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The Spectre of "Disappearances."
Rushdie Film ban Condemned
Dixit in Colombo
Fallout From Jain Report
 
 

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"Chandrika's Rule - Worst For Tamils". LTTE Leader
An Energing Consensus
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Krishanthy Murder Trial
Ravis Ghost Returns

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நீங்கள் தொடர்புகொள்ளவேண்டியவர்கள் Harry Mahendran Asoka Fernando
 
 
 
 

15 DECEMBER 1997
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15 DECEMBER 1997
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.'
-Voltaire
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XVI No. 12 15 DECEMBER 1997
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM1 3TD United Kingdom Phone: 0181 64.40972 Fax: 01824. 4557 Email: prajan (agn.apc.org
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Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers. The publishers assume no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or artwork.
Bigotry Wins Over Midnight's Children 03
An Emerging Consensus 04 Local Elections in Jaffna 05 Dixit Returns to Colomb0 06 The Cyberspace War 07 Krishanthy Murder Trial 07 LTTE Leader's Call for Struggle 09 Towards a Consensus 11 The Spectre of "Disappearances" 13 Crucial Phase Begins in Jaffna 19 Ragging and Murder 23
Sub-Continent - Bizarre Developments 25 Ghost of Rajiv Wrecks Indian Govt. 26 Jain Report's Fallout in Tamil Nadu 28 Classified 30
"M
The Sri Lankar lation to the forces otry in unilaterally sion previously gi film a serialised Rushdie’s novel “ has come in forse
The orchestral filming came mail Parliament belongi ing Peoples Allian United National vided among them: lines on such imp issues as devolutic gions or the creati lim Unit in the eas of course are of diri ple they represen warts of the Musl HMAZwer, A H M lana, M H M Ash ganged up in a rar erhood of bigotryt government. As Aswer took the lea cry of Muslims of ernment has grant the book in Sri La in not to be outd. ment succumbed il ing Muslim sensil
The fact of th "Midnight's Chilc lam. The campaig the book was moul son that the aut Rushdie who also sial “Satanic Verse ultimate wrath of leader Ayatollah the fatwa (sentenc in 1989 on the grou phemed Islam. M. offered to anyon author and ever si living "undergro
around like any ol
The Booker
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
gotry Wins over
EWS REVIEW
dnights Children"
governmentos capituof intolerance and bigrevoking the permisanted to the BBC to adaptation of Salman Midnight's Children' vere criticism. ted opposition to the nly from Members of ng both to the governce and the opposition Party. Otherwise diselves on strictly party portant constitutional on of power to the reon of a separate Musit of the island (which ect concern to the peot), the so-called stalim community like A M Fowzie, Alavi Mouroff and I LM Iliyas e but unseemly brotho force the hand of the JNP parliamentarian d saying, "Against the this country, the goved permission to film nka”, the others joined one. And the governthe name of "respectbilities'. e matter is the book liren' is not about Isn to ban the filming of hted purely for the reahor of it is Salman wrote the controvers' which incurred the Iran's then spiritual Khomeni who issued e of death) on Rushdie und that the novel blasllions of dollars were who would kill the nce Rushdie had been indo unable to move her free man. Prize winning "Mid
night's Children" is not such a novel. Its story stretches from the beginning of Indian independence in the late 1940s to the imposition of emergency rule in 1975 by former prime minister Indira Gandhi. It traces the fate of a group of children born on the stroke of Indian independence in August 1947. One, Saleem, migrates with his family to Pakistan and fights in the Bangladesh war.
India, which has a large Moslem population, had refused permission in July this year for the series to be filmed there. It looked as if the long-awaited project, first intended to mark 50 years of the Indian independence, would finally get off the ground after Sri Lanka approved filming in October this year.
The BBC which had already com. menced preliminary filming work in Sri Lanka pulled its production crew out of the island after the government revoked the permission previously granted to film a $5 million serialisation of Midnight's Children.
BBC's Producer Christopher Hall said: "We are deeply disappointed that permission to film this epic story has now been withdrawn following earlier agreement from the Government of Sri Lanka and the National Film Corporation." A BBC spokesman said that the Corporation was "deeply disappointed" at Sri Lanka's action and the "project has been postponed indefinitely". "The ambition to make it remains, but the practicality of shooting something which demands the locations where it is set is very difficult to realise,' he said.
Salman Rushdie's response to the government's decision to ban the filming of his book was angry. "Unfortunately the forces of Muslim intolerance and political cowardice are stronger than those who wish to defend such things as the ability of writers to make films out of their work,' Rushdie told BBC radio in London.
Rushdie rejected the assertion that

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
there was popular objection for the filming in Sri Lanka saying: "There was no actual public protest at all. In fact the discourse in the newspapers and so on was entirely ... on our side.' .
Call to Lift Ban on Filming "Midnight's Children"
"DEMOCRACY" (Prajathanthra), a foundation for Freedom of Expression in Sri Lanka has called upon the government to immediately lift the ban on the BBC filming of Salman Rushdie's "Midnight's Children".
The statement issued by the Foundation's convenor, Lucien Rajakarunanayake, said: V−
"The bigots in our society, who are intolerant of any views other than theirs, have struck again with success. The Government of Sri lanka is reported to have refused permission to the BBC to go ahead with the filming of Salman Rushdie's celebrated novel, "Midnight's Children”, at the request of some members of the Islamic Faith in the Peoples Alliance. The protest against making of this film was first raised by another member of the Islamic Faith in the UNP
"The producers of the film had already obtained clearance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is very careful about protecting the image of Sri Lanka abroad, and the State Film Corporation, which deals with permission for the production of the film.
"Once again the ban is based on the vague statement that it would affect Muslim religious sensitivities. This was the same argument raised when the previous government banned Taslima Nasrin’s novel "Lajja". It is similar bigotry that made this government to ban Dr.Tambiah's "Buddhism Betrayed too. The alleged affecting of religious sensitivities is something that any government or petty politician can take cover under in situations that demonstrate the refusal to permit dissident thinking in whatever form, whether book, picture, cartoon, theatre, poster or film. Those who issued a statement that the filming of "Midnight's Children" had been banned by the President stated that the book was considered blasphemous, and that it was authored by Salman Rushdie who wrote the “The Satanic Verses”.
Pointing out that while "The Satanic Verses" had been declared blasphemous by several Islamic states, no country or court had stated that "Midnight's Children" as blasphemous, the Foundation statement added, "In any event those who
called for the ban...l selves to be totally
Freedom of Express anteed in our Constit for the ban on the fi. tolerant and undem serves the condemna
lieve in free expressi
“The fact that Sa written one book tl demned by many Isl; and should not be a reading or filming of him....
In spite of the mo cised intra-fighting be ing Peoples Alliance opposition United Na over the devolution issues, there are sign ties are likely to sitt future to work out a C acceptable to both p nority Tamil and Mu The fact that the land-wide political ca of its devolution prop fully prevented the ef Commission and its e. gathering momentum tion tide would appea situation conducive to the main opposition COSCISUS. -
That the governn determined effort to with the UNP was un Constitutional Affairs National Integration Peiris, who is takin spearheading the go while addressing the Commerce on 1 De dent Chandrika Kun him to do everythin consensus with the proposals adding, " fully confident that objective."
Prof. Peiris said pointed by the UNP settled areas of the d were expected to fin a month. The UNP then put their prop work out a consensu Noting the debi continuing ethnic wa economy of the coun the country may be
 

15 DECEMBER 1997
ave proved themunconcerned with on which is guartion. The demand
ming was both in
ocratic... and deion of all who be
O....
limon Rushdie has at has been conimic states, cannot reason to ban the any other books by
"With the ban imposed on the filming ..., Sri Lanka has unwittingly become one of the countries that has joined ranks against this threatened this writer. As for blasphemy, it is best that in a democracy, decisions on what is blasphemous is taken by the Courts of our country and not by executive fiat given at the request of the ranks of the intolerant. We demand that this ban be lifted, and if the filming is considered blasphemous, due process be followed under the law, instead of bending to the demands of political bigotry.”
nths of well publi:tween the govern
PA) and the main tional Party(UNP).
and constitutional s that the two parogether in the near levolution package arties and the mislim parties.
; government's isimpaign in support }osals had successforts of the Sinhala xtremist allies from on an anti-devoluLr to have made the the governing and parties reaching a
ment was making a reach a consensus derlined by Justice, , Ethnic Affairs and Winister Prof. G. L. g the lead role in vernment's efforts, Ceylon Chamber of cember that Presilaratunga had told possible to reach UNIP on devolution The government is it can achieve that
the committees apto work on the unvolution proposals sh their task within and the PA would osals together and al proposal.
itating impact the r was having on the ry, the Minister said able to absorb the
erging Consensus ?
economic impact of the war for two or three years, but could not withstand it over a long period of 10 or 12 years. The war was costing Rs. 46.3 billion or 30 percent of the government's revenue and 20 percent of its expenditure.
Not long ago, the stance of the UNP. and its leader Ranil Wickremasinghe on the devolution issue has been the subject of adverse comments of it being evasive, ambiguous and opportunist with the sole aim of politically benefitting from the failure of any efforts on the part of the government.
It looks as if the recent visit of Ranil Wickremasinghe to India and the discussions, he had there with the Prime Min
ister and the rest of the Delhi's political
establishment including opposition political leaders have had a positive impact on his thinking and approach to the government's devolution package.
During his visit to India, Ranil Wickremasinghe even called for the resurrection of the much maligned Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of July 1987. If reports in recent days in the Colombo newspapers are accurate, he told the UNP's Parliamentary Group that in finding a solution to the ethnic crisis it would be inevitable to concede more powers to the North and East. That meant more powers to the merged Provincial Council for the North and East of the island than conferred on by the 13th amendment to constitution enacted in 1988. To the credit of Mr.Wickremasinghe, he made these remarks in response to comments by his party MPs like Susil Moonesinghe and W J M Lokubandara who are among the strident anti-devolutionist hardliners in the UNP. According party sources, UNP MPs in three groups met with a high level committee of the UNP appointed to find
an alternate solution to the ethnic crisis.
The committee comprised of Ranil

Page 5
15 DECEMBER 1997
Wickremesinghe, Tyronne Fernando, Ronnie de Mel, A CS Hameed, KN Choksy, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Gamini Jayawickrema Perera, Rohan Abeygunasekera, Henry Jayamaha, Tilak Marapana, Charitha Ratwatte, D Swaminathan and K Annamalai. At these meetings where groups of 25 UNP parliamentarians were invited on each occasion, it was also unanimously accepted that the Northern and Eastern Provinces should be devolved with more powers and in other provinces power should be devolved according to the needs of the people of the provinces.
It would appear that at à recent meet
ing, Mr Lokubandara had suggested that
the UNP should look for ways to devolve
powers at district level instead on provincial level. Ranil Wickremesinghe is reported to have responded that according to the 13th Amendment to the Constitution enacted by the UNP when in government, powers were to be devolved on a provincial level and as such the party could not come down to district level. Confronted by his critics as to why he was advocating more powers to be devolved to the Provincial Council in the Northeast, Wickremasinghe had retorted that the late Mr. Gamini Dissanayake in his presidential election campaign and the party's manifesto in October 1994 before he was assassinated had committed the party to devolve more powers to the North and East.
An angry Susil Moonesinghe is renorted to have interrupted the UNP ader saying, "You are the new leader the UNP. Why are you still going ahead th the policies of Gamini Dissanayake no is dead and gone? Let us formulate ew policies." To his credit Ranil Nickremesinghe responded by asserting that he too was a co-signatory to the UNP's then published election manifesto and he could and would not go back on it now, adding further that the present government's proposals were also based on those contained in Gamini Dissanayake's election manifesto,
The latest Stand of Ranil Wickremasinghe against the hardline anti-devolutionists in his party is seen as a positive sign for an emerging possible consensus between the PA and the UNP on the devolution issue.
One issue on which there appears to be a continuing dispute within the parties, except for the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) is on the proposal for a separate Muslim unit in the Eastern Province. While the SLMC, which is a constituent party of the PA government, is strongly advocating the proposal, the
Muslim leaders in within the SLFP a would seem that til tainly oppose a sep, Though some p
* Loc
The Sri Lanka nouncement on 3 D cal government ele peninsula and the a
have been recapture
in the north of the i with mixed reactions pears to be the reluc non-LTTE Tamil pol ticipate in any electic be construed as an o LTTE's claim to terr the northeast of the The Commissi Dayananda Dissana ment that nominatior from December 16 district and in a reg district. The date of e in the local councils later,
Elections to the been held since the e in 1983. The regions by special commissi The governme wanted to hold these postponed the polls : parties complained th tions could not be he the displacement of people and becauses under the control O would prevent the h The Jaffna penin trol of government f of 1995, and later ca around the district of sands of soldiers are six-month campaigi highway linking th frontier town of Vav' chi. The Tigers have resistance to the mil The government to introduce an eler ministration by holdi elections in these ar both in appearance : tary authorities from acaS
However Tamil expressed mixed rea elections for local b The Tamil United
 

the UNP, and some re not in favour. It he UNP would cerarate Muslim Unit.
olitical analysts see
TAMIL TIMES 5
the emerging consensus as a positive development, some cynics would seem to think that as irrelevant because the LTTE would not be a party to it and therefore the war would continue.
alElections in Jaffna
government's anecember to hold loctions in the Jaffna djoining areas that d from Tamil Tigers sland has been met ... Again the issue aptance on the part of litical parties to paron that would clearly pen challenge to the itorial hegemony in island. oner of Elections,
yake, said in a state- .
is would be received to 23 for the Jaffna gion in Kilinochchi lections for the seats would be announced
se bodies have not thnic war broke out have been governed OS. nt last year also : elections, but later after Tamil political at free and fair elec>ld there because of a large number of ome areas were still f the LTTE which olding of elections. sula has been in conorces since the end ptured areas in and Kilinochchi. Thou: now engaged in a to capture a vital e government-held uniya and Kilinochbeen offering fierce itary's effort. appears to be keen lent of civilian adng local government eas thereby remove nd in fact the miliadministering these
olitical parties have ctions over holding odies in the North. Liberation Front
(TULF) which held most of the local bodies in the Jaffna Peninsula and the other areas in the North in the 1980s said that the ground situation was not conducive to holding elections, "We have not taken any decision on fielding our candidates yet", TULF President, Murugesu Sivasithamparam, is reported to have said,
"We genuinely feel that the situation in the north is not that favourable to have a free, fair and secure election for local bodies in the North. But if the government gives the assurance and is determined to have the elections, we will consider standing. Anyway, we have not decided on anything concrete, but we will be taking up the issue in the near future' Sivasithamparam added.
Leader of the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) and the Jaffna District Member of Parliament Douglas Devananda told journalists in Colombo that they could field candidates and posed the question whether it would pave the way to solving the problems of the people of the North and East?
"Our party is insisting on a broadbased political settlement to the NorthEast crisis, The need of the hour is building up a strong political leadership for the Tamils and not concentrating on petty politics,' he said
"The Tamils in the North and the East have day-to-day problems and we are very particular that these problems should be approached carefully. If the government is all out to go for the elections in the North we will face it, and our aim will be to get the people's mandate for a greater political settlement to the North-East crisis," Devananda said. The Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) and former parliamentarian Suresh K. Premachandran told the press that people in Colombo could dream of conducting elections in the North, but they are not aware of the ground situation in the North,
"Reports from Jaffna said LTTE infiltration is on the increase and that the LTTE is roaming around in the peninsula. Therefore, security is the main question. With the LTTE in Jaffna and with other difficult conditions prevail

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
ing can free and fair elections be conducted in the North is the other question. If the elections for the local bodies are to be conducted, around 1500 candidates are likely to be fielded from all Tamil political parties. What about the safety of these candidates? Even the armed forces find it difficult to manage the entire North and under such circumstances can they provide security to candidates. If the government is keen on elections we will consider it but we have not yet taken any constructive decision on going for the polls,' Premachandran said.
However, the deputy leader of the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) N Manickathasan said that his party was opposed to postponing the elections and anyone coming out with various reasons to obstruct it. "We cannot think of any greater normalcy in the North. There's nothing like trying. If a general election could have been conducted when the LTTE was in the peninsula a few years ago, why not an election for the local bodies now? Conditions have improved compared to previous years and we feel that we could improve the conditions further once the elections are conducted and new local bodies are formed,' he said.
The leader of the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) M.K. Sivagilingam commenting on elections for local bodies in the North, said that the civil administration has to go a long way to have free and fair elections in the North. "The voters list in the North has not been renewed for the past twelve years. From 1986 onwards the new voters have not been registered. There are no proper statistics of people who are eligible for voting. Many are either dead or have fled the peninsula to the South and overseas. Therefore, with the very old unprepared voters list, going for elections in the North is ridiculous. We have not yet decided on contesting but our politburo will decide on it today," Mr. Sivagilingam said.
"A year ago, when elections were proposed, these Tamil parties gave the same excuses. The government is offering an opportunity for these parties to participate in elections and thereafter to run the local government in these areas, But they don't want to take up the opportunity. They did not want the LTTE to be there running these areas because the leaders and members of these parties would be eliminated if they ever dared to go there. Now the military has recaptured these areas from LTTE and in the absence of a civilian administra
tion, the army has to tary and civilian. TI in a democracy, an complaints from the the army was comr violations. If they
change the situation courage to take p thereafter run the a selves. There is no
Dixit
Jyotindra Nath dia’s High Commis between 1985 and Sri Lanka to prom publicised book, lombo”, the coverpicts a lion (Sinhala in mortal combat, a tion. of the continui Sri Lanka was in Newspaper column him as the “Viceroy because of the way i his presence and iní immense influence cising during these Now retired fro home abroad, Mani his views freely. Hi journalists in Colo the aftermath of the of the Jain Commis wider circumstance dhi assassination i be as forthright ar he made while he Y
Commentators Delhi are of the viev ment in Sri Lank, when the ethnic co Tamil militancy or tragedy for Sri Lar India. But Mani Di known and just "M able friends, polit otherwise, is made he is conscious of should have done a In his view, In pursuing its costl northern Sri Lank induction of the II Force (IPKF) foll dhi-Jayawardene . might have to Raji der by a suspecte bomber.
"If you are a 1 are determined to and integrity, you

15 DECEMBER 1997
lo the job, both miliis is unsatisfactory there are constant se Tamil parties that itting human rights vant really want to
they must have the rt in elections and iministration themoint in them always
remaining in Colombo and keep on complaining about the army's misbehaviour without having the courage to paly their role in at least in gradually civilianising the administration in these areas. If they do not have the courage, they should stop their sanctimonious protestations of the suffering of the Tamil people," said a Tamil activist from Colombo who wanted to remain anonymous.
Returns to Colombo
Dixit, who was Insioner to Sri Lanka 989 was recently in te his already well "Assignment Cobicture of which de
) and a tiger (Tamils)
nappropriate reflecng ethnic conflict in Colombo recently. ists used to describe of India' in Colombo n which he deployed luence reflecting the that Delhi was exer
years. m high office both at Dixit is free to voice S recent Comments to mbo, particularly in release of the report sion probing into the is of the Rajiv Gann 1991, appeared to d assertive as those was in office. both in Colombo and that India's involveduring the 1980s, nflict escalated with the upsurge, was a ka and a disaster for it, as he is popularly ani” for his innumercal, diplomatic and of sterner stuff and what India is, what it nd what it should do. lia's lack of "grit' in military foray into in the form of the dian Peace Keeping wing the Rajiv Ganccord of July 1987, Gandhi’s 1991 murTamil Tiger suicide
gional power, if you safeguard your unity have to take hard de
cisions,” Dixit told journalists in Colombo. He said New Delhi's policy was driven by the fear that Sri Lanka's Tamil separatist problem could spill over into India's southern state of Tamil Nadu.
"And if you take hard decisions then you must have the grit to follow them through till they are fully implemented...Had we succeeded...perhaps Rajiv Gandhi would not have been killed," Dixit said. .
The IPKF arrived in Sri Lanka's Tamil dominated northeast with a mandate to enforce the Indo-Sri Lanka accord which promised autonomy to the island's Tamil. But the accord quickly fell apart with fierce fighting erupting between the IPKF and the Tamil Tigers on October 10, 1987. An approximate 2000 Indian soldiers died and about 4,000 were wounded during this fighting until the IPKF's withdrawal in March 1990 having been requested to do so by the then President of Sri Lanka, Ranasinghe Premadasa who by then was in friendly terms and negotiating with the Tamil Tigers.
Commenting on the Jain report which sought to indict certain Indian politicians. particularly the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister for collaborating with the LTTE. Dixit asked, “Are we going to punish every political leader who dealt with the LTTE?” He said it was wrong to blame the DMK alone, adding that Rajiv Gandhi, India’s prime minister from 1984 to 1989, had maintained contact with the LTTE even after the peace process had collapsed.
"Accusing (the DMK) alone is not correct. Rajiv Gandhi and (his mother) Indira Gandhi were involved. Gandhi kept meeting them (LTTE) until 1991. Once the LTTE did not keep to its commitment to India to join the peaceful process... when they started fighting us we should have broken off relations." adding, "Instead of that, on the one hand we asked our army to fight them, and on the other hand our intelligence agencies

