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WOL XVI No. 3 ISSN 0256-4488 15 M
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The Birth of a Trajedy
UNIP BOYCOTS
PARLAMENT
TIME Interview Furore
LTTE'S FERCE RESISTANCE
Els Bomb Kills 39
EDITORS PROTEST
Krishanthy Trial
UNIP ON DEVOLUTION
Jayalatha Bounces Back
ONE PERSON TWO CULTURES

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15 MARCH 1998
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XVI No. 3 15 MARCH 1998
Published by:
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BJPat the Hemin Delhi 03 UNP's Preposterous Proposals 04 UNPBoycotts Parliament 05 President's TIMEnterview 06 "Anti-Terrorism"Front 07 Bus Bomb Kills 39, injures 300 08 US Rejects LTTE Call for Documents 09 Editors Protest Stifling Climate 10 Krishanthy Murder Trial 11 41 Policemen in Custody 11 LTTE Offers Fierce Resistance 13 The Birth of a Tragedy 6 Devolution-UNP's Negative Tactics 19 The BJP Government in Place 23 Delhi and the Lankan Tamils 25 Jayalalitha Storms Back 26 Readers Forum 27 Person, Two Cultures 28
Cassified 30
fterdays ofdis haggling an among Barati disparate coalition an indecisive verdic India at the recently elections, 71-year. Vajpayee has fulfill ambition of becomil with the prospect th ernment he heads in certainly survive lo days he managed or in 1996. That is not commanding majo! parliament, but bec United Front, the Col other opposition pal impossible to get the
Ranged against forces, and in its bi pelled to strike allial gional parties of dis political orientation the elections the BJ its reputation as the party' as dubbed b dia, including the B. A “New India' f and corruption and n "India by Indians' i. tained in the “Natio BJP-led coalition or The noticeable C the BJPelection mal tional Agenda is the clude the Hindutvad uniform civil code, cle 370 of the consti struction of a Ram te While the BJP rem, these positions, the to appoint a commis. Constitution of Indi; experience of 50 ye able recommendatic and genuinely upho concept of secularis the Indian traditio:
 
 
 

TAL TIES 3
WS REVIEW
array and disputes, d horse-trading ya Janata Party’s partners following t by the people of held country-wide -old Atal Behari 2d his long lasting ng Prime Minister at he and the govNew Delhi would nger than just 13 1 the last occasion because he has a ity in the Indian ause the defeated ngress, the Left and ties have found it air act together. powerful secularist d for power comnces with many resparate and unlike s, in the run-up to P had to live down "hindu nationalist y the western meBC. ree of hunger, fear nake the nation and s the promise connal Agenda' of the assuming power. lifference between nifesto and the Nadecision not to inemands such as the abrogation of Artitution and the conemple at Ayodhya. ains committed to Agenda promises sion "to review the a in the light of the ars and make suitons” and to “truly ld and practise the m consistent with n of Sarva panth
samadara (equal respect for all faiths) and on the basis of equality for all." There is a commitment to establish a civilised, humane and just civil order which does not discriminate on grounds of caste, religion, class, colour, race or ᏚᎾX.
Nor does the National Agenda reflect the various well publicised demands advanced by some of BJP’s coalition partners. For instance, there is no mention of Tamil being made an official language as demanded by the AIADMK leader, Jayalalitha Jeyaram. Working for a consensus and agaiinst "negativism and untouchability', the BJP-led government would while continuing with the "reform process' provide a "strong swadeshi thrust' to the national economy not neglecting to "analyse the effects of globalisation, calibrate the process of it by devising a time-table to Suit our national conditions and requirements."
The Agenda stated that the government will undertake a strategic defence review and "will reevaluate the nuclear policy and exercise the option to induct nuclear weapons."
Vajpayee's 43-member strong twotier council of Ministers is itself a manifestation of the tight-rope walking that he had to undertake in the context of support he had to rely on from his disparate coalition. It is therefore no surprise that half of the Cabinet posts have gone to the BJP's coalition partners with Tamil Nadu emerging as the largest beneficiary from where there are seven Ministers, four of them of Cabinet rank. Despite her failure to obtain a ministerial birth for her latest ally, Dr Subramanian Swamy, AIADMK leader, Jayalalitha, managed to Secure four places for her MPs including two Cabinet posts including the Ministry of Law and Justice for M ThambiDurai. Valappadi Ramamurthy of the Tamil Nadu Rajiv Congress, which was in electoral

Page 4
4 TAMIL NES
alliance with the AIADMK, was also included in the Cabinet as Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas.
Prime Minister Vajpayee, having been a former Foreign Minister under the Moraji Desai government in the 1970s, has retained the Foreign Ministry portfolio for himself. Despite the "strong swadeshi thrust' mentioned in the National Agenda, the much coveted finance portfolio has gone to Mr Yaswant Sinha, a known reformist of economic liberalisation. After his induction into the cabinet, Yashwant Sinha went public allaying the apprehensions of multi-national corporations by assuring them that they had nothing to fear under the new BJP administration and promised to streamline procedures to facilitate larger foreign investments.
The militant and shadowy extremist hindu nationalist outfit, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh(RSS) has ensured that most of the other powerful Cabinet posts are occupied by those who were once, or still are, its members. The BJP president LK Advanias the powerful Minister of Home Affairs, former BJP president Murli Manohar Joshi as Minister of Human Resources Development, Science and Technology and Madan Lal Khurana as Parliamentary Affairs Minister are cases in point.
The one time trade union fire-brand, George Fernandes emerged as the surprise choice as Defence Minister. It is said that until very late, he was resisting the temptation to join the cabinet saying, "Bringing down a government is bigger fun.”
Swamy Making Trouble
Having failed in his effort to get a place in the cabinet, Dr Subramanian Swamy has already begun his familiar trouble-shooting, and this time he has lost no time in targeting George Fernandes labelling him as an "active supporter of the LTTE' which is banned in India.
On 19 March Dr Swamy went public accusing Mr Fernandes of having close links with the LTTE and having promised the leadership of the LTTE that he would get the government to lift the ban on it. "The Vajpayee government must come out with its stand on the LTTE since it has Mr Fernandes in the Cabinet," he told the press in Chennai.
When asked about his views on the LTTE after he took office, Mr Fernandes told reporters, "What is happening in
Sri Lanka is a civil w not have got involve make all efforts to b Sri Lanka as is possil put all moral pressur rights violations in t ing that it was his p It is no secret tha a well known advoc port for the "Tamil only three months a by the Gujral govel first-ever Internatio) Solidarity with Eela attended by several calling for support fo ils. In his speech, M "No matter what the will hold similar sta ces. We are ready to nces... We shall be
UNPS
The provision f provincial council Members of Parliar contained in the all tional reform prop leased by the U Party(UNP), was de posterous proposal' tice, Constitutional fairs and Nationa Deputy Minister G.L.Peiris.
"Nobody can g without having a m the seats in Parliam cannot get the budg islation approved i out having 50% of ment. The UNP’s pri cam overturn a Provi time you wish to do stability in a system will have confider rangement? What sincerity and the deg underlying Such ef asked.
Prof. Peiris add the National Savini torium in Colombc non-co-operation is and that is why th ging on. There is p but there must be ing when there is so anguish resulting fr sis. There are heart.

15 ARCH 19
ur and India should d. We should now ing back peace in le. We should also to prevent human is civil war,' addrsonal opinion. Mr Fernandes has ate for Indian supEelam cause”, and go he defied a ban nment to hold the lal Convention for m Tamils in Delhi foreign speakers ir Sri Lankan TamIr Fernandes said, ; obstacles are, we |te-level conferenface any consequemeeting again and
again because it is going to be a long fight. We hope those fighting for the rights of the Eelam people in Sri Lanka will win their battle. ... We shall overcome... We shall be meeting again and again.
"The Indian Government does not have a word to say about the fate of the Tamils who are at the receiving end of state-sponsored terror in Sri Lanka. There are powerful interests in this country who would not care about what happens to the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The Tamils are seen as second-class citizens. The Tamils took to weapons in response. The basic purpose of this convention is to make the people of India (particularly form the north) aware of Tamil Eelam and making them part of their struggle.'
pr dissolution of a
with 50% of the ment voting for it, ternative constituosals recently reJnited National scribed as a "preby Minister of JusAffairs, Ethnic AfIntegration and )f Finance, Prof.
overn the country inimum of 50% of ent. A government 2t or any other legParliament withthe seats in Parliaposal says that you ncial Council at any so. So, what is the such as this? Who ce in such an ars the seriousness, ree of commitment Ort?,’ the Minister
essing a meeting at is Bank at its audisaid, “The UNP's a national tragedy problem is draglitics aim at power ome national feelmuch suffering and om the national crirendering stories in
Preposterous Proposal
the newspapers. One story said that there was a 19-year-old girl student who told her mother that she need not regret educating her because she could look after her when she got a job. That child lost her life in the Maradana bomb blast. These are human problems and not political problems. In a situation like this how can one make a nonsensical proposal such as this?”
The government is engaged in fighting a war. Thirty percent of the national income is spent on the war. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga has constantly said that human problems cannot be solved by violence in the battlefield alone. You need political solutions to address human problems. The only way to solve a national problem is through the consensus across the political spectrum, the minister Said.
This has happened in other countries such as the United Kingdom. Whatever the differences that exist between the Labour Party and the Conservative Party, these parties have been able to come together to combat the IRA threat, he said.
“When the British Foreign Secretary Malcolm Rifkind was in Sri Lanka about one and a half years ago, he told me that whatever the problems that exist between the two parties, they had been able to come to a common stand in this regard. When I said that taking a common stand like that could be an

Page 5
15 ARCH 1998
extremely difficult exercise, the British Foreign secretary replied: "The soldier on the field of battle who knows that he can be blown to bits in a matter of hours, must be assured his laying down his life would not be in vain.' So, if there is a change in the government one year later, there will not be a change in the objectives. Whether it is a Labour Government or Conservative Government, they stand firm by the objectives for which there soldiers are laying down their lives.
"What is happening here? If the Opposition says that they have problems with the Government and therefore, they will not cooperate, it could be described an immature attitude in politics. Politics is not like having a garden party where you are polite to each other all the time. Politics is such that politicians do not pay compliments to each other at election time here or anywhere else in the world.
“So, simply because there are differences ofopinion in the arena of politics, it is not correct for a mature Opposition to say: “We don't care. Let bombs explode. Let people die. Let the Dalada Maligawa be attacked.' The Maradana bomb took 32 lives including those of six children. There are problems between the United National Party and the People's Alliance. Does this justify the UNP not lifting a finger to solve a national problem?
"The PA government does not need any personal favours from the UNP. This is a national problem which has to be solved. Consider the case that has been put forward by the UNP to abdicate responsibility. We have been struggling hard for the last two and a half years to find a solution to this perennial problem through the Parliament Select Committee on Constitutional Reforms. The idea is the Constitution is the supreme law and above any other laws passed in Parliament and it has a greater degree of stability. An ordinary law can be passed by a simple majority or changed at any time. The amending of the Constitution needs a two thirds majority and a referendum,' the Minister Said.
The Constitution has been the instrument which has been used in a majority of countries such as Canada, Germany, Mauritius, Fiji and India for solving of various internal issues related to ethnicity, he explained.
Meanwhile, political parties representing the Tamils and Muslims feel
that the decision oft Party (UNP) to rejec proposals and to pul ter-proposals as a c sabotage the gover constitutional refor lution of powers.
There is manif among Tamil and M ties about the alterna mitted for revising the UNP.
The Sri Lanka (SLMC) leader and Rehabilitation and R ister A.H.M. Ahraff UNP's first set of all told the press that th was not for any alte The Ceylon W (CWC) leader and I ment and Estate Ini ter S. Thondaman S past fifty years maj have not given serio! wards settling the etl only played "Music United National Part the same game aga tive proposals.”Wel number of legislatc gional councils. The gestion of creating would further make tics a mockery. Our ( already we are spen the various council second chamber wo pensive body and in
Sri Lanka’s mai National Party(UN) long boycott of Pa against What it des sion of democratic try".
“What we are di ing parliament is to country and abroac there is a dangerol country. The demo is in danger and W. ures to protect it," F ghe, the leader of th conference in Colon party began the pro
Wickremasingh
porters of the ruling (PA) coalition were

TAML TMIES 5
he United National t the Government's blish its own counalculated move to hment's efforts on n, including devo
2st dissatisfaction uslim political partive proposals subhe Constitution by
Muslim Congress the Ports, Shipping econstruction Mincommenting on the Lernative proposals e SLMC's position rnative proposals.
orkers Congress livestock Developfrastructure Minisaid that during the or political parties us consideration tomnic question. They :al Chairs' and the y was trying to play in with its alternahave already a large ors and various re:refore, UNPʼs suga second chamber ; our national poli:ountry is small and ding billions to run s. UNP's proposed puld be another exstead of solving the
ethnic problem the alternative proposals would further delay the opportunities of finding an early settlement to the ethnic question, Mr S Thondaman added.
The General Secretary of the Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) and former Jaffna District Parliamentarian Suresh K. Premachandran said that his party felt that the alternative proposals of the UNP would not solve the ethnic problem. "The North-East expects a fully fledged regional devolution and not the half baked ideas of the UNP on power sharing. "The UNP proposal has not at all answered the ethnic question and it is a clear indication that the UNP has only taken the issues at the centre and not worried about the North-East region, Mr. Premachandran added.
Commenting on the UNP’s proposal for the depoliticisation of the police force, appointment of politically independent Police Commission, Public Service Commission and an Election Commission, a civil rights activist in Colombo said, "True in principle these are good Suggestions. But it is a bit rich coming from the leadership of the UNP which, during its long tenure, politicised every conceivable state institution into instruments of the ruling party, used the police force to harass, intimidate and even murder its political opponents, indulged in electoral malpractices on an unprecedented Scale and corrupted and subverted the entire political process."
OVCotts Parlament
1 opposition United P) began a monthliament in protest cribed as “an erovalues in the coun
ling by not attendbring home to the the message that us situation in the cratic environment 2 are taking measanil Wickremasine UNP told a news bo shortly after his test on 3 March.
e alleged that supPeople's Alliance attacking his party
members and preventing them from holding public meetings. Vehicles carrying UNP supporters were stoned and tyres set on fire 27 February when the opposition held a meeting to protest against a government decision to grant a contract for phosphate mining to a US-based foreign consortium.
UNP MPs held up placards in front of the parliament building before the session began. When it started, Wickremasinghe and MPs belonging to his party walked out of the legislature. “We cannot be a party to protect democracy inside the house, while democracy is being pulverised outside the house,' Wickremasinghe said.
Parliament was adjourned after 35 minutes, and when it reassembled the

Page 6
6 TA"ML. TMES
government got approval for 21 bills and motions taking advantage of the absence of the opposition Members of Parliament. "It is in contravention of parliamentary tradition to pass important legislation having wide implications in the absence of the opposition,” a UNP Member of Parliament protested to the press.
The party could extend its boycott of parliament beyond one month if the government did not ensure free political activity, and stopped what he described as the harassment and intimidation of the government's political opponents, UNP's General Secretary Gamini Athukorale told the press.
The UNP leadership has also appoiinted a three-man committee to launch a "diplomatic offensive' against the government with former deputy foreign minister Tyronne Fernando, Mahinda Samarasinghe MP and the Mayor of Colombo Karu Jayasuriya to meet the heads of diplomatic missions in Colombo to make representation against the government's alleged suppression of the opposition political activities and alleged bribery and corruption.
The Committee had already approached the UK, India, Pakistan, US, Japan, German and Australian ambassadors and high commissioners and made known the UNP grievances against the PA government. It is expected to meet the heads of all other diplomatic missions soon. The progress being made at these meetings is being monitored closely by the UNP and the leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremesinghe, while former UNPForeign Affairs Minister Shahul Hameed had also briefed the committee on the mechanics and modus operandi of the committee.
It is amazing and hypocritical for a party that presided over a regime for 17 years (until August 1994) under which democratic rights were trampled, human rights were violated on a massive scale, political opponents were murdered in their hundreds and freedom of expression was strangulated to begin a boycott of parliament in protest against alleged erosion of democracy, said a ruling party spokesman.
Government spokesmen also alleged that the UNP's decision of the UNP leadership to boycott parliament at this juncture was not motivated by the commitment of that party to democratic values, but because of its inability to take a stand, because of deep dvi
sions within the pa before parliamentt one of the former M who, along with oth guilty of corruption dential Commissio that the UNP offen government bribery a red herring to ge ofexpressing its vit debate in parliamen rights of one of its had been found gui Commission.
The motion to of the former Mini which was on the ( liament for debate be taken up as sche boycott of Parliam spokesman said.
The three pers were mentioned in debate were the fo: and present Gam Wijeyapala Mendis the Ministry of F lingam, and a sen Mohamed. The latt to have worked ve former President Pl previous regime.
The interview Chandra Kumarat ious US weekly r February 1998), ha critical comments ment’s opponents of the privately-ov Sri Lanka.
The criticism 1 that during the tall ernment and the LI and early 1995, th fered the LTTE lea he could have con tration of the mort period often years an autonomy pa fighting.
The relevant said, “The Preside mised Prabhakara age, and also said ing he could run t using his guerrill
 

15 ARCH 1998
ty, on the proposal take action against inisters of the UNP ers, had been found by a Special Presi1. They also alleged ive against alleged and corruption was over the difficulty ws on the proposed to deprive the civic ront benchers, who ty by a Presidential
leprive civic rights ster and two others Drder PaperofParon 17 March would duled, despite UNP Lent, a government
ons whose names
the motion for the mer UNP Minister paha District MP, former Secretary to inance R. Paskaraior official Ackiel er two are reported ry closely with the remadasa during the
The motion to be adopted by parliament stated that the Presidential Commission of Inquiry had recommended that Wijeyapala Mendis was found guilty of misuse of power by reason of acts committed or omitted by the former minister and that his civic rights should be removed. According to Article 81 of the Constitution of the country, if the civic disability motion is passed by parliament with a two-third majority in favour, a member could be expelled from Parliament.
The UNP leadership naturally denied that its boycott of parliament was in any connected to the predicament of the former UNP minister. However, there were some within the UNP who had questioned the propriety of the UNP leadership for having so far failed to make known its stand on the charges levelled against its former senior ministers on wheeler-dealing and underthe-table land transactions involving state land.
Government sources said that the UNP parliamentarians were divided on this issue and that some of the new MPs were in favour of the motion to impose civic disabilities on Mendis and others, while some senior members of the party were not in favour of the move.
given by President nga to the prestignagazine, TIME (9 s drawn widespread
from the governand the columnists ned print media in
elated to the report s between the govTEduring late 1994 e President had ofiler Prabhakaran that trol of the adminishern province for a brovided he accepted kage and stopped
uote in the TIME t told TIME she proan autonomy packif he stopped fighte northern province is as a police force
without having to face elections for up to ten years. She says the Tiger chief didn't respond."
Critics of the President went on over-drive saying that she was prepared to betray the country to Prabhakaran by offering a virtual separate state on a plate. They argue that had the LTTE leader accepted the President's offer, Prabhakaran could have had the chance to run an almost independent northern province without having to elections for ten years backed up his guerrilla force; it would have been a de facto partition of the country; the people of the north, with the sanction of the Sri Lanka government, would have been deprived of their fundamental democratic rights - to elect a government of their choice by universal franchise.
The band-wagon of critics included the UNP MEP and JVP. Even the Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter joined the fray calling upon the Presi

