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Mayor's Murder - An Act of Utinate CoWartice
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Children Rig
UN Envoy's Visit
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A Crisis of Credibility
New Year in a Fool's Parase
The Betrayal of the Prince
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15MAY1998
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XVINo. 5 15 MAY 1998
Published by:
TAMIL TIMESLTD PO Box 121, Sutton,
Surrey SM13TD
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conters
An Act of Ultimate Cowardice 03
Jayasikuru, One Year After 04 Jayasikuru, A Debacle O6 Brigadier Killed 07 Indo-Lanka Relations 08 Securing Children Rights 09 UN Envoy's Visit to Lanka 10 Media Freedom 2 Peace Brigade Withdraws 13 Facing Crisis of Creditibility 14 New Year in a Fool's Paradise 18 Jaffna - A Mixed Picture 21 Northern Ireland Agreement 23 The Bomb and the General 27 The Betrayal of the Prince 27 Classified
30
ike so many
who have fa
meditated an ings that have c politics in Sri Lar, Wara WaS aSSaS 1998.
On 13 July 198 ness to the assass band, VettivelYog Appapillai Amirt leader of the Tami Front in their Colc tragic day in July had befriended Yogeswaran and h several times prev and drank the dr equally unsuspec before they fired bullets from thei which pierced in heads of Yogesw lingam. The curren MSivasithampara death with serious Sarojini Yogeswa the brutality that that day.
Sarojini was c
a widow and was 6 she was brutally came the first wo Jaffna Municipal ( in the local gover in January 1998. something to imp) ditions of the peo aged city. She ha
had nobodyguard
less. On 17 May, t home in Jaffna a to her and she cal the men drew his
at her at point bla pierced her frail t stantly. Sarojiniw own death at the
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
When there are so many we shall have to moun, When grief has been made so public, and exposed
To the critique of a whole epoch
The frailty of our conscience and anguish
Of whom shall we speak? For every day they die among us,
Those who were doing us some good,
Who knew it was never enough, but Hope to improve a little by living. - English poet W H Auden
others before her len victims to pred cold-blooded killharacterised Tamil ka, Sarojini Yogessinated on 17 May
9, Sarojini was a witination of her huseswaran along with halingam, the then United Liberation ombo home. On that 1989, persons who the ever-trusting advisited his home riously, ate the food inks served by his ting wife, Sarojini, rolleys of shots and automatic pistols to the bodies and aran and Amirthatleader of the TULF mnarrowly survived injuries on that day. 'an was a witness to was perpetrated on
mpelled to become 3 years of age when murdered. She beman Mayor of the ouncil having won ment election held She wanted to do ove the living conple of the war-ravd no security. She S. She was defencewomen went to her d wanted to speak ed them in. One of automatic and fired nk range as bullets ody killing her inis the witness to her hands of assassins
who were not only witnesses to her death but also the perpetrators of what can only be described as an inhuman act of ultimate cowardice.
TULF Vice President Veerasinghan Anandasangari told the press that two persons had come on bicycles to Sarojini's house and said they wanted to talk to her. She had invited them in when one fired at her with a pistol. She was hit in about 10 to 12 places.
"I severely condemn this cowardly attack on an unarmed woman. She was really a people's Mayor; she did not have any bodyguards and went around the city meeting people without consideration for her security and lived in an unprotected house. This was no heroic act," he said blaming the Tamil Tigers for the assassination of Mrs Yogeswaran.
Mrs Yogeswaran was elected Mayor of Jaffna, the former LTTE stronghold, after TULF won the Municipal council elections in January. The elections, seen as a first step towards the return of civilian administration to Jaffna, were the first for the area in 15 years. The LTTE was opposed to holding the elections and called upon all to boycott it. During the election campaign, in an interview, Mrs Yogeswaran said, “Sri Lankan politics is tarnished with blood. The gun culture has taken hold of society. I want to work towards removing this gun culture.”Yogeswaran was the first Mayor to assume office in Jaffna since 1984.
Before he was killed, Sarojini's husband, Vettivel Yogeswaran, represented Jaffna in the country's parliament from 1977 to 1983.
Another TULF leader said, "This ass-assination is an attempt to drive us away from the political field so that those who carried it out can claim to (Continued on next page)

Page 4
4 AML TIMES
JayaSikuru, One Year. Afte
ven before the battle began, the drums of victory were being beaten. The longest and most expensive - both in terms of men and material - single military operation, Jayasikuru (Sure Victory), was launched on 13 May 1997. The declared intention of the operation mounted with much enthusiasm, in the background of the euphoria generated by the recapture by the armed forces of the LTTE stronghold of the Jaffna peninsula, was to Secure the opening up of the land route of approximately 75 kilometers from Vavuniya through Tamil Tiger controlled territory in the Wanni to northern Jaffna.
But to date, despite the superiority of strength, equipment and air and naval resources, Jayasikuru passed its anniversary date uneventfully, though many a date had been previously predicted for its Successful conclusion, with government forces numbering over 30,000 still bogged down half-way in the jungles of Mankulam facing stiff resistance from the Tamil Tigers.
The government troops have been able to advance only 45 kilometers,
(Continued from page 3) be the sole representatives of the Tamil people."
Despite it being widely accused of being responsible for the assassination of Mrs Yogeswaran, the LTTE has not made any Statement either accepting or denying responsibility. In the meantime, ahitherto unknown organisation, Sangilian Force, claimed responsibility for the killing in letters handed over to newspapers in Jaffna on 17 May. Some weeks earlier, the same organisation in leaflets circulated in Jaffna demanded the resignation of all members of local government bodies elected following the January election. Sri Lankan security sources allege that the so-called Sangillian force is nothing but a cover for the LTTE.
Some political analysts regard the assassination of Mrs Yogeswaran as an attempt on the part of the LTTE to sabotage any effort on the part of the government to restore civilian administration in the Tamil areas.
leaving a further 30 cleared.
During the year. both sides suffered Accurate reports of killed and injured are as each party to the c nouncements follo every military encol ganda purposes, o\ enemy's casualties mates its own. Accor dependent reports at gers have been kille over 3,500 injured whi ernment troops were with over 3,500 wou 500 declared "missin Additionally milit cluding artillery gu moured vehicles and lions of U.S. dollars damaged on the gov terms of expenditure million U.S. dollars, 6 of military hardware on the operation by
On the other han the military hardware that the LTTE had b ture from governme have been many repo Tigers have been ab equip themselves wit loads of weapons du It was during this peri was reported to have jacked a shipload of of mortars ordered an Sri Lankan governme The slow progre tion and the heavy re tered by the governi raised the questio strength, capability : the enemy - the LTT derestimated by the thorities when Oper was launched in May Defence comme lombo say that the o ther been a success in in the theater of wa inputs that have gon tion at the expense of vulnerable areas, thi

15MAY1998
r
kilometers to be
-long operation, heavy casualties. the number of hard to come by 'onflict, in its anwing each and unter, for propayerestimates its and underesti'ding to some inE least 2,500 Tied in action and ile over 2000govkilled in action Inded and nearly g in action'. ary hardware innS, mortarS, artanks worth milhave been lost or ernment side. In , an estimated 9 xcluding the cost , has been spent the government. d, in addition to and ammunition een able to capnt forces, there rts that the Tamil ble to obtain reh of many shipring this period. Od that the LTTE successfully hiover 30.000 tons d paid for by the ent. ss of the opera'sistance encounment forces have n whether the and strategies of E - had been unSri Lankan auation Jayasikuru
1997. 2ntators in Coperation has neior a failure so far r. But given the e into the operasecurity in other e validity of se
curely ensuring a main Supply route strategy is arguable. They say that Operation Jaya Sikuru should be objectively assessed in the light of its original aim, its successes and failures. They consider that the planners of the operation planners had either underestimated the enemy and overestimated their own capability or subordinated it to a political agenda disregarding a rational appreciation of the military and manpower implications. Whatever the contributory factors, it is clear that there has been a mismatch between the military and political plans and the assessment of capabilities, logistics and aims. -
What is clear is that these shortcomings have at the end of one year of fighting every inch of the way been able only to develop a stalemated situation. It may be assessed that the Tamil Tigers may have been weakened and a certain amount of territory under their control has been retaken since the operation began. But what is also clear is that they have not been So weakened to the point of conceding the original aim of the operation - the securing of the intended land route to Jaffna. On the contrary, the operation also has failed to make an appreciable dent in the Tigers' faith in their ability to resist and prevent the aim of the military.
At the end of a whole year of this expensive operation, besides the thousands of casualties, the military authorities would appear to have now come to realise that the army is short of manpower. The manpower shortage has been aggravated by the desertion of an estimated 15,000 soldiers. The amnesties offered to deserters on a number of occasions and a highgeared recruiting drive indicate the real predicament of the army with regard to manpower.
The suggestion of resorting to conscription should manpower levels not be filled through normal recruitment underscores the problem the government is facing.
It is in this context that the military high command has launched a twopronged recruitment drive to bolster of the ranks of the armed forces. The first is to obtain fresh recruits from among the people who have so far failed to display any degree of enthusiasm to join the armed forces. Secondly is the campaign to bring back the deserters from the armed forces

Page 5
15MAY1998
who are estimated at over 15,000. The military high command declared on 5 May a five-day amnesty in an effort bring back these 15,000 army desertCS.
Deserters were asked to report back to duty on the promise that they could keep their ranks and would not be penalised for their desertion. Similiar amnesties granted previously only succeeded in obtaining the return of a few thousands but there are still at large many thousands of deSeiterS.
This time round, the military authorities appear to take a much more harder line in seeking out the deserters. They decided to put up lists of deserters at police stations, government offices and other public places in an effort to prompt people to report them. There were reports in Colombo newspapers of arrests of some desertes.
According to Defense Ministry sources many of the deserters have been employed by private security firms. The better pay offered by these firms with relatively less risk involved has become a attraction for the deserters. In addition to private security firms, police believe, night clubs and casinos also hire army deserters as strongarm men. These private institutions have been warned not to recruit the deserters but to hand them over to the nearest police station.
Under the country's law, which the government hopes to strictly enforce after the amnesty deadline, harbouring a deserter, abetting such desertion and employing deserters are punishable offenses.
"We have started the second phase of the operation, that is to arrest the deserters who did not response to the amnesty,' Brigadier K.B. Egodawela, head of the army personnel administration unit, told the press.
Egodawela said over 5,000 soldiers had responded to the army's final amnesty. “It is well over 5,000, the documentation is still going on," he said. "We are happy with the number that has returned, but would be happier if more came," Egodawela added.
Officials said the army had also introduced a scheme to take back retired soldiers and officers to handle security operations in the capital Colombo. Regular soldiers could thus be freed for the northern battlefields.
The Army Cor Daluwatte at a new May said, “We nee everybody to get b Our biggest proble "The main reason f is to get your supp ers to come back. come back as solo 1 cause our main prob We have taken laI have to maintain th bility and also prote that purpose, we re bers. We are little requirement, the bes deserters back, b trained soldiers. S. assistance and coendeavour,' the A told journalists.
School Leavers
In the meantim ported that the milit a country-wide plan leavers and others to boost up its numbe The plan involv of recruitment to the by going to schools fort to attract scho this program, a spec ficer of the Army w where he would co 18 year olds who their secondary sch ing video clippings lets prepared for th would compile a list who expressed their the forces, and wol the army, the mom their education in S A Colombo new day Times, 10 Ma Commander Lt. C Daluwatte, stated til ing Officers wou countrywide to rec 18 years. “We wi schools, but also to and to Samurdhi be seek the help of cle news conference ol
He said going cruitment was noth the United States schools to tell them an attractive profe The appearance at the time it did all cruit school-leave)

TAMIL TIMES5
mander, Rohan
conference on 8 | co-operation of ck the deserters. m is manpower. or this discussion rt for the desertWe want them to
as possible belem is manpower. ge areas and we e operation capa:t those areas. For quire large numhort to meet that way is to get the cause they are ), I request your operation in this my Commander
2, it has been reary had drawn up to attract school) join the army to
S. "es a new system ranks of the army directly in an efol leavers... Under ial recruitment ofould visit schools induct lectures to have just finished ool education usand special leafis purpose. They s of those students willingness to join ld be taken in to 2nt they complete chool. spaper (The Sun7) report, quoting en. Rohan de S. at Army Recruitld visit schools ruit Students over l not only go to population Zones eficiaries. We will gy too," he told a
8 May. o schools for reng new. “Even in the Army goes to that the military is sion,' he added. of the news report out the plan to res backed up by a
high profile campaign in schools had clearly embarrassed the government. Addressing the Government's weekly media briefing at the Parliamentary Complex last 14 May, Minister of Information and Media Mr Mangala Samaraweera charged that "this news item has been deliberately inserted to create mischief' at a time when Mr. Olara Otunnu, UN special envoy on children and armed conflict, was visiting Sri Lanka.
In an angry response to the news report, the Minister said, "I would like to read the news item, the LTTE released which I am sure, has been picked up from The Sunday Times." He went on to read "as the Sri Lankan Government found that the number of soldiers has been insufficient for the war to conduct genocide, it had been planned to recruit school students, male and female, to the forces.' He added: “Two days after this news item was printed in The Sunday Times, our embassy in Bonn reported the LTTE broadcast. We are sorry that a responsible newspaper like The Sunday Times is behaving in such an irresponsible manner. This in turn enables the LTTE to justify its diabolical practice of using young children in its terrorist activities. The Government of Sri Lanka, I would like to categorically state, has extended its final amnesty to all Army deserters and it has absolutely no plans to recruit school children to the armed forces.'
Conscription
Government sources have let it been known that conscription is on the agenda if the campaign to bolster up the ranks of the armed forces by bringing back the deserters fails to materialise. Sri Lanka's deputy Defence Minister, Anuruddha Ratwatte, has been quoted as saying that compulsory military service will be declared if the amnesty fails to rope in some 15,000 army deserters. "The government has decided on compulsory military service if ongoing attempts to bring back deserters fail," Ratwatte told local journalists on 5 May.
Without giving further details, the Minister said that the compulsory military service will be for those between 18 and 30 years.
The move to introduce compulsory military service in the form of conscription has come in for severe criticism in opposition circles. O

Page 6
6 TAM TIMES ‘’
"Jayasikuru - A Monu Military Debacle
Says LTTE Leader
he leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Mr V. Pirapaharan, in a statement issued from the LTTE's London headquarters on 13 May 1998 to mark the anniversary of the Sri Lankan military offensive operation called "Jayasikuru'(Victory Assured) described the Government's military campaign as a monumental disaster. Sri Lanka Suffered unprecedented casualty rate in the year long battle with over 3000 Sinhala soldiers killed and 7000 injured, Mr. Pirapaharan said.
The Government of Chandrika Kumaratunga is driving the country towards the path of destruction impelled by a singular passion to dominate and subjugate the Tamil homeland by military means, he further said.
The following are extracts from Mr. Pirapaharan's statement:
Today is a significant day in the history of our national liberation struggle, it marks the end of a year during which we have resisted and fought against the biggest ever offensive operation launched by the Sri
Lankan armed forces code named
"Jayasikuru'. This operation has not yet come to an end but dragging on for a year though it was programmed for three months and began with much publicity and propaganda. The battle has assumed historical significance as the longest military operation not only in the history of Eelam war but also in the global history of armed conflicts. Our liberation movement has made this remarkable military achievement by putting up fierce resistance crippling the forward mobility of the enemy forces in the Wanni jungles.
"Jayasikuru' operation is not an ordinary battle, it has been the mother of all battles that flared up on our soil. In this confrontation, the enemy mobilised all his strength and resources at his command. We fought against a formidable force of thirty thousand troops belonging to three army divi
sions with its speci mando units, supp( thousands of navy nel. The enemy for fire power by utilis tanks, super-son fighter helicopters. an aggression on Sinhala army inv heart of the Tamil
What is the stra hind this military o the underlying pc this military camp; ment claims that t tion is aimed at O highway that will of the Tamil peopl real objective. Th different motives and dangerous.
The Kandy hig the Wanni region. strategic road, the culated that it coul graphical unity of land. Secondly, th ment was well awa an LTTE controll headquarters as w and administrativ liberation moveme Therefore, the sumed that the LT pelled to confront an all-out offensiv in the Wanni heartl tary confrontation Sinhala chauvini maximum man po to destroy the mil the LTTE and to t Tamil freedom mo The grand strat Government is to { Tigers and to effe between the North finding a perman( Tamil national qu means. This is th capsulated in the known concept "w this sinister strateg offensive operatio
 
 
 