Page 7
15 DECEMBER 1997
and various political parties kept hobnobbing with them thinking that this two-track approach would succeed, which was not correct,” Dixit said.
Dixit, who retired in 1994 as India's Foreign Secretary, the most senior diplomat in the foreign ministry, said the LTTE had good cause to fear Rajiv Gandhi, who was killed by a suicide bomber as he campaigned for national elections
his party won in Ju
“I only know th; was instrumental because the LTTE he (Gandhi) came would ensure full Lankan governmen LTTE because they trayed the commitn to Rajiv,” Dixit sai
The Cyberspace
The Sri Lankan government is taking its war to cyberspace, launching an integrated national Internet website aimed at countering what officials describe as Tiger propaganda and to presenting the true and correct picture and image of the country.
The government's effort appears t be in response to the number of websites that, not only the LTTE, but also expatriate Tamil groups that sympathetic to the "Tamil cause' run on the Internet to project and promote their viewpoints.
"The 'war of words' in cyberspace is cheaper, certainly in human and material terms, than the actual brutal war that is claiming hundreds of lives each month. So long as the parties stop the war forthwith on the ground here in Sri
Lanka, I would not ducting their war of The battle-field of nitely more human place day to day i fields in this countr versity academic wh after October 1995 tion but to evacuate
The website, w by the Foreign Min with the Institute of ogy of the Universit istry statement said
“Lankan Web W a comprehensive de information related ing news bulletins : ment departments l
KRISHANTHY
AND MURDER
In the Krishanthy rape and murder trial being heard before a Trial-at-Bar comprised of three Hight Court Judges, rejecting defence objections the Judges allowed an application made by prosecuting lawyers representing the Attorney General to add rape charges against six of the nine soldiers being tried for the murder of a Tamil schoolgirl in the town of Jaffna last year. The soldiers are also accused of murdering the teenaged Krishanthy Kumaraswamy's brother, her mother and a neighbour who went looking for her when she disappeared in September 1996.
The prosecution did not press charges of rape to begin with because there was no admissible evidence, except for confessions by some of the accused to the police. In Sri Lankan law, confessions made to the police are ordinarily not ad
missible as evident had surfaced upon ing authorities felt be included agains cused. Before the ra the Attorney Gené accused under the 1 the Penal Code wi an unlawful assel year-old Krishanth, a view to committi and with committi around 7 Septemb further charged wit der of Krishanthy Kumaraswamy, h Pranawan aged Sidhamparam Kri: The Judges als the preliminary ol fence challenging
 

TAML TIMES 7
le 1991. t the LTTE certainly in the assassination apprehended that if back to power he support to the Sri to fight against the had repeatedly beents they had given l.
object to them conwords in cyberspace. cyberspace is infithan what is taking in the earthly battley,” said a Tamil unio moved to Colombo when he had no op
from Jaffna. ww.lk, was launched istry in collaboration
Computer Technol
y of Colombo, a min!.
/indow' will serve as pository of news and to Sri Lanka, includfrom several governike the defence min
istry. It provides links to various websites offered by internet service providers and other agencies in the island, the statement said.
"It will also help in countering anti-Sri Lanka propaganda by enabling Internet surfers world wide to have access through a single window to authentic news and information on Sri Lanka'. Officials said the newly-launched window was part of a concerted effort by the government to counter the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) own Internet sites.
LTTE, who are fighting for a separate homeland for minority Tamils in Sri Lanka's north and east, have long had a presence on the Internet through various websites which portray their view of the 14-year war that the government says has claimed more than 50,000 lives.
The government's information department recently launched its own website, www.lk.news as part of the overall exercise to tap new media to disSeminate information.
The ministry statement said there were plans to mirror the window in several locations and develop parallel translations in Sinhala, Tamil, French and German languages. The statement said that the government also was preparing to produce a CD-ROM with all relevant information on the country that will be available in time for the 50th independence anniversary in February, 1998.
’e. But new material which the prosecutrape charges should t six of the nine acpe charge was added, ral had indicted the elevant provisions of h being members of nbly, abducting 18Kumaraswamy with ng ilegal intercourse ng her murder on or er 1996. They were committing the mur's mother Rasamma er younger brother 7 and a neighbour hnamurthi.
) had earlier rejected jection from the dehe jurisdiction of the
Court to continue with the trial against the accused eight of whom are army personnel and one a reserve police constable.
The accused in the case are: Corporal D Somaratne (1st), RJM Jayasinghe (2nd), GP Priyadharshana(RPC)(3rd), A S P Perera(4th), W S W Alwis(5th), D G Muthu Banda (6th), D M Jayatilake(7th), D VI Kumara(8th), and AP Nishantha (9th).
In opening the prosecution case, Additional Solicitor General, D P S Kumarasinghe said that by their conduct the accused persons, all of whom are members of the security forces, in committing the offenses of rape and murder of innocent civilians in the performance of their official duties in Jaffna, had brought the Sri Lankan government, the Sri Lankan nation and specially the forces to which they belonged into disrepute. Their conduct culminated in murder of four innocent civilians, a teenager, her mother, her brother and a distant relative created an uproar both in Sri Lanka and abroad.
The offenses had been committed on 7 September 1996 at "Semmani' army

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
checkpoint which was on the KandyJaffna road near the turn-off to Nallur, Close by there was an arch which read, "Jaffna Welcomes You'. On this unfortunate day, all the accused had been on duty at this checkpoint. In the morning, Krishanthy had passed the checkpoint riding a bicycle to sit the GCE(AL) examination. On her return journey home after sitting the examination, she had to pass the checkpoint again. As she reached the checkpoint on her bicycle around 3 pm, the 1st accused, who was the most senior officer there, stopped her for checking and then directed his officers that she be taken to a bunker behind and kept there with her hands tied and mouth taped, Mr Kumarasinghe told Court,
Continuing his address, Kumarasinghe said that Krishanthy's mother being agitated over the inordinate delay in her daughter returning home from school decided to look for her daughter. In the meantime she had also become aware of her daughter being stopped at the checkpoint. The mother, Rasammah Kumaraswamy went to the checkpoint accompanied by her son Pranavan Kumaraswamy and their distant relative Sithamparam Kirupamoorthy, On arriving at the hem checkpoint, they inquired about Krishanthy, The 1st accused denied taking Krishanthy into custody. He even pretended as if he was making inquiries from others by talking over the walkie-talkie to confirm that the girl had not been taken into custody. Refusing to believe the 1st accused, the mother insisted that she would not leave the checkpoint without her daughter. It had now become evening and the mother by now thought there was no purpose in waiting any more and decided to leave with her son and the other relative. But the 1st accused refused to let them go shouting at them, "You can't come here any time you want and leave anytime you want." Perhaps the 1st accused feared that if they let them go at that time, the matter of Krishanthy's abduction would come to light.
Concluding his address, the Deputy Solicitor General said, the student was killed after being subjected to rape by more than one person. The other three also were killed. Altogether two innocent women and two men were killed and their bodies were buried. The women were buried together in one spot while the two man were buried in another spot. Mrs. Panchanayaki Fransisco Sinnadurai, Principal of St. Charles Vidyalaya, Jaffna, giving evidence confirmed that Krishanthy sat the Chemistry paper between 9 to 11.30 am on 7 September
1996 in the GCE(A. at the Chundikulli Gi tre in Jaffna where s. pervisor for the exa ous dates, she had subjects. Krishanthy Physics paper on 9 did not present her thereafter, The wit knew and identify white uniform worn Chundukuli. Shown dence of a garment from the scene of the "This frock is torn a coloured. Usually th ones.'
P A Samarawick of the policemenmar where the first accus in-charge, giving evi September 1996 he girl had been abduct day, the first, seconc were all on duty at th witness finished his returned to the restro accused relaxing in witness (because o Tamil) to get some i. LTTE activist. When the LTTE activist, he Her hands were tied When witness ask shouted "Krishanth Since what she said people on the roadsic ordered her to stop that she was a stud Girls College.
Witness Samara seen a grey-haired w was about 60 years of who accompanied he cles. These three peo without finding the g ness had reported the ral Asoka who was il checkpoint which wa mile away from the fi point, Later Corporal went to the first acc There both of them accused to hand ove to them, but the first lowing which they ret During the following that all three of them ing the night.
Samarawickrem. anthy as a teenage school uniform and identified a photogra as that of Krishanthy from photographs the mother, brother and

) examination held ls High School cene was the Chief Sumination. On previsat papers in other was due to sit her September, but she elf on that day or ness also said she by sight the usual by girl students of a production in evia frock) recovered crime, witness said, t the waist and disey wore pure white
rema, who was one ning the checkpoint ed was the officerdence said that on 7 learnt that a school ed at noon. On that and third accused e checkpoint. When
duty at 2 pm and om, he saw the first a chair who asked f his ability speak nformation from an witness went to see saw a teenage girl, and mouth taped. ed her name, she y Kumaraswamy”. was audible to the le, the first accused shouting. She said ent at Chundikuli
wickrema has also oman in saree who age. The two males had come on bicyple refused to leave irl. Thereafter, witincident to Corpocharge of the first s three-quarter of a 'st accused's checkAsoka and witness used's checkpoint. had asked the first the three persons ccused refused folurned to their posts. morning they learnt lad been killed dur
described Krish
wearing a white had short hair and h produced in court
He also identified other three victims, eighbour of Krish
15 DECEMBER 1997
anthy. Being shown the garments which were worn by Krishanthy on the day she was killed and produced in court as evidence, the witness confirmed that the girl was wearing a similar uniform on the day. The witness said that he and not seen or known the girl, her mother or the other two males at any time before that particular day,
The witness admitted in cross-examination that he too was taken into custody in connection with the same incident, but was later released. He said that nobody made a promise or request to him to give evidence against the accused in order to get himself released from custody. He was taken into custody, but he had no reason to fear because he had not committed any offence. He made two statements but the details relating the accused's involvement were in the second statement, but not in the first. When he made the first statement, the accused were also accompanying him and pressurised him not to divulge the true facts. Hence he had suppressed the facts through fear of his life.
Giving evidence, ex-policeman Abdul Hameed Nazaar, who has been given a conditional pardon by the Attorney General because of his minimal involvement in the crimes in which the accused are charged, said that at the time of the incident, he was serving in the Ariyalai area at the 2nd checkpoint. Corporal Rajapakse, the first accused was in charge of the 1st checkpoint. On that day, witness was on duty at the 2nd checkpoint from 9 am 12 noon. On that day witness had seen an elderly woman and two males coming to meet the 1st accused at about 3 pm. The woman had asked the 1st accused to release her daughter who had been taken into custody. The 1st accused got the signature of the woman and then told her that her daughter had already been released and asked her to leave. The woman replied that she would not leave without her daughter. Witness at that time left and went to his checkpoint.
Nazaar said that at about 8 pm that day, the previous witness Samarawickrema had come to Nazaar's checkpoint and asked whether the four persons were there, Later Nazaar went towards the list checkpoint. The 3rd,4th and 6th accused were at his checkpoint. Witness went to the 5th accused and asked his as to where the missing persons were. The 8th accused had come with a bucket of water and the 3rd accused had asked him to follow him towards the bunker near the saltern which was towards the Nallur junction. Then witness saw a woman in (continued on page 10)

Page 9
15 DECEMBER 1997
eader CaSOS
to Continue Until the (litetili Steal
stitutes the worst period for Tamils in the long history of State oppression; the central objective of her policy is to repress the freedom movement spearheaded by the LTTE and subjugate the Tamil nation; the devolution package is a political drama played to distract world opinion to cover-up the tragedy suffered by Tamils as a consequence of the massive war effort by the government; the political package fails address the basic national aspirations of the Tamils as it denies a Tamil homeland and the Tamil national identity; the recognition of the Tamil homeland is fundamental to a political solution; any political framework that fails to recognise the historically constituted homeland of the Tamils cannot be a basis for a solution to the Tamil National question; such a political arrangement is inconceivable as long as the ideology of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism exerts hegemonic influence; freedom is a sacred right which has to be fought for by shedding blood and making sacrifices; and therefore let us continue our struggle until we realise our goal of freedom with the memory of those martyrs who have fought and died with dedication for the liberation of our land, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE), Velupillai Pirabakaran, said in a message to mark the anniversary of the Heroes' Day that fell on 27 November 1997.
The following is the full text of the message addressed to "My beloved people of Tamil Eelam”:
Today is Heroes' Day, a sacred day in which we honour and remember our beloved martyrs who have sacrificed their lives for the cause of freedom of our nation.
Our martyrs were extra-ordinary human beings. They chose the noble cause of liberating our people. Having lived and struggled for such a cause they finally sacrificed their precious lives for that higher ideal. I venerate our heroes since they renounced their personal desires and transcended their egoistic existence for a common cause of higher virtue. Such a noble act of renunciation deserves our veneration.
Our liberation movement pays high
C handrika Kumaratunga’s rule con
est respect and rev for their supreme
our martyrs as nat tors of the history gle. We commem erect them memori ries should remain It has become a po martyrs with hono ments for them an
cemeteries as holy
The practice of ve tyrdom has becom tion in our society, Our tradition ( as war heroes has Sinhala chauvinis chauvinists find it fact that those who terrorists are vene the Tamils as war they feel that this a source of inspira dom movement. Ir attitude, they com that deeply offend This regrettab when the Sinhala took control of the enemy forces com able crime of dese spiritual tranquillit war cemeteries ul struction, their to and flattened and t without a trace. I c tion of the graves Tamils venerate as as wicked, immora act cannot be dism play of an occupyir act of terrorism w ible stain in the so This heinous a the fact that the rac no respect for the the Tamil people. to do justice to the of their national a Fifty years hav erning authority o ferred to the Sinha the Sinhala politic been ruling the is century, done to their grievances?
 

TAMIL TIMES 9
erence to our martyrs sacrifice. We honour
Ional heroes, as creaof our national strugbrate our heroes and ls so that their memoforever in our hearts. bular norm to bury our ur, erect Stone monud venerate these war places of tranquillity. inerating heroic mar2 an established tradi
of venerating martyrs always irritated the it state. The Sinhala intolerable the very om they categorise as rated and glorified by heroes. Furthermore, tradition has become tion to the Tamil freenpelled by this hostile mitted a grave crime ed the Tamil nation. le incident occurred army of occupation Jaffna peninsula. The mitted the unpardoncration, disrupting the y of our martyrs. Their nderwent wanton demb-stones up-rooted heir memorials erased all this act of desecraof martyrs whom the their national heroes land uncivilised. This issed as a wanton disgarmy. This is a grave nich has left an indelul of the Tamil nation. it clearly demonstrates ist Sinhala regime has deeper sentiments of Nor are they prepared Tamils in recognition spirations. elapsed since the govthe island was transa majority. What have al parties, which have land for the last half the Tamils to redress
Have any of the reasonable demands of the Tamils been fulfilled? Has the burning question of the ethnic conflict been resolved? Nothing has happened. Rather, during this lengthy period of time, the Tamil people have been systematically burdened with intolerable suffering. Successive Sri Lankan Governments adopted a policy of genocidal repression aimed at the gradual and systematic destruction of the Tamil nation. The planned annexation of the traditional lands of the Tamils, the denial of their linguistic rights, the deprivation of their educational and employment opportunities, the disruption of their social and economic existence, the destruction of their national resources and the mass extermination of the Tamils during riots and military campaigns indicate such genocidal policy.
Chandrika's rule constitutes the worst period for the Tamils in the long history of the Sri Lankan state oppression. Not a single Tamil has been spared from harassment or suffering over this three years period. It is during Chandrika's rule that the flames of war have escalated into major conflagration and scorched the Tamil lands. This has resulted in mass exodus of populations causing immense hardships to our people. It is during her regime that historically renowned traditional lands of the Tamils came under Sinhala military subjugation. Her Government has intensified aggressive military campaigns and has tightened the embargo on food and medicine causing indescribable suffering to the Tamil people. It is during Chandrika's administration that Sinhala chauvinistic oppression against the Tamils has become harsh, severe and rigorous. The central objective of her policy is to repress the Tamil freedom movement spearheaded by the Liberation Tigers and to subjugate the Tamil nation under Sinhala military rule. Her Government is pursuing this military option with single-minded determination.
In order to cover-up the monumental tragedy suffered by the Tamils as the consequence of the massive war effort and to distract world public opinion, Chandrika's Government has staged a political play in the name of the devolution package. In reality, this political drama is intended to justify the strategic aims of the war and therefore, it is the other face of the military solution. The international community was misguided by the subtle and sophisticated propaganda of the Sri Lankan Government and opted to support the so-called package.
We are surprised and disappointed to
note that international countries have

Page 10
O TAMIL TIMES
made a hasty decision on this matter without an objective analysis of the racist tendency of the Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism and the bitter and oppressive history suffered by the Tamils.
Chandrika's political package fails to address the basic national aspirations of the Tamils. Severely watered down in its scope and content, these proposals have not yet evolved into a full-fledged comprehensive framework even after two and a half years of deliberations. Yet, we can perceive clearly the underlying objective of this political package. It aims at denying the Tamil homeland and the Tamil national identity. Its central objective is to subjugate the Tamil nation under the
domination of the supreme power of the
Sinhala state. The military solution of the government also aims at a similar strategy. Therefore, in our view, the political project of the so-called devolution package and the strategic objective of the military programme are similar, like two faces of the same coin.
Chandrika's Government lacks the political will and commitment to resolve the Tamil national conflict reasonably through peaceful means. Chandrika is not courageous enough to submit a substantial framework to fulfil the national aspirations of the Tamil people. To justify her political inability she blames the extremist elements of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism and the LTTE. In reality, Chandrika's Government itself is an embodiment of neo-Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism. It is absurd on her part to blame these forces, since it was Chandrika's political party which was instrumental for reviving and re-building Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism as a monstrous phenomenon.
There is no truth in Chandrika's accusation that the LTTE does not seek a political Solution through peaceful means. It is because we sought a political settlement through peaceful means that we participated in several political talks from Thimpu to Jaffna. During these political negotiations we firmly upheld the interests of the Tamil nation, whereas the Sinhala Governments denied justice to the Tamils. Therefore, the talks failed. This situation arose because of the irreconcilable and intransigent attitude of the Sinhala governments. Therefore, we cannot be blamed for this situation.
From the time of the Thimpu talks we have been emphasising that the recognition of the Tamil homeland, Tamil nationhood and the Tamil right to self-determination should be the basis for any negotiated political settlement. This is our position even today.
The recognition land is fundamental tion, since the territ crucial for their na tity. Any political f to recognise the his homeland of the Ta. sis for a solution tc question.
It is questionab hala political parties litical settlement on principles when the pared to recognise t homeland. Such a p is inconceivable Sinhala-Buddhist c exerts hegemonic i hala political world. political reality tw.
Tamil people optedt
to self-determinatio dependent state. O ment, in pursuance rations of our peopl in a struggle for the realise the right to
For the last fift state has been adopt of oppression agair irrational policy has violence destroying land. Unless this changed the war w with its disastrous co the LTTE, but the who have chosen t and destruction.
By adopting a p pression the Sinhal stroying itself. Such an put end to the T ment. One day the will realise this trut pate that the Sinhala nounce their policy prepared to do justi have not launched gle with such expect that freedom is not from the enemy, but has to be fought by making sacrifices. Therefore, let gle until we realise Let us continue to s viction that the im have made will not t tinue to struggle forces who have ( land. Let us continu conviction that a de eventually win. Let gle with the meme who have fought a tion for the liberati

