged in the task of cross-checking the list supplied by the Government Agent with independent lists provided by residents of the area and the armed forces for the purpose of verification. He confirmed that the HRTF had already established that around fifteen persons as "missing" following comparison with the three lists.
"From the armed forces we obtained the names of those they have in their custody, and the GA gave us the deta s which have been submitted to him by various parties. We brought these lists with us and will try to trace the whereabouts of those named after going through all and completing the process of verification," Mr.Jansz said.
There have been continuing reports of persons "disappearing" after being taken into custody by service personnel in the military controlled Jaffna peninsula, In view of persistent demand from human rights organisations and MPs from Tamil areas, the government dockdod to open up branch office of the HRTF in Jaffna.
Three officials of the HRTF pada preliminaryvisittothepeninsulaon 12Nowomber with the objective of opening branch of the HRTF in Jaffna. They hold meetings with religious leaders, social workers, student groups and groups of residents mainly women, "The lades mado representations to us and appealedon behalf of about 47 missing persons including sons and relativos, Among thom wOro a fow Sinhalese women marrled to Tamill persons resident in Jaffna." Mr.Jansz Bald,
Many partes welcomed and expressed relief at the proposed setting up of a branch of the HRTF in Jaffna as the peoplothere previously hadno one totum to when their friends or relatives Were taken into custody or went "missing", Mr.Jansz added,
The HRTF is a government sponsored body, but is generally believed to operate in an independent manner. Its responsiblities include tracing of "missing" persons, and for this purpose has access to high security areas such as prisons, police stations and other places of detention used to hold persons in custody, Security forces and the police are under an
obligation to inform Sons taken into cus However, the prob been that in a numb rity forces and the px avoided complying imposed by clear gc
Following repre: caloa TULF MP, Mr. ham, on many case pearances" in north
Kumaratunga has d
In the face of all position from Tamil in Parliament and t Would seem the Gc pone its proposaltc new year for local g the War-torn north ( Local governm mained almost def many years due to situation, and elect been held accordin edly been postpon gency regulations, ernment, particular many areas of the Jaffna peninsula fr« hoping to restore administration in th Osed local elections men argued that re administration by elections would en clvic participation the mltary In unde mally not expectec become more accC thorities for its act However, Taml TULF, PLOTE, EPI expressed their op tions in the north ground that the p those areas incluc of hundreds of thou not be Conducive could turn out to b
Shortly after nounced that elect respect of 23 local chchi, Mannar an partiles demandec revoked, "The gov curity reasons anc
 

əaderVPirabakaran struggle Would conation achieved free
rsons" |
he HRTF of any perody within 48 hours. em in practice has er of Cases the Seculice have deliberately with their obligations vernment directives. sentations from BattiJoseph Pararajasings of reported "disapern Jaffna, President rected investigations
in respect of each of the cases. Mr. Pararajasingham had furnished the President a list of 32 names of persons who had "disppeared" after being taken to custody by service personnel in Jaffna.
The LTTE in a statement dated 4 December issued in London stated that the following have been taken into custody by the army in Jaffna: Miss Arumugam Sivanthi of 2nd Cross Road, Colombuthurai was dragged out of a post office as she posted her application for the GCE 'O'level exam; Thangavelu Pramanathan (20), a tailor from Variyapulam, Chunnakam; Nadarajah Sritharan (22) of Chunnakam East, also a tailor; Selvarasa Kopiraj (18), a student from Point Pedro; Selvarasa Parthipan (20), a studentfrom Colombuthurai; Kasithamby Tharmathasan (20) of Meesalai East;andThangavadivelu Rajendrakumar of Alvai, Jafna.
Elections Postponed
most unanimous opparties represented hose from outside, it overnment is to post) hold elections in the overnment bodies in of Sri Lanka. ent bodies have reunct in the north for the prevailing military ions that should have g to law have repeatedby virtue of emerIt is said that the govly after the capture of north including the om LTTE control, was Bome form of clvillan se areas by the propGovernment spokesstoration of local civil neans of democratic hance the prospect of ind reduce the role of rtaking tasks It is norto perform and for it untable to Clvillan auons in these areas, political partles like the )P EPRLF andTELO position to hold elecof the island on the rovalling situation in Ing the displacement Bands of people would o hold elections that
"free and fair", he government anons would be held in odies in Jaffna, KIllino| Vavuniya, six Tamill that the decision be rnment has cited sepostponed elections
in the South, but when war is still not over in the north the government is trying to hold elections," a statement issued by five Tamil parties said,
Explaining the reasons for the TULF objection to the holding of elections at the present time in the north, the president of the party Mr. Sivasithamparam said that normalcy had not been restores, the state of civil War still existed, hundreds of thousands of registered voters had been displaced and were not living in their homes, while most of the Tamil people were undergoing terrible hardship. The north was still under military control, no civil administration had been restored, and no democratic political party had been able to engage any political activities up-to-date, he added.
In spilte of thelropposition, it has been reported that PLOTE, EPDP and TELO have sent in their nominations While the TULF and EPRLF have declined to do so, PLOTE leader and Vanni MP Mr, D,Sidhar. than said that the government could hold elections in Vavuniya and Mannar districts and he had no problem joining the government in contesting the elections, "Although the people never Wanted an election, the President has taken a decision, and We feel We should contest"Mr. Sidharthan added,
LTTE on Local Elections
The LTTE also condemned the government's move to hold local elections, In a statement dated 5 December issued from its London headquarters, the LTTE sald, "We consider the moves to hold local government elections as an evill conspiracy to thrust an administrative machinery on the Jaffna people at gun-point with military backing. While condemning this we issue a warning that the govern

Page 6
ment should hold responsibility for whatever detrimental effects that follow such elections. A tight military governance prevails in the parts of the Jaffna peninsula under a Sinhalamilitary occupation. The people are living as bonded slaves without fundamental rights and elementary freedoms under an oppressive military regime. They are in fear of army atrocities. The most heinous forms of human rights abuses occur frequently in these areas.
Instances of disappearances after army arrest are increasing day by day.The world is coming to know of these happenings, signifying the worst forms of state terrorism. The military approach to the ethnic problem is now under question.The state of war continues in the occupiedzones due to attacks staged by the LTTE on the aggressor. The war has not come to an end. Normalcy has not been achieved. The world community is well aware of this state of affairs. The West has withheld development loans for the north and has asked the government to hold talks with the LTTE and achieve a political settle
ment through peace created difficulties fo ernment.
Notangible bene government for the pursued in Jaffna. C contributed to a pc earned the hatredar people. Above all t Suffered condemnati munity.
To get over this a Chandrika governm deceitful ruse of h Seeks to concealth the same means. T lieves that it can thu community.
The holding of under duress and th ter as just and demo in the experience of c fore request the citi; to be wary and to a political trap laid by ment”
Sri Lanka is now said to have the One of the world's highestrates of suicide, with more than twenty young men and women killing themselves every day, according to a recent report by Matthew Chance from Colombo for the Voice of America.
It would seem that the situation has reached alarming proportions that the authorities in Colombo have stopped all government-run newspapers from reporting stories about suicide. No official reason for the ban has been given, but suicide among Sri Lanka's frustrated youth has become an increasing problem.
What is it that pushes so many Sri Lankans over the edge? A fashionable nightclub, Crowded with young Sri Lankans, blares dance music out into the night.The people here are the lucky ones - Colombo's social and economic elite. For most Sri Lankans, the cost of a night out here would be as much as they could earn in a month. The gap between the country's rich and poor is ever widening - a fact which academics like Professor Janaka de Silva say is a root cause of the frustration that leads so many Sri Lankans to Commit Suicide.
There are unattainable goals that these young people have which pushes them to the brink. And there are a lot of cultural problems. For instance, there is TV which shows westernized romances and things like that. Then there are their homes, where parents are very strict with them and wouldn't allow them to go out with girls and so on. This kind of thing they cannot cope with.
Familiar problems to many, and not
just in the developing ers Say Sri Lankans bad at handling the ing. This is a countr become endemic. M ng men and women day. Five times that end their own lives.
Alcoholism, stre: has Wracked the cou teen years may alb Ratnayake of the St Service says the p Cultural. Could it be more emotional and to cope? They are r school: that is not so about. Also, our cul do not talk about W us with anybody else anything that happe outsiders, because loyalty to the family We are discouraged other about our prob talk to a parent, or S
Although there planation for the sell Lanka, this isolation be the reason forma ernment is taking litt has banned state r porting Suicides in a deaths. But Critics S with the problem he attached to suicide pendent efforts to co unless attitudes are health workers say get worse.
 

ful means. This has
r the Chandrika gov
Fit has accrued to the military adventures n the contrary it has litical failure. It has denmity of the Tamil he government has on by the world.com
wkward situation the ent is employing the olding elections. It 2 military abuses by he government bes deceive the World
fraudulent elections air depiction thereafcratic is nothing new pur people, Wetherezens of Tamili Eelam void falling into the a deceiving govern
world. But researchappear particularly strains of modern livy where suicide has ore than twenty youkill themselves every number try but fail to
ss and a civil War that Intry for the past thirefactors. But Laksmi Imithryo Counseling roblem is primarily that Sri Lankans are that they are unable not taught to cope at mething that is talked ture is such that We hatever is bothering l, We do not talk about ens in the family with there is tremendous , Even in the family, from talking to each lems. We Would never omeone like that.
may be no single exo destructive trend Sri could understandably ny suicides.The govtle action - although it newspapers from rebid to stem copy-cat ay it is failing to deal adon. Social stigma has plagued all indeunsel the young. And somehow changed, the problem can only
AllegedTiger i Suppliers Arrested
Six more alleged LTTE operatives including a woman were arrested and remanded to judicial custody by the "Q"branch of the police in Madurai and Triuchi in recent weeks, a report in "The Hindu"said. Police identified those arrested as Rajendran, Shakuntala, Rajmohan, Bashker, Kuttipalam and Suresh. A powerful HF wireless set and a global positioning instrument used for boat navigation were also seized from, the police added. The latest arrests followed the confessions of those arrested at Madurai and Ramanathapuram on 6 November. In the first operation a total of 11 persons were arrested and medicines and other equipmentallegedly procured for the LTTE were seized. With the latest arrests a major racket hatched at Madurai for procuring supplies for the LTTE has been busted, according to the Director General of Police, Mr. K.K. Rajasekeran Nair,
A police press release said that Rajendran described as an LTTE agent was the first to be arrested on 19 November from who cash amounting Rs.8,810 was seized. He said he had received it from Shakuntala of Venkatachchapuram, Madurai. It had been given as advance payment for one of their hideouts in Madurai. Following information given by Rajendran, Shakuntala was arrested both of whom informed the police that their associates Bhasker, Rajmohan, Kuttipalam and Suresh had escaped to Tiruchi, and the latter four were later arrested a few hours later at Tiruchi by a police Q branch team.
Incriminating material including two cyanide capsules, four video cassettes, medicine lists, bandage cloth packingmachine, nylon packing ropes and polythene sheets were seized from them on 6 November.
In another operation by the Customs department at Vattanam junction in Ramanathapuram, six persons including two Sri Lankan Tamils were arrested and a big consignmentallegedly bound for the LTTE was seized from them. The seizure in the mini-lorry included 23 gold biscuits, a 9mm pistol with 64 live rounds, two walkie-talkie sets, bags of cement and other materials worth totaling Rs.200,000. Investigations revealed that the kingpin of the operation, Indiran alias Johnson allegedly belonging to the LTTE had already left for northern Sri Lanka with another consignment. One of the two Sri Lankans arrested at Vattanam junction who had identified himself as Karuppiah of Jaffna later turned out in fact to be an LTTE cadre Gadafi. The true identity of the other Sri Lankan who had given his name as Sathiyamoorthy was jet to be ascertained

Page 7
Hopes of ending Sri Lanka's ethnic War are at a low ebb, despite some of the most ferocious fighting in the conflict and months of talks on a government peace plan, a Reuter reportdatelined 24November by Rohan Gunasekera quoting analysts and diplomats said.
The report added, "its been a rough haul," said aWestern diplomat who declined to be identified, "No one has landed a knockout blow, Both sides are drained in terms of resources and money." Bloody battles between Tamil Tiger rebels and government forces in which each side's death toll reached triple digits this year had failed to alter the military balance, he said. "I'm very pessimistic," said Rohan Edirisinghe, a lecturer on law at Colombo University. "I think the peace process is stalled and needs a new initiative."
The only hope appears to be to resume talks with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) guerrillas, he said. The LTTE recently rejected a conditional offer by President Chandrika Kumaratunga to resume talks, saying they saw nothing new in her insistence that they indicate willingness to lay down arms and agree to a limited time frame for the dialogue. The Tigers torpedoed the last round of talks by sinking two navy gunboats in the eastern port of Trincomalee in April 1995. A government peace plan, devolving wide-ranging powers to Tamils through a constitutional revision, appears to be stalled in a parliamentary select committee because of bickering between the ruling People's Alliance (PA) and the main opposition United National Party (UNP).
Kumaratunga's PA government has a one-seat majority in the 225-member parliament and needs the support of the UNP which holds 85 seats, to get the two-thirds majority required to change the constitution. But UNP hardliners oppose the plan, which will turn Sri Lanka into a union of regions and make it a federal state in all but name, fearing it could be a stepping stone to the separate state the Tigers are fighting for.
Sinhalese nationalists have long feared that the tiny Eelam state Tamil separatists seek would dwarf Sri Lanka if it united with the 55 million Tamils across the narrow Palk Strait in India's Tamil Nadu State.
Political scientist Jayadeva Uyangoda said the devolution package could stand as a negotiating position put forward by the government in any future talks with the Tigers. "The peace plan is not dead," he said. "If the UNP abdicates its responsibility of finding a solution it is a good chance for the government to go it alone.
On one condition - serious aboutaneg erwise, he said, the continue its two-pro fering some autonon suing a military can rebels and force the ating table.
Murugesu Sivas of the Tami Unite (TULF), said progre tary select committ slow, "If this process
The Sri Lanka A gathered in Paris du November pledged S860 million to Sri amount Was a mode $850 million pledge
A statement fron disbursement of the "generous" would n implementation met the highest priority guered by a continui peace and said do prepared to offer mc to end the islands ci
"Deploring the and human sufferin negotiations leading ment could be initia bank said. Donors í need for quicker stri Sri Lankan econom
Judge Appoint
The governmer Severe criticism frc of the legal and judic the controversial ap ani Bandaranaike t bench.
In an unprecei group of lawyers h the Supreme Cour" darainaike's appoir of their fundament is being opposed eral on behalf of th ground that the app dent was not a justi did not have jurisdi cation, the Preside as a respondent wil under the Constitu tioners had not stat tS have been viola appointment.
 

he LTTE should be tiated solution." Othgovernment has to nged strategy of ofy to Tamils while purpaign to weaken the n back to the negoti
ithamparam, leader Liberation Front ss in the parliamene talks was painfully fails then we're back
to square one," he said, adding that the government should resume talks with the LTTE possibly with mediation by a third party. "The ground reality is that for a permanent solution to the problem, the LTTE has to agree," he said.
The Colombo University's Edirisinghe said third party intervention to bring the two sides together and dispel mistrust would help allay fears that the LTTE could use the talks to buy time to rearm and regroup as they had done before. "That's why a third party is needed," Edirisinghe said.
"People who can really apply pressure on both sides, people who have clout. There is an element of risk but still feel
that therisk has to be taken. The alternative is Worse."
ld Consortium which ring the third week of an aid package of anka for 1997. The est increase from the d in April 1995,
the World Bank said sum, which it called eed improved project thods. The Bank said for Sri Lanka beleang armed conflict was nors countries were Dre aid if a settlement Vi War Were reached, cost of the hostilities g, donors hoped that to a peaceful settleed without delay," the also had stressed the Ictural reforms to the y and reduction of the
ment Challenged
t is continuing to face m powerful sections ial establishmentoVer pointment of Ms. Shro the Supreme Court
ented legal move, a ave filed a petition in challenging Ms. Ban(mentalleging breach al rights. The petition y the Attorney Gene government on the »intment by the Presiiable isssue, the Court tion to hear the appliit had also been cited ich couldnot bedone ion, and that the petidas to how their righted by reason of the
fiscal deficit.
Public administration reform Was also cited as a high priority, both to reduce the cost of the civil service and to make government more responsive to the needs of a modern economy. It said these actions would promote private Sector-led growth and employment.
The Sri Lanka delegation to the Consortium meeting in Paris was headed by the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs and Deputy Minister of Finance, Prof.G.L. Peiris. Delegations from Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweeden, the United Kingdom and the United States attended the meeting. South Korea attended the meeting as an observer.
The multilateral organisations that participated included the Asian Development Bank, the European Commission, the European investment Bank, the International Finance Corporation, the International Monetary Fund, the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation, the Saudi Fund for Development and the UNDP
it would appear that the delegations from the donor countries were impressed by the presentation of Sri Lanka's case for continued aid. World Bank representative Mieko Nishimuzu, who chaired the Paris meeting, in her concluding speech referred to the appreciation expressed by the delegates from the donor countries in regard to the presentations made by Prof. Peiris which were described as "lucid" and “masterly".
Minister Peiris described the outcome as a singular vote of confidence by the donor countries on Sri Lanka and resolute faith on the President and her government which was indicative of the full backing of the international community.

Page 8
PremadaSaS Gold-plated Bed
The public auction of a 24-carat goldplated king-sized bed and other luxury items imported by former President R.Premadasa received wide publicity and comment both locally and internationally,
The bed netted Rs.405,000 ($7230) at the auction held in Colombo recently and was purchased by a local businessman. The king-sized bed came with a dresser, wardrobe and two side-tables, all with gold-plated trimmings. It was part of a consignment of luxury goods ordered by Premadasa before he was assassination in May 1993. The items spent the past three years in a sealed Warehouse,
Opponents of the populist leader of ten accused him and his family of enjoying an extravagant lifestyle at public expense. It was reported at that time that the President's wife ordered her daily meals from five-star hotels.
Premadasa's daughter, Dulanjalee Jayakody, was critical of the publicity given to the auction of her father's goldplated bed which she said was intended to sling mud at her dead father, She said that the bed was never intended for him, Her father led aspartan life and slept only a few hours each day and that the bed was intended for VIP guests at a government guesthouse.
GTIGTIS
President of the TamUnited Liberation Front (TULF) Mr. M. Sivasithamparam has declined to accept the payment of Rs.500,00 from the government as compensation for the damage he and his family suffered when their home at 100 Norris Canal Road in Colombo Was set ablaze and destroyed during the July 1983 antiTamil violence under the previous regime,
Though Mr.Sivasthamparam had, Ike many others who had suffered similar damage, previously applied for compensation, his reluctance in accepting the payment was because it had been made pursuant to a cabinet decision.
In a letter returning the payment, Mr.SIvasthamparam said, "I was under the impression that I would be compensated in the same manner as hundreds who suffered losses in July 1983, But Now understand that compensation in Rs.500,000 was to be paid to me by a declision of the Cabinet, The Cabinet cers tainly showed no special favour to me, But I am a public man interacting with the goverrnment on behalf of the Tamils, do not wish that there should be even the slightest suspicion that I am receiving any specal treatment, Hence have decided not to accept this amount."
t is now more that lims were driven
Lanka. Much h. the country. There of government, the dents, and the ris peace. The war as of the politics of na resistance persists and there is no sho for continuing with of War and violation human life become extent that they h points and strength pears that the Nc among the forgotte as many campaign Cerned.
reada sta Northern Muslims (NMRO) earlier thi plight of the displa gee camps and el and calling for posit to return to their ht fied statementin Wł membered things relationship betwe Muslims of the Nol that an injustice ha Wanted to knoW W Wrong to be put ri was exemplary in r in the expression c give and a positive solution without as In July this my friend and wellto attenda meeting by the NMRO to di With interested The statement by the N the words of every speak and there W the Thamils, with W thattheir future, ilke ly tied, They rem things including thi as Mayor of Yaalpp larly moved when the only difference thêThamils and the nam Was that the fo ple on Fridays whil mosque, They reb taln Muslim leader South or for that me to Use them for sho Their appeal was te the North and alth right to return hom the Muslim youth c They refused to ret
 

by S.Sivasegaram
n six years since MusOut of the north of Sri as happened since in have been a change departure oftwo presi2 and fall of hope for the armed extension tional oppression and with no end in sight, rtage of explanations the War. The victims is of human rights and important only to the elp to score political en propaganda. It aprthern Muslims are n people, even as far ers for peace are con
itement issued by the Rights Organisation S year explaining the ced Muslims in refusewhere in the island ive action to help them omes. It was a digninich thesignatories rethat were good in the en the Thamils and rth, They pointed out d been done to them, hy, and asked for the gint, Their statement many ways, especially f a willingness to forapproach to finding a kling for retribution, year, I was invited by (nown poet Jeyapalan organised in Colombo scuss thelrproblems mills, The spirit of the MRO Was reflected in f Muslim Who rose to as no hostility towards hom they recognised their past, Was closeembered many good election of a Muslim aanam, was particuone speaker sald that that he saw between Muslims of Yaappaabrmer Went to the temthe latter Went to the utted attempts by cers of the East and the tter any political party rt-term political gains, otheThamil people of at they wanted was a he and the release of letained by the LTTE, un to their homes with
the backing of the government and wanted to return only when it was possible and safe for the Thamils to return home, recently received two publications, entitled We Want to Go Home and Refugees are People by Dr. S.H. Hasbullah, released by the NMRO, to draw attention to the plight of the Muslims. The NMRO also publishes a magazine in Thamil entitled Ahadhi over the past three years at irregular intervals with the tenth issue dated October 96, and will recommend it to every clear thinking Thamil,
was glad to read statements from leaders of the LTTE in the past year, implicitly admitting that the decision to drive out the Muslims Was a serious mistake, hope that the LTTE will soon follow this with more positive gestures which will help restore and reinforce the close links between the Thamils and Muslims of the North, since a strong bond between the Thamils and Muslims will only strengthen the just struggle of the Thamil people for their right to self-determination. A just stand on the question of the Northern Muslims is important to the struggle of the Thamils for justice, which is not against the Sinhalese, and the fair treatment of the Muslims will inevitably be a measure of the moral right of the Thamil nationality to ask for fair treatment by the Sinhala majority and no Thamil with a conscience can afford to ignore it, O
* stiei 8ubscriptior Rates
35:2: "Sri Lanka 46.0}}/, '$2': ')0 :
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Sutton, Surrey SM1 STO taiting whir: *** is inappilable i 5. t s psylrs:, subscriptic for (231 - rašrfovo reagothree year 器 . } a፥ነs ቋéከd}፡ንጄ ! ኃù ፱ ፴ዛ} $ubነቁó፡ {ነ ̆°:ሩ ና፤ ‹}n