Page 7
15 MARCH 1998
dent to explain the offer to the LTTE leader.
Ranil Wickremasinghe, the leader of the UNP, even threatened to reconsider his party’s participation in the Parliamentary Select Committee processas if the party had done anything other than do everything possible to prolong and frustrate the process. "How could the President who has been elected for a period of six years offer Prabhakaran the right to govern the northern province for ten years without elections? What is the use of a Select Committee if we are not consulted or briefed on these offers ?", Mr Wickremasinghe fumed with self-righteous indignation. The President for her part on 26 February admitted to journalists that the offer to the Prabhakaran as reported in the TIME interview was in fact made. She said that the offer was an informal sounding out during the time of the peace negotiations with the LTTE.
"It was made at a time when there were no military operations between the LTTE and government forces for 8 months. We had reached a cessation of hostilities and were discussing. I had proposed to the LTTE that they begin to discuss with us the draft of the political proposals which are before the country at the moment. The draft was ready by December 1994. Prof Peiris and I had looked at it, in fact from before the election time in August 1994. It is in that context that if they were willing to discuss the political proposals, end the war, lay down arms. Then in those circumstances, obviously for an organisation which had declared war on the Sri Lankan state, which wanted a separate state - in fact the LTTE was in de facto charge of the entire northern province during many years of UNP government rule - it was only reasonable that we make an offer,' the President said.
The offer was for the LTTE to administer the northern province for a period of five to ten years provided of course if it stopped fighting, converted itself into a democratic party, laid down arms, and accepted that all other democratic Tamil parties could also operate. They would have also had to agree to go for election after this period. These were all suggested and there was nothing Strange about the suggestion because such arrangements had worked in other countries where a Similar Situation as that prevailed in Sri Lanka had existed, the President said.
The activities of
“National Front Ag the initiative of a we priest has raised fea violence against thc characterises as tho, end to the ongoing logue with the LTT get of the Front ap politicians in Colo cates and human rig The NFAT whic at a meeting held C All Ceylon Buddhi quarters followed b Spearheading the F than Ven Maduluw who also happens t the formation of the Sion and its activitic Addressing a g 500 persons, one Champika Ranawal ously exaggerated c ple had been killed in Colombo. He att cians for extending LTTE and added tha was working hand LTTE to perpetrate Sinhalese people.
Of particular t; speakers were Cab
What the PreSi was the UNP’s crit in 1986, President) Banglore SAARC C cussions with Rajiv to handover the ent to Mr Prabhakaran v ister's post without willing to end the v gave arms and mone out any conditions ing to kill our people never been so foolis responsible. We oni organisation which v against this governn the process of discu der toestablish and; Situation if it was LTTE refused. They tary conflict and sin war against the gove a war honestly an UNP' the Presiden
 

TAL TIES 7
the recently formed ainst Terrorism' at l-known Buddihst Lrs of incitement to ise whom the Front se who advocate an ethnic war and diaE. The primary tarpears to be Tamil mbo, peace advoghts NGOs. h was inaugurated In 16 March at the st Congress heady a demonstration. front is none other eve Sobitha Thero o be key figure in ! Sinhala Commis
S. athering of about of the convenors, ka, made the obvilaim that 7000 peoin 21 bomb blasts acked Tamil polititheir support to the t the “NGO mafia” in glove with the crimes against the
arget the Front's inet Minister and
lent found strange
icism of her when sayawardene at the onference had disGandhi and agreed ire North and East with the Chief Minelection, if he was var. Mr Premadasa y to the LTTE withwhich they are us2 even now. "I have h, or reckless or iry offered this to an was not waging war ment, which was in ussing peace in orstabilise a peaceful possible. But the
went back to milice they started the rnment, we waged d truly unlike the t added.
President of the Ceylon Workers Congress(CWC), Mr S Thondaman, TULF politicians including its leader M Sivasithamparam and Tamil Congress leader, Kumar Ponnambalam. The Front's protesters demanded the dismissal of Mr Thondaman from the Cabinet claiming that his statements were very often supportive of the LTTE. Speaking at the meeting, Sobitha Thero said, "Tamil politicians living in Colombo under the protection of our police forces, and not in Jaffna, and posing as moderates are the real supporters of LTTE terrorism. SThondaman, a senior Minister of the Government is one of them. At a recent meeting to mark the CWC anniversary, Thondam an demanded that the LTTE be given control of the north-east province for 15 years. This is an improvement on Thondaman's earlier demand that the LTTE should be given control of the north-east for 10 years. Tamil politicians like Kumar Ponnambalam and M Siva-Sithamparam of the TULF, even if they do not carry arms, are supporters of LTTE terrOr.”
Another Buddhist priest, Ittapana Dhammalankara Thero said that though the Government had banned the LTTE, no legal steps had been taken to implement this decision, such as the punishment of those who supported the LTTE, for example by confiscation of their property. With every bomb explosion, the Tamil politicians step up their demands and urge the Government to negotiate with the LTTE and make more and more concessions to them. The Tamil politicians who live in Colombo do not condemn these barbaric acts, complain incessantly about the “harassment' of Tamils who are searched, the Thero said.
Gamini Perera said that there were a few Sinhalese media personnel, intellectuals and members of the NGOs who extended supported to the terrorists'. Identifying Jehan Perera of the National Peace Council as one Such individual, he said that Jehan Perera had wrote an article in the "Island' newspaper giving reasons as to why the LTTE attacked the Dalada Maligawa. If you can find reasons, then you can justify it, said the speaker.
(continued on next page)

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
39 people, including school children, were killed and at least 300 people suffered injury when a bus laden with shrapnel-packed bombs raced through Colombo's crowded business district on 5 March and exploded in front of the Maradana railway station. Police were chasing a bus involved in a hit-and-run collision when the vehicle suddenly exploded.
Several vehicles and shops were wrecked in the blast in Maradana, an area crowded with shops and the iron railing dividing the road was twisted by the impact of the blast. "A policeman was trying to open the door of the bus when there was a flash. I was thrown away,” said Mohammed ManSoor, whose shop was severely damaged in the blast along with several others. Witnesses said at least two vans carrying schoolchildren were caught up in the explosion, and schoolbags stained with blood could be seen Scattered around the scene. Hundreds of injured were rushed to Colombo's main hospital, and weeping parents rushed to the area to try to account for their children.
The driver of the bus, believed to be a suicide bomber, was among the dead. Investigations revealed that the
explosives and thou ings which acted as tacked on either si the aim of targeting possible, the police No one immed sponsibility for the ( is widespread belief responsible.
If the LTTE wa bomb explosion, it w major Suicide attac year. On 25 January pendence celebrati country's most in shrine in central cit verely damaged in a attack in which seve following week in F bomber blew hersel air force headquarte ing eight other pec five. Last October a ded in the car park Galdari in Colombo killing 18 people than a 100.
Many foreign condemned the bo lombo. UN Secret Annan issued a stat
(continued from page 7)
Dr Piyasena Dissanayke, Secretary of the National Joint Committee(NJC) of Sinhala and Buddhist Organisations, said that it was shameful that a senior Minister who supported terrorists was being tolerated in the Cabinet. Thondaman must be removed from the Cabinet. The Government had abdicated its responsibility to maintain law and order andkeep the peace. The people had now to action to protect themselves, he Said.
In an intemperate pamphlet distributed at the meeting, the NMAT called upon the Government to take effective action against those who advocate talks with the LTTE. The action proposed includes ordering the police to arrest and keep in custody politicians, media personnel, political commentators and “socalled intellectuals', who either advocate negotiations with the LTTE, or call
for constitutional r lead to the division The NMAT als that if the governn such action, "we de the sacred right ti against them for ou of our children.'
A leading huma the "The Weekend bo that ʻalthough t gressive posture by is nothing new, the the intelligentsia as has to be taken note
"This is not an a ticians, but agains secular sections v community and civi a peaceful, negotiat ethnic conflict,” sai wanted to remain a

sands of ball bearshrapnel, had been de of the bus with as many people as said. iately claimed re2xplosion, but there that the LTTE was
is in the Maradana ould mark the third k by the LTTE this ', days before indeons were held, the portant Buddhist y of Kandy was seSuicide truck bomb ral were killed. The February, a suicidef up at the gates of rs in Colombo, killple and wounding truck bomb exploof a five-star hotel 's business district, and injuring more
governments have imb attack in Cotary General Kofi ement condemning
eforms that would of the country.
) issued a warning hent failed to take clare that we have D take any action r sake and the sake
n rights activist told Express” in Colomhe strident and agthis new movement challenge issued to well as the media of.'
ttack on Tamil polit the progressive, lithin the Sinhala society who favour ed settlement to the d an academic who nonymous. O
15 MARCH 199
the bomb blast soon after the incident. The statement said: "The Secretary General is outraged by the news of a bomb blast today in the Sri Lankan capital, Colombo, which has killed and injured a large number of civilians, including children.
"Once again, the Secretary-General condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the use of violence against civilians. Terrorism cannot be condoned in any circumstances. He calls for and end to the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, which has brought considerable suffering to many innocent non-combatants, and for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the problem. He extends his condolences to the families of the victims.” -
In a message to representatives of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) abroad, Amnesty International on 6 March expressed concern about the bomb explosion. In its statement Amnesty International said that it had learned that an otherwise empty bus believed to be driven by a member of the LTTE exploded around midday while being chased by police. Among those killed are drivers and passengers of vehicles in the traffic surrounding the bus, shop keepers, stall owners on the pavement nearby, and pedestrians and commuters on their way to an adjacent railway station.
While the intended target of the bomb was not known, Amnesty International said it was concerned that the killings, as others attributed to the LTTE over the last few years, appears to be in contravention of basic standards of international humanitarian law. It also sought assurances from the leadership of the LTTE that deliberate or indiscriminate attacks on civilians by forces under LTTE control will not be authorized or tolerated.
A western diplomat in Colombo was quoted in an agency report as saying that, judging from the number of suicide bomb attacks in Colombo, there is no doubt the Tigers were quickening the tempo. “The LTTE seem to have some definitive plan in mind. It seems they want to take out a big fish. But this one definitely went off at the wrong place and at the wrong time,” he said. "It's an all-out war. They are obviously hell-bent on getting someone big. If they do that the opinion against the Tamils in the south is likely to be hardened,” said political analyst Pai(continued on page 12)

Page 9
15 MARCH 1998
US Rejects LTTE De
for Release
of Cassified Docum
he US State Department has reT jected the demand for the release of classified records that led to the
designation of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) by the US authorities as a terrorist organisation.
In a submission filed with a Court of Appeals here, which was obtained by India Abroad, the US Department of State said, "Neither the LTTE nor its counsel is entitled to access to the classified portions of the administrative record.'
The State Department's objection was in response to an earlier procedural application filed by LTTE's lawyers alleging that the State Department had secretly compiled information that led to the LTTE's designation as a terrorist organisation, and was now refusing to disclose fully.
The LTTE's motion followed a petition it filed with the appeal court in November last year asking it to rescind the US governments' decision, saying the LTTE did not pose any threat to the
security of the US and did not qualify
as a terrorist organisation under US laws.
A news release from the Law Offices of Ramsey Clark, the senior Attorney appearing on behalf of the LTTE in its challenge against the US State Department's designation as a "Terrorist Organisation” said, “LTTE’s challenge to its designation by Secretary Albright last fall as a terrorist organisation moved a step forward today. In a motion filed with the Court of Appeals in the District of Columbia, LTTE is claiming the right to full access to the record, the opportunity to show the legitimacy of its action under international law and to correct inaccuracies and distortions in the record which the State Department secretly compiled and is now refusing to disclose fully. The motion develops with documentary evidence LTTE's struggle for independence and emergence as the de facto government of the Tamil people of Sri Lanka.
"The motion st ing requested is tl sary to satisfy the p and due process of otherwise be lacki
“LTTE's papel States Declaration "but when a long usurpations, pursul same object evince them under absolut right, it is their dut Government and to for their future Secu formation of the Tal
movement was in
ror, violence and Sinhala-dominated ment. And the Secr ure to take the go wrongful conducti national law by th ernment and securit by the Sinhalese Tamil people make the LTTE as a “ter arbitrary, capriciou discretion.
"In the court pap that the State Depa upon challenge to adamant classifica record reveals that was arbitrary an thereby justifies la the fairness and leg cation judgement.
"It was pointed to the editorial c PULIKAL, the offi which was contain trative Record, LTT United States' go position in the wa Lankan government tradicts its foreign Rights and Peace an the Tamil people h States will make al create a peaceful e Lankathrough a nel approach to the Ta
 

TAMIL TIMES 9
esses that relief bee minimum necesrinciples of fairness the law that would
19. s quote the United
of Independence: train of abuses and ing invariably the S a design to reduce e despotism, it is the y to throw off such provide new guards rity," stated that the mil armed resistance response to the terrepression of the Sri Lankan governetary of State's failenocide and other in violation of interle Sri Lankan govy forces dominated people toward the sher designation of "orist” organization is and an abuse of
pers the LTTE states rtment's readiness abandon its initial tion of the entire the initial position i capricious and ck of confidence in ality of its classifi
out that according f VDUTHALA
cial LTTE Journal, cd in the AdminisE indicated that the 'ernment's partial r between the Sri and the LTTE conpolicy on Human id further states that pe that the United
possible effort to nvironment in Sri tral and diplomatic nil-Sinhala ethnic
crisis.'
The State Department in its objection to the LTTE's application said, "First, such access is contrary to the statutory scheme. which provides solely for "ex-parte and in-camera review by this court of the classified information used in making the designation.”
Moreover, it said, "the Supreme Court has made clear, based on the President's authority as head of the Executive Branch and as Commander-inChief, that the Executive Branch has control over access to classified information under our constitutional Scheme and has a "compelling interest' in withholding national security information from unauthorised persons in the course of executive business.'
“Simply put, “the Administration said in its submission' neither the LTTE nor its counsel has been authorised by the Executive Branch to View classified . information, and therefore they are not entitled to access to the classified portions of the administrative record in this case.'
The State Department in its submission also flatly rejected the LTTE's alternative request, that if it is denied access, "that its counsel be permitted to review the classified material and to make notes for the purpose of pursuing this case.'
Citing precedents, the Administration said that "this court and other courts have denied access to private counsel in other in-camera proceedings involving classified information."
It said that the reason for this is twofold. “First national Security is too important to be entrusted to the good faith and circumspection of a litigator's lawyer, and Second, such a procedure strains the attorney-client relationship between the opposing party and its lawyerʼ.
"Those concerns are fully applicable here,” the State Department emphasised in its submission.
Consequently, it said, "the petitioner's attorneys are no more authorised to view the classified information at issue here than is petitioner'.
In its submission, the State Department noted the LTTE’s argument that its constitutional due process rights will be violated if the United States designation of the LTTE as a terrorist organisation is upheld based on the classified information contained in the administrative record that the LTTE has
(continued on next page)

Page 10
10 TAM TIMES
Editors Guild Protests Against Stifling Climate for Fr
he Editors Guild of Sri Lanka said T in a statement on 1 March that it was concerned with an escalation in incidents against journalists with the growing use of "strong-arm tactics' against journalists and the "rapidly deteriorating climate for a free media.”
The strongly-worded statement came as the police Criminal Investigations Department (CID) released Chinese journalist Jin Hui on 28 February after detaining him overnight on a deportation order. Jin, 26, the Colombo correspondent of Beijing's official Xinhua News Agency, was freed within a few hours and the deportation order withdrawn following intense diplomatic moves.
It was the first deportation order
against a journalist by the government of President Chandrika Kumaratunga which came to power in 1994 promising greater press freedom. Previous governments expelled several foreign correspondents and were severely criticised by international rights organisations for curtailing media freedom. Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera had earlier given assurances that no journalists would be arrested or searched without the presence of an information department or foreign ministry official.
Last month a group of armed men stormed the house ofa senior local journalist, Iqbal Athas, and threatened him
and his family. Ath spondent with the paper, writes a we he has often critici mismanagement ir is engaged in War gerS.
"It is distressin assurances by the full investigation i the criminal inves 13 days to record & Athas,' the Guild
The Statement rogation by police tor and two report language weekly o gating the activities tral plantation distr of thousands of Tal tates. The police w ers to divulge their terrogated the drivi took them to the hi In another incic police assaulted ap a newspaper who booming trade in area. In this conr Statement said th Dharmaratne, was from his home in night. He was tort tried to frame him his finger-prints or reporter was later
(Continued from page9)
hOt Se6eh.,
The document said, "that is one of the issues to be decided by this court after full briefing in this appeal.”
It said the LTTE 'can raise these issues when it files its brief challenging the validity of the Secretary's (of State Madeleine Albright) designation.'
“These issues should be addressed by the parties in briefing on the merits, rather than at this preliminary state of the proceeding, "the State Department's submission to the court added.
The submission argued: "if this Court ultimately determines that, as a matter of due process, the secretary's designation cannot be upheld because it is based, in part, on classified infor
mation, the remedy the matter to the se ther consideration, sure of the classifie The submissio there was absolute LTTE's request that from consideration sified information petitioner. Again, th from Congress is C trary.”
Meanwhile, th dismissed the LTTE itself as a de-factog ing a justified war C the Sinhala domi government.

nas, a defence correSunday Times news'ekly column where Sed the failures and the military which
with the Tamil Ti
g to note that despite Media Minister of a nto that raid, it took tigation department statement from Mr S statement said. also noted the interof an associate ediers of a Sinha-lesever a report investiof LTTE in the cenicts, where hundreds mills work on the esanted the two reportSources and also iner of the vehicle that ll country. lent, also last month, rovincial reporter of had exposed the illicit liquor in his lection the Guild's e reporter, Pradeep picked up by police the middle of the ured and police then by forcibly placing liquor barrels. The taken to court and
will be to remand cretary for her furnot to order disclod information.'
n also argued that ly no basis for the t this Court exclude on review any clasnot provided to the estatutory directive lirectly to the con
e submission also 3 "attempts to paint overnment conductof liberation against mated Sri Lankan
5 MARCH 1998
released on a bail of 15,000 rupees.
"The guild is of the opinion that the aforesaid incidents indicate a drift towards a police state, and that this government, unfortunately, is gaining currency as one that is becoming increasingly insensitive to media freedom,' the Statement Said.
The government took action to transfer an entire police station's staff after unidentified attackers burned down the home of a journalist who was tortured in police custody. Twentyseven policemen were transferred from the town of Aranayake, 45 miles east of the capital, Colombo, to other areas. Police “must be answerable for what happened to this journalist's house,' Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera said.
Pradeep Dharmaratne, a correspondent for the state-run Dinamina newspaper, said his thatched-roof house was burned down at midnight. The government has promised him a new home. The government had sent a special team of detectives to Aranayake after international media watchdog groups condemned Dharmaratne being tortured at the police station on 16 February. He was hospitalised with damaged kidneys, but has since recovered. Several days after he returned home, masked men armed with swords tried to break into his home, but failed.
Dharmaratne says he believes the policemen are linked to liquor gangs he has written about.
"There is a conspiracy amongst certain members of the police to discredit the President and the government by various forms of intimidation and harassment of the public,” Mangala Samaraweera, media minister and cabinet spokesman told a news conference on 5 March.
"I wouldn't say we cannot trust the whole police force, but there is a minority section that is hell-bent on creating chaos,' he said.
The Minister's comments came after a furore over treatment of a Pradeep Dharmaratne whose house was torched in the central Kegalle district in the early hours on 26 February.
"We are concerned about the behaviour of certain officers in the police force. They are hoping that they can have a different set of people in office before their past is exposed by various investigations by the human rights commission,' Samaraweera said. O

Page 11
15 ARCH 1998
KRISHANTHY MURDER Defendants Confess to Rape anc
"Lance Corporal Somaratne Rajapaksa, the first accused in the Krishanthi Kumaraswamy rape and murder trial had confessed to the military police that the accused committed rape on Krishanthi and strangulated all four deceased to death by means of a rope', said Lance Corporal Upali Manamperi when he produced the statements made by the defendants as "confessions' as prosecutions' at the Trial-at-Bar hearing held in Colombo.
The Bench comprised High Court Judge of Colombo Nimal Dissannyake (President), High Court Judge of Negombo Gamini Abeyratne and High Court Judge of Balapitiya, Andrew SomaWIS.
In this case the accused include eight army personnel anda reserve police constable. They are Corporal Dewage Somaratna, Rajapakse Jayasinghe, Mudiyanselage Jayasinghe, Gunasekerage Pradeep Priyadharshana (RPC), Ambawattage Suranji, Priyantha Perera, Wadutantrige Arnan Wijayananda Alwis, Dehigaspitiye Gedara Muthu Banda, Dissanayake Mudyanselage Jayatillake, Diyapatugama Vidanalage Indrajith Kumara and Abeysekera Pathiranalage Nishantha.
The Attorney General has indicted the accused under Sections 140, 146,
296 and 357 of the Penal Code with
being members of an unlawful assembly, abducting 15-year-old school girl, Krishanthi Kumaraswamy with a view to committing illegal intercourse and with committing her murder and that of three others, her mother, brother and a neighbour who went in search of Krishanthy. The crime is alleged to have been committed on or around 7 September 1996.
Examined by Additional Solicitor General Mr D PKumarasinghe PC, witness Lance Corporal Upali Manamperi said that he had recorded the Statement made by the defendants accused in the case. The witness had also visited Jaffna to investigate the incident following orders given tohim by Major Podiralaharmy. Accordingly witness had recorded the statement of the first accused, Lance Corporal Somaratne Rajapaksa on 22 October 1996.
In his statement Rajapaksa had stated that he joined the SL Army in
1990. He was a m of age. According Lt Thudugala had list of names of f told him to arrest accused had ar. Kumaraswamy dre form at the Chem Jaffna town. Krish custody by the first 4th accused Jayati cused Alwis. After gether in spite of he pushed inside a bu
Although they Krishanthy there middle-aged wom twomen had visité search of the girl. W denied that the girl people had gone av Nevertheless they checkpoint that sar ing that the girl be ! tody.
The woman ha hand over the girl did not hand her o leave the checkpoil cated that she had Krishanthi being st point. When the wi fused to leave, the
41
OW
Forty-one polic tary home guards involved in the ki youths have been trate to be remand
The presiding court in the nort Trincomalee held rade spread over a ruary ordered 19 guards and a civili tody until the cas February.
Earlier the po security service pe police inspector a connection with th youths on 1 Febru