15 DECEMBER 1997
of the Tamil home
to a political soluory of the Tamils is ional life and idenramework that fails orically constituted nils cannot be a bathe Tamil National
le whether the Sinwill agree for a pothe basis of Thimpu y are not even prehe Tamils' right to a olitical arrangement as long as the hauvinistic ideology nfluence in the SinHaving realised this onty years ago, thé o exercise their right h and fight for an inur liberation moveof the national aspie, has been engaged last two decades to self-determination. y years, the Sinhala ing a singular policy 1st the Tamils. This given rise to war and the peace in the Ispolicy is radically ill continue for ever onsequences. It is not Sinhala chauvinists his path of violence
olicy of military rea state has been dea policy will never amil freedom moveSinhala chauvinists h. We do not anticia chauvinists will reof oppression and be ce to the Tamils. We his liberation strugations. We are aware a concession gained a sacred right which shedding blood and
is continue to strugour goal of freedom. cruggle with the conmense sacrifices we ie wasted. Letus cono expel the enemy ccupied our sacred e to struggle with the termined nation will us continue to strugry of those martyrs nd died with dedicaon of our land.
(Continued from page 8)
the bunker. Then the 3rd accused gave asignal by whistling. From the other side too a similar whistling signal being given. When witness and the others went to a nearby place as asked, the witness saw a girl with several strangers standing nearby. The witness saw
two persons removing the dress of the girl
forcibly. The girl was in white school uniform and tie. She was lying on the ground. The 3rd accused remained there and asked witness to go and wait at the road. After about 10 minutes, the 3rd accused came up to the witness and said, "We have finished with the girl, you also go if you want." The witness too went up to the girl. She cried,
"water, water', and witness kept the bucket
of water close to her and she took the water in her palms and drank. He spoke to her in Tamil asking whether she had any links with the LTTE. The girl replied that she had nothing to do with the LTTE, had passed her GCE examination with seven distinctions(As). Just then the 7th accused came up and scolded the witness in foul language and chased him away saying, "Go away without asking any questions from the girl."
Nazaar added that the girl appeared to be filled with sorrow and her dress was torn. It must have been about 10 pm. There was moonlight. She was lying on the ground which was hidden by thorny shrubs with several men around her.
Nazaar went up to the list accused and asked whether he could leave as it was getting late. But he asked witness to stay for a further five minutes. The witness saw the old woman lying on the ground. At that time witness heard cries and saw two persons taking away the girl. Another followed them with a mammoty whom the witness identified as the 8th accused. They came towards the old woman who was lying on the ground. At that time, witness again told the 1st accused that he wanted to leave as it was getting late to go to his checkpoint. The 6th accused forcibly took away witness's gun and told him to wait there. The 1st accused told witness that unless he helped them, witness would also would be shot and buried. The others had given their T-56 rifles to the witness to enable them to do what they were doing. Moments later witness saw the 8th accused with the mammoty dragging the old woman by the hand across the road and putting her inside a newly dug pit. She was dressed in a saree when she was put into the pit. Four persons covered the pit with earth. Asked by one of the Judges whether those three persons were in court, the witness pointed to the 2nd, 4th, 7th and 8th accused. Then the others came and took away their weapons from witness who could not identify any of them. They wore dark trousers. Then he accompanied them to the checkpoint from where they dispersed.
The trial is continuing. O

Page 11
15 DECEMBER 1997
CONSTITUTIONARE
Towards a Conse)
Neelan Tiruchelvam (The text of a speech delivered on 27 August 1997 to thi
of Colombo at the Intercontinental Hotel).
Ceylon and post independent Sri Lanka has been characterised by obsessive concern for questions of Constitutional Reform. In the early nineteenth century we focused on the Manning reforms. Later the Donoughmore reforms introduced two radical changes which were intended to place our constitutional experience apart from the rest of the Sub-Continent. The two radical changes were the introduction of universal adult franchise and the departure from the Westminster model - by the establishment of the Executive Committee system. The energies of the State Councils were also focused on constitutional reform until the Soulbury Constitution was introduced in 1948. Since Independence, we have had to Republican Constitution in 1972 and in 1978.
There are two contrasting approaches to constitution making - one is 'consensual and the other is 'instrumental”. A consensual constitution is one which endeavours to engage all elements within a polity in the constitution making process. It is a genuinely participatory exercise where the outcome is envisaged to be an enduring instrument which seeks to advance the principles of governance and constitutional values which command the widest consensus. A consensual constitution is one which is intended to endure beyond the tenure of a particular government... An instrumental constitution on the other hand is intended to reflect the concerns and interests of a particular regime, and is often arrogantly imposed on the rest of the polity by dismissing or disregarding the concerns of minorities and other important sections of the society. Such constitutions often do not endure beyond the tenure of a particular regime. This was the fate of the first Republican constitution which was enacted despite the bitter opposition of the then Federal party and even of its minimum demands.
The idea of 'constitutionalism' according to S A de Smith involves the proposition that the exercise of governmental power shall be bounded by rules. These rules prescribe the procedures ac
T political history of modern
cording to which ti ecutive acts are to limit their permiss: a further distinctic flexible constitutic by the procedure change. A flexibl which has no sp amendment or has relatively more fle: ample of this is t which does not ha tion in the sense th tative single docu called the consti United Kingdom, the monarchy or to liament, can be p circumstances. Th tution is an extrem in that we have th amendment to the passed without a b After the first r was enacted and 1978-1988, the the 5 majority which sequence of the ref During this period, ments to the const amendments have ing been weighte gime in power and solidate its author ment in particular to disenfranchise the north and east then political crisi stitutions sometim of limiting undem constitutional re hand, it was duri 13th amendment enacted establishi cial devolution an of the constitution ing a scheme of pr the 16th amendm was enacted acco tus of an official lish the status of ever a rigid consti progressive cons thereby further c

TAMIL TIMES 11
SUS
Lions Club
e legislative and expe performed and deble consent. There is n between rigid and ns often determined s for constitutional : constitution is one cial procedure for procedures which are tible. An extreme exhe United Kingdom ve a written constituat there is no authoriment which can be tution. But even in legislation to abolish extend the life of Parassed only in special e Sri Lankan constiely rigid constitution e requirement that no : constitution can be
majority. 2publican constitution between the period in parliament had a 4/ was eXtended in conrendum held in 1982. there were 16 amendtution. Some of these een criticised for havin favour of the refor having helped conty. The sixth amendffectively contributed hent of the people of and compounded the . Therefore rigid cones have the advantage ocratic and retrograde orms. On the other g this period that the the constitution was g a scheme of provinthe 16th amendment was enacted establishvincial devolution and nt of the constitution ding to Tamil the staanguage and to Englink language. Howution can also obstruct tutional reforms and mpound political cri
sis and sense of national paralysis which could otherwise have been averted. It is significant that between the period 1988 to the present, not a single amendment to the constitution has been possible. During the period of President Premadasa, there was an All-Party Conference to discuss many aspects of constitutional reform and even proposed the enactment of a draft chapter on fundamental rights which was to become the 17th amendment to the constitution. However, the then Opposition support for this reform could not be secured and the amendment was never enacted.
However, the downside of proportional representation is that it compounds the rigidity of the constitution. In addition to the b majority requirements, there are also many provisions to the constitution which cannot be altered without a referendum. Professor Wade once commented that the 1978 constitution provides for bizarre forms of entrenchment which includes the unitary state, the executive presidency and the national flag and national anthem. It should, however, be noted that the doctrine of basic features which was adopted in India and in Bangladesh does not form part of our law and was rejected by the majority of the supreme courts in the 13th amendment case. The doctrine entrenched certain features of the constitution, which in Indian context included the independence of the judiciary and judicial review, which could not be amended even adhering to constitutional procedure.
The question that we need to ask ourselves is why do we need constitutional reform in Sri Lanka. Are we not devoting too much of our energies debating on whether we should have unitary of a federal constitution, whether we should have an executive presidential system or a parliamentary form of government, whether we should have proportional representation or a constituency system or a mix of both. As Alexander Pope pointed out in his 'Essay on Man' in 1734 "for forms of government let fools contest, whatever is best administered is best'. Is constitutional reform the answer to the present political crisis?
The objective of constitutional reform is to primarily redress the imbalance in the relationship between communities and to create a framework in which there can be meaningful sharing of power between regions and between communities with a view to facilitating a pluralistic democracy. Previous attempts and such reforms have failed to create the constitutional foundation for a multi-ethnic polity. Both in 1931 and 1948, the proposal to establish a federal

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
constitution was advanced by the Canteen Sinhalese but this proposal was not accepted by both the Soulbury and Donomoughore Commissions. Both India and Pakistan were more fortunate in that the government of India Act in 1935 established a system of provincial governance which subsequently resulted in a scheme of linguistic federalism as a result of the report of the State’s Reorganisation Commission. Therefore, at the transfer of political power India had in place a federal form of devolution which was essentially a colonial constitutional construct. This construct, however, has shown remarkable resilience despite the challenges to the legitimacy and new autonomy movements in Kashmir, Punjab and the North-East. Lord Soulbury, when he was called upon to reflect on the Soulbury reforms and the post-independent history of disenfranchisement of estate Tamils and the Sinhala only legislation, had pointed out that he would have provided for stronger minority safeguards if we had the hindsight to anticipate a subsequent development. Similarly, the 13th amendment to the constitution was an incomplete solution, as no meaningful sharing of power was possible where the executive and the judiciary did not become neutral arbiters between the cen
tre and the regions todians of the authc of the centre in a ur
The objectives reform are firstly to the state to more a reality of the pow ments. Secondly, tc ment the powers of ishing the concurrer subjects in that list Thirdly, to construct in the north-east boundaries and creat onciles the interests nities who live in th One of the func of ethnic minorities down of the rule of crisis. Their concer tive arm of the state wards them in mome this in the failure o protection to those a violence in 1958, in Similarly, political a the Dudley-Chelvar were abrogated. Sin safeguards which ar. gency Regulations rectives with regar and detention are
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15 DECEMBER 1997
but became the cusrity and the powers hitary State. of the constitutional ) alter the nature of ccurately reflect the er sharing arrangesubstantively augthe regions by abolit list and adding the to the regional list. a unit of devolution by redemarcating ing a unit which recof the three commuhat region. lamental grievances relates to the breaklaw in moments of n is that the protecis not extended to2nts of crisis. We saw f the state to extend ffected by collective 1977 and in 1983. irrangements such as nayakam Agreement milarly, humanitarian e set out in the Emerand Presidential Did to arbitrary arrest continuously disre
garded with impunity.
Even the judgements of the Supreme Court in Wimalendran's case and the more recent Sirisena Cooray's case, set out strict guidelines which the police and security personnel must comply with during arrests and detention. But there are so many arrests which continue to take place particularly of Tamil speaking persons in complete disregard of these guidelines. The demand in respect of minority safeguards is that they should not be expressed in more administrative directions or even an ordinary legislation but they should be embodied in the constitution, in the supreme law of the land. But even when they are embodied in the supreme law of the land as in the 16th amendment, they are not effectively implemented. It is not possible for a Tamil speaking person to transact business in the official language of his choice in a police station, in a post office or in the Department of Immigration or Inland Revenue. Constitutional provisions relating to language might often remain a dead letter despite the fact some of these provisions have formed part of the second Republican Constitution for almost two decades. Similarly under the 13th amendment, the powers of the provinces
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Page 13
15 DECEMBER 1997
A Continuing Sp of “Disappearanc
tion which visited Sri Lanka recently has concluded that of the 600-odd people who have "disappeared" in the last 18 months after their arrest by the security forces, and nearly all have died as a result of torture or been deliberately killed in detention.
The delegation has also identified human rights abuses by the LTTE which is engaged in an armed conflict with the government.
According to the AI, there is no evidence to suggest that sanction for the “disappearances” came from the political leadership, but the Sri Lankan gov
n Amnesty International delega
(Continued from page 12)
in relation to public transport and agrarian services and aspects of education have been disingenuously reappropriated by the Centre in clear violation of the spirit of the 13th amendment. So constitutional reform per se will not resolve the current crisis unless there is also respect for the rule of law, King James in a 1607 speech to the English House of Commons stated:- "For I will not say anything which I will not promise, nor promise anything which I will not swear. What I swear I will sign, and what I sign, I shall with God's grace ever perform'.
Finally as a nation, we are at the crossroads of history. As a people, we remain helpless as our public life has been overtaken by a cruel and unending war which is causing incalculable human tragedy and is eroding the moral foundations of our political institutions. We recently had to encounter the political assassination of two of our colleagues. Sadly the impact of these deaths were only too brief as we uncritically resign ourselves to war, destruction and political assassinations as being an inextricable part of our troubled history.
If we surrender to despair, there can be no hope. But to surrender to indifference and apathy would be to betray an entire generation and to forfeit the confidence of those who have entrusted us with their hopes and aspirations. This is why constitutional reform is inextricably linked with out democratic future, the political stability of our institutions, peace, reconciliation and economic prosperity. O
ernment reacted too mented reports of : ances” in the Jafr mid-1996. As a res authorities acknowl what was happenin people had "disappe more were victims c of the security force
A three-membe ited Sri Lanka in A the delegates of the northern Jaffna pe:
and 19 August 1997 the government. Th nesty International
1982. During their v the delegates were a freely. They met the in charge of the pe commander in charg western part of the joining islands, rep ous political parties nity leaders, lawyer of the local and int ernmental organisat rviewed dozens of rights violations, in the "disappeared' ar re and attempted e
tions.
In Colombo, th with high-level gov cluding the Ministe the Minister of Jus Affairs, Ethnic Aff: tegration, the Secret fence, the Attorney tor General of Police tor General of Polic met members of the mission and of thre missions of inquil rights violations. I
 

TAMIL TIMES 13
ectre ?es?''
slowly to well-docua rise in "disappearna peninsula during ult, by the time the edged the reality of g there, around 600 ared', and hundreds lf torture at the hands
S.
r AI delegation visugust 1997. Two of AI team visited the ninsula between 13
with the consent of is was the first Amvisit to Jaffna since isit to the peninsula, able to travel around military commander ninsula, the military ge of Valikamam (the
peninsula, and adresentatives of varias well as commus and representatives ernational non-govions. They also intevictims of human cluding relatives of ld Survivors of tortu2xtrajudicial execu
e AI delegation met ernment officials, inr of Foreign Affairs, stice, Constitutional airs and National Intary, Ministry of DeGeneral, the Inspec2 and Deputy Inspece (Crime). They also Human Rights Come Presidential Comy into past human n addition, the del
egates had a long meeting with the members of the BoI.
In late October 1997, on the occasion of the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Edinburgh, Scotland, the Secretary General of Amnesty International met President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. They held discussions about the human rights policy of the government and the implementation of some of the recommendations listed in AI’s report. Around the same time, comments on a draft of this report were obtained from the government. These have been reflected in the text, where appropriate.
"Although we welcome the government’s decision to make public reports into thousands of cases of "disappearance' from 1988-1994, and several other measures taken since coming to power to strengthen human rights protection, it is vitally important that the government addresses the underlying structures and practices in the security forces," Amnesty International said in its 26-page report (ASA 37/27/97) dated 27 November. . According to AI, the events of 1996 indicate the need for an active approach to tackling the root causes of human rights violations in Sri Lanka - the lingering sense of impunity among perpetrators and the legislation allowing for people to be detained incommunicado for long periods of time.
"In the past, Sri Lanka became a country notorious for "disappearances' - a country racked by the terrible anguish suffered by relatives who never knew the fate of their loved ones,” AI said adding, “The government must seize the initiative now to ensure that nobody has to go through this harrowing ordeal again."
The Sri Lankan government has taken some steps to clarify the fate of the "disappeared', establishing a Board of Investigation (BOI) to investigate around 760 complaints. The BOI to date has traced 180 of the "disappeared'.
"Disappearances" usually took place in reprisal for attacks on the military by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) armed opposition group - for example the killing of more than 1,300 soldiers during an attack on Mullaitivu army camp in July 1996. After the Mullaitivu attack, the army told villagers in the Navatkuli area to gather at a local school, where they were made to file past masked informants. After a . night of severe beatings in the main army camp nearby, most of those detained were released, however 39 remain unaccounted for despite numerous requests for information made by their relatives.

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
"As was often the case in the past, the security forces resorted to widespread "disappearances' in reprisal for attacks on their members by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who are fighting for the establishment of an independent state in the north and east of the country. The highest number of "disappearances in the peninsula were reported in July and August 1996 (190 and 143 respectively) in the aftermath of such attacks.
The LTTE have also been responsible for gross human rights abuses in Jaffna and elsewhere, including indiscriminate killings of civilians during attacks on checkpoints or army patrols and summary executions of suspected informants.
Refering to approximately 540 people who 'disappeared' after they were arrested by the army in the Jaffna peninsula in mid-1996, AI team that visited Jaffna in August 1997 in its report stated: There is no evidence to suggest that the sanction for 'disappearances' came from the political leadership of Sri Lanka. However, the government has to take responsibility for failing to protect the lives of civilians under its jurisdiction. By the time government authorities in Colombo acknowledged the reality of what was happening in Jaffna, approximately 600 people had been reported "disappeared'. Hundreds of others were victims of torture at the hands of the Security forces. There were also several reports of rape by members of the army. Several measures taken by the government managed to curb the number of disappearances being reported and some of the "disappeared were in fact traced. Nevertheless, reports of 'disappearances' continue to be received. For instance, in the first half of 1997, 41 cases of "disappearances from Jaffna were reported, four of whom have been traced by the authorities so far. Investigations into the 600-odd cases of 'disappearances' by a Board of Investigation set up in the Ministry of Defence and a special investigative unit of the Military Police are continuing. In addition, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the newly-established Human Rights Commission is investigating 274 of the cases.
The experience of the past year shows that Sri Lanka will remain prone to upsurges of serious human rights violations, particularly 'disappearances?', until the government tackles these problems at their root cause: the lingering sense of impunity among perpetrators
' and the sweeping powers of the Emer
gency Regulations and the Prevention of
Terrorism Act allow detained incommuni ods of time.
The AI report sti More and more ing of the “disappe mately 540 people i middle of 1996 in th For months, the spec vailing in the area at the full story of the appearances' from et members of parliam ternational human I expressed concern, November 1996 est Investigation (BoI) ir fence to investigate appearances'. At the Bol had been able out of 760 compl;
The devastating ar
Lanka has continue vilian population o which they can enjo with dignity and res
rity forces and the
group, the LTTE,
ble for catalogues c lations and abuses safeguards in inter hold some of the
rights of Sri Lanka the right to life and
Amnesty Internatio
on the validity of th cal and socio-econo it believes that the
for both sides to ac sponsibility for hur and abuses and to t
stances in which the have to be carried ol tinuing displacemei peninsula, may to sc tributed to a delay vestigations...
It appears that i action taken by the tigate the "disappea Kumarasamy, an 1 from Kaithady and responsible for he number of "disap from the peninsula rasamy was arreste way home on 7 Se sitting an examinati Rasammah Kumar, old brother Pranab a family friend, K param also 'disapp taken into custod
 

15 DECEMBER 199.
ng for people to be cado for long peri
teS: cvidence is emergrance” of approxisix months in the Jaffna peninsula... ific conditions prethe time prevented e widespread "disherging. After some nt and local and inghts organisations the government in blished a Board of the Ministry of Dethe reports of 'distime of writing, the o trace 180 people ints. The circum
checkpoint. They had gone to inquire about Krishanthy Kumarasamy's arrest. All four bodies were found in shallow graves in mid-October 1996. The arrest of nine members of the security forces and the legal action subsequently initiated served as a signal to the security forces that the government would not tolerate such human rights violations. At the time of writing, the Trial-at-Bar of nine soldiers charged with abduction, rape and murder was scheduled to start on 1 November 1997.....
Reports of “disappearances” also continue to be received from other parts of the country. For instance, during the first half of 1997, 16 cases were reported from Batticaloa district and three from Mannar district. There have also been allegations of "disappearances' from Kilinochchi district, but Amnesty International has
ned conflict in Sri d to deprive the cian environment in y their human rights pect. Both the secu: armed opposition nave been responsif human rights vio, and have ignored national law to upmost fundamental
ns citizens, such as
liberty of person.
naltakes noposition
ne underlying politimic issues. However, only way forward is
knowledge their re
han rights violations ake measures to halt
Such abuses. పళ్ల
For 14 years, Amnesty International has been highlighting the plight of the civilian Victims of this armed conflict,
making specific recommendations for
the protection and promotion of their
human rights.
This report identifies some of the positive initiatives by the government amid
difficult political and military circumstances to address one of the most per
sistent human rights violations in the country, the 'disappearances, but it also reflects Amnesty International's
view that to deal with the problem fully, these initiatives must be followed with
serious determination and commitment. Amnesty International hopes that the recommendations in this report will be implemented without delay.
Bol's investigations t, including the conit of civilians in the me extent have conin finalising the in
h particular the firm overnment to inves'ance” of Krishanthy -year-old schoolgirl pring to justice those killing curbed the earances' reported
Krishanthy Kumaby the army on her ptember 1996 after bn paper. Her mother, samy, her 16-yearin Kumarasamy, and rupakaran Sithamared' after they were at the same army
not been able to obtain confirmation of these reports.
Background Information
The Jaffna peninsula in northern Sri Lanka was under the control of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) since mid-1990. Between late 1995 and early 1996, the security forces undertook four large military operations and succeeded in regaining control. Amnesty International was encouraged by initial reports that the security forces were behaving with more discipline than Jaffna residents had experienced in the mid-1980s.
Between 1983 and mid-1987, there had been widespread human rights violations, including torture, "disappearances' and extrajudicial executions in the north and east. These violations had