15MAY19
al forces and com
orted in the rear by and police personces used maximum ing heavy artillery, lic bombers and In the manner of a hostile land, the faded Wanni, the nation.
ategic objective beffensive? What are litical motives of aign? The Governhis military operapening the Kandy facilitate travelling e. But it is not the e Government has which are sinister
hway runs through By capturing this Sinhala regime cald bifurcate the geothe Tamil homee Sinhala Governare that Wanni was ed area where the ell as the military e structures of our ent operated.
Government asTE would be comthe Sinhala army if ve was undertaken and. In such a milithe objective of the sts was to utilise wer and fire power itary capability of pring an end to the Venet. egy of Chandrika's eliminate the Tamil ct a forced linkage and South, thereby 2nt solution to the estion by military e hidden plan enGovernment's well ar for peace'. With y, the "Jayasikuru' in launched on the
Wanni soil.
From the very beginning we realised that the offensive operation of the enemy has dangerous designs. We realised that this military campaign posed a serious challenge not only to the territorial unity of the Tamil homeland but also to the very existence of our liberation movement. Therefore, we were firmly determined to fiercely resist the offensive with all our power and potential.
Accordingly we worked out our strategy and tactics to thwart the forward movement of the advancing columns and to inflict heavy losses on the enemy.
Before the launching of the operation “Jayasikuru” the Sri Lankan political and military high command miscalculated the military strength and determination of the LTTE. Based on our strategic withdrawal from Jaffna Peninsula and on our non-engagement in the 'Edibala' operation, Sri Lanka Government entertained a theory that the LTTE was militarily weakened. This misconception led the army high command to believe in an assured victory and made them to issue time-frames for the campaign. Ultimately the military establishment has had to face humiliation.
We were prepared to confront 'Jayasikuru' troops. We re-organised and re-structured our military machine to engage in a conventional mode of offensive. Our successful campaign at Mullaitivu strengthened our fire power. On the basis of our newly acquired weaponry we built up artillery and mortar units, anti-tank and anti-aircraft units to form a well integrated military structure capable of confronting a conventional military thrust. We had a long experience about the offensive maneuvers of the enemy forces. On the basis of such practical experiences we devised new offensive and defensive strategies and constructed impenetrable defense lines. By such method we prepared ourselves to face the biggest ever offensive undertaken by the enemy.
In the 'Jayasikuru' military operation the Sri Lankan army has adopted Various Strategies and tactics. It experimented with new offensive maneuvers found in contemporary military sciences. Furthermore, it implemented war plans charted by for

Page 7
5MAY1998
eign military experts. Yet, the armed forces could not break or weaken LTTE's determined resistance. Rather, such offensive thrusts resulted in serious setbacks and heavy losses to the army.
In this year long single military operation the Sri Lankan army suffered heavy causalities with over 3000 soldiers killed and about 7000 injured. Several specially trained commando units were annihilated and armoured units destroyed. Military stores and arsenals were wiped out. In this lengthy battle, the LTTE fighters secured huge amounts of arms and ammunition. The losses suffered by the enemy were massive. Having suffered such monumental damage, the army has not yet achieved its strategic objective.
In every confrontation during this prolonged battle we gained new experience and learned a lot in the art of war and that has helped to develop our fighting ability. It has further strengthened the commitment and dedication of our fighters. This battle was a baptism of fire through which we emerged strong with new vigor.
In terms of manpower, fire-power and resources, the enemy was strong and the balance of military power was in his favor. Yet we had an extra-ordinary weapon which was not in the arsenal of the enemy. The courage and commitment of our fighters was our most powerful weapon in the Wanni battle.
From tomorrow the 'Jayasikuru' military operation begins its second year and it will prolong further. The Government is determined to pursue this military adventure since it has political implications. Sri Lankan regime is making desperate efforts to regenerate the demoralised army by constantly changing the officers of the command structure and regularly announcing amnesty for its deserters. Sri Lanka's war machine will roll again and thousands of innocent Sinhala youth will be victims to the arrogance and short sighted policy of the Kandyan aristocratic ruling elite.
Chandrika's Government has imposed media censorship to cover-up the ground realities of the war. It has deliberately concealed facts about military losses and engaged in a misinformation campaign to cheat the Sinhala people and the world. But the
Br
in S
The Sri Lankal fered a major blo Larry Wijeyaratne suicide bomber wrapped around herself on his vehi brigade headquart in northern Jaffn May.
The Brigadier pital where he die Wijeyaratne w. lar amongst the civ Jaffna but had bé to the military de Colombo and he v Colombo on 15 M on his last day in the fortified camp
The body of th cide bomber disi force of the blast, b Said she was a wo member of the e
Government coul historical truth th eration has been p and has been reco battle in the histor This battle will be
mental military Lankan armed fo military confront demonstrated its spirit and proved
eration army of th
“Jayasikuru” has plunged th Chandrika Kumar ous crisis. The C ing the country t destruction impe passion to domi. the Tamil homelar
In conclusio pledges that thi sikuru will not { the occupation : from the Wannis. finally pays hom who sacrificed defense of their n

TAMIL TIMES 7
igadier Killed Suicide Attack
armed forces sufw when Brigadier was killed when a with explosives mer person threw le just as it left his ers at Point Pedro peninsula on 14
was rushed to hosl. is said to be popu"ilian population of en recently posted fence academy in as to have left for lay but was killed Jaffna assigned to at Vadamaradchchi. e unidentified suitegrated from the ut military officials oman, apparently a lite suicide squad
i not cover-up the at this military oprolonged for a year rded as the longest y of armed conflict. assessed as a monulebacle of the Sri ces. In this major tion the LTTE has emarkable fighting itself to be the lib2 Tamil people.
military operation Government of tunga in to a seriovernment is drivwards the path of led by a singular ate and subjugate by military means.
, Mr. Pirapaharan operation “Jayahd until and unless rmy is driven out . The LTTE leader ge to 1300 martyrs heir lives for the otherland. O
known as the Black Tigers of the LTTE The incident occurred when the 48-year-old Wijeyaratne was returning to his camp after bidding farewell to local residents and following a farewell lunch hosted by the Traders Association of Point Pedro. Wijeyaratne was said to have been very popular among the civilian population of Jaffna.
The assassination of the top military official in army-controlled northern Jaffna has yet again showed their ability to strike at will, analysts in Colombo said. “They (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) want to maintain
the hold on the people and remind them that they are very much alive," Harry Goonatilleke, a retired air force chief, is reported to have told the press.
"It is certainly a loss of a good officer, but not a major setback for the military," said Brigadier Sarath Munasinghe, the defence ministry's spokesman.
"They (the Tigers) have shown their true intentions by killing a popular officer," he said, adding that the they did not want the army to get too close to the people of Jaffna.
This is their (the Tigers) strategy. It helps boost their morale and also shows that they could strike at any time they want," said Joseph Pararajasingham, the Batticaloa Tamil Member of Parliament is reported to have said, adding "This war cannot continue, pressure has to be brought on the government and the Tigers to find a political settlement."
As commander of his Brigade, Larry Wijeyaratne had built up a remarkable rapport with the people of the area under his command in Vadamarachchi. "That was probably the very reason why the LTTE wanted to get him,' an army official in Jaffna said. Wijeratna had been particularly successful in the "winning the hearts and minds of the people' campaign, and it was officers like him who managed to change for the better the army's reputation among the Tamil people. He sometimes travelled unarmed and without armed escorts, he said.

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
Human rights groups had also praised Brig. Wijeyaratna's leadership and the way he maintained discipline among his troops, saying there had been no disappearances in his areas during his tenure. The same groups have also said that some 700 people disappeared after arrest elsewhere in the peninsula after the military re-captured Jaffna from the Tigers in
1996.
Residents pani ing of Wijeyaratn ing retaliation by some shops close. was no retaliato) army.
Soon after the put up flags of mc ols closed early.
It would have been surprising if the “friendly interest' shown during his recent visit by Nagendra Nath Jha, the former Indian High Commissioner in Colombo and presently a relatively an influential figure in New Delhi as convenor of the BJP's foreign policy cell, did not evoke some "unfriendly' reaction in Sri Lanka.
In Sri Lanka, "friendly concern' can be construed as interference in its internal affairs when it comes to the country's long-drawn ethnic crisis. And if it is neighbouring India showing undue concern, alarm bells ring much faster among the government and intelligentsia in Colombo, mostly due to a history of turbulent relations between the two countries.
A huge debate was provoked in Colombo when Mr Jha reportedly told a few Indian journalists that the new government in Delhi entertained a “friendly concern' in respect of the continuing ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. He was reported to have said, "We are working on certain proposals now to break the barriers with
the neighbouring countries and show our friendly concerns.” He was also reported as having said that he believed Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict could be resolved by Sri Lanka conceding agreeing to the merger of the he island's Tamil-majority northern region with the multi-ethnic eastern province.
“Every Tamil, from the most moderate to the worst extremist is of one opinion on this demand, and this is one of the issues where the Government of India can talk to the government here,” Mr Jha had said.
Mr Jha's statements were promptly characterised as a shift in India's policy of "non-interference' as practised by the defeated Gujral government.
Indo-Sri Lanka Re
There followe of fears of a repe 1980s scenario w the Indo-Sri Lank sent in troops enfol tation of the acco resolving the eth though eventual troops invited by President fought : the Tamil Tigers a due them before th depart by the Pre ceeded the previo Sri Lanka have n the Tamil militant the Tigers, were h and trained in In knowledge of New 1980s. So much Times of ColombC Lanka and her pe suffer from the m fed, financed and government of In government of the state of Tamil Na vious reference to des said, “We ver pro-ILTTE man s fence Minister a believes it can w into the confidenc tablishment.”
Cybery
Sri Lankan moved to count scribe as cyber-te ing that supporte gers had tried to puter systems of cording to foreig in Colombo.
"We found th ists were floodil
 
 

15 ΜΑΥ 19.3
led after the killprobably fear
the army, and early. But there i action by the
attack residents urning and scho
a orchestration ition of the late hen India, under a peace accord, ce the implemend with a view to nic conflict. Ally, the Indian one Sri Lankan bitter war with hd sought to subey were asked to sident who sucus one, many in ot forgotten that groups, including arboured, funded dia with the full Delhi in the midso, The Sunday | commented, “Sri ople continue to ovement that was nurtured by the dia and the state (southern Indian) lu,” and in an obGeorge Fernanwell know that a ts as India's Deld that the LTTE orm its way back e of the Indian es
Mr Jha later denied his remarks in a public speech where he said New Delhi might take a middle path in contrast to the previous extremes of full involvement or total disinterest. But that did not satisfy the doubters. But the Foreign Ministry in Colombo did not appear to be unduly agitated over the reported remark by Mr Jha.
The island's Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar was the first foreign dignitary to meet Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee after he took power and seek clarification that the new Indian government would in no way
change the earlier policy towards Sri Lanka. The government of the former prime minister Inder Kumar Gujral had adopted a hands-off policy towards India's neighbours under the so-called "Gujral Doctrine,” saying it was time for New Delhi to take a lead in improving relations with them. N.
The National Joint Committee of Sinhala-Buddhist organisations went a step further and said, "The people of Sri Lanka expect India to reciprocate their consistent and strict neutrality in India's internal affairs,' and "Mr Jha's statement will be construed as an unfriendly act calculated to undermine the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka.” −
In an apparent bid to reassure any misunderstanding of New Delhi's stance, India's foreign ministry 27 April said, "Basically there is no change in the policy. As far as we are concerned the policy is still the same.” The external affairs ministry spokesman said Jha's comments were his own, and stressed that New Delhi was firmly in favour of an internal, peaceful solution to the problem in Sri Lanka. "The government of India remains firm in its support for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka," he said.
Farfare and Computer Crime
Luthorities have r what they derorism after allegs of the Tamil Tiabotage the comits embassies, ac
ministry officials
t the LTTE activSri Lankan em
bassies with junk e-mails. We installed a filter system to counter that,' a senior ministry official said.
U.S. intelligence officials reported on 5 May that the cyber-strike last year appeared to have been little more than a bid by the LTTE to swamp Sri Lankan embassies with electronic mail. It was the first known attack by a "terrorist group' on a country's computers, the

Page 9
15MAY1998
officials told reporters at a briefing on worldwide guerrilla-violence trends.
But the incident last year "did cause us to sit up and take notice' because it was the first of its kind involving a group branded as a terrorist organization by Washington and a possible "portent of worse things to come,' one official said.
Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry officials said that they were aware of the cyber-attack. A senior ministry official said the government did not know of any other such incidents.
The U.S. officials attributed the reported attack to a self-styled offshoot of the LTTE. In August last year a group calling itself Internet Black
Tigers claimed responsibility for "suicide e-mail bombings' aimed at countering government propaganda sent electronically, the U.S. State Department said recently in its annual survey of guerrilla incidents.
Sri Lanka last year launched a web window through which several government and privately run websites can be accessed in a first-ever move to counter the LTTE's electronic propaganda. There are several LTTE-oriented websites available on the Internet, but the LTTE deny they directly fund or run them.
One of the main websites that reflects the LTTE views is Eelam web (http:/www.eelamweb.com), which features a colour picture of the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and details reported atrocities against Tamils in Sri Lanka.
In the meantime, Sri Lanka has drawn up draft legislation against computer crimes which is likely to be placed before island's parliament shortly. “We have drawn up draft legislation on computer crime. It is being polished up and will soon be put before parliament,' V.K. Samaranayake, chairman of the Council for Information Technology (CINTEC), told the press recently.
Sri Lanka's penal code, which is the general law governing crime bequeathed by the British and subsequently amended, was enacted in 1885 long before computers came into use. The legislation which will be called Computer Crimes Act will be an additional ordinance to the penal code, said Samaranayake, whose office is assisting the government in information technology.
"At present if you steal millions
Amnesty Intel ed South Asian noring “a litany of dren ranging fror selling them into over the region, c working in factoric and brothels. They gerous and unhe. and are deprived C hood itself,' Ami The South A “have failed to ra abuses. They havi petrators,” Amn Angelika Pathak ference held on 2 ternationally reno organisation, Am launched a campa children's rights campaign is spear report entitled " Asia: Securing Th DEX: ASA 04/12 tures six case Stu of the countries ir India, Pakistan, Bhutan, Afghanis
Ms Pathak ur of India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka to tures on the U.N Rights of the Chil One-quarter of t live in South As governments "hav plement the oblig sumed,' she said All the gover have made a COI the United Natio Rights of the Ch strengthened thi ugh the South A Regional Cooper
of rupees worth (
computers, I will for stealing a dis nayake.
The legislatio types of informal un authorised ac theft of informat fication.
 