TRAL
Murder
arried man, 27 years o the confession one given the accused a our women and had hem. Thereafter the rested Krishanthi Ssed in a school unimani checkpoint in anthi was taken into accused along with lake and the 5th actying her hands torscreaming she was nker.
had intended to keep until the evening, a an accompanied by ed his checkpoint in then the accused had was there, the three way in search of her. had returned to the ne evening demandfreed from their cus
d demanded them to and said that if she ver, they would not nt. She had also india witness who saw opped at the checkoman and others reaccused had taken
TAM TITES 11
them too into their custody.
The accused Rajapaksa had informed the incident to Lt Thudugala and another officer, Wijesiriwardana. They had then ordered the accused to eliminate them.
By nightfall the first accused, Rajapaksa and the 4th accused Perera tied up the two men and took them to the Chemmanisaltern not very far from the checkpoint. They were accompanied by the seventh accused, Lance Corporal Indrajith and eight accused Jayatilaka. Later four of them had the two men killed by strangulating them with a rope put around their necks.
After the men were killed their garments were taken off and buried separately. The bodies were buried in another pit. Accused Jayasinghe and Alwis too had assisted to complete the burials.
Later in the same manner the old woman, Rasamma, the mother of Krishanthy, too was strangled to death. The accused, Rajapaksa had taken possession of the dead woman's gold chain which she had been wearing around her neck, while the sixth accused had assisted in the burial work.
Finally the first accused, Rajapaksa, had escorted Krishanthi towards the saltern where he had forcibly raped Krishanthy - the girl almost fainted.
The 2nd accused, Jayasinghe, 3rd accused Pradeep, 4th accused Perera, 7th accused Indrajith, 8th accused Jayatilaka and Nazar also raped the girl in turn. Trial is proceeding. O
olicemen in Custody er Killing of Civilians
emen and para-milisuspected of being lling of eight Tamil ordered by a Magis2d in custody.
Magistrate of the ah-eastern town of an identification paWeek and on 18 Febpolicemen, 21 home un to be kept in cuse is recalled on 24
ice had arrested 12 rsonnel, including a ld four constables in e killing of 8 Tamil ary in the village of
Thambalagamam in the Trincomalee district.
In a statement issued on 3 February, Amnesty International said, “Today's report that eight Tamil civilians, including three teenagers, were deliberately shot at close range by police and home guards at Tampalakamam on 1 February is deplorable' and called upon the Sri Lankan authorities to take all necessary action to ensure those responsible are brought to justice. It is important that the alleged perpetrators are taken into custody as quickly as possible so they are not able to intimidate witnesses.?
"Among those killed were six peo(continued on next page)

Page 12
12 TAMILTES
(Continued from page ll) ple attending a house warming party in a house near the police post at Pokkuruni, a hamlet of Tampalakamam, Trincomalee district. Around 6.30am, around 20 police and home guards who appeared drunk reportedly took the victims, including two brothers as young as 13 and 17, inside the police post and shot them in the compound. They later went from house to house and beat up villagers. Soon after, two other villagers were killed near the church at Puddukudiruppu, another hamlet of Tampalakamam.
"Initially, the Kantalai police were apparently pressuring families to sign statements claiming that those killed were members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or that they were killed by the LTTE, an armed opposition group fighting for an independent state in the north and east of the country.
"After an intervention by high-ranking officials, however, the
bodies were taken to pital where post-mo revealed that all vic sult of shooting at c
“The officer-inpolice station report magisterial inquiry C police and home gua ble for the killings. nesty International' of those alleged to b been arrested. Acco ports, they have b Kantalai police stati tinue to be on active
“The inquest is tinue on 6 February. reportedly indicatec tion parade will be nesses claim they ca those responsible.
"Amnesty Inter the authorities to er compensation be gra of the victims.'
(continued from page 8) kiasotthy Saravanamuttu adding that the LTTE were hoping for a backlash against minority Tamils, which might strengthen their cause in their core constituency. "But the backlash could also be against the government, in that its devolution proposals might get derailed,' he said.
Breakthrough
Police would appear to have made an early breakthrough in their investigations with the arrest of the bus conductor Kanthan, Suvendra Devi wife of the owner of the Nissan mini bus W. Kulendran (35) alias Pulendran alias Rajakulendran, and Arjun Balendran (19).
The three suspects were detained in the Batticaloa area and taken to Colombo for further investigations. An agency report datelined 7 March said that the police Sucessfully repulsed an attempt by LTTE gunners who attacked the Eravur police station by firing automatic weapons in a bid to free their two comrades and a Tamil woman, who owned the Nissan mini-bus which was used in the Maradana bomb explosion. Balendran had been arrested on inquiries conducted after the Suicide-bus driver gave an address in Jampettah in Colombo to the traffic police, when the bus met with an accident at Panchikawatte shortly before the explosion.
According to it registered owner of to a person called M who had in turn so Pulendran is abscor Mohamed had t he had sold this but months ago. Mohar custody had furthel that Pulendran owe in respect of the bu: Police suspect th bought by money g “Police records sh rarely did the Battic. they added. Pulen traced to Eravur in ( conductor's, to anol Balendran was caloa. All these arr just within three da Police records furth bus which used to Batticaloa run, had on March 3 evening the driving seat.
Detectives ful Pulendran had bee three national ide gave his names as dran and Raja Kult The last name ( check-points in Bat name V. Kulendran given by Kulendr those check-point

15 ARCH 1998
Trincomalee hostem examinations tims died as a re
ose range. harge of Kantalai :dly confirmed at a n3 FGebruary that rds were responsiHowever, to Amknowledge, none e responsible have rding to Some reeen transferred to pn where they con
duty.
Scheduled to conThe magistrate has that an identificaheld. Several witun identify some of
national is urging sure that adequate nted to the relatives
VOOMESSIAVOS
About 47 mass graves around the country will be dug up in the next few weeks in search of the remains of about 200 persons who are alleged to have disappeared between 1989 and 1990.
A special CID team has been appointed by DIG. T. V. Sumanasekera following the findings of the presidential Commissions of Inquiry on involuntary removal of persons in this period.
The team headed by a senior superintendent of police will soon begin work under the order of magistrates of the respective areas where these mass graves are believed to be situated. The interim reports of the three disappearance commissions, which were appointed in 1995, were made public about a fortnight ago and President Chandrika Kumaratunga has already taken the commissions to task for delaying their conclusions.
nvestigations, the the bus had sold it [ohamed of Eravur ld it to Pulendran. nding. old the police that s to Pulendran two med who is also in told investigators d him Rs 400,000 s purchase.
at the bus had been ,
iven by the LTTE. owed that it very loa-Colombo run,' dran’s house was henkalady and the her house close by. arrested in Battiests were made on is of the explosion. der revealed thatthis do the Colombolast left Batticaloa
with Pulendran in
ther suspect that n in possession of ntity cards, which Kulendran, Pulenndran.
in record at policeicaloa had been the This was the name n when he passed s in Batticaloa on
March 3 evening.
Meanwhile police who had earlier traced the registration number of the vehicle (48-4864), was able to trace its chassis number (FGW 40-001412). They also recovered a cyanide capsule from the scene of the blast.
The Colombo Detective Bureau (CDB) investigating the Maradana bomb blast revealed that the RWPC now in custody had received Rs. 53,000 from the LTTE to pay an advance for the safe house at Glen Street, Slave Island. According to the investigators she had first received Rs. 48,000 and later Rs.5,000 to be paid to the owner of the house at Slave Island. Police strongly believe that this safe house where the RWPC had been living had been used by the LTTE woman suicide bomber who exploded the bomb near the security checkpoint at the gates of the Airforce Headquarters in Slave Island in early February. The suicide kit had been worn by the LTTE woman at this safe house, police said.
Police said that the RWPC's involvement in the LTTE activities was very deep. She had been questioned at length by detectives in order to ascertain LTTE movements in the City.
The investigating team have taken into custody several suspects including an Inspector of a traffic division in Colombo, Suvendra Devi, wife of the main suspect Pulendran. O

Page 13
15 ARCH 1998
TE Ofers Fierce Res
DBS Jeyaraj
ontrary to bombastic pronouncements made by government and defence Ministry spokespersons from time to time that the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam (LTTE) has been pushed to the verge of defeat, the Tigers have in recent times displayed tremendous military resilience that has amazed observers of the Sri Lankan conflict. Apart from resisting the advances of the Sri Lankan armed forces in the Northern mainland of the Wanni the LTTE has also been engaging in a wide series of operations in the Jaffna peninsula, the Eastern Province, the territorial waters of the North-Eastern coast as well as various parts of Southern Sri Lanka particularly Colombo.
The most striking aspect of this resilience is manifest in the Wanni region. There the LTTE has been effectively holding at bay three full fledged divisions of the army namely the 53rd, 55th and 56th. In addition to these troops numbering 37,000 contingents from the Police, Navcy and Air Force totalling nearly 10,000 are also in the area as supplementary military support. In spite of this the “Operation JAYA Sikurui "or S...... Victory' launched on May 13th last year at the auspicious time of 5.20am is yet to arrive at its target destination Kilinochchi. Further
more the Southern portion of Kilin
ochchi town was wrested from army control by the LTTE last month.
When operation “Jaya SikurUi” began the defence establishment expected the Sri Lankan army to progress like a knife through butter in the Wanni. Some even stated that the entire exercise would be completed within 90 days. Now more than 300 days have passed but the Operation is not over yet. Military analysts predict that the hardest round of fighting is yet to come.
Do or Die
When “Jaya Sikurui” began troops reached Omathai on the Jaffna-Kandy road without much difficulty. Likewise troops also captured Nedunkerny quite easily. Optimism reigned supreme in
military quarters that the rest of the op
aration too would meet with similar success. But the Tigers had other ideas. The LTTE unleashed a massive resist
ance Cum COunter O “operation Seiallat or Die”) in the “Qu conducted by M 1942. His discipl phrase "Seithu M Mudi' to invigorat was essentially a
hert.
Utilising a simo word for the Tiger ter offensive indic tion level of LTTE Prabakharan in col threat posed by th Thereafter the Tig blend of positiona hit and run guerri defend, contain an advancing troops. Vavuniya and Kill Jaffna - Kandy r( 75km. At prese reached the outsk This means that a to 32km has to be ( When the arm after brief skirmis and consolidated it in defence circles. forces would coas Puliyankulam, K Mankulam, Murik Kilinochchi just a Devi train of old c first phase of “Jaya ted to conclude at of Puliyankulam fi A road from Puliya Eastwards via Nail nkerny to Mullaithe Nedunkerny want place first and con area. But the LTT Very stiff resis Tigers prevented t ing Puliyankulam Sections of the C( so confident of arr jumped the gun Se nounced the captu Puliyankulam seve not happen. Findi accessible along t Jaffna - Kandy ro the beaten into th ceeded northwards

TA' TES 13
Stance
ffensive code named hu Sethu Mudi” (Do it India' movement ahatma Gandhi in e Rajaji coined the [udi Allathu Sethu e the masses in what non-violent move
hilar slogan as code multi-pronged counated the determinasupremo Velupillai Intering the military Le Sri Lankan state. gers adopted a rare warfare as well as lla tactics to attack, d at worst delay the The length between inochchi along the bad is estimated at nt the troops have irts of Mankulam. distance of abut 30 povered yet. y reached Omathai hes on its outskirts , hopes Soared high It was felt that the it along places like anakarayankulam, andy and link up at seasily as the Yarl lid in the past. The Sikurui” was expecthe key intersection or strategic reasons. nkulam goes Northhamadhu and Neduevu. So troops from ed to link p at this solidate a triangular E had other ideas. ance offered by the he troops from takin the first place. blombo media were ny success that they veral times and anre of and link up at ral times. It just did ng Puliyankulam inhe A-9 Highway or ad the army got off e interior and proboth on the East and
West of the road. One column moved up to Pudhoor on the West and another to Periyamadhu on the West. Thus the army encircled Puliyankulam on three sides but still could not penetrate LTTE defences of that town.
The nearest the army got to Puliyankulam was the old railway goods shed and yard nearly a km from the town. Finding the LTTE defences of the Kandy - Jaffna Road near impregnable the security forces decided to continue with their circumventing strategy. Instead of targeting spots on or along the A-9 Highway directly they began clearing new routes in the jungle parallel to the main road. This was done both on the East and West. Troops from Nedunkerny and Periyamadhu linked up at Nainamadhu in between. Further progressing Northwards the security forces fund themselves up against another impregnable tiger defence around Kanakarayankulam.
The nearest the army got to Puliyankulam was the old railway goods shed and yard nearly a km from the town. Finding the LTTE defences of the Kandy B Jaffna Road near impregnable the security forces decided to continue with their circumventing strategy. Instead of targeting spots on or along the A-9 Highway directly they began clearing new routes in the jungle parallel to the main road. This was done both on the East and West. Troops from Nedunkerny and Periyamadhu linked up at Nainamadhu in between. Further progressing Northward the security forces found themselves up againstanother impregnable tiger defence around kanakarayankulam.
The El Nimo Factor
At this point of time the army discovered the potential of a neglected stretch of roadway called the Old Kandy road or Old road. This linked both the Puliyankulam B Mullaitheevu road and the Mankulam B Mullaitheevu road. So troops after some fighting reached Karrippattamurippu on the Mankulam B Mullaitheevuroad. Thearmy alsoestablished control in some places along the general area of this road like Karappukuthi, Katkidanku and Vignanakulam. This progress up to a point very close to Mankulam on the eastern flank rendered unnecessary the consolidation of Puliyankulam or capture of kanakaryankulam.
Moreover two Gods in the Hindu pantheon had joined forces against

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES .
Anuruddha Ratwatte at this time. Vayubhagwan the Wind God and Varuna Bhagawan the God of Rain had jointly unleashed the Monsoon Winds and rain the Wanni. Aided by the El Nino factor the unprecedented intensity of the Monsoon caused havoc, Tanks were overflowing and floods were rampant. The Kanakarayan Kulam filled up and soon the river Kanakarayan Aaru flowing outwards was in spate. The LTTE destroyed all fordable bridges along this river. So the troops were further constrained in movement. One attempt to sneak ahead in the adverse weather met with tragedy at Mnna Kulam where the LTTE wiped out nearly 200 men from the elite Commando forces.
After weather conditions improved troops have made and continue to make attempts to reach Mankulam. At present troops on the Mankulam-Mullaitheevu road have moved West by South West to Olumadhu also on the same road. On the South-East of Mankulam troops have established Forward Defence Lines at Katkidanku and the Vignanakulam-Karappukuthi area. On the eastern sector troops have consoli
dated themselves at the famous Nagat They have also ver rior jungle and set u Police is in char Vavuniya to Oman West. The Air Forc eastern flank from The Navy is in cha flank from Omanth these additional per army in holding ont the bulk of the army tinue with their ma ing the LTTE and tate'.
Inflicting Heavy D
The army has t goal through a serie have failed because ance displayed by t est Such offensive l 14th was a three pro general direction o main thrust was murippu-Olumadhu lam. The second w; lam to the South-W The third was from
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Pudhoor the site of hambiraan Kovil. tured into the intep some FDLs. The ge of areas from hai both East and 2 is in charge of the Dmanthai upwards. rge of the Western ai upwards. While onnel augment the o captured territory is left free to conin mission engagcapturing “real es
amage been pursuing that s of offensives that of the stiff resisthe Tigers. The lataunched on March nged thrust in the f Mankulam. The from Karippattatowards Mankuas from Mannaku'est of Mankulam. Moondrumurippu
LEIS
URE
along an interior track to Vannivilankulam on the Mankulam-Mallavi road. The Tigers foiled the attempt on all three fronts and aborted it. In the process they injured three Brigadiers and killed Major Priyantha Ranasinghe the artillery commander. The injured Brigadiers were the General Officer commanding 55th Division Brig. Sarath Fonseka and his deputy Brig. Tuan Johoran. The third injured Brigadier was Wickremasuriya the Principal Staff Officer of Overall Operations Commander Major-General Sri Lal Weerasooriya.
The LTTE has been mainly inflicting heavy damage on the advancing army through the use of long range artillery and mortars. According to Colombo media reports the Tiger artillery barrage has been very accurate and effective due to a simple technique. Anticipating troop movements through jungle the LTTE has tied ribbons and bands to the tops of tall trees. All these trees and their positions have been codified. Distances and angles of areas surrounding these trees have been calculated by LTTE gunners beforehand. So when troops advance near a codified
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Page 15
15 MARCH 1998
tree an LTTE 'spotter' hidden in the area promptly notifies the artillery point through radio of the exact position. He may, for example, say the troops are 50 metres to the right of tree code number 'x'. The LTTE gunner adjusts his sights and lets fly. This, according to Colombo media reports, is the chief reason for the LTTE artillery scoring bull's eye after bull's eye despite firing from afar through thick underbrush.
The LTTE has also constructed very strong bunkers that are very well camouflaged. The Air Force, using unmanned aerial vehicles for observation, have not been able to detect these bunkers. So what happens is 'blind' bombing that does not affect the LTTE. The bunkers, constructed with the aid of a new concrete cement manufactured by the Tigers, are able to withstand the stray shell or bomb that hits it. In addition the LTTE has also heavily mined roads and possible access routes. Booby traps and the tiny but lethal cigarette pack sized johnny mines', a brainchild of the LTTE leader Prabakharan, are also sprinkled in the area. A further innovation is sniping from lofts set up in trees.
Counter Attacks
Apart from this type of warfare aimed at holding on to fixed positions the LTTE has also been staging counter attacks too. Six major counter attacks have been conducted by the LTTE the most notable among them being the
ones at Thandikulam, Omanthai and
Karappukuthi. The significant aspect of these was that the LTTE doubled back penetrating enemy lines and attacked. In addition to these major attacks the Tigers have also infiltrated the so called areas captured by Jaya Sikurui troops time and again indulging in hit and run tactics. Sniping and land-mining by Tigers are widespread.
On the other hand, the Wanni war has also seen the LTTE assume a new incarnation as a conventional militia. It has resisted military advances in most places that it entrenched itself. The relative progress made by the army was mainly through its circumventing strategy that by-passed well fortified positions of the LTTE. At one stage during the Wanni war the LTTE was simultaneously fighting on four fronts holding the army at bay. There is also the case of the Mannakulam debacle on December 4th last year where the LTTE set up a decoy camp lured the army comman
dos and then struck fully.
Conflicting fig licised about casu sides. An unoffic estimate places th as 5500 casualties around 1300 deac About half of the i as walking wound that the LTTE casu The reality is muc apparently have lo and incurred woun ing around 800.
While the "Jay was in progress the a counter offensive ing Elephant Pass nochchi base con Initially, Tigers fr nochchi at Mura Paranthan. This v gers from Irana Kilinochchi from contingent attacket camp from three s fended Elephant successfully. Mo were killed in Para in Elephant Pass. the LTTE did well.
Battle for Kilinoc They succeede armed forces from tially and held on 1 Karadipokku junct the LTTE Senior le; the Tiger flag in the town. Many disp Kilinochchi were b witness the cerem army launched tw. regain Kilinochchi Later the LTTE w extent but still hel territory originally army. This is a rect in length and one a in the South ar. Kilinochchi.
The army is ba North and North W. central part of Kili "no man's land” batch of journalists photographed the board on the northe one at the souther journalists reporte in the hands of th whole truth. The

swiftly and success
ures have been pubalty figures on both al but quite reliable 2 figure of the army so far. This includes and 4200 injured. njured are classified ed. The army says lty tollis over 6,000. :h less. The Tigers st nearly 900 cadres ded figures number
a Sikurui' operation LTTE also mounted against the sprawlB Paranthan B Kiliplex in the North. om the east of Kilisumottai attacked vas followed by Tiimadhu attacking the South. A third il the Elephantt Pass ides. The army dePass and Paranthan re then 160 Tigers anthan and about 35 But in Kilinochchi
hchi d in driving out the Kilinochchi town iniIo the area up to the ion. On February 4 ader Sornam hoisted heart of Kilinochchi placed residents of brought into town to ony. Thereafter the D counter attacks to but were repulsed. thdrew to a certain d on to a chunk of in the hands of the angle about four km ld half km in breadth d South East of
ick in most parts of est Kilinochchi. The nochchi is virtually now. Recently the takento Kilinochchi
Kilinochchi signrn border but not the h border. Although i that Kilinochchi is e army it is not the situation on ground
TAMIL TIMES 15
is that both the army as well as the LTTE are in control of parts of Kilinochchi with some "no man's land' in between. The LTTE is said to have used 1800 cadres in the attack. It is surmised that if and when the army takes Mankulam the forces at Kilinochchi would begin a southwards thrust against the LTTE thereby opening up another front. Until then they may be content to stay put in their present position.
In Jaffna
The LTTE has also been expanding its activity in the Jaffna peninsula. While the general impression abroad is that the entire peninsula is fully controlled by the army the reality is not that simple. There is a substantial portion of territory in the Thenmaratchy, Pachchilaippalli and Vadamaratchy East divisions that are virtually no go areas for the Army. So too is the Aaladi area in the east of Punkudutheevu. The lower portion of the peninsula does not have many army camps particularly along the east coast.
Patrolling by the army on a long scale is impossible because of the LTTE presence. Attempts to conduct major expeditions along this coast have been thwarted by the LTTE which engaged in positional warfare here. Also recently the bodies of some soldiers killed in Mirusuvil were handed over to the Red Cross by the LTTE in the Peninsula itself. Despite the local authority elections concluding without a major mishap, the LTTE has subsequently escalated its activity in the Peninsula. But reports of several LTTE hideouts and safe houses in the Valigamam, Vadamaratchy and Thenmaratchy areas being "discovered by the Army does not augur well for the Tigers as this indicates that the forces are receiving accurate information of LTTE whereabouts from the people.
The LTTE also scored some successes on the maritime front. Although the Government has been saying that the sea power of the LTTE has been drastically reduced recent events suggest otherwise. The Sea Tigers registered a major victory last month when they attacked a flotilla of Navy vessels off the coast of Inbarutty in the Point Pedro area. Suicide squads of the Black Sea Tigers destroyed two ships "Pabbatha” and “Valampuri”. They also damaged two Dvora gunboats and a Shanghai fast attack craft. The fact that the (Continued on next page)