Page 15
15 DECEMBER 1997
occurred in the context of an escalating armed conflict between the security forces and armed secessionist Tamil groups. More than 680 cases of "disappearances' were reported during that period. After July 1987, an Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was responsible for security in the area under the terms of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord aimed at providing greater regional autonomy, among other things. During the time of the IPKF presence in the north and east, Amnesty International recorded 43 "disappearances' for which members of the IPKF were believed responsible. The IPKF left Sri Lanka in early 1990.
After the armed conflict between the LTTE - which by that time had emerged as the main armed opposition group - and the government forces resumed in June 1990, the number of those reported to have "disappeared' or deliberately killed at the hands of the Sri Lankan security forces, particularly in the east, reached thousands within months.
By mid-1990, the LTTE established firm control over territory as well as the civilian population in the north. It prohibited almost all expression of dissent within the area and was responsible for the unacknowledged detention of hundreds of Tamil political prisoners and members of the Muslim community on suspicion of being traitors'. In addition, it summarily executed scores of Tamil people considered to be informants, often by tying their bodies to a lamppost with a placard stating the "charges' hanging around their necks. It was also responsible for the torture and ill-treatment of prisoners and of children who were coerced and sometimes forced to join the armed group.
In the south, between 1987 and 1990, the security forces seeking to suppress an armed insurgency within the majority Sinhalese community were responsible for killing tens of thousands of people, often under the cover of 'disappearance'. Unidentifiable bodies and sometimes severed limbs or heads were regularly displayed in public as part of the campaign of counter-terror. This pattern of mutilation and display, together with the use of plain-clothed squads, was transferred to the east when the military returned there from the south after the resumption of hostilities in June 1990.
When the People's Alliance government came to power in August 1994, it pledged its commitment to human rights and introduced a number of safeguards to prevent torture and 'disappearances'. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, elected in November 1994, also initiated negotiations with the
LTTE towards a pea the armed conflict in However, after the ended the talks in Ap ing resumed, the pati ances' began to re-em Amnesty Internationa of "disappearances', in and from the capital 1996, as stated above, cases were reported." highest number in 1991, when 410 cases by the United Natio on Enforced or Invol ances (UNVGEID).
ver the last few ye ternational has repe to the leadership of immediate halt to th ing of civilians a abuses by its ment a clear commitme: human rights. During 1997, Amne held the LTTE res. killings of Aruna thurai, a member C the Tam United : Mohamed Maharoe parliament of the Party (UNP), and Amnesty Internal pressed concern at ate and indiscrini least nine civilians : the World Trade. Ce on 15 October 199,
The Jaffna peninsul. from the Rest of the
Between July 199 the security forces un military operations in sula aimed at regainin LTTE. Throughout thi the peninsula was sev ddition, formal censo under Emergency Re the start of Operatior tember 1995 and again at the start of Operatic first period of censor December 1995, the l 1996.
Approximately 3 who had been forced leave Valikamam duri started to return from and Vaddamarachchi 1996. Despite severa their way by the LTTE of internally displace turned from the Vanni
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 15
ceful settlement to the north and east. LTTE unilaterally ril 1995 and fightlern of “disappearerge. During 1995, l recorded 70 cases hostly from the east Colombo. During approximately 600 This represents the he country since had been recorded is Working Group untary Disappear
ars, Amnesty In- : atedly appealed the LTTE for an e deliberate kill. nd other grave hers and to make nt to upholding
sty Internationał ponsible for the salam Thanga- , if parliament of iberation. Front; f, a member of United National several others. ional also ex
the delibe ate killing of at in an attack on ntre in Colombo.
a: Cut Off
Country 5 and May 1996, dertook four large | the Jaffna pening control from the S period, access to erely restricted. In ship was imposed gulations (ERS) at Riviresa in Sep, on 19 April 1996, on Riviresa II, The ship ended in late atter on 8 October
00,000 civilians, i by the LTTE to ing the offensives, Thennamarachchi in April and May l obstacles put in , tens of thousands 'd people also re. The large major
ity were able to return to their homes, others took shelter with relatives because their homes had been badly damaged due to shelling or bombing or because the army was occupying them. Throughout the peninsula, the army had requisitioned houses and turned them into checkpoints or small temporary camps.
The military generally banned national and international journalists from visiting the area during the army's offensives, except on a few occasions when they took journalists under military escort for short visits. As a result, independent confirmation about alleged human rights violations was limited. Since early 1997 however journalists have been able to visit the area more regularly.
Human rights abuses by the LTTE
Since the security forces took control over the Jaffna peninsula, there have been sporadic incidents of human rights abuses by the LTTE in the area. However, the most serious abuses have been reported from other parts of the country (see box) and thus fall outside the scope of this report. The human rights abuses by the LTTE in Jaffna have included indiscriminate killings of civilians during attacks on checkpoints or army patrols and summary executions of people suspected of being informants to the army or "traitors' to the LTTE cause.
On 9 November 1996, two grenades were thrown inside a shop at New Market, Jaffna town. Sunderambal Ragunathan, a 22-year-old female shop assistant was killed and 12 others, most of them also women, were injured. Scores of other civilians have been injured in crossfire or landmine explosions.
During its visit, Amnesty International recorded evidence of more than ten cases of summary executions (see Appendix B). In most cases recorded, the killings were carried out within a short period after the person was taken away from their home. A placard was left by the body stating that the person was killed for being an informant or a traitor. Among those killed was Sivayogini Patkunamanikkam, a woman from Nallur whose body was found on 19 July 1996. It was widely believed that she was killed because she had stayed behind when the LTTE, vacating the peninsula in late 1995, were ordering civilians to do the Sae.
*Disappearances': A Familiar Pattern
An analysis of the pattern of "disappearances” in Jaffna during 1996 indicates that, as was often the case in the

Page 16
  

Page 17
15 DECEMBER 1997
statement obtained by Amnesty International alleges that he was arrested on 31 July 1996 on his way to visit his grandmother when passing an army checkpoint near his home. He accounts what happened subsequently:
"... the army personnel ... hit me with the rifle till I fell down. After I fell they tied both my hands together and with the legs also together covered my face with a shopping bag. Due to this I could not breath properly and was rolling on the groита.
"Thereafter they were throttling my neck by placing a cloth around it and by pulling it from both ends. This was followed by cutting me by the knife fitted on the gun. One of the soldiers stabbed me on the back of my body at six places... This was followed by cutting at my neck, since there was a cloth around it it did not cause much injury. Thereafter one of them cut in my head at two different places which caused fairly deep injuries. Then I felt I was losing consciousness.
At that stage I was able to feel an attempt... to remove the two golden rings I was wearing. Since the rings did not come out they sliced the two fingers with the knife. I lost consciousness...
"When I recovered found that it was dark and that I was in a lavatory pit partly covered. The insects in the pit were attacking me by biting at my cut wounds. Due to this I raised cries.”
Fortunately, army personnel who were occupying the checkpoints returned to their camp after dark. Therefore, no army personnel heard his cries during the night. However people in the vicinity heard his cries and when his parents came searching for him on the following morning, they told them they had heard someone crying from the pit close by. He was then rescued from the pit.
In the weeks after this incident, there were reports of another body having been found in a lavatory pit. Other witnesses claim they saw how bodies were burnt by the army but did not have information about the identity of the bodies. A former informant interviewed by Amnesty International testified that he and three other informants were forced by the army to question two brothers from Chavakaddu who had been taken into custody at the local army camp. One of them was lying on the floor and asked for water. The informant tried to give it to him, but the prisoner was too weak to drink and died shortly afterwards. Army personnel then ordered the group of four to put the body in a polythene bag. Subsequently, the four were taken away so they were not able to see how the body was disposed off.
Government Acti a Halt to “Disapp
Among the me the government sh power were the es presidential comm investigate past grc lations, including t appearances” repo: 1988. (The three co tical mandates but the investigation o three different geo, For more det date, see Sri Lank justice (AI Index April 1995.) The work in early 1995 final reports to P Bandaranaike Kumr tember 1997. Thir, they ubmitted regu the progress of the In a welcome m announcedon 3 Se interim and final Commissions woul also announced tha be initiated in thc Commissions found and that a new com tablished to exam which the three co able to inquire in ended.
Although at the reports of the com printed and thus n able, Amnesty Intel that the commissio north and east did ports of "disappear ing 1996.
In March 1997. HRC were appoint ter the Act establ: passed in Parliame the government ann tion of monitoring t ees which had till to the Human Right would be transferre July 1997. The H in 1991, was re-es Emergency (Establi Rights Task Force) 1995 after the resur in mid-1995 with a the welfare of deta ERS and Preventi (PTA)). -- W
Throughout 19 tional human right paigned for an offi

TAMIL MES 17
on to Bring earances
asures introduced by ortly after it came to tablishment of three issions of inquiry to )ss human rights viohe thousands of 'disrted since 1 January ommissions had idenwere responsible for f "disappearances' in graphical areas. ails of their mana: Time for truth and : ASA 37/04/95) of commissions started 5 and presented their 'resident Chandrika laratunga on 3 Sepoughout this period lar interim reports on ir investigations. nove, the government ptember 1997 that the reports of the three d be made public. It t prosecutions would )se cases where the prima facie evidence mission would be esline the complaints mmissions were not to before their term
time of writing, the missions were being ot yet publicly availnational understands n responsible for the not nvestigate the reances in Jaffna dur
, the members of the ed, eight months afishing the HRC was nt. In late June 1997, ounced that the funche welfare of detain
then been entrusted s Task Force (HRTF) id to the HRC as of 1 RTF, initially set up stablished under the shment of the Human Regulations No 1 of mption of the conflict mandate to safeguard inees held under the on of Terrorism Act
96, local and internas organisations camoe Of the HRTF to be
opened in Jaffna. However, apart from a two-day visit to Jaffna in mid-November 1996, the HRTF was not able to carry out its mandate in the Jaffna peninsula. Amnesty International believes that the lack of monitoring of the welfare of detainees throughout this period contributed to the high number of "disappearances' reported at the time. In early October 1997, three members of the HRC visited Jaffna and identified premises for a regional office, which is now expected to be opened in November 1997. During its visit, Amnesty International pressed upon the members of the HRC the urgent need to open a regional office in Jaffna. Government officials in Colombo and military authorities in Jaffna all agreed that there was a need to have an independent authority locally available where complaints can be lodged.
As stated above, after a lot of publicity surrounding the case of Krishanthy Kumarasamy in late 1996, the Bol was established in the Ministry of Defence. Initially a military person was put in charge of the investigations but amid protest over the lack of independence of the Bo, a civilian, Bandula Kulatunga, was appointed. The four other members are senior officers of the security forces. As of August 1997, the Bol has visited Jaffna on four occasions and recorded evidence of 368 complainants. Amnesty International was informed that during the next phase of the investigations by the Bol, it intended to call for reports from the relevant heads of the security forces.
The General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 51 Division of the army in Jaffna informed the Amnesty International delegation that he had introduced several measures in early 1997 to bring a halt to "disappearances' and torture. He acknowledged that he had received a large number of complaints of both "disappearances' and torture.
The measures introduced included the issuing of "arrest receipts' to a relative or, in the event a relative is not available, the grama sevaka of he village where the arrest took place. The commander also introduced several changes to the model of receipt designed by the Ministry of Defence. He included details of not only the rank of the arresting officer, but also the name, unit and number as required under presidential directives issued in early September 1997. The directives issued by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in early September 1997 are similar to those issued to the security forces in mid-1995 under the Emergency (Establishment of the Human Rights Task Force) Regulations No of 1995. Whereas under the old

Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
regulations, arrests had to be reported to the HRTF, under the new ones the Security forces have to forthwith, and in any case not later than 48 hours from the time of arrest or detention, report an arrest or detention and the place where the person is held to the HRC. In addition, they have to inform relatives of detainees, grant the HRC access to places of detention at any time, record statements of detainees in a language of their choice, and take specific protective measures when arresting children and women. There was general agreement among the population in the peninsula that since the beginning of 1997, at the time the new GOC of the 51 Division had taken over command, a clear improvement in the human rights situation had come about. Similar positive assessments were given about the brigade commander in charge of Vadamarachchi division. It was pointed out to Amnesty International that very few cases of 'disappearances had been reported from that area.
Among the measures taken by the GOC, 51 Division was te establishment of a special investigative unit consisting of members of the Military Police to investigate 379 complaints of "disappearances in 1996 lodged directly with the military authorities in Jaffna. The unit has taken statements from relatives, and has gathered information from the army units alleged to have been stationed in the area at the time of "disappearance'. As of August 1997, out of 130 cases had been investigated, seven people had been traced in custody and in one case relatives had reported that they had found the body of the 'disappeared' person. In relation to complaints of "disappearances during the first half of 1997, 3 people out of 32 people reported to the military authorities as 'disappeared' had been traced by the special investigative unit. Investigations into other cases are continuing. The results of these investigations are intended to be submitted to the BOI.
The Secretary, Ministry of Defence assured Amnesty International that action, including criminal prosecution, has been initiated against those found to be responsible for the "disappearances by the BoI, and that senior staff are being held accountable on the basis that they failed in their duty to keep control over their troops. Amnesty International has requested the Secretary, Ministry of Defence to be kept informed of the outcome of these measures. Conclusions and Recommendations
Amnesty International appreciates some important steps taken by the government to restore the rule of law in Sri
Lanka amid difficu
These include the rat tional Protocol to the enant on Civil and P establishment of the missions of inquiry rights violations and state of emergency is in July 1997. Betwe 6 July 1997, the state in force throughout t latter date, its applica to the north and eas ing areas as well astl and Surrounding are: national is also encou) man rights training security forces, inclui ized by a Directorat Law set up by the C Army in May 1997. initial action taken to appearances reporte undertakings that thc be brought to justice low a number of r which would, if imp ute to the further pro In Amnesty Inter action announced in ports of the three com into human rights vi "disappearances') sir would, if ully imple to breaking the linge punity among the se Amnesty Internal the findings of the E at the earliest oppor tion is taken to follov ment's commitment prosecution of those sponsible.
The international ing to see how the go" human rights violati previous regime and of office.
While some actic investigate reported further action is nee prevention and acco tion, mechanisms in place to ensure that ready introduced, su tial directives, are f For instance, fr. available, it appears man rights safeguarC down in presidentia in early September flouted. “Arrest rect issued in all cases ( custody, relatives ar. of the place of deten not being systematic

15 DECEMBER 1997
lt circumstances. fication of the OpInternational Covolitical Rights, the HRC and the cominto past human the lifting of the areas of the South 'n 4 April 1996 and of emergency was he country. On the tion was narrowed ... and some borderhe capital Colombo as. Amnesty Interaged by several huprograms for the ling courses organe of Humanitarian ommander of the It also appreciates investigate the 'dis'd from Jaffna and se responsible will . It is outlining beecommendations, lemented, contribgress of this work. national's view, the follow-up to the re(missions of inquiry olations (including ce 1 January 1988 mented, contribute ring climate ofimurity forces. ional is urging that Pol be made public tunity, and that acv-up on the governto initiate criminal 2 alleged to be re
community is waitvernment deals with ons both under the under its own term
in has been taken to 'disappearances', ded in the areas of untability. In addieed to be put into those measures alch as the presidenilly adhered to. om the information hat many of the hus, such as those laid l directives issued 1997, are routinely ipts' are not being f people taken into often not informed tion and the HRC is ally informed of all
cases of arrest and detention. Furthermore, prisoners continue to be held in unauthorized places of detention.
Key Factors: Accountability and Review of Security Measures
The government's initiatives in strengthening protection of human rights, in Amnesty International's view, could benefit from technical assistance in two key areas: investigative and prosecutorial expertise and review of ecurity measures, including the ERs and PTA.
In 1991, after its first visit to Sri Lanka, the UNWGEID recommended that the government should "pursue the clarification of "disappearances' even more vigorously”. It suggested that "human rights groups should be brought more closely into the search for missing persons, specificially as regards the identification of bodies discovered. In such identification, assistance might also be requested from an international team of forensic experts under United Nations auspices'.
Amnesty International is urging the government to establish an independent forensic team and that members of the police and judiciary are instructed to call upon the team's expertise if and when remains of victims of human rights violations are to be exhumated and identified. Since the government came to power, Amnesty International has been urging it to review the ERs and PTA to bring them in line with international standards, a recommendation also made by international bodies such as the Human Rights Committee and the UNWGEID. During meetings in August 1997 with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs and Secretary, Ministry of Defence, Amnesty International was told that a review of ERs would be considered. Comments by the government on a draft version of this report affirmed that the ERs are "under constant review'. However, experience to date suggests that this review is largely confined to the geographical application of the ERS rather than to address some of the fundamental aspects of its provisions for arrest and detention which have been identified as falling short of international standards as well as having been the subject of criticism by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka.
Amnesty International recommends that a thorough review of ERs and PTA, which would take into account the Comments of the Human Rights Committee and the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, is undertaken at the earliest opportunity.