TAMIL TIMES 9
· in South ASa
national has accusovernments of igabuse" against chilbonded labour to prostitution. "All hildren can be seen s, mines, brick kilns often work in danlthy environments frights...even childesty said. sian governments ise concerns about 2 sided with the per2sty spokeswoman said at a news con2 April when the inwned human ri-ghts nesty International, ign on 22 April on in South Asia. The headed by a 52-page Children in South heir Rights" (AI IN/97) which also feadies drawn from six 1 the region, namely Bangladesh, Nepal, tan and Sri Lanka. ged the governments , Bangladesh, Nepal match their signaConvention on the d (CRC) with action. he world's children ia, but all of these e failed to fully imations they have as
ments in South Asia nmitment to uphold S Convention on the ild (CRC) and have commitment throsian Association for ation (SAARC). Yet
f software from my have to charge you kette,” said Samara
deals with various on crime, including ess to computers, on, alteration, modi -
children continue to be ill-treated in the custody of the state as it administers juvenile justice, are left unprotected in the family and community and suffer the consequences of living in the midst of armed conflict.
"The gap between rhetoric and reality must be closed for each and every child in South Asia. A massive 40 percent of the region's population are children - they are the adults of tomorrow and their childhood must be protected," Amnesty International said.
"As the most vulnerable members of society, children need special protection and regional governments have a duty to provide it. If the forthcoming SAARC ‘Decade of the Rights of the Child' is to bring about real change in South Asia, governments must take decisive measures to ensure that state officials, businesses, schools and parents do not deny children their rights."
The report called for action on child rights to mark the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
"All over the South Asia region, children can be seen working in factories, mines, brick kilns and brothels. They find themselves trapped in a cycle of poverty, growing up illiterate, unskilled and prone to involvement in crime,' the report Said.
"Yet children continue to be illtreated in the custody of the state as it administers juvenile justice, are left unprotected in the family and community and suffer the consequences of living in the midst of armed conflict.
"The gap between rhetoric and reality must be closed for each and every child in South Asia. A massive 40 percent of the region's population are children - they are the adults of tomorrow and their childhood must be protected,” it said.
The report cited, among others, the following cases:
O In India a High Court committee found children detained by police were subject to "shockingly savage and barbarous treatment' including electric shocks and piercing of pri

Page 10
to TAMIL TIMES
vate parts with sticks covered with chilli-powder and petrol.
O In Sri Lanka a boy of 12 was stripped by police and beaten repeatedly with a broken wooden bat after being picked up on suspicion of links with Tamil Tigers.
O In Bangladesh, a boy spent 12 years in prison, held in leg irons for almost the entire time. His detention was later found to be illegal.
O In Pakistan, some bonded labourers are held in private jails controlled by landlords. Children as young as a few months old were held in a rural jail in Sindh, where girls were repeatedly raped by the landlord and his SOS.
O More than 9,000 girls are sold each year from Nepal and Bangladesh - destined for a life of sexual slavery in India and Pakistan, often with the acquiescence or sometimes connivance of state officials.
O Armed groups in the region have deliberately killed, tortured, raped and intimidated children, and recruited them to fight as soldiers, despite safeguards in international humanitarian law which forbid these activities.
O Many children from Madarsas (religious schools) in Pakistan have been sent to Afghanistan to fight for the Taleban Islamic militia.
O In Sri Lanka, six children were among 42 unarmed civilians deliberately killed by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) which is fighting for a separate state.
O In Afghanistan, in a massacre of 70 civilians, the Taleban killed and decapitated an eight-year-old boy and reportedly held down two 12-year-old boys and broke their arms and hands with stones.
All over the South Asia region, children can be seen working in factories, mines, brick kilns and brothels. They often work in dangerous and unhealthy environments and are deprived of rights promised them in the CRC such as health, education and recreation. They find themselves trapped in a cycle of poverty, growing up illiterate, unskilled and prone to involvement in crime.
Economic disadvantage, social exclusion and political marginalization add to the vulnerability of youth to perpetuate these cycles of abuse. Girls face particular disadvantage, which compounds the discrimination faced by women.
Amnesty Inter report recognizes the commitment CRC is an enormc government, requ of legal, econom ures, and that th daunting for many South Asia, with populations, lim weak institutions, According to tional, some gove positive initiative dren's rights, rang to protect childr education program grees of impleme "But these hav state officials fro their rights, allow children in the col - either through a complicity or thro and acquiescence, The report st several practical n ernments could ta wards improving situation of child amending domesti it in line with inte giving clear sign ment officials tha the rights of childr and ensuring that to secure the smo judicial process fo AI's report al mendations to
ARMED UN ENV
At the conclu mission to Sri Lal Mr. Olara A Otu. Sentative of the S Children and Al nounced that sign commitments hac Government of S leadership of the Tamil Eelam (LTT in New York on 1
He said, "I we ments, which rep development tov protection, rights dren affected by conflict in Sri Lal

15MAY1998
national's campaign
that delivering on s contained in the us challenge for any iring a combination c and Social meas2 task is especially of the countries of large and diverse ited resources and
Amnesty Internarnments have taken es to improve chilling from legislation 'n to human rights ns, with varying dentation and Success. e not stopped some m denying children ving abuses against mmunity and family |ctive collusion and ough tacit toleration ' the report argues. ates that there are heasures which govke as a first step tothe human rights ren. These include: c legislation to bring 'rnational standards; als to law enforcet those who violate en will be punished; funds are available oth operation of the br children.
so contains recomarmed opposition
groups. Specifically, that they should make clear to all those they command that torture and deliberate or indiscriminate killings will not be tolerated and that all civilians should be treated humanely, that they should prohibit the compulsory or voluntary recruitment into their armed forces of anyone under the age of 18, and that they should ban the use of anti-personnel mines.
Amnesty also says that the inter. national community - governments, international agencies, businesses and ordinary people can play an important role in protecting children's rights in South Asia by raising human rights concerns with regional governments and supporting defenders of children's rights within the region. Businesses in particular should ensure that their partner companies or subsidiaries do not employ children in dangerous conditions, or contribute to ill-treatment of children.
"South Asia's children represent one quarter of the world's children - what happens to them is important for children globally,' Amnesty International said. "This year is the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR). Children are fully entitled to the rights it contains."
"The best possible commemoration of this milestone in human rights will be to ensure that people in South Asia celebrating the 100th anniversary will be able to look back on a life of full enjoyment of the rights contained in the UDHR.' '
CONFLICT AND CHILDREN 7OY’S VISIT TO SRI LANKA
sion of a week-long ka (3-9 May 1998), nnu, Special Repreecretary-General for "med Conflict, anificant humanitarian been made by the ri Lanka and by the Liberation Tigers of E), a statement issued 3 May said.
come these commitresent a significant wards ensuring the and welfare of chilthe ongoing armed nka. I now call upon
the parties to take concrete steps to fulfil their respective commitments."
Mr. Otunnu visited Sri Lanka to promote the protection, rights and welfare of children and to witness and assess for himself the multiple ways in which children are affected by the ongoing armed conflict in that country. Throughout his visit, he stressed the humanitarian character of his mission and emphasised that he was concerned with all children and all the dimensions of the impact of war on their lives. He met with the President, H.E. Ms. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Lakshman Kadirgamar, Minister of

Page 11
1s MAY1998
Justice, Constitutional Affairs, National Integration and Ethnic Affairs, Professor G.L. Peiris, parliamentarians and other Government officials. He travelled to affected areas in the Jaffna peninsula and the Vanni region, where he visited schools, resettlement villages and centres for internally displaced persons. While in these areas, he also met with local government officials, military commanders, religious and civic leaders, as well as with representatives of local and international humanitarian agencies. He had the opportunity to meet with two senior representatives appointed by the leader of the LTTE, V. Prabhakaran - Mr. Thamilselvan, Head of the Political Section, and Mr.Balasingham, Political Advisor. -
In his discussions with the Government and the LTTE leadership, Mr. Otunnu raised several issues pertaining to the rights, protection and welfare of children. Among the issues on which the parties made specific commitments were the following: O Provision and Distribution of Humanitarian Supplies: Impressive efforts are being made to respond to the humanitarian situation in affected areas; but more needs to be done to meet the critical and growing needs of the affected populations. The Government agreed to review the list of restricted items and also to examine procedures to expedite the approval and distribution of necessary supplies. The LTTE leadership made a commitment not to interfere with the flow of humanitarian supplies destined for affected population and accepted the need for a framework to monitor this commitmelt. O Free Movement of Displaced Populations: The Government agreed to expedite procedures for the issue of permits for movement in affected areas. The LTTE leadership made the commitment that the movement of displaced populations who want to return to areas now under Government control would not be impeded. They also pledged not to impede the return to their homes of Muslim populations displaced by previous outbreaks of hostilities and they accepted that a framework to monitor these processes should be put in place. O Recruitment and Participation of Children in Hostilities: The LTTE leadership undertook not to use children below 18 years of age in combat and
not to recruit chil years old. The LT cepted that a fram these commitment place. The Govern reiterated its commi of not recruiting chi of 18 years. Mr. ( Government assu were no plans to er ment drive in scho O Observing the C Rights of the Child of Sri Lanka has S the Convention. It a National Child Otunnu stressed til all parties, includin to respect the prin sions of the Conve nection, he urged th to make a public c
spect the Conventic aged by the LTTE' its cadres receive i struction on the C O Targeting of Ci and Sites: Mr. Otu
gravest concern a of civilian popu throughout the co leadership acknowl important and legi undertook to revie’ tactics in this rega Another impor Otunnu raised wit and with the LTTE continuing use of sides. He very mu had not been pos: sion to obtain a co ther party to re landmines; he indi to pursue this issu During his tra affected areas, Mr the trauma and dis
 

TAMILTMES 1
ren less than 17 TE leadership acework to monitor
should be put in ment of Sri Lanka tment to the policy dren under the age
)tunnu welcomed
rances that there hbark on a recruitols.
: The Government igned and ratified has also prepared en's Charter. Mr. he importance for g non-state actors, ciples and provintion. In this cone LTTE leadership ommitment to re
on. He was encours readiness to have nformation and inonvention. vilian Populations nnu expressed the bout the targeting lations and sites untry. The LTTE edged this to be an imate concern and w its strategies and rd. tant issue that Mr. h the Government leadership was the landmines by both ch regretted that it ible on this occammitment from eifrain from using cated his intention
6. Iel to the conflictOtunnu witnessed tress on the part of
onvention on the
affected populations there. He saw how the protracted conflict has undermined the social and ethical fabric of society. He was struck by the deep and widespread yearning for peace on the part of all communities. At a final address in Colombo, Mr. Otunnu strongly endorsed the launching of a local initiative, proclaiming "children as Zones of peace', as a Systematic effort to apply global recommendations on the protection, rights and welfare of children to the specific context of Sri Lanka.
Mr. Otunnu concluded his visit by launching a strong appeal to the international community to provide more assistance to conflict-affected populations in Sri Lanka, especially for resettlement and the meeting of their urgent health and education needs.
Otunnu told a news conference in New York that the next step was to set up procedures to monitor the pledges made by the parties. He also said too many civilians were being targeted in areas where there was no fighting. But he regretted he made no immediate headway in getting both sides to agree to stop the use of landmines, which were not as widely strewn in Sri Lanka as in other countries but were still there. "But I will continue to press them on it," he said adding, "If even a few people are killed, even a fraction of the fertile land of Sri Lanka is taken up because of landmines, that is bad enough."
Otunnu noted that in the 30 major civil conflicts around the world today, all of them were marked by targeting women and children as one of their main goals. At the end of World War I, he said, about 5 percent of the casualties were civilians. This jumped to 48 percent after World War II and now represents 90 percent of the casualties. "This is a world turned upside down when the very objective of the war effort is to target civilian populations, to humiliate, to destroy, to annihilate, to displace them,' Otunnu said. "They are no longer incidental victims. They are the purpose of the war effort.'
He said that in Sri Lanka as well as other places local values of life and death had been shattered as a result of protracted exposure to war. "It is an ethical free-for-all. Everyone has become fair game. This is relatively new in the modern era,' he said.

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12 TAMIL TIMES
Media Freedom
and Social Responsib
Three of Sri Lanka's most influential media organisations recently placed their signatures to a Colombo Declaration on Media Freedom and Social Responsibility reiterating their commitment to further co-operation and unity in efforts to promote the freedom of expression and media freedom. A fourth organisation participated in the deliberations and said they could ratify the Declaration after their Executive Committee agrees to it.
The Free Media Movement, the Editors' Guild of Sri Lanka and the Newspaper (Publishers') Society of Sri Lanka announced the Declaration at a joint press conference at the BMICH on April 29 following a three-day Symposium attended by local and foreign media personalities, Government and Opposition leaders and public servants.
The Sri Lanka Working Journalists' Association also participated in the Symposium as co-organisers along with the Centre for Policy Alternatives, and the Paris-based World Association of Newspapers was a co-sponsor.
The Colombo declaration begins as follows:
O Convinced that freedom of expression and freedom of information are vital to a democratic society and are essential for its progress and welfare and for the enjoyment of other human rights and fundamental freedoms;
O Bearing in mind that it is imperative if people are to be able to monitor the conduct of their government, be politically informed and to participate fully in a democratic society, that they have access to information;
O'Recognising that the journalist performs a critical role in society in facilitating the above;
O Considering that public officials by nature of their office should tolerate more intense levels of criticism than private individuals;
O Convinced that debate on public issues should be uninhibited and robust and that Some erroneous Statements are inevitable in a free debate, recognise the necessity for legal protection of critics of official conduct,
who given the curren defamation would b voicing their criticism lieved to be true and in fact untrue, thus da our and limiting the debate;
O Recognizing th of censorship has oft and erratic, and in public's right to know lation of internatio) freedom of expressic O Noting with ce intimidation and thre sonnel which have a the conduct of their O Desiring to pro ognition of the limite tions on freedom ol freedom of informal imposed in the intere curity, so as to disc ernment from using tional security to pla strictions on the e: freedoms;
Agree upon the f als and recommend ate bodies undertake their widespread di ceptance and impler Among the prop mendations made in t laration are;
1) A better for words defining freed opinion and informat tution and a Sugges ther the South Afric wording or the Worc national Covenant or cal Rights (ICCPR)
2) Proposals to a tion of fundamental Emergency.
3) The need for formation Act to en: and open Governm types of information records, trade Secre ment information etc 4) A new Press C would articulate the sponsibilities of th terms of the requ ICCPR.
 

15MAY1998
t law of criminal ve deterred from n even if it is beeven though it is mpening the vig
scope of public
at the application en been arbitrary violation of the v, and also in vional standards of
)n, Incern the acts of at to media perdversely affected
duty; mote a clear recdiscope of restricexpression and tion that may be st of national seourage the govthe pretext of nace unjustified rexercise of these
ollowing proposhat the appropristeps to promote SSemination, acmentation.
osals and recomhe Colombo Dec
mulation of the om of expression, ion in the Constition to adopt eian Constitutional ling of the InterCivil and Polition the subject.
void the derogarights in times of
a Freedom of Insure transparency ent with special
Such as medical !ts, law enforce... to be exempted. ommittee Act that
freedom and re2 print media in rements of the
5) Broad-basing the ownership of the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon (ANCL).
6) The repeal of the provisions of criminal defamation both in the Press Council Act and the Penal Code, with provisions to provide citizens with redress in the case of defamation.
7) The repeal of Sections 118 and 120 of the Penal Code which relate to the offence of bringing the President of the Republic to ridicule, and sedition respectively.
8) To introduce a Contempt of Court Act in order to clarify the substantive and procedural law concerned, including that of the sub-judice rule. ܓ
9) To repeal the provisions in the 6th Amendment relating only to those which impinge on freedom of expression for the peaceful advocacy of secession.
10) Censorship under Emergency Rule to be within the framework provided in the ICCPR.
11) The exorbitant duties presently imposed on newsprint which make the price of education and information through newspapers costly to the economically deprived to be reduced to a zero rate of duty on imports.
12) The introduction of a genuinely independent Broadcasting Authority that is not dominated by one political party to be responsible for the licensing of community radio, public and private broadcasting and to maintain a fair balance of alternative points of view, and to convert state-funded broadcasting Services in Sri Lanka to public bodies.
13) Legislation to be introduced to protect the confidentiality of sources
of information. 14) The introduction of a Voluntary Code of Conduct which will, inter-alia, include the obligation by the media for fair, balanced and accurate reporting of news; divulging conflict of interest faced by media personnel; the exercise of due care in the presentation of programmes where children are likely to be part of the audience; the granting of a Right of Reply to persons aggrieved by the publication or broadcast of a news item or commentary.
The Colombo Declaration also calls upon media organisations to overcome differences of opinion and divergences in style in order to work together to actualize the common vi

Page 13
15MAY1998
sion set out in the Declaration.
Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera, Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar and the Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickramasingha hosted receptions for the foreign participants from the Commonwealth Press Union, Article 19, the World Press Freedom Committee, the Committee for the Protection of Journalists, Prasarbharati and the Media Institute of Southern Africa.
The foreign del the Parliamentary Se Media Law Reform cially convened foi
Copies of the ( tion on Media Fre Responsibility can the Centre for Po Please free to cont details at: Centre fi tives, 32/3, Flower Sri Lanka.
| Air Force men Arre for Attack On JOurn
Police in Colombo arrested two Sri Lankan airforce officers over an attack on a senior local journalist, the government sources said on 6 May.
It is learnt that those who have been taken into custody had been responsible for the security of the former commander of the Sri Lanka Air Force, Oliver Ranasinghe, who the journalist had all along alleged was behind the attack.
“The CID (Criminal Investigation Department) took into custody two air force officers who were detailed for security of the former commander,' the Media Ministry said in a statement.
The journalist, I a weekly defence c vately owned The Su paper. His column been very critical o ours and negligenc establishment partic text the armed forc in a bitter war with Tigers.
He was attacke armed men at his C February last (see T ruary 1998) after wril on the military, of former Airforce Cor
PEACEBRIGADE WTHDRAWS
The London-based Non-Governmental Organisation, Peace Brigades International (PBI) has brought its work in Sri Lanka to an abrupt end recently when the government demanded the right to censor the organisation's reports.
The PBI said on 6 May that it had officially pulled out of the country after being told it must submit reports to authorities before publication if it wished to remain working in Sri Lanka. It said it was given the order during a meeting on March 4 with officials from the ministries of defence, foreign affairs and other departments. “PBI believes that placing such restrictions on local and international human rights observers is unacceptable,' said a PBI statement released by its London office.
"When such measures are applied
to non-partisan NG ental organisation) presence can increas man rights, the resu ductive: these mea trust in the governn the possibilities for mocracy and respec hts,' the statement PBI, which has Sri Lanka since 198 its representatives to receive the resid sary to work in the It said its work country, scene of m ing in Sri Lanka’s nic separatist war, v ably hindered by tl access to the region government.
"Under these c. were forced to with abruptly than we ha Harrison, chair of P Council, said in a l Chandrika Kumarat