Page 16
16 TAML TIMES
The Birth Of A Tra
By Dr Jayadeva Uyangoda
the fictionalised account of India after Independence. The Midnight ChiLdren, were born at the moment of India's Independence at midnight on 5 August 1947. My own samsaric encounter with the political independence of my country has been slightly different. I was not born when the Union Jack was lowered and the Lion's Flag hoisted in Colombo, on 4 February 1948. I was born two years later, in 1950.
Yet, in a political and historical sense my own biography of the past 48 years has been closely intertwined with the 50-year biography of post-colonial Sri Lanka. I grew up in the early 1950's in the relative peace of an isolated Sinhalese village. As a six-year-old child, I learnt about the assassination of Prime Minister S R D Bandaranaike, and political assassinations were to constitute a major facet of my country's politics since I reached the age of 38. As an eight-year-old child, I learnt about the differences between the Sinhalese and Tamil communities; then, of course, even the everyday events of my entire adult life were to be governed by Sinhala-Tamil conflictual politics. I
S alman Rushdie’s characters in
came of age in the being fed, looked one of the best we veloping world. which also stood nificant economi from among its ov tion of bewildered among them I ra became a modern
Since Sri Lan 50 years ago, Sions of a mode in separate and
nic interests, nation's peculi nisation.
hand at revolutiol generation paid a misadventure. Th my youth, in the how my country to lose all its idea aggression, hostil eousness, brutalit welcomed with fel mattered in shapil cal future. At pre not with pleasure,
(Continued from page 15) "Valampuri' is missing still has led to speculation that the vessel is in LTTE hands. The LTTE attack apparently was launched from the Sea Tiger bases at Chundikulam and Nagar Koil.
In addition to the Sea Tigers under Soosai and Gangai Amaran, the LTTE has also developed a new marine strike outfit under Kutti. This is modelled on the US SEALS and is named Leopards Sea Unit. The LTTE also has a landbased commando force called Leopards. The Sea Leopards have engaged in two attacks so far. One was the attack on the naval base at Kilali and the other the suicide attack on Trincomalee harbour.
Bomb Attacks in Colombo
The LTTE has also continued to be
active in the Eastern Province. More
importantly there have been a number
of bomb explosio plosions in the S Lanka notably Co ment has blamed Tiger spokespers cepted nor denies explosions howe Government Sec wide disarray but aged the Internati LTTE. The bom hardened Sinhala the hard liners an lobby. It is doubt current focus, wh taristic, would ta nomenon. For it continue to demo pacity and resilien at least. This agai of the PA Gover devolution packa military victory a
 

15 ARCH 1998
gedy
radical 1960's while after and educated by lfare states in the deThe welfare State, as an obstacle to sigc growth, produced wn children a genera| idealists. Being one n away from home, anarchist, tried my
a's Independence wo competing viinstate, grounded unmediated ethave informed the ar path of decolo
and along with my heavy price for that en in the twilight of 1980's. I witnessed all of a sudden began lism and hope while ity, ethnic self-righty and violence were vour by all those who ng Sri Lanka's politisent I am watching,
how Sri Lanka is run
ns and attempted exouthern parts of Sri lombo. The Governthe LTTE although ons have neither aci responsibility. The ver have thrown the urity apparatus into have politically damonal reputation of the b incidents have also feelings, strengthened
i weakened the peace
ful whether the LTTE ich is basically milike heed of this phes part the LTTE will instrate its military cace for quite some time n will thwart all plans hment to usher in the ge after a conclusive gainst the LTTE. O
ning deeper and deeper into its decadesold crisis. In despair, I read the poetry of despair. As I recently read in a poem by Pakistan's Kishwar Naheed, "I and my country were born together. We lost our sight in childhood."
The story of Sri Lanka's 50 years of independence is also the story of how a new nation-state lost its sight as well as innocence in childhood and went awry in adulthood. Initially, only a few people sighted this birth of an unfolding tragedy. In 1956, when Sinhalese was made the official language, Colvin R De Silva, a Marxist parliamentarian at that time, summedit up pithily: "Two languages, one country; one language: two countries.' Then, in the 1960's, Howard Wriggins, the American diplomat-turned-scholar, titled his study of Sri Lankan politics after independence. Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation.
Sri Lanka's Independence of 1948 was unique in the ex-colonial South Asia; it was not an achievement gained after a long and arduous nationalist struggle as in India, Pakistan or Bangladesh. Rather, Sri Lanka's independence was 'granted' by the British, once a decision was made to part with the 'Jewel in the Crown', British India. Sri Lankas nationalist leaders were constitutionalist lobbyists at their best; practising a highly legalistic form of nationalist agitation. They were more inclined towards constitutional reform negotiations to obtain the status of a responsible government than extra-institutional mobilisation directed towards achieving swaraj. Then, of course, the post-War Labour Government had decided to de-colonise the Empire by leaving the South Asian sub-continent. By a stroke of fate, Sri Lanka became a direct beneficiary of the epoch-making independence struggle of the people across the Palk Straits. It then was not an accident that 4 February 1948 fell less than a year after 14 and 15 August 1947, the Independence days of India and Pakistan.
Sri Lanka’s so-called non-violent path to Independence in 1948 has given rise to a myth, popularised mostly by secondary school text-book writers. Every school child is taught that the Sri Lankan people got their independence without shedding a single drop of blood. In a way, the British colonial rulers did not cause much shedding of blood, as they did in India or Africa, during their one-and-half century stay

Page 17
15 MARCH 1998
in Sri Lanka. The annexation of the island's coastal areas from the Dutch in 1796 was more the result of a change in the military balance in Europe than a war of conquest. Similarly, the capture of the Kandyan kingdom in 1815 was made relatively easy because of the confluence of interests between the renegade Kandyan aristocracy and the British administrators in Colombo. Soon after the conquest of Kandy, there were two rebellions against British rule, one in 1818 and the other in 1848. In terms of their social origins, the two rebellions came from two different social strata; the first was largely resistance by the disillusioned Kandyan aristocracy while the participants in the second were the impoverished Kandyan peasantry. Both rebellions were Suppressed in blood.
However, between 1815 and 1915 the colony remained relatively peaceful. It was also the period during which the colonial plantation economy took firm root, the administrative system enveloped the entire island and a local bourgeoisie and the middle classes emerged in the new social structure. During the SinhalaMuslim riots of 1915 violence did occur, yet Sri Lanka did not experience a massacre that was equivalent in severity and magnitude to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre of 1919. This led to another colonial and academic myth about Sri Lanka under the British - a 'model colony'.
The nationalist historiography,
however, has its own reading of
Sri Lanka's independence struggle, which is also taught to every school child. As this particular historical analysis posits, after the Sinhalese heroism in battle against the colonial rule was suppressed twice in the early and mid-19th century, a religio-cultural renaissance began in the second half of the same century centred on Buddhist revivalism. It defied and challenged both European culture and Christianity. Contemporary Sinhalese nationalist historians call this revivalism, a search for a truly national identity by a subjugated nation that was seeking its own cultural and spiritual emancipation.
Quite interestingly, when a political agitation for constitutional reforms earnestly began in the early 20th century, the mass potential of the Sinhalese cultural revivalist movement had already elapsed. Space for public activity had shifted from religion and culture to constitutional reforms and the
civic leadership fi nacular intelligen bles. Members of ing and professio tables were the ti native Sri Lankan alist leaders, bot formed the Ceylo in 1919 as a join reforms, but the rivalry soon tool agenda and comp began to characte: alist reform move to follow. Commu das aimed at Secu the Sinhalese and ers in the colonia rigid that the Dor sion, which came report on constiti scribed the Sri La munalism as “a cal tic eating deeper vital energies of til
Why is it that duce a mass nati complete indepen ish? in Sri Lanka, tion are always fol ing Sri Lanka’s na the Indian experie explanation goes Congress mobili complete indepen alist movement of with the struggle working class ma dium of Gandhiar and resistance. A India, often made ists, is that while capitalism had p) mature "national b pacity' to resist th Sri Lankan bourg derdeveloped and pendent on the co culture. A remark servers from the su Colombo may per spective to this Lankan elite, even most “British” of til With retros insights, one may absence of a mi movement in the pendence decades a negative feature. elite politics was c on communalist tion of universal at

om middle class versia to patrician notaa class of land-ownnal gentry, these noop-most layer of the society. The "nationn Sinhala and Tamil, n National Congress t front to agitate for Sinhala-Tamil ethnic over the Congress 2titive ethnic politics ise the entire nationment in the decades nalist political agenring more power for Tamil political leadl legislature were so Loughmore Commisto Ceylon in 1929 to utional reforms, denkan variety of comnker on the body poliand deeper into the he people'. Sri Lanka did not proonalist struggle for dence from the Britanswers to this quesmulated by contrasttionalist politics with nce. In India, as this the Indian National sed the masses for dence and the nationthe elite linked itself of the peasant and sses through the mepolitics of defiance nother contrast with by Sri Lankan MarxIndia under colonial oduced a relatively purgeoisie' with a cae colonial power, the eoisie was weak, unas a class totally delonial economy and ; often made by obb-continent who visit naps add another perargument; the Sri today, constitutes the le South Asian elites. pective historical argue today that the litant anti-colonial immediate pre-indewas not necessarily After the 1920's, the onducted exclusively erms. The introduclult franchise in 1931
TATL TES 17
further added to the ethoicisation of elite political practices, because in the absence of an advanced civil society, ethnic fears and prejudices, rather than party programmes, appeared to be more attractive to professional politicians. As the research work of such scholars as Jane Russel, Michael Roberts and Nira Wickremasinghe demonstrate, the Sinhala-Tamil ethnic bifurcation of political leaders pursued no other mode of mobilisation than making appeals to the most sectarian of racist impulses they themselves had constructed. In case Sinhala and Tamil patrician elites succeeded in mobilising the masses as well on such emotive platforms of ethnic enmity, the independence of 1948 would have easily been preceded by a bloodbath as was the case in India and Pakistan in 1947. For this failure at least, history may perhaps forgive the weak, dependent and thoroughly conservative colonial bourgeoisie of Sri Lanka and its political leaders.
Meanwhile, there was also a minor stream of swarajists associated with the Left and radical nationalism. The Left programme was for an anti-imperialist struggle, combined with social revolution. Most fascinating. However, were the radical Sinhala nationalists who were largely inspired by Indian nationalist struggle, particularly by its militant Bengali version. Mahatma Gandhi and Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose were their role models. Led by a group of Left-oriented intellectual monks, these radical nationalists took the unusually courageous step of making a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) for Sri Lanka in 1946, perhaps the last radically progressive action associated with Sri Lanka's Buddhist nationalists.
The absence of ethnic violence at the moment of Independence constituted what one may call the Sri Lankan exceptionalism in South Asia. In Sri Lanka, there was no Mahatma Gandhi to be gunned down; a two-nation theory of state formation had not yet evolved. Nor was there a modern philosopherstatesman to make political poetry out of the midnight symbolism of destiny and freedom. Independence in February 1948 was mainly an official exercise of, to use historian Kingsley de Silva's phrase, "transfer of power'. And power was transferred to a stratum of city-dwelling gentry who had been fairly well-schooled in the politics of sectarian competition, yet possessed only a poor vision for their own role in

Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
effecting a meaningful political change
in a plural society.
The first 10 years of independence were crucial to the shaping of the future path of Sri Lanka, because that was the period in which the independent country began to show symptoms of losing sight of the future. The ideology of counter-pluralism so ardently built up during the previous two decades by the Ceylon National Congress headed by D S Senanayake and the Sinhala Maha Sabha of SWRD. Bandaranaike guided the behaviour of the new state soon after power was transferred. The fear of Indians swamping the island, a theme that gave much rhetorical energy to Congress and Sabba politicians in the pre-independence years, was translated into legislative practice by the new, independent Parliament with the citizenship law of 1948. While this legislation was meant to exclude from citizenship nearly half a million Tamil plantation workers, a subsequent election law enacted in 1949 deprived them of franchise rights as well. This Sinhala majoritarian assertion in the wake of independence immediately gave rise to a Tamil minoritarian assertion around the demand for a federal state on the assumption that Tamil fears expressed earlier of eventual Sinhalese domination of state power had been proved. Thus, within two years of independence, Sri Lanka's quest for nation-building led itself to two tracks - a Sinhala track and a Tamil track - which were never to meet throughout the following 50 years.
It is these two competing visions of a modern Sri Lankan state, grounded on separate and unmediated ethnic interests, that have informed the island's peculiar path of de-colonisation. And indeed, if both the Sinhalese and Tamil societies failed to give rise to an anticolonial mass struggle in the pre-independence period, within five to six years of independence they discovered the enemy within the territorial borders of the island so that the unspent political energies could now be marshalled for what may be termed post-colonial nationalism. As the Sri Lankan experience clearly demonstrated, post-colonial nationalism was also a peculiar process of decolonisation in which gaining access to, and the control of stale power was seen as the prime mechanism for correcting injustices suffered by the majority Sinhalese-Buddhist community during the pre-independence colo
nial period. . . . .
De-colonisation eties has always t endeavour. Anti-col have been generall the notions of esta sovereignty for con come to see thems modern political cat But the combination and post-colonial n Lanka have had anc began to crystallise 1950's. We may call of the enemy. The Si tionalists viewed th and Christians as b British colonial rule political projectenu that de-colonisatio1 political and cultura the Sinhalese-Buddh framework, the post powerment of the Si ciety was a post-cc with the colonial pa de-colonisation proj alism had a differe issue of post-indep ment. It was ground before the colonial a North-East had bee eign entity and that ence political arrang ingful to Tamils, w( modation of thatsov of regional autono nationalists bega mulation, “Sinhale“ early as the 1950's belief that the inde benefited only the S Once the enem within, it was relat Sinhalese and Tamil to aSSume a SOmeW within just ten year dependence. With t sition, the leadershi alist mobilisations v actors. The social ( forces of post-colo alism was totally Anglicised Sinhala the transfer of pow The leadership of tionalist forces eme vernacular intellige well as semi-rural i the latter being th new mobilisation. too underwent a si While a new party

15 MARCH 199
n ex-colonial soci
een a nationalist onial nationalisms constructed with blishing political munities that had alves through the ‘gory of the nation. of de-colonisation ationalisms in Sri ther feature which itself in the early it the displacement nhala Buddhist nae minority Tamils eneficiaries of the and therefore their nciated the position would mean the l empowerment of ist majority. In this -independence emnhala-Buddhist solonial negotiation St. Meanwhile, the ect of Tamil nationnt approach to the }endent empower2d on the belief that dvent, Tamils in the n a separate soverany post-independement, to be meanould ensure accomereignty in the form my. And the Tamil n to use the for‘e imperialism', as , pointing to their pendence of 1948 linhalese. y was discovered vely easy for both nationalist projects hat mass character s of Sri Lanka's inhis qualitative tranp of the two nationas passed onto new omposition of new nial Sinhala nation
different from the
2lite that negotiated ær from the British. ne new Sinhala naged from among the ntsia of the urban as termediate classes, social core of the Tamil nationalism gnificant transition. called the Federal
Party was formed in 1952, the notion
of national self-determination was in
troduced to the Tamil nationalist discourse. The new Forces also shifted their focus away from business and professional Tamil elites in Colombo to middle class social groups in the Tamil districts of the North and East. Making Sinhala the official language in 1956 and the ethnic riots of 1958 - the two moments that decisively defined subsequent Sinhala-Tamil relations as well as the majoritarian nature of the postcolonial Sri Lankan state - were events, the historical meaning of which could be discerned only in the context of the social transition of post-colonial Sinhala and Tamil nationalisms.
When the question of state power became so crucial and central to Sinhala and Tamil nationalist goals in the postIndependence phase, political accommodation between the two became excruciatingly painful and difficult. The fate of the BandaranaikeChelvanayakam Pact of 1958, the Senanayake Chelvanayakam Pact of 1966, the District Development Council's Scheme of 1982 and the Provincial Councils system of 1987 demonstrates, in varying degrees, what one may call the reform-resistant character - of the post-colonial Sri Lankan state. It is perhaps a political irony that only post-colonial Tamil nationalism, precisely because it was a nationalism of an ethnic minority, could present a statereform perspective for a pluralistic polity. The Tamil federalist demand, if we detach it from its avowedly ethnic overtones, can be seen as the most important political intervention in order to make the post-colonial Sri Lankan state modern, more democratic and pluralistic. But the federalist demand touched the very essence of the question of the irate and it could only further strengthen the unitarist impulses of Sinhala nationalist politics. Given the fact that postcolonial Sri Lanka's ruling class has been an ethnic Sinhalese ruling class, the task of reforming the state remains incomplete. The whole experience of the 1972 and 1978 constitutions was one of institution-wrecking and not institution-building - in essence, counterreformist. The puzzle of ethnicised democracy in Sri Lanka is that even purely legislative attempts towards pluralistic reform measures would require and generate generalised political violence as witnessed in 1987-88. Or, if violence (continued on next page)