Page 19
5 DECEMBER 1997
THE CRUCIAL P
BEGNS NJAF
By DB S Jeyaraj
he Jaffna Peninsula was home to T: a million Tamils and almost ten million Palmyrah trees a few years ago. The ravages of war have made its cruel impact and now the population is about a half of what it was earlier while the Palmyrahs have been reduced to about one third of the original number. Whatever the downsizing in numbers Jaffna still remains the premier enclave of the Sri Lankan Tamils and the sturdy Palmyrah the most appropriate metaphor for the indomitable Tamil spirit. The Palmyrah may sway dangerously in the storm and may even be uprooted but will not bend. Such too is the spirit of the Tamil people. (If I may be permitted to strike a personal note I do wish to recall the Indian Army Operation code-named Operation Pawan, meaning gust of strong wind or whirlwind in 1987. The symbolic comparison of Wind and Palmyrah was inevitable. An article I wrote then in the "Island' entitled "Can the Pawan break the Palmyrah? struck a responsive cord on a widespread basis. The Palmyrah metaphor found great acceptance to the point where even some friends who disagreed with some of my views then came up with a very worthwhile book called "Broken Palmyrah").
Today the focus in terms of war is on the Wanni or the Northern mainland where the LTTE is resisting for more than six months the advance of the Sri Lankan forces. In a replay of history where the doughty Wanni chieftains like Pandara Wannian carried on the struggle against European invaders on the mainland after the Jaffna Kingdom on the peninsula had fallen the Tigers too after the fall of Jaffna continue the struggle in the citadel that is Wanni. While the main theatre of war is certainly the Wanni there are signs that the "sideshow' in Jaffna too is about to expand in scale and scope. The low level insurgency that has been prevailing in the Peninsula since the largescale withdrawal of the LTTE from there nearly 18 months ago is now showing signs of increasing in quantitative and qualitative terms.
The tricky situation has been further compounded by the announcement of local authority elections in Jaffna. Sri Lan
ka's Commission called for nominati ernment authorities sula. Nominations tween 16 and 23 D to the proclamatio been called for 17 lic ies Consisting of 13 or Pradeshiya Sabha aigal'orurban cour gara sabai” or mun
The municipal while the three urba kachcheri, Point tithurai. The Prades respond to the earl visions are as follow nai, Valigamam We Valigamam South Vadamaratchy E North, Thenmarat Nallur and Jaffna T] When the gover cal elections to Jaffr Tamil political part tests that the grou conducive for free a Sri Lankan Presid tantly postponed th From the gover, some form of repre is very essential in responsibility and ( istration. The govel to prolong the curre armed forces are th rulers of Jaffna. Th not amenable to t Tamil groups that a istration should be armed forces as W citizens do not wal tant group hegem them from above.
The governmer viable civil admin some form of elect necessary, Besides that have pledged and re-constructi
pressed a desire th
representatives the a constructive role priorities as oppost ning from Colom
 

TAMIL TIMES 19
der of Elections has
ons to the local govin the Jaffna Peninhave to be filed beIecember. According n nominations have ocal government bod"Piradesa Sabaigal” as, three “Nagara sabcils and one “Maanaicipal council. council is Jaffna City in councils are ChavaPedro and Valvet - shiya sabhas that corer DRO or AGA divs. Kayts, Delft, Velast, Valigamam north, , Valigamam East, ast, Vadamaratchy chy, Pachi laippalli, own and gravets. 'nment announced lona early this year most ies made strong prond situation was not und fairelections. The ent somewhat relucLe election then. nment's point of view sentative democracy Jaffna to take on the luty of a civil admininment does not want nt situation where the 2 de-facto and de-jure e government is also he request by some ninterim civil adminset up first. Both the ell as a lot of Jaffna ht an “ex-Tamil miliony "imposed upon
it also feels that for a istration to function ed representatives are most donor agencies aid for rehabilitating ng Jaffna have exat the Jaffna people's mselves should play
in determining their d to centralised planbo. Although Jaffna
does have 10 Parliamentary Representatives the flawed election process through which they were elected as well as their disappointing performance in carrying out their duties has caused a crisis of confidence and eroded their credibility. It is in that context that the government wants to usher in local authority elections as a first step in the long road to a genuine and meaningful democracy for Jaffna being established again. The holding of elections at this level could also help as a rehearsal for other elections of greater magnitude that may follow in due course. These include Parliamentary, Provincial or regional council elections and of course referenda of the binding and non-binding types. It is very likely that some Tamil political parties may object to local elections in Jaffna even now but if the government accedes to that request then it will throw away again an opportunity to set in place an appropriate electioneering mechanism in Jaffna. Also it would be hard to justify the staging of a referendum, which is a must for Constitutional reform. In the peninsula after postponing local polls again on the basis that the situation is not conducive.
This does not mean, however, that the situation is rosy in Jaffna for a free and fair local poll. The AGA Division of Valigamam North is almost entirely under the direct territorial control of the army with the bulk of the population being denied entry into what was their homes. This is strictly from a security perspective. On the other hand the Vadamaratchy East Division that is mainly littoral terrain is very much under the sway of the LTTE still. In Pachilaippalli and Thenmaratchy the army dominates some areas while the LTTE is dominant in other areas. It is therefore a mootpoint as to whether free and fair voting would be possible in these places.
Even elsewhere the possibility of vote tampering, rigging and corruption is very much there. The special Commissions of Inquiry that probed the Jaffna electoral district polling in the 1994 elections has concluded that the independent list of candidates fielded by the EPDP and UNP became victors mainly as a result of fraudulent practices including largescale rigging. The Commission that probed the electoral malpractices in the Eastern Province and Vavuniya local authority elections in 1994 also has recommended imposing civic disabilities on several Police officers including DIG's and SSP's for electoral tampering.
Under these circumstances it would be naive to presume that unsatisfactory

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
practices could be totally eradicated here too. Still it would be practical in the long run to have elections that would be as democratic as possible albeit with some defects rather than no election at all. One way of minimising electoral malpractices would be the Saturation of Jaffna with independent election monitors preferably from International organizations.
One positive factor in the scenario is the very real desire on the part of the army upper echelons to hold elections in Jaffna. These thinking sections know and have openly stated that the armed forces cannot indefinitely bear the burden of civil administration. They want to relieve themselves of this task as early as possible. As such it is in their interest to ensure a truly participatory -democracy emerge in Jaffna even at a local authority level first. Also of importance is the antipathy between the armed forces and the Tamil ex-militant groups in Jaffna. This state of affairs also militates against largescale rigging in favour of these groups. Besides the Jaffna of today has a proportionately larger concentration of over forties people. These sections according to an EPDP spokesperson are pro-TULF and anti-militant.
It is not clear, however, whether the TULF will contest the polls. The TULF hierarchy is yet to visit Jaffna although the PLOTE EPRLF, and EPDP have gone to Jaffna and are indulging in some political activity there. The TULF problem is three-fold. First is the reluctance to face the Jaffna people without having achieved something tangible like a political Settlement. The Second is the Suspicion in view of past experience that the ex-militant groups will rig the polls with army connivance. The third is security as the LTTE in the light of the Thangathurai killing is likely to turn its guns on the most vulnerable targets the TULF in order to sabotage the polls. While these problems are very real the Tulf would only be throwing away an opporunity to establish their political stock and serve the people if they desist from participating.
The fear of the LTTE is very much an important factor as that organization has been re-asserting its presence in a big way in the peninsula in recent months. The announcement of elections could be considered by that outfit as a direct challenge to its covert authority. In that case a campaign of violence particularly directed against candidates could be expected. The people too would be discouraged from voting freely in the polls.
What is important is to realize that the LTTE has been infiltrating Jaffna in
large numbers for q This was not in anti alone but also for a tary agenda. The L ciled with the facto been making elabo) tablishing its presen manner as opposed surgency campaig1 past. The Jaffna pi spurt of LTTE ope: past.
It is the last me) Jaffna situation that to the LTTE at this foremost is the sy value of Jaffna. A Jaffna peninsula is jewel in the Eelam government hoisted Durai appah Stadi 1995 it dealt a cri LTTE psyche. The a Wanni as a fully l Zone to Jaffna has pected success. The four-hundred thousa LTTE diktat and O the enemy” in milit added further salt il The LTTE edifi ernment or State in marily focused in ar LTTE had all the til ing 1990 to 95 to cr tive to Jaffna outsic though some attem were not massive Stemmed from two supreme confidenc Jaffna would not f: the Jaffna centric th leaders and import an unquestionable of the LTTE amids support base has c extent at least by the is also the emotion of LTTE hierarchy
At the same tim ing the fact that t achievement of this seizure of Jaffna. T. it nationally and int( troubling factor fro view was the gradu in the Peninsula. Th wly creaking to life litation was proceed speedily. The peopl coming accustomed of a life amidst pea not to LTTE liking. Therefore it be perative to the LTT taken. Internation:

15DECEMBER 1997
uite some time now. cipation of elections more deliberate miliTTE has not reconflosing Jaffna. It has ate plans for re- esce in a more dynamic
to the low level inundertaken in the eninsula has seen a rations in the recent
ntioned aspect of the is of vital importance juncture. First and mbolic and political lthough the area of small it is still the crown. When this the national flag at m on 5 December ppling blow to the ttempt to convert the iberated alternative not met with the exfact that more than and people defied the pted to "Sleep with tary occupied Jaffna n the wound. ce of a parallel govthe making was prild around Jaffna. The me in the world dureate a viable alternale the peninsula. Alpts were made they ly largescale. This factors. One was the e of the Tigers that all. The second was inking of most LTTE ant supporters. It is fact that the prestige t its overseas Tamil liminished to some fall of Jaffna. There al factor of the bulk Doming from Jaffna. e there was no denyhe greatest military government was the hat factor has helped 2rnationally. Another m an LTTE point of alisation of normalcy ne economy was slo. The pace of rehabiing although not very e of Jaffna were beagain to the benefits ce. This obviously is
came crucially imTE that Jaffna be really a massive fund
raising drive with the publicly stated purpose of reclaiming Jaffna was launched. The reported disappearances and rapes in Jaffna were highlighted in LTTE overseas propaganda. Many Tamil expatriates of Jaffna origin responded emotionally to this appeal and contributed lavishly to the project.
In the Wanni a secret recruitment and training project was on for this objective. The LTTE has a little known elite fighting division called the "Chiruthaigal” or Leopards. This was basically a Commando type Unit. Originally it was under the command of senior leader Sornam who is presently in charge of the Charles Anthony Infantry Brigade. The "Chiruthaigal' or Leopards were re-structured and re-oriented in the Wanni in recent times. Hundreds of cadres were specially trained under the direct supervision of Pottu Amman, the earlier LTTE leader in charge of Intelligence and Shanker the former anti-aircraft wing leader.
The new training focused specifically on combat inside the army-controlled Jaffna peninsula specifically. The Leopards were programmed to live and fight in what is deemed the hostile territory of Jaffna. A new scheme of war too seems to have been devised. While the residual elements of the Leopards remain in the Wanni under Shankar the cream under Pottu Amman has been deployed to Jaffna. The talk on the LTTE grapevine is that Prabakharan has entrusted his trusted deputy Pottammaan with a deadline to accomplish certain objectives in Jaffna. The leader apparently is supremely confident that Pottamman will deliver the goods.
Sivashankaran alias Pottammaan is a native of Ariyalai a suburb of Jaffna Town. He is one the few pre-1983 members of the LTTE who are active in the movement still. Pottu means thilak or the traditional 'dot' on the foreheads of Hindus. Sivashankaran in his youth was enamoured of the TULF Jaffna MPVYogeswaran. The custom those days was for young men and women supporters of TULF leaders to prick their thumbs and press the blood on the foreheads of leaders as "pottus' to signify in symbolic fashion their commitment to sacrifice for Thamil Eelam. This was almost a ritual on TULF platforms, those days. Sivashankaran in his eagerness had split his forearm instead of pricking his thumb and daubed Yogeswaran in blood. The bleeding had been severe and a fainting Sivashankaran had to be rushed for emergency treatment then. Thereafter he had been nicknamed Pottu. Later the same name stuck to him after joining the movement too. With the passage of time Pottu

Page 21
15 DECEMBER 1997
an ardent Prabakharan loyalist who treats his leader like a re-incarnation of Lord Muruga became a senior leader. The suffix "Ar" was added on in respect. Finally he got the suffix "Ammaan" literally meaning Uncle but a respectful form of address in usage affixed to his name Pottu.
Rising from the ranks Pottu, became Batticaloa District Commander for the LTTE. There he met and married his wife. Later he was sent to the Indian coast to oversee transport of men and materials at a very critical phase during the IPKF period. He then was appointed as Jaffna Commander during the Indian Army period again. This was a time when Prabakharan and other seniors were in the Wanni. Despite the overwhelming IPKF presence Pottammaan with a small group of Tigers wrought havoc through the length and breadth of the Jaffna Peninsula then. After 1990 Pottammaanbecame chief of the LTTE intelligence. It was he who allegedly masterminded the killing of Rajiv Gandhi, Premadasa, Ranjan Wijeyratne, Clancy Fernando and a host of others. He was also instrumental in the fall from grace of Mahathaya the erstwhile LTTE deputy leader. Now Prabakharan who has tremendous confidence in Pottu has given him a new duty again,
The appointing of Pottu as Jaffna Commander also means a demotion for Thamil Chelvan the head of the LTTE political wing who participated at talks with this government in 1995. After the fall of Jaffna Thamil Chelvan was asked to co-ordinate LTTE activity in the Peninsula as Jaffna Commander. Although the LTTE did continue to function actively in the Peninsula the scope and scale was not to the Satisfaction of Prabakharan who like Oliver Twist always wanted more in performance from his cadres. Besides Thamil Chel van displayed a marked reluctance to be actively present in the Jaffna Peninsula. He was present most of the time in Kandawalai on the northern mainland rather than be in the field. Pottammaan on the other hand has left the Wanni and based himself in Jaffna. He set up camp in Poompuhaar, a colony in his native Ariyalai on the coast of the Jaffna lagoon. Close contact with the LTTE dominated mainland was maintained via Pooneryn promontory. The security forces came to know of Pottu Ammaan's presence and virtually declared the south-western villages of greater Ariyalai like Poompuhar, Uthayapuram, Vasanthapuram, Maniyan Thottam, Munangu and some areas of Colombothurai, Pashaiyoor etc as no go areas. A lot of people have been dis
placed. The area ( coves, coconut pl jungle etc and is rain for guerrilla however, has shi) Pottammaan'. sula is said to be of Trincomaleew perience of the J. 1995 Kalai Chel Madduvill and per from a Tiger poi tion is Kalai Che The Army Co. sula is fourfold in There is the high around military ir ple are not allow about. There is pra ence here. The se where military in points abound. Th and the LTTE car ert presence here firearms and thro only mode availal
The third and dominated and spa These are areas wil have a permane! tensely dominated the army patrols re intermittent cord tions are undertak dominated areas army does infrequ times the army places for even wi shelling is done ir of these places. S like liberated Tige moving about ver has restricted a lic these areas. Much the 50 called dom lesser extent in cl Earlier the Ar) tures known as "b eas of control. Tl "the great walls o habitants prevente from one area to a through a village place were cut off is also a strict per of one region to gion. Cordon and routine. The check intensive and hum less of age and pi dismount from the stances cycles anc points and demeal instances people tc cumvent these che ous that if ordina

TAM TIMES 21
onsidered has beaches, antations, fields, shrub a quite conducive terwarfare. Pottammaan, (ed camp now.
deputy in the peninKalaichelvan, a native ho has considerable exffna terrain. After the van was Stationed In ormed very creditably ht of view, His elevavan's reward. trol over Jaffnapeninterms of area control. security area generally stallations where peoed to live in or move ctically no LTTE pres:cond is cleared areas stallations and checke security is quite tight | only maintain a cov... shooting with small wing grenades is the ble to the LTTE here, ourth are the intensely rsely dominated areas. here the army does not ht presence. The inareas are places where gularly and intensively on and search operaen here. The sparsely are places where the ent patrolling. Somedoes not sight these eks at a stretch. Even the general direction ome of these areas are r Zones with the LTTE y casually. The army it of food supplies to of LTTE activity is in inated areas and to a eared areas. my had built-up strucunds' demarcating arese bunds known as f China' to Jaffna ini movement of people nother. If a bund went residents of the same rom each other. There mit system for people nove into another reearch operations were sat sentry points were liating people regardsition were forced to ir vehicles in most inmotorcycles at these themselves. In many ok longer routes to cirk points. It was obviy people could do it
the Tigers too could do it and avoid checking.
The escalation of war in the Wanni has seen a pull out of some military personnel from Jaffna too for redeployment. This is visibly felt now in the closing down of some sentry posts and check points etc. There is also a drop in the numbers engaged in patrolling. The "bund' Scheme of movement restriction has been virtually abandoned. The cordon and searches as well as patrolling has dropped to some extent. This visible decrease of military activity in Jaffna is definitely correlated to the increase of LTTE activity here. It is a case of the East replicating itself here. The corresponding increase of Tiger activity is interlinked to the decline of military rank and file in Jaffna.
The LTTE presence in the Peninsula is of two types. One is a permanent and the other a rotational presence. The permanent cadres are generally hidden in safe houses, hidden bunkers or mobile camps. They are highly mobile but are stationed in particular areas. They are aided and abetted by some people out of a number of reasons including ideological sympathy, fear, relationship, parochial feelings and in many cases financial gain. It is also suspected that whole families supporting the LTTE too are being systematically transplanted from the Wanni by the Tigers.
The rotational presence is from Tigers infiltrating the Peninsula at various points. The LTTE uses the Vidathal Theevu - Pooneryn - Sangupiddy coastline on the north west of the mainland to enter the Peninsula on the Colombothurai - Ariyalai - Kachhai - Kilaali coastline. The more frequent passage is from the Chundikulam LTTE naval base on the South Eastern Mainland to the entirety of the coast along lower Vadamaraatchi or East Vadamaratchi and Pachilaippalli coastał areas of the Peninsula. This coastal stretch from Uduthurai to Vallipuram encompassing the coastal villages of Aaliyawalai, Thalai adi, Sembian patru, Maruthankerni, Amban, Nagar Kovil, Kudathanai, Manal pitti, Mulli, Katkovalam and Vallipuram provide safe entry and exit points to the Peninsula.
These are all areas where the army seldom patrols and the LTTE maintained open camps here. The LTTE also has gone around the peninsula by sea from the Mullai theevu coast and penetrated the coastline along Ponnalai, Karainagar, Senthankulam and Thiruvadi nilai. The LTTE is quite active and visibly present in large areas of East Vadamaratchi, Pachilaippalli, Southern and South Western Thenmaratchy and in pockets of

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
Valigaamam. The permanently present cadres are invigorated and replenished by rotational cadres and supplies. The LTTE grapevine however is buzzing with the news that the Tigers will soon take on important targets like camps and cantOn IEC tS.
An indication of how the LTTE operates could be gleaned from the discovery of a safe house recently in Madduvil. An aged widow and her young teenaged daughter were living there. The only son a member of another group had been killed by the LTTE earlier. The family had also been exploited for money. The aged father, a farmer had a premature death as a result mainly because of LTTE inspired worries. The mother and daughter were living in a half finished house with incomplete brick walls and an earthen floor.
The family was considered antiLTTE. Yet a hidden bunker of immense proportions was found on a subterranean level. Eight LTTE men were hidden there. Four were killed and two committed suicide while two escaped when the forces acting on a tip off surrounded the dwelling. It was found that the poverty stricken family was nurturing and nourishing the Tigers not out of ideological commitment but due to monetary remuneration and fear.
One of the beneficial aspects from a strictly security perspective alone is the ready flow of information coming from the people themselves. According to security reports the information may sometimes be late but is almost always accurate. Prompt follow up action has instilled trepidation in the hearts of the people that helping the LTTE would mean retribution. Also the people still consider the LTTE as incapable of wresting control of the Peninsula again. If on the other hand the people feel that the forces are losing their grip and that the LTTE could make a come back then their mood too may change in the interests of survival which after all is primordial and fundamental.
Reports from Jaffna indicate that Pottu Ammaan too is working on this psychological aspect. He himself is visiting several old supporters enlisting their support. Posters have appeared in Jaffna asking the people not to support the Tamil groups or the Army. The LTTE has also distributed leaflets and put up posters stating that the Tigers will return soon. The LTTE has also started collecting funds in the Peninsula starting with the business people. The Army aware of this has issued strict orders that no-one should help or donate money to the LTTE.
The LTTE has to the owners of ill Screeners of blue fil Some of these are The situation is sc to the pre-1983 pe embarked on c. anti-social element What is of grea calation of activity Ammaan took ove during November i peninsula. Some wi weapons and soph 82 casualties dead curred on the side
There is one sc feels the climate in chology too is favo present. According government has be a result of LTTE ( ment meaningful r construction. The c creasing. The Hum far from satisfactor ity that prevailed b the people is virtua introduction of the Jaffna too has not c to the situation. M long awaited politi materialise.
The validity of situation is summe servation made by State Department': charge of South As ence at Harvard U1 a Conference enti nomic and Social Lanka "organised tute of Internationa said that the Sri Lal have lost it's oppo from amongst the "The government which may already the people of Jaffn ernment does not Jaffna in the eyes population, then it tion of real estate' This state of a ferred to by Stever the proponents of political environn for a resurgence of ing among the pec ing to this view th caused a prevailin ment and disillusid ple. This is an id to move into Jaffr not mean that th transform overnig

15 DECEMBER 1997
lso issued warnings ;it liquor booths and ns in Jaffna. Already losing shop in fear. mewhat reminiscent od where the LTTE Saning Jaffna of
er concern is the esin Jaffna after Pottu 16 attacks occurred various parts of the re staged with heavy sticated explosives. and injured were inf the security front. hool of thought that erms of political psyrable to the LTTE at to this viewpoint the 2n unable, mainly as pposition, to impleehabilitation and reorruption level is inan Rights situation is y. The earlier cordialetween the army and lly non-existent. The non-LTTE groups to ontributed positively Iore importantly the cal solution is yet to
the above-mentioned cd up best by an obSteven Mann, the US Deputy Director in ia at a recent conferliversity. Speaking at tled "Political EcoReconstruction of Sri by the Harvard Instil Development Mann kan government may tunity to win support amil people of Jaffna. nas a small window - pe closed - to win over 'he said. "if the govmake a showcase of
of the whole Tamil
is a useless acquisi
ffairs in jaffna as reMann reiterates what he view regarding the ent being conducive anti-government feelble of Jaffna. Accordcurrent situation has sense of disappointhment among the peoall time for the LTTE in a big way. It does people are going to t but if the LTTE con
tinues to make a continuously powerful impact in the peninsula then the future could be quite dicey with the people revising their options and opinion.
There is however a counterpoint to this argument too. A senior journalist working for a prestigious US application had just returned to Colombo after a prolonged stay in Jaffna. This journalist revealed a fresh insight over the phone to this correspondent. He admitted that the feelings had reached a very low point some time ago when the army reacted very badly to the Stanley road explosion that killed a brigadier and injured then Housing Minister, Nimal Siripala de Silva in Jaffna. The Mullaitheevu debacle exasperated this feeling further.
There was a general deterioration in the relationship between the army and the people then. Disappearances, rapes, torture, brutal treatment of the people etc were then the order of the day. Even then the soldiers of the Vadamaratchy area under Brigadier Wijeyratne maintained high standards of discipline and generally got along with the people of Jaffna. The journalist however emphasised that the situation was changing very much for the better during the past few months. After Major General Lionel Balagalle took over as Overall Security Forces Commander the situation had shown marked improvement. He said that the phenomenon of infrequent patrolling, reduction of checkpoints and sentry points and the drop in cordon and search operations was not entirely due to manpower shortage but also because of a conscious decision to minimise harassment of the civilians as far as possible.
According to this journalist General Balagalle was engaged in a massive public relations exercise to win the hearts and minds of the Tamil people. Already Balagalle was being referred to in the international media as the "Human Rights General” because of the tremendous improvement in the human rights record of the army in recent times. This he said was contributing to an easing of tension between the people and the forces. Yet the people in reality did not want anyone with arms to be in control but also realised that this heartfelt yearning could not be possible right now.
What the people of Jaffna feared and there were very reasonable grounds to entertain such fears was whether the army will continue to behave "Nicely" with them in the wake of a sustained military campaign against them by the LTTE. Although few expect the LTTE to overthrow the army in Jaffna the anxiety is about the army showing its ugly side (Continued on next page)