Page 9
* W loohms vero w- wva ~ --- --- ... -
"FightWiContinu Liberation of our N
-Tiger Leader V.F
"Let us struggle facing setbacks as challengers and victories as inspiration, letus continue to struggle with confidence under any difficulties and hardships. Let us struggle with unfailing determination until we drive the occupation army from our soil, until we achieve the liberation of our nation....We cannot gain our rights by peading with the Sinhala rulers. We must fight and win our rights. History has not recorded any liberation struggle that has won without fighting, without bloodshed, without death and destruction, without sacrifices"LTTE Leader Mr. V. Pirabakaran said in a message to the Tamil people on the occasion of the Tigers' Martyrs Day which fell on 27 November 1996. The following is the text of Mr. Pirabakaran's full message:
"My beloved people of Tamil Eelam.Today is a day of veneration. It is on this day we venerate and pay our respects to our heroes who adorn our temple of freedom as thousands of shining flames of liberty.
Today is not a day of mourning to weep for the deadnor a sadday to plunge into Sorrow. Today is the sacred day of our martyrs.Today we remember and venerate our fighters in our hearts who have sacrificed their precious lives for a noble cause. Today we salute them for their heroism and supreme sacrifice.
The price we pay for our liberation in terms of great sacrifices is invaluable.The sacrifices made by our heroes for the cause of our people to live with dignity and sovereignty are unparalleled in the history of the world. An epic of heroism unique in history has been created on our Soil.
The freedom struggle of the Tamils has been a raging inferno for a long time. Several forces have joined hands with our enemy in a continuous effort to extinguish this fire of freedom. As a consequence, we have been facing various crises and set backs at different times. We are compelled to struggle alone against formidable forces without support or assistance from anywhere. Therefore, the price we pay for our freedom is immense. It is our martyrs who have paid with their lives to protect and preserve the flame of national freedom. During our long journey towards liberation we have crossed rivers of fire. it is our commitment to the cause that Sustained us during these violent upheav
als. The Causew for the right to se people is right, fai ginning up to now, mitted to our caus ering strength. It commitment to ou portance, individu The higher i groups could not upheavals that SW force could break The Indian mili Eelam posed a r determination. At ture when we wel military supremac fought with fierce giving up the cau ous situation, deté ultimate weapon, power we were a military power of We are now f a new war of agg enemy, Sinhala Bl taken institutiona Chandrika's regi ductinga genocic nation. Having m might of the Sinh pied the historica the North.
The centrals aggressive war tary strength of th eral divisions of power. But the Si achieve this milit The grand si to unleash larg modes of battles a territorial regio extremely disac graphically. The in the Peninsula tary potential. W farious strategy. ised a counter tively the advan strategic mover to preserve our nihilation. As a gic objective of battles of Jaffna In the cond a necessary C movement prac

}| tion"
irabakaran
have charted to fight determination of our and just. From the bewe are resolutely comOur cause is our towbecause of our firm Cause we have ourimality and history, leals of other Tamil Withstand the political pt Tamil Eelam. Butno Our Will. ary occupation ofTamil ajor challenge to our hat historical conjunce hard pressed by the y of a world power, we determination without se. During that dangerbrmination became our It was by that moral ble to confront a great the World. acing a new challenge, ression. Our historical Kddhist Chauvinism, has I form in the guise of me and has been conalwar against the Tamil obilised the full military ala nation, it has occulands of the Tamils in
rategic objective of this tas to destroy the milie LTTE by utilising sevroops and massive fire hala army has failed to try objective.
ategy of the army was 2 Scale conventional n the Jaffna Peninsula, surrounded by sea and antageous to us geoan was to bog us doWn and to destroy our miliwere aware of this neubsequently We organan to fight back effecng columns and make 2nt of our forces so as litary strength from annsequence, the stratehe armed forces in the Irned out to be a fiasco. t of the War it becomes dition for a liberation sing the art of guerrilla
warfare to make strategic withdrawals and to loose areas of control. This cannot be categorised as a military defeat but can be regarded as a temporary set back. By preserving our military power and our determination, we could launch counter offensive operations at any place and at any time chosen by us when the right objective condition prevails. By such manoeuvres we could inflict heavy damage on the enemy's military power and even regain lost territories. This strategy is best exemplified at the battle of Mullaitivu where we inflicted heavy casualties on the army and recaptured the territory. This success was possible because we retained our military power.
This aggressive war that has been launched in the guise of a "war for peace" and as a "War for the liberation of the Tamils" has seriously disrupted the peace of the Tamils, reduced them to refugees, as subjacated people, destroyed their social and economic existence and brought them intolerable suffering. Though the Government of Chandrika has been cheating the world with its theory of peace, in practice it is conducting a brutal war against the Tamil people.
Jaffna Peninsula has been transformed into an open air prison. Having dismembered the region into different security zones with defence bunds, barbed wire fences and innumerable checkpoints, this famous historical land of the Tamils has been brought under the rule of military terror. The incidents of arrests, detention, torture, rape, murder, disappearances and the discovery of the disappeared in mass graves reveal that a covertgenocidal policy is practised in the army controlled areas.
The military atrocities occurring in the occupied areas and the antiTamil persecution taking place in the South have exposed the real racist face of the Government. Compared to previous Sinhala Governments, it is Chandrika's regime which has inflicted a deep wound in the soul of the Tamil nation.
From the beginning we realised the Government of Chandrika would not do justice to the Tamils nor would it resolve the Tamil national problem. We were deeply dismayed when her Government adopted an intransigent and bellicose attitude during peace talks with the LTTE. The talks ended inconclusively when the Government refused to grant even meagre concessions to the urgent day to day needs of the Tamils and gave primacy to the interests of the military establishment. Since the Government believed in military supremacy, in military approaches and in a military solution, it did not treat the peace talks seriously and deliberately Created conditions for the failure of the negotiating process.
From the beginning until today the deepest aspiration of this Government is to achieve military hegemony in the Tamil

Page 10
SLSLS S SSYLLSLLLSLLLLLLLTSTS S LLSLLLLLLTTqS S
homeland and to subjugate the Tamils undermilitary domination.
This approach predominated by militarism and chauvinism has complicated the ethnic conflict and firmly closed the doors for peace. It has aggravated the armed conflict. It has seriously disrupted the Sri Lankan economy. In totality, Chandrika's Government has been caught up in an insurmountable crisis.The international community is now beginning to realise that Chandrika's "war for peace" is not only destroying the Tamil national life but also plunging the entire island into a major catastrophe. To distract the World's criticism from her hardline military approach and for the escalation of the war, Chandrika is sending peace signals. While issuing statements that she is prepared for talks with the LTTE through third party mediation she has also laid down ridiculous conditions that We should surrender arms before talkS, No liberation movement with self respect could accept such humiliating conditions,
Having unleashed an intense propaganda campaign categorising our liberation movement as a "terrorist" organisation and our freedom struggle as "terrorism" this Government is making every effort to ban our organisation locally and abroad. Furthermore, the Government is making massive military preparations to escalate the war and issuing statements that the LTTE would be wiped out within next year. In these circumstances, we have grave doubts about Chandrika's peace gesture.
We are not opposed to peace, nor are we opposed to a resolution of the conflict by peaceful means. We want an authentic peace, a true, honourable, permanent peace, a condition in which our people can live with freedom and dignity in their own land without external Coercion determining their own political life. We have grave doubts whether the forces of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism will allow such a peaceful life to the Tamil people,
Chauvinistic Sinhala Governments committed to repression and military soutions will not resolve the Tamil national problem by peaceful means. Historically the Tamils have learned this leSSon. We do not believe that Chandrika's regime, which is the guardian and the political representative of Sinhala Buddhist Chauvinism will bring authentic peace to the Tamils by resolving the ethnic conflict. Because of this distrust we sought third party mediation. We have made statements a year ago, calling for international mediation if possibilities of peace talks arise in the future. At that time, the Government of Chandrika did not favourably consider our suggestion. Instead, it escalated the aggressive war in the North, intensified the ethnic conflict and undermined the conditions of peace.
The Government may entertain a no
tion that it has gaine by the occupation of this position could b pressure to its adva talks, AS far as we a talks undersuch con and equal. We cann a Government that a rights of our people as its trump card. It want peace talks to ial environment free military aggression, political negotiations by creating conditio withdrawal of troops prepared to talk and on these issues.
We do not expe ernment to accept years the forces of Si vinism believed in a of military dominati Chandrika's regime under the shadow
ike many par Lanka is torn its roots in two ties having differen tions, which, in turn interpretations of re to encourage a 'deconstructs' this r ality held by all wal they will stand back gage in a little ques The starting poi in the research of t mental psychologis recounted in his VC Open & Closed Mir 1960). The key findi ing up, is that discr much more strongl liefs, rather than rac it is questionable W is a valid concept search is backed U different settings, and of age-grou showed that people prefer as frier with them far disagree with race or ethnic are held const fer other ethn most but not c own (p. 153).
 

i military hegemony Tamil lands and that a used as a mode of untage in the peace e concerned, peace litions cannot be free it expect justice from ttempts to barter the with military power s for this reason, We be held in a congenfrom the pressure of Our position is that should be preceded ns forde escalation, and normalcy. We are reach an agreement
ct Chandrika's Govour just position. For inhala Buddhistchauhd practised a policy on and oppression. too, is functioning of military power.
Therefore we have serious doubts whether Chandrika's Government will give up the policy of military domination and resolve the conflict on the basis of moral power and justice.
We cannot gain our rights by pleading with the Sinhala rulers. We must fight andwin our rights. History has not recorded any liberation struggle that has won without fighting, without bloodshed, without death and destruction, without sacrifices.
Therefore let us struggle, Let us strug gle facing setbacks as challenges and victories as inspirations, let us continue to struggle with confidence under any difficulties and hardships. Let us struggle with unfailing determination until we drive the occupation army from our soil, until We achieve the liberation of our nation. Let us remember and Venerate Our martyrs today with a solemn pledge that we will wipe the tears of our beloved ones who are suffering under military occupation and repression." O
& ETHNIC CONFLICT LE OR CLOSED MINDS?
Nigel Pocock, University of Wales'
ts of the world, Sri by a cohflict having (or more) communithistories and tradigive rise to different |ality. Our purpose is perspective which massive sense of rering parties - if only and be willing to entioning.
nt of this enquiry lies he American experit, Milton Rokeach, as luminous Work, The d (Basic Books, NY, ng which keeps comiminations are made on the basis of bee (pp.14O, ff). Indeed, hether 'race, per se, today, Rokeach's rep by studies in quite oth of ethnic groups )s. Again, findings
ds those who agree nore than those Who them, regardless of group... when beliefs ant, the subjects preC & racial groups aluite as much as their
Conversely,
The more subjects reject the ethnic or racial outgroup, the more they reject their own group (ibid). This means that, in practice, people have a prime loyalty to their beliefs, over/ against their race, it may be, of course, that race and beliefs can become ideologically inseparable. In which case we would expect a total rejection of the group which is furthest from the subject's beliefs, whether Moslems vs. Hindus, Christians vs. Buddhists, Tamils VS. Sinhalese, communists vs. capitalists: the prime loyalty is based on belief, not race.
Disbeliefs are generalised, and rejection is made without specific and careful understanding. 'All Tamils are evil', and 'all Sinhalese are corrupt' become blanket statements, without distinction.
But people will accept others of an other culture, if they share their core beliefs, i.e., a Christian Tamil will be like", to accept a Sinhalese Christian O. against their cultural differences, unless the two are regarded as inseparable (as in Judaism).
Changing Attitudes
The foregoing suggests that aspeople findsomething in common with the neighbours, then prejudice (i.e., preju ing a case without a hearing, on the basis of a generalised disbelief syster

Page 11
česaggs~—
begins to break down. But as long as social control by politicians, religious fundamentalists and others prevents this, prejudice is reinforced, even to the extent of War.
This was demonstrated by FT Smith in 1943, who found that prejudice was reduced as people of similar social status, but of different ethnic group, interacted (Rokeach, 1960: 162,430). It seems likely therefore, that as inter-ethnic/cultural/ ideological groups interact, that prejudice will, to some extent, dissolve. Conditioned avoidance of another group can be undone - without loss of personal identity as afamil or a Sinhalese. This is because as a (say) Christian Tamil discovers that he (or she) shares a great deal with local Sinhalese Buddhist neighbours (even on basic non-ideological levels such as childrearing, sanitation, etc.) and that his/her core beliefs as a Christian are not threatened, he/she will become increasingly more friendly towards Sinhalese in general. The major problem is when a system is institutionalised in law, as (until recently) in South Africa, and, fifty years ago under Hitler, and (ironically) in modern Israel. In this case, the state sanctions conditioned avoidance of belief systems incongruent (in opposition) to those officially approved, and hence encourages a culture of violence, prejudice and irrational behaviour on both sides, Tigers, or Sinhalese state mechanisms.
The Cure for intolerance?
This must come from two fronts - and it is impossible to predict which one. Communist absolutism was destroyed from below'. In other cases it may be necessary "from above', i.e., government institutionalising by a gradual process, as when racial (ethnic/cultural) integration of children is required by law, psychologists know this as the foot in the door process, and it is supported by studies which show that action changes attitudes at least as much as the reverse (the popular model). Very often, nothing happens if we wait for attitudes to change: people must be encouraged to take action.
David Myers writes (1984:107), "It was said that if we were to wait for the heart to change - through preaching and teaching we would wait a long time for racial justice. But if we would go at it the other way around and legislate moral action, we could, under the appropriate conditions, directly affect heartfelt attitudes, "Substantial change has, in fact, followed on the heels of desegregation. Since the US Supreme Court decision, the percentage of white Americans favouring integrated Schools has about doubled, in the ten years after the US Civil Rights Act of 1964, the percentage of White Americans who lived, Worked, or went to school only with other whites declined about 20 percent for each of these environments. During the same time the
percentage of white, blacks should be a neighbourhood incre per cent. Throughou more uniform natio been followed by dec ferences in racial at come to act more ali think more alike."
This backed up ments, which show vours for another pe that person more.
Another factor ( examples can be pro tion. if an action is pu personal coercion, at ficult to step back fro therefore, is for gove creet ways of reduci public displays in W ences are emphasi courage those in whi desegregation is req The fundamenta mentalised in its b through), with gener belling opponents, v sideration of their C strated by Rokeach's Psychologists lik have shown that this its narrow range of changed through edi ful teaching in varic Bono calls them CA tors, OPV - Other F PM - Plus, Minus, children start to beco less inclined to shot instead, to become reasonable, sugge: means of solving dif Governments, S stitutionalise styles long-term aim of exp. ceptions; of questio complex, multifacet lems; of dispensing narrow teaching me a particular ideolog fu interaction with o rub against diamon science to develop, Critical and tolerant ity.
What we are : Lanka is Karl Popp Society', in which cal society is insti must also have an it. For it can be des lutists and by relat truth itself, creatin cats are grey, and develop the kind of that enables knowl
Deconstructing V This brings us pect of the open se

mericans who said wed to live in any Sed from 65 to 87
the United states, al standards have basing regional difudes. As we have , We have come to
laboratory experiat when we do faon, we grow to like
gain demonstrable duced) is public aclic, it has enormous dbecomes very difn.The lesson here, nments to seek disng opportunities for
nich cultural differ
ed, and rather ench co-operation and uired. ist mindiscompartliefs (not thought alised disbeliefs (laithout serious conase) - both demonexperiments (1960). e Edward de Bono kind of attitude - with perception - can be ucation. Using caredus techniques (de F - Consider All fac'eople's Viewpoints, interesting points) - me less opinionated, ut others down, and
more creative and ting more possible Ficult problems. hould, therefore, inof education with the anding children's perling, and developing 2d answers to probfith authoritarian and hods, which invest in at the cost of a fruithers. "Diamond must '. For education and a society that is both must become a real
ppealing for in Sri r's ideal of an "Open constructively critiutionalised. Yet this deology to underpin royed both by absovists (who relativise a night in which all :onsequently do not onstructive criticism dge to grOW).
lence ) another crucial asiety; it must criticise
and deconstruct ideologies of violence. All ideologies should be weighed and discussed. They should be relativised culturally (for we are all culturally-embedded) but not morally (for although morals may take different cultural forms, the intended meanings are arguably ultimately absolute i.e., expressed in different forms in, say, rural Africa, from Western Europe, but with an underlying absolute, "to love your neighbour as yourself"). How can we love our neighbour, if we are holding a gun to his (or her) head, raping and pillaging? Are we not laying the foundations of hurts that will take generations to heal? Am My Brother's Keeper?
The most dramatic breakthroughs happen when a group of people take the initiative: we have seen the Berlin Wall collapse. But the breakthrough we ask for, is in apologising, and not waiting for a reciprocal apology from the other side. Some may think this politically naive, but it is surely the reverse: those who think they are politically sophisticated are very likely to be acting out of the "need' to legitimate their cause, and to substantiate their power, and to admit no fault. But this apology needs to be more radical still: it needs to be a grass-roots apology, not the apology of political big-wigs (although it may include this), for whom there is the suspicion that it may be no more than some devious, hidden agenda, or powerbargaining. It needs to be the people entering enemy territory, with a message of 'sorry'. Institutionalised power-interests will no doubt object - "they know best!"
Underpinning this radical action, is the fundamental assumption that human rights are not to be maintained by persons acting out of self-interest, but by persons seeking to maintain the rights of others, I am my brother's keeper Human rights will only be maintained - and must be maintained by my acting in my brother's interest, and not my own.
And leadership and government cannot be ignored, as we have intimated. They need to facilitate for 'action'. But, in doing so, they must not be seen to be consolidating their own power, but rather divesting themselves of it, in practice, this means the encouragement to criticism at every level of Society, a receptiveness to ideas that will reform Sri Lanka, the institutionalisation of a Society that seeks to serve the other,
This means getting out the bowl, and washing another's feet. For it is only as we serve others, that all the psycho-social theory becomes reality, and conflict will cease, and there will be no more tears, and the weary will be at rest: for we seek a paradoxical economy where the last Worker to arrive in the field, receives as much as the first
Sadly, it is easier to kil! someone, than to serve them. O
Nigel Pocock is a Theologian and a social-scientist. He serves as a consultant to intercessors'Action Group,

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By DB S Jeyaraj
handrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge has completed two years in office as the fourth executive President of Sri Lanka. Her performance has been evaluated from different perspectives by several analysts. A common factor in most of these accounts is the Criticism regarding the hiatus between her preelection promises and actual practice in power. These promises range from lowering the price of bread to abolishing the institution of executive presidency.
The cornerstone of Chandrika Kumaratungas election campaign for parliament and the presidency in 1994 was the promise to resolve the issue amicably. This issue is one problem that has been tearing apart the country for several years. Apart from the moral and humanistic aspects of the on-going strife the practical aspect was the escalating economic cost of the War,
Although the theatre of war has been the North-Eastern provinces the impact of the violence has been felt in all parts of the country and by all sections of the people. It was that sad state of affairs where the war seemed to be "endless" that activated many different components of our diverse society to unite under the Chandrika banner. Their common bond was the burning desire to end this burning problem. This widespread feeling translated itself into overwhelming support for Chandrika at the Presidential elections. She received an unprecedented 63% of the votes. These votes Were reflective of a wide stratum of society cutting across barriers of race, religion, caste and Creed.
Even though many other issues were referred to in the Presidential stakes of 1994 the central issue which dominated the campaign was the ethnic problem. Myriad of posters depicting Chandrika as an apostle of peace were visible in all parts of the country.
In retrospect it seems clear that despite all her good intentions Chandrika did not have a clear plan of action to resolve the ethnic issue. It also seems clear that the People's Alliance on the whole had not evolved any concrete proposals collectively. Apart from a vague adherence to the concept of resolving the ethnic crisis many important PA member have not committed themselves to any meaningful programme of action. As such resolving the ethnic crisis seems to be a prom
ise that relatest also clear that m larly those from placed their trus tunge the individ or policy stateme parties.
lt could be su initial plans for pe around a positi LTTE. A great di stating that the gotiated peace S ger leaders cont tion. LTE supre| ran=S Statement consider a merg with federal pow Tamil Eelam rein Chandrika had t propriate devolut thing would turn naive expectatior the villain of the
Cessation of and preliminaryn missives were ext Counter-conditic Hundred days the tered by the LTTE bour. In the week Conducted a blis the security forc ter reversal. Ch charges of being by the LT TE. The ity of the Govern tenuous. Ultimat to get its act toge a Vengeance.
When the C took the offensiv Was not with the perhaps in the h flict the Govern as justified in re. Sri Lankan sold a just war in col terpart. Chandril a leader who g the problem pea as a "WAR FOR weaken the Tige nging them to th ginalising them ty. This was the v It was felt tha nance was estab in hitherto IT TE
 