TAMIL TIMES 13
'gates also briefed
lect Committee on at a meeting spethe occasion. olombo Declaraedom and Social be obtained from icy Alternatives. act us for further )r Policy AlternaRoad, Colombo 7,
Sted alist
bal Athas, writes olumn in the priinday Times newssometimes have f the misdemeane in the military ularly in the cones being engaged the island's Tamil
d by a group of olombo home in amil Times, Febing critical reports ten blaming the mmander for vari
ous setbacks suffered by the Air Force, such as the loss of many aircraft.
The government condemned the attack on Athas and ordered a full scale investigation after several local and foreign media organisations expressed concern.
The officers were produced at a Magistrate Court in a Colombo suburb and at an identification parade where they were identified by journalist Athas and his wife, the Media Ministry said.
The two accused men were remanded by the Magistrate pending further investigations. They have yet to be formally charged.
In the meantime, it is being speculated in knowledgeable circles in Colombo that the former Air Vice Marshall Oliver Ranasinghe could be arrested in the near future for questioning over his alleged master minding of the thug assault on Sunday Times Reporter Iqbal Athas. The lawyers of Atthas pointed out to the Gangodawila Magistrate at the last hearing that, the Air Force has a special unit called "Killer Group' who were utilized to attack Iqbal Atthas, because the former revealed all details of massive Swindles that had taken place in purchasing Air crafts.
O (non-governmwitnesses whose se respect for hult is counter-prosures undermine ment, and weaken chieving true det for human rigsaid. had a presence in 2, said as a result had been unable ènce visas neces
ountry. in the east of the uch of the fightlong-running ethwas also "noticele limitations on imposed by the
rCll Stal CCS We draw much more i planned,” Anne BI's International etter to President tinga.
It said since PBI's arrival it had published regular reports on the human rights situation and distrihuted them internationally.
A spokesman for another international NGO operating in Sri Lanka expressed surprise at the reason given for the PBI pulling out of Sri Lanka as there have been no previous known instances of censorship of human rights reports filed by other international NGOs functioning in the island.
India Extends BanonTE
India extended the ban on Sri Lanka's Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) for a further period of two
years on 12 May.
The LTTE, which has been fighting for a separate homeland in the north and east of the island for Sri Lanka's Tamils since 1983, was outlawed by the Indian central Govern(Continued on page 29)

Page 14
14 TAMIL TIMES
Chandrika and Her Govt
Face Crisis
of Credibility
handrika Kumaratunga was elected as Sri Lankan President with an overwhelming mandate on Nov 9th 1994. The premier plank of her political platform was ending the war with the LTTE and resolving the ethnic crisis through a negotiated settlement. Her initiative in entering into talks with the LTTE failed in April 1995. Thereafter war resumed again. This changed situation saw the Kumaratunga government adopting a twin-pronged strategy to tackle the problem.
The new strategy was a mutually reinforcing politico-military approach. One component of it was the search for greater or maximum devolution. The mechaniSm for this was the Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitutional Reform chaired by former Colombo University vice-chancellor and current minister of Justice and Constitutional affairs Prof Gamini Lakshman Peiris. It was the considered view of Kumaratunga that the 13th amendment to the Constitution brought about by the Indo-Lanka accord of 1987 and consequent Provincial councils Act did not provide for genuine devolution. As such the government released a set of proposals incorporating the substance of proposed devolution in Aug 1995. This was hailed as the most progressive step in the search for meaningful devolution. Yet when it was submitted again as the government proposal for select committee deliberations it had lost some of its lustre. Nevertheless it still provided for a devolution scheme that was quasifederal in nature. Kumaratunga aimed at achieving a wide consensus on the concept of devolution. Attaining such a consensus would politically isolate
operat the ar Kuma
ment C that it the tig ing mi paved weake the armed forces. T government prepar out war. An arms massive proportion Kumaratunga's unc officer Anuruddh. capacity of Deputy was in overall cha. tivity. The governn the UNP in focusin North instead of th military operation. The LTTE were d Jaffna peninsula. noeuvres are on in land known as the The resumption Kumaratunga regi not merely as "War Peace'. Where C tunga differed fro ecessors was in her
significant section
International opini war that she never ( thrust upon her b compromising in played by the tige Still the war was no as an end in itself means towards an solution was not a political settlem Tamils to live with peace in this lar Kumaratunga's pr essary evil of war purpose of weak militarily to an eXte may either opt to j process again or b{ level where it could process of devolu settlement ensurin lution was necessa and military succes
 

15 MAY1998
TE. that was the politiomponent of the trategy the other military approach. ollapse of the talks he tigers saw the conducting several ions that affected med forces. The ratunga govername in for criticism had by talking to gers and Suspendlitary preparations the way for the
ning and defeat of
his resulted in the ing hastily for all Shopping spree of 1S was undertaken. :le and ex-military a Ratwatte in his t Defence minister rge of military acment deviated from g militarily on the e East. A series of s were unleashed. islodged from the Now military mathe Northern main
Wanni.
of war under the me was described but as a 'War for handrika Kumaram her UNP predability to convince
s of National and
on that this was a lesired. It had been ecause of the untransigence dis's she pointed out. ot being prosecuted but only as ignoble bble end. The final military one but a ent enabling the Justice, dignity and ld. According to ojections the nechad only a limited ening the tigers nt where the LTTE oin the negotiating : marginalised to a not undermine the ion. A negotiated g maximum devory on the one hand ses weakening the
LTTE on the other.
This twin pronged politico- military strategy has been applied for nearly three years now. The euphoria that surrounded the advent of Chandrika on the political horizon has now evaporated. The Tamils in particular have been saddened by the spectacle of a person perceived as an angel of peace being transformed into a war goddess apparition. The brutal escalation and intensity of the war has caused tremendous hardship to the people of the North-east. Tamils living in Colombo and other Sinhala areas too have not been spared of harassment and indignities. All these ravages of war were tolerated for sometime because of the belief that there was a "pot of gold at the end of the rainbow”. The sacrifice and suffering would end once the political objectives of the government were realised was the fond hope. Even when things went from bad to worse Chandrika's ability to deliver was doubted but not her sincerity. Her action was faulted but not her intention. So life despite its danger, drudgery and despondency went on with the hope that springs eternally. but now even that sustaining hope of an ultimate settlement has faded. «mer The current political scenario spells doom for the proposed devolution package. In spite of all Kumaratunga's genuine intentions and aspirations it does not seem possible that she can usher in her proposed devolution package via the proper Constitutional requirements. Even hypothetically it were possible her ability to implement it meaningfully is virtually impossible. Militarily the war seems to have stalemated. The Kumaratunga regime seems notoriously lax in consolidating itself on the few areas it has achieved a modicum of Success. If the ethnic problem remains intensified and intractable as ever the performance of the government in areas of governance is woefully abysmal. The rising cost of living, hasty privatisation, allegations of corruption, industrial disputes etc. are all becoming problematic areas. In this situation Chandrika's ability to deliver on a political settlement is most unlikely. In the absence of such a political settlement the justification for the war is eroded. Chandrika Kumaratunga and her government are facing a crisis of credibility on the question.

Page 15
15MAY1998
It is cruelly ironic that the very same Chandrika who raised hopes with her dream of peace is now becoming increasingly perceived as incapable of realising it meaningfully. Instead she is perceived more as a goddess of war in the current climate of endless conflict. The current impasse on both the political and military fronts continues to erode her credibility as an efficient leader. In spite of her massive mandate she is seen as powerless to achieve anything tangible in the politico-military sphere. Although some acts of omission and commission by her government have contributed to this state of affairs the blame cannot be apportioned solely on her.
The chief opposition United National Party and the premier Tamil organisation the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) must also share the blame. In fact their culpability is even greater. Nevertheless it is in the nature of things that the government in power should be indicted particularly when the helmswoman of which is a person who became president on a mandate for peace. In the final analysis the causes and reasons for nonperformance are likely to be ignored and only the failure taken into account. Apart from the UNP and LTTE two additional constraints have been the Strident opposition to peace initiatives by the hawkish elements within the Sinhala polity namely the Maha Sangha, sections of the media and pressure groups etc. These forces also continue to clamour for greater military activity to finish off the problem of terrorism militarily. The second constraint is the perceptible lack of positive support from within government ranks itself. Apart from a few frontliners the bulk of the part seem totally apathetic towards the devolution exercise. The blessing being the non-emergence of an antipathic group So far.
The UNP and the LTTE have no identity of interests but there certainly is a convergence of interests in stymieing the politico-military efforts of Kumaratunga. The UNP cannot allow the PA government to resolve the problem satisfactorily and gain political capital out of it. This is likely to thwart its ambitions of capturing power at the next hustings. The UNP behavioural pattern is a recurrence of the political syndrome where politi
cians focus on wi tion as opposed t rifices in the inte generations. In th the stakes are grea tlement within a means the negatic ished tiger goal Thamil Eelam. M all out war again on. So from the
allowing Chand objectives means end. So these eff sisted and possib When analys the current impas sible to be wiser with the wisdom flaws in the entir peace are now mo damental error on constituency in ge tivism in particula nant reliance on resolve the prob yearning in the c peace was allowe and channelled as of Chandrika Kun seen as the pers quest for peace by Also the peace lo at a crucial junctu by the politics oft should have been the hijacking of t by the political e Kumaratunga. Th stead of identifyi peace efforts of til continued indep own attempts of bu tum for peace. Th for peace namely of civil society an opinion should ha pendently. New i ternative structure have been set up on the state appar it certainly is the r cle for change. A ing with Kumara been explored wit sponsibility for th to her alone.
As a result t peace became util wave to elect Kl President. She th peace project in terms. Instead of

TAM TIMES 15
ning the next elecStatesmanlike sacests of the coming case of the LTTE ter. A peaceful setunited Sri Lanka n of the long cherof an Independent oreover there is an st the LTTE going iger point of view ika to achieve her he beginning of the Drts have to be rely defeated. ng the causes for se it is always posafter the event. So of hindsight certain approach towards re visible. The funhe part of the peace neral and peace acr was the predomipolitical leaders to lem. The genuine :ountry for lasting ed to be harnessed a political project haratunga. She was onification of the the silent majority. bby allowed itself 1re to be subsumed he PA. Instead what done was to avoid he peace initiative ntrepreneurship of e peace lobby inng itself with the he PA should have 2ndently with its ilding up a momene vital prerequisite the strengthening i generating public ve continued indenstitutions and als for peace should instead of relying tus alone although nost powerful vehienues of cooperattunga could have nout abdicating ree peace enterprise
e momentum for sed as an election maratunga as the n approached this narrow political nobilising national
opinion cutting across part affiliations Kumaratunga like any other politician sought to promote peace as her own project. Instead of evolving a genuine , truly broad-based consensus over the issue it was projected more as a IPA initiative that at best should be passively supported by others. When the LTTE was talking and a cessation of hostilities agreement was in force everything was hunky dory. But when the tigers opted out of talks and the cookie began crumbling this pleasant scenario changed. After the Kumaratunga government began prosecuting the so called war for peace with a vigour that was making peace itself as a casualty some peace activists became alarmed. They realised too late that the government was now transforming the pro-peace wave into a pro-war wave. The original agenda for peace was now irrelevant. Some peace groups are now trying hard to retrieve lost ground and build up a momentum for peace again. They find that unlike in the case of the UNP it is not that simple to pressurise Chandrika. After all was she not the original apostle of peace On the other hand the war unleashed despite its professed altruistic objective of ushering in peace finally has its own brutal logic and effect. The prospects for peace become dimmer and dimmer as attitudes continue to harden on both sides of the ethnic divide as a result of the ongoing war.
It is also clear now that the electorate in general and the peace constituency in particular should have known at the end of the 1994 general election itself that given the number of seats won by the PA and the Tamil and Muslim parties effective Constitutional change through existing procedures as not possible. Changing entrenched clauses meant a two-thirds majority in Parliament and subsequent ratification through a referendum. Unless and until the UNP co-operated theatre was no hope of a two thirds majority. As such promising Constitutional change itself was not a realistic pledge. Still Kumaratunga went to the Presidential polls on a peace platform and an enthusiastic electorate returned her with an unprecedented majority. But despite a two thirds majority from the people at the Presidential elections she is unable to summon a two thirds majority of Parliamentarians in the legislature. So

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
any reform of the Constitution particularly those envisaging changes to entrenched clauses like altering the Unitary structure of the State for example is impossible without UNP support that is not forthcoming.
Another aspect easily discerned now is that the Kumaratunga government in 1994 had naively assumed that the LTTE was amenable towards a negotiated settlement within a united but not necessarily unitary Sri Lanka. A public pronouncement by the LTTE during UNP rule that it was willing to consider a fully federal scheme in a merged North - Eastern province was construed by the PA as an indicator of LTTE intentions. It viewed the UNP then as the villain of the peace for not responding positively to LTTE overtures and projected itself as the political alternative that would pursue peace with the tigers. This struck a responsive chord among the voters as the electoral results of 1994 demonstrate. So when the PA came to power in 1994 it thought that commencing negotiations with the LTTE itself would start the peace process effectively. While taking into account all the possible turns and twists in a tortuous process of negotiations the government expected the LTTE also to stay the full course and compromise here and there on a policy of give and take so vital for negotiations. It assumed that the tigers too were committed to a settlement that would uphold the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. But in this the government grossly miscalculated.
The cardinal error was not understanding LTTE motivation sufficiently and underestimating the very real dedication on the part of tiger Supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran to his vision Of Thamil Eelam. The LTTE haS both died and killed for Eelam. It has sacrificed and destroyed for this goal. The dream of Eelam had fired the imagination of a 16 year old boy Prabhakaran as far back in 1970.This dream had sustained him and enabled him to nurture and nourish a movement whose hallmark itself is the cyanide capsule embodying a commitment to martyrdom for the Supreme cause. Such a movement and leader were not going to negotiate for a settlement that would retain at the end of the day the sword-bearing lion as the national flag. Again the mistake was
not so much in but more in not contingency. have now gon government wa for such an evel resumed again a ment rushed hea more an ad-hoc calculated move of an underlyin rejectionists of The war then co ernment Once pursuing an opp tary option vig Once the wa ernment again other mistake strength of the greatly underest ity of the Sri vastly overrates the war underta not understood tantly the level LTTE and their were not appre earlier concentr; in the East and control over th to conduct diffe without too m north it was mo, ment and the II vestiges of a pa tion there.
But the PA drew large numl East and deploy This created a v has been quickl The LTTE now hinterland knov comprising ab mass there. In ment succeedec operation in d from overt con ninsula. After f town and areas C withdrew to the all its militar Thenmaratchy the peninsula. gaged in a lon open the A-9 Kandy road be Kilinochchi. A the troops are only with anoth to go. The cost materials have

15 MAY1998
misjudging the LTTE preparing for such a PA spokespersons on record that the s totally unprepared tuality. So when war beleaguered governdlong into war. It was reaction rather than a There are also traces g desire to teach the peace a costly lesson. ntinued with the gov2ommitted to peace osite course of a miliorously.
resumed the PA govpecame guilty of anin assessment. The anemy the LTTE was imated while the abilLankan forces were i. Also the nature of ken by the LTTE was properly. More imporof motivation by the enhanced battle skills ciated. The UNP had ated 42% of the army more or less retained e Province sufficient rent types of elections any defects. On the re a policy of containTTE maintained the rallel civil administra
reversed this. It withpers of troops from the 'ed them in the north. acuum in the east that y filled by the LTTE. virtually controls the vin as “Paduvankarai” put 75% of the land the north the govern
after a long military islodging the LTTE trol of the Jaffna peighting hard in Jaffna f Valigamam the LTTE Wanni mainland with 7 assets intact from and Vadamaratchy in Now the army is eng drawn operation to highway or Jaffnatween Vavuniya and ter a year of fighting still near Mankulam er 32 kilometres more in terms of men and been enormous. The
problem again is not in capturing the road as that does seem inevitable at some point merely because of the vastly superior resources at the disposal of a conventional army, but in consolidating and retaining it. The LTTE that has displayed great fighting resilience so far is very likely to continue its attacks on positions and convoys along that road in the future. Also the LTTE has also re-established a covert presence in the peninsula and is now waging a limited warn of attrition.This means the war will continue to bleed. One more reason for the IPA discomfiture is in not understanding the relationship of the Tamil people towards the LTTE in the context of peace. The government at one Stage thought that the pressure for peace by the Tamil people at large who yearn for peace should be enough to compel the LTTE too into opting for a negotiated settlement. This assumption did not account for the structural weakness of Tamil civil Society and the absence of mechanisms within the Tamil polity to promote peace. A sad aspect of contemporary Tamil society is the very real difficulties of promoting peace within. Peace activists among Tamils are depicted as traitors by the LTTE and are under constant threat because of this. The LTTE too is neither visibly open or responsibly accountable to the Tamil people on a concrete level although it continues its armed struggle for the avowed objective of the well being of the Tamil people in abstract. The end result is that there is no intra-Tamil force capable of pressurising the LTTE. The only possibility in this direction is the Tamil Diaspora but the more vociferous members among Tamil expatriates are more militaristic in attitude and opinion than even the actual tigers fighting on ground. When war began the government began treating the ordinary Tamil civilian with unsurpassed harshness. The mass arrests in Colombo being one example. These along with the blatant human rights violations like disappearances in the Tamil areas are progressively alienating the Tamil people from Chandrika who was at one time their ray of hope.
The cumulative impact of all these developments is a situation where the PA government seems well and truly bogged down. Militarily it seems to have overreached and overextended