Page 19
15 ARCH 1998
i nevolutionProposalsDelaying and Negative
By Dr.S. Narapalasingam
T he present Government was elected to office in August 1994 with a clear mandate of the people to settle early the ethnic conflict that had been inflicting heavy human and other losses, depriving many of decent living standards and some even of their homes and livelihoods and inflaming hatred and violence. Disappearances, arbitrary killings, torture, threats and intimidation were used as means to suppress dissent and sustain political power. Violations of human rights had never before been as immense and blatant in the history of Sri Lanka. Communal harmony, peace, rule of law and democracy received a severe beating.
Conscious of these concerns of the people, the new Government gave top priority to the task of settling the ethnic conflict and began negotiations earnestly with the Tamil militant group - the LTTE and when this attempt failed because of the intransigence of its leadership, it did not waver in its efforts to reach a consensual political solution. The Government was also aware that it was imperative to solve the ethnic conflict first in order to tackle the other pressing problems of the people.
The legitimate ine and Seek the vie on the Government devolving powers t Parliamentary Sel Constitutional Ref The Committee, u ship of the Ministe tutional Affairs, National Integratio held 77 meetings a tion party, the UN nity of submitting ternative proposal reform at any of the many amendment UNP were accomm ernment. Accordin the UNP had dragg mittee process by a time when each of sues was taken up
The contentious UNP added riderst tion that was prese on 24th October 1 Committee Report Reforms included State, land alienati regional finance, at powers. According
(Continued from page 18) is not resorted to by a reform-minded regime, as is the case today in Sri Lanka, the reform process will have to go through a long journey, running the risk of ending up in futility.
Looking back at the past 50 years through the prism of Sri Lanka's crisis today, it is amazing to realise that political institution-building, in order to facilitate the management of ethnic relations, did not enter the thinking of the ruling elites for almost 40 years. Almost all legislative and constitutional attempts made during those four decades in the sphere of ethnic relations by all regimes resulted in destroying the space for pluralistic institution-building. The blame should be shared by both Sinhalese and Tamil political leaders whose short-term visions, however just they may have appeared at one time or
another for their ow ties, could not make sustainable long-t Lanka. The first me; of institution-build in 1987 with the es vincial councils. TI even that measure Jayewardene regim amidst much resist ity of political force Why this hard-h servatism? Why blindness to future Sri Lankan state lo; hood? Blind to t Lankan state has g. past 50 years in a culture of resistanc Jayadeva Uyang turer, Department C University of Color

UNP's actics
procedure to examws of all the parties s draft proposals for » the regions via the ect Committee for orm was followed. nder the chairmanr of Justice, ConstiEthnic Affairs and n, Prof. G. L. Peiris hd the main opposiP had the opportuamendments or alfor constitutional se meetings. In fact s suggested by the Iodated by the Govg to the chairman, ed the Select Comsking for additional the contentious isfor discussion.
issues on which the o the draft constituinted to Parliament 997, as the Select on Constitutional he character of the on, police powers, hd lists of devolved to Prof. Peiris all
'n ethnic communiup a collective and erm vision for Sri iningful framework ng was introduced tablishment of prohe irony was that was forced on the 2 by the Indian state ance by the majorS. eaded political conthis monumental ? Is it because the it its sight in childe future, the Sri own up during the self-made political
to reform. oda is a Senior Lecf Political Science. mbo. Ο
TAL TMIES 19
these were taken up for discussion at various meetings of the Select Committee. The character of the State was considered on July 11 and July 23, 1996 while land powers were taken up on November 22, 1996, police powers on November 29 and December 3, 1996, regional finance on December 5 and 6 and lists of devolved powers on December 9 and 12 of the same year. To the credit of Prof. Peiris it must be said that he had been extremely accommodative to the ideas of the UNP and when the latter proposed the Executive Committee system, this was accepted for the regional councils.
The desire of the Government to reach consensus among all the parties in the Select Committee was never in doubt. Prof. Peiris had even met and discussed separately with the members of the various political parties in order to reach a consensus on the proposals for constitutional reform. He had also expressed the Government's appreciation of the participation of the UNP at all the 77 meetings. At the weekly Cabimet news conference held on 15 January 1998, he announced that the President had directed not to reject proposals just because these came from the UNP.
Ranil's Contradictory Postures
Even as the UNP delegates were participating in the deliberations of the Select Committee, the leader of the party Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe was making statements at meetings with the press and foreign diplomats, which not only deviated from the conciliatory positions taken by some members of the UNP in the Select Committee, but also showed that his own position on some of the key proposals presented by the Government was changing from time to time. He first kept on saying that the Government's devolution package would not produce the desired result unless negotiations with the now banned LTTE resumed. This was announced publicly, knowing well that the LTTE leader had rejected even the original devolution proposals of the Government and his own party's opposition even to the watered down version.
By the end of 1997, after the conclusion of the Select Committee meetings, Mr Wickremasinghe abandoned his previous insistence on Government resuming talks with the LTTE and was saying that the Government and the LTTE and the UNP alone would not be

Page 20
20 TAL TIMES
able to solve the ethnic problem and that "it was incumbent on the Government to get the consensus of all parties and organisations concerned”.
The UNP leader when he visited India was supporting the 13th Amendment to the present constitution, which was introduced following the IndoLanka Accord of 1987. The interest taken by the then Government of India under the leadership of the late Mr. Rajiv Gandhi in ending the civil disturbances and the military operations of the Sri Lankan Government in the North-East, was instrumental in the restricted powers devolved to the regions under the Provincial Council system. It was later found to be ineffective in exercising the powers even on those subjects assigned to the provincial councils, because of the overriding powers the centre had on many key areas and inadequate transfer of resources to the provinces. These virtually undermined the whole concept of devolution.
Prof. G. L. Peiris has explained on several occasions the weaknesses in the system of Provincial Councils constituted under the 13th Amendment. Even the leader of the opposition Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe had earlier admitted that the Provincial Council Act did not go far enough to address the grievances of the minority Tamils.
In proposing the concept of asymmetrical devolution, the UNP leader has actually accepted the fact that the Tamils have special grievances which warrant far reaching political autonomy for the Tamil majority regions in order to resolve the ethnic problem. To many Tamils this proposition appeared sensible and gave the impression that the UNP was really committed to meaningful devolution of power to the Tamil majority regions.
Subsequently, the leader of the op
position came up with the idea of
"needs-based devolution', keeping the 13th Amendment as the foundation. He said that the UNP would support proposals to give more powers to the provinces but these must be based on the specific needs of each area. This stand in theory was not inconsistent with his concept of asymmetrical devolution.
The UNP leader was also seen as supporting the recommendations of the previous Select Committee, whose chairman Mr. Mangala Moonesinghe. He said in an interview, published in The Sunday Times (Sri Lanka) of November 9, 1997: "During my visit to
India, we made cle unit of devolution Indo-Lanka Acco Amendment; we s does not agree with Government to reing provinces. I exp we should build o ready accepted in th the Indo-Lanka A Moonesinghe Repo proposals in the p. are accepted by all this idea was not fu concrete set of pro tional reform.
Long after the F Committee had cor and submitted its r and as the Governi nority parties were Support in parliame the UNP leader beg tees within his ow prepare alternative stitutional reform. U has ruled for many pendence and them in the present Parlia waited for the Gove with its own propo national issue and ( ward them earlier t( conflict. Had the UN the national issues the very same con Select Committee v Government's dev this would have ex tive approach.
The UNP leader that Prof. G.L. Peir ingness to be flex been presented as posals were not fir reciprocate in the jected the request ( the Select Committe to expedite the wo UNP's complete su stitutional reform b ary, 1998.
If the UNP's trut the continuing con Parliamentary elec ing the ever rising hi losses and the exces people, then it may narrow objective at larger interest of t tional persons wil closely the political in recent years wo

15 MARCH 1998
r that we accept the as laid down in the d and in the 13th lated that the UNP the proposals of the emarcate the existressed the view that what has been ale 13th Amendment, 'cord, the Mangala rt in addition to the esent package that parties.” However, lly developed into a posals for constitu
arliamentary Select cluded its meetings port to Parliament, ment and other mi
pressing for UNP nt to make headway, anforming commitn party in order to proposals for conTNP as the party that years since indeain opposition party ment need not have ernment to come up sals to resolve the could have put for) resolve the ethnic NP leadership taken eriously and set up hmittees while the was considering the olution proposals, pedited the collec
had acknowledged is had shown willble and what had Government’s pro
al. But he did not
same vein and reif the Chairman of e, Prof. G. L. Peiris, rk and submit the ggestions for cony the end of Janu
: intention is to drag flict until the next ion, notwithstandman and economic ive suffering of the
be achieving this the expense of the Le country. All rao have followed trends in Sri Lanka ald know that the
national crisis cannot be resolved by overthrowing the present government. Any future government will face the same problems, perhaps more intensely. UNP leaders cannot be unaware of this reality but still they do not want to abandon partisan and sectarian tactics that has taken the country to the present shameful state.
Under the existing Proportional Representation system (with preferential voting), no single party can obtain the two-thirds majority needed to amend the present constitution. The 16 amendments in 10 years to the constitution were possible because of the huge majority the UNP then had in Parliament under the previous voting system. In order to retain this majority, the life of the Parliament through the questionable referendum was extended by postponing the elections under the PR system to 1989. There has been no amendments to the constitution after 1989, when the members of parliament were selected under the PR system. If the confrontational attitude towards the resolution of the national issue continues, it is certain that the problem with all its disastrous consequences will be carried into the 21st century.
UNP's Alternative Proposals
An examination of UNP's alternative proposals revealed so far for constitutional reform lends further support to its delaying strategy, notwithstanding the pompous preamble which states that these proposals seek to infuse a new political culture that would rid the country of all the ills, which have "disenchanted the people with the process of democracy itself.” The fact that inefficiency, incompetence and corruption in the administration have more to do with the integrity of the leaders responsible for making decisions and giving orders than with the system itself has been ignored. This is really an indirect admission of the undemocratic and corrupt way, the UNP ruled the country during the 17-year period 1977-1994. Unfortunately, some of the practices are still lingering because of the Government’s pre-occupation with the military operations directed against the rebels and measures taken to tighten security not only in the border areas but also elsewhere, including the areas in the North-East presently under the control of the army.
In so far as the ethnic problem is concerned, UNP's first instalment of the

Page 21
15 MARCH 1998
alternative proposals unveiled on 29 January 1998, deals only with power sharing at the centre. The sharing of power amongst all communities at the centre as proposed by the UNP is to be effected through: (1) A Second Chamber where the minority communities would be adequately represented; (2) Adequate representation for minorities in the Cabinet of Ministers; (3) APresident and two Vice-presidents to represent the three major communities; and (4) A modified Executive Committee System at the Centre. Without going into the details of each of the above proposals, it is relevant to note the following for the present purpose.
With regard to (1) the report states that "the method of securing the aforesaid balanced and fair representation in the Second Chamber will have to be discussed in the Select Committee and embodied in the Constitution.' "The concept of a Second Chamber is vital in the national context and needs detailed discussion in the Select Committee. The views of all parties and interest groups and political parties should be solicited.' The same Suggestion is made in respect of Some other proposals. In effect, the UNP wants to Start the Parliamentary Select Committee process all over again!
Under the system proposed by the UNPitis the responsibility of the President to ensure "the adequate representation of all the main communities in the Cabinet of Ministers.' "For this purpose no more than three members of the Second Chamber may be appointed to the Cabinet of Ministers to ensure where necessary that all communities are represented therein." The term "adequate' is vague. The method of electing the President and the two Vice Presidents is through an Electoral College, consisting of the members of the first chamber (parliament) and the second chamber. As noted earlier, the intention to annul the deliberations of the Parliamentary Select Committee and restart the process again is also clear from: "The criteria for Selection and the electoral process of the Vice Presidents need to be discussed and a consensus created between all parties in the Select Committee.'
The following statement gives the illusion that the proposed system entails a triumvirate at the helm of government involving the members of the three main communities - Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims: "The system of election
must ensure that r communities will posts. One Vice P tion be the Chair tional Council wh the Chairman oft Hence the Vice P mere ceremonial important Constitu nected with their ecutive Presidency office of the Presi
to a mere Ceremo will the Vice Pre: erning not by virtu of the Constitut Chairman of the S as Vice Presidents posts will also be nial. The UNP's p represents tokenis The bipartisan the ethnic proble leader agreed last ful accord facilita tion of the former retary of State, M and the efforts of of State, Dr.Liam cited by him to fin ernment for havi him. The bipartis tended to facilitate ethnic conflict. Th tional reform is als the same result. E and obstructionist to co-operate witl an effort to prev made, it is clear til its leader who are the bipartisan app UNP released final) instalment ( posals at the end March, 1998. Ha Government of no beginning the ent age, the UNP is same "mistake'. cept in this instal Somersault of the positions indicate tually the same pc der the 13th Ame vincial Council devolution of p stressed that the pi the limits of pro cosmetic changes isting lists of subj der Provincial, ( served Lists can b

TAML TIMES 21
members of different hold each of these resident will in addiman of the Constituilst the other will be he Second Chamber. residents will not be figures but perform tional functions conposts.' Once the Exis abolished and the dent is itself reduced nial role, what role sidents have in govle of being Chairman ional Council and Second Chamber but i per se? Surely these nothing but ceremoroposal in this regard m at its worst.
approach to resolve m, which the UNP year in the then hopeited by the intervenBritish Foreign Secr. Malcolm Rifkind the Under Secretary Fox, has often been d fault with the Govng failed to consult an approach was inthe resolution of the le proposed constituo intended to achieve y adopting delaying tactics and refusing n the Government in ent progress being hat it is the UNP and guilty of abandoning roach.
the second (not the of its alternative proof the first week in ving accused the PA t releasing at the very ire devolution packnow committing the The devolution conment shows that the UNP from the earlier d by its leader to virsition as in 1987 unndment and the ProAct. With regard to owers, it has been rty cannot go beyond incial councils. The suggested to the exects, categorised unoncurrent and Ree discerned from the
following:
"In addition to the subjects in the present Provincial List, subjects which are related to Culture, Youth Affairs, Women's Affairs, Sports, School and Technical Education, Promotion of Religious Activities, Health, Housing, Local Government, Roads, Irrigation and Agrarian Services should be devolved to the Provincial Councils as List 1. The subjects which then remain
in the present Concurrent List together
with other subjects identified by the Select Committee will constitute List 2. Subjects in List 2 shall be devolved to Provincial Councils according to needs of each province'. It is important to note here that as an example of the constitutional mechanism, whereby the Provincial Councils could assume the powers in respect of the relevant subjects set out in List 2, UNP has stated: “A Provincial Council could with the concurrence of Parliament take for itself subjects according to its needs.” Essentially, this is tantamount to keeping the previous Concurrent List with the above ambiguous concession. The proposal that "the subjects not listed in either List (1 and 2) are subjects reserved for Parliament and we see no reason to list them in a Reserved List”, may in practice give rise to friction between the centre and the provinces. It is amazing that the UNP needed 3 years to come up with such a pathetic and confusing set of devolution proposals. In respect of the rights of the minorities UNP's position is: “We recognise that Buddhism shall retain its foremost place, while guaranteeing the rights of all other religions. No law or executive action should subject any community or religion to disabilities or restrictions to which persons of other communities or religions are made liable. The rule of law and the equal protection of the law to all citizens must be the bedrock of the Constitution.' Surely, similar provisions existed in Section 29(2), (3) and (4) of the 194772 Soulbury Constitution but how the underlying principles were violated is now part of the tragic history of Sri Lanka after independence.
Not surprisingly, not one party representing the minorities in Parliament has shown any willingness to accept the UNP's proposals for constitutional reform in the present form. Even a naive person cannot miss the motive of the UNP and Opposition Leader when he insisted at the beginning that talks with

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
the LTTE must be resumed, when his party's proposals cannot even convince the members of the moderate Tamil parties, who have accepted the concept of one united country.
In sum, the structure proposed by the UNP guarantees that the same old majoritarian rule, where the will of the majority community prevailed and which permitted the passage of Sinhala Only Bill and the implementation of policies detrimental to national unity will continue in another disguised form. It is this very structure that needs to be changed for uniting the divided people and embarking earnestly on the hitherto neglected task of nation building.
A Test of Sincerity
Early this year, Mr.Wickremasinghe categorically assured the Mahanayakes that his party would not extend support to the PAGovernmentos proposed constitutional reforms based on the devolution proposals in the Select Committee's Report, when the subject came before Parliament. Without the support of the UNP, any fundamental change to the present constitution is impossible. The Government even with the support of some minor parties in the opposition
has only a thin majo majority is requirec wards amending the If the Gover non-binding referen tion proposals whic ready promised to C reinforce the politica less of its outcome. for the Government early is to accept tho UNIP on devolution has advocated since tial elections and wl with the Governmen ing powers in the m the Select Committe gard to the governir Northern and Easte Mangala Moonesin recommendation See resolve this contenti litical parties represe communities have a in persuading both s common reform pac a responsible nation ject its own proposal tively advocated unti giving valid reasons. The UNP has mac
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15 MARCH 1990
ity and two-thirds as a first step toconstitution.
nment holds a lum on its devoluthe UNP has alppose, it will only ldeadlock regardThe decisive way o resolve the issue se proposals of the of power which it he 1994 Presidenich are consistent t's aim for devolvanner proposed in e Report. With reg structure of the rn Provinces, the ghe Committee's m to be a way to bus issue. The po
nting the minority
tactful role to play ides to agree to a kage. The UNP as al party cannot reS, which it has acl recently without
le clear in the rider
filed in Parliament that it is "for genuine devolution of power within a united and indivisible Sri Lanka.' It has also made public pronouncements earlier that the devolution of power must go significantly beyond the 13th Amendment and involve the transfer of additional power and resources to the regions. There cannot be any serious problems in accepting some proposals of the UNP such as the establishment of Independent Elections Commission, Independent Public Service Commission, Independent Police Commission, and Independent Judiciary. The concept of power-sharing at the centre is sound and deserves close examination with regard to the composition of the second chamber and the Constitutional Council as well as the executive system it
entails.
50 years of confrontational politics in Sri Lankahas only helped the extremists on both sides of the ethnic divide to influence policies and events that have taken the country along the present ruinous course. The stark reality is that the co-operation of the PA and the UNP is essential for meeting the challenges of the Sinhala and Tamil extremists. (continued on next page)
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Page 23
15 ARCH 1998
BP GOVERNM
N PLACE AT A
TN Gopalan
t long last, the leader of the Bharatiya Janatha Party (BJP), Atal Behari Vajpayee, is all set to become India's next Prime Minister. There was uncontrolled euphoria among the Indian middle (or muddle) classes, not to speak of the businessmen, at the BJP's performance at the election. Of Vajpayee, a sensible man, wiser by years of experience, the right leader to rein in the Hindutva zealots and the best person to practise consensus politics from which there was no escape under the circumstances, went the more measured panegyrics.
As the days passed, the initial euphoria became tempered by the uncomfortable recognition that any government headed by the BJP would, for its survival, be at the mercy of a motley crowd of minority regional parties which were its electoral allies making decent governance almost impossible. The high drama of hide and seek staged by the AIADMK leader Jayalalitha Jayaram, reportedly making impossible demands such as the dismissal of the Karunanidhi-led DMK state government in Tamil Nadu and the inclusion of her one time enemy becoming her latestally, Dr Subramanian Swamy,
as the Union Finan conditions for her p dicative of the prob nority government in the days to comt
Well it may be tion, a la the Unite formed last time, pressures from a h rections. Still the E ment to see the na and its known patri less corruption, co
(Continued from page 22) The importance of the bipartisan approach must be seen from a broad perspective that includes the above aim.
The declared commitments of both the PA and the UNP leaders to a just and fair political solution to the most intricate and vexed problem will be put to the final test in the coming months. Not only the people of Sri Lanka but also others interested in the future of Sri Lanka will judge whether they have been serious or not when they made these declarations. What is at stake here is not just the long-term viability of one country with diverse groups of people living harmoniously as her loyal citizens but also that of multi-party democracy as a workable political system throughout the country.
President Chandrika Kumaratunga
has a special respor Rancorous relatic party and the UNP. ing with the potent ciliation she conv delivered to mark of independence. those of us, who h sponsibility to gu nation, whatever C affiliations may be future in unison, mean desires for p litical gain. The na So great and urgent only for largesse which will in the
persede all that is i If this appeal does result nothing else one does not hav predict the conseq
 
 