Chandrika alone, it is st of the voters particuminority communities in Chandrika KumaraJaland not in any party nts outlined by political
mised that Chandrika's ace hinged very greatly 1e response from the hal of pronouncements TE was ready fora neettlement by several Tiibuted to this assumpmo Velupillai Prabakhathat he was willing to ed North-East province ers as an alternative to orced this belief. All that o do was evolve an apion package and everyour hunky-dory was the n.The UNP was seen as oiece. hostilities was declared egotiations began. Many hanged. Conditions and ins were laid. After One fragile peace was shat: at therincomalee hars that ensued the Tigers tering campaign where es suffered reversal afandrika was prone to allowed to be deceived whole positional stabilment was seen as being ely the Government had ther and strike back with
handrika Government e the moral high ground LTTE. For the first time story of the armed conhent in power was seen ponding with force. The er was seen as fighting trast to his Tiger Couna was seen positively as nuinely tried to resolve :efully. The war was seen PEACE". The war would s and result in either brinegotiating table or mar nto an insignificantentiide-spread expectation. : once a position of domiished by the government controlled territory then
an acceptable political settlement could be enforced. Most Tamil people were expected to go along with this. Then came the devolution package or the proposals in their original form. On paper it was the best possible scheme that had been proposed by any government so far. International opinion and national opinion was firmly behind Chandrika. More importantly substantial sections of the Tamils too were her supporters. No Sinhala leader had reached this position in recent times. Chandrika's stock reached an all-time high when Operation Riviresa Phase was concluded successfully. This ebultience lasted throughout the second and third phases of Riviresa. With the peninSula undergovernment control it was expected that normalcy would be ushered in gradually. A process of rehabilitation and reconstruction would be set in motion. Above all the political package was to be implemented quickly.
In the euphoric climate that prevailed two salient features were not taken cog nisance of. The first was that the Tamil problem had begun long before theTigers emerged on the scene. The LTTE, a virulent product of the problem was now aggravating the crisis further. Yet, the LTTE was not the cause of the original problem. It was an effect and not the cause. So all the blame for the problem could not be laid on the Tigers.
The Second factor was that the LTTE had not been destroyed. It was weakened but not wiped out. It was down but not out. Also despite two decades of conflict the nature and dimensions of guerrilla warfare had still not been understood.The Tigers began striking back.
The war up to this point had gone well for the government. After the initial set backs the government military machine had rolled on and on. Although considerable damage had been caused to civilian life, limb and property it was mercifully not in the region that was predicted. The most important aspect was that more than four lakhs of Tamil people had dared to defy the LTTE and remained in the peninsula. Many thousands more wanted to cross over from the Wanni to the peninsula. It was not that the government had completely won over the hearts and minds of the Tamil people but a very meaningfu step forward had been taken. The government had been blessed with a political bonanza. It was expected that the Government would act constructively and maximise the advantage gained.
But then enter the serpent in this case the Tiger into the blissful garden of Eden A constant and continuous spate of attacks generally in the North-East anc particularly in the peninsula. A few deady bomb attacks in Colombo and the Suburbs. The situations had deteriorateC quickly and effectively. The end result is that once again a process of alienation is now underway between the State and the

Page 13
lukti for TTC.
Tamil people. This feeling is most acute between the security forces and the ordinary civilian in certain instances of negative interaction.
The Tamil predicament could be categorised into five broadsectors. The problem faced by 1) the Eastern province Tamils, 2) Jaffna Peninsula Tamils, 3)Tamils in LTTE areas of the Wanni, 4) the refugeesandtravellers of Vavuniya, and 5) the Tamils in Colombo and the Sinhala areas. There may be differences of opinion about the extent and nature of these problems but there can be no doubt that these problems exist. In the past few weeks many Tamil parliamentarians belonging to the TULF, PLOTE, and EPDPhave highlighted these, Memoranda have been submitted. Letters have been sent to the President.
The important thing to note is that these problems are being described and issues raised by Tamil parliamentarians basically aligned with the government. This is not propaganda by the LTTE or pro-LTTE elements. The Tamil partles are backing the Chandrika government and are presumably on the LTTE hit list because of it. They are also prone to charges of "traitors", "collaborators" etc. for co-operating with this government. So when these political parties draw attention to these problems they are in a sense undermining themselves,
Yet they have no choice because being politicians they are sensitive to the ramblings of discontent within their constituency namely the Tamil people. They know that if this ground-swell is not curbed through positive action it could turn into a raging torrent that would engulf them.
After more than a decade of conflict most Sri Lankans are aware of practical realities. Except for the singularly naive no-one would expect civilians to be completely immune to the hazards of war. Although that state is highly desirable it is totally unattainable. But what irritates and enrages the average Tamil is the manner in which he or she is treated. In most cases interaction with the security apparatus of the state leaves the Tamil individual with the feeling that he or she is truly an unwanted second class citizen of this country.
Given the bomb attacks conducted in Colombonobody disputes the fact that the police and security forces have to be constantly vigilant. It is in the nature of things that Tamils be more suspect than others of being Tigers because the LTTE is essentially a Tamil group. But what hurts most people is the callous, shabby treatment meted out to them in the process. Repeated searches, arbitrary arrests, inhuman interrogation, detention underpathetic conditions, etc. are rampant. A young Tamil married to a Sinhalese told me, "It is the routine humiliation that cannot tolerate". If not for some enlightened judicial officers more Tamils would be lan
guishing in remand This state of af remedied. The def curity" reigns hollo merous incidents Wl released through high places. Once E in Colombo expect nel to cease vigilar or to stop enforcin every Tamil definit she be treated humi ters. They should b from unnecessary cidents of misuse the authorities are present environme. the exception and
The Eastern F TULF have time and problems faced by gion. Dr Neelanfir outdined in detall the of the refugees and The travellers are manent transitdon,
EPDP and PLC these Issues on sew Secretary-General has sent a compreh to President Kurnal ters, in that he sta refugees in Vavuni that while 388,586 the Wanni receive 200,538 (66,241 - K laithivu, 26,914 - M niya) are not recei 248, 147 persons ir ceiving drought r Douglas Devandal situation in Jaffna that he outlines th clude arbitrary arre assaults, sexual c must be stressed are not emanating f the EPDP Which in not like to erode the ernment.
Apart from the of security concer ing lack of develo|| ing to the Tamil w figures of Tamils ir ment and the non-i as an official langu ploymentand non-i as an official lang do with the on-goi addressed immedi All these proble ation where theTan ally being alienate personified by Cha She is being incr head of state who familS, The Tami porting her from t serting dissent as pressure. These p

airs can and must be nce of "extreme Sew when there are nuIere people have been ribes or influence in gain no rational Tamil the security personce against the Tigers g laws and order but ly expects that he or anely in these encoune entitled to freedom harassment. Some inor abuse of power by likely to occur in the ht but these should be hot the rule,
"rovince MP's of the again spotlighted the the Tamils in that rechelvam of the TULF pecular predicament travellers in Vavuniya. cept in a state oper
)TE MP's have rallised eral occasions, EPDP Douglas Devananda hensive memorandum 'atunga on these mattes there are 12,469 ya town, He also says displaced persons in dry rations a further Kilinochi, 88,248 - Mulannar, 18,433 - Vavuving dry rations. Also the Wanni are not reelief allowances, Mr da also refers to the with full statistics. In e problems which insts, missing persons, ffences etc. Again it hat these complaints rom the LTTE but from its own interest would credibility of this gov
se issues arising out is there is the appallomental activity, Addpes are the declining state sector employnplementation of Tamil age, State sector emmplementation of Tamil uage have nothing to ng war. These can be ately, ms are creating a situil community is gradufrom the government ndrika Kumaratunga. asingly viewed as a does not care for the parties who are Suphe opposition are asa result of grass root arties are sensitive to
the massive shift in the mood of the Tamil people regarding Chandrika Kumaratunga who was until recently their great hope. The Tamil parties themselves are not likely to rock the boat as they still cling on to the hope that Chandrika will deliver the goods in the form of the devolution package,
The existential reality facing most Tamils is that of being at the receiving end of day to day hardship and discrimination. This reality is rapidly reducing the Chandrika image in their eyes. The promise of a political settlement that may never materialise cannot help sustain their confidence for long, if this trend continues Tamil parties supporting this government may be reluctantly compelled to revise their position or face political oblivion in the future,
What is tragic about the whole situation is the steady erosion of all the goodwill Chandrika had in the Tamil community. The clear advantage she had in terms of winning the hearts and minds of the Tamil people is no longer there. This does not mean that the Tamil opinion will shift in favour of the LTTE immediately in Sri Lanka but it is certainly moving away from Chandrika, Among the Tamil expatriates this tendency is more accentuated and there are definite signs of pro-peace elements turning towards the LTTE. This trend can be prevented in Sri Lanka and reversed abroad if President Kumaratunga would wake up to reality and act fast.
There is no doubt that if President Kumaratunge had a two thirds majority or if the LTTE co-operated fully Chandrika would have succeeded greatly in resolving the issue peacefully. But that did not happen and what is now happening is that she is being vilified by Tiger propagandists as a person who was insincere from the start. The question of whether Chandrika's intentions were genuine from the beginning or not will only be of academic interestif the current process continues. Sadly she does not seem to be aware that her image is being tarnished and act appropriately.
Infairness to President Kumaratunga she hopes to establish military supremacy over the Tigers in the North as well as implement an effective scheme of devolution. This is the only way for her to reassert her popularity in the face of growing unrest in the South over the rising cost of living. The moot question is whether she could implement the constitutional reform necessary on the political leveland marginalise the Tigers on the military level. There seems every possibility that she would fail on both fronts if she allows the present trend to continue. Chandrika who was in Tamil eyes a waxing moon during elections is now in power a moon on the Wane, O
(Courtesy of "The Sunday island")

Page 14
by Dr. John Powers,
Asian History Centre, Faculty of Asian Studies, The Australian N
Since tam at an Asian History Centre l am going to do a sort of historical overview. I find that in situations like this where you have alongstanding conflict it is often very helpful to sort out the various strands of history, and in this case will be fairly recent history. In lots of cases it will help to make the situation clearer. So what I'm going to do is to look at what I think are the major stages of the conflict and at the end I'll suggest Some ideas about moves that think can be made in the future for resolution. As Mr. Armstrong said it is a very complex conflict and I think if you start to look at some of the histories it starts to become clearer.You will find that a lot of the major stages of the conflict parallel those of other states similar to Sri Lanka, i.e. fairly recently de-colonised states.
One of the problems, I think, with many of the newly de-colonised states begin with the experiment in democracy. in many cases it is the first time these countries have experienced democracy. And the problem is you have Western powers like the United States, for instance, supporting the idea of democracy and the process of democracy in these states. The problem is that the way democracy is practised in these newly decolonised states tends to be quite different from the way you find it in the Western democracies and in the older and more established democracies.
You can see this very clearly in Sri Lanka. In the Western democracies political parties form along political persuasions - they usually tend to have conservative parties and liberal parties and others. The fortunes of these parties will change in accordance with economic trends, public perceptions and so forth. But whichever party is in power the other party always has the opportunity of or at least the hope of being able to take power again by changing its image, by introducing new policies, and such. In a place like Sri Lanka this certainly is not true and the reason why is because the lines of the party are largely drawn in accordance with ethnicity and religion which means that the ethnic majority is always going to be in power. And no matter what the minority does there is no sort of policy that they can propose that would bring the ethnic majority to their side.
From the point of view of Western democracies you do have democracy
being upheld in the have political partie. tions, you have win soforth - but the pro ners are always goin ethnic group when according to ethnic problems is once the power there will be a of the majority to f popular mandate fic they propose which to be in line with wh nic group wants to the point ofview oft course this is a very cause the people w are going to represe values. From the po nority it is a very diffic there's really nothin power themselves going to be on the O power struggle. Soth ground to this.
ln Sri Lanka i thi problematic in that t which constitutes ab population - in addi jority, has also two which tend to harder the Tamils. First of a are the sole legitima island, that they ha Time immemorial a sole right to be the island is a Buddhis should remain a Bud it is very important fight against any sor Indian Hindus. This portant in terms of m ment to grant even the Tamils. Conserva the country are very cause they see this lndian encroachmel the eventual engulfir which is of coursed the view of Buddhist also some long-star ism. On the part of ti the notion that they Aryans and thus ra« in actual fact this is r just tend to believ Tamils are racially ir a foreign influence needs to be eradic.
 

ation University
country - that is you S and you have elecmerS and losers and blem is that the wing to be from the same the lines are drawn ity. And one of the majority comes into tendency on the part 2el that they have a or whatever policies of course are going hat the majority ethhave happen. From he ethnic majority, of happy situation beho come into power ent their interest and int of view of the mi:ult situation because g they can do to gain as they are always utside in that sort of hat is the Sort of back
nk this is particularly he Sinhala majoritybout 74% of the total tion to being the maadditional attitudes hits attitude towards is the idea that they te inhabitants of the We been there since hd that they have the e. And also that the t country and that it dhistcountry and that for the Buddhists to tof encroachment by was particularly imnoves by the Governlimited autonomy to ative elements within f resistant to this beas the beginning of ht into Sri Lanka and g of Buddhist culture eeply problematic in Sinhalese. There are ding attitudes of rache Sinhalese there is are descended from ially superior (when otreally true but they this) and that the ferior and represent n the country which ated in order for the
country to reach its full potential.
So with this sort of attitudes it would be difficultto imagine a possibility for dialogue unless these attitudes are exposed for one thing and looked at in terms of the historical facts of the matter. The first stage of the process as see it after independence in 1948 from Britain was the suppression of a minority - that is the Tamils primarily and also the other minorities - by the majority andreasserting its fundamental rights over against a minority which in their opinion had been unfairly advantaged by the British, And this is another important part of Sinhala attitudes. It is a very common Sinhala attitude or perception that during the British Raj the Tamils had an unfair advantage interms of education, access to employment (particularly government and professional employment), etc. After the Sinhala majority came into power one of the things they began doing is similar to what you saw in Malaysia: implement affirmative action policies that would bring the Sinhalas on a par educationally and professionally with the Tamils.
And this was done in the early years. Fairly quickly the Sinhalas not only achieved parity with the Tamils but soon came to acquire a superiority in terms of education. One of the things that was particularly important in all this was the passage of the Language Act which made Sinhala the sole legitimate language of the Country. Along with that there was a tendency not to teach Sinhala in the Tamil areas which meant that the Tamils had very little access to education or to professional employment which was one of the main requirements for this was a thorough knowledge of Sinhala, and in some cases there were quotas in the Universities which made it even more difficult to get a professional education,
Another problem of course is the fact that the island is highly segregated. Even on the village level the villages tend to be segregated along ethnic lines. This means that prior to the British colonial period there was really very little contact as far as can tell between Sinhalas and Tamils. have heard a number of Tamils tell me - and I don't know how true this is - that until they came to Colombo they never met a Sinhala. Though this may not be largely accurate it does indicate that there is a tremendous lot of separation and that the two see themselves as separate and have very separate histories and so forth. Ethnic problems are exacerbated when populations are concentrated in pockets so that there is very little interaction between them. The Sinhala are a minority in 8 of the 24 districts on the island. Sri Lankan Tamils are in the majority in 5 and Indian Tamils in 1 and the Moors are in the majority in another.
One of the first stages in the conflict began shortly after Independence when

Page 15
ح ۔ یہ r = s H-سے --- ۔ ۔
the Sinhala dominated Government came into power. The began passing a number of measures that actually discriminated against the Tamil population. The Language Act was one of the most important ones in that it served to keep the Tamils away from education and from professional employment.
One of the more important ones symbolically was the policy of repatriation, in which the Government proposed initially to repatriate 300,000 people compulsorily. 400,000 would be granted Sri Lankan citizenship and another 250,000 would become permanent residents according to the original formula. Behind this was the idea that the Tamils did not really belong there on the island. Although Tamils had been on the island for thousands of years, this was a common perception ( deriving largely from the fact that during the British Raj they brought Tamils from India as cheap labour for the plantations). There was a widespread idea among Sinhalas that the Tamils were all from india, that they did not belong on the island, and that India was really their motherland and that they ought to go back there. And that if they had problems with the current situation in Sri Lanka it was not really their problem because it was not really their country and therefore it would be best if they were sent back.
But one of the problems was, of course, that from the Tamil point of view India was not really their homeland and it is very rare to find many Tamils who feel any real connection, any sort of memory of India. Even those who were brought to the plantations and their successors living there today only know Sri Lanka. So Sri Lanka, for the Tamils who are living in Sri Lanka, is very much their homeland and not india. But even with that the GOVernment Went ahead with it.
In 1954 the Prime Minister KotaWala began to try to implement this. The problem was that the number of applicants far exceeded expectations. 400,000 applied for Indian citizenship, 700,000 applied for Sri Lankan citizenship and as the Government went through each case individually it became clearer that this wasn't going to work - the reason being that as the Government began processing the applications and hearing all the petitions and so forth people were stili continuing to have children so the population was increasing faster than the rate of repatriation. So this became a comical Scene in which the Government was trying to send people back to India, a place with which they felt no kinship, but the people in Sri Lanka were continuing to have children who saw themselves as residents of Sri Lanka and as citizens of Sri Lanka though they weren't officially citizens of Sri Lanka. This situation was exacerbated by the Buddhist Revival Movement in the 1950's and culminated in many ways with the 1956 Election of S. W. R. D.
Bandaranaike whic backed by the Sang committed to Buddh This was partag where the newly ef this as having a pi pushed forward an line with the wishes majority but which by the minority. But nority was not really so was not very eff this.
After the Tamil formed and began onstrations is wha ning of the Second S is characterised by t ing for more and m marginalises and di nority. At some po comes politically aw ise and begins to h strations. When tha phase, which again decolonised states, Sponds by increasec being that the way nip it in the bud witl majority does not ge minority's problem agitators as people if suppressed, woulc away. Of C happen. What hap| begets violence ar ment begins using demonstrators them faction became mo What it tends to do is it polarises attitude minority but it also the majority, Andan tably happens in thi the minority group more militant as th more and more forC less and less influe ment and the milita ment become mor as the minority resp. ernment is doing.
The next stage ment realises that to bring about a Sc It then begins to m meagre concessio ment did. At first i language. It agree come an officialla and Would be reco of an ethnic minor going to be the lar ment and the lang tion. But they still c the famil areas '' Tamils had very | tion.
Another thing though the Gover symbolic and mea

was very explicitly and very explicitly t chauvinism.
n of the First Stage 3rged majority saw ular mandate and genda that was in Idaspirations of the as deeply resented ut this stage the miNell organised and ctive in challenging
Federal Party was ving peaceful demSee as the beginage.The First Stage a Government pushore an agenda that advantages the mint the minority bere, begins to organold political demon: happens, the next you will find in many the Government reoppression, the idea o stop conflict is to extreme force. The inerally see what the is. So they see the on the fringes, who, make the conflict go ourse that does not pens is that violence Id when the Governviolence against the Yoderates in the famil re and more militant. to polarise attitudes, is on the part of the polarises attitudes of other thing that inevi; sort of conflict is that becomes more and e Government uses 2, Moderates become htial within the movents within the moveand more influential Dnds to what the Gov
is when the Governviolence is not going ution to the problem. ke meaningless and s - which the Governrelaxed a little bit on that Tamil would beguage of the country hised as the language 1 but Sinhala was still juage of the Governage of higher educanot teach Sinhala in nich meant that the le access to educa
hat happens is that ment may make some e concessions it gen
erally does not follow through with this. They announce them but the conservative elements within the dominant party will tend to react against any sort of concessions at all towards the minority. So the Government is forced to withdraw from anything but a symbolic concession. This of course leads to further militancy on the part of the minority. As the Government withdraws more and more from actually implementing even fairly meagre concessions (or even if there is Some genuine meagre concession), at this stage (which would refer to as the Third Stage) there is a gap between the aspirations of the current leadership of the minority and what the Government is actually offering. By the time the Government is ready to recognise that there is a problem and begin making any real concessions the demands of the marginalised groups of the minorities - in this case the Tamils - have increased. They have increased to a point where the Government is no longer willing to make those concessions because they have escalated ( from the point where the granting of meagre concessions could have satisfied the minority). So they are no longer in aposition to make the sort of Concessions that are now on the table on the part of the minority.
When the Government refuses to do this what we see is an increase of violence as we see today. And the growth of movements like the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam which is fully committed to a full separation. Initially the Tamils were willing to exist within a federation - with their separate identity, language, Culture, etc. respected. Now opinions on both sides have hardened to such an extent that this is no longer viable for many Tamils. Tamil leadership especially the leadership of the LTTE is completely committed to Tamil Eelam and has shown no willingness to negotiate on this. Any negotiation that does not begin with the recognition of Tamil Eelam is generally unacceptable to the Tiger leadership which I think is one of the problems we face today.
The next phase that comes off my list is outright Civil War as what we have today. You have a complete fragmentation of the society, a polarisation along ethnic lines and as the conflict escalates there is very little room for compromise on either side. I think it is sad too that the newly elected Government of Chandrika Kumaratunga came in with the promise of being able to make some real changes. It was surprising to me as was following that despite the fact that she was the daughter of Bandaranaike (and there was suspicion on the part of Tamils because of this) there was a tremendous amount of hope on the part of the Tamil community she came into power that she was actually going to follow through on the sort of promises that she was making. It was