Page 23
15 DECEMBER 1997
THIS IS MURDER NOTR
Dr.S.Narapalasingam
he details in the ragging incident
that resulted in the killing by tor
ture of Varapragash have been well publicised in all the Sri Lankan newspapers and quite rightly the condemnation has also been equally severe. The feelings of his father, mother and elder brother on their irreplaceable loss have been described in detail by several journalists. There could not have been any sane human being, who did not feel the sorrow of losing a brilliant and promising young man in this most heartless marer.
Some professionals have written about their own harrowing experiences when they entered the universities in Sri Lanka. Attention has also been drawn to some past horrible incidents of ragging. They are appalled that the authorities have not taken effective action in the past to end ragging in the universities.
But little attention has been paid to
the fact that the irresponsible behaviour of those, who provided leadership to the people has started the domino effect that is destroying human values. The system of political patronage, corruption and all kinds of violence, including the violence that has been unleashed in the name of "liberation' are all manifestations of the denigration of human values. The universities in Sri Lanka have been functioning in this anti-cultural environment. It is, therefore, necessary to consider the behaviourial problem of students in this wider context.
(Continued from page 22)
again when the Tigers start attacking them intensively. In that context the people fear that the escalation of LTTE activity would once again make the army expose its bestial nature again. Interestingly Lionel Balagalle himself was in charge of military intelligence for a long time. His main adversary Pottammaan too was in charge of LTTE intelligence until recently. Thus the chief protagonists have an "Intelligence' background. It is clear therefore that the announcement of elections, the hearts and minds approach of the army, and the escalation of LTTE activity will make a dynamic impact on Jaffna during the next few months. Jaffna has entered a crucially decisive politicomilitary phase the result of which could be unpredictable at this juncture. O
Victim of Inhum Varapragash St.John's Colleg whose residents h appeared and thos rienced un told suf conflict escalated had performed e Studies as well as school prefect. Si nearly two years ing faculty of Pera ter having obtaine in the Advanced I had started studyi aminations. Withi had completed su lier parts and was amination in Nov lived, he would h career having sec both the accounta professions.
He was to hav day, October 3 b was on his way to CIMA classes. Ev university, he had lombo during wee classes. He was ra a group of Tamil one year senior to the physical "ragg media could be di lowing: "He was ( sit-ups. After doi he had pleaded wi he wanted to stop on. But he was t and a little while
Water was spli vive him and wh forced to continu again after doing was once again rev ner and when he sit-ups he had col had started passing His father, Dr. S. doctor residing in ( of his son’s condit He brought Va in a critical condi and admitted his S Hospital. Later ht private hospital, the Intensive Car when all the tests

TAMIL TIMES 23
anity
was a student of e located in Jaffna, (ad either fled or dise still there had expefering since the ethnic into a bloody war. He xceptionally well in in sports and was a hce he had to wait for to enter the engineeradeniya University af'd the required grades level examination, he ng for the CIMA exin this short period, he ccessfully all the earto sit for the final exember, 1997. Had he have had a promising ured qualifications in ancy and engineering
e been ragged on FriIut had escaped as he Colombo to attend the er since he joined the been travelling to Cokends to attend these gged on October 6 by engineering students, p him. The cruelty of ing" as reported in the Scerned from the follcommanded to do 500 ng about 150 sit-ups, th the tormentors that as he was unable to go nreatened to continue later he had fainted. ashed on his face to rean he revived he was e. But he had fainted about 250 sit-ups. He rived in the same mancompleted the 500 lapsed. That night he blood with his urine.' Pragasam a medical Dolombo was informed ion by his room-mate. rapragash to Colombo ion the following day on first to the National 2 was transferred to a where he was kept in 2 Unit. This was done indicated that his kid
neys were not functioning as they were badly damaged. In the intensive care unit he was put on a dialysis machine. He eventually died at 11.55 p.m. on October 26 due to cardiac arrest after his lungs had suddenly collapsed. Varapragash was, however, able to give a statement to the police identifying those who ragged him, as his condition improved slightly in the intervening period.
It was reported that despite an entry being made on October 16, no arrests were made until October 26. The alleged main suspect B P Sathiskaran from Kayts had escaped arrest. On the recommendation of the Board of Discipline of the university at a meeting held on November 6, the university authorities have now expelled him. According to the Vice Chancellor, Prof. Leslie Gunawardena the 6 undergraduates in remand custody for allegedly being involved in the 'ragging incident would a also be expelled.
Dr. Praga sam’s insistence that it should be noted that it was only the Tamil boys themselves who did this inhuman cruelty to his son reflected his sincerity and impartiality. He had told a journalist, who was interviewing him about the tragedy: "It was not the Sinhala children. You write that otherwise some people will put some colour to it and bring an ethnic thing to it. He was very popular among the Sinhala children. It was only a group of Tamils who did this to him. Even when we wanted blood for his son over the radio, the first four people who volunteered were Sinhalese. It was only the fifth person who was a Tamii. These people were not even known to me." This should open up the minds of many whose thinking is marred by racial prejudices.
What happened to Varapragash should not be dismissed as a freak incident perpetrated by a few sadists. It is a wake up call to root out violent behaviour not only in the universities but also in the Society at large. Astoundingly, despite the wide condemnation of the tragic ragging incident at the University of Peradeniya, some students in the Eastern University had indulged in ragging the freshers. S. Vijayanathan a first year Arts Faculty student from Mullaitivu was reported to have been treated at the Batticaloa General Hospital. He had a hernia operation earlier and developed swelling of the bladder after performing some exercises in the Varapragash style. The sadistic nature of ragging reflects the degeneration of human values in the society on the one hand and in general the impulsive thinking of the younger generation without any consideration for the long-term effects of the resulting actions on the other. Violence is becoming the

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24 TAMIL TIMES
established method to exhibit not only authority but also defiance.
According to the Tamil daily, Uthayan, published in Jaffna, its office was attacked by over 300 students of the University of Jaffna for exposing the "true" story of a ragging and assault of the university's first year student, S Balakumar. He was reported to be an anti-ragging first year commerce student and was assaulted by seniors after he refused to obey their commands. The point to be noted here is the way the students reacted to the newspaper report, when there have been other peaceful methods of raising their objections, if they considered the report to be "untrue'.
Pervasive Evil Practices
The three evils that continue to torment honest and peace loving citizens of all races are human rights violation, corruption and irresponsibility. The non-enforcement of the laws of the country as well as the rules and regulations in various establishments, indiscipline in the ranks and files within the agencies responsible for maintaining security, law and order are all manifestations of the decline in standards of governance since independence. It has come to the stage now that a citizen cannot expect justice from the system unless he or she has the right connection or the power to get things moving. The language of money is the one that is easily understood and effective in getting things done according to the laws of the land.
In as much as a responsible government is all about taking hard decisions in public interest, other institutions which have some responsibility for influencing the way the society functions will also have to act in the larger interests of the society. The overwhelming desire to take the decisions perceived as popular, however, immoral or harmful to the society in the long term has dominated political thinking for a long time. The instinct for survival has also influenced the conduct of many in responsible positions. Even persons conscious of their duties to the society, functioning on the periphery are helpless when their superiors condone unprincipled actions.
Human Rights
Dr. Hemamal Jayawardena has pointed out that "ragging is a violation of basic human rights, because it is concerned with subjecting individuals to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.' No sensible person can disagree with him. He had on an earlier occasion refused to conduct lectures until the students condemned ragging. Professor
Carlo Fonseka is ar tual, who resigne Keleniya Medical F rampant ragging the sity teachers as a bo to stand up against iour of undergradual the Arts and Comm of the Eastern Unive lectures for second y, ing the recent raggir fective as the raggir shows the effectiven by the whole acaden The head of Am Pierre Sane speakin ence in Edinburgh v wealth Summit was 24-27 October 1997 erence to 8 member record on human ri countries are curren Commonwealth. Sri fied as an errant Stat amazing that the ma be the inheritors of age and its protecto about the country's able image regardir records.
Once violations political violence ar. ignored as expedien cific goal, the pract confined to that spe ties. Nor will it disa is achieved. There is of human rights viol that have taken plac rising in 1971, whe not been brought to still growing, while to give pledges wit that the fundamenta zens will be protecte
Irrational activism
What has been past two decades or ties in Sri Lanka may as some form of irra tional activism is u: vancement and gre; reflects the true con ciety to the fundami give strength to its necessary in situatic prevailing in Sri I prejudicial thinking political landscape a come the recognised trolling power withir within the society a behaviour is the co tional activism. Its i ety is mainly due

15 DECEMBER 1997
other rare intellecd his post at the aculty on account of e. However, univerdy had earlier failed the barbaric behaves. The decision by erce Faculty Deans 2rsity to boycott the ear students, followng incidents was efng ended soon. This ess of actions taken
пу.
Inesty International, g at a news Conferwhen the Commonheld there during ', made special refStates with the worst ghts violations. 54 tly members of the . Lanka was classie in this group. It is jority, who claim to the Buddhist heritirs are unconcerned present dishonourng its human rights
of human rights like e condoned or even it to achieve a speice will not remain cific area of activippear once the goal a catalogue of cases Lations in Sri Lanka e since the JVP upre the culprits have justice. The list is the leaders continue h increasing vigour ul rights of all citied.
happening over the
so in the universibe succinctly stated tional activism. Raseful for social adater liberalism and hmitment of the soental principles that culture. It is indeed ons such as the one anka now, where is dominating the ind violence has bemeans toseek convarious groups and S a whole. Violent insequence of irrantrusion in the socito the failures of
theeducation system as well as the ways the sovereign rulers exercised power.
Peradeniya University Proctor, Professor Ashley Halpe is reported to have announced that the "university laws and regulations will now be enforced more stringently to curb ragging." It is clear from this that the existing laws and regulations were not enforced by the university, Is this not the case with the governments of Sri Lanka Vice Chancellor of Peradeniya University has said “the university council decided to declare a Varapragash Week to be observed every year in the month of October.” It is laudable that the late Varapragash should be remembered in this manner to remind all future undergraduates of the dire consequences of ragging in universities but this will not be sufficient to solve the problem. The fact that the ragging incident in the University of Jaffna mentioned earlier had taken place during "Varapragash Week' underscores the above comment. Professor S. Pathmanathan, Vice Chairman of the University Grants Commission is reported to have said "that one could not blame a particular group for such acts, as ragging has been a problem dating back some forty years." There cannot be any excuse for the kind of student behaviour reported recently, just because ragging has been present in the past several years.
It should not be forgotten that ragging during our time was totally different with no danger to life or making some student disabled for life. Importantly, it was then limited to the first two or three weeks at most in the new academic year. As in some other cases, the present thinking in some quarters is to introduce a law to ban ragging. If every aspect of human behaviour has to be controlled through legislation, then one may be forced to think whether the society has any cultural values left at all. The worst part of this approach is to have a statute without enforcing it for the reasons well known to Sri Lankans. Morality in life requires sustained efforts outside the legal system as well. The young minds learn about morality not from books but largely from what they observe in practice. In the final analysis, the fault lies in the society that has tolerated for long, the obnoxious behaviour of those entrusted with the responsibility to govern. What will happen eventually, if problems are not solved at the very outset is clear at the national level from the present state of the economy and turmoil in the country. What is strange in the academic circle, is that until Varapragash's murder the authorities have not taken firm action to stop once

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15 DECEMBER 1997
and for all ragging in any form. The students should have been told unequivocally that this was not the practice in the prestigious universities abroad. In fact, in the universities in the west that one knows of the seniors welcome the freshers and help them enthusiastically to settle down in their new environment.
Interestingly, a commission appointed by President Chandrika Kumaratunga on ragging has handed its report long before the recent ragging incident in Peradeniya University. The report is said to have examined in detail the repercussions of ragging and made recommendations. There is hardly any need to elaborate on the failures to act upon the reports of the commissions appointed by governments that addressed the problems of objectionable practices and non-accountability in public services. It seems that the frequently used catchphrase "good governance' has little practical significance and remains a virtuous concept mainly for sermonising.
The Challenge
While it is natural that parents and students consider the possession of a university degree as a passport to a decent job, any responsible government committed to cultural, economic and social development must view the institution "not just as a creator of knowledge, a trainer of young minds and a transmitter of culture but also as a major agent of economic growth." This had never been the case in Sri Lanka. There has been a significant expansion in university education in Sri Lanka, since independence. This was not for any of the above reasons but simply to gain political support in the very short term. Despite the considerable public funds expended annually, the assumed "investment' in knowledge has not been productive unlike in the fast growing economies in Asia e.g. Japan, Malaysia, Singapore and China (Hong Kong included). On the contrary, it had retarded progress and also caused discontent among the graduates whose job expectations were not realised.
The education system that was adopted after independence for political reasons, promoted ethnic consciousness and ethnic divisions in the society. The rot had started even before the students entered the universities with the changes made to secondary education. These did not help students to broaden their outlook and also deviated from one main purpose of education, namely, to make the society honourable (not just literate). The system is serving well the self-serving politicians and their cronies. It is dreadful to think what the situation will
ore than biza MS to be
of India and F lved on the same day of theirindependence Such a possibility d dent Farooq Ahmed quit, refusing to sigr prime minister Nawa supreme court chief Shah. In India, presic saw the polity throug with the BJP and Cc woo and buy and ke suitcases. Mercifully dissolved the Lok elections and avoidec Ram culture of defec terises Indian polity
Still, it's difficul the two events augur of the subcontinent. risk of electing a fu government at the c might well last mol -long tenure it had in prime ministerial as Vajpayee has shown to buy legislators th he would be able to
be for the people of
der of priorities of t continue to remain a dallying on the curre the country continue It is simplistic to that the country has lem, namely the ethn" it is resolved someh look to a bright fut political leaders are narrow interests and Politics has become seek" game. The ev seize political power landmines. They are ficult to remove. H ahead to get rid of t troduced by various challenge facing the Unless they act now to hope for a bright ing generations in th
 
 

TAM TIMES 25
rre Developments akistan and India
| Ramesh Gopalakrishnan
re. That's the right ised if parliaments 'akistan were dissoon the fiftieth year : from British rule. id exist, but presiLeghari mercifully a message sent by z Sharif denotifying justice Sajjad Ali lent KR Narayanan gh a comical phase, ingress(I), trying to ep legislators with again, Narayanan Sabha and ordered il the Aya Ram Gaya tions which charactill date. t to judge whether well for the future Well, India runs the ill-fledged BJP-led entre, and the same re than the 14-day May last year. BJP's pirant Atal Behari signs of willingness is time, something do next time. This
all races, if the orhe political leaders s they are now and :nt burning issue in
S. give the impression only a single probic conflict, and once low the people can ure. Even here, the let to put aside their agree on a solution. a sort of "hide and il methods used to and wealth are like easy to plant but difIerculean tasks lie he evil practices inrulers. This is the people of all races. l, it will be too late future for the comIeir native land.
time it is prime minister I KGujral's turn to feel proud that he would not like to be involved in buying legislators. Well, no one can afford to forget that former prime minister P V Narasimha Rao and a host of politicians are going up and down the court steps in connection with the purchase of subaltern Jharkhand Mukti Morcha legislators in 1993! So, the dictum is: If you can’t buy them, keep up the moral posture
Apart from the wholesale or retail purchasing of legislators, a BJP-led government in India is certain to push for certain dangerous irreversible changes in the polity. Ayodhya, where the Babri Masjid once stood, is likely to be declared a Holy City on the lines of Amritsar and Varanasi and subtle efforts would be undertaken to build a temple-kindof-structure. And BJP's backbones, the RSS and the Viswa Hindu Parishad, will get bold enough to demand demolitions of more mosques in northern India. The article 370 of the constitution, which grants special status to Jammu and Kashmir, might be tampered with, if notrepealed in toto. Lastly, the BJP and its supporters will crave for more space in the public sphere, targetting someof the liberal, English-speaking media establishments. The targetting is already yielding results.
In Bombay, er Mumbai, where the grand-old Times of India has brought out a special edition praising Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray, praising the formermediocre-cartoonist-on-its-rolls on his 70th birthday! Soon, more establishments will follow suit. Of course, the BJP will attempt to the minorities back its bid for power to some extent. The BJP has showpiece-minorities' leaders in its flank. Sikander Bakht, the party's vice-president, is expected to convice the Muslims and George Fernandes and Parkash Singh Badal may be asked to rein in Christian and Sikh establishments. The changes to polity, which the BJP's hardcore think-tank wants to make, are certain to erode and corrode certain institutional checks and balances in India. With the result that the BJP-led government, whenever it falls, might

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26 TAMIL TIMES
leave the country in a worse situation.
Pakistan faces a different dilemma, With Leghari's exit, senate chairman Vasim Sajad assumed charge as president and the elections to the post is expected to throw up a candidate favoured by prime minister Nawaz Shariff in the end of this month. After Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Shariff has become the most powerful prime minister in Pakistan. He has used the row with the judiciary in a clever manner to finish off the only major threat posed to his government by president Leghari.
Shariff has used the democratic angle to the hilt in his battle with the judiciary last month. Thousands of Pakistan Muslim League stormed the Supreme ourt even as Shariff was being called by the chief justice to appear before him in a contempt petition. Shariff was given upport from various benches of the supreme court led by Justice Said-uzzaman Siddiqui, who managed to pass strictures against Justice Shah. In the meantime, he got the senate to pass a aw, to take effect in a retrospective manher, to ensure that the president would not be able to block appointment of udges according to the will of the government. The chief justice hit back by irectly asking the president to deploy he army to protect the Supreme court udges.
Well, the army is the silent arbitrator in all political disputes of Pakistan and doesn't want to be named. The chief justice made this cardinal mistake, and Leghari had no option but to back his demand. This was criticised by Shariff and the senate. The army, keen not to be named, quietly backed Shariff ensuring that Leghari had no option but to quit.
Without the army's support, Leghari could not have dismissed Shariff as he did Benazir last year. After all, Shariff has a steamroller majority in the senate and the army knows too well that he doesn't have much of an opposition in Benazir's party which is going through a crisis. The army, if it had gone along with Leghari, may have to rule directly and face opposition from Shariff. The fact it wanted to avoid this situation is a significant change in Pakistan.
Yet, analysts fear that Shariff might establish a personalised dictatorship in Pakistan, given the army's full and tacit support and the record of the country's recent history. Another major development is the postponement of the peace talks between India and Pakistan to next month. In any case, the new Indian prime minister will have to contend with a much-stronger Shariff during talks with Pakistan in March next. O
Raji Guj
ell before th W ploded at Sr night of Ma DMK Government charges of abetting a LTTE activities. And former Prime Minis ghost has come bach dors of power,
The Justice Mila mission probing int came up with an int. indicting the 1989-9 facilitating the perp tardly crime, as it wi policies. The Cong head - it wanted the tison the DMK. Bu placate its main Sup the barely seven-mo istry had to go.
With no combin: ter a majority in thi been dissolved, Fr been ordered for Fe There is no sig alone the muddle-he come out with the sassination, and So never be laid to rest torious words of Ra when a banyan tr shakes. (He made t remark when reactii anti-Sikh riots in Mrs. Gandhi was gi own bodyguards.) N own destiny seems linked with that of
Milap Chand Ja unravelling the cons sassination when (presently the Chief was inquiring into blast bluntly refuse spiracy angle, sayi would not fall with legitimate functions which had better b vestigating agencie But right from tl mission was plague lems - from the bici of reference to the the courts on the cu from which period