Page 17
15AY1998
itself. As a result the armed forces seem quite vulnerable to continued tiger attacks. Even if the LTTE is dislodged from all areas of overt control in the Wanni, a prospect that seems quite unlikely, the tigers will certainly continue their covert activity. Thus the normalcy that is very necessary for working out devolution in the north-east seems a remote possibility. The war on the other hand will continue to escalate with Ratwatte contemplating conscription and the Army generals talking of conducting recruitment drives in schools. Also various charges of corruption in purchasing war equipment have been levelled in newspapers. All this means a further erosion of army morale and credibility which in turn means that the task of weakening or marginalising the LTTE would become increasingly difficult.
The problem gets further complicated by the time frame required by the government in achieving a semblance of a military victory. One strategy adopted in the past and likely to be adopted in the future is the imposition of military deadlines to suit political imperatives. In that context the government would require a clear cut military victory to boost its own fortunes among the Sinhala people. This again is for the stated purposes of either staging a referendum on the devolution package or holding another general election aimed at Securing a two thirds majority for the devolution proponents. But the government feels that demonstrating a military victory would provide the Swing necessary for electoral success. But thanks to the military resilience of the LTTE the deadlines for military success get continuously postponed. Also the government is not likely to get a respite for a long time even after achieving a limited objective. Moreover incidents like the Dalada Maligawa bombing etc are only going to harden Sinhala opinion. So the prospects for the government to gain big victories in free and fair elections because of the military situation is unrealistic.
Politically the UNP too has scented blood and is not likely to help out in any way. Kumaratunga's own manner of handling UNP leaders in this exercise has further aggravated the crisis. So now the UNP is playing naked politics by shifting its position
on the devolution that once spoke of lution to the Tan now shifted to th saying that exter not possible. It h offer than what is the current Provir ture. As a furthe glibly of power sl through devices li for the minorities i vice-presidents e embarrasses the g ing of the necessi tigers. In essence UNP is not going t ingfully with the problem through n by the PA. The U remaining intransig PA into a no-wins gradually weaken issues like governa and the anti-incum is arising tide of r Kumaratunga. If th deliver on the eth then its credibility eroded because tha mainstay of its mar elections are held strong possibility swinging the UNP Chandrika on knows that there a tions of countering smacking its lips electoral victory. O ernment to make th ity. It is in this con tunga talks of a Ce lution whereby sh to the people direct herent in this appr. the Sinhala people on a one point issue is likely to be neg resentment agains along with hatred cause this. If that whole concept of be defeated. A col ernment would be il for Kumaratunga to people directly by or even a snap Parl was in mid 1996 fres victory and the intro hailed devolution | crastinated on til thought that inter and the efforts of th

process. The UNP symmetrical devol areas alone has other extreme by ive devolution is s nothing more to available through :ial Council strucmeasure it talks aring at the centre ce reserved quotas I Cabinet and joint c. The UNP also vernment by talky to talk with the t is clear that the ) co-operate meanPA to resolve the easures envisaged NP knows that by ent it will push.the tuation that would he PA. What with ince, cost of living bency factor there esentment against e IPA is unable to nic problem front would be greatly t promise was the ldate. If and when there would be a of Tamil votes way then.
the other hand re only three opthe UNP that is n anticipation of ne is for the gove package a realtext that KumaraInstitutional revohopes to appeal y. The danger inach is that when are asked to vote like this the vote tive. Feelings of the government if the tigers may happens then the evolution would apse of the govminent. The time have gone to the ay of referendum lmentary election after the Riviresa luction of a much ckage. She proS because she ational pressure Tamili and Mus
| AML TIMES 17
lim parties would influence the UNP into supporting the proposals. Now the moment is past. To attempt a "constitutional revolution" now is fraught with dire consequences.
The second is to register an overwhelming military victory over the tigers and using it for political advantage. The problem in this is that if and when the tigers are defeated militarily the Sinhala hardliners and chauvinists will rise to the fore and prevent meaningful concessions to the Tamils. In the absence of a genuine political settlement the current war for peace would be exposed as an imposition of a military solution. In any event the progress of the current war indicates clearly that this type of a military victory is virtually impossible and that the LTTE would continue to be a hard nut to crack for some time at least. Then there is the third dramatic option of negotiating with the Tigers again. That would help the government greatly. But again it is very difficult for the government to even attempting this because of its un finished politico- military agenda. The government thinks it needs a position of strength on ground. The abandoning of the much touted Fox brokered bilateral approach accord between IPA and UNP floundered because of this. The devolution lobby was wary about entering into talks with the Tigers before finalising concrete devolution. There was also worry that all what had been achieved in the select committee proceedings would be negated. The military lobby was unhappy because its mission was yet to conclude successfully. All these reasons are valid in the current scenario too. More importantly the LTTE itself is under no compulsion to negotiate with the government now. To the LTTE Chandrika Kumaratunga poses a political threat that is far more lethal than Ranil Wickremasinghe. So it would prefer to even enter into a tactical dialogue with the UNP to undermine the PA. The tigers know that by keeping away from negotiations they would hasten the political downfall of Kumaratunga. This prospect would be more desirable from an LTTE perspective than strengthening her now.
Thus it does seem that all options available for Kumaratunga are quite limited. The LTTE by its military per
(continued on next page )

Page 18
18 TAM TIMES
Celebrating the Sinha
NGWAGEODS
OSWald B. Firth OM Director, Centre for Society and Religion and Editor SO
Time Stops at New Year
There have always been fleeting moments in the annual cycle of events in this country when the nation's problems are shelved and life takes on an aura of happiness that is shared by both young and old, whatever be the ethnic community to which one feels a particular allegiance. It is a time when the usual whirligig of events comes to a standstill, where feuds are forgotten and faults are forgiven. The Sinhala - Tamil New Year, ushered in the month of April, both during times of war as well as when peace reigned supreme from the point of Dondra to Point Pedro, is undoubtedly one of those sacred moments, a welcome watershed, an oasis of hope that cuts right across the life span of every genuine Sri Lankan.
But the Sinhala - Tamil New Year,
as it has come to in our rural villag rowful signs of Sinhala OR Tamil demise of a fathe husband will be te in both Sinhala an span the length land. They had to altar of a treacher ues to be waged tiable hunger for dane political god human life been manised, to be di and cannon fodd as grist to the war
The Sinhala - feigned replica o fools who imagine of political and ( gery takes leave
(Continued from page li)
formance and the UNP by its political non-performance have combined to create a politico-military impasse for Kumaratunga and her government. The major casualty in this seems to be the prospect of a negotiated settlement. The derailing of the peace process will ultimately affect the political fortunes of President and her Peoples Alliance government. The lack of forward movement on the political search for peace and devolu
tion along with the bly terrible war cc political credibilit The angel of peac as a fallen arch an saddening is that current impasse only the conseque And so it is Chan who is called upo bility for the curi have to pay the pc essary.
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ial Justice
be known for ages es, portends the sor
fast becoming a New Year where the r, friend, brother or arfully remembered d Tamil villages that and breath of this be sacrificed at the ous war that contino appease the insapower of some munS. To that extent has ievalued and dehusposed of as scum er readily available
mill. Tamil New Year is a f a paradise fit for , that the regular life 2conomic skuldugfor one full week.
• ravages of a horriontinue to erode the y of the President. e is now perceived gel of war. What is the causes for the are forgotten and inces remembered. irika Kumaratunga 1 to bear responsient crisis and will litical price if nec
5.00 Bank cheques only)
5.00
napplicable three years
1s MAY1998 Even while we light the hearth at the auspicious time and set the fires of life ablaze, the blast of rifle-fire, mortars and deadly bombs are never really distant from our daily existence. Even while we prepare milk-rice from the fresh produce of our harvested fields and fill our tables with delicious and assorted sweetmeats, the lamentations of the hungry bowels of our displaced and homeless sons and daughters, of our farmers and fisher folk, barely filter through our auricular orifices. Even while We sit around our rabans, striking them with rhythmic beats, target the eye of the elephant, scale the greasy pole and batter one's opponent with cotton filled pillows, war drums continue to beat and the amphibious tankers keep rolling to disturb and drown the melodious voices that announce the choice of the neighbourhood's Avurudu Kumari. Here, in the village, it is skills that win, while in the Wanni, the winners are the killers. There is hardly a semblance of Sinhala-Tamil New Year where this raging war is being waged.
Where the Blame Lies
It is time for Nemesis, the goddess of retributive justice, to deal with those who are responsible for the protracted paroxysm of pain experienced by those whose loved ones will not be at home to celebrate this Sinhala-Tamil New Year because the violence of war has snuffed them out of existence and right out of their families. A large part of the blame for this state of affairs has to be borne by none other than the leaders of our two main political parties in the South. It is in them that the people of this country had invested considerable hope to resolve the crisis in which we all find ourselves today. Instead, what we find today is an acrimonious tug-o-war between these two political parties where hair-splitting arguments are being churned out and offered to the public in a desultory attempt to justify one party's Constitutional proposals over those of the other. It is indeed a crying shame that the government and tfe opposition are unable to see eye-to-eye on their two draft Constitutions, thereby frustrating any hopes of having the national crisis resolved through a process of political negotiations with all parties concerned. What the country

Page 19
15 MAY1998
is presently experiencing is none other than the dialogue of the deaf.
Constitution vs Constitution
A cursory glance at the PA Government's Constitutional proposals indicates that elements of a sort of a federal government in the regions are in predominance, while the UNP's proposals are intent on guaranteeing the unity of the nation while assuring the minorities of equal rights within a democratic frame of central governance. The UNP's proposals may appeal more to the Sinhalese, while the PA's proposals may find greater favour among the
Tamils. But whatever be the strengths and weaknesses of the two draft Constitutions, their ultimate objective should be the resolution of the North and East crisis that is making our village economies depend more on the war for their survival than on industry, farming or fishing. Recent statistics clearly indicate that nearly 25 percent of today's rural economy is derived from the war than on any real or illusory "Waga Sangramaya”. Both draft Constitutions appear to be magnanimous in granting equal rights to the minorities. The UNP proposals speak of a common citizenship; equal protection of the law, the right to his or her own religion, language and culture without discrimination by law or executive action; fundamental rights; equal opportunities to participate in the government of the Republic at all levels; to enjoy equal opportunities in education and employment without discrimination; the security of his or her person and property without distinction on grounds of race, religion or political opinion, and the freedom to reside and work in any part of the country. Conspicuous by its absence is any meaningful set of
proposals to devolve power to the pe
riphery which is where true people's power should find expression. This renders all these high-faluting senti
ments of sharing power at the centre
nugatory. ܝ
Through its vociferous spokesperson, Mr. Ronnie de Mel, the UNP proposes the establishment of a new political culture free from political violence, vote rigging, fraudulent election practices, attacks on journalists and the mass media, and all such actions that have made amockery of parliamentary democracy. Such sycopha
ntic conundrums s and naive after s deadly trauma wh who caused such tal agony to so ma Why the UNP rec years to propose a: ture is a matter t tion.
Theory vs Practic
The PA Gove are equally adulat Human Rights is : of the best and stri Right to Life, a S. in the 1978 Cons ered to be a non-d tal right. Rights r detention are to the proposed IPA ( person arrested wi to communicate friend and the Sta
necessary means for this purpose. . arrested would har sult a lawyer from rest and the State ties for this purpc But, how mea strengthening of rights be to thost peared, been rap rested, tortured an most diabolical má ister provision of
, the name of a ratl
racy Can the Co. guarantee to the ( crimes, or should
wait till these crim seek legal remedi dress against the Constitutional Rig sponsibility of the tect the fundamen country's citize whether or not th the country's Con ple have the righ tional provisions bring to justice presidents who people as a result war, failing to ent mismanaging the
and selling off th reSOurCeS tO tra tions of dubious possible would al try where majorite fluences policies

AML TIMES 19
ound rather hollow eventeen years of yere the miscreants physical and menny are still at large. quired twenty long new political culhat begs the ques
e inment's proposals pry. The chapter on supposed to be one ongest in Asia. The ignificant omission titution, is considerogable fundamenelated to arrest and be strengthened in Constitution. Every ould have the right with a relative or te shall provide the of communication Also, every person ve the right to conthe moment of arshall afford facili
)S@。 ningful would the these fundamental 2 who have disaped, Wrongfully ard even killed in the anner under the Sinemergency and in her tenuous democnstitution furnish a alimination of such the victims have to les are committed to Les and judicial reviolation of their hts Is it not the regovernment to protal rights of all the ns irrespective of ey are enshrined in stitution? Will peoht to use Constituto challenge and ministers and even pause suffering to of mishandling the d the war and even country's economy e country's natural s-national corporareputation. How l this be in a counurian rule unduly inof the centre. This
is perhaps where Regional Councils will be most effective when people will be independent and detached from
centre politics and be in a position to
safeguard their resources, change individual council members and even Regional Councils in their entirety when they cease to function in the interest of the people.
Unfulfilled Aspirations
The amusing scenario where political leaders of the government and of the main opposition engaging in scurrilous debates and public discussions where each others Constitutions are torn apart and where insults and accusations are hurled at each other outside Parliament is turning out to be utterly farcical and melodramatic. Similarly, meeting in Parliament to rush through certain bills damaging to public interest in a fashion that is most undemocratic and unethical, while the opposition is performing satyagraha seated on the embankment of the Diyawanna Oya across which wafts a soothing cool breeze during these days of oppressive heat is, to say the least, sensational if not amusing.
On almost the eve of another Sinhala - Tamil New Year, what the people of this country would expect of their political leaders is a consolidated and collaborative effort to hammer out a national Constitution that would ensure justice, equity and fair play to all communities so that solid foundations could be laid to build a land for all to live in peace, harmony and prosperity where war and want will be eliminated forever. Why should we be wrangling over Constitutions if they do not provide adequate guarantees of peace and prosperity to all, irrespective of culture, creed, cast and language differences. The sooner we draw up such a Constitution the earlier will we cease to be the laughing Stock of the LTTE and of those who have placed at least a modicum of faith in any of the major parties that has ruled this land to this day.
That would indeed be an eventful day heralding the dawn of a new era of our dreams when every Sinhala AND Tamil New Year that follows would be an occasion of rejoicing together across the ethnic divide, with all the races galvanised into one true united nation.