Page 16
L LSSLSS S SLLLSSS LLLLC LLLSSS S L S S S LLLS SqASMS
disappointing that when the peace talks began the Government offered a package that was supposed to be the basis of negotiation, there was really very little to it - i.e. it was mostly a lot of empty words and rhetoric but very little substance. So the Tigers, rather foolishly think, walked out on the negotiations because the Government wasn't really putting anything on the table,
In doing that I think they undermined their own credibility internationally as an interest group. I think they were correct in that the Government was not really offering much but they made a very bad move in the interest of their public image. in walking out of the negotiations they showed the world that they were unwilling to negotiate, Even if the Government was not offering much it would have been betterfor their public image to have stayed in the negotiations. The Tamil leadership has become so radicalised that it is very hard to imagine that they are going to be able to agree to anything that any conceivable Sri Lankan government can propose. The Tamil leadership is fully committed to Tamil Eelam and nothling less and cannot magine personally any concelvable Sri Lankan Government beling able to grant autonomy,
So I come to the point where I suggest some of the proposals that might lead to a solution to the conflict, One thing that thing is necessary is a giving on both sides, This was mentioned in some of the earlier talks, AS long as both sides remain intransigent this sort of conflicts tend to continue. Both groups are locked in a conflict that neither can Win, The Sri Lankan military despite its recent success in the conquest of Jaffna has only managed to control avery small part of Jaffna and all that really happened was that the Tamils just faded into the jungles of the East to continue the struggle. The Government lacks the resources to be able to win the struggle. Similarly the Tigers also lack the resources to win the struggle. There is no way in which the Tigers are going to be able to defeat the Sri Lankan army and no way in which the Sri Lankan army is going to be able to defeat the Tamils,
Given that, there has got to be some compromise. In conflicts like this three things tend to happen: as minority wins and they take power which is very unlikely in this case; b/ the majority is able to crush the minority militarily (as in places like Tibetand EastTimor) and continues to suppressany attemptat demonstrations and so on ; this is also unlikely in Sri Lanka c/the third thing which happens is that the conflict drags on - this is what you see today; neither side can win, but both sides are trying to exact as much retribution as they can from the other side, and to do as much damage as they can to the other side. But this not going to lead any sort of resolu
tion. The only thingt lution is when boths work things out. But on both sides seer intransigent to any mise,
This brings us b democracy in decol divided along ethnic mocracy is comple unlikely that the mir be satisfied with the neW forms of der Worked out in these is some sort of mec to veto moves mad disadvantages them to a very Cumberson to long negotiations ficulty in actually ge tually happen. But does force the majo ally sit down and no
February 1998
gold- en jubilee (
Britain, its colo The two main politi and the SLFP have since independenc partnership with m Spective leaders "achievements" of their predecessor Even in this self-pra thrown a veil over Caused that has vil very fabric of the nat of the coin, the Tam their own contributic Lately, the woes of been exacerbated to claiming to "liberate sion,
Bane of Party Pol In a truly demc cal parties compet and all its citizens considers appropri interest that come policies, when the majority of the peop ties in the oppositic of the people, point ing of the governmr they consider detri interest. Despite the
 

at can effect a resodes compromise and so far the leadership is to be completely sort of real compro
ck to the problem of nised states that are lines. As long as dealy majoritarian it is ority is ever going to situation. And think ocracy have to be orts of States. There anism for minorities by the majority that This of course leads he sort of state; leads It leadsto great diftting anything to acon the other hand it rity In power to actugotlate with the ml
norities. I do not know how this is going to happen but this has got to be implemented within some sort of federal system in order for the situation to resolve itself. Otherwise I do not really see a solution to it except for continued fighting which is not really a solution at all. National University. He has published on a wide range of subjects including Buddhist Philosophy, Western Analytical Philosophy Indian Logic and contemporary Human Rights issues. O
This is the text of speech delivered at the International Conference on the Conflict in Sri Lanka in June 1996 at Canberra, Australla. Dr. John Powers is a Senior Lecturer attached to the Asian History Centre, Faculty of Asian Studies at the Australian National Unlversity. He has published on awkde range of subjects including Buddhist Philosophy, Western Analytical Philosophy, Indian Logic and contemporary Human Rights issues,
AN POLITICS AND PEOPLE
R SOVEREIGN RULE
by Dr.S. Narapalasingam
Willi mark Sri Lanka's of independence from hial ruler since 1796. cal parties, the UNP governed Sri Lanka e either alone or in inor parties, The rehave praised the their parties and of s over these years. ise, the rhetoric has the mess they have tually torn apart the ion. On the other side il parties have made ns to the same deed, heTamil people have the extreme by those 'them from oppres
tics
cratic system, politito serve the nation n the best way each ate, It is the national first in formulating are elected by the le to govern, The parn act like a watchdog ng out any wrongdoent and policies that hental to the national holding of Parliamen
an
tary elections periodically with several political parties contesting, Sri Lanka's political system has since independence regressed subverting the basic principles of multi-party democracy, This is shocking because Sri Lanka was the first country in south Asia to enjoy full adult suffrage.
National interest was downgraded ever since cutthroat partisan politics emerged as the main driving force to win and retain ruling power. An examination of the motives behind the many decisions taken by the two major political parties at the national level in the fields of politics and national development, reveals clearly that these have been based largely on either narrow interests, often intended to hit at the political opponents or fixing short-term political solutions to long-term national economic and social problems. These deprived all communities of the benefits of the full economic potential of the nation as they were hell-bent on weakening the opponent rather than directing their efforts towards development. It more visibly harmed the Tamils both economically and politically, as they were at the receiving end of their common chauvinistic policies and actions, Particularly, the public utterances of influential leaders intended to placate the majority Sinhalese, disregarding the feelings and apprehension of the minority Tamils only served to

Page 17
intensify racial hatred.
Commitments to declared goals that appeal to the people have been superficial and used as baits to win popular support. The two political parties never adhered steadfastly to their commitments to democracy, socialism, development, improving the living standards of the poor, rule of law, peace, human rights, justice and all other attributes that any citizen in a modern democracy would desire. These were sermonised by the self-serving politicians when they were either in government or in opposition. In the name of liberal democracy, the UNP and SLFP have together in competition managed to take the gullible people down the deceptive path of hypocrisy to the brink of anarchy. The UNP founded in 1946 celebrated its Golden Jubilee recently. The incumbent leader of the party and presently the leader of the opposition, in an interview stated that the UNP had performed as a responsible political party in and outside parliament over the years. He also claimed that the party faithful had fulfilled the sacred objectives of the party, "to act democratically, act as a government as well as an opposition." With the adoption of the Executive Presidential system embodied in the 1978 constitution the first President announced the dawn of the "Dharmishta" era. But in reality, people have witnessed events that symbolized the very opposite of this noble system even under his rule.
The motive to introduce the 1978 constitution, as claimed by many independent commentators, has been to use the executive powers of the President to weaken the opposition. The abolition of the first-past-the-post elections in favour of proportional representation was also to prevent the catastrophic electoral setbacks of the kind faced by the ruling parties in previous elections. It has definitely served this objective as seen from the results of the 1994 general election. Even in the national task of preparing the country's constitution, partisan and sectarian interests have not been ignored. This is the third constitution adopted since independence, which has failed to obtain national consensus and currently is under pressure from various political as well as Tamil groups for radical reform. The fact that for nearly fifty years, the politicians have not been able to agree on a permanent constitution for the nation is by itself indicative of the kind of politics practised since acquiring full sovereign powers.
When the UNP was in the opposition after losing the 1956 election, it opposed the Bandaranaike - Chelvanayakam Pact. Had this Pact been not abrogated then and its provisos implemented in good faith the subsequent tragedies would have been averted. The present UNP leadership in customary fashion is refusing to cooperate with the present Government
to solve the ethnic the grave consequ economy and the s Tamils but also the mon people of all r. all Sections of the with the war, the Ull tious not to be seer protraction of the v probably that seve ple may help the pa tion to regain the p future.
The SLFP has rors of its own, sin istence. Political ex nated its decision: plications were dist one was declaring official language o tionalisation of pl. transport, distributi products and insura over of missionary the segregated ed emphasized ethnic the imports of sele proliferation of pub all effected for dog cal patronage wa management of m grammes.
Political interfel and management tionalised ventures ciple of nationalisa justifiable. The con lecting students fo sities on the basi method of "mediarawmarks" was als The infamous "ch ment in the public s ofits legacy.The in system as well ast Scheme were not gional bias.
The SLFP Whi posed the moves Dudley-Chelvanay vincial Councils teenthamendmel tion. The latter wo sible if not for the cord. It had oppo sumably to emba UNP. The 1972 was adopted dur major partner in í ignoring the view moving even the tect the interest shrined in the pre was perceived by action taken to W. ties. It also serve seen as the party nant status to Sir Consistently, of political will to

inflict, disregarding hces to the national fering of not only the majority of the comes in the country. As opulation are fed up Phas now been cauas contributing to the r. The expectation is hardship of the peoty now in the opposiver to rule in the near
hade fundamental ere 45 years of its exbediency again domiTheir long-term imgarded. The very first Sinhala as the only the country. The naIntations, ports, bus te trade on petroleum nce business; the take schools; introducing ucational system that division; monopoly on ted commodities; and lic corporations Were matic reasons. Politievident even in the any public sector pro
"ence in appointments within the various nas, discredited the printion even where it was entious practice of ser admission to univers of the indefensible vise standardization of o initiated by the SLFP t system" for employector was also another port license and quota he investment approval without political and re
enot inpower has opif the UNP Such as the akam Pact and the Proet up under the thirt to the 1978 constituld not have been pos1987 Indo-Lanka aced this move too prerass its arch rival the publican constitution ng the time it was the coalition government, of the Tamils and reonly safeguard to proof the minorities enious constitution. This he Tamils as a spiteful kenfurtherthe minorithe narrow aim to be nat provided the domiala-Buddhists. nere has been a lack act wisely in political
and economic fields in the interest of the nation and all its citizens. The link between socially acceptable advancements in these two fields for stability, prosperity and tranquility has been completely ignored for the reasons stated above. Ironically, the biased policies and actions of the two main parties failed even to serve their own interests over the long term. Consequently, the recourse to unethical methods to retain political power became a common feature of Lankan politics. Thus, the process of undermining demoCratic principles and the rule of law, was initiated and sustained by the law makeS.
Ethnic Factor
Communal representation in the legislature based on ethnic ratio, weighted as to offset the numerical strength of the majority Sinhalese had been urged by the Tamils as far back as the late 1920s when the Royal Commission under the chairmanship of Lord Donoughmore was considering constitutional reform. Despite the Submissions of both the Sinhalese and Tamil leaders that legislative representation should be on communal basis, the Commissioners had proposed a legislature elected on the basis of universal adult franchise. The chief spokesman then for the Tamils was Sir Ponnambalam
Ramanathan, whose motion in the Legislative Council to reject the Commission's report was defeated. Tamils boycotted the first election for the State Councilheld under the Donoughmore Constitution only to return later to contest the next elections having realised the ineffectiveness of the boycott. This was not the only time the Tamil leaders boycotted elections and the Parliament. The sixth amendment to the present constitution which forced the Tamil MPs to vacate their Seats in protest against having to take an oath of allegiance to the unitary constitution and disavow separatism produced some results but these came about solely through the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987.
The multi-ethnic character of Sri Lanka had been recognized by the colonial rulers and the British had throughout given prominence to this when constituting legislative councils. Representation on the basis of ethnicity rather than territory had influenced their decision to the manner of constituting them. Since the British government had overriding powers over the legislature, this method of representation compelled the various multiethnic committees of the Council to function without ethnic bias. This was perfectly consistent with the form of government that prevailed before independence. Newertheless, the ethnic factor was not discarded completely in the early years of sovereign rule. All the past Delimitation Commissions in defining and re-defining electoral constituencies had also given

Page 18
o AIL-CYMexico
prominence to ethnicity. Areas with mixed populations were made multi-member constituencies.
At the time the Soulbury Commission was considering constitutional reform, the thinking of the JaffnaTamilleadership under the late G.G.Ponnambalam Was not different. They pressed for "balanced representation" (the fifty-fifty formula) in the legislature so as to ensure that the Sinhalese majority would not be able to engage in actions detrimental to the interests of any minority communities. This not only offended the Sinhalese in many ways but also was based on an illusion that all the minority communities would stand together when the interest of any one group came under threat. In fact very few who were at that time representing the Muslims and plantation Tamils supported the fifty-fifty demand. The Commission rejected this proposal. Tamil leaders accepted the new constitution, considering its Article 29 as an adequate safeguard against racial discrimination.
Until communalism was made the focal point for mobilising political support, in the minds of the ordinary Sinhalese and Tam is the existence of traditional Sinhalese and Tamil regions in Sri Lanka was a fact of life. Although there was no legal right granted to this inexplicit notion of two distinct regions with different languages and cultures, they accepted this as an inherent characteristic of the multiethnic country. This was manifest in their normal description of a Sinhalese or Tamil who had taken residence outside his or her native place for whatever reason. Thus, a Tamil from the North living in the South was referred to as a Jaffnaman by the Sinhalese. It is the leaders With their vested interests, who wrecked the peaceful co-existence of different communities by exploiting the ethnic division for shallow political gains.
Sinhala and Tamil Nationalism
The affluent Tamil leaders were more concerned like their counterparts in the South with safeguarding their own interests rather than allow power to slip into the hands of those in the lower rungs of the social ladder, who were in the peripheries. Despite the known stand of the progressive leftist parties on the rights of the minorities, for instance parity of status for both Sinhalese and Tamil languages, restoration of citizenship and voting rights for plantationTamils and social justice for all citizens, the then Tamil leadership with their own self-serving brand of conservatism misled the Tamil people into believing that their culture, religion and places of worship would be destroyed, if the leftist parties were to rule.The christian and catholic churches which occupied a socially dominant position in the north played the religious card against these left parties. The likely break-up of the social
structure based on C the fear of harming ture necessitated th alienate the people munal socialist parti
Both Sinhala ar had existed even be ties dominated polit the ethnic divide, b Conne maSS Confror until after independe fined within the elitis COnCern WaS to SeCl influence and power ing. Mr. S. W. R. D. Ba the UNP in 1951 a SLFP is credited by ing Sinhala nationa Sinhalese people w the peripheries the s the power centre. A situation arose whi Congress split and t by the late Mr. S.J.V. formed in 1949. Or nayakam was accep ple in the mid-1950s semblance of broad ship emerged. But c traditional social stri
The new Tarni le federalism within a anticipated the expl constitution by the S to their political adva that Mr. Chelvanay Mr. Bandaranaike w complimenting the d This could be attrib Mr. Bandaranaike h eral system for Cey ter his return from C
The racist anti-T public meetings byp primarily to win vote matched by the agg Tamil politicians air same goal. Like th they too did not hes ble promises to the kodidai Resolution o for the creation of a Tamil state wasado vention of the TULF kam's chairmanship ed on “theaminat Tamil youth in partic to throw themselve fight for freedom at goal of a sovereign Eelam is reached” elections, the TULF to establish the aut within one year, if elected its candidat at the victory meetir na Hall, Wellawatte made a provocative Eelam would be ac shed.

aste and wealth and neirown political fuTamil leadership to om these non-com
S. d Tamil nationalism fore the rightist parCs on either side of it these did not betational movements nce. They were contgroups. Their main Ire their positions of through horse-tradndaranaike who left nd inaugurated the many for championlism and giving the ho have been left in ense of belonging to somewhat parallel in the Ceylon Tamil he Federal Party led Chelvanayakam was lly after Mr. Chelvatedby the Tamil peoas their leader, Some -based Tamil leaderkonservatism with its ucture still persisted. adership advocated Inited Ceylon having pitation of the unitary Sinhalese leadership ntage. It is mentioned akam congratulated then he left the UNP ecision as farsighted. uted to the fact that ad advocated a fedlon much earlier, af)xford university, amil rhetoric used at oliticians in the South s in the elections was essive rhetoric of the ned at achieving the e Sinhalese leaders itate to give impossiir voters. The Vadduf 14 May 1976 calling separate Sovereign pted at the first coninder Mr.ChelvanayaThe convention callon in general and the ular to come forward s fully in the sacred d to flinch not till the socialist state of Tamil Just before the 1977 leadership promised Onomous Tamil state the Tamil electorate es! After the elections g held at Rama krishMr.A.Amirthalingam speech declaring that lieved through blood
TULF must have also thought that by promoting militancy among the disillusioned Tamil youth, it could use them to achieve its political objective. Its leadership would never have dreamt that the forces that Were let loose Would in the end be so destructive as to even destroy some of its own stalwarts physically and push the survivors to the margins of politics. Northe then UNP and SLFP leaders expected the"docile Tamils"tochalenge seriously the might of their governments, (Governments never even considered Specific statute to punish any individual or group inciting racial hatred and violence, as this would not have served their parties' interests. Moreover, without the sincere belief in racial equality this was infeasible for the governments.) Having indulged in confrontational politics centred on ethnic division for decades, only those who lacked even minimal foresight could have not expected the inevitable disaster to befall. This was misjudgment of gigantic proportions, had.
Tamil Militants
While both the Sinhalese and famil political leaders are responsible for the emergence of militancy among the Tamil youth to achieve the goals professed by the democratic Tamil leadership, the period of ascendant Tamil youth militancy was also not dissimilar in so far as infighting for Tamil leadership Was concerned. Instead of verbal assault, this time it took the most barbaric form resulting in brutal killings of not only the leaders of other groups claiming to represent the Tamils (there has never been shortage of leaders with dominant personality) but also intellectuals, including teachers and other respected citizens who did not succumb to the dictates of the militant leaders. Killings of members within their own groups were not uncommon. Internecine feuds even spilledover to foreign countries, where Lankan Tamils had migrated. Still many seem unable or unwilling to see the genesis of fascism within their own community.
Many Tamil youths, including school children have been lured to join the LTTE through effective propaganda portraying violence as exciting, admirable and heroic with the added promise to liberate the socially suppressed members from the traditional social structure. Even large measure of coercion has been used to recruit young boys and girls. Ironically, the actions of the security forces in the NorthEast also facilitate the recruitment drive of the rebels. They have been made to believe that only through military victory their future can be assured. Tamil youths who have been promised freedom from all sorts of oppression will continue to rebel against the Society, if their aspirations raised high by propaganda are (continued on next page)

Page 19
By S.D.Sivaram
he PA is determined to go ahead with
the local government elections in the
northern province early next year despite strong protests by all the Tamil parties and the opposition. The elections will certainly constitute the most distinct and unscrupulous fraud perpetrated on the Tamil people by the PA government since it came to power in 1994, promising to deliver them from the miseries of the decade long war. Nevertheless, assorted Tamil intellectuals and human rights advocates continue to argue that President Chandrika is the best bet for the Tamils because she is the only Sinhala leader who, despite some inevitable shortcomings) genuinely and sincerely respects the legitimate political aspirations of the Tamil people. (what are generally seen as her follies are attributable mainly, they say, to the incorrigibly chauvinist elements in the bureaucracy and the military) The PA's great fraud in the north has laidbare this illusion which a minute and determined section of the Tamil intelligentsia adamantly but subtly continues to propagate.
Why is the government, which still refuses to hold local government polls in
(continued from page 18) dashed later, regardless of the outcome of the ongoing war.
The use of civilian population recklessly as an instrument in the war against the government, especially by provoking the Army into reprisals against them, inflicting economichardships on them, forcing their displacement from their habitats, extorting money from them through various methods and destroying property and economic infrastructures without regard to the long-term consequences has been an appalling feature of the brutal war. The calous way some Tamils use the untold suffering of the fellow members of their community caused in the above manner for propaganda purposes than be concerned about the present plight of the people caught in the war is unbelievable. Perhaps this may be put to their adherence to personality cult and hero worship, which has prevailed even at the time of independence. The fact that the crisis facing the Tamils has reached the present state is a harsh judgement on the intellectual culture of the Tamils.
(To be continued)
the Sinhala domina land and uses spec rs to postpone them So Zealously for po the northern provin discern even the si the conflict diminish Firstly it is quite is very uncertain of the Sinhalese now, the rural poor an classes in particula sky rocketing cost ment, the various C nomic mismanager style of governmen come across patriot they are willing to be den sothat the gove fully prosecute the defeat the LTTE, the Ratwatte and his while helped the PA in the South has ce to the Sinhala mass There have bee that PA minister benchers have bro their leadership th and the growing un The PA genuinely local government dominated districts pose a very weak vigorated attack by party assumes, má an unmanageable
On the other h government electio We as an effective portant task of si large captive vote the next generale Sure itself of a com cures minority vo ernment is politic time the next gene it can rely on the would be in place ment polls are ‘suc early next year,
Politicians a pressed concern leadership began organise the Su which is an arm of sula while refusir
 

ed districts of the isal emergency poweindefinitely, rushing s to local bodies in e where one cannot ghtest possibility of ng in its intensity ? obvious that the PA ts popularity among he majority of them, | the urban middle rare disgruntled by of living, unemploy}nsequences of ecoment and the ad hoc t. Although one may ic Sinhalese who say har the economic burrnment may successWar in the north and victory hype of Gen. Cronies, which for a enhance its standing rtainly lost its appeal SeS NOW, in reports in the press S as well as back ught to the notice of 2 rising cost of living }opularity of the party. ears that elections to Iodies in the Sinhala can dangerously exflank, inviting a reinthe UNP which, the y, in turn, precipitate
risis. and, for the PA, local is in the north can seriry run for the all imnoothly securing the banks in the north. At ection the PA can asortable victory if itseblocks. If the govily desperate by the al elections approach, ystem of rigging that nce the local governesfully accomplished
di analysts have exince the time the PA concerted attempt to u Nelum movement he SLFP in the penin
permission to Tamil
parties who had urged the government to let them work in Jaffna that the real agenda behind the move was to engage in the necessary ground work to safely and completely secure the captive vote bank there by fradulent means if the need were to arise in the future to do so.
Needless to say, when governments in Colombo become politically deparate the victims are more often than not the people of the northeast. Politicians often tend to dump the precsious lessons of history with ease to suit their opportunistic conveniences. Chandrika, it is quite clear, is no exception. 1981 was a turning point in the history of the Tamil militant movement. The cost and Violent consequences of the UNP regime's attempt to fradulently push through the elections to the District Development Councils that year constitute one of the most significant chapters in the rise of the armed movement for a separate Tamil state.
And again, few of the President's Tamil apologists seem to remember that the PA itself, in 1994, was quick to condemn the blatant and brazen swindling which the UNP regime engaged in at that time in the east when the local government elections were held in that province. However, conditions were relatively more stable in that region in 1994 than they are now in the north. The LTTE was present only in small numbers in the remote jungles of the hinterlands. They had very little military means to significantly and decisively impact on the population centres on the east's developed and politically important coastal belt. The army and the STF had their main strength concentrated in the hinterlands of the region. And hence, there were several Security forces positions in every area defined by and coming under the purview of a local government body.
The LTTE's mobility and striking power were severely limited in the eastern hinterlands at that time by Special Forces operations. In other words, the conditions for holding local government elections in the eastern province, in the eyes of the UNP regime, were most perfect. Some Tamil groups were prepared contest. Yet the whole exercise became a massive fraud. The matter was exposed in sections of the Sinhala and English press. Many Tamils, mostly boys from the non-LTTE groups or dropouts working with the army who were "elected' have been killed by the Tigers since then. The officials of these local government bodies have been complaining that the government is not providing resourses to carry on with their work and that their power has been severely circumscribed by the centre's bureaucracy, if this was the case in the east in 1994 and after, it would not take one much effort to imagine what would happen in the north once the government foolishly goes ahead with (continued on next page)