TAL TMIES 23
Ice Minister, as prearty's support, is inlems the BJP-led miwould have to face
م
a multi-party coalid Front government subject to pulls and undred different diJP with its committion march forward otism and relatively uld weather many a
isibility to defuse the nship between her This will be in keepmessage for reconeyed in her speech Sri Lanka’s 50 years She said: "Let us, ave taken on the reide and govern the ur party or political , march towards the putting behind us etty, personal or potion's need today is that it permits space of heart an mind, national interest surelevant and small.' not yield the desired will and in this case to be an expert to CICeS. O
storm and provide the people a reasonably decent government, something they have not seen for many years now, Such is the euphoria marking the Press as also the general public.
As had been widely expected the elections did not throw up a decisive verdict. It is a hung parliament yet again, with no political party or combination enjoying an absolute majority. While the BJP emerged as the largest single party with 178 seats (16 more than its tally last time), its allies including the Akali Dal, the Samata Party, the AIADMK, the Trinamul Congress and the Lok Shakti managed to mop up 78 another seats, leaving the BJP front 16 seats short of a majority.
For its part the Congress, for all the much-vaunted Sonia factor, fared rather poorly, bagging only 141 seats, only one more than what it had in the previous Lok Sabha. With its somewhat tentative allies like the Rashtriya Janata Dal of Laloo Prasad Yadav, it inched up to 170 seats.
The other combine, the United Front, came off much worse. From over
175 seats it had commanded last time,
its tally has come down to 93, four of its major constituents, the Janata Dal, the DMK, the TMC and Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) getting a severe drubbing while the Samajwadi Party, the Telugu Desam Party and the CPM managed to retain their hold.
Try as they might and the Congress, UF and the other secular parties outside the BJP umbrella could simply not muster more than 261, leave alone 272. Though on paper the BJP Front and the UF-Congress combine seemed more or less evenly matched, the real story was different. For one the BJP Front, a prepoll one, was relatively that much more solid and stable whereas the Congress and the UF had fought each other in many places. To bring them all together to form a government when the BJPcombine had crossed the 250 mark, a psychological barrier of sorts, was a tough task.
Making matters worse the TDP from Andra Pradesh because of its own political compulsions decided to tacitly support the BJP government, saying, "Our first enemy is the Congress and not the BJP,' Mr Chandrababu Naidu declared that he would maintain "strict neutrality", remain "equidistant” from both the parties, but in effect it only meant supporting the BJP since by that criterion he had to abstain from voting

Page 24
24 TAL TIMES
during the crucial vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha.
After a few rounds of informal discussions the UF and the Congress gave up their attempts to put together another non-BJP formation. President K R Narayanan had little option but to invite Vajpayee to form the government even though the BJP fell short of the magic figure of 272 seats.
But the BJP had scored its first victory when it was able to forge a broad alliance, shedding for good its image of being an untouchable. Everyone had his or her own compulsions to join hands with it, though they all were and are still wary of the BJP's Hindutva plank.
However, even while standing by its known agenda in its manifesto, the BJP declared, not very bashfully, that it would keep out the “provocative, controversial' issues out of the 'national agenda' it would draw up for the coalition government. That was enough to satisfy its allies who jumped into the fray with Zest and without any apparent misgivings.
Whether it was the sober Ramakrishna Hegde or the more militant Dr Ramdas or the forever sabre-rattling George Fernandez, they could play the stability card to the hilt even while reassuring their respective constituencies that they had not jettisoned their cherished principles in their quest for seats. The result was there for all to see. The BJP was not able to do much in UP scoring only 57 seats, just five up, thanks to the sharp polarisation on caste lines and the Samajwadi Party led by Mulayam Singh Yadav backed by the backward castes and the Muslims won an impressive 20 seats. The much vaunted Dalit outfit Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which refused to enter into alliance with anyone in an attempt to prove its strength, finished with a meager five.
In Rajasthan and Maharashtra the BJP and its allies had to suffer stunning reverses, the blows in the latter state being even severe and much more galling given all the rhetoric of the Tiger Thackeray.
But the reverses were amply made up elsewhere, in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat. Even in Bihar it was a very good show, the BJP front's tally being 28. Between it and Laloo, the JD and the CPI were simply wiped out. In West Bengal and Kerala the Left Front retained its hold,
though Mamata-B seats in the form some introspection Leave alone til factor which is worked in most sta ties had played the even as the BJP w gether. Complacen of the DMK comb the myopic antipaved the way for secular votes in Su the UP and Bihar a Congress had driv BJP campin Karna essarily split the Gujarat.
It was perhaps the UF and the Co. government forma BJP to face the mus the BJP coalition v the irreconcilable c( ing it. Right at the bi made it clear that s it out just to make V she demanded Karl
When the BJP she announced abru only extend suppoi introducing an eler straight-away.
Incidentally sh gested that her ne' Subramamiam Swar nance Minister - aft against her and her are being pursued b istry and none but cated expert could t sure that she lives in which had never rei of Swamy in the fi. heed that plea eithe Then Jayalalith tion in a tail-spin C BJP for a couple of ground, refusing to support from her an ting it be known tha forthcoming unless met. She gave in rel the BJP bluntly tu mands and threater tion rather yield to h Her image might ha tom yet again, but th manship she attem experience for all c. The tight-rope payee will have to ernment going wi

P's record of eight r should make for
e anti-incumbency upposed to have tes, the secular parir card pretty badly is getting its act toy had spelt the ruin ine in Tamil Nadu, Congressism had the division of the ch crucial states as nd the arrogance of en Hegde into the aka and had unnecanti-BJP camp in
wise on the part of ngress to opt out of tion and leave the ic. Sooner than later would buckle under ontradictions plagueginning Jayalalitha he had not Sweated ajpayee the PM and unanidhi's head.
was playing it coy, ptly that she would t from the outside, ment of uncertainty
e also archly sugw found toady, Dr my, be made the Fiær all so many cases confidante Sasikala y the Finance Minthis Harvard eduackle them and enpeace. But the BJP ished the company 'st place would not
. i had the entire naver supporting the days, going underissue the letters of d her allies and lett they would not be her demands were uctantly only when ned down her deed to sit in opposi2r naked blackmail. ve hit the rock-bote point is the brinkted was a Sobering ncerned. walking that Vajlo to keep his govbe a fascinating
15 MARCH 1998
spectacle by itself. But going by the BJP's record in the UP in the recent past, it is clear that it will go to any length to keep itself in power. The Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh, uhe mother of all Sangh Parivaar, seems willing to allow its progeny to sup with the devil if it comes to that in order to get at the reins of power, but it will certainly not be willing to be a silent bystander if a BJP-led government fails to fulfill any part of its own Hindutva agenda. What will happen then, whether the BJP's allies will give in meekly in their naked pursuit of power or resist afraid that their constituencies might be affected remains to be seen. Looking beyond what happens when the BJP-led coalition is finally brought down and another round of elections takes place - will the people return the BJP with absolute majority for itselfor, appalled by its divisive agenda and possible fall-out during its reign, opt for secular alternatives? Will the Congress and the UF and other secular parties see the writing on the wall and regroup to fight the communal elements? More than anything else the very language of political discourse is bound to undergo a sea change under a BJP regime, marking a throw-back to the pre-democracy era and a sharp lurch to a narrowminded Hindutva, if not a fascist, plank, raising ugly visions of the ethnic depredations in the erstwhile socialist states in East Europe.
Politically there might not be much to choose between the DMK and the AIADMK. But Jayalalitha Surely represents a turn for the worse and the political idiom under her has only gone to degrade the polity to depths never before plumbed. It is this cultural degeneration one is concerned about when one evaluates a BJP rule or Jayalalitha's and not the clichés about development or progress.
A die-hard Prabhakaran supporter called on this correspondent after the results were out and crowed over Karunanidhi's defeat - "he has let us down so badly,' etc. - and derived a perverse satisfaction over Jayalalitha's victory.
He went on to hope that under a BJP government the struggle of the Tigers would get greater support from India. "After all we are Hindus.'
One cannot argue with Such a mindset, how realistic that person is, and the like. But we all seem to be living through some dangerous times. O

Page 25
15 MARCH 1998
THENEWOSPENSAT AE AND ANKANT
Ramesh Gopalakrishnan
The new dispensation of a BJP-led coalition presents a paradoxical situation for the Lankan Tamils: some of them long-time allies are part of the government, but it is to be seen what they can do, at least at their level, to end the suffering of the Lankan Tamils. For instance, Samata Party president George Fernandes has been a passionate spokesman for the rights of the Lankan Tamils. When many political parties decided to remain silent over the plight of the Lankan Tamils, Fernandes was quick to react to each historic situation confronting the Lankan Tamils, keeping in line with his past stand. He recently defied a ban to hold a convention in his Delhi residence to express solidarity with the sufferings of Tamils in Lanka. He has been pleading that the LTTE's involvement in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case should not be trotted out as a reason for India's silence on the Tamils' issue. His party is a key partner and he remains a key ideologue of the BJP-led coalition.
Of the parties from Tamil Nadu, Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) of the maverick Dr S Ramadoss will be part of the new government, while the Marumalarchi DMK of V Gopalasamy (now Vaiko) will support it from outside. Both leaders have supported the LTTE on-and-off, the former vigorously so even during times of crisis in Tamil Nadu. Even during the recent Jain Commission controversy when the Congress party wanted the three DMK ministers to be dropped, Dr Ramadoss went ahead and publicly burnt the copies of the report, while Gopalasamy maintained a studied silence, mainly with a view to put the DMK in discomfiture. Now that both parties function as appendages of the AIADMK led by Jayalalitha at least for the time being, they cannot be expected to voice out their feelings and demands in support of the Lankan Tamils.
Other sympathisers of the Lankan Tamils in the new dispensation are former Karnataka chief minister Ramakrishna Hegde and former Janata party leader Yashwant Sinha, who is
now in the BJP. Of parties, the Shiv Se Dal, both part of the have come out on oc of the Lankan Tamils on a dubious Hindu However, the B adopting a hostile l of the Congress on somewhat less stride yet clear what th Agenda of the BJP. tains on India’s relat neighbours and on conflicts which coul in Societies and als with its neighbours. the BJP, which unab, a hegemonist agenc subcontinent, incluc nuclear bomb, to ta thetic attitude to mi countries in neighbo However, politi contexts may yet en "operational space' in a given situation whether the BJP passive-confrontatic conciliatory approac ples of India's neigh The BJP agenda, the anvil, is likely t tone vis-a-vis Pakis mir dispute, but it prising if it even rel issue, putting it on t ter all, this issue is BJP and some of its And the Indian bu matters most in such to plod on with its cu ing a blind eye to Lanka and treat the matter of security.
In any case, the Jain Commission, W tabled in the Indian tain to pose a prob BJP-led coalition. T Jayalalitha is likely for the dismissal of ment in Delhi over to the LTTE in the l

TAL TMIES 25
the other national na and the Akali new government, casions in support , the former mainly communal plank. JP itself has been ne similar to that the issue, perhaps nt in tone. It is not e draft National led coalition conions with its close the low-intensity d affect minorities D India's relations No one can expect asheddly speaks of la for India in the ling going in for a ke a fully sympanorities of smaller urhood. cal and historical Sure some kind of for such minorities 1. It is to be seen goes in for a )nist or an activehtowards the peobours. which has been on ) have a stentorian tan and the Kashwould not be surmains silent on the ne backburner. Afone on which the llies are not united. reaucracy, which occasions, is likely rrent stand on turnthe goings-on in whole affair as a
final report of the hich has to be soon parliament, is cerem or two for the e AIADMK led by to queer the pitch the DMK governhe issue of its help te eighties prior to
the assassination. And, with Sonia Gandhi at the helm of affairs, the Congress(I) may not remain silent.
This, again, does not augur well for the possibility of the Indian government taking a decisive stand on the Lankan Tamils' issue. Hence, Atal Bihari Vajpayee's hands may remain tied even if Fernandes and others might push him to say and do a thing or two in favour of the Tamils of Lanka, in contrast to the long, long silences of Narasimha Rao, Deve Gowda and I KGujral in the last eight years.
Beyond the Coimbatore serial blasts and hustle of elections and the surprises they have brought off, there were a few events which proved that India still has a few compassionate beings left in the soil of Tamil Nadu. Even as the Sri Lankan naval personnel continue to fire on fishing boats which set sail from Tamil Nadu, the fishermen of Akkaraipattu near Nagapattinam saved four Sri Lankan naval personnel who had been afloat for more than four days after the sinking of two ships by the LTTE in the last week of February. The fishermen of Akkaraipattu got their first warning as the bodies of two Sri Lankan naval personnel were washed ashore at Kodiakkarai. As they waited for more bodies of Sri Lankan naval personnel, they sighted four navalcadets who were about to be drowned. All the four cadets were Sinhalese. The fishermen brought them ashore, gave them first aid and entrusted them to the Indian Naval Detachment at Nagapattinam. Well, the fact that the Lankan navy off Rameswaram had just shot down Krishnan, a fisherman from Rameswaram, did not not prevent the fishermen of Akkaraipattu from getting into the saving act. If only political parties and governments of the subcontinent learnt this compassion from their peoples!
BRIEF:Tamil from Norway held: 40-year Edward Leon, a Lankan Tamil who is now a citizen of Norway, was arrested at the Mandapam refugee camp near Rameswaram on February 26 when he picked up a quarrel with the authorities of the camp where he had gone to meet his sister Siriya Pushpam. Two days earlier, the Tamil Nadu police conducted a search of the camp for suspected LTTE members.

Page 26
26 TAMILTES
TN Gopalan
elying all predictions of doom, the AIADMK-BJP front has scored a sensational victory in the Lok Sabha polls. It won 30 of the 39 seats at stake - the AIADMK's own tally is 18, the Pattali Makkal Katchi's four, the BJP and the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam(MDMK) got three each while Dr Subramaniam Swamy heading the one-man outfit Janata Party and Vazhapadi K Ramamurthy of the Thamizhaka Rajiv Congress won the seats they contested.
The DMK-front had to be content with a measly nine - DMK five, Tamil Maanila Congress three and the Communist Party of India one. The DMK also won the lone Pondicherry union territory seat.
The devastating bomb blasts in Coimbatore, killing more than 60 persons, barely two days before the first round of polling on 14 February, had set the alarm bells ringing in the DMKTMC camp.
A group of Islamic fundamentalists had taken a terrible revenge against the terror unleashed on the Muslims by a blatantly communal police force two months earlier. The state government was blamed for allowing such deadly groups to grow unchecked with an eye on the Muslim votes-bank.
But Karunanidhi moved in swiftly and contained the damage. There was a severe crackdown on all fundamentalist outfits and no riots broke out. Opinion poll after opinion poll predicted a sweep for the DMK-TMC combine, discounting any adverse impact of the blasts and the exit polls did the same. But the electorate willed otherwise.
Vai Ko won by a massive 1.3 lakh votes, so did Vazhapadi Ramamurthy, Dr Swamy scraped through, Dr Ramadas was crowing as his PMK, humiliated by an arrogant DMJ time
and again, had won four of the five seats
it had contested and the AIADMK were chanting “Amma Vazhga, Puratchi Thalaivi Vazhga,"("Long Live the Mother, Long Live the Revolutionary Leader") in the party headquarters as the results streamed in. Ramadas had
no qualms in decli credit for the stunn go to "sister Jayal none else.
Karunanidhi an too shell-shocked to union ministers Mu T R Balu managec capital constituenci ter, T R Venkatram Tindivanam. For the profile finance mi baram emerged uns cluding MArunacha Adhithan and S R were decisively defe What explains th
Why should the DM
which had receive whelming mandate c suddenly find them the same voters?
Does the 30-9 ta AIADMK merely m has stormed back in a brief stint in the w her journey to the F seat of power in th pable? Generally til seems to be that the show that she is sta her own strength, he BJP's stability card, by the serial blasts i. there seem to be man to the lady's triump First a look at the dicate the contests closely fought - in o constituencies the n lakh votes, 50,000 p in a few cases the v rajan Kumaramanga manian Swamy just the winning tape w range of 7,000 vote And Dr Swamy wou the CPM had not co and polled over a la
And it was not roped in by a wise Jayalalitha but it h kicked into her car DMK. So too the
 

15 MARCH 1998
uring that the full ing victory should alitha alone' and
d Moopanar were react. While DMK rasoli Maran and to win from the es, another minisan, bit the dust in TMC only the high nister P Chidamcathed, others in
lam, Dhanushkodi
Balasubramanian lated.
estunning verdict? MK TMC combine d such an overonly 20 months ago selves dumped by
lly in favour of the ean that Jayalalitha to reckoning after ilderness and now ort St George (the e state) is unstophe lay perception
results only go to nding tall now on lped though by the and more crucially In Coimbatore. But y other dimensions
have been quite nly eight of the 39 argin exceeds one lus in another ten, ictors like Rangalam and Dr Subramanaging to breast ith margins in the s to 20,000 votes. ld not have won if htested at Madurai ch of votes. Ls if the PMK was and maneuvering ad been virtually up by an arrogant votes of the radi
results clearly in
calised followers of the Pudhiya Thamizhakam could : by the DMK-front if only Karunanidhi and Moopanar had been more accommodative.
And none of these parties have anything to do whatsoever with either the BJP agenda or the MGR vote-bank. Incidentally the rival AIADMK too - in nominal alliance with the Cong-I but largely left to fend for itself - could cause the defeat of the DMK-front in two constituencies.
So then the first possible conclusion, however cliched it might sound, is that the AIADMK front has benefited immensely by the division of votes in the rival camp. The DMK-TMC combine could sweep the polls in 1996 even in a multi-cornered contest because such was apparently the fury of the electorate against the excesses of the Jaya regime and Karunanidhi and Moopanar had come to symbolise the crusade against the imperious and corrupt lady. In the absence of a perceptible wave and apparent voter apathy all over the state - except perhaps for Coimbatore where the people’s ire against the fundamentalist activities was unmistakable even before the blasts - any significant division of votes anywhere could prove decisive.
Besides with the Vanniars solidly behind her because of the PMK and the The vars too because they idolise Sasikala and the radicalised Dalits miffed by the haughty DMK-TMC, she was on a strong wicket.
The DMK front saw a sharp 12 per cent swing against it, compared to the 1996 figures. With 42.74 per cent of the votes polled, it bagged ten seats whereas with a less than five per cent lead, the AIADMK alliance has notched up 30 seats. Last time round the TMC had perhaps walked off with an overwhelming proportion of the Congress vote-bank (roughly commanding a 20 per cent support against 30 per cent each commanded by the DMK and the AIADMK) but what has happened to it now? Has it just vanished into thin air, with Moopanar losing his curiosity value once the antiJaya wave subsided and people had other things to worry about, like price rise, Islamic militancy and caste clashes?
He also might have suffered some
erosion of votes thanks to the Sonia fac
tor. Besides quite a few of his sitting MPs fielded again were extremely un

Page 27
15 MARCH 1998
popular. He hummed and hawed for quite some time before opting for the bad eggs again. The results then are a resounding slap on Moopanar's complacency and refusal to accommodate more allies in the front for fear that his party's strength in the Lok Sabha would come down, coming in the way of his own prime ministerial ambitions.
For his part Karunanidhi tripped up on the issue of choosing his allies - even as Jayalalitha was becoming wiser by the day after the debacle last time, sparing no effort to forge abroad anti-DMK front, the septuagenarian DMK chief failed to see what could be in store for him if he played his cards badly,
He did not care to fully allay the suspicions of the powerful Naadar community that his nephew Murasoli Maran was somehow standing in the way of the retrieval of their Tamil Nadu Mercantile Bank from the grip of a group of corporate raiders from the North.
He perhaps thought that Jaya was finished and hence he turned away many a potential ally. He has now paid the price. His good governance, relatively free of corruption and interference by his partymen, has failed to stand him in good stead. Even before the horrendous Coimbatore blasts, anti-DMK feelings were very much evident in many pockets - steep hike in bus fare, indifference of the local MP, slowdown in economy resulting in all round economic hardship for all of which the DMK-TMC combine was blamed.
And unfortunately for him the blasts came about at a time when the urban middle-classes had come to be attracted by the stability card. The BJP was no more the untouchable for them, a party of the Hindi-speaking northerners but something that could provide a credible alternative to the Congress which they had trusted all these days. In such a situation the blasts could have swung many a voter against the DMK front.
Well where does Jayalalitha come in all this? All the factors put together by themselves would not have been sufficient to inflict such a crushing defeat on the DMK-front but sorely needed a charismatic figure as a rallying point.
By coming down from her pedestal, hitching up abroad alliance, wisely kicking aside the moribund congress but taking in the party of the future, hoping that way to bask in the BJP's clean image and that way restore some of her tarnished reputation, tirelessly campaigning across the length and
breadth of the S MGR-faithfuls tha to lead the party,
of a rallying point
Her future fro pend on whethers practise an accom) knowledging the e tional forces. But wonders, given th her tantrums duri ministry-making
Paradoxically caste identities pl the latest elections eral thirst for pea caste and class S
Bombing
Instit
The bombing gawe has shocked who respect the s worship. I for one mayed at the leve for justice and dig
I categorically and request both p to refrain from aff places of worshi Christian, Islamic and to hospitals a
Those innoce gone to that sacre timstoa act of va taken place at th condone acts of groups of person worship at places centers or hospita
The bombing and christian chu cres of islamic mosques, and bi temples and assa faiths are reprehe avoided at all cos
My father, a taught me to res
 