15 DECEMBER 1997
y's Ghost Wrecks |ral Government
T.N.Gopalan
le human bomb exiperumbudur on the y 21, 1991, the then
was dismissed on und encouraging the now, six years later, ster Rajiv Gandhi’s K to haunt the corri
p Chand Jain Como the assassination arim report severely }l DMK regime for etration of the dasare, by its pro-LTTE -I want the DMK's United Front to jetthe UF refused to porting party, and so nth-old Gujral Min
ation unable to muse Lok Sabha, it has esh elections have bruary next.
that no one, leave :aded Jain, will ever truth behind the asRajiv's ghost will . But then in the nojiv Gandhi himself, ee falls, the earth hat horribly callous ng to the horrendous New Delhi after unned down by her aturally then India's to be inextricably he Nehru clan's. in landed the job of piracy behind the asJustice J.S. Verma Justice of India) who the Sriperumbudur i togo into the conng that such things in the scope of the of a sittingjudge and e tackled by the in
concerned. le word go, the Comd by all kinds probering over the terms protracted battle in -off date (the events the commission was
to probe into) to the Rao regime's apparent reluctance to part with certain relevant documents, the litany of its woes was endless.
But suddenly in 1995 there were fire-works. Rajiv's widow chose to speak out, denouncing the unconscionable delay in the working of the commission and the government ran for cover. Mr.Jain who had been languishing in a cellar, as it were, and kicked around even by junior officials, was transformed into a much sought-after, a much dreaded VVIP.
Evidently because the 17-volume interim report, submitted in August last, contained some damaging references to the DMK, a constituent of the UF government, the latter dragged its feet on tabling the report. Though the Cong-I was making some noises, it too did not press the issue.
Then the India Today scoop exploded on the political scene - the rather titillating excerpts indicted the DMK, Union Finance Minister P.Chindambaram and the V.P. Singh and Chandrashekhar governments as also the entire Tamil community, in one broad and vicious swipe.
Apparently on a signal from Sonia Gandhi, the Congress high command to go for the UF's jugular. If the DMK was not dropped from both the ministry and the united front itself, the Congress would withdraw its support, the emboldened Rajiv loyalists thundered and president Kesari had to fall in line.
For all the noise made by the Congressmen, shaking in self-righteous indignation the so-called interim report. highlighting the events which "remorselessly' led to the felling down of Rajiv. is a mishmash of some cloying tributes to the late lamented hero, half-baked inferences, jaundiced perceptions and ritual incantation of cliched truism, in short anything but a well considered. balanced and relatively objective view of men and matters. A few gems here: "by his charismatic personality, he won the hearts of his countrymen. His similing face and his pattern of behaviour and his manners were so attractive and appealing that he would turn his foes into friends. Though he lost power in December 1989... he was on the crest of

Page 27
15 DECEMBER 1997
his popularity and seen as if destined to be the future prime minister of India".
“The (Lankan Tamil) militancy... assumed anti-national character and penetrated into the social fabric of the Tamil population...."; "the assassination would not have come to pass but for the nexus between the LTTE operatives and the Tamil population...."
"An unverified information was furnished by an intelligence agency during October 1989 which categorically (sic) stated that the Queen of Nepal had asked Major Gen. Aditya Shamsher Jang Bahadur to arrange for assassination of Shri.Rajiv Gandhi. He was allowed to spend up to Rs. 10 crore for the assignment”. −
Not to speak of the outrageous assertion that Karunanidhi had asked the LTTE intelligence wing leader Natesan to annihilate Varadarajaperumal and Padmanabha.
One can go on and on to show that Jain was more interested in fixing blame on certain politicians than in getting at the truth and hence his atrociously selective use of the information available at his disposal. An outraged editor remarked, "the so-called interim report is full of such gaping holes that even a second-class magistrate would throw it into dustbin with contempt and without a moment’s hesitation”.
The funny thing is that Jain is yet to come to grips with the conspiracy angle, the main purpose for which it was constituted in the first place. Fingers have been pointed at a variety of persons, ranging from Chandraswamy (and derivatively Narasimha Rao) to Subramaniam Swamy to some Khalistani leaders to CIA to Mossad ad nauseum. One really shudders to think what more unsubstantiated and loonier conclusions he would arrive at given his proclivity to treat most solemnly even he most ridiculous piece of trivia as yet another startling piece of evidence against the evil forces which or who had conspired to take away the life of the very dear Rajiv.
Be that as it may, the Cong-I desperately wanted to show to all concerned that it was in the driving seat and that when it came to Rajiv there was going to be no compromise. Proceedings in both the Houses of the parliament, the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha were completely paralysed the day after the Jain report was tabled. The Congress M.Ps vowed not to allow any business to be transacted unless the DMK ministers were sacked from the cabinet. Possibly by adopting such shrill, aggressive stances it did, the High Command wanted to impress Sonia Gandhi of their
unwavering loyalty late husband and th to take to campaigr tions.
"We're left wi more. Organisatiol badly mauled in the Sonia is capable of into the party..." a quoted as saying.
The UF was cau dilemma. It has giv. April last by replaci Gujral. It could do ing the DMK in tha only way of saving what if the Congress twice, seeks to e heavier prices in the could cost the UF p sides who could bri DMK to opt out w daylight that Jain tures on it were bla unjust.
The two comr Telugu Desam an Parishad had their o' sions to be seen anti-Congress, and feet down firmly on tisoning the DMK.
But the Samajw and the Tamil Maa vered. The former to join hands with a order to prevent th back to power in his itself could not affo ing with a party acci role in the assassinat if there was the pros paigning it could jur bandwagon and em tis won right in the pending on the DM) tempting, there wa some sections in th new UF led by Moo the DMK.
Anyway he app his image as a Raji important in the long friendship and so tempts to broker a c and the Cong-I. Bu seen as wrecking th to go by the consen more reluctantly, Yadav of the SP.
Both the UF and a vested interest in and also avert elect ate future. But Kar opt out since doing mount to owning re

TAMIL TIMES 27
o the memory of her at way persuade her ing in the next elec
th no mascots any ally we have been last few years. Only reinfusing some life Congress MP was
ght on the horns of a in into the Cong-I in g Deve Gowda with so again by sacrific
was going to be the he government. But , having tasted blood (tract heavier and daysto come which olitically a lot? Beng himself to tell the hen it was clear as commission's stricantly motivated and
hunist parties, the d the A som Gana wn political compulasuncompromising hence they put their
the demand for jet
adi Party in the UP anila Congress wadesperately needed inyone so willing in e BJP from coming state. And the TMC rd to be seen as sidused of having had a ion of Rajiv. Besides pect of Sonia's camnp into the Congress erge a big player in state instead of deK's help. Even more s a snide move by * Cong-I to install a panar himself minus
arently decided that v loyalist was more run than the DMK's he kept making ateal between the UF t in order not to be e Front, he decided Sus, and so did even Mr. Mulayam Singh
the Cong-I did have ceeping out the BJP ions in the immediunanidhi would not so would be tantasponsibility, even if
indirectly, for the assassination. And the Congress, having precipitated the matters to a point of no return, could not be seen as giving in without at least a face-saving formula.
Seeing the UF was not disintegrating on the one hand, and the BJP tempting its MPs with promises of office and money, threatening to do a UP in New Delhi, that is, (see Tamil Times, Nov.97), the Congress high command got panicky and came up with one formula after another, desperately beseeching the UF not to allow the Lok Sabha to be dissolved. As Karunanidhi remarked, it resembled
the fabled foolish monkey which, while
trying to remove the wedge, got itself trapped in the split log. The story does not say whether the monkey was able to extricate itself. But surely Kesri's Congress was not.
With no meeting ground found and with the BJP failing in tis attempts to split the Congress, President K.R.Narayanan had little option but to dissolve the Lok Sabha and order fresh elections. Inder Kumar Gujral was a decent man, but too rootless to be an effective leader. If coalitions are going to be the future of India, the likes of Gujral, who are not headstrong or pompous and who have no great personal agenda of their own, and relatively enlightened, could be ideally suited to lead the govt. But the was not to be. Whatever happened in the last week of November seemed to be chapters from a collective suicide pact by the secular forces.
For chances are even if a hand Lok Sabha results after the next elections, the BJP would be within a striking distance of the Red Fort. The prospect is indeed disturbing. A divisive party like that could spell disaster for a multi-lingual, multi-ethnic nation-state like India. O
GESTIGAS
Some 200 Tamil detainees at Colombo's New Magazine Prison have launched another fast demanding that their cases be expedited and settled either way.
TULF parliamentary group leader Joseph Pararajasingham told the press that these 200 detainees were among 1,000 Tamil youths who were languishing for several years in prisons, detention camps orpolice stations while the legal process was moving at snail's pace.
Pararajasingham again demanded that these youth should either be released or charges should be filed against them in a court for the law to take its course. Just keeping them for so many years was a crime against the Tamil youths, he charged.

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28 TAM L TIMES
T.N. Gopalan
of the Jain Commission and the dissolution of the Lok Sabha, the question on everyones lips is, which way the Tamil polity is headed now? Whether it is going to be a resurrection of Tamil nationalism with a vengenace or of the discredited Jayalalitha? Is the parting of ways between the Tamil Maanila Congress and the DMK inevitable now? Will the BJP get a toe-hold in thestate now, clinging on to the coat-tails of the DMK, ruining the secular credentials of the latter even while shaking off its own pronounced North Indian bias?
The fact is, frankly, no one cares either way, says journalist Kolappan, whether Jains indictments and the antics of the congress are just or whether Karunanidhis protestations of innocence can be taken at face value. Our people have had enough of this entire Lankan business, they are fed up with it all. I suspect people at large are quite apathetic. Even if Karunanidhi is dismissed again on this score, I dont think heavens will fall. By t way it materialised without the deep nexus of the LTTE operatives with the Tamils in Tamil Nadu, but the fact remains that one stage, right down to the late eighties, the Tigers did enjoy a large measure of Support and sympathy among the people at all levels. When the LTTE-IPKF confrontation started, the DMK had organised a human chain demonstration throughout the state to demand the withdrawal of the Indian troops, and the response was very good, even if not tumultous. Though by that time the opinion leaders, the intelligentsia, had become annoyed with the recalcitrance of the Lankan militants.
Possibly the massacre of the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Front (EPRLF) leaders in June 1990 did turn the tide firmly against the Tigers for good and whatever goodwill that might have remained was almost completely destroyed by the Rajiv assassination.
There is no doubt whatsoever that Lanka is almost a four-letter word among the middle classes as also in the mainstream media. Says Dr.Dhyan Chand
n the aftermath of the interim report
Carr of the Indo S Association: "at or nation had destroy were, of the Eelar been finding it diff lic support for a sp flict still going on i just package of Tamils”.
And precisely whip up a Tamil should not go very f will be made, but I Succeed, Says com swamy. The Jain re exploited by the Ta. hilt and they will m now with the tacit; but thats about all. any significant pub Even in the heyda movement, when Swamy was ruling t tidasan was belting the glory of the ur Street-C Orner mee nounced the Brah large backward ca mained quiescent. an intellectual fer its peak in the an 1965,
Ironically the power two years l decline of such str ments. The progres Dravidian enthusi; mainstream was mid-seventies whé the cry of state au Karunanidhi was Rehman of the so den stridency coul decline of Karuna the widespread dis corruption of his t The Subsequer whose charisma K self totally power repudiation of e Whether it was ta the Brahmins or he had sedulous
 

15 DECEMBER 1997
ri Lanka Friendship a stroke the assassid the rear base, as it struggle. We have cult to drum up pubeedy end to the conthe island and for a levolution for the
why any attempt to nationalist backlash ar. No doubt attempts dont think they will mentator Cho Ramaport would surely be mil nationalists to the ake themselves heard support of the DMK, Otherwise I dont See lic response coming. ys of the Dravidian Periyar E.V. Ramahe roost, poet Bharaout stormy lines on lique Tamil race and tings stridently demin-Bania axis, the iste sections had reBut at least there was ment, which reached i-Hindi agitation of
DMK's capture of ater only marked the ong anti-North sentisive integration of the sts into the national briefly halted in the in the DMK took up tonomy strongly and tailed as the Mujibur th. Even such a sudd be attributed to the idhi's popularity and enchantment with the hen regime. t rise of MGR, before runanidhi found himess, was a resounding erything Dravidian. ting on the Centre or bandoning the Tigers nurtured when the
IPKF confrontation started, he could go about the job blithely without incurring public hostility. All the ravings and rantings of the Tamil nationalists could do little to challenge his hold on the Tamil masses. Many held that being a Malayali. he could not appreciate the Tamil interests, but that too did not work.
And Jayalali tha continued from where her guru had left. Even though she did brazenly claim that she represented the latest stage in the evolution of the Dravidian philosophy she thought nothing of flying in the face of all the cherished Dravidian principles, whether cracking down on the Tigers or endorsing the saffron brigades demand for Ram tem
ple at Ayodhya. Again she was trounced
in 1996 not because of a Dravidian backlash but because corruption and atrocities against the opposition reached unprecedented heights during her reign.
Such being the situation, there is no ground to suspect as many seem to do that the Jain fracas could contribute to the political rebirth of a disgraced Jaya. The DMK might be less popular than it was a year ago, but surely Jayalalitha is nowhere near staging a come-back. Even in the latest round of local body polls, the DMK has triumphed and the AIADMK was beaten hollow.
With the Congress wiser after the humiliating experience of the past and hence unwilling to join her in her mission to unseat Karunanidhi, her shrill denunciations on the Rajiv count will fail to carry conviction. Inevitably the TMC finds itself in a fix. How far it can go to hit out at Karunanidhi when certainly popular sentiments are not necessarily against him, how much it can make use of the Jain card to discredit the DMK when the assassination is a distant memory and what options it has when it is not yet strong to go it alone and a prospective ally like the rival AIADMK has not taken off at all, are questions stil: troubling it. But the parting of ways could be said to have started with Moopanar's studious refusal to come to his allys rescue and even exploring the possibility of forming an alternative UF governmen: with the support of the Cong-II. If the ailiance is finally severed, a party like the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) as also the Communist Party of India -Marxis: (CPM) could rallybehind the DMK. Anc the stoked up Tamil nationalist sent:- ments could also help the DMK the pos. sible loss of the TMC votes.
Poet Inquilab, in the forefront of the Tamil nationalist group, but not rabid b. any stretch of imagination, notes, ". would say that the interim report has cortributed to a revival of nationalist sent:-

Page 29
15 DECEMBER 1997
ments, though I am conscious theres not going to be any great upsurge. On the other hand because of the blatantly motivated and even malicious report, many sections like ours could tend to ignore the failings of the present regime and rally behind it. That way the report comes to Karunanidhi's advantage..."
There were a lot of breast-beatings, effigy-burnings and even a case of self. immolation. When it looked as if his UF constituents were preparing to dith him in order to appease the Cong-I, a crafty Karunanidhi pounced on the offending line from the report which seems to imply that the entire Tamil community was in a way responsible for the Rajiv assassination and frothed at the mouth over the unpardonable insult to the Tamil pride. The various Tamil nationalist organisations have sought to make use of
the political space thus made available
by Karunanidhis discomfiture and are letting out war cries of standing up for the glory and pride of the unique Tamil race. But the Chief Minister is unlikely to allow their agitations to go out of hand lest the cong-I would say, We told you SO.,,
Incidentally almost all these organi, sations admire Velupillai Prabhakaran and hail him as the one and only hero of the contemporary Tamil society. An indication of their sway over the Tamils became available when as many as 18 of them took out a joint rally on December 2 to protest against the Jain report. And how many turned up? Not even 200 in all
Veeramani, the DK leader, for once dared offend Jayalalitha, the valiant saviour of social justice (a title conferred on her by him), and denounced the Jain report as mischievous and unsubstantiated. The other Tiger votary, P. Nedumaran, steered clear of Karunanidhi altogether and sought to pick holes in the report and say the Tigers were not responsible for the assassination.
And what abou in the Tiger firman Vai. Gopalasamy, o said in its official c hopes of the Tami whom it wanted to of the DMK in the community? Havil the incorrigible Ti he is wincing in Moopanar, he is til comment on the Ja tually gone underg for a rendezvous karan, but to lend : tions for the AIAI Tirunelveli in Janu that he does not c ment to the lady of Jaya is defending ] that he should not
ever he might have
JINA-KANCHIP HISTORY?
Poet Kalidasa, Tsang had once pra ofKanchipuram as tats in India, Now, under threat, with Jaina temples, bol ments, at suburban about to disappear, of Chandraprabha, is about to be cons bushes. The bigger nathar, one of th Bhagwan Mahavira team of trustees to chaeological survey Vation work dul AIADMK regime. and sculpture were "renovation team" use cement-based r. sult, the fourth gop
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TAMIL TIMES 29
: that Tamil Nadu star ent, the one and only who, the LTTE once rgan, represented the s in Tamil Nadu and be anointed the chief larger interests of the g joined hands with ger-baiter Jayalalitha, silence Apart from le only leader yet to in report. He has virround, this time not with Thambi Prabhahand in the prepara)MK's conference in ary and also to ensure ause any embarrasshe Poes Garden. And nim in public, saying be blamed for what
days at the behest of Karunanidhi
So then back to the question what will happen in the impending elections to the Lok Sabha from Tamil Nadu. A live Rajiv could not raise his party's stocks in the state even after 13 visits in 1988-89. A dead Rajiv could immediately after the assassination. The lady who had cashed in on the event but who subsequently claimed in sheer arrogance that her victory in the polls had nothing to do with the Sriperumbudur tragedy, his own party now reduced to a non-entity and the splinter group which also swears by him, all seek to derive some solace from the probe into his killing. Ironically the man who finds himself on the otherside ofthe fence is sitting pretty at the moment. But what will happen if someone like Rajnikanth or Sonia Gandhi herself pitches in is
done during his DMK anybodys guess.
housing the sannadhi of Padmaprabha, EFS Տ the sixth Tirtankara, collapsed during
rains last year.
ASSES INTO MORE WAGES OF NEGLECT
and traveller Huang ised the Tamil town the greatest of habiits plural heritage is two 1,500-year-old th protected monuTirupparuttikkunram The smaller temple the eight Tirtankara, umed by thorns and temple of Trilokyahe descendents of Lr, was mauled by a
whom the state art entrusted the reno"ing the previous Valuable paintings
demolished by the which attempted to hortar And, as a reuram of the temple,
)/US$25.00 alian Bank cheques only)
)/US$35.00
is inapplicable Ke years
Ltd is to the total value
Also suffering from neglect are the seventh century rock-cut cave-temples of famous Pallava emperors Mahendravarman and Narasimha varman at Mamandur on the Kanchipuram-Vandavasi road and the 11th century Chola temple complex at Sendamangalam. FISHERMEN'S FEARS
Tamil Nadu Fishermen have sighted, in the Palk Straits, new United States. made patrol boats fitted with artillery firing equipment. The Sri Lankan naval personnel, according to the fishermen, have been using these boats to fire at innocent fishermen who set sail from Rameswaram and other coastal towns and fishing hamlets. However, the Indian Navy has counteredtheir charge saying that only those who crossed international waters had been fired upon by the Sri Lankan naval personnel. Four fishermen were killed in November last and their bodies recovered from the sea. LANKANS HELD
With the publication of the Jain Commission's interim report, the vigil on the LTTE has intensified once again in Tamil Nadu. Three Lankan refugee youth who managed to flee the Mandapam camp and reach Puzhal in the outskirts of Chennai city were arrested last month. Two Jaffna-based Lankan citizens were taken into custody from a Dindigul lodge where theyhad been staying since their arrival in India. The Indian Navy has suggested screening of Lankan refugees before they attempt to land in Rameswaram and other places in Tamil Nadu.