Page 20
V fi S FiVo
Rajani Thiranagama Memorial Lectu
TIGER WOMEN AND THE QU OF WOMEN'S EMANCIPA
Radhika Coomaraswamy
am often asked, as the United Nations
Special Rapporteur on Violence Against
Women, what do feel about the Women cadres of the LTTE. As someone who has been entrusted with the task of attempting to protect women victims of violence, how do respond to a situation where women become the perpetrators of violence. Let me be clear at the very beginning so that there is no room for misunderstanding - do not believe that inducting women into a fighting force is a step toward empowerment and equality. believe that the recruitment of Women into the fighting ranks signals the militarisation of civil society - a militarisation which in itself is inimical to anyone who believes in human rights. The militarisation of civil society destroys the important human rights values of due process, non-violent resolution of disputes and the celebration of humane values of compassion and tolerance. The militarisation of women is a move away from these foundational values of human rights so large segments of the population are instilled with a militaristic approach to society and
(continued from page 19) the polls.
There are twenty three local government bodies in the four districts of the northern province. The Jaffna municipality is the largest of these. The majority are located in the peninsula. The Urban Councils of Pt. Pedro, Chavakachcheri, Kayts, Chunnakam, Vavuniya, Mannar and Kilinochchi are in areas under the army's control. The Vavuniya urban council is the only local body in the north which is run by elected members. The PLOTE controls it. The Mullaithivu urban council area is under the LTTE's control. Apart from these, a significant number of Pradeshiya Sabhas which usually form the majority of the local government bodies lie in areas both in the peninsula and in the Vanni which are either dominated or are in the firm military and administrative grip of the Libertaion Tigers. It has been demonstrated time and again that the security situation in the Jaffna town and other areas in the peninsula which are said to be under the army's control can be extremely precarious. In short, it is only through a gross and unprecedented fraud that the PA can show the world that it was able to successfully hold local government elections in the northernprovince. O
% سس----سس---سسسسسسسسسسس-ا
its problems.The indu ters into the LTTE is militarisation. As wol non-violence, we ca the dynamics which ess. As people con rights, we have to qu any discourse which this perverse milita ety as a step towai equal rights among
Having made n would like to explore Women LTTE cadre, for the role of Wome as their symbolic rep is made even more there is internationa topic of women fight ready made two doc which focus on the W enon. The fascinatio media rests on the fa sual and unique de there have been wor the complete trans Asian Women from armed guerrillas rais Cern. In addition the cide bombing, the c and mutilation of the Suit of a political ca and disturbing, Both bine to allow for inte with the subject of ers of the Tiger mov are against the Cu thinking about wom privileges them in th Where what is extra is also seen as new
 
 
 
 

SSSqSSLLLLLSSSMGrS
st -- ves - i fik-k i ”n o
JESTION TION
Iction of women fighan example of this men concerned with un only be critical of have led to this proccerned with human estion and challenge attempts to promote isation of civil socid the realisation of
Women.
ny position clear,
the phenomenon of s and its implication n in society as well resentation. The task daunting because fascination with the erS. The BBC has alcumentaries, both of omen tigerphenomn of the international ct that this is an unuvelopment. Though men guerrilla fighters, formation of South he Sita Devi ideal to es curiosity and conphenomenon of suiomplete annihilation female body in puruse, is also unusual these factors comrnational fascination armed women fightement. Tiger women rent of mainstream en. This uniqueness e World of the media frclinary and unusual worthy. Peter Schalk
in his article Tiger Women says that 8% of LTTE cadres killed in combat for the period 1982-1991 were women.This percentage has increased in recent times. He estimates that there are 3,000 Women fighters ready and willing at the disposal of the LTTE command. What is also interesting is that he points to the fact that except for one or two isolated cases, there is no record of women fighters dying before 1987. The systematic strategy of developing women cadres was only inaugurated after the Indo-Lanka Accord when the LTTE was suffering from a loss of manpower and resources, it would not be cynical to assume that the change toward including women in the LTTE fighting force was a result of material considerations and the needforpersonnel and nota concerted ideological shift in their thinking about women's empowerment. Though Adele Balasingham argues otherwise, there is definitely a correlation between the militarisation of Women and the TE need for a larger base for the recruitment of personnel. The induction of women and children is primarily a result of this material determinant, the need for a constant supply of cadres and personnel.
Whatever the actual motive of the TTE in inducing women into the armed cadres, there is no doubt that this decision has led to a major transformation in the way a Tamil society deals with and represents its women. Whatever reservations we may have about the overall militarisation of women, there is no doubt that the actual role of women in Tamil society has been drastically altered. With regard to the issues of dowry, inter-caste marriages, the seclusion of unmarried women etc... there have been major changes in the perception as well as operation of Tamil society. These social issues which were a major burden in the lives of Tamil women have been eradicated at least for the moment. LTTE strategy and the imperative of displacement have completely changed the routine and structure of a sedentary, agricultural community which was once infused with stifling rituals and customary practice. Inequitable social practices which kept unmarried women at home and menstruating women in the back garden have given way to virile forms of mobilisation. For survival, non-combatant women, either in the war torn regions of the North and the East or in the refugee camps, are forced to develop a public persona. They are compelled to interact with armed men, bureaucratic officials and international agencies if they want to meet the exigencies of day to day living. There is no sanctity in their homes and in refugee camps they have no home at all. They are compelled to negotiate terms with the real world, no longer subject to the paternal protection offered to them in the Thirukkural. They are not kept away from the hard decisions which make up the real world. As armed women cadres,

Page 21
gearyseal
they have to engage in rigorous training, receive and assert military authority, and even dispense justice in certain limited circumstances. They have begun to enjoy some of these male prerogatives as a matter of course,
While these factors seem transforo mative, the important question remains - how permanent are these changes? The war reality of the Northern and Eastern provinces has created an interregnum, a crisis of opportunity to radically change the status of Women in Tamil society. But in actual fact, these changes are not being articulated in ideological terms. Once peace returns, will Tamil society revert back to casteism and oppressive sexist practices? A cursory glance at the Tamil diasporainother countries seemstoimply that once people leave the atmosphere of war and return to some semblance of peace, the rituals and practices return, The numerous announcements for Varous rituals and practices, including the coming of age ceremony for women contalmed In the Tam Times seems to Indcate that the present reality is not really transformative and that once peace returns, the old attitudes will condition famil social life again, Yet, one mayalso conclude that, in the North and the East, the present suspension of Tamil cultural life as we once knew it, will probably leave an indelible mark and that some of the transformative potential may also be realised. The longer the war lasts, the more Women become militarised, the less likely is the chance that they will return to the Sita Devi ideal of times past.
Despite these dislocations with regard to the role of women infamil society, there are still important questions to be asked about Tiger Women and women's equality. Despite the celebration of armed women cadre by LTTE ideologies, there is still no evidence that women are part of the elite decision-making process. They are not initiators of ideas, they are only implementers of policy made by someone else, by men. This authoritarian model of decision making does not really empower women as political and social beings. They become cogs in the wheel of someone else's designs and plans. They are not the creators, the visionaries, the entrepreneurs of any political or social project. They are the consumers, not the producers of the grand political project. This disempowerment, the inability to affect the fundamental policy and decision making process in agiven society is an important measure of women=s equality. In this context the Tiger women of the LTTE are really without true political or social empowerment. Until they are given access to decision-making at all levels in a free and democratic manner they will remain dispossessed. Neloufer de Mel, in a recent article, asks whether LTTE women are agents or victims - the answer must lie in the appre
ciation thatTiger wo freedom to determi they are helping to destiny of someone The induction of ing force of the LT major transformatic symbolic represer Tamil society. Form pologists have poir Society generally, a ety in particular, the the auspicious mart children and mater of a married Womar only condition wort Kenneth David, Su pointed out, unmar OWs were consider - shakti without col of the ideal of prosp in peace time Jaff the cultural rituals f to the funeral, Unh was often blamed Women since here ful enough toward session with them important market li rations of young WC The LTTE has c if it is for the Wors viduals who have s the LTTE on Wom privileges two type: tant mother and the of these ideals ha traditional Tamil id Wife whose childrei ing well. Accordin Malathy De AIwis, a common image i ing, especially wh in conflict. Writers that the Militant Mc age in the warpoel Age - or Sangam mothers rejoice wi brave deaths of til BBC productions f of Captain Muller, the mother was sp. celebration at the The continuity wit the more remarka ries of articles po day LTTE ideolog this Sangam litera militant mothers t rect Connection, are used.
The ideal of t ever, is not prese culture, Virgins wi home where they devouring forces ( literature is there armed to kil, Thi: tion. This pervers seen by writers si ham as a welcony

en are not given the e their own destiny; ct out the perceived else, women into the fightE has resulted in a with regard to the ation of Women in ny decades, anthroed out that in Hindu dTamil Hindu Sociprivileged woman is edwoman with many al wealth. The status was idealised as the speaking about, AS an Wadley etc have ied Women and Widd to be inauspicious trol. The celebration rous married Women a Was instilled in all om birth, to marriage appiness in a family On the Shakti of the ergy was not poweroff eV, This am Obrried Women Was an the ideals and aspimen, hanged all that - even e. According to inditudied the writings of en cadres, the LTTE s of Women - the millarmed virgin. Neither S resonance With the sal of the prosperous are all living and dog to writers such as the militant mother is n a nationalist thinkn that nationalism is have also pointed out theris a common imry of the Tamil Golden period. In this poetry, en they hear tales of eir sons. One of the }cused on the mother an LTTE martyr, and uting words of joy and rave death of her son. Sangam poetry is all ple. Sivaram in a sehted out that present may be influenced by ure, But in the case of ere seems to be a difen in the words that
e armed virgin, howin Tamil literature or e expected to stay at ould be protected from evil. Nowhere in Tamil role model of a virgin is pure LTTE innova)n of Tamil culture is :h as Adele Balasingstep in the liberation
of women. But we must seriously consider the impact of such a vision for Tamil Women as a whole. The privileging of the armed virgin does radically alter Tamil notions of women's identity and dress. As mentioned earlier, women's identity in Tamil culture has always been linked to the married women. This was symbolically represented by the wearing of rich sarees, brilliant jewellery, flowers in flowing hair, silver anklets, a silver toe ring and a red pottu on the forehead. Today the views presented are of women in combat fatigues, in boots, with no make-up, jewellery or ostentation, often with their hair cut in short male styles, wearing a cyanide capsule around their neck. Those who comment on this ideal have also noticed that it puts forward androgyny as an ideal - both men and women aspiring to the same thing with an identity of purpose and style. But it is androgyny in a male sense - the masculine completely wiping out the feminine, This is the privileged Woman of the LTTE movement, is this lib. eration?
In some ways it is difficult to answer this question, On the one hand, the liberation from rich sarees, jewellery and flowers in the hair is seen by many young Women as an escape from the rigid confines of social life in earlier Tamil society, There is freedom of movement and an equality of social and political commitment to a cause, There is a radical transformation of the self-image, a woman no longer protected, sheltered and kept at home, but a woman seemingly empowered by a gun, enjoying free movement and camaraderie with the other sex. However, the LTTE is also clear that the ideal Woman remains a virgin; sexuality is seen as an evil debilitating force.
And yet one has to be cautious. Firstly, for all its negativity, the earlier Tamil notion of the ideal Woman was a celebration of life. Prosperity, sexuality, love of music and the arts, these were all important aspects of the married woman paradigm. This rejoicing in the material and artistic of life is severely missing in the LTTE's notion of an ideal woman. Self-sacrifice, austerity and androgyny are put forward as ideals. Death, not life, is celebrated. The greatest feat for a woman is to die a martyr. This celebration of heroic death is an aspect of most nationalist movements but in the LTTE it is a major factor which determines and conditions the life of Women who have dedicated themselves to the cause, This preoccupation with death is a major transformation from the earlier life paradigm of woman whose shakti was meant to prolong and nurture life. Women as nurturers is a concept which is completely lacking in the LTTE ideology, a concept which is the basis for solidarity among women's movements throughout the world.
Secondly, the LTTE notion of androgyny, or making women and men act in the

Page 22
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15uEUEMBER 99,
same way is a death knell to femininity, in some ways social constructions of femininity have been strongly Criticised by feminists. But feminists have also celeorated the positive qualities of certain constructions of femininity - the networking among people, nurturance, social bonding, gentleness, compassion, tolerance, etc. qualities long recognised as feminine are as important in the human personality as aggression and empowerment. In this sense, the complete eradication of femininity by the LTTE is not so much a victory for women but a triumph for the masculine worldview of authority, hierarchy and aggression. The women's movement has pushed for androgyny but where all the personalities develop their masculine and feminine sides - a wholeness often captured by the Hindu concept of Ardhanariswara, half man - half woman. Women have never fought for the complete annihilation of the feminine identity, only for its recognition and empowerment, shakti or karpu in describing the power of Women. There is no sense of an independentwoman, empowered by her own agency, who makes decisions for her own self-realisation. Her liberation is accepted only in so far as it fits the contours of the nationalist project. There is no sense of autonomy or empowerment as an end in themselves. Kumari Jayawardena among others has written extensively on how nationalist movements put forward women's liberation programmes only insofar as they fulfil nationalist aspirations. In that sense the LTTE would not approve of the international women's movement which puts social justice and identity, politics above the concerns of nationalism. The notion of empowered female agents, creating their own political and social agenda, independent of male authority, asserting autonomy and identity would not be accepted as part of the T TE policy on women. In addition the universalism of the Women's movements which attempts to subvert nationalist categories from within, while asserting international ideals of women=S Solidarity across cultures, against war and for peace, would not find resonance with the LTTE notion of women's equality.
Finally, the LTTE ideal of the armed guerilla woman puts forward an image of purity and virginity. There is enormous emphasis on both these characteristics. LTTE women are groomed as one group in one division with one purpose. In the LTTE ideology misogyny or hybridity is a terrible crime. The Women are described as pure, virtuous. Their chastity, their unity of purpose and their sacrifice of social life supposedly gives them strength. They are denied sexual or sensual experiences. This refusal to accept hybridity, sensuality, sexuality, the social mixing of human beings as an important part of everyday life, is a foundational principle of nationalist ideologies and the LTTE is no excep
thnic nation
E cry of the "s in the post. Could indeed hav tent force. But ho like India, with a r paratus in place í ate (or recreate w years since indep ing Indian nationa rise of the sub-na This question in academic circl quite some timer Concern of late. A tionalism flaring u lently, it issurpris which has been a
tion. The armed ensures that this on denial, is a pal tion of what it m the World view ol who value multic versity and hybri by the monocult tions the life an Women cadre of
In conclusion armed women of nist movement to own assumption. Women by giving them out of the the most mascu forward as an as tion. By putting LTTE forces us tc foundational val feminism is in non-violence, to tion of life over c society with the desperately seek have legitimacy manistic principl theirmoral anch stract notions of this lecture by C of Rajni Thirana murdered a few Tamil, married t Jaffna, fighting th armies, the IPKF kan Army and againstall odds' rection of the bro
 

her Tamil
ationalis
In Tamil Nadu ?
T N Gopalan
lism Could be the Warhort 20th century". And Soviet Union world it e become the most pov far a multi-nation state elatively democratic apund striving hard to crehat has been lost in the 2ndence) an all-embraclism, would be hit by the tional movements?
has been agonised over es and in the media for low and with increasing part from the tribal napinthe North-East viruingly Tamil nationalism focal point for the com
virginal woman cadre notion of purity, based rt of the Social construcbans to be a woman in F the LTTE. Those of us ulturalism based on didity can only be stifled iral vision which condid times of the armed the LTTE. , it may be said that the the LTTE forces the femi) come to terms with its s. The empowerment of them arms and taking nome, making them do line of activities, is put pect of women's liberaforward this ideal, the come to terms with the les of feminism. Unless Ked to humanism, to hybridity and a celebraleath, it will not provide alternatives that we so . Feminist practices only f they are based on hues; otherwise they lose or and dissipate into abequality. So, let me end lebrating a life, the life Jama, who was brutally years ago. She was a a Sinhalese, living in emoral authority of four the LTTE, the Sri Lanthe EPRLF, struggling or the humanistic resurken palmyrah. O
mentators - surprising in that Tamil nationalism has long since ceased to be militant and is unlikely to prove disruptive of the greater Indian polity even in the distant future. Most of the contending forces in the political arena actually compete with each other in establishing their "patriotic" credentials.
Still the concern is understandable in that the middle classes which have a vested interestina larger entity are constantly haunted by the Tiger phenomenon arising from the neighbouring island. Even if they do not look under every bed for a Prabhakaran, the possible eddy effects of the Eelam struggle are giving them many a sleepless night.
The objective of the present discussion is not to examine the desirability or otherwise of Tamil nationalism as Such but to find out how alive and effective it is - effective in terms of political mobilisation, that is.
The issue came to the forefront in November in the backdrop of two or three developments - a conference of the Thamizh Chandror Peraval (Council of the Tamil elders) and another organised by the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) on the one hand and the depositions of the former and present Chief Ministers before the Jain Commission inquiring into the possible conspiracy behind the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
In fact the depositions were by themselves a sufficient commentary on Tamil nationalism, to be more specific, on that variant which identifies itself with the Tigers in toto, seriously believes that the Tamils are a race born to rule and nostalgically looks back to the days of the 'glorious' Tamil kings of yore. (It may be appropriate to note here that in the Tigerdom such a belief is sedulously fostered by every means available to the 'rulers'.)
And so when two leading Tamil politicians, representing two important mass-based parties, openly and categorically come out against the Tigers, that speaks volumes about the support the Tiger-type Tamil nationalism enjoys in Tamil Nadu or at least of their perception of the matter,
Predictably it was Jayalalitha who came out very strongly against the LTTE. "Before the assassination, they were perceived as the saviours of the Sri Lankan

Page 24
24 | AML tîMîts
Tamils, but after the event they were seen as a group of deadly terrorists who should not be encouraged", she said.
And she went on to recall with pride her role in putting down the LTTE activities in the state and pressurising the Centre to ban the organisation.
it should be recalled here right through to the later part of 1990 she had remained a strong votary of the Tigers. So much so that even after the massacre of the EPRLF leaders that she maintained that warts and all the LTTE was the Sole option before the Lankan Tamils - apparently under the belief that saying anything against the Tigers could prove politically disadvantageous to her,
However, when she realised that taking an anti-Tiger stance would not boomerang on her, lnstead could even catapult her to power, she executed a neatuturn and portrayed them as monsters and Villed the then Chief Minister Karunandhl for encouraging anti-nationals,
And once in power, she not only went after the Tigers and their supporters with a vengeance but made life miserable for the ordinary refugees she even damned them for breaking the law of the land, indulging in dacoitles and the like and sought to compulsorily repatriate them all - evidently she did all that because she believed that such an approach would go down Well With the electorate,
After the humiliating electoral debacle - which again had nothing to do with the issue of the Lankan Tamils - she has pretty little to bank upon except the Tiger card to win back the favour of the masses. The point is not whether she is right or not but simply that in the eyes of a populist leader taking an anti-Tiger stance could prove productive.
If Jayalalitha, a brahmin by birth, and hence instantly becomes suspect in a Dravidian Tamil nationalist discourse, had behaved true to her character, pray what did that Wonderful saviour of the Tamil cause, the unique leader of the Tamilspeaking community the world over, Mr M Karunanidhi, have to say?
"I have ceased to be a sympathiser of the LTTE over a period of time and they in fact planned to eliminate me. On that score accepted more security"he told the Commission and was at pains to prove that his policies as the Chief Minister in his previous tenure had had the approval of the central leaders at that time and that the MGR regime too had encouraged the Tigers no end.
His Tamil Eelam Supporters Organisation Conference in 1986 had attracted leaders cutting across the political spectrum, he recalled in an attempt to prove that the Lankan Tamil cause had had the endorsement of most political parties at one stage or other - the message being that if he was going to be indicted, there were others who were equally guilty. He also claimed that he had advised Mr
V. Gopalsamy to tone rhetoric.
His version of hic tance himself from t very touching reading had sympathised not but also with othermi like the EPRLF and he became disenchan as they started elimir as Srisabarathnam a The EPRLF masSacra Thereafter he would with them, he asserte erally believed that hi was taken off its guar the fact remains that it ers get away safely, A the Jaya regime ther of his being arrested cape of the killers. His tary R Nagarajan ha him with issuing oral effect, The trial is still Karunanidhi's assertik that context, Merciful the Tigers a group of go back on his oppo Peace Keeping Forc clvillans in the penins deal at the hands oft reiterated, in the circ could be more Illogica Some sections in the that the Tamil separa militancy are loomin ZO,
Anyway some ob panicky Whenever su ing shops like the Cha PMK conferences ar. not to deny that ther and will always contif ticulate, vocal and V. tionalist section whic beats its breast ove the Tamil community declaiming that the speaking non-brahmir ish only in a separate always take care to S they do not go overbo hind the bars,
The Chandror Pel ing the last months ( as a professed attemr enthusiasts under on very indifferent one-y not achieve much ex occasional seminars E nOCUOUS StatementS so the anniversary sh be a more serious sat to make up for the op
There was a lot lamenting that the Bl rule the roost in mar the Hindi-speaking M speaking communiti themselves while Tal exploited but remain

CMRggs
down his pro-Tiger
w he came to dishe LTE makes for indeed. Initially he only with the Tigers, litantorganisations he ELO, However ted with them slowly ating such leaders nd Amirthalingam. was the last straw, have nothing to do d. Though it is gens then government d by the massacre, had helped the killAt one stage during Was even a threat for abetting the ess own Home Secred actually charged instructions to that on in that case and ons must be seen in ly he would not call deadly terrorists or sition to the Indian e either. The Tamil ula suffere'da great he Indian forces, he umstances nothing than asserting, as media tend to do, tism and tiger-type g ilarge on the hori
servers tend to get |ch essentially talkindror Peravai or the e organised. This is e has always been nue to be a very arociferous famil nah tears its hair and r the evil days that has fallen into and Tamils, the Tamilsections, can flourTamil state. But they ee that in their zeal ard and wind up be
rawai, launcheddurof the Jaya regime, pt to bringali Tamil e banner, has had a ear existence. It did cept holding some and issuing some inonce in a while, And OW Was destined to pre-rattling exercise, portunities lost, of it, the speakers rahmins should stili y walks of life, that arwaris and Telugues too should fatten mils continue to be oblivious that they
were being taken for a ride by everyone around, that they should be losing interest in their own glorious mothertongue and develop a craze for English, ad nauSea.
"Wake up you Tamils before it is too late." Such was the clarion call of the Peravai though nobody spelt out or seemed to know how to wake up the sleeping Tamils or do what after they had woken up.
Though the image of the LTTE was hovering in the background all the while, there were repeated laudatory references to Prabhakaran and his followers, still the Perava's concern avowedly was more general, the betterment of the Tamils in india,
The PMK's latter-day TESO was a more straight forward Tiger-hosanna show, The previous day Director General of Police K K Rajasekharan Nair issued a statement warning that anyone making any statement supporting "banned organisations" would be prosecuted.
When sought for his comments UnJon Minister for Personnel S R Balasubramanian conceded that the Lankan Tamils had their own problems, but threatened that any action promoting the "banned outfits" would be viewed seriously,
The twin-threat one from a Malayalee (the DGP) and other a Telugu-speaking Naidu, as the speakers at the PMK conference Crudely put it, only spurred the Tiger-votaries into making hysterical statements, holding up the LTTE acts as an inspiring saga in Tamil history and eulogising Prabhakaran as the sole leader of the besieged Tamil community and whose example had better be emulated by all others.
Mr Thiagu, a Naxalite-turned-Tamil nationalist and organiser of the Dhilleepan Manram, wanted to know whether the life of Rajiv was more precious than those of Dhileepans and Kittus and Mr SupaVeerapandian, afamil professor, recounting the noble history of the Tigers asserted that they could never be vanquished, notwithstanding some temporary setbacks and that they knew best how to conduct the Eelam struggle. A concert by Thenisai Chellappa full of high-decibel paeans for Prabhakaran and nasty digs at his critics was another highlight of the show. This writer who also spoke tried to draw the attention of those wildly rooting for Prabhakaran to first stop and think as to why under a regime like that of Karunanidhi even the innocent refugees should be harassed midsea and cases registered against the fishermen ferrying them in and why the Eelam cause should have gone out of the agenda of most political parties.
Anyway such voices were lost in the din of hallelujahs for Thambi. A resolution demanding unrestricted entry of the refugees was among the saner points at
(Continued on page 35)