Page 20
20 FAML TIMES
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Page 21
15 MAY1998
SRI LANKA today presents three .
contrasting, but interesting pictures. First, the Sri Lankan security forces have managed to gain the upper hand in Jaffna, the citadel of Tamil separatism. What is more, there is a growing rapport between the people and the Army in the peninsula. Secondly, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has shifted its major areas of operation to the jungles of Vanni, the Eastern province and the capital, Colombo, after having been driven out of Jaffna. Thirdly, the hopes that many Sri Lanka watchers entertained quick implementation of the devolution package are slowly vanishing.
During my earlier visits to Jaffna in June 1996 and March 1997, the Sri Lankan security forces were omnipresent. Their deployment level has now been scaled down; a number of women security personnel have been inducted; people do not have to wait for long at checkpoints; soldiers are being taught to converse in Tamil, and human rights cells have started functioning.
Since Major General Lionel Balagalle assumed overall command of the peninsula, the number of “disappearances' has come down and every complaint filed about alleged misconduct is being inquired into. Rev Fr Alphonsus llruthanayagam Bernard, Principal of St Patricks School, spoke highly of the attempts being made by Major General Balagalle to promote cordial relations between the Army and the civilians, a view shared by a cross-section of people.
The LTTE's strategy of forcing people to leave their homes so that the advancing Sri Lankan Army would march into a ghost town, has backfired. The trauma the people have experienced has resulted in a perceptible change in their attitude towards the LTTE.
Major General Balagalle and Brigadier Larry Wijeratne (who is in charge of Vadamarachi) have been making efforts to improve the living conditions of the people. These efforts have begun to pay dividends. In July 1997, an LTTE guerilla was killed in an ambush in Valigamam.
Among the docur him was a letter LTTE leadership, son for his inabilit mission. If an LTT house for more th
steadily, the picture
mation about this the Army. The pec the presence of t midst.
When the peo were forced to le many of them did do with their savin placed their jewel notes in polythen the bags in their ( ever, when they re that the LTTE had near their homes, ( were occupied by Major General Bala. he had received a erly man seeking i savings. The secu ered 100 sovereign rency notes wo Rs 500,000. Since were soiled, Major vrote to the centra they be replaced. were provided with More and more ing to Jaffna. Acce District Profile ma Government Agent May 1996 and Feb people returned b comalee and Man) esting is that the stranded in LTTE-c coming back.
Schools and co ing normally. Elec for a few hours in town. The faculty University view mmes from Chenn cultural operation fact, there is a glut
 

TAM TIMES 21
nents seized from addressed to the xplaining the reay to succeed in his E cadre stayed in a an 24 hours infor
in other parts of S QS to be e Ak .
yanarayan
invariably reached ple no longer like he LTTE in their
ple of Valigamam :ave their homes, not know what to gs. A few of them lery and currency 2 bags and buried compounds. Howturned, they found placed land-mines or that their homes he security forces. galle narrated how letter from an eldhelp to recover his rity forces recovis in gold and currth Sri Lankan the currency notes General Balagalle l bank asking that Thirty-nine others
similar help. people are return)rding to the latest ile available by the 's Office, between ruary 1998, 65,000 y ship from Trinlar. What is interpeople who were ontrolled areas are
leges are functiontricity is available certain parts of the members of Jaffna elevision prograai every day. Agris have started; in in the market, with
vegetables and plantains being sold cheaper in Jaffna than in Colombo. More buses are plying. Kerosene, petrol and medicines are available, although at higher prices. Major General Balagalle said that the Govern
ment’s top priority was to improve telecommunications; an additional 20,000 telephone lines are likely to be provided by the end of the year.
The elections to local bodies held on 29 January 1998 (Frontline, 6 March 1998) provided an ideal opportunity to
transfer administrative responsibilities from the Army to the elected representatives. Although the Tamil parties wanted the elections to be postponed until normalcy was restored, official Colombo was determined to go ahead with the process. It was not an ideal election: the voters' lists had not been updated, and many of the people whose names figured in the electoral rolls had left the peninsula or had been displaced. As a result, although the total number of voters who figured in the electoral register was 571,486, the number of votes polled was only 106,464. Out of this, only 91,596 were valid votes. The voter turnout was, however, higher than in the 1994 parliamentary elec
True to their nature, the non-LTTE political parties could not arrive at a common programme and contested against one another in elections to all the 17 local bodies. The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) was undecided about whether to contest or not. The leadership was finally persuaded to field candidates for the Jaffna Municipality and the Valigamam North Pradeshiya Sabba. Sarojini Yogeshwaran, a TULF candidate, was elected Mayor of Jaffna. The party also won the majority of seats in Valigamam North. Sribhaskaran, a popular TULF leader, told this writer that he had neither campaigned for the party nor addressed any public meeting. He said that the TULF would have won more seats had the central leadership decided to enter democratic politics. The TULF's victory is a testimony to the fact that it has an important role to play in the emerging political sce

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
nario. Will the central leadership of the party respond to the challenge of the times or will it allow the void to be filled by gun toting militants?
On the second day of my stay in Jaffna, I visited Point Pedro and Velvettiturai. Lieutenant Colonel R B Senanayake, who escorted me, suggested that we take a short-cut to Point Pedro via the seashore. Since the road was in poor shape, we abandoned our plan to take that road. We then motored along the usual road from Palaly. On both sides of the road I could see the ravages of war: hundreds of buildings, including churches and temples, had been destroyed. The market at Velvettiturai was completely destroyed as a result of indiscriminate bombing.
The civilian administration must, when it assumes charge, devote its attention to rebuilding the houses and roads, provide employment, promote agriculture and fishing, extend medical services and resettle displaced people. Unless the basic problems confronting the people are resolved expeditiously, the military victory may well turn out to be a mirage. The desire expressed by Muslims
to return to Jaff the improveme Muslims, numb lived in the regio dus and Christ They made valu the economic, soc tural life of Jaffn ber 1990, the LT leave their homes LTTE then looted by the fleeing M took refuge in P pura and Kurune group of 25 Mus in Grand Bazaar. ing mission to fi could return to J lives afresh. Will tians extend thei to their
Muslim breth Mayor make Mu are an integral pa ric?
While Jaffna situation in other nation is bleak. O intended to link Vavuniya. via F Mankulam and th
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a is another sign of t in the situation. ring about 75,000,
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15MAY1998
route to Jaffna, is yet to be successfully accomplished. Even if the Army attains its objective, it will be a Herculean task to maintain the supply route, given the resilience of the LTTE.
The situation in the East is alarming. According to Air Vice-Marshal
Harry Goonetileke, 75 per cent of the
land area is dominated by the LTTE and only the major towns of Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Amparai are under the control of the military. The LTTE's suicide squads regularly attacked the nerve centres of the economy. What is more, the attack on Dalada Maligawa, the sacred place of worship for Sinhala Buddhists, on 25 January (Frontline, 6 March 1998) sent shock waves across the country. In retaliation, a Sinhalese mob desecrated the Selva Vinayagar temple. The LTTE's objective is to foment riots in order to widen further the ethnic divide.
A tragic fallout of the attack on Dalada Maligawa is the relegation of the devolution proposals to the background. In order to exploit the simmering Sinhalese discontent, the Uni - (continued on next page)
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Page 23
is MAY1998
The Good Friday Agre in Northern Irelan
Dr S. Narapalasingam
History of the Conflict
The sectarian feud in the island
of Ireland has a long history going back to the time of Anglo-Norman conquest. An attempt to propagate Protestantism in Ireland had largely failed by the 1590s among both the Gaelic Irish and the so-called Old English (descendants of the Anglo-Nor mans). The Roman catholic church claimed the allegiance of almost the entire population, except for the British-born newcomers. Ulster, one of the four historical provinces (others being Connaught, Leinster and Munster) became dominated by Protestant English and Scottish planters. The native Irish became largely a landless, displaced population for whom only menial vocations were available. The most violent reaction to this subjection was the rebellion of 1641 against the English and later the Scottish set
(Continued from page 22) ted National Party has come out openly against the devolution proposals. The concepts of "need-based' and "asymmetrical' devolution have their merits, but in the present context, the articulation of these demands spell the death knell for President Chandrika Kumaratunga's devolution proposals. With provincial council elections imminent, Sri Lanka is being pushed into the vortex of competitive Sinhala politics. And the Tamil groups are being relegated to the background.
Every student of contemporary Sri Lankan politics is sensitive to the fact that without a Sinhalese consensus, there cannot be any meaningful solution to the ethnic problem. By playing the Sinhalese card, political leaders are unwittingly strengthening the LTTE's argument that the Tamils can never get justice from Sinhalesedominated governments.
Professor VSuryanarayan is Director; Centre for South and South-east Asian Studies, University of Madras, Chennai. (Courtesy of "Frontline")
tlers. However, wit of Ireland by Olive 1650s, the Ulster p established. As a r distinctive among Ireland because of of its immigrant B1 tant) population.
The 1916 Easte was a watershed ir nationalism. Althou Bill of 1912 was pa of Commons for the (which was defeate the House of Lord and too little to satis timents in Catholic of independence fr in 1919. Under the C land Act (1920), I tioned into two sell Northern Ireland a land. Both were to e ers of self-goverr United Kingdom. Irish treaty provide of Irish Free State (E comprised the 23 South and 3 counti ince in the North wil Catholic population Ulster Province \ where the overall m ple were Protestants ern Ireland, rema United Kingdom.
With the Start o tween the pro and in 1922, the Irish (IRA) which was against the British, gal in Northern I Eamon De Valera' Eire (now the Repu ter it left the Comm claimed sovereign island of Ireland. Northern Ireland is : has a population of pared with the Rep area of 27, 136 sq.. n tion of 3.5 million (or Republicans)
 

TAMIL TIMES 23
ement
h the re-conquest Cromwell in the blantation was reesult, Ulster was the provinces of
the concentration ritish (and Protes
r Rising in Dublin the rise of Irish gh the Home Rule issed in the House third time in 1914 'd twice earlier in S), it was too late fy nationalist senIreland. The war om Britain started Government of Irereland was partif-governing states, und Southern Irenjoy limited powment within the The 1921 Anglod for the creation Eire). The new state
counties in the es of Ulster Provth a predominantly . The remainder of with 26 districts ajority of the peo, known as Northined part of the
f the civil war beanti-treaty groups Republican Army leading the fight was declared illereland. In 1937, s constitution for blic of Ireland afonwealth in 1949) ty over the entire The land area of 5,463 sq. miles and 1.6 million, compublic of Ireland's niles and a popula. The Nationalists
Catholics have never accepted the partition of Ireland and their aim has been to rejoin the Republic of Ireland. The Unionists, mostly Protestants wished to remain in union with Britain.
In 1966, Nelson's Column in Dublin was wrecked by a bomb. The first civil rights march in Northern Ireland was in 1968. IRA's border campaign during 1956-1962 escalated into violent conflict between the Protestant majority and the Roman Catholic minority in 1968. Prime Minister Terrence O'Neil of Northern Ireland sought to end the enmity between the two groups by fostering closer ties between Ulster and the Republic of Ireland. But the hardliners within the Ulster Unionist Party forced his resignation. His successor, James Chichester-Clark had to call in the British troops to quell the disturbances. The overwhelming majority of the people in Northern Ireland voted in favour of remaining in union with the United Kingdom in a referendum held there in 1969.
Violence intensified after the referendum as its result was a foregone conclusion when the people of Northern Ireland were divided between Protestant majority and Catholic minority. The Protestant-dominated Stormont Parliament that had governed Northern Ireland since 1921 was abolished in 1972 by the British government and "direct rule' was instituted. The Ulster workers' strike (by Protestants) in 1974 brought down the power-sharing executive set up in Northern Ireland under the 1973 Sunningdale agreement, which was reached following the talks Ireland's Prime Minister Cosgrave had with his British counterpart Edward Heath and representatives of Northern Ireland. This accord recognised that the North's relationship with Britain could not be changed without the consent of a majority of the population in Northern Ireland and it also provided for the establishment of a Council of Ireland composed of members from both the Dail (Ireland’s Parliament) and the Northern Ireland assembly.
The Anglo-Irish agreement signed by the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the Irish Prime Minister Garret FitzGerald in November 1985 reiterated the previously agreed position regarding any change in the status of Northern Ire
who are mostly

Page 24
24 TAM TIMES
land and also established an intergovernmental conference to deal with political, security, and legal relations between the two parts of the island. This agreement for the first time gave the Irish government a role in the internal affairs of Northern Ireland. In 1993 John Major and Albert Reynolds signed a joint peace initiative (the so-called Downing Street Declaration), in which they pledged to seek mutually agreeable political structures in Northern Ireland and between the two islands. The following year the IRA declared a cease-fire but it collapsed after 18 months in 1996. The first official meeting between the British Government and the Sinn Fein, the political wing of the IRA took place in 1994. It must be noted that Sinn Fein was operating over-ground as a political party though many did not doubt its link with the underground IRA. Although some Sinn Fein members were elected to the Parliament in Westminster, they did not take their seats there, as they did not wish to take the oath of allegiance to the British Crown.
The 1998 Peace Deal
The historic peace agreement signed on Good Friday 10 April, 1998 in Ulster after 22 months of intense negotiations by the heads of the British and Irish Governments and eight out of the ten political parties representing the Protestant majority and Roman Catholic minority in Northern Ireland has given hope to all peace loving people there that at last after 30 years of bloody civil war and sectarian violence, they can live in peace and raise their children free from the shadow of fear and uncertainty. The peace deal agreed by the 8 parties, some of whom were bitter enemies for years and would not even face each other let alone sit together around a negotiating table was too good to be believed.
There were several moments when all the signs indicated an imminent collapse of the peace talks, even up to the very end of the time (midnight of 9th April) set by George J. Mitchell the leader of the mediating team for a conclusion. The mood of the peace makers and the people at large oscillated between hope and despair during the entire period of the negotiations. The marathon session that took place during the critical 17 hours af
ter the passage ( also not free from the interventions Prime Ministers T Ahern and the ephone contacts the negotiating President Bill Cli the understandin paving the Way rhent.
The deal is unanimous acce lence and the pr The essence of th both sides have violence and agr methods to achi political goals. T enshrines the pri of Northern Irela by the will of the ple. The Irish Gov Articles 2 and 3 which lay claim Northern Ireland: ernment will repe ment of Ireland A Ireland assembly r bers, six elected the existing 18 W encies would ha late and take over fied government agriculture and ed end the direct rul that prevailed for A 12-member drawn from the as Sinn Fein membe prior IRA. decomi ons. Up to the ve: a sticking point a mation of all parti mitment to the to all paramilitary tressed by the co would use their i the decommission tary arms within remove this obst pendent Commiss up under the deal and verify progr ioning and will ernments at regul The settlemen rate referendums border on May 2, The followin that enabled the sceptics to agree the settlement:

15MAY1998
if this deadline was deadlocks and only of British and Irish ony Blair and Bertie long distance telwith the leaders of parties by the US nton helped to reach g on the key issues for the final agree
significant for the ytance of non- vioinciple of consent. he agreement is that rejected the use of eed to use peaceful eve their separate he new agreement nciple that the fate nd will be decided majority of its peo'ernment will amend of its Constitution to the territory of and the British Govall the 1920 Governct. A new Northern made up of 108 memby PR from each of 'estminster constituve powers to legisthe running of specidepartments such as ucation. This would e from Westminster
25 years. 2xecutive committee sembly will include rs, provided there is missioning of Weapry last this has been nd only the reaffircipants of their comtal disarmament of organisations butnfirmation that they nfluence to achieve ing of all paramilitwo years helped to cle. Also the Indeion that will be set will monitor, review ess om decommiss'eport to both govar intervals.
will be put to sepaon both sides of the
) g are the key factors antagonists and the o the final terms of
O War-weariness has no doubt played its part in the shift in the attitude of the Catholic people. Sinn Fein must have realised that it is prudent to secure equal rights for Catholics in Northern Ireland in the short term than hold out for a distant dream of a united Ireland. In this regard, the perception that demographic trends within Northern Ireland favour the nationalists may have also influenced their thinking. In the late 1960s, the population was roughly one-third Catholic and two-thirds Protestant. According to the 1991 census, the Catholic proportion of the population has risen to 43%. O The combined SDLP and Sinn Fein vote at the last election in 1997 made up 38% of the total, a figure close to the Catholic share of the vote in Northern Ireland, as against around 30% in 1985. This growing strength at the ballot box is also a reason for taking the political route. The once solid unionist majority has shrunk to a much smaller margin. O The way the new Northern Ireland assembly will be formed ensures that a tyranny of the majority is virtually ruled out. The share of seats each party wins will determine the number of posts it holds in the proposed executive committee. Legislation in the Assembly cannot be passed unless there is 70% or greater majority and this ensures that it will have to attract the support of a majority of nationalists and unionists. The proposed
inter-governmental arrangements
also give confidence to the Catholics that their rights would not be subjugated by the Unionists. O Attitudes of Irish Catholics in America and in the Republic to Northern Ireland have also changed over the years. Many have become disenchanted with the purely military tactic of the IRA, often resorting to terrorist attacks, that has claimed many innocent lives. The Irish Republic has become relatively prosperous, self-confident and more integrated into Europe than Britain. There is no pressing need to reclaim Northern Ireland on economic grounds. The violence in Northern Ireland came to be viewed by mainstream politicians in the Republic as an unnecessary headache. O The role of the Catholic Church, both in the Republic and Northern Ireland, contributed a great deal for rec