Page 30
30 TAMIL TIMES
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OBITUARIES
Paramanathar Raja ratnan, Attorney-at-law, beloved husband of Mangalanayaki, loving brother of late Palasuntharan
pillai and late Sathiapama, loving father of Ganesharatnam (Sydney), Ahilandeswari (Colombo), Rameshwara (London) and Apiramasunthari (London): loving father-in-law of late Vigneshwary (Sydney), Wijayaindra (Colombo) and Thayaranjini (London) and loving grandfather of Aruna (Penang), Urmila (Sydney), Janatharan (Colombo), Samarthan (London), Rameayah and Ninthiyah (both of London), passed away in London on O9.09.97 after a brief illness and was Cremated
in London on 14.09.97.
The members of the family thank all relations and friends who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and assisted in several ways during the period of great sorrow. - 40 Dean Street, South Strathfield, NSW2136, Australia.
Mr. Nagaratnam Selvaratnam, born: 22.10. 1945, formerly, Executive Engineer, Dept. of Highways, Jaffna; later Chief Engineer, Road Development Authority; Provincial Director, Northern Province beloved husband of Thangammah; loving father of Suthaharan (linternational Systems Ltd., Colombo), Bhakthagowri (Student, Hindu Ladies College, Jaffna), son of Nagaratnam and late Lakshimipillai Nagaratnam of Vaddukoddai, son-in-law of the late Sivakolunthu, Parameswari, Sivakadacham, Savun
 
 
 

tharanayaki; loving brother of Indrani, Kalamalini (Teacher, Vavuniya Muslim M. V.); brother-in-law of Marimuttu (Adm. Officer, Divisional Secretariat, Puthukudiyiruppu), uncle of Selvakumaran and Thamarichelvi passed away in Jaffna On 29th October 1997 and Cremation took place on 31st October at Vannarponnai.
The members of the family wish to thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and floral tributes and assisted in various ways. Special thanks are due to the officers and employees of the Northern Regional Office & C.E.'s Office of the Road Development Authority, Jaffna, the Principal, Staff and Students of the Jaffna Hindu Ladies College, its Old Students' Association and the School Welfare Society for their expressions of sympathy and help rendered during the period of great sorrow. - 40/3 Railway East Lane, Arasady Road, Kanthermadam, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Mr. Karthigesu Balasingam, Retired Station Master of 105 Palay Road, Kanthermadann, Jaffna on the first anniversary of his passing away in Scarborough, Canada on 15th December
1996.
Greatly loved deeply missed and always remembered by his beloved wife Annapooranam, Sons N a n t ha ba la n and Yasothapalan, daughter Neeraja daughters-in-law Jeevarani and Srilali, Son-in-law Ravindran and grandchildren Claire, Tricia, Thayalan, Visakan, Thevyan and Vernija. — 5 Empringham Drive, Scarborough, Ontario M1B 3Y1, Canada.
15 DECEMBER 1997
Mrs. Gnanambikai Peruma Pilai
(4th July 1924-12th Dec. 1993) Wife of late Dr. C. Perumal Pillaj.
Four years have drifted by, Since you were taken from our midst. Your loving care and gentle guidance still strongly missed. In your peace we find SOlace.
Your children, Ravi, Usha, Jeeva, and Ranit; sons-in-law Desmond and Michael; daughters-in-law Shanthi and Vasuhi; grandchildren Rajesh, Shahila, Meera, Arun and Arjun.
Tenth Death Anniversary
in loving memory of Mabel Thambiah, Retired Principal, Vembadi Girls' High School, Jafna.
Called to rest on 14th DeCermber 1987.
Fondly remembered by her many friends and family.
"Goodness and mercy all my life shall surely follow me; And in God's house for evermore My dwelling place shalt be.'
- R. S. Thambiah, 68 Rosebank Avenue, Sudbury Hill, Middx. HAO2TW, UK.

Page 31
15 DECEMBER 1997
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
December 27 7.00pm to midnight The League of the Friends of the University of Jaffna presents Annual Dinner Dance at Harrow & Wembley Progressive Synagogue Hall, 326 Preston Road, Harrow. For tickets Tel 01923 225 850.
Jan. 2 Chathurthi; Feast of St. Basil.
Jan. 3 Shashti; Thiruvembavai commences; SLTWG Drop in, Tel: 0181 5453313.
Jan. 4 Feast of Epiphany of Lord Jesus.
Jan. 7 Feast of St. Raymond. Jan. 10 PirathoSam.
Jan. 11 Feast of Baptism of Lord Jesus; Karthigai; Vaikun
January 1st New Years Day.
AUSTRALIAN NEWSLETTER
Jaffna College Old Students' Dinner Dance: The Jaffna College 'Old Golds' Dinner Dance was held on November 22nd at Cherrybrook Community Centre Hall, Sydney. Old students from far and wide gathered to meet their school friends and revive fond memories of their School days. They were the first Jaffna school to form an old students' association and are the pioneers to get a live music - The Breakaways - for a similar function in Sydney.
The evening began well with the sound of lively music with the able comperes Dorothy Macintyre and Navah Niles and the singing of the college song and the chorus "Hurrah, Hurrah, for Jaffna College, we cheer" sung lustily by everybody. The president of the association, Dr. A. BalaSubramanian, in his address recounted the history of the school - the oldest in Asia and the first co-educational SChool in Sri Lanka. He remembered the great Principals of the bygone era and the ideals the students imbibed in the school and recounted the activities of the association in Sydney particularly in sports.
There were a few items of entertainment including Tamil songs and a Tamil drama. After the sumptuous dinner, dancing on a packed floor and a good time by all, the function ended with a vote of thanks by the secretary Mr. K. Nagulendran.
At the A.G.M. held earlier, the following were elected for 1998. President: Dr. S. Satkunarajah, Vice-President: Dr. A. Balasubramaniam, Secretary: Mr. Shan Rathinam, Treasurer: Mr. K. Somasundaram. National Heroes' Day: The Tamil Coordinating Committee (Sydney Branch) celebrated 'Eelam National Heroes' Day on 29th November at the Sydney Adventist College Hall, Strathfield by honouring the great warriors who had laid down their lives in quest of the great cause. The photographs of the great martyrs were displayed and the people queued to offer flowers at the special altar. Tamil Senior Citizens' Association, New South Wales: The following were elected to the new Management Committee: President: T. Mahadeva, Vice-President: K. Sivagnanam, Secretary: T. Chelvarajah,
da Eekathasi.
Treasurer: A. Venka P. Sabesan, Ass Vadiveipillai, Comm Mrs. D. Satkunanand K. Thillanathan, P. Piravananathan.
The association is of charitable Causes they held a food sale every Thursday from Strathfield Commun bush.
Mrs. Bran Honoured
Jaffna Saiva Saint Y birth anniversary was da at Several Centre tions Mrs. Nageswat in viited from Lond Swamy's Natchintha devotion at the T Nilayam, Mississaug Home and Montreal A worthy of mention tha ardent devotees of til tinne.
Mrs. Bramanandha Vocal Recital at the ram, where she was presentation of a Sl Artiste Thanotheran Mrs. Bramanandhi music training in Bl India. She was a S6 Ceylon before she 1990.
She was conferred Maamani by A.S. Ra Annamalai University the Meihandan Aathe
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 31
Jan. 12 Full Moon. Jan. 13 Feast of St. Hilary. Jan. 14 Thai Pongal.
Jan. 16 Sankadahara Chathurthi; Feast of Blessed Joseph Vaz, Apostle of Sri Lanka.
Jan. 17 Feast of St. Antony. Jan. 20 Feast of St. Fabian &
Jan. 22 Feast of St. Vincent. Jan. 24 Eekathasi, Feast of St. Francis de Sales.
Jan. 25 Pirathosann; Feast of Oueen of Martyrs at Thoodavelly — Mannar. Jan. 27 Amavasai.
Jan. 28 Feast of St. Thomas Aquinas.
St. Sebastian.
Jan. 21 Feast of St. Agnes.
taraman, Asst. Secy: it. Treasurer: S. ittee: A.C. George, a, D. Vijayanayagam, Rajaratnam and S.
very active in pursuit On November 10th for charity. They meet
10am to 2pm at the ty Centre in Home
manandha in Canada
ogar Swamy's 125th celebrated in Cana5. For these celebrai Brananandha was on and she sang nai songs with great Oronto Sivathondan a Yard Co-operative Murugan Temple. It is it her family has been e Swamy for a long
also gave a Carnatic Thani sai Kalanans honoured with the nield by the Veteran
Rajalingam. 3 received her early Irma, Sri Lanka and nior artiste at Radio anne over to UK in
the title of Sangeetha ananathan, Lecturer, and Isai Maamani by eefa.
Jan. 31 Chathurthi, Feast of St. John Bosco, SLTWG Drop in.
Tel 01815453313
Black History Day in Lewisham
Black History Day was observed for the second year running by The Tamil Carers, Carees & Elders Group, Lewisham with a Tamil Cultural Festival, Exhibition and jumble sale held on 25th October '97 at the Navalar Hall, London Sivan Temple, Lewisham.
The Worshipful, the Deputy Mayor of Lewishan, Cllr. Solomon Brown and Mrs. Brown, who were the Chief Guests, were welcomed by the President Mr. P. Rajasim man and the other members of the group. The Cultural Festival which was excellently produced was comprised of Bharatha Natya and veena recitals, Miruthangam, Break Dance displays and popular light music performed by young artistes from the Boroughs of Lewisham and Bromley.
The Tamil Carers, Carees and Elders Group, which was formed in July 1996, meets every Thursday between 10am and 2.30pm at Navalar Hall, London Sivan Temple premises, 4A Clarendon Rise, Lewisham, London SE13, and provides Caring, counselling, advice and support services for the elderly, disabled and disadvantaged members of the Tamil community in the area.
Tamil Ilmes Wishes alls readers, contributors and WellWSherS a Very Merry Christmas and a prosperous Wew Year
൧, ൧ Z ZA ZA Z •

Page 32
32 TAMIL TIMES
Music of Three Traditions
Jewish Folk Music by Stewart Curtis' Klezmer Groove, Spanish Music and Dance by Los Serrano and Indian Musicby Arunthathy Srikantha Rajah of London Veena Group kept the audience at Merton Hall, South Wimbledon on 8th November 1997 spellbound for three hours. This multicultural music programme provided very good entertainment for the appreciative audience assembled in the hall.
The organisers of this unique concert, London Veena Group were proud of the event as it fulfilled their objective of bringing musicians of different cultures on the same platform for them to appreciate each other's music as well as to provide the patrons good entertainment. The special feature of the programme was the Poetry of Poet and Councillor Patric Cunnane to mark the European Year (1997) Against Racism,
"Nature promotes no difference in its red blooded sacred Creation When racial hatred is banished, the seeds of earthly heaven are sown'.
The above, the translation of a Tamil poem by Poet S. Nageendran was greeted with great applause.
A. Muthuvellu.
Kamalesh Wins Gold Medals
a
Thirteen year old Kamalesh Tharmasuthan, the elite table tennis player of Australia has won two gold medals, a silver and a bronze in the 1997 Australian National Junior Table Tennis Championships held in Melbourne recently. He also helped Victoria State to annex the Under-14 Inter State Championship with a SCOre of 20 wins.
Kamalesh started playing Table Tennis when he was eight and since 1994 has won many Victorian Junior Championships including the 1997 Victoria State Junior Under-14 Boys Singles TT Championship. He has maintained the top rank in Victoria in his age group for the last four years. In
June this year he wa Selected to attend organised by the inte lian T To Federations Juniors from Austra Countries and run French Coach Who tr Champion. He also lian Olympic Talent held in July 1997.
Coached by Hua Chinese player, Ka, hours a week along leading players, his who plays with him in and their father Tha Jaffna Open Mens during his student da Kamalesh excels it a scholarship in 199 lege, Victoria.
Sanjayan's
Arang
The Miruthanga Ara son of Mr. Solankai Ambika Rajan of Slo Karaikudi Krishnamu a mixed audience t backgrounds at the Thames Valley Univ Chief Guests we Mayoress of Slough and Mrs. Minhas, T. were the musicolog and Mrs. C.E. Lor Teacher at Burnham
Sanjayan demons terest and enviable melody and rhythm ance. The Credit for 1 to this level is solely Karaikudi Krishnani season of accomplis of rhythm. Three of f lined up for debut w weeks, and Sanjaya. is more than a tea artistes and we in th have him in our mids hidden talents to the
The vocalist for t Shanthi Sreeram, Indian TV and Radi welcome addition fo UK. Mr. Kothandapa. support while Karaik Baskaran Sreekaran Sangeetha, Sanjaya
 
 
 

15 DECEMBER 1997
s the youngest player he coaching project rnationaland Austra
aimed at the elite ia and neighbouring by J.P. Gatien the aired the 1993 World attended the Austra
ldentification Camp
Jie Yang, former top malesh trains 10-12
With other Victorian elder brother Priyesh the state junior team rmasuthan, a former Singles Champion ys at Jaffna College, studies too and Won 5 to Haileybury Col
Miruthanga etrann
getram of Sanjayan, Senathirajan and Mrs. igh and disciple of Mr. rthy took place before rom different Cultural * Paul Hamlyn Hall, ersity, Berkshire. The re the Mayor and , Mr. Lakbir. Minhas he Guests of Honour ist Mr. P.P. Kanthan g, Sanjayan's Head
Grammar School, trated his ability, inunderstanding of both in his debut performmoulding this little boy due to his mentor Mr. irthy, it has been a hinents for this naster is disciples had been tithin a span of a few n was the second. He cher to these young e UK are fortunate to it. He brings out those
surface. he evening was Mrs. a well known South partiste and a reCent the musicians of the ndi provided the violin udi's own product Mr. l, played the Ghatam. an's seven year old
sister almost stole the show from her brother when she delivered her well presented vote of thanks. The evening's programme was ably compered by Mrs. Anandarani Balendra.
Sanjayan is a member of Amuthu and a student of Reading Tamil School and brings pride to both these institutions,
Thaya Thayakaran, Reading.
Dikshitar Day Celebrations
ళ్ల$$$$** *** *
Muthuswamy (1775-1835), along with Thyagaraja Swamigal (1767-1847) and Shyama Sastry (1762-1827) formed the Carnatic Music Trinity who lived in Tamil Nadu in and around Thiruvaroor and Created gems of compositions which form the bulk of Carnatic music repertoire. Lalgudi School of Music (UK), run by Dr. Lakshmi Jayan observes Dikshitar Day every year around the time of Divali and this year it was celebrated on 15th November at Kingsbury High School Hall, London NW9.
The programme commenced with the pupils playing "Watapi Ganapathim Bhaje' on the violin. The proceedings continued with six groups of violin students of the school rendering compositions of Dikshitar, starting with the beginners and progressively leading to the advanced students. Students of other well known teachers of Carnatic music in London also participated. The impressive performances were by the final group of violinists, the solo violin recitals of Arvind Jayan and Kumar Raghunathan and the vocal recital by Aparna Narendran, a student of the School,
The Chief Guest, Mr. Gopal Sundaran, Executive Manager of the National Board of Kuwait, a connoisseur of Indian Arts and Literature, spoke briefly appreciating the hard work put in by the students, the devotion shown by the parents and the yeoman service to Carnatic music rendered by Dr. Lakshmi Jayan,
Twenty Years in Service
1997 marks the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the Standing Committee of Tamil Speaking People (SCOT). The event was celebrated with an enthralling music recital by the monarch of carnatic music Mr. T. V. Sankaranarayanan from South India. Over the years SCOT has channelled over £280,000 through various international and non-governmental local orga

Page 33
15 DECEMBER 1997
nisations to alleviate the suffering and hardship of the Tamil People and continues to extend its helping hand.
During September and November 1997, assistance was provided to:
7. Jaffna Hospital Development Association: £1,200 to support two medical students for a year to undertake basic Clinical work.
2. Federation of Young Men's Association, Trincomalee. £750 to provide urgent relief to 700 displaced families.
3. Sri Shanrruga Trust, Trincomalee: E1,000 to mar. e the Boys and Girls Hones.
4. Jeeva Jothy Orphanage, Batticaloa: £250 to assist in the teaching of Music and Dancing.
5. Hindu Samaya Abhivrithi Sabha, Trincomalee - (a) £1.000 to train young women in se, ing skills. (b) £500 to purchase blackc:a S. pencis, exercise books etc to provide primary school education to over 1,000 children in various refugee camps in Vavuniya. A substantial amount of this money was raised by two UK school students tc a s sist education projects.
Our funds are strained to the extent that We are unable both to assist in all the Cases where requests are made or to the full amount of the need.
These interested in supporting relief and rehabilitation projects in North and East Sri Lanka, please contact The Project Officer, SCOT, 107 Coe - in Court, Kimber Road, London SW18 4PB, UK, to get more information.
Shakespeare School of Oriental Dancing
The Shakespeare School of Oriental Dancing presented the Bharat Natya Arangetram of Gayathri Shankar at The Great Hall, Hatch End High School in Harrow.
Gayathri is a disciple of Smt Gunawathy Shakespeare, a student of Kalahshetra and a sister of the doyen of dancers Smt Kamala Johnpillai (now deceased) of Colombo. The Shakespeare School of Oriental Dancing has been in existence in London for nearly nineteen years, and has presented many ballets and performances and had trained for Arangetram not only
girls from British Tar from the Gujerati, A families living in the
Gayathri Shankar i the late Rugnath Jiva late Mrs. Prabhavati F underwent ten years under Smit Gunawath Arangetram with ease the Varnam, Keerté Ashtapadi ("Hari Rih received. Smt Ambike the Vocalist, Sri M. E dangan, Sri T. L. Kot and Sri P. Gnanavara
Mr. Satish Shah, D) rapher of Saraswati Dance was the Chi Winal Sockanathan TV personality) was t The programme was Shenika Astruc.
Vaishnavee's
Lakshmi Arts Centre u. Smit Selvalul Xmi Ranná its tenth Arangetram
Vaishnavee, daught Sreeharan at Logan September 1997. Foi steps of her sister Sov
debut three years ag
justice to the Guru's e. with commendable ski There was more tha of invocatory items p. quick succession whic navee with early oppor skill on abhinaya, as right through the Ara, nam, bringing togethel in Bharatha Natyam, t Arangetram is often sk The Varnam, Velanik Kamas was given the and spanned over Vaishnavee demons maturity that belied h particular aspect whic Mr. Reginald Massey, , Chose to refer to in sic paid special tribute
 
 

TAM TIMES 33
il families, but also Mauritian and Fijian K.
a granddaughter of n Lodhia and of the Pugnath Lodhia. She of rigorous training / and presented the Her presentation of nam, Padan and a) were very well Thanotheram was alachander on Mirihandapani on Violin than was on flute.
rector and ChoreogAcademy of Indian ef Guest, and Mr. (Lawyer cum Tamil he Guest of Honour.
compered by Smit
Arangetram
&.
nder the guidance of akrishnan presented in London, that of er Of Dr. & Mrs. Hall on the 20th of lowing on the footvnya who made her Jo, Vaishnavee did forts and performed land Confidence.
in the usual number resented though in 2h provided Vaishtunities to Show her trength that shone ngetram. The Varall essential items he acid test in any imped. But not here. kanpom vaarir, in respect it deserves thirty minutes with trating a level of er age. This was a h the Chief Guest Author and Art Critic me depth. He also to the young de
butante's verve and confidence. In general, items were packed with opportunities for Sanchari bhava and Vaishnavee took full advantage of this and brought to life many mythological themes with appropriate emotional elaborations. The short but sweet Jathiswaram in Kannada and later the more elaborate Thillana provided scope for displaying nritta skills.
Sri Rei George who had arrived from India especially for the function provided vocal music. The maestro who hails from Kerala, with Madras as his musical home brought the richness of a career that spans nearly two decades, to raise this arangetram to an even higher plane. The singing of the padam Aarabimanam valithu was outstanding. As the vocalist moved gracefully from one melodious raga to another, Vaishnavee consonant with them and with matching elegance, portrayed in succession several aspects of Goddess Parvathi. Sri Balachandar on the mrudangam, Sri Chandrashekar on the violin and Sri Nimalaraj on the flute provided excellent support. Dr. Sivakumar compered the show ably. Vaishnavee's music Guru Smt Sivasakthi Sivanesan and Miss Riley, Deputy Head of St. Albans High School for Girls were the Guests of Honour. May Vaishnavee's contributions continue.
M.I.O.T.'s Tear Drops
A very successful cultural programme titled Tear Drops dedicated to the Tamil children in the ravaged north of Sri Lanka was presented by the Medical Institute of Tamils at the Thurrock Civic Hall, Grays, Essex on 4th October 1997.
The proceedings commenced with the Mangala Vilakku Etral by MIOT's president Mr. V. Rajayogeswaran. The Chief Guest Rev. Fr. T.E.T. Rajan in his address stressed the need for our children to recognise and appreciate their identity of belonging to a community of noble traditions and rich Culture and reminded them of the current suffering of their kith and kin in Northern Sri Lanka.
Junior MIOT President Jayasankar Jeyanathan impressed with his welcome speech both in Tamil and English and displayed his musical talent along with the Others in the Junior MOT Band.
Students of Navalar Tamil School presented Thamil Thaai Valthu. Kavithai, Songs, light music and recitals of violin, guitar and miruthangam were presented by the very talented young children who entertained the audience for over three hours. Naturally gifted with good stage presentation, the students of Narthana Kalalaya provided splendid Bharatha Natyam performances which were highly appreciated.
Finally, the drama "Broker Sellathuray Visits London' with a creditable performance by Kugan Sathiyanantharajah won the hearts of the audience.
Kugan.

Page 34
34 TAMIL TIMES
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