Page 25
vassararreh - - - - út-ifi-5-i í i S Sv
THE EXECUTVE COMMITTE -THE CASE FORTSADO
by Oswald B Firth OM & Richard A C
mong the numerous proposals submitted to the Parliamentary Select Committee for Constitutional Reform (PSCCR) for its consideration, there is a particular one that predicates the functional integration, to an appreciable degree, of the Members of Parliament of whatever Government is in power with thosein the Opposition, at leastas faras the participatory, decision-making process at the Parliamentary level is concerned. The manner how this proposal is expected to be implemented is by incorporating into the Constitution-to-be, in an appropriately modified form, the Executive Committee system, a la the Donoughmore Constitution, to suit the multiparty pluralistic character of the present Sri Lankan polity.
A wide gamut of considered views in favour of its adoption, from authoritative sources whose credentials are beyond question, has already found expression in ample measure. Of them, there is the veteran politician of the calibre of the late Mr SWRD Bandaranaike, who had been a most perceptive actor in the political arena for no less than 26 years until his untimely death, the late Dr Colvin R de Silva, the eminent constitutionalist, lawyer and politician in his own right, the other seasoned politician, Mr Dinesh Gunawardene, the MEP leader, who has made an unprecedented proposal to the PSCCR with regard to the Executive Committee system, and the Rhodes scholar/academic turned politician, Professor GL Peiris, who also has made one of the most convincing cases in favour of this system. Of the NGOs, the Organisation of Professional Associations representing 32 professions in the country has also made its submissions to the PSCCR to the same effect. In this regard the academic studies done by the late Dr DS Weera Wardana, the former Lecturer in Economics of the then University of Ceylon in his book"Government and Politics in Ceylon", and that of Dr Jane Russell's "Communal Politics Under the Donoughmore Constitution: 1931-1947" provideawealthof objective material at an in-depth level.
The case of Mr Bandaranaike's is One that gives much food for thought because he, having been at one time a fervent supporter of the Executive Committee system, then a convert to the Cabinet system, once again became a reconvert to the Executive Committee system, which also revealed his generally open-ended frame of mind. What adds credibility to
this Volte face of his sion came after havi experience of the S nesses of both thes unique, vantage pos Leader of the Hous Opposition and Prin ther the Donoughm Constitution. He was fied to compare the of the Executive Col those of the Cabinet 1957 he made the fe which deserves Seri countries where you two parties to divid issues, there shoulc the system where a party, have Some sha Under the Donoug backbenchers of all executive work and terness and sense
liable to develop not position parties, but of the government.T the executive syster Ceylon, but it was scrapped it altogeth 8 November).
SWIRD’s Lamentati In this regard, J. opinion that, ABa judgement on the D. sation windicated Commissioners who of the reasons forth cians in Ceylon art details of administi would lose touch W overlook them. The tee system will the of necessity and giv culiar genius o themselves' (ibidpp he amented over Executive Committ Soulbury Constituti tured on party lines and viability even ul form of government The other arden tem was none othe Silva in presentatic eral Seminars on C organised by nume the Centre for Soci the Council for Libel At the Seminar on ers, Functions and

SYSTEM TION
las
is that his reconverng gained first-hand trengths and weake systems, from the tion of a Minister, the e, the Leader of the e Minister under eiore or the Soulbury thus eminently qualimerits and demerits mmittee system with system. As such, in ollowing observation )us consideration. "In cannot hope to get e on purely political i be a modification of Il MP's regardless of are in executive work. nmore Constitution, parties shared the you avoided the bitof frustration that is onlyamong the Opeven backbenchers here were defects in n as it was worked in a mistake to have er" (Hansard, 1945,
O ane Russell is of the ndaranaike=s final onoughmore dispenhe (Donoughmore
had adduced as one e system that: “Politialways involved in ation. The politician th reality were he to
executive) commitefore make a virtue e free play to the pef the Ceylonese 214-15). The fact that he exclusion of the ee system from the on, which was struc
indicates its validity der a Parliamentary
advocate of this systhan Dr Colvin R de ns he made at Sevonstitutional Reform ous NGOs including ty and Religion and al Democracy (CLD). Parliament: Its PowRoles", organised by
CLD, Drde Silva stated that"the most important thing about the set-up (Donoughmore Constitution) was this. Those (Executive Committees had tremendous power in the initiation of legislation. And secondly, in the Supervision of the execution of the legislation. It was in the Committees that the Bills that ultimately came before the Board of Ministers and through it to the State Council, originated...There were various Departments under each of these Committees... according to the subjects allocated to these Committees, and actually the Committees could meet again in the matter of the Executive tasks of the various Department. That is, bring their influence to bear and take up those matters in the Committees and make their decisions to be carried out, so that the Ministers are not quite as free to use their powers as they are today. Finally, all these matters came through the Board of Ministers as I said. What I wanted to stress was this: In those Committees there would come up matters which most closely concerned the people, for the simple reason that the people in those Committees were those who had been chosen by the people. This brought the whole process of the Government in the country, aside from what the Governor was responsible for, into close relationship directly with the common people. Their wishes, their demands, their dislikes, all got reflected in these Committees precisely because the Committees had all the powers of legislation and also powers of Executive action being ensured". (ldeas for Constitutional Reform edited by Chanaka Amaratunga, published by CLD).
At another presentation at a seminar on "The Presidency and the Institutional Form of the Sri Lankan State" also organised by the CLS, Dr de Silva, when referring to the Donoughmore Constitution once again emphasised that "it carried with it a very valuable institution, the Executive system from which I think, if I say so to you, it was the major misfortune that we got away, for that system may have been capable of improvement. And firmly and personally believe that, had that system been carried over to the new stage of Constitutional changes keeping that form and basis, much of the problems of the minorities with regard to the participation in power at the Centre might have been, to some degree at least, assuaged and compensated for, even if it might not have fulfilled their requirements completely". (ibid)
The sum and substance of these presentations were that: (a) Governance, both legislative and executive, became a collective, interlinked effort and the responsibility of all the legislators and not just those in power; (b) there was an effective curbing of any authoritarian tendencies of the respective Ministers; (c) it enhanced the capacity to initiate a greater

Page 26
26 TAMILTIMES
volume of legislation; (d) it facilitated a closer relationship with the people; and (e) it sensitised the legislators regarding the problems of the minority communities with greater acuteness.
A Holistic Approach
Probably it was left to Mr Dinesh Gunawardene to even go beyond both Mr Bandaranaike and Dr de Silva in his advocacy of the Executive Committee system when he made a strong case before the PSCCR that it should be an integral part not only of the Parliamentary set-up but also of the District Councils (which in his opinion should be the basic unit of devolution) as well. Whether one agrees or not with what the basic unit should be, this two-pronged approach would facilitate power-sharing at both the Centre and at the periphery atone and the same time, even if the unit of devolution Were to remain at the Provincial Council level. This is truly a bold and innovative move with far-reaching consequences, the most significant of which would be the close relationship the electors will have with the elected. Moreover, if accepted by the PSCCR in the form as suggested by Mr Gunawardene, devolution of power would have gained a meaningful dimension with the sharing of power by all are elected to such bodies,
The implied logic behind adopting the Executive Committee system at all levels of these politico-administrative structures pre-supposes is that like peace, powersharing between those in power and those out of power is also indivisible. To restrict such power-sharing only at the Parliamentary level would not only be a contradiction but also counter-productive and self-defeating. His is a more holistic approach which deserves to be extended even to the Pradeshiya Sabhas, Municipalities, Urban and Town Councils as well, which is where the day-to-day micro-level problems of the people are closely feit and, therefore, could be effectively solved. Such power-sharing through the Executive Committee system at all these levels, particularly where all the three major communities live together, would go along way in welding them into harmonious social units. This is a far cry from confrontational politicking which is the order of the day under the existing set-up with precedence already created for the Opposition to oppose for the sake of opposing
The most explicit treatment of this subject was done by Professor G.L. Peiris when he adduced no less than 13 reasons in favour of the adoption of a modified form of the Executive Committee system in the OPA Journal Vol 15, 1992-93 on "Sri Lanka's Constitutional Problems; Lessons from the Donoughmore Constitution". In his opinion, "In the setting of Sri Lanka's present constitutional problems, the Donoughmore Constitution, so far as the wielding of executive power is
concerned, had two features (excerpts duced below for War (a) in terms of th tem, the legislature executive power and traneous body such the contrary, the leg dience of Constitutir of Executive Commit tive power in its ow effectively througho islature...
(b) in view of th sation which is undo lem in Sri Lanka to particular emphasis the Donoughmore C persons with differin and points of view, longing to one politi active contribution to implementation of e.
Deserves Serious
if the central col the necessity for ens trol by the elected re people over the ex power - admittedly Welfare state - ther without hesitation th tures of the Donoug which is part of SriL heritage, deserve se (1) The Donoug bled a continuity ar Volvement in execut of the legislature, wł achievable underth government.
(2) this encoura their preference with tive Committee whic to - for example, he cal government. E freely and delibera area for his contrib he found congenial special knowledge (3) Every Mem virtue of his membe Committee, acquire supervision over ments falling within ecutive Committee This valuably enha sponsibility and reli (4) This regulat couraged member secure a grasp of í which they would p not expected of the of the Cabinet syst (5) The clear ir tive as well as a let ment and the exp these two function ognition of distinct of the discharge of tions, rendered Pa

o utvecvatsbtR 1996
articularly valuable f which are repro
of pace): Donoughmore sysd not divest itself of surrender it to an exas the Cabinet. On slature by the expeitself into a variety es, retained execuhands and used it it the life of the leg
3 excessive politicibtedly a grave probay, we would place on the scope which institution allowed for g political ideologies ind certainly not beial party, to make an the formulation and cecutive policy.
Reflection ncern agitating us is uring adequate conpresentatives of the ercise of executive crucial in a modern we would suggest at the following fea|hmore Constitution, anka's constitutional
rious reflection. hmore system enald an intensity of inive policy on the part ichisnot realistically e Cabinet system of
ged Members to state regard to the Execu:h they would belong alth, education or loach Member Would tely choose, as the tion, a subject which and in which he had or experience, per of Parliament, by rship of an Executive d the right to exercise overnment departhe purview of the Exo which he belonged. ced his sense of re
VanCe, ty of involvement enof the legislature to dministrative details, rceive, was certainly n by the assumptions
rn. pulsion of an execuslative role to Parliacit division between fortified by the recrocedures in respect hese disparate funciamentary scrutiny of
government much more meaningful and productive underthe Donoughmore Constitution.
(6) The fact that Parliament had a separate opportunity in executive session to address itself to matters of administrative detail, naturally, gave it ample scope to focus upon broad issues of legislative policy in legislative session.
(7) The dual aspect of Parliament's supervisory role gave the legislature far greater leverage with regard to control of public finance - a function which goes to the very root of Parliamentary responsibility in the context of representative government.
(8) The smallness of the Executive Committees in which administrative business was transacted engendered a sense ofintimacy which was conducive to greaterfrankness and candour. Posturing was Seldom resorted to in this environment.
(9)The Executive Committee system, which was the basic feature of the Donoughmore Constitution, encouraged compromise and willingness to give and take, All points of view tended to be taken into account before a decision was made, and the attainment of consensus was, therefore, easier.
(10) The Executive Committee systement itself to the establishment of Wiable consultative mechanisms consisting principally of sub-committees and joint committees. Where a project involved diverse aspects and ramifications, all the relevant Executive Committees had to be consulted and their responses had a bearing on the final decision which was arrived at
(11)The modalities pertaining to the Executive Committee system gave free rein to the ventilation of grievances; this made it possible for tensions to be alleviated, and redress sought, before problems assumed alarming proportions. In this way a useful safety valve was provided.
(12) The Executive Committee system had special usefulness in relation to ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. In a small Committee the minority's standpoint tended to receive greater consideration and, since every vote counted, a differing view was generally not brushed aside. Attitudes of confrontation were thus avoided,
(13) The system, by its very nature, could be expected to provide a significant impetus for the strengthening and development of a multi-party system which, clearly, would enrich public life in the setting of a multi-racial and multi-cultural community".
Some Positive Features
This overview of a variety of positive features inherent in the Executive Committee systemprovides convincing testimony of the need to incorporate this constitutional devise, not only at the Parliamentary level but also at the Provincial

Page 27
Council/Pradeshiya Sabha/Municipal/Urban/Town/Village Council levels.
Professor Peiris has been sensitive to the fact the Sri Lankan society has "changed a great deal during the intervening years" and as such, instead of any "uncritical and mechanical absorption into the constitutional law and practice of Sri Lanka (of) these attributes of the Donoughmore Constitution", he rightly asserts that certain relevant features relating to the Executive Committee system could be "imaginatively adapted and applied to contemporary conditions of Sri Lanka". In this regard, he pinpoints two particular areas that should be taken into account, namely "to exercise effective supervision and control over the executive (and) to draw divergent political perspectives and persuasions into vital areas of the government process so as to prevent unhealthy fragmentation of the community into warring groups activated by rancour and bitterness vis-a-vis their opponents".
His stance underlines the benefits that would accrue by the incorporation of these elements into the Constitution which are expected to provide lasting solutions to many an ill that afflicts Sri Lanka's body politic. Implicit in his presentation is also a critique of the Cabinet system which, in his opinion, suffers from certain inherent structural cum functional infirmities and inadequacies that have rendered it ineffectual in the overall governance of the country by whatever government is in power.
Of particular relevance is the weightage Professor Peiris has given for the solution of the ethnic problem which had been mainly due to the sense of alienation felt by the minority communities from the mainstream of national life which, in his opinion, could be remedied by reconstituting the Executive Committee system because then "the minority standpoint tended to receive greater consideration." He seems to behaving both the hindsight and the foresight not to blindly adopt this system lock, stock and barrel. For many have been the instances in the post where there had been a serious dereliction of duty on the part of those who wielded power underthe Donoughmore Constitution. In fact, there had been some Members of the then State Council Who had contrived to manipulate it to their own advantage to further their own vested interests, which often reduced it to a game of musical chairs as to who should be in Which Executive Committee so that their hidden agenda could be implemented! It had even led to a kind of an aberration in the form of the controversial Pan-Sinhala Board of Ministers in 1936, which according to Jane Russell, "The most significant and unfortunate result of the Pan-Sinhalese Ministry was it provided ample fuel for the Ceylon Tamil communalists. Predictably, the communalists represented
the Sinhalese lead to their electors, D. sident of the Jaffna been in 1925 a f tionalist and an an an extreme COmrin (when he asserte people are glutted were able to grasp numerical strengt Now they desire power. The presen purely Sinhalese vised, planned and into existence is th communal aspirat the Tamil politicall be un reservedly c (ibid)
A Few Minus Poir Among the ot Executive Commit ing also deserve si PSCCR (a) it cont gemony of the maj expense of the n specially the Tami many instances of ments to the public became "a sense ity dominated Me degree". (Russell) ruption were not absence in respe personnel into th even led the late N to move a resolutic to the effect that "A Servants should it to the Executive there was the ina Ministers to assun bility due to press every direction ac and fancies.
Lack of Space us to enumerateh cisms that have bi which should be rate study. it beh also the Minister fo to pay heed to the only by the Tamil academics who ha dies on this subjec wardana's book ( devoted no less t its chapters on the tive Committee sy With numerous re faulted, due to the made to function instead of any inh
Such acts of sion, however, S PSCCR and the M Affairs, and also th ing all necessary Executive Comr pre-eminent posit

rs as megalomaniacs Thambyah, the PreAssociation, who had rvent Christian seci-Hindu, had taken up nalist stance by 1937 1) that "the Sinhalese with power, which they by reason of the vast of their community, arger accessions of Board of Ministers, a body, deliberately deplotted, and schemed e climax of Sinhalese Ons'. This Convinced adership of the day to ritical of this system"
tB
her Criticisms of the tee system the follow3rious attention by the ived to assert the heority community at the inority communities, s; (b) there had been favouritism in appoint; service; (c) nepotism of familial responsibilmbers' attitudes to a ; (d) bribery and corconspicuous by their ct of appointments of a public service. This Mr G G Ponnambalam on in the State Council ppointments of Public t no case be referred Committee"; and (e) |bility of the Board of he collective responsiures on them to pull in cording to their whims
here does not permit ere a host of other Critien levelled against it, he subject of a sepa}veS the PSCCR and ir Constitutional Affairs se criticisms made not :ommunity but also by We done extensive stut. In this regardWeeraeferred to earlier) has Ian 26 pages in two of subject on the Execustem, which is replete ferences Where it had nanner how it had been or rather dysfunction rent structural defects. mission and commishould not detract the nisterfor Constitutional e Opposition from taksteps to re-install the hittee system in the on it enjoyed under the
Donoughmore Constitution, but with all safeguards taken to ensure that it functions at an optimum level.
Whatever is said and done, among the other reasons that could be adduced in favour of such an adoption of a modified form of the Executive Committee system εΘ:
(1) That it would enhance the participatory character in the decision-making process of all the legislators, irrespective of whether they are in the Government or in the Opposition, and particularly those who represent the interests of the minority communities.
(2) That there would be a more consensual approach when such decisions are made, in contrast to the adversarial approach as at present which is abortive of much results,
(3) That to that extent, the sense of alienation that legislators, not only in the Opposition but also among the backbenchers of the Government party itself, often feels, will be reduced to the mini
nunn.
(4) That the decision-making process will cease to be the monopoly or the prerogative of the Cabinet of Ministers and/ or the party in power, with scant attention being given to the legislators in Opposition.
(5) That this would result in the present top-down imposition being substituted with the bottom-up approach that would give a sense of gratification to all legislators participating to all legislators participating the proceedings of Parliament that they have all made their contri. butions in the formulation of most of the legislation.
(6) That thus the final outcome o each Bill, Act or motion would have beer subjected before they are presented to Parliament for ratification, to a thorough evaluation from different perspectives. Fo the give-and-take interaction done infor. mally across the table would be in sharp contrast to the formal, lengthy 'speechifications' done standing, which often produce more sound than sense, with vituperative epithets casts with gay abandon across the floor of the House.
(7) That this renewed feature would be instrumentalin evolving a vibrant political Culture of mutual tolerance and respect for opposing viewpoints that is sadly conspicuous by their absence today. It would generate also a Sense of conviviality, and also consultation, compromise and consensus (a Premadasa aphorism that seems to have been honoured more in the breach than in its observance!)
(8) That such a healthy relationship would have a benign impact on our social values and norms, and above all on the behavioural pattern of all segments of our Society now so deeply fractured, whose fissures are felt down to the grassroots family units. At least to certain degree it could help restore the cohesive, organic

Page 28
Zo i Arvi i irvie 0
character of our rural Society, where over 80% of our live, which is a dire need of the hour.
(9) That, last but not the least, powersharing in a meaningful way both at the Centre and also at the periphery would be a living reality, though yet an elusive dream - with Concrete results that would give a sense of belonging to all communities, investing the devolutionary process with an added significance. In turn, this could ensure the territorial integrity of the country, provided other essential pre-conditions are also fulfilled.
It would, however, be too presumptuous if one were to repose faith exclusively in this device as the panacea for all the country's political ills. The very complexity of our problems today demand a multi-pronged approach if they are to be resolved without creating more new intractable problems.
Nevertheless, the adoption of a revised version of the Executive Committee system, as suggested above, would mark a complete break from the 48-year tradition, since Independence, of the Parliamentary form of government in which whatever government party and the official Opposition have been in office, they have been forever congealed in their respective strait-jacketed adversarial positions. They have remained with daggers drawn on either side of their "Berlin Wall' as if that was how it had been pre-ordained for them even before they were elected to office!
Once such a reconstituted Executive Committee system got institutionalised as a part and parcel of our political process at all levels its spin-off effect could have far reaching consequences. For, such radical change could induce the politically partisan contending forces in and out of power, who are now in a perpetual state of conflict and confrontation, to interact with each other in a spirit of give-and-take tolerance, mutual respect and harmony on an unprecedented scale. If this laudable, yet elusive, objective becomes a reality, it could truly be said that Sri Lanka would have attained that degree of political maturity we could be proud of.
This should in turn have a far reaching impact on our Socio-cultural milieu with the vast Concourse of our people beg inning to emulate the example set by the political elite. It could then create a climate that would be conducive for a qualitative transformation of the prevailing ethos of our society, leading to paradigm shift in the sphere of human relations from one of bi-polarity to that of bi-partisanship - in every layer of our society. It is only then that Sri Lanka would have come of age, in more than one sense of that term.
Fr Oswald B Firth is the Co-Director of the Centre for Society & Religion (CSR) Richard A Dias is the Associate Editor of "Social Justice", which is published by CSR. O
ndia's external affa parted from a time, allowing the visit c minister Jyoti Bas Bangla Desh. The been, and perhaps minister to lead such bouring countries. ir federalism is a some concept, the 60-yea is more than a union frontrunner for the p this May until the CP the proposal to join ernment at the cent has no choice but to who put the CPI(M) bourgeois respectab Basu is easily til Bengali to the work VlVekananda, Rabir Aurobindo, Subhas, Shankar and Satya leading the left front back in the 1977 ele gal, Basu has beco broad mass appeal and middle peasant evolving a strategic ment of the peasar Bengal, he ensured in al subsequent el Though the CPI(M formed a governme keen to lead a coali the Writers'Building Calcutta.
One of the Subco politicians, Basu ha about him.These da wel-disposed towar talism. His bhadral class) background, E cation and supreme him a peculiar socia use liberal, pragma methods to combat litical opponents - th Congress and left quite a few friends i the Marxist econom has been sympathet cause, has served ter, American linguis Chomsky visited ru invitation last year; E to be keen to get Gal to inaugurate the a national festival this the mercurial Latin underground for aw
Basu successf
 