TAM TIMES 27
ate and telling the she was still around he fulfilled the role
n now on would dehe could continue to nodative politics, acmergence of new seccan she change, one 2 unedifying saga of ng the run-up to the
ven while the Sector ayed a major role in
so did the more gen:e, cutting across all rata, something the
journalists and psephologists failed to grasp adequately.
Ironically since 1967 when the DMK was voted to power for the first time, the Dravidian ideology had been crumbling remorselessly, and there has been a progressive march towards integration with the national mainstream. The Tamils became comfortable in the company of the Hindi-speaking Brahmin-Thakur oligarchy of the Congress under MGR. And now, under his protégée, their remaining inhibitions against the temple-inspired Hindutva BJP have been shed for good. It is a middle class striving for peace and stability now and no more quest for any exclusivist Tamil identity. O
of Religious utions
of the Dalada Malipeople of all faiths anctity of places of am shocked and disl to which our quest nity has descended.
condemn this action arties to this conflict licting destruction to ), whether they be Hindu, or Buddhist, ld refugee centers.
nt persons who had i place were the victhat should not have t location. I do not riolence against any engaged in acts of of worship, refugee Ls.
fmany Hindukovils ches, and the massaworships in their imbing of buddhist ults on clergy of all nsible and should be
S.
Anglican Christian lect all faiths. I was
raised as a saivite hindu, and chose to be a christian in my first year at the engineering faculty. When my father died my mother and I were visited by an old buddhist monk, Rev. Ratnapala Thero, who had travelled 180 miles from Tissamaharam to pay his respects to our family. He informed us that unbeknownst to our family, my father had been supporting an orphanage and school administered by the buddhist temple, for about 30 years.The monk informed us that my father had begun supporting them since his tenure as the District Medical Officer (DMO) at Tissamaharama, in 1943. He requested a photograph of my father and published an eulogy about his acts of charity. I was deeply moved by this old gentleman's sense of duty and honor. A Sinhala buddhist gentleman graciously honoring a Tamil christian.
In our history, tolerance for all faiths and places of worship has always been sacrosant. Emperors Raja Raja Cholan and his son Rajendra cholan, both adherents of the saivite faith, were exemplary in the tolerance and respect they displayed to the Jain and buddhist subjects in their far flung empire. Our own King Ellalan was a paragon of virtue and was noted for his sense of honor and integrity. He was so revered by his buddhist subjects, that on his demise at the hands of King Dutugemunu, his opponent to the throne decreed that King Ellalan's burial site was sacred, and anyone who passed the site had to pay obeisance to King Ellalan's memory.
We must be known not only for our martial skills and sense of justice but also for our compassion, mercy and

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
strong values of honour, integrity and revérence for all faiths. This is what elevates and ennobles our struggle for justice and freedom.
My deepest sympathies go to the families that lost loved ones in this tragedy as well as all the incidents of violence that have been perpetrated against innocent Tamilian, Sinhalese, and Islamic civilians.
Prof. John C. Balachandra
Director, Applied Research & Design Center, School of Engineering and Computer Science California State University Sacramento, CA, USA
A Senseless Attack
The bombing of the Dalada Maligawa deserves our fullest condemnation as a senseless act. The LTTE cannot expect the world to believe that it was not the perpetrator of this crime just because it has not claimed responsibility. The Maligawa is sacred to the Buddhist and a serene symbol of pride to all peoples of Lanka.
The tangerine of such a monument to a country's cultural heritage shows the extreme insensitivity of the attackers and their lack of cultural values. This particular attack has hurt the Buddhists most deeply and aggravated the communal tensions in a city in which Tamils, Muslims and other minority communities have been peacefully coexisting with the majority Sinhalese community.
The Maligawa and its environs are part of the most pleasant memories of my life as a student at Peradeniya in the 1960's and I have been returning to this bewitching site as often as I could. I last visited it in the middle of December 1997 and stayed overnight in a charming little hotel overlooking the lake, the Maligawa and the whole hill capital. A memorable experience of this stay was the gentle manners and hospitality of the Sinhala and Tamil staff of the hotel. Barely seven hours before I checked in, I was in the war-torn, brutalised and depressing, fast with its bunkers and numerous Security checkpoints and now I was in Kandy in the company of Sinhalese and Tamils under one roof feeling completely at ease and sipping a dram of Old Arrak while ordering pittu with pol sambol and kin
einga Briti always be Eastern anc the one of my pa my peers. The tv peared to be mutu The food dish children have bec curry, in its many ber asking my ml have burgers and younger, I used to
the only Asian fo
hodi for dinner.
The Manager, a opened a room anc nating collection o nial antiques. One the wall was that o 19th Century. I ha different realities C same day.
The news of th a rude shock and past 15 years, the struction of cultura bols in the North-E the feelings of the ple. I would not exp ing Tamil to feel || tack of the Maligaw makes us all blind As a people wh the grief of seeing library burnt to asil of worship damage able to sympathise have been hurt by on the Dalada M Sinhalese Tamils, Lankans are fast llo; ing threads that ur sity which has b turned into mutual ity by the forces o in the past five dec Let us hope the humanity will gat prevail over the for manity and help us tion to the national the unity we enjoy
Dr N Norway

15 MARCH 1998
RSON-TWO CULTURES
By Pravin Jeyaraj
h-born Tamil, I have
n pulled between Western cultures - ents and the one of o have always aplly exclusive. most Anglo-Asian n brought up on is orms. I can rememm why I could not chips. When I was think that curry was
bd. As I grew up, I
Kandyan Sinhalese, showed me a fascifKandyan and coloof the paintings on fa Tamil gentleman ld experienced two if my country on the
e bombing came as angered me. In the war has caused deIl treasures and symEast and deeply hurt Damil Speaking peoect any self-respecthappy about the ata. An eye for an eye
o have experienced heir most treasured res and their places d. Tamils should be with the people who he dastardly attack ligawa. All of us Muslims and other ing the few remainite us in our diveren systematically distrust and hostilethno-nationalism ades. forces of peace and her the strength to es of war and inhufind a lasting solucrisis and re-invest d in our diversity.
Shanmugaratnam
discovered that Asian cuisine consisted of a variety of smells and colour. My father is always telling me that when he first came to England, the natives regarded curry as some form of "poison'. Nowadays, a vindaloo is a popular way to end a session down the pub or a heavy night clubbing.
In "Asterix in Britain' (popular children's comic), the Britons take a time-out at five o'clock to have a mixture of milk and hot water. This is done without fail, even when attacked by the Romans. Asterix combines their mixture with some strange herbs, to use as some sort of magic potion, which the Britons love. That herb was tea. Although this story is fictional, one cannot disagree that tea has become an English institution.
I have heard my share of authentic Asian music - from classical to film to dancier attempts. Unsurprisingly, my tastes are not the same as my parents'. However, Eastern influences have had an effect on Western styles, with amazing results.
One of the successful bands of 1996 was called Kula Shaker. Two of their singles, "Tattva" and "Govinda Jeya”- a fusion of Indian classical and Sixties rock. Their influence, The Beatles, was one of the first bands to adopt Indian styles into their music (Ravi Shankar), with George Harrison himself donating his house to the Hare-Krishna followՇrS.
Other musicians have jumped on
the bandwagon. In the video for
Michael Jackson's song "Black or white', there is a sequence showing a Bharata Natyam dancer in action. One can also hear the sound of a sitar or other Indian instruments in the background of other top 40 songs.
Second generation Asians have
played a part in shaping the music world of the Nineties - both by adopting western music as their own or by mixing it with eastern styles. Sonya Madden is the lead singer of an alternative rock band, Echobelly. Jothi Mishra has notched up a number one single as White Town with "Your Woman' this year. Apache Indian has been dubbed the "first Asian pop star'

Page 29
15 MARCH 1998
with his combination of rap and bhangra - and been nominated for a Brit. Award in the process. 1997 saw the return of Bally Segoo - the DJ-to the charts. And until recently, no-one knew that Freddy Mercury - frontman of one of the biggest rock groups ever (Queen) - was one of us. Mercury hid his true identity because, when he started, being Asian was a disadvantage. This shows how attitudes have changed over the last 20-30 years.
The most popular youth television show last year was called "This Life' - on BBC1 - in which there were not one but two Asian actors with lead parts. One of them, Ramon Tikaram, also had a supporting role in the film “Kama Sutra', which was released in Britain last year and the part of Judas Iscariot in the hit musical "Jesus Christ Superstar.'
Kama Sutra' is about sexual equal
London School of Carnatic Music
1. Bharatha Natiyam 2. Wiolin
3. Veena 4. Carnatic Wocal
Applicants should possess recognised qualifications to teach and accompany recitals.
Apply with CV to:
The Secretary, LSCM 49 Ravensbourne Park Crescent, Catford, London SE64YG.
Applications Closing Date 25.4.98
ity in a bygone peri The original book t knows, is the Hind sex. Many women zines recommend til one's sex life.
Asians have m ary world too. TI Bidisha, recently novel with a secor made her name wr sue. The winner of Prize was Arundha "The God of Small the first Anglo-Asia Such an honour.
One of Walt Dis ful films was "The ten by Rudyard K. though Indian, rece cation. As well as Mowgli, Baloo, ar creatures, he also story of an Indian true heritage-and"
- describing how di
"Give me an adequate the average man and I that two and two are til
other nonsense that mi,
Tani
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bd of Indian history. hough, as everyone u bible of love and s and men's magahe book, to spice up
ade it into the literhe teenage writer, published her first ld on the way. She ting for the Big Isthis year's Booker i Roy, the author of Things'. Roy was in woman to receive
ney's most successsungle Book", writipling. Kipling, al:ived a British edu
the adventures of ld the other jungle wrote "Kim' - the boy in search of his The Just so Stories' fferent animals ob
tained their distinguishing features.
When I was younger, I attended a Tamil community school every Saturday. This was one of many ethnic minority associations in the United Kingdom that were set up by parents to introduce their children to their own language and culture. I used to be embarrassed that, while my classmates were having fun, I had to go to Saturday school.
However, I had had an advantage over them. My school friends had a Western culture. My parents had an Eastern culture. But like all second generation Asians, I could claim both as my own. Realising that the two can combine has made me proud to be the bearer of a dual heritage.
When I was five, a friend (quite harmlessly) said to me that I was like chocolate. On hindsight, I can see how this is true. Cocoa and milk are two separate substances but both are necessary to produce a tasty bar of chocolate. O
army with power to provide it with more pay and better food than to the lot of 'll undertake within 30 years to make the majority of the population believe tree, that water freezes when it gets hot and boils when it gets cold, or any ght seem to serve the interests of the State." - Bertrand Russel
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Page 30
15 MARCH 1998
CLASSIFIED ADS
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am i Times Ltd, PO Box 1.
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Hindu Tamil parents seek attractive bride for handsome Computer Consultant son, vegetarian, 31, 5'11". Send horoscope, details. M 1012 C/o Tamil Times.
Tamil Hindu parents seek professional partner for Solicitor daughter, 31, 5'3”. Send horoscope, details. M 1013 C/o Tani Times.
Catholic Lady seeks partner for niece, doctor, 29, American citizen, British born, working in USA, fair, pretty, Curly long hair, looking for tall, personable, professional young man. Please ring O181 287 5785 (UK).
Uncle seeks partner for professionally qualified niece, 30, innocent divorcee, no encumbrances, working in North America, Apply in confidence With details and horoscope. M 1015 C/O Tamil Times.
FORTHCOMINGWEDDING
The marriage of Devika, daughter of Thilagam and Sundera Mather Of WOrCeSter Park, Surrey to Dr. Peter Yates, son of the late Bert and late Jean Yates of Port Elizabeth, South Africa Will take place on 4th April '98 at The AmadeuS Centre, Little Venice, London W92JA.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding.
Sailaji daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Gunaratnam of 20 Charlemont Road, Colombo 6 and EasWaran Son Of Mr. & MrS. Ponnudurai of 86/1.3/1
Fussel's Lane, Colombo 6 on 11th February 1998 at Miami
Hall, Alexandra Road, Colombo 6.
OBITUARIES
Thayapary Rasaendiran, beloved Wife of Mr. Rasaendiran, loving mother of Rajini, daughter of the late Mr. & Mrs. Thillaiampalam of Aiyanar Kovil Street, Jafna; daughter-in-law of the late Mr. Nannithamby & of Mrs. Nannithamby, Kampanai, Chulipuram passed away on 3rd February 1998. The members of the family thank all friends and relatives Who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and support and assisted them in several Ways during the period of great sorrow. - 34 Grangeway Gardens, Redbridge, Ilford, Essex IG4 5HN.
Mrs
Sivagamasoundaram
 
 
 

Pararajasingham, dearly beloved Wife of Mr. Th an a b a I as in g h a m Pararajasingham, beloved sisfer Of late Mrs. M. a ng a y a t k a ra as i Arunainayagam, loving sisterin-law of late Mrs. VallinaChiar Sivarajah and Mrs. Manonmani Foot, loving mother of Balasingham, Balayohini, Varothayasingham and Sri Malini; loving mother-in-law of Mahadevan, Mahaluxmi and Girija; loving grandmother of Mayura, Jananie, Keerthi and Smruthy, loving aunt of Siwakumar, Shasi, Pani and Shanthi and loving great aun to Narmadha, Krishna, Lukshman, Sanjeev and Anushka passed away peacefully on 5th February 1998. The funeral rites were performed on the 10th of February by Swami Chaithany Ananda of Sri Rajarajeswari Peetam of Rochester, New York, a close friend of the fanily.
The members of the family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and assisted them in several ways during the period of great sorrow. - 27 Mayford, Howard Road, Surbiton, Surrey KT5 8SB. Tel 0181 3903589.
in cherished memory of the late Mrs. Mercy Rasamalar Gunasegaram, beloved wife of the late Mr. Samuel Jeyanayagam Gunasegaram, formerly Director of Education, Sri Lanka on the First Death Anniversary (6.3.98).
Greatly loved, deeply missed and always remembered by fer besloved daughter Vijeyadevi and son-in-law Prof. George Thambyahpillay (Nigeria), sons Mr. Wimalalraj
TAML TIMES 30
Gunasegaram and Dr Jeyandran Gunasegaram (USA) and grand children (USA and Australia).
First Death Anniversary
Dr. C. Peruma Pilai
16th February 1920 - 2nd March 1997
Greatly missed. Shall always remember your loving care and generosity. May your soul rest in peace. Your ever loving children Ravi, Usha, Jeeva, Ranjit and families.
In Loving Memory of Our Beloved
Daddy Mummy
Ponnampalam Vemalaranee Kanagaratnam Kanagaratnam
10Z1923
Born: 11.10, 1908
Rest 23, 1982 31.3.90
Gently with love your memory is kept Your affection and kindness We will never forget
You both are always in our thoughts
And for ever in our hearts.
Remembered with love and
affection by sons Sara, Brem and Dubsy, daughters-in-law Lalitha and Shyamala; and grandchildren Janarthan, Mehala, Uthistran, Arani and Anuja. - 19 Huxley Place, Palmers Green, London N13 5S e O81 886 5966

Page 31
15 MARCH
25th Death Anniversary
of the late Mr. S. Mandalanayagam, forfier Village Headman,
Chunnakam Who passed a Way On 11th March 1973.
貂 絮
In loving memory of our dear Appu, Who Will always be in our thoughts.
Fondly remembered by his Children Pathmalogini (Australia), Chellappah (UK),
Sambanthan (Singapore), Wigneswaran (Australia), Kamalallogini, Thokaiambikai, Nalinalogini (Canada),
Koneswaran (Sri Lanka); sons and daughters-in-law and grandchildren.
Correction to 15th February issue.
(a) In Memoriam - First Death anniversary - Mr. Ponniah Pathmanathan passed away Or í í02. i 997.
(b) 31st Day Remembrance Of Mrs. Kathirasipillai Sатgarapillai.
i. Beloved Wife of late Mr. K. Sangarapillai (Malayan Pensioner) of Linga Vasa, Karana Vai Center, Karaveddy,
ii. Add loving sister of Mrs. Vethanayagi Marpanapillai.
iii. Kind-hearted mother-inlaw of Mrs. Banumathy.
The above errors are regretted.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
April 2 Shashti. Apr.4 Feast of St. isidore. Apr 5 Sri Rama Navami. Apr.6 11.00arn. Colombuthurai Sri Yoga Swamigal Abhisekham and Guru Poojah at Shree Ganapathy Temple, 123 Effra Road, London SW19.
Apr 7 Eekathasi. Apr 9 Pirathosam.
AUSTRALIAN NEWSLETTER
The Annual Dinner-Dance of the Vembadi Old Girls' Association (Australia) was held on 28th February 1998 at the Ryde Civic Centre in Sydney. Old Girls and their guests started arriving at 7pm, greeting one another, renewing old friendships, making new ones While recounting the Wonderful memories of dear old Venbadi. At 8.15 the School Anthem was sung and the President of the aSSOCiation MrS. Devi Balasubramaniam welcomed the gathering. She said that since the previous year's function was such a great success there were requests for a similar One this year. She thanked the frienbers of the Corrrrittee, prize donors, advertisers and all those who had assisted in many ways.
She also spoke briefly about the illustrious history of the school and achievements of Vembadi girls. Pointing out the significance of the palmyrah palm and the butterfly on the school crest she said that Vembadi girls were expected to be strong and straight like the Jaffna palmyrah tree in body, mind and spirit and beautiful as the butterfly in thought, word and deed. She said that Vembadi girls endeavoured to uphold these ideals even in far away Australia.
At 8.30, ‘Amits', the popular Sri Lankan
band invited every the dance floor Was ing everything frc Waltzes to the Ma served at 8.30, ther a Coffee break at 1( at 11.30. Most of t Were swinging up t
During the coffet presented a bouqu gift to the energ O.G.A., Mrs. Shar Shouldered most Ol and organising this tion,
Poet Honoured: Thuraiappah Kana, one of his poems the Moon' a treasu the lnternational Lili Australians' the below highlights wh 'lucky country'.
Australians, We are Up and alive, both
Superbly living in a Together we stand Rightly thinking wit. Always striving to C Love, not hate, do
lin all our actionS W Adopting ourselves Never Will We Subn Since being supert
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 31
Apr. 10 Pankuni Good Friday. Apr 11 Fullmoon; Holy Sunday (Easter Vigil). Apr 12 Easter Sunday. Apr 14 Veguthari Hindu New Year's Day. Apr 18 6.30pm London Tamil Centre presents Cultural Evening at Logan Hall, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1. Tel 0181 904 3937/9076638. Apr 19 Second Sunday of Easter. Apr 21 Feast of St. Anselm.
Uthiram;
Apr 29 Chathurthi. Apr 30 Feast of St. Pius. May 2 6.30pm Kokuvil Hindu College O.S.A. presents Variety entertainment at Archbishop Lanfranc School Hall, Mitcham Road, Croydon, Surrey. Tel: 0181 578 3159.
At Bhavan Centre 4A Castletown Road, London W 14 9 HQ. Tel: 0171 381 3O86,4608. Apr 3 7.30pm Australian Academy & Bhavan jointly present indian Music.
Apr 22 Eekathasi
Apr 23 Feast of St. George. Apr 24 Pirathosam.
Apr 26 Amavasai. Apr Sunday of Easter.
Apr 28 Feast of St. Catherine
of Siene.
27 Karthigai;
Apr 4 6.30pm Bharatha Natyam by Gauri Kesari from India.
Apr 5 6.00pm Shree Ram Navami Celebrations. Bhajan, Pujah and Prasath. All welc Ore.
Third
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Dne to dance and SOOn packed, the guests tryrn FOCk arms PROs fO carenal During dinner, e were two raffle draws, ).30 and the major draw he old girls and guests o closing time at 1am.
2 break, the President et of roses and a Small etic secretary of the tha Fonseka Who had the burden of planning S very successful func
Seventy six year old Mr. garajah of Sydney had published in "Caress of try of today's poetry by brary of Poetry. Entitled poem which appears at it means to live in the
happy and gay night and day
democratic way with all our might h great foresight io what's right We embrace e emerge With grace
to multicultural Ways nit or yield
in every field.
Mr. Jesudasan John Atputharajah An Appreciation on his Retirement
Mr. Atputharajah, a dedicated teacher retired on 28, 10.97 after 37 years of service. After his education at St. John's College, Jaffna, he completed his Arts Degree at the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya in 1960 and the Diploma in Education in 1973. He took to teaching at Hartley College, Point Pedro and served that institution with great devotion. Over the years he had been teaching at several educational institutions viz.: Manipay Hindu College, Kegalle Sulaimania Maha Vidyalaya, Chavakachcheri Hindu College, Jaffna Central College and as a lecturer at Addalaichenai, Bama-Nigeria, Kopay and Palali Teacher Training Colleges.
In addition to teaching Geography, English, Education and Christianity, he has contributed substantially towards the administration of these institutions and in extra curricular activities. He published the ‘Golden Era Geography Text Books”, a useful series for secondary School students and teachers. His greatest contribu