Page 25
15MAY1998
onciliation. Its leading clerics were uncompromising in their condemnation of violence, and whenever the IRA resorted to terrorist violence, they did not fail to condemn it in unequivocal terms, and helped both by their deeds and utterances to build a peace-move
ent. O The fact that Sinn Fein, the political wing of the IRA got 17% of the vote at the last election meant that it could not be dismissed as just a terrorist organisation. Participation in electoral politics also had its dynamics within itself. Sinn Fein had progressively become part and parcel of mainstream politics. O There was also a demonstrable change in the change in the approach to Northern Ireland politics accompanied by its protracted violence among people in mainland Britain. A MORI poll in 1997 found that 51% of British people thought Northern Ireland should become independent from the United Kingdom.
The clout that the Ulster Unionist MPs had in Westminster during the previous government when the Conservative Party needed their votes diminished after the new Labour Party won the last elections with a majority of 179 seats. This meant that the biggest unionist group, the Ulster Unionist Party could not resist the pressures of the new Labour government. It could not afford to be left completely isolated within British politics.
All the three major political parties in Britain - Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrats - have taken a common stance in dealing with the problem in Northern Ireland. For many years the parties had developed an all-party consensus non-sectarian consensus in regard to the Northern Ireland conflict. O Although the proportion of Catholics in Northern Ireland has been rising, the majority wil remain Protestant for quite some time. Northern Ireland's continued union of the United Kingdom would not come under threat as long as the majority of its residents decide in favour of it. The Republicans have agreed to adhere to the principle of consent by the Protestants as a basic requirement of any change in the status of Northern Ireland in its union with Britain. O All participants at the talks were conscious of the fact that they were in a no-win situation and that the only
alternative to th more conflict and continued fearful
ence, which the pe willing to accept
i the public at larg
Constituency) we the economic el longed conflict ( general living sta also tired of living
The Main Player George Mitch Senator WaS Sent in 1994 by US Pr. as his special en initially doubted h father was the so immigrants. He w trust later by the jectivity and imp in his dealings w in the task of prom the many obstacle apparent commit mocracy; disappr violence to achie and the convictic cussions can reso President Cli grant US visa to Sinn Fein leader di pleasure of both ernment in the UK in Northern Irela wean away Adams sole means to ac goals.
Mr Mitchell di on the Irish probl Prime Minister J pressure from the whose support his vival depended, f January 1996 his out following ne; parties (known wie principles) for pe month later the IR Wharf and the Ce Senator Mitchell sequent request 1 chair the peace ta the deal on Gooc 1998.
Tony Blair, as resenting the who land spoke for botl Catholics and the talks separately w of Sinn Fein and U (UUP), who were

TAM TIMES 25
agreed deal was bloodshed with the and uncertain existople were no longer
Businessmen and (the visible Peace re lamenting about fects of the pro)n investment and ndards. They were in a climate of fear.
s ell, the former US O Northern Ireland esident Bill Clinton voy. The Unionists is neutrality, as his n of Irish catholic as able to win their determination, obartiality he showed ith the antagonists loting peace despite S that he faced; his ment to defend deoval of the use of ve political goals; in that honest dislve most problems. inton's decision to Gerry Adams, the isregarding the disJohn Major's GovK and the Unionists nd also helped to from violence as a hieve his political
d not turn his back em, when the Tory ohn Major, under
Unionist MPs on government's surailed to endorse in framework worked gotiations with all lely as the Mitchell ce negotiations. A A bombed Canary ase-fire was over. agreed to the subo come back and lks that produced Friday April 10,
Prime Minister reple of Northern Irecommunities - the Protestants. He had ith the leaderships lster Unionist Party
the ones with ex
treme positions in the peace talks. He established good relationship with Mr David Tremble and gave him access to his office in Downing Street. When the talks at the eleventh hour reached a deadlock and was in danger of breaking down, he rushed to Stormont and succeeded with his Irish counterpart Bertie Ahern in persuading both sides to show courage and compromise for the sake of peace. Blair was ably supported by his Northern Ireland Secretary Mo Mowlam. She showed courage and firmness in her responses to the pronouncements of various leaders that went contrary to the basic principles on which the deal was finally structured. The part played by Bertie Ahern, the Irish Prime Minister in the peace talks that resulted in the deal is significant not only for his position as head of the Irish Government but also for the importance he gave to save the talks from collapse at the time when he was mourning over his mother's death. He attended his mother's funeral and returned without delay during the final stage of the talks to join forces with his British counterpart. Although his two predecessors John Bruton and Albert Reynolds had provided the impetus from Dublin - to find a solution to the problems in Northern Ireland, the approach of Ahern was seen as more assuring to both Sinn Fein and UUP. The Settlement has given Dublin an enhanced role in Northern Ireland and this is seen as the quid pro quo for agreeing to amend the constitution of Ireland as to relinquish the traditional territorial claim to Northern Ireland.
John Hume, the leader of the non-violent nationalist Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) has been involved longer than any other leader in the crusade for a peaceful settlement of the sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland. Ever since he started clamouring for peace in 1969, he steadfastly worked towards this goal despite verbal abuses and threats he encountered from ardent nationalists. Successive Irish governments had looked to him for advice to manoeuvre through the thicket of politics in Northern Ireland. It was Mr Hume's decision to open a dialogue with Sinn Fein in 1993 which influenced others to rethink their attitude towards the IRA. The British, Irish and American governments were willing to take the

Page 26
26 TAM TIMES
risk of talking to Sinn Fein (the IRA) largely as a result of his initiative. Mr Hume’s discussions with Gerry Adams of Sinn Fein also influenced the IRA to rethink the Stalemated strategy of joining Northern Ireland with the Republic through armed struggle. He made several trips to the US lobbying Support for his peace goal. Without him there would not have been the alliance between SDLP, Sinn Fein, the Irish Government and the Irish American lobby and indeed the peace process. To him peace has been a greater goal than party advantage.
David Tremble showed himself to be a mature politician at the critical time in the peace talks, contrary to the hard-line rhetoric of Unionism which he espoused publicly. Mr Tremble kept his party in the talks even when Sinn Fein joined in, which at that time was detested by the hard-line Unionists. He was careful to avoid the fate of his predecessors when they showed willingness to devolve powers to the minority Catholics. They were left open to the charge of Sell-out. Despite Some strong opposition from his parliamentary colleagues within his own party, he was able to carry the party executive with him just before the final draft of the
agreement was s was vindicated b port for the peac ruling council of of the members v at the meeting hel 18th. On 24 April rilla groups, the sociation and Ul; ers in a joint stal uncomfortable w the agreement, v that we can comr package to the pe land for endorse on May 22.'
Sinn Fein’s pri difficulty in pers nationalists to ac was not less than Tremble on the ol vice-president M have had a tough suading the reput listen to them as t from all-out viol in the democratic also has proved 1 cian not only dea terparts in the Un carrying his own in the search for a of the conflict. T
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igned. His position y the massive supe deal given by the his party, with 72% oting in favour of it, din Belfast on April two Protestant guerUlster Defence Asster Freedom Fightement said: "While ith some aspects of ve nonetheless feel hend it as an overall ople of Northern Irement at referendum
sident Gerry Adams uading the extreme cept the peace deal that faced by David her side. He and his fartin McGuinness time for years perblican movement to he balance has tilted 2nce to engagement process. Mr Adams o be a clever tactiling with his counionist camp but also supporters with him peaceful settlement he subsequent near
15MAY1998
unanimous support, he obtained for the peace deal from Sinn Fein's executive Council of nearly a thousand delegates is not only proof of his maturity as a political leader, but also the commitment of his party and the bulk of the IRA to the peace process.
One hopes that the Northern Ireland referendum on 22 May would result in an endorsement of the Good Friday agreement. The fact that British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, has called upon his political opponents in the Conservative Party, the former Prime Minister John Major and its current leader, to jointly campaign for a yes vote in the forthcoming referendum, and that his request has been reciprocated affirmatively is an example of how politicians should conduct themselves as statesmen on national issues concerning their country and people. -
The protracted violent conflict in Northern Ireland and its long search for peace resulting in the Good Friday agreement, and hopefully its endorsement on 22 May referendum by its people should provide beneficial lessons for many countries, like Sri Lanka, which continue to be afflicted with similar violent conflicts without any sign of peace in the near future. .
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Page 27
15MAY1998
THE BOMBAND THE GEN
By Umberto Eco
This piece by the famous Italian writer Umberto Eco would be understand the condemned loneliness that nuclear-hungry gen This piece is timely stuff for Indians and their baffled neighbo subcontinent of contemporaneity, the piece should be read sub general with president, prime minister, scientist, strategic an politician, ideologue, editor, columnist and a whole lot of other
Once upon a time, there was an atom. And once upon a time, there was a bad general who wore a uniform covered with gold braid. The world is full of atoms. Everything is made of atoms. Atoms are very tiny, and when they come together, they form molecules which then form all the things we know. Mum is made of atoms. Milk is made of atoms. Women are made of atoms. Air is made of atoms. Fire is made of atoms. We are made of atoms.
When the atoms are in harmony, everything works fine. Life is based on this harmony. But when an atom is smashed, it parts like other atoms which then strike Still more atoms and so on... A terrifying experience takes place. This is atomic death.
Well, our atom was sad because it had been put inside an atomic bomb. Along with other atoms, it was waiting for the day when the bomb would be dropped and they would all be smashed, destroying everything. Now, the fact is that the world is also full of generals who spend their lives piling up bombs. And our General filled his attic with bombs. "When I have lots and lots,' he said, "I'll start a beautiful war!" And he laughed.
How can you help become bad when you have all those bombs within reach?
The atoms shut up in the bombs were very unhappy. Thanks to them, there was going to be a huge catastrophe. Many children would die, many Mums, many kittens, many calves, many birds - everybody. Whole towns would be destroyed where before there had been little white houses with red roots and green trees all around... and nothing would be left except a black pit.
And so the atoms decided to rebel against the General. One night, without making a sound, they stole silently out of the bombs and hid in the cellar. The next morning, the General came
into the attic with men. These gentle spent a pile of mont bombs. Are we go here to collect mou eral like you for, a "It's true,' the “We must really sta wise, my career w where'. And he de When the new atomic war was g( people went crazy only we hadn’t all make bombs', the too late. Everybod But where could th Meanwhile, t.
loaded his bombs
T O WH
f July has beer
aster for Sri La
ades, India car the month of May And, the Prince of May, born Siddharta, 254 l years ago, who rebelled against th and wandered thro of the subcontine trayed twice over tries.
The Sakyamun
had also occurred C days, the Pournami of Vaikasi. And his sion was to sweep Asia for the next f eral centuries late surreal scene that tries which swears

ERA
the correct one to arals end up with, rs. In the jingoist stituting the word lyst, bureaucrat, s...l
ome other gentlemen said: “We’ve y to make all these ing to leave them ld? What’s a Gennyway?”
general replied. rt this war. Otherill never get anycided war. s spread that the ping to break out, with fear. "Oh, if owed Generals to y said. But it was y fled the cities. ley find refuge? he General had on an aeroplane
TAML TEMES 27
and was dropping them one by one on all the cities. But when the bombs fell (empty as they were), they didn't explode at all And the people, happy at their narrow escape (they could hardly believe their luck), used them for flowerpots. So, they discovered that life was more beautiful without bombs... and decided not to make any more wars. The Mums were happy. So were the Dads. So were everybody. And what about the General? Now that there were no more wars, he was fired.
And to make use of his uniform with all the braid, he became a hotel doorman. Since everyone now lived in peace, many tourists came to the hotel. Even former enemies. Even the soldiers whom in the old days the General had ordered about. When they entered and left the hotel, the General opened the big glass door and made an awkward bow, saying, "Good day, Sir.' And they (who had recognised him) said to him with a grim look: "The service in this hotel is dreadful It's an outrage!"
And the General turned deep red and was silent. Because now he was of no importance at all. O
HE GREAT PRINCE Ε ΜΑΥ BETRAYE D ERE HE WAS BORN
Ramesh Gopalakrishnan
the month of disinka in recent decwell lay claim to for such events.
NDASN-BLASTS
e sight of misery ughout the plains nt, has been beby the two coun
's enlightenment n one of his birthf the Tamil month great life and mis
the continent of :w centuries. Sev, there's the now one of the counly his middle-path
unleashes violence on itself year after year and the other blasts three nuclear bombs on the Purnima day and comes up with two more lest the Tathagata would still still be lost in his meditation
The act of universal shame is now explicitly the act of bravery for India. Sheer Evil is now the pride of India, the historic country which has now sunk into sub-human levels from those of aesthetic and rebellious civilisations. The place where it took place is not a real desert. The desert has its own life and the mind which blows up the nuclear bombs is the real desert. What it distributes across the atmosphere is not wisdom and dialogue, but jingoism and radioactivity.
Peace for India now booms out of

Page 28
28 TAMILTMES
the horrible hydrogen bombs.
Methodical yet barbaric is its celebrations and Self-pattings. Poison is full in the minds of the political leaders, Scientists and mediapersons who raise their hands aloft in Saluting bombs and jingoism. Horrific perversion. What else can the temerity to blast a hydrogen bomb along with two Hiroshima-type bombs on the very day of the birth of the Gautama Buddha be called Bizarre is the unholy welcome accorded to the blasts during a speech at Madison by noneother-than the Dalai Lama in his eagerness to retrieve Tibet from China. The Buddha indeed did Smile this year in India, as he did in May 18, 1974, when the first Pokhran blast was conducted. That year too, it was the Purnima day. The Pournami had fallen in the month of Vaikasi as usual, unlike the special occasion this year when it got advanced to Chitrai, the first month of the new year. Chitrai brings Summer and heat and So also does the nuclear bomb. Mrs Indira Gandhi gave a code-word for her very, very peaceful nuclear explosion (PNE as it was called in those days) as "The Buddha Has Smiled': the contrasts are the Fat Man, the one dropped on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945, and the Little Boy, the one which had devastated Nagasaki three days later.
The Western bombs were named after deformed or ungrown humans, whereas the Indian bomb was given a term to deform the very gesture of Buddha's enlightenment: the Smile, which is now lost forever. The ambiguous and life-giving smile of Buddha, the Smile of his pain and endurance, the Smile of his quiet pleasure of drinking a handful of water poured by Sujata, is now shorn of ambiguity, having got transformed by the codeword into the bare fangs of Evil. This per version of philosophy and civilisational ethos is complete in the Indian code-word. Awful, were these code-words, just as awful as the act of exploding serial nuclear bombs, as done by the new government in New Delhi within 40 days of taking power, evoking great feelings of disgust and repulsion from generations of people across the world who have been fighting nuclear arsenals of their own governments or other governments.
Siddhartha, the Prince, had renounced all that he had, in order to make us live, for eternity. And he gave
unto himself and u. bility of enlightenme tar) of wisdom, the non-death, as is evid Moon of the month trast this with the dra the darkness of t night, the New Moo the poison of radioa ism from India's five at the pitiable site Rajasthan on May 1 the blasts constit blood-sucking of til Subcontinent? Is it defeat of trust and among the state má subcontinent ? The is definitely not Sic Dracula, the Prince sucking nocturnal Christ, who lives for tains of Transylvani ing in the Crusades b At least the Draculal as we learn, and she don to which he trav have no aim of fos where in the world at ply banal.
The blasts at P. more than one philo in line was Jiddu whose 103 birthday ful day of May 1 1.J renunciation in 1929 Besant was about t the new prophet. F over the world and k with the keenest of of the subcontinent phers. JK’s discuss Bohm, the physicist losopher's grasp of modern science, es ject-object predicam quantum mechanic culminate in the nucl Alamos, Hiroshima other places includin last 58 years.
It is now more t dia always had a long gramme since the tin other prince amon, sought to renounce ing the anti-colonial nounce, did he?) His solved in favour of n as evidenced by hi tion with Homi Bhab man of independent cretive organisation