165ECEMBEH nyy
by G.Ramesh
rS establishment detested convention in f West Bengal chief u to neighbouring custom has always till is, to get a union lelegations to neightoday's India where what more respected r-old Veteran leader minister. He was the rime minister's post (M) politburo vetoed he united front gove And Deve Gowda listen to this leader on the pedestal of ility. he most Well-known d this century after |dranath Tagore, Sri Chandra Bose, Ravi jit Ray. Ever since to a politica comebctions in West Benme a leader with a cutting across poor s in rural Bengal. By plan for the developntry's rights in rural the CPI(M)'s victory ections of the state. 1) could well have nt by itself, Basu is tion of left parties at , the seat of power in
ntinent's senior most as an enigmatic air ys, he is known to be is multinational capiok (Bengali middle British university eduindifference makes | democrat, willing to tic as well as tough diverse diverse poe right-wing BJP, the extremists. He has intellectual circles: st Ashok Mitra, who c to the Lankan Tamil is his finance minist-philosopher Noam al Bengal at Basu's asu was even known oriel Garcia-Marquez nnual Calcutta interyear - that is before \merican writer went hile. lly concluded a six
day visit to Dhaka last week. He was accompanied by two of his closest ministers Buddhadev Bhattacharya and Dr Ashim Dasgupta. The visit was at the instance of the newly elected Bangla prime minister Hasina Wajed, who quickly recognised the role Basu could play to settle the age-old dispute on the Farakka barrage across the river Ganga (as it is called in Hindi heartland) or river Padma (in Bengali). Hasina, who is a pragmatic leader, knows Basu's clout with Delhi. She ensured that Basu's visit coincided with the 25th anniversary of the Bangla Desh liberation war in which Indian armed forces played a key role to help her father Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. Hasina could afford to ignore the protests of protocol made by her archrival and predecessor Begum Khaleda Zia about Basu's visit. Herforeign minister Abdus Samad Azeez was with Basu throughout the visit.
Basu promptly told Hasina that the final decision for a permanent solution on the river water dispute could be arrived at during her visit to Delhi next month. He made a phone calto Deve Gowdato brief him about the talks. The intractable problem of refugee flow from Bangla Desh to India, especially the northeastern region, will have to wait, Basu apparently made it clear to Hasina. The influx Created tensions in Assam ruled by Asom Gana Parishad, which is part of the united front government at Delhi.
Basu's ties with Bangla Desh are too close. It was sweet homecoming for the aging patriarch. In spending a few of the six days at his ancestral village of Barodi, the aging Basu emulated Garcia-Marquez whose novels keep returning to Macondo, the dream village of his forefathers. And Bangla Desh is special to every Bengali
(continued on next page)

Page 29
tpuzzles Tamil Nadu as to why Muthuvel Karunanidhi has spared former AIADMK ministers who have recently chosen to defy Jayalalitha. They are quite a handful - S Kannappan, who is an accused in the coal import scandal along with Jayalalitha, SD SomaSundaram, who was very close to Jayalalitha's friend Sasikala Natarajan's family not long ago; S.Muthusamy, whose sprawling Chennai house was raised; C Aranganayagam, who was sacked by Jayalalitha after the teachers' training colleges scandal, his successor Ponnusamy, the raid on whose residences came to a halt after he joined the rebel camp in a jiffy; S Thennavan, her information minister Who Was in charge of the notorious WorldTamil Conference public relations at Thanjavur. And SΟ ΟΥ,
At the same time, Karunanidhi has gone hammer and tongs against her loyalists in the AIADMK. Almost everybody's houses have been raided, with a few exceptions like VR Neduncheshian. At least three are behind bars at a given time. Of the twoformer ministers recently released from jail, K P Krishnan, is lying low. Another, Indira Kumari, has taken to religion, The state government has collected a huge list of propertiles bought by Jayaaltha's arrested friend Saskala,
TAMIL, NADur's IP | SGENE GETS MUR
Jayalalitha is fighti ing anticipatory bail in seven major cas dealt with by the ( vestigation. Some have been frozen a to her granite resid last month. The big when the state gov her, for how long sh in any case, th everything is up for and cases. The Wh tionalised during Ja operational in the has been suspecte that financial deals to save the looter Karunanidhi make seizing the ill-gottel and her Cronies, of nargudi clan, of cor their henchmen, at cial court to punis nothing much has r lar courts have be{ ment lawyers while few is being done ernment coolly lets Karunandhi is fate of very many grew fat and rich c
(continued from page 28)
in India. It is from here that Ritwik Ghatak, arguably the greatest of modern India's filmmakers, came to Calcutta, But for the division of Bengal by the British and the trauma of Partition, both Bengals are homes for Bengalls who taste the same salty fish and share the same devastating cyclones from the Bay,
The only other recent occasion when achief minister of an Indian state got simillar oficial powers on external affairs was When M G Ramachandran and later Muthuvel Karunanidhi Was askDod to deal with political and militant groups of Lankan Tamils, No doubt, the whole exorcise was disliked by the external affairs establishment at Delhil, The entro process was kept under the prying eyes of Indian Intelligence agencies, Yet, both leaders negotiated with the LTTE and other Tamil leaders on numerous occasions. MGR did not live long enough to find out the aftermath of the Indo-Sri Lankan agreement to which he lent qualified support, And, In 1990, the then Prime Minister V P Singh allowed Karunanidhi to keep a channel open to Ranasinghe Premadasa. Why such initiatives were not destined to help
ami cultural Conr of the Pak Straits gether
The most impo continent, however Jlang Zemln whc slamabad, His Vis marked by cordial Indian talks onlon putes got a boost, Centred around de In matters political, Ors always resemb sphinx than the fir home! Despite thl. gave ample hints to move towards a With India on the K seems to be tellin discuss the Unite for a plebisolte in dian slde but not mand, While the gaga over thils ap nese standon Kas tlon is not clear, to what extent the was discussed b President, Farooc
 
 
 

g court battles seekafter she was charged 2s, one of them being entral Bureau of lnof her bank accounts hd a police team went enceat Poes Garden question, however, is Brnment would arrest e would be detained, amazing fact is that sale including probes eling-dealing instituvalalitha's reign is fully probes against her. It d for quite some time are being worked out s. From time to time, s some noise about wealth of Jayalalitha Sasikala and her Manrupt civil servants and hd constituting a speh them all. However, 'esulted and the regusn pulling up governframing of a selective ven as the state gov
of others, undecided about the op-rung officials who luring the Jayalalitha
nunities on either side is another story alto
rtant Visitorn the subWas Chinese Premier came to Delhi and to both Countries was ty, In Delhi, the Sinogstanding border disAt Islamabad, the talks enco deals, However, visiting Chinese leadle thefar-off Egyptian |-splitting dragon back , the Chinese leader o suggest to Pakistan negotiated settlement ashmir dispute, China g Pakistan that it can Nations' resolutions Kashmir With the Inpress for such a deIdian media has gone arent shift in the Chihmir, Pakistan's reacis also not known as Afghan war scenario Jiang and Pakistan Leghari. O
reign. Five IAS officials have been arrested, four suspended and several others interrogated on corruption charges so far, Karunanidhi has a few trusted men among the officials, but he has found it hard to get honest persons to whom probes on corruption charges against the previous regime could be entrusted. The temptation to go in for quick deals with corrupt officials who want to save themselves is getting irresistible for the relatively clean ones.
The Hindi Word benami needs no translation to other Indian languages, especially Tamil! Characteristic of this culture, key bureaucrats are known to have floated finance companies in the names of their friends and relatives. At least ter. such companies, after collecting deposits from unsuspecting middle classes promising exorbitant rates of interest, firms have downed shutters now. More than 20 promoters of such firms, have been arrested. And Karunanidhi's good intentions are not sufficient to ensure quick refund for duped persons. He wants to set up a special court to try financial offences involving local bigwigs.
Prime Minister, Deve Gowda is obviously more adept than Karunandihi in springing surprises and working out deals to snub probable political rivals. Deve Gowda went one up against TMC boss G K Moopanar by arresting his bosompal, M. Gopalakrishnan, the former highprofile chairman of the cash- strapped Chennai-based public sector Indian bank. Moopanar could not prevent the arrest though he was alerted by his own proteges In the Union ministry.
if Deve Gowda can ball outhis mate, Narasimha Rao, why not do it for old friend, Jayalalitha, After all, only last year, Deve Gowda had tried hard to Woo herto join the National Front from which Karunanidhi was dropped, Jayalalitha dashed off to Delhillast month to meet Deve GoWCda. Result: a quick order revoking the earlier detention of her friend Sasikala under the Forelign Exchange Act, Karunanldhl's protests were Just too feeble,
Palanlappan Chidambaram immediately got into the act since foreign exchange comes under his finance ministry, The result: Sasikala was Interrogated In a fresh case of foreign exchange violation in a deal between the Moscow-based Intersputnik satellite agency and the now defunct JJ TV A stunned Sasikala sWooned inside the Chennal central prison before her release, She Was shifted to a nearby government hospital, A humane Jayalalitha rushed to the hospital, their friendship got promptly revived even as finance ministry's men rearrested Sasikala,
The sudden death of Dr M Channa Reddy, who was quite a colourful personality as governor of Tamil Nadu, is posing fresh problems for ruling establishments (continued on next page)

Page 30
BLANMIDING THIE (L FOR DISASE
by G.Ramesh
ndian disasters have the knack of hitting world headlines. Even as the new government took charge in Delhi this summer, tragedy struck the annual Amarnath yatra in Kashmir where a "Sivalingam" in an ice-covered setting comes in view. More than 200 pilgrims froze to death in a blizzard before army helicopters began airlifting the stranded lot. The only redeeming feature of the tragedy was the help from Kashmiri Muslims to save the pilgrims. A report by a bureaucrat, Singupta, is yet to see the light of day.
Within the next two months, the capital and some other cities of north India were hit by Dengue fever. The official toll (such a concept will be possible only in India) at Delhi alone crossed three hundred. The epidemic was an obvious consequence of last year's Yamuna floods which brought in so much slush on which unknown mosquito variants carrying the virus could thrive. The fever simply terrorised the capital;'s elites including the international diplomatic corps for amonth before subsiding.
Come October-November the Bay of Bengal produces vengeful cyclones and the Andhra Pradesh Coast is the Worst sufferer in the process. The state had its first cyclone, a freak one, in June itself. The second cyclone which hit Kakinada coastline last month has been the worst, bringing so much havoc, flooding entire villages with tidal waves, destroying rice and chilli crops and gardens, and causing the disappearance of more than 1,300
(continued from page 29)
both at Delhi and Chennai. Reddy was a tough governor sent by Narasimha Rao in 1993 to rein in Jayalalitha. Once she bowed in for an electoral alliance with the Congress(I). Narasimha Rao coolly ignored Reddy's protestations, Deve Gowda would like to push his own list of names, but he will have to listen to Karunanidhi and Moopanar.
Besides the issue of the new governor. Karunanidhi has other reasons to be worried. He plans to go to the United States sometime in the next two months; the state government denies reports that he will undergo a medical check-up in the West. The chief minister, it says, is fine. The trip, it is stated, will promote investments of NRT's (Non-Resident Tamils) in Tamil Nadu. O
fishermen, who ign Went out to Sea. De mation about the Sev the district authoritic to carry out the task Sands of villagers to establishment has a clone was more than its Rs 50 crore aid \ for the gigantic task Structure in the des Minister N Chandrat least Rs 500 crore fo relief work goeson, t cyclone.
One dim wintry
the plains of Hary (where it is stated th Waľ WaS Once enaC Worst midair collisio history, Two planes w each other at a heigh feet. It was like two tined to meet and per and crewpersons W. ternational flights ral other shocking the Charkhi Dadri down || a Boeing Saudi airli
Michael
arvejana sukin people be happ saying. Saareje tan hamaaraa (Our better than all otherc - Urdu poet Moham Thani oruvanukk jаkаthinai ajhithiduv son has to go with stroy this world) - Ta Some oft-quotec flect the Indian etho: vastnation, compris nic groups, is gene preserved such nic level or other, notwith that have repeatedly the Partition massa missed as an aberr Until recently th blood-bath in the Nc ing inequities thank
 

D
pred warnings and pite advance inforerity of the cyclone, s had simply failed pf persuading thouget out. The Delhi dmitted that the cya national calamity. tas simply peanuts of rebuilding infra(royed areas. Chief abu Naidu wants at r this task. Even as he state faces a third
November evening, na north of Delhi at the Mahabharata ted) witnessed the n in recent aviation ere to have Crossed t difference of 1,000 mighty astras desish. 351 passengers are killed as two inmmed against each poor villagers of below. involved were ner, carrying mostly
migrant workers from north india to Daharan and Jeddah, and a Kazhakhstan jetliner carrying cargo and a few passengers coming to Delhi from Chimkent.
The aftermath of this grave tragedy at a height of 14,000 feet only confirmed the worst stereotypes of images of modern India which the World has come to believe. The air corridor from the West is too narrow for a busy international airport like Delhi. The AirTraffic Control in Delhi has not been sufficiently updated to enable the overworked control engineers to verify the exact height of the two planes. The controllers at the panel only know the distance of the planes from the airport and have to depend on the word of the pilot for important details like the height. The current theory doing the rounds is that the Kazakh plane pilot had "cut corners" while descending or that he had misunderstood the "fly at 15,000 feet" height directive given by the controllers in English. The Saudi pilot also did not seem to have acknowledged the controllers' instruction not to go above 14,000 feet. However, to blame it all on the deceased Kazakh or Saudi pilots is wrong. The plain fact is that the tragedy could have been averted, despite possible pilot error, if the controllers had taken some care to keep the two planes laterally separate.
Everyone must come to feel personally responsible for vagaries of nature like quakes and cyclones, said Mahatma Gandhi. On the other hand, a superfluous modern India feels free to blame the dead even for its own follies. O
Jacksons, Beauty Contests di Fasting Gandhians
T N Gopalan
obhavanthu. (Let all y) - ancient Sanskrit han se acha hindusHindustan, India, is ountries in the world) ned lqbal. u unavillaiyanil indha am. (Even if one perut food, we will demil poet Bharati. lines Supposed to redown the ages. This nga multitude of ethally believed to have ole values at some standing the turmoils wrought havoc. Even res tended to be distion. at is. The continuing rth East, the increasto liberalisation and
an atrociously corrupt breed of politicians have together contributed to a widespread Sense of disillusionment.
Imagine someone like a noted economic expert saying, as one such actually did in a column in a leading newspaper recently, that it was wrong on the part of the company managements to undertake to be the keepers of their workers, like building housing colonies or hospitals or schools for them. For in doing so the share-holders who have invested their money in the firm are cheated of their due share in the profits. the company's moral (sic) responsibility is to its share-holders first and not to its workers or to the community at large. That is supply-siding with a vengeance.
In such a suffocating atmosphere where greed and self-centredness are defined as the only acceptable standards for any Society, no one except those writ

Page 31
ing jingles for the Doordarshan (India's official TV channel) seem to believe that there is still anything noble left in this country. That cliched French phrase, fin de siecle, these days is more appropriately descriptive of India than of many other countries. The hysteria generated by such events as the beauty pageants and the Michael Jackson concerts and the stench emanating from the innumerable scams daily unravelled do make one wonder seriously about the future of India. And then the one great symbol of compassion and humanity, Mother Teresa, is fighting for her life in the hospital.
Amid such overwhelming gloom come reports of the waves being made by a rebellious Gandhian of Maharashtra, Anna Hazare (seventy plus), bending such a lumpen governmentas that of Shiv Sena's to his will. Perhaps not all is lost. Certainly not as yet such was indeed some comforting message of November.
The beauty pageant in Bangalore and the Jackson concert in Bombay both seemed to have held the nation in their thral for some time. The much-touted Jackson concert cannot, certainly, he branded as decadent as the Miss World contest. Jackson's own reputation might be very unsavoury and his acrobatics on the stage might even be found offensive by the lovers of classical music. Still everyone is entitled to his or her taste. But what one found jarring was that the entire media, the middle classes, the well-heeled youth especially, should have gone gaga over the event, Lakhs of rupees and lots (and lots of man hours and reams of newspaper space went down the drain in the process)
Apparently even the courts in this country were under his spell. For this very Jackson who had promised to tour India a couple of years ago and then abruptly cancelled his programme causing huge losses to the promoters was allowed to getaway scotfree even though everyone knew pretty well that once he left the country it would be next to impossible to get at him and make him cough up the compensation.
He was also treated as a VVIP guest by the Maharashtra government. And that was the high point of hypocrisy which characterised the event right through. For Maharashtra is ruled by the Shiv SenaBJP coalition which Would like to Show itself off as the most jealous guardian of all that is noble and precious and Indian, rather Hindu culture. Of course neither the BJP nor the Shiv Sena Would bother to tell the people where exactly did Jackson fit into the paradigm.
The Shiv Sena which had am-twisted the concert organisers into agreeing to dole out a percentage of the gate collection to some project initiated by it was naturally the most vociferous in promoting the show. Though its coalition partner was wincing and sauirming over it all, the
party chose to lum the survival of coal trated its fire on th Bangalore where it The pageant, a project and unaba view of Women a Sex-objects would ever it is held and impoverished Thir India, an India espe ditional sanctimoni profess to respect godhead.
There were ind ous feminist organi very virulent in its and tried to organ man in Maduraian organisation of the india (Marxist), in a even burnt himselft all to no avail. The con Valley themse government there view the occasion toric importance - a rush for the tickets, Section of which W. ping Rs 25,000. Th those who could n dium were rivetted sets. Even such " Conscious" actress and Revathilent the it was in such circ Hazare Saga came years old and not specified earlier. turned-Gandhian, S respect and admi through his sincer driver in the army, to his native Raleg his villagers had ta coholism - massiv Spiralling populatic on Siddhi.
He spent most wating the village Gandhian way of re ple through traditio ter regreening Sidd mobilising women tal work, all followe and the Ralegan Si ably transformed smokes there, lea\ The experimer cated in other par by the Hind Swa Hazare. He had a ous Sharad Pawa for its corruptionar almost become the But when he start its own minister, E clan were predicta Hazare, based lected by him, nam coalition as guilty

) it in the interest of jon. It rather concen2 beauty pageant at was not in power.
crassly commercial hedly promoting the nothing more than e contemptible whermost certainly in an | World country like cially in which the traous standards would women as Shakthi, a
ed protests from varisations. The BJP was attacks on the show se bandhs. A young a member of a front Communist Party of moment of madness, o death in protest. But beople of India's SiliIves, the Janata Dal specially, seemed to as something of hisgain there was a mad the most prestigious are priced at a whopey all went gawking, ot make it to the stabefore the television hinking and socially es like Shabna Azmi ir support to the show. umstances the Anna up. First he is only 56 a septuagenarian as This ex-servicemaneems to have won the ration of the people ity and dedication. A Hazare, on returning an Siddhi, found that ken to large-scale alte deforestation and n had wrought havoc
of his savings on renotemple, the typically aching out to the peonal symbols. Thereafhi, fighting alcoholism, xower in developmend in quick succession idhi today is a remarkvillage. None even e alone drinking. t is sought to be replis of Maharashtra too raj Trust floated by shed out at the previled Congress regime d, for that reason, had darling of Ghiv Gena. ld training his guns at al Thackeray and his »ly annoyed. on some evidence coled two ministers of the of serious corruption
ܠܩܒܝܫܫܫܫܩܚ.
and wanted them to be sacked forthwith, Besides he also demanded some specific measures to weed out corruption in the administration. When the government sought to ignore him, he abruptly went on an indefinite fast, taking only citrus juice. The Shiv Sena supreme Thackeray known for brazening his way out and preening himself on tough-talking, first sought to ignore, then ridicule and then vilify the Gandhian. But when they found the support for the fasting Hazare snowball, people flocking to have a dharshan of the new Gandhi, Thackeray and the coalition government were alarmed, and finally the two ministers concerned submitted their resignation.
Putting up a brave front, though, Chief Minister Manohar Joshi said that the two would continue to be in his cabinet though divested of their respective portfolios for the nonce and any final action would be taken against them only after the committee appointed to go into the allegations against them submitted its report. Hazare himself was nominated as a member of the inquiry committee.
At the time of going to the Press, Hazare was yet to call off his fast and was making some more demands.
Whatever the outcome of the tug-ofwar, even if Hazare backs off ultimately, and the two ministers and the Maharashtra government get away with it all, still something had indeed been gained on the front of accountability.
Much more than the Courts and the investigating agencies putting on the mat heavyweights like Jayalalitha or Narasimha Rao, the fact that a frail, defenceless Gandhian could make a mighty and, in the instant case, a thoroughly irresponsible regime known for its penchant for thuggery, sit up, take notice and make some victory of some sorts for those who are concerned about integrity in public life. Hazare still remains something of an enigma. Though nobody suspects that he could be cloaking his lust for power with shibboleths, it still remains a mystery why he should have chosen a couple of lowly ministers with little mass base as his target. When the Sena is known to rake in money through its gangsters, patronising rackets in real estate why would not Hazare turn his focus on such more obnoxious evils? Say he was not heard of much during the horrid anti-Muslim riots of 1993. Surely he did not raise his voice on the Kini-murder controversy - wherein a tenant who refused to vacate an apartment owned by a man close to the Thackerays was found dead under mysterious circumstances. Besides how many corrupt politicians he could vanquish through fasting? But never mind. At least he has been able to bring a government like the Shiv Sena's to its knees, even to its senses perhaps. And that is a great triumph and offers some ray of hope in an otherwise gloomy Scenario. Ο