Page 32
15 MARCH 1998
continued from page 31 field of Teacher Education, serving as a Master Teacher supervising teachers following the Diploma in Education course.
He was much liked and respected by his students and colleagues and was accorded a fitting farewell by the Teacher Education Institutions of Jaffna. On his retirement. This is a humble tribute to a great man who continues to serve his fellow countrymen, not allured by attractions abroad.
An Admirer.
Thai PooSam Celebrations
in Seychelles
Thai Poosam day on 102.98 was a holiday for the Hindu Employees of government and semi-government institutions in Seychelles. They attended in large numbers the Kavadi procession and religious ceremonies organised by the Seychelles Hindu Kovil Sangam.
The highlight of the day was the Chariot Kavadi for the first time in Seychelles, it aroused a lot of interest among the devofees and the OnlookerS Which included many tourists. A devotee, his body, cheeks and tongue pierced with steel hooks carries a decorated Alahu Kavadi on his head, while pulling a four wheeled chariot along the route of the procession. The chariot was pulled by strong ropes tied to hooks clinched to the devotee's back. There was a mixed expression of feelings from the crowd, some expressed surprise, Some Watched With a We While Others Could not believe how a human body could endure all the pain in pulling the Chariot Kavadi. The procession was lively, with appropriate Nathaswaram and Thavil music while folk dances to the rhythm of music was enjoyed by all. The nulti-coloured sareed wornenfolk with pots of milk on their heads following the main procession chanting devotional hymns added much needed religious ferVOur to the OCCasion.
Top Travel Agent Again
Tapobrane Travel the well-known Sri Lankan travel agent in the UK has been adjudged the top travel agent for Air Lanka in 1997 with the highest sales ever made by a UK appointed Air Lanka agent. This is the sixth consecutive year of this achievement. Well done Taprobrane!
A Classical The music and danco by the Institute of Tá Arts at Croydon Ashc 1st was unique in m. Scored orchestra W. percussion, a Bharat a dance drama, Kris bill. The timing of the fifteen, avoiding the fi Complimentaries and programme alone ke bound.
When did We have and listen to a Cá London? It was thou, ers to have persuade ing String, wind and p talists, Malini Thanab Kothandapani (violin, (flute) and Sithamp morsing. It was a ur Which we could disce Sivanandam school t leads. This group as a further afield.
The Bharata Naty. Sudharshini Ramacha ries of Kalakshetra w postgraduate Status poses, descriptive h other abhinaya variati In the item Durga An was reverently depicte formations. It is SudharShini maintai excellence.
R To crown it all was Krishna Leela, prod Shantheepan, with a h ferent ages. Subath reviewer as a stu Dananjayan's Bharata Seems to have spre through associating Pushkalla Gopal and Handling a host of chi three and thirteen the
Krishna was protraye natya motif, a stu, Depicting the image C stages, the infant Kr three year old boy an his seven year old sist Ciation of the Whole h this dance drama WaS KnOWn artiste Push authority in Bharata n
 
 
 
 

xtravaganza
ensemble organised nil Culture and Fine oft Theatre On March ny ways. A specially strings, wind and natyam feature and na Leela, filled the hOW from Six to nine mality of in-between concentrating on the t the audience spell
n occasion to watch natic Orchestra in htful of the organis| a team of top rankrCussion instrumenlasingam (veena), L.
P Gnana Varathan ranathan With his que presentation in the hidden hand of rough Maline's deft team should venture
am by students of ndra eVOked mem0here she attained a
The movements, astha spreads and ons were enthralling. |ali, the grand finale Pd through patterned gratifying to see
the standard of
a Dance Drama, Iced by Subathra St Of Children Of difa, known to this dent of Shantha Kalanjali in Madras d her Wings wider With stars like hobana Jayasingh. fren, aged between ternal saga of Sree d through Bharata endous exercise. Krishna at various shna, played by a the next stage by rearned the appreuse. the music forrovided by the well ala Gopal Whose tyam and Carnatic
TAMIL TIMES 32
music is Well known. It must be mentioned that along with Pushkala, her daughter Shruthi also sang for the dance drama as well as the Bharata Natya item. The Institute of Tamil Culture and Fine Arts deserves congratulations.
- Sivapatha Sundaram.
Sampoorana Ramayana Dance Drama
The popular epic Ramayana' by Saint Valmiki was staged as a full length Dance Drama “Sampoorana Ramayana'' by the students of the Brent Asian Academy at the Beck Theatre, Hayes, Middlesex, UK on 21.2.98、
The first part of the programme was Seetha Kalyanam, from Rama's birth to his wedding to Seetha. After the interval it Was ‘Rama PattabiShekam” from Rama's exile for fourteen years to his coronation. With a cast of more than fifty students from the age of five and more, it was an ambitious project for a very young academy. Every minute detail of the story was portrayed and some of the dances performed were of a high standard. Karthiga Vijayatharan as the Senior Rama, Amirthavarshini Vigneswararajah as the young Seetha and Harjeet Kang as Jadayu were outstanding in their perforIranceS.
The group dances were very colourful and lively, except for the fact that some were a bit too lengthy. With all the facilities available at the theatre, the lighting did play up at times. The scenery, setting and the glamorous costumes took us to the good old days of the ancient Kingdom of Ayodhi. It was a successful performance to a packed audience.
The dance drama was choreographed by Vasuki Arunan and Chitra SOrnaSundera Desigar, two young and talented dance teachers of the Academy.
The music composition and vocal support were by Ambika Thamotheram and Somasundera Desigar. The Orchestra back up was by the staff of the Fine Arts Section of the Academy.
The Chief Guest Pushkala Gopal, a dancer and choreographer herself commended the performers and wished them well. The live wire behind the production was Nalini Kuganathan , the Head Teacher of the Academy. Well donel
Deepa.

Page 33
15 MARCH 1998
Kumaran's Mridanga Arangetram
it was with great pleasure and reminiscence that, together with my wife I sat in the Commonwealth Institute symposium on 27th September 1997 to witness Selvan Kumaran Sriskantharajahs’ Arangetram. It was eight years ago We witnessed the first of Dr. & Mrs. Sriskantharajahs' children's arangetram, that of Vasuky, also the Vocalist for her youngest brother's arangetram. The second, Kumuthan's Mridanga arangetram, was held five years ago also here. So it was with great expectation and anticipation that we accepted the kind invitation to be Chief Guest once again.
Kumaran is a disciple of Shri Karaikudy R. Krishnamoorthy, who joined the Kalakshetra College of Fine Arts in 1959 and studied first under the tutelage of the late Madurai Krishna lyengar and later Ramanathapuram Padmasri Murugabhoopathy. Kumaran is lucky to have learnt under such an acclaimed guru with the rare distinction of being an accompanist for both Karnatic VOCal and ClaSSİCal dan Ce.
At the age of fourteen, Kumaran has already achieved great fluidity and firmness in his finger movements, which was evident in his display of an immense variety of third and fourth kalam nadais. He has a tremendous sense of rhythm, and as the mridangam is an accompanying instrument he also has the empathy required to become an excellent accompanist. This talent came out very early on in the performance; in the svara sahitya passages of the Pancharatna Kriti, Jegadananda, in ragam Nattai. During the syncopations in the svara sahitya passages the vocalist takes the lead, singing only with the rhythmic accompaniment of the mridangist. The violinist then repeats the main essence of what the vocalist sang, with the accompaniment of the ghatamist. To Kumaran came the harder task of accompanying the first rendition of each line of the svara Sahitiya, therefore needing total rapport of rhythm and melody; rhythm and svara - Kumaran handled it brilliantly and was indeed able to caress intricate patterns within the rhythm layed-down by the vocalist.
Kumaran was able to render a masterly Thani Arvathanam, in Misra Nadai, to per
fection. Misram is a v which to play a thani, only play effortlessly to enjoy the dialogue the ghatamist. He fur skills during the Rag here rhythmic acco, empathy with the voc Kumaran Was Suppo ent of his sister Vast Bharata Natya danci was also an arangel she gave a full vocal ing such confidence | initiated her karnatic | under the expert Saraswathy Pakiaraj three months leading under the dedicate Shanti Sreeram. Smit of Snt Prena Hari NarayanasMvamy. Sh{ Indian Central Gov. and has a M.Phil. in
Vasuky's grasp of ta was a delight to Witn the alapana, kalpana Tanan, Palawi. Her three octaves and ur of the ragas was Stu concert, again With the Ragam, Tanam, have been a highly C composition for even cian. The way in Wh the piece was emphs composer himself, Sl For a gir born and b try, Vasuky's rendit ragam Maduvanthi W captured the true m and expressed them dious voice but alsc this priceless rare additional talent as a One moment that W was during the end Hindolam piece, Sa svaras she gave us because the Way Sh note Was Way up an - it was masterly. I h has the ability to singer (as well as a ( level requires carryit you, but not only bhavam but in the many occasions Sl brilliantly.
The Arangetram of step, right of passa which the artist go his/her skill, it is a ' Kumaran and Vasuk that night with tota delight.
The accompany Kothandapani, the V lessly enchantin Sreekaram, the gha play the mridangan tutelage of Shri Kris ly seemed to be en
 

rydifficult rhythm in )ut Kumaran did not ut he was also able between himself and er demonstrated his m, Tanan, Palawi - ! is essential, and list is important. ted by the vocal talsy, an accomplished r and teacher. This am for Vasuky, and erformance - revealin the stage. Vasuky usic training in 1992 tutelage of Smt h and devoted the up to the arangetram ! guidance of Smt Sreeram is a disciple aran and Shri P.S. is a recipient of the Irnment Scholarship Carnatic music. la is superlative, and SS Whether it was in svara or the Fagam, vocal dexterity over equivocal knowledge nning throughout the Oarticular mention of Pallavi, which would omplex and standard the InOSt elite musiich Vasuky delivered atically praised by the nri Krishnamoorthy ought up in this counon of Kandanaal in as breath taking. She eaning of the words not only in her melowith her abhinaya - Skill Stems from her
dancer. ili always live with me Of her SVaras for the maja Vara. In these a vision of the future, e finished on the top ong the professionals ave no doubt that She ecome a very great octor). Singing at this g the whole song with in the message and schnique as well - at e demonstrated that
Ranga Pradesha is a e, a doorway through S to further increase gry big step and both made that step there
success to Our total
ts Were Shri T.L. plinist, who was effort, Shri Paskaran amist Who learned to and ghatam under the namoorthy and clearying every moment of
TAM TIMES 33
the performance and Shri Storme Watson, as usual unperturbable on the tambura. Along with Smit Anandarani Balendra as the compere, Kumaran had an experienced and talented team to Work with.
After just over three hours of a delightful musical rendition of the highest calibre, there followed a speech by the writer and his vote of thanks. Then followed a Tillana in ragam Revathi, the most lively and dynamic piece of the concert. It was well structured and again composed by Shri Krishnamoorthy. On conclusion of the Mangalam there was a standing ovation, Which Was Well deserved - both Kumaran and Vasuky's performance were of the highest order.
Dr. A.M. Dempsey, Headmaster of Tiffin School, where Kumaran is a pupil gave a
glowing speech in which Kumaran's Rugby
and Cricket talents as Captain of both 'A' teams and his involvement in the school orchestra Were praised upon, as well as his outstanding academic ability. I was delighted to see Tevaram extracts, Thaayumaana Swamigal Paadal, extracts about the deities and from the sacred Kurai in the fully informative brochure extremely well produced.
Our thanks go to the devoted and hospitable parents, Dr. & Mrs. Sriskandarajah for another wonderful evening. Indeed we are all touched by the privilege of witnessing the talent of both Kumaran and Vasuky - I wish them that bright future they so richly merit.
Dr. John R. Marr,
Joint New Year Celebrations
The Sri Lankan Railway Past Employees Welfare Association UK is organising a Tamil Hindu & Sinhalese Buddhist New Year Celebrations at the London Shri Muthumari Amman Temple, Tooting, Broadway, London SW17 on 11th April 1998. The proceedings will commence with Religious Ceremonies (Pooja) from 10.30am to 12.30pm, serving of Prastham (Lunch) from 12.30 to 1.30pm, Carnatic Music and Bharatha Natyam Dances from 2.00pm to 4.00pm. All are kindly requested to participate in the Celebrations.
Children's Thyagaraja Festival
London's Carnatic Music Circle and Lalgudi School of Music (UK) are jointly holding a Children's Thyagaraja Festival on 25th and 26th April 1998 at Archway Murugan Temple featuring competitions on Thyagaraja compositions, Music quiz and Concerts by young and upcoming artistes of UK. For further information, please telephone Dr. Lakshmi Jayan on 0181 204 3162.
Mother's Help Required from 20th April on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays from 12 noon to 6.30pm in Colindale, London to look after 2 boys, 4 years and the other 6 months. It
Some house Work involved. Te: O181959 O131

Page 34
34 TAMIL TIMES
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* We specialise in fights to Sri Lanka, India, Malaysia,
Singapore, USA, Canada & Australia
* We will gladly refund the price difference if you can convince us that you could have got the same ticket cheaper elsewhere on the same date of purchase.
Please contact Mr. S. Thiruchelvam
Office Residence 255 Haydons Road, 69Toynbee Road Wimbledon Wimbledon London SW19 8TY London SW208SH
Te: O181543 3318 Te: O181-5425140
OKVI, 7) FOI EFAF 01) STUDENTS 1550GTATFON (EALK) கொக்குவில் இந்துக் கல்லூரி பழைய மாணவர் சங்கம் (ஐஇ}
ශීග්‍රිෂ්
ty صص موسم ' ا آ A WARY ENETIMEY *
6.One é aztatutzadazue 2nd //htag 1998 at: 6.302. moz
(Doors Open 6.00pm)
Also Law FRAN SCAL LLLLLLLY YLL0SLSLLGLLLGLEESSS LLYLYGS
நிகழ்ச்சிகள்
து வீணை p
பூ வாய்ப்பாட்டு?
* பரதநாட்டியம்
மெல்லிசை விருந்து فہ
TICKES,
Family E12.00 For Details:
single £6.00 Narutha :0181 578 盟
- AO 2
Refreshments on Sale $# 8578
R R E E D : N N ER Guganes :0181864 0096

Page 35
O) he 3rirst & CBest 04
VISTUS NOW FORLATEST 20. GOLD
EWELLERES
Thali Kodi, Necklace sets, Pathakkams, Various types of Ear Studs
WE AREAT YOUR SERVICE SEVEN DAYS AWEEK
23O UPPER TOOTING ROAD
TEL: O 181-767 3445 Web: http://WWW.
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须 عبربر برصبرص 么 r. wymn سہرہ کے 徐 2
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"WE AREATOL BONDED. FOR THE 警须 須 須
Call: Pathmahaska
119 Tooting High st Te: O181-6
Internet: http://skywings.co.uk E. Mail: bala(OskyW
WISA SERVICE AWALABLE FOR INDIA, USA, CANAD
AND MANY MORE DESTINATIONS
2 73782 T27% 須
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صرھ\
: MAIN AGENT FORTS
AIRLANKA AVA ROYAL JORDAN 1AN Ávila 9 v. á sí
r~~~ ~~~ AGENT FOR BRITISH AIRWAYS, EMI GULF AIR, BALKAN, MALAYSIAN & CATA
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 35
nis GJeweller Gln Condon
WIDERANGE OF STOCKS ALWAYS AWALABLE
Jimmikkies, Panchayuthams, Chains, Bangles Etc. EtC...
WE PERFORM THAL POOJA AS WELL
OOTING, LONDON SWZ 7EW IFAX:0181-7@7 37Eを。 uxmi.com/Western
vet. Avervo
徐 ی
须 グダグ/////、グ/////
PROTECTION OF OUR CENTS
多
须 an, Shankar or CDash INSTANT
eet, London SW170SY
TICKENG 72 9111 (6Lines) ngs.co.uk Mobile: 0850876921, Fax. 0181-672 0951
We are holding seats THROUGHOUT THE YEAR TO
COLOMBO MADRAS SINGAPORE ラ #KUALA LUMPUR at AUSTRALIA
USA CANADA
c Open 7 days a week وفتك ATEs, from 1930 til 2130hrs R ARWAY

Page 36
SHIPPING – AR FR
UNACCOMPANIED BAGGAGE — PERSON WEHICLES, MACH
To COLOMBO AND OTHER v MAN AGENT FOR *) Passenger Tickets and Unacc
27
Borded by the Civil Aviation Author
Please Contact Us For Wai To Colombo And O Destinat
GLEN CARRIEF
14 Allied Way, off Warple
Telephone: 0181 74
Fax: 018
BONDED \ Laksiri:Sewa, 253/3 AwisSaWella
}- APPLE AIR
MAIN AGENT. fOT COLOMBO
()
British Airways QATAR SAA/M
TEL: O81 563 0364 FAX: O181748 4912
BALKAN 35 - TAX KUWATT E35 - TAX ULF E39 + TAX
EMRATES 475 - TAX OATAR 37+TAX BA ON REQUEST
Main Agents for ( BALKAN, gATAR & BA
338A Kings Stree, (సి) 73808 Londo WW6 (ORR
Travel Insurance plus Hotel Reservations
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

EIGHT - TRAVEL
AL EFFECTS, HOUSEHOLD GOODS
NERY ETC.
"ORLD WIDE DESTINATIONS AIRLANIKA
Ompanied Baggage ܠܹܪ̄y
tyfor yourfinancial securiy
ious Discounted Fares ther World Wide ions
RS LIMITED
Way, Acton, London W3 CRa (
O 8379YO 181 749 O595 1 740 4229
WAREHOUSE
Road, Colombo 14 Tel: 575576 T 4 5 # 5
TRICO
INTERNATIONAL SHIPPING LTD
TRICO SHIPPING SCHEDULE
LcLTL LLL LLLL LLLL LLLLLL GG LLL LLLLLLLESSL0L0 0 ELELELLEGLLLLGLGLLaaLLL
eSSei Name Closing Date Sailing Arrival CEO
arjin Wilmington 22,03.SB 27,0398 III. 14.85
:"jit Pignash Stalur Ա5, 14.98 1D.D14 98 24, 14 83
arm Pushar Seator 19.0.4.98. 34.04.8 Ո8.115.93
CANADA ALUSTRALIA
Trico Shipping - 65 Lansdown Av, Unil, 24-26Carrick, Sulle Tronto, OL MEH39. Tulmine. Toll Free: 1-8-55,619 Victoria, 3,043 Tel: 1536 DB Tel. GT 38 597. modern Warehouse and offices are under one roof with artiple car a LL0 LLLLLC LLLLLL LLaLaLaaLLLL LCLLLLLLH LLLLL LLLLL LGLLLLL LL king their goods themselves with our assistance. LLLL C CCGMC aLLLLLLLLOtL LaaLLLLLLLa LLLLL LLLLHMCLCLL LLLCLLS LLLLLL g00'ds are in Our hands, weguarantee a safe and Efficiert delvery nur destimation. We also offer two weeks frogg darTmurrage to our others in Our borded Warehouse in Colombo.
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FORYARDING COMPANY IN THE UK Trico International Shipping Ltd hit 4,Building "C"The Business Centreat Wood Green,
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LLLLSLL