15MAY1998
nto us the possiint, the amrit (necdrink of life and lent from the Full of Vaikasi. Conaining of wisdom, he approaching n, the spewing of ctivity and jingo: bombs exploded e of Pokhran in 1 and 13. Aren't ating a kind of he wealth of the not the feeling of the lack of love achineries of the prince active here idhartha, but the Vlad, the bloodbeast, the antiever in the mouna, after succeedut failing in love. oved one woman, is reborn in Lonels. India’s blasts tering love anynd hence are sim
okhran betrayed sopher: the next Krishnamurthy | fel on the fateK too had done a just when Annie o anoint him as He wandered all ept up a dialogue minds, on behalf and its philosoions with David , reveal the phithe problems of pecially the subent of the field of s, which was to ear blasts of Los a, Nagasaki and ng Pokhran in the
han clear that Ing-term bomb promes of Nehru, ang men who had everything durstruggle. (Or redilemma was renaking the bomb, s close associaba, the first chairIndias most se- the Atomic En
ergy Commission. Work on Indian reactors were couched in the deceptive terminology of nuclear power, even as dangerous material needed for the bomb was quietly diverted elsewhere. First, it was the US, then Canada and finally France who had quit helping the Indian nuclear power programme. Now, only the tottering Russians were ready to dump one of their old reactors at Koodankulam in the Tamil Nadu coast - not far from Sri Lanka. It is now doubtful whether the Russians would part with their reactors and give them to India.
The blasts have made India and the subcontinent drift into unkown scientifico-medical, political and economic courses, hitherto uncharted by anyone. The blasts and more so, the hydrogen bomb blast, will create enormous problems due to impact of radioactivity, among the people of Pokhran and nearby villagers, which were evacuated for a few hours on both the days. Villagers recall the ailments and sickness they had gone through in 1974, including polio.
The tests were conducted underground, but it is not clear how the very-active Indian prime Minister A B Vajpayee could state that the enormous radioactivity could be contained within acceptable limits. He made this statement within hours of the blast, but the radioactivity takes a long time to decisively spread. The isotopes which might have gone around spreading have half-lives upto 40,000
years.
Internationally, India has never been criticised so badly in the last five decades. The country is almost friendless, except for Sri Lanka, which is almost supporting India’s bomb programme. The Indian goverment seems to have practised the art of deception while dealing with major nuclear powers like the United States. Several visiting US officials were coolly misled by the new BJP-led government at the centre in what could be called a cool diplomatic sleight. The Indian government has managed to evade the eyes of the diplomats and the spysatellites while setting off the blasts. This has angered the US no end. As for other countries, a number of them in the Western world have gone ahead with sanctions and aid cutbacks. India’s bid for a permanent place in the UN Security Council might not get the requisite backing from both nuclear

Page 29
15MAY1998
and non-nuclear states. The more tragic loss is that of the ability to lead the Third World. After the blasts, Third World countries would regard India with distrust, as this country has joined the "club of hypocrites' or nuclear powers. Third World countries might now start looking to Brazil, Argentina or South Africa for leadership.
In the subcontinent itself, Pakistan is likely to clamour for getting a nuclear bomb at any rate. Other smaller countries like Bhutan and Bangla Desh are keeping their fingers crossed at the possibility of a huge arms race. And the Chinese government, which is already taken exception to Indian defence minister George Fernandes' outbursts, might quietly help Pakistan quickly develop the bomb.
Politically, all the parties have gone along with the BJP-led ruling coalition in supporting India's nuclear tests. The communists had certain initial reservations about the timing of the blasts, but came around to the government's view after the prime minister had a tete-a-tete with the left leaders. It is true that Vajpayee has been able to divert its attention from the pressing problems faced by his government, especially the demands made by his allies which are part of the ruling coalition. However, it is also clear that Vajpayee has tried to project the nuclear blasts as a vindication of the BJP's Stand over the issue. He seems to have overplayed this card somewhat.
Indeed, copies of "Organiser', the mouthpiece of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, celebrating the blasts, were freely avaible for Delhi-based newspaper correspondents around
the same time the news over the bl RSS mouthpiece mation about the Vajpayee alone wi SWe.
The US” econ bound to hit India India's biggest tr Japan, Australia, N da, Norway and s tries are cutting ( mental assistance organisations like might announce a been the biggest be Bank loans to be g lds including trans irrigation and urba
All this might when the World B, 26 to decide on t
(continued from page 13)
ment in May 1992 ; of conspiring and assasination of for ter Rajiv Gandhi ( campaign in 1991. was Subsequently After a prolong women accused o of involvement in were found guilty death on 28 Janu convicted person Supreme Court of conviction and S. pending. Included : in the list of accu. trial were three of the LTTE includ Pirbakaran and the
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TAMIL TIMES 29
were flashing the stS. Whether the ad advance inforlasts is a question uld be able to an
mic sanctions are padly, as the US is de partner. Also, ew Zealand, Canaveral other counown inter-govero India. Financial the World Bank cutback. India has neficiary of World |ven in Several fieport, health, roads, n development.
be scaled down ank meets on May his issue. Foreign
direct investment, needed for continuing the liberalisation process, would be hard to come by at this stage. In case the US slaps a ban on various Indian exports, India would find it very tough. India's foreign exchange reserves can last only a few months, and hence, the country has almost no option but to do a bit of sabre-rattling and sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) to get the sanctions lifted. The more dangerous option would be to resist signing the CTBT and cash in on the resultant anger of the people against the Western countries. This seems the more ideologically closer option for the BJP which would find it easy to absorb resentful recruits to implement is agenda of jealousy and hatred. The route to complete fascism would then be on. And the betrayal would then be total. O
after it was accused carrying out the "mer Prime Minisluring his election The two-year ban extended. 2d trial, 27 men and f various charges the assassination and sentenced to ary this year. The appealed to the India against the 2ntence which is lmong the accused sed persons in the the top leaders of ing its leader V intelligence wing
chief Pottu Amman against whom the trial could not take place they could not be apprehended and therefore they remain proclaimed offenders at large.
"The government has decided to continue the ban on this organisation for two more years,' a government spokesman said after a meeting of the cabinet dashing the hopes those who thought that the new government in New Delhi would bring to bear a different approach to the LTTE particularly in the context of the presence of George Fernandes occupying the high profile important portfolio of Minister of Defence in the cabinet because, while he was in opposition, he had perceived by reason of his outspoken speaches as a Supporter Of the LTTE.
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Page 31
15 MAY 1998
IN MEMORAM Ctd.
10th Death Anniversary of the late Mrs. Ratnadevi nayagam, beloved Wife of the late Mr. S. Mandalanayagam, former Village Headman, Chunnakam, who passed
away on 175.88.
In cherished memory of our dear Amma, who will always be in our thoughts. Fondly remembered by her children; Pathmalogini (Australia), Chellapah (UK), Sabanathan
Mandalfa
(Singapore), Wigneswaran (Australia), Kamalallogini, Thokaiambikai, Nalinalogini (Canada), Koneswaran (Sri Lanka), sons and daughtersin-law and grandchildren.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS May 25 6.00pm Shruthi Laya Shangham presents Kenjit Kachcheri at Walthamstow Assembly Hall, Forest Road, London E17 by N.K. Pathmanathan, Nadaswaram; R. Rathakrishnan, Violin, Ganashan, Thawil, and M. Balachandar, Mridangam. Tel 0181 788 0633. May 30 6.30pm South London Tamil School presents Cultural Evening at Adult Education Centre, Sandown Road, South Norwood. Tel: 6181 659 0505, June 1 Feast of St. Justin. June 6 Feast of St. Norbert. June 7 6.00pm Carnatic Music Concert by Amudha lisai Vaani Smit Sudha Ragunathan of Tamil Nadu at Sivayogam, Second Floor, 180-186 Upper Tooting Road, London SMV17. Tel 0181930
Children's Thyagaraja Festival
The above festival organised by the Lalgudi School of Music (UK) was held on 25th and 26th April 1998 and was sponsored by and held at Highgate Murugan Temple, London N6. The programme consisted of competitions in two divisions for Juniors and Seniors on (a) Thyagaraja krithis (b) Music Quiz and (c) Music Concerts. Juniors were expected to present a krithi while seniors were required to present a krithi suite comprising raga alapana, krithi and kalpana swaram. Improvisations like niraval and thanan were optional.
The Judges were Sri N.R. Prasanthi of Bangalore and Sangeetha Bhooshanarh Sri Sami Dandapani. The trophy for the
Young Junior Musi won by Aparna Nat date and that for th Ravi Randas also Music Quiz was CC Raman and the Win who gave correct a tions.
Lalgudi School of lin concerts in grou) trio by Parthipan Na and Piriyali Sivagn. Kumar Raghunatha, tion.
The Flute stude Pathmanathan, the Malini Thanabalasir, Mahesh, and the
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TAMIL TIMES 31
Law - Medical Cricket Match at Millhill Park, Hammers Wise Lane, Millhill, London NW2. For details Tel. Of 81 904 1789/O 18f 795 0648/0171 274 0100/01923 825235. July 4 7.45pm Bharata Nrityam by Dr. Padma Subramaniam at Queen Elizabeth Hall, South Bank. Te: Box Office O171 96O 4242. July 5 6.30pm Above at Beck Theatre, Grange Road, Hayes, Middx. Tel: 0181 561 837f.
At Bhawan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HQ. Tel: O171381 3086/4608. June 5 7.30pm Karnatic Vocal by Ramprasad and Bharata Natyam by Indira Kadambi both from India. June 21 6.00pm Karnatic Vocal by H.H. Prince Ranavarma of Swati, Tirunal
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Both judges were full of praise for the high standard of music presented by the young musicians and for the services rendered by Dr. Lakshmi Jayan to promote carnatic music in the UK. Many well wishers donated generously towards the presentation of certificates, medals, trophies, audio cassettes, books and Cash prizes.
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Page 32
15 MAY 1998
Wrenched Away Forty Years Ago
Arthur Jeyaratnam Arumairatnam was only thirtyone. His young life was full of great promise when he was wrenched away from his dear ones by goondas urged by demagogues to kill the Tamils and loot their hones. It was the time the Government of Sri Lanka was embarking on an ill-conceived ingoist Sinhala Only fundamentalism. It had ample support from the Arya Sinhala-Buddhist intelligentsia and racist politicians, and political parties that opposed it were marginalised out of national politics.
He was in his home at Fatmala with relatives. In close vicinity was a Buddhist Temple. He held a responsible position with the Department of Postal Services and had worked in TrinConnalee before his promotional transfer to Dehiwela. A little over an year earlier, he married the girl of his childhood dreams, he was proud of her, she was worthy of it and these sentiments were mutually shared. A gift of this happy marriage, a lovely little boy was just months old and they were in Jaffna at that time. Arthur was a good sportsman, excelled in Cricket and soccer for Union College, Tellipallai, loved by family and was special to his friends. He loved jungle tracking and the thrills of adventure.
The fateful day of late May 1958 began with rumours of communal violence, suddenly the Tamils were game for Sinhala thugs instigated by race-religion-crazed Southern politicians. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, the Dr. Faustus of Sri Lankan politics who courted the communal devil to seek power had by now virtually lost control of the country to political mobsters. A year later, unable to propitiate them anymore, he paid for his folly with his own life, ironically at the hands of a Buddhist monk. Somarana was his name and Buddharakkitha Thero, the chief priest at the Kelaniya Temple, the instigator and master conspirator.
As packs of goondas Screamed death to the Tamils along Galle Road and down the lanes of Colombo and the suburbs, an evil brood that had taken residence in the nearby temple, gate crashed into a home and attacked the inmates without mercy and for the only reason that they were Tamils.
Thanks to the help of a neighbour at great risk Women folk found safe many such angels.
Arthur was rushed General Hospital wit. injuries. Later he SuCCL became an early victin carnage. Since then f gone past and thousal have perished. It still ethnic nightmare remail
Wi
Janany’s Stur Arange
Ten year old Janany, Mrs. Arunachalam C Southall, Middx., and
Pavithra Mahesh anaZ ence at The Beck Thea with her stunning pe Veenaarangetram held It was also a maiden eff Guru, a brilliant studen Maestro Lalgudi. G. J. came off with flying col assisted by a galaxy of Sri M. Balachandar
Bangalore Sri R.N. Prah Kandiah Sithamparan and Selvi Nirusha
Tambura. The evening compered by Smt Yam
The arangetram cor items presented includi Ragam Thanan Palav Chief Guest Snnt Ren her speech complim artiste on her first perf dence, Courage and f stated, 'The selected choice of the Ragas s very well. She played w accuracy of the Thala, tant aspect of any musi for an instrument play lenge arises when Conr a slow tempo. Janany ents on Veena playing.
Veena iS a difficult in perfect the techniques still maintain a high si
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 32
Sinhalese-Buddhist to his own life, the efuge. There were
to the Colombo life threatening mbed to then and to Lanka's racial Dur decades have ds of Sri Lankans Continues and the is unresolved.
:tor Karunairajan.
ning Weena tram
daughter of Mr. & f Allenby Road, pupil of Guru Smt
2d the packed auditre, Hayes, Middx., rformance at her on 25th April 1998. Ort in the UK for fh6 of the living Music ayaraman and she Ours. She was ably able accompanists, on Mirudangam, ash On Gadam, Sri athan on Morsing Vignakumar on was knowledgeably na Tharmenthiran.
stituted the usual ng a well produced i and Thilana, The uka Shriananda in ented the young brmance with confiuency. She further | pieces and the uited the occasion ith Raga bhava and which is an imporC, but a difficult one er. The main Chalpositions are set to has proved her tal
trument to learn, fo and intricacies and andard. Living in a
different cultural environment makes it even more difficult and I am glad that Janany has attained a high performing level at her tender age. When you master the Veena, it becomes a part of you and is like a friendsharing the ups and downs of life.
An Arangetram is only a first step and is the beginning for a new artiste. The more We learn, we realise how little we know. It is a humbling experience. Janany has made the first step with the support of her Guru and her parents. I hope that she will Continue to learn with the same interest and become a talented artiste in the future, She was well supported by experienced accompanying artistes and that itself was a great experience. I wish her a very successful music career which can bring much pride to her parents, satisfaction to her Guru and encouragement to other children.”
Miss Hilary Mellows, Retired Headmistress of Janany's former school and Mr. M.T. Selvarajah, Deputy Headmaster of West London Tanil School spoke in glowing terms about her academic eXCellenCe.
Republication of Panniru
Thirumuraigal
Panniru Thirumuraigal which are hymns on Saivaism composed by the saints (Naayanmar), Thirugnanasampanthar, Thiruna Vukkarasar, Sundaramoorthy, Manickavasagar, Thirumoolar, Sekhilar and others, many centuries ago are very difficult to obtain in their full compilation.
Arulchelvar Pollachi Dr. N. Mahallingam, President of Ramanantha Adigalar Charities Trust has caused the republication of these volumes, which will be
released in July 1998 in Chennai (Madras),
South India. These compilations are to be contained in twenty four volums, which would contain the original hymns and their meanings (moolamum uraium). Each volune Would run into between 300 and 750 pages totalling 11,284 pages in all the 24 Volunes.
With the sole ainm of making them available to all those interested at an affordable price, the present price of 2500 Indian rupees for all 24 volumes has been drastically reduced to a pre-publication price of 1000 Indian Rupees in Chennai. In addition those purchasing the 24 volumes will be rewarded with Thiruvilayadart Puranam (moolamum uraiyum), in four volumes running into 1500 pages and costing Rs 400. Saiva devotees all over the WOrld WOuld rejoice at this republication and must be grateful to Dr. Mahalingam for this gigantic effort. It is expected that all interested Hindus would seize this opportunity to have these volumes in their hones and in places of religious and cultural interest.
Continued on page 33

Page 33
15 MAY 1998
Continued from page 32
In the UK, The Murugan Temple (200A Archway road, London N65BA, Tel:0181 348 9835) is making arrangements to get these volumes for all those interested.
Other interested parties could contact Varthagamanam Pathipagam, A.A.R. Campus, 141 Usman Road, T'Nagar, Chennai 17, lindia. Tel: 8257995 Chennai.
Bharatanatyam Arangetram
of Sitalakshmi
The Bharatanatya Arangetam of Sitalakshmi, daughter of Dr. M.N. Nandakumara, Bhavan's Executive Director and Mrs. Janaki Nandakumara was held in the Mountbatten Hall of Bharata Vidya Bhavan on May 10th 1998. This was a particularly joyous occasion for the whole family of the Bhavan as Sita has been a familiar figure since her birth, steeped in the music, dance and culture of India. The years of devotedly studying Bharatnatyam under her Guru, Sri Pragash Yadagudde and music under Smit Sivasakthi Sivanesan came to a beautiful first flowering on this day. Accompanied by her Guru on Nattuvangam and with the vocal accompaniment of Smt Sivasakthi Sivanesan, the mrdangam of Sri M. Balachandar, the violin of Sri Balu Raguraman (all resident teachers of the Bhavan) and flute of Sri Gnanavaradan, Sita began the performance with a Pushpanjali to Lord Ganesha in Raga Amrita Warshini, Adi tala following it with an Alariippuin Raga Nattai, Tisra Eka tala. From the beginning one was aware of the dancer's true joy in her art, emanating a sense of controlled power and energy as she gradually revealed all the movements of her body, from tiny movements of the eyes and head to flowing stretches of the limbs. This impression of strength was confirmed by the scintilating Jathiswaram, where the pace, precision and neatness of her footWOrk matched the grace and clarity of line and use of eyes. The movingly sung Kintana 'Bho Sambho’ with an inspired mrdangam accompaniment, followed