Page 32
BOX No. 3. (Vat.
The Advie
MATRMONIAL
Jaffna Hindu father J.P., seeks professional partner for graduate daughter, 28, 5' 1%", resident in Colombo. Send horoscope, details, M 901 C/o Tanni Tirnes. Jaffna Hindu parents seek fair good looking bride, 22-26, doctor/professional in similar field for smart vegetarian son, 27, computer software engineer in reputable US corporation. US resident/ willing to relocate send horoscope, details, M902 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Brahmin parents seek professional Brahmin bridegroom for fair professional daughter, 22, resident in Europe. Send horoscope, details. M903 C/O Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu seeks partner for sister, 32, university lecturer in Sri Lanka. Send horoscope, detailS, AM 904 C/O Tani|| Tirmes,
Jaffna Hindu parents seek bride for son, 31, civil engineer in Colombo, Willing migrate,
Send horoscope, details, M905
C/o Tamil Tinnes.
Jaffna Hindu doctor uncle seeks partner for nephew, 37, 6", Canadian resident with permanent employment, M906 C/o Tamil Tinnes,
Jaffna Hindu family seek educated partner preferably in good employment for son, British Citizen, mid-thirrjes, in managerial position, Send horoscope, details, M 907 c/o Tamil Tines, Jaffna Hindu parent seeks professionally qualified groom in employment for daughter, British citizen in early fortles, doing well professionally, Send horoscope, details, M 908 c/o Tarnil Tirnes,
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding.
Sivasuthan (Suthan) son of the late Mr. P. Sivalingam and Mrs. T. Sivalingam of "Valarmathy', Vilukiddy, Chunnakam and Balasukanthin (Sukanthy) daughter of Mr. & Mrs. K. Balasingam of Perumkulam Junction, Chavakachcheri/23 Robert Road, Dehiwela on
CLASSIFIED ADS
First 20 words 10. Each additional word 60p. Charge for
extra) Prepayment essential
sement Manager i Tamil Times Ltd. PO Box 121 ë Sutton, Surrey SM13D Phone: 0181-644 0972
FaΧ. Ο 181 -241 4557
24.8.96 at Sri New Kathiresa Temple, Bambalapitiya. Bahirathan son of Mr. & Mrs
V. Muthurajah of 59 Gihot Spring Drive, Etobicoke, Ontar io M9V 4S4, Canada and Pra santhi daughter of Mr. & Mrs T. Biswanath of 16635 N. Cave Creek Road, Apt. 110, Phoenix AZ85032, USA on 25, 11.96 at Richmond Hill Temple, Toronto, Canada.
Amaran Son of the late Mr. F? Wijayaratnam and Mrs. P. Wi. jayaratnam of 262 Douglas Street, Unit E, Petaluma, Cali. fornia, USA and Rupi daughte of Mr. & Mrs. S. Srikanthan O, 26 McLeod Road, Colombo 4 on 5.12.96 at the Crystal Bal. lroom, Hotel Taj Samudra, Col. Ombo.
Mugunthan son of Mr. & Mrs. T. Siva Subramaniam of 19 Anderson Road, Northmead, NSW 2067 and Thushyanthy daughter of Mr. & Mrs. E. Jeyaseelan of 13 Sloop Street, Seven Hills, NSW 2147 on 14, 12.96 at Willoughby Civic Centre, Chatswood, Australia.
Balarasan son of the late Mr. Thannavarathar and Mrs. Thanmavarathar of Kaithadi North and presently of 32 Pereira Lane, Colombo 6 and Sivakamasunthary daughter of Mr. E. Thillainayagam and the late Mrs. Thillainayagam of Chunnakam and presently of 16 3/9 Amarasekara Mawtha, Colombo. 5 on 14, 12.96 at Hotel Sapphire Hall, Colombo 5,
OBITUARY
/
ଷ୍ଟୁ
Mrs. Izabeth Ranee Kunanayagam beloved wife of the
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

late Mr. Stickney Kunanayagam, mother of Vimala Thura i ratnam (Zambia), Charlesly Kunanayagam (Sri Lanka), Manohari Rajaratnam (U.K.), Sathien Kunanayagam (Sri Lanka) and Karuna Gnanasegeram (Canada); motherin-law of Balan, Sakunthala, Noel, lndra and Anandan passed away peacefully on Friday 29th November 1996. The funeral service was held at the South Harrow Methodist Church and the remains Cremated on Wednesday 4th DeCenber.
The members of her family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and assisted them in several ways during the period of great sorrow. - 103a Malvern Avenue, South Harrow, Middx. HA2 9ER. Telephone: 0181 248 3057.
IN MEMORAM Third Death Anniversary
åኻ ጁ స్ట్కో
Three years ago, on 12 December 1993, Mrs. Gnanamblkal Porumal Pillai (nee Gnanasundaram) passed away suddenly and unexpectedly in Washington DC, USA.
Greatly loved and respected, deeply missed and always remembered by her husband, Dr. C. Perurnal Plal and Children . Ravi, Usha, Jeeva and Ranjit
sons-in-law Desmond and Michael; daughters-in-law Shanthi and Vasuhl, grandchildren Rajesh, Shahila, Meera Arun and Arjun,
In memory of her ideals and legacy, a 'Srimathi Gnanambikai Trust (a charity) has been established in June 1995. It is perpetual in character, The Trust's main objective is to assist the economically disadvantaged youth, particularly
. - U V WIBER 1996
girls/women living in the NorthEast region of Sri Lanka, by awarding scholarships to advance their education in the field of Social and Agriculture ScienCes, Mathematics, Medical SCiences, Management and information Technology. It becomes operational no sooner normalcy returns to the NorthEast Region. - 41 2/1 Gregory Road, Colombo 7, Sri Lanka.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
December 28 7.00pm to midnight. The League of Friends of The University of Jaffna presents Annual Dinner Dance at Harrow & Wembley Progressive Synagogue Hall, 326 Preston Road, Harrow. For tickets
Tel: O1923 225850, January 1 New Year's Day. Jan. 5 Eekathasi. Jan. 6 Pirathosam. Jan. 7 Feast of Epiphany of Lord Jesus Christ. Jan, 8 Amavasai; Feast of the Baptism of Lord Jesus Christ, Jan. 12 Chathurthi. Jan. 14 Thai Ponghal; Shashti. Jan. 17 Feast of St. Anthony, Jan. 18 Karthigai Jan. 19 Eekathasi. Jan. 21 PirathoSam. Jan. 23 Thai Poosan. Full Moon, Jan, 25 Feast of The ConverSion of St. Paul,
Jan. 31 Feast of St. John BOSCO,
جو���4‘
arl Times Wishes
all lts readers, Contributors and well wishers a very Merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year Ash.
Mt. Lavinila -- Sri Lanka - 2 Upstair Houses For Sale One with 5 bedrooms, 2 toilets; the other 2 bedrooms, 2 toilets with all armenities close to Mt, Lavinia Hotel, St. Thomas College, other facilities, Telephone: Melbourne, Australla, (O3) 9870 8435
(Dharmaretnam)/Colombo 611909 (Meadows).

Page 33
-stElya
Mr. E.K. Shanmuganathan - An Appreciation
The demise of Mr. E.K. Shanmuganathan, Principal Emeritus, Jaffna Central College and former Director of Education, on 4th December 1985 in Nigeria is a big loss to the community at large for which he rendered meritorious service for more than three decades,
After education at St. Johns College, Jaffna he graduated as B.A., (Cey) in 1949 and later B.Sc. Econ, (Lond) and Dip, in Ed, (Cey).
Shan chose teaching as his career and joined St. Johns College and later served at St. Patricks College. He taught History, Economics and English with competence. in 1964 he joined Kopay Christian College as Deputy Principal and was later appointed Principal. His tenure there from '64 to 71 is acclaimed the 'Golden Period" of the institution by the community.
I had known Shan when he was Principall at Kopay and had moved with him closely since then. He was always cheerful, humble and tolerant and had an attitude of give and take. He was a voracious reader and well informed. He was a man of exemplary character and with moral uprightness.
Selfless service to the community had been the hallmark of Shan. The creche and nursery school at Neervely for farming and office workers was his brain child. While an assistant teacher he started them with assistance from various organisations and functioned as its president for thirty years. As Secretary, Social Services, Jaff. na District Council, he was involved in projects of Orphanages, Cripples Home and Home for Elders. He was a keen co-operatorandas President of Vali, East M.P.C.S. Union was responsible for its phenomenal growth and imposing buildings. He was also president of the Cooperative Dairy Society.
Shan's achievements in the educational field and his services to the community earned him the reward of the highest promotion as a selection grade Principal. He was appointed Principal, Jaffna Central College in 1971. Administering an institution of that size and to satisfy the aspira
tions of the School challenging and Sha Always immaculately punctual and did n disregard punctualit and loyal to the instit Sane from the staff & Served as Presider Principals' Associatic
lin October 80, he ! Ministry of Education tion in charge of Plat He was popular, effic tent contributing a gi ment of the SChIOO Sector. In mid-1982 f a post in the Mini Nigeria. The decisior to support two sons U. K. ln December developed a breathi sed away after a hea
His family has lo loving care, and the who had its interes Selvaranee and th mugendran, Selven are now in UK. Whe life it is evident tha selfless and not done but rather because i his being. As a Karm have attained Moksh
Retired Principal, Ne
Childrei Panchai
South London Tam, has earned for itsell producing quality Ta dren of this School enacting in three Ramayana a couple latest Venture at the ley Hall on 23rd Nc Sode in the Maha Bh, dam, a title given b. incident in which Dre avenge the indignity hands of DuChathar logue form included thrilling poetry, anc between the ages enacted with unusu enunciation, remark culations and the pric tumes and stage de audience. The Sta parents of the child for bringing to per Tamil delivery, make
Earlier in the pro
 
 

community was very n did it ably and well. dressed, he was very lot allow anyone to y. Totally dedicated ution he expected the and Students. He also it, Northern Region Dr.
was transferred to the as Director of Educantations Schools Unit. ient and very compereat deal to the uplift's in the plantations he retired and took up stry of Education in to go to Nigeria was in their education in 85 while at work, he ng problem and pasart attack. st his guidance and Tamil community one st at heart. His wife e three sons Sandran and Sivendran n One looks at Shan's at his services Were 2 to do good to others t was the very law of a Yogi his soul would 3.
K. Gunmaratnam, lliady M. M. V.
n Enact Sabadam
il School of Croydon a celebrity status for innill dramas. The Childisplayed their skill in a parts the entire of years back. Their South Norwood Stanvember, was an epiarata, Panchali Sabay poet Bharati, for the aupathi takes a vow to suffered by her in the an. The Script in diaoccasionally Bharati's i the girls and boys of ten and twelve, tal gusto. Their clear able gestures and arti)fessional looking coscor enthused the large f of the school and ren deserve all praise fection the Children's 2 up and Costumes. gramme, the children
displayed their skills in music - Vocal, violin, veena, mridangam — and Bharatha Natyam, the cultural activities the school conducts in addition to Tamil language. it is hoped that the pressures of the Eleven plus and GCSE examinations would not Overtake the enthusiasm for Cultural airns of our Tamil children in this country.
A remarkable feature in the function was the open-hearted and truthful compliments uttered by the Chief Guest, Ms. Toni letts. Deputy Mayor of Croydon. She said, "while the Media and the TV in this country are full of news of rebellious and unteachable pupils, we are able to notice here real disciplined and quality students. But where are the reporters? Where are the cameras? What better compliment could one expect for the South London Tamil School and its Children?"
The Feast of the Year For the Ear
The vocal Arangetram of Selvi Arthy Sivakumar, disciple of Sangeetha Vidwan Smt. Prema Ganeson of Asia (Academy of South Indian Arts), was staged at the Beck Theatre in Middlesex on 28th September 1996 under the distinguished patronage of Mr. & Mrs. Tardios, headmaster and headnistress of St. John's Senior and Junior Schools. Arrthy beaming with supreme Confidence Commenced with the traditional Viriboni Varnam in Bhairavi Ragam. Despite the battle she was waging against her heavy cold and the obvious reduction in Sruthi, she succeeded in creating the requisite musical atmosphere and establishing contact with the rasikas thus demonstrating her skill, ability and talent in rendering every piece with commendable clarity.
With a cultivated melodious voice, her rendering embraced a compass of nearly two and a half octaves effortlessly - an enviable gift for any Karnatic vocalist. Her expression and flawless enunciation of the sahityas in Tamil, Telugu and Sanskrit were beyond reproach.
The programme has been thoughtfully constructed with a selection of compositions by great composers namely - The Musical Trinity, Saint Thiagaraja, Muthusamy Dikshathar and Syama Sastry in Telugu and Sanskrit embellished by com

Page 34
f'AYITI 1 || Y. A3
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positions in Tamil by Gopalakrishna Bharathi and Papanasam Sivan. Syama Sastry's Marivere Gathi (rarely attempted in an Arangetram) in Anandha Bhairavi Ragam, Misra Chapu Talam and Saint Thiagaraja's Arabi Pancharatnam though long and difficult pieces with intricate talas interwoven with Chitta Swaras with parallel Sahityas were rendered to perfection.
In the Ragam, Thanam, Palavi (music composed by Karaikudy Krishnamurthy), Arrthy displayed only modest talent in Raga Alapana which is learnt only by observation at concerts of Veteran musicians. Arrthy should do well to observe, absorb, digest and work on Ragas and Swaras herself.
The Guest Speaker Mrs Padma Jayaseelan made some of the comments referred to above and said: 'On the whole, the programme was an enjoyable one - a result of dedicated training and sacrifice. Her guru Prema Ganeson and her parents deserve all the compliments for producing a brilliant Arangetram which was more of a traditional Concert.'
Arthy was accompanied by Karaikudy Krishnamurthy on the mirudangam, Bangalore Prakash on the Gaddam, Thiruvarur Kothandapani on the violin and Susha Sriskandaraja on the Thambura.
Ranganayaki.
New Projects Supported by S.C.O.T.
SCOT, the UK-based charity which raises funds for relief and rehabilitation projects in Sri Lanka has agreed to donate over £6,000 in the August to November 1996 period. Faced with a number of requests from new and established Charities working on the ground with Tamil people in Sri Lanka, the organisation has pledged money to eight separate organisations. These include:
O the All Ceylon Hindu Congress which is to receive £1,000 to meet part of the building costs of a hostel for displaced children who attend the Hindu College.
O the Trincomalee Women's Hindu Association to whom £1,000 will also be sent to fund various agricultural projects which have been costed by the Agriculture Department.
O the Hindu Samaya Abhivinitti Sabha who are being sent £1,000 for carpentry
classes in refugee Batticaloa and Muthu Others receiving f tion of Trincomalee l Mannikkavasagar E Swami Chidrupanan na Mission (£1,000) Lions Club (€1,000) COSS of a Cancer Vipulanandan Stud Akkaraipathu (E600) expenses.
Dr. S. Balakrishna plained: "Every moi various requests tha General Council det by how much we car last few months ha' pattern of growing has been needed ar able to give these WC ted projects in Sri La For more informat Standing Committee People, please cont te. O181 952 O983.
TraditiOm BO
The classical music
24th November at
Putney, London SV Centre, London W14 S.C.O.T., by the frc maestro T. V. Sank welcome Sweetener Carnatic music in L T. V.S. as a young prodigy, displaying th tions of his naterna, lyer. His father Vem second voice to M fifties, TVS has not and gamaka variatio request that the con
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 DEV-tviolir. Isso
- TENANTISSUES IOUSING AL ISSUES
ON ADVICE NJURY CLAIMS
XG 2LE
NALITY & CRIMINAL SOLICTORS
camps in Vavunia, ዘ‛.
1nds are the Federapistrict YMHA (£500), Boys Home (£500), da of the Pamakrishfor relief work, the towards the running patients home, and ents Orphanage in
to help with running
in, Project Officer exnth we consider the t we receive and the ermines whether and ! support them. These ve seen a Continued inancial support that ld that we have been orthwhile and Commitnika. "
On On the Work of the of Tamil Speaking act: Dr. Balakrishnan,
nd COnCertS
Concerts On 23rd and the A.D.T. College, W15 and the Bhavan respectively in aid of int rank South Indian aranarayanan Was a for the lovers of true ondon. Looking back ad Was Considered a le trade mark modulaunCle, Maduraj Mani hbu lyer used to lend ani lyer. Now in his ost his range of voice 7s. It was by design or cert consisted of only
Tamil songs, not forgetting to recall Madurai Mani's trade mark in Kaa Paa Lee and Kaa Vaa Vaa, A surprising episode was T. V.S.'s addition of a song scripted by Dr. K. Sivakumar, a past President of SCOT and a lover of Tarnil. It was a Virutham and TVS sang it in true melody. Siva should venture further into his nostalgia.
Sri P. Sunder Rajan of Delhi on the violin and Srimushnam Raja Rao on the mridangan displayed their combined accompaniment to the vocalist with perfect synchronisation and, Where necessary, elaborations of their own. It was a sumptuous Kacheri. Winal Sockanathan who introduced the artistes did a perfect job with necessary details and in clear diction.
it is heartening to note that in addition to the relief and rehabilitation work that SCOT has been so ably supporting it continues with its tradition of hosting cultural programmes of excellent quality.
Sivapatha Sundaram.
Pension Boost From Abbey Life
After the success of the Abbey Life "How to Ensure Your Business Survives if Your Health Doesn't" seminars held recently, Deryk N. Bull, Executive Associate of Abbey Life, has now launched a further promotion of the Headstart Pension incentive.
Basically as a bonus for their new pensions customers, Abbey life will add a further three monthly contributions to either your own contribution when starting a new pension or to your top-up if you have an existing pension elsewhere. Abbey Life are consistently quoted for their excellent fund performance and low charges by the publication "Money Management'.
If you feel that your pension needs boosting or want to talk about the tax advantages available with pension planning, write or telephone Deryk N. Bull, Abbey life Assurance Co. Ltd., Imperial House, 21-25 North Street, Bromley, Kent BR 1 1 SD, Tel: 0181 402 1 100.
Word Processing & Type Setting Service of Reports, Dissertations, Publications, etc. inkjet/Laser Printer. Call: Selvarajah on O1582-616070 (UK)

Page 35
15 DECEMBER 1996
The Moon
and the Chaco
by Mahaakavi
"The village has gathered to draw the chariot, letus go and hold the rope" one came forward.
A SOn borne by mother earth in her womb to live a full hundred years. Might in his arms and shoulders light in his eyes
and in his heart desire for upliftmentamid somow,
He came. He was young. Yes, a man. The brother of the one who only the day before with agility of mind as wings on his shoulder climbed the sky to touch the moon and return.
A hard Worker.
He came to draw the rope with a wish in his heart: "Today we shall all be of one mind".
“Hat" said one. "Stop" said another, "A Weed" said one. "Of low birth" said another. "Kill" said one. "Set alight" said another.
The fall of a stone, the slitting of a throat, the flight of a lip and teeth that Scattered, the splattering of blood and an earth that turned red. A fight there was and people were killed.
A chariot for the village to draw stood still like it struck root. On it the mother goddess, the creator of all Worlds sat still, dumbfounded at the sight of the zealotry of her children.
Out there
the kin of the man
who only the day before
had touched the moon
is rolling in dirt.
(written around 1969)
Skanda Old
The Eleventh An, A.G.M. and Variety Skanda Varodaya
Association (UK E Sunday, 17th Nov Park Hall, Malden
After a sumptuc General Meeting w of the association coming the old stuc friends referred to t former principal Mh On 26.4.96. He Sta manian had devote life of 87 years ons a teacher, Vice-prin. College had record formance of succe and sports during vice-principal and p. Students in several ing many learned Countries would rei the benefits of ha guidance.
He also referred Mrs. Kannalanathar principal on 1. 10.9 dents of the college with their lives in t North East. The g spects to them in si The Treasurer, Mı nited his annual r that the associatio £2,777 in its coff office-bearers for tt place and the fol unanimously. Presi Vice-Presidents: S. Sivagnanam, Secret Treasurer: R. Vina ordinator: S. Ni Secretary: A. Sat Secretary: M. S Secretary: Dr. (Mrs Cultural Secretary
(Continued from page 24
the meet.
Dr Ramdas, fol PMK, whose sinceri questioned and wh exercised about the about the returns a bit more conciliato than the rest. Urgir to come out in the o Eelam struggle, he state Would stand sought to victimise stand.
Most of the mai ties chose to ignore gether. But as usual the English languag hair-raising reports all set to overrun Barely a week after
 

ܢܒܝܚܣܠܘܗܡܐܝܚܝܚܝܝ
TAMIL TIMES 35
Students Meet
nual Reunion Lunch, v Entertainment of the College Old Students Branch) were held on 9mber 1996 at Manor dall, Surrey.
Dus lunch, the Annual as held. The president Mr. Kandiah after welflents, their families and he passing away of the ". V. Sivasubramaniam led that Mr. Sivasubra2d over 42 years of his ervice to the college as cipal and principal. The ed an impressive perasses in examinations the period he was rincipal. Generations of walks of life and adornprofessions in several member with gratitude ving come under his
to the passing away of l, wife of the present 5 and several Old stua who had paid dearly he ongoing war in the athering paid their relence, . R. Vinalendran Subsport which disclosed n had a balance of sers. The election of he ensuing year took lowing were elected dent: N. S. Kandiah, Kanagasabai and S. tary: A. Ragumoorthy, alendran, Sports Comalananda, Cricket hiananthan, Football ivanathan, Netball .) M.J.K. Sabanathan, : M. Sathiamoorthy,
Committee Members: Mrs. Vatsala Gangatharan, S. Nadesan, P. Rajanayagam, P. Sivalingam and V. Umachandran.
The final item was a variety entertainment provided by the old students and their children. A fascinating veena recital was provided by Hari Sivanesan and Karthiga Gangatharan. M. Sathiamoorthy entertained the audience with light songs and was accompanied by Angelo Kumar
athasan on Mridangam and Marino
Kumarathasan on Kanjeera. The recital drew rounds of applause from the appreCiative audience. A scintillating performance of four Bharatha Natya items provided by Janani Nagarajah brought the proceedings to a close with the audience having had a very enjoyable time.
under leader of the ty cannot perhaps be ho is generally more social conditions than t the hustings, was a ry towards the DMK ng the Chief Minister pen in support of the said that the entire by him if the Centre nim forhis pro-Eelam
nstream political parthe conference altothe media, especially je papers, presented as if the Tigers were the state yet again. the PMK conference
everybody seemed to have lost interest in both the PMK and in the Tiger lobby in general.
The much vaunted Tamils were lost in watching the mindless film masala dished out by the Sun TV owned by the DMK's ruling family or in discussing the great beauty contest in the neighbouring Karnataka,
Few realise that Tamil nationalism has become a spent force. In times of agitations for increased reservations for themselves at the cost of the rest by the innumerable sects and Sub-sects that make up the Tamil community today and of the mind-numbing satellite channels, with no visionary leader around, any kind of political mobilisation overstepping the narrowest of Selfish Concerns has a bleak prospect, notwithstanding the chestthumping few who love the microphones and the Ovations. O

Page 36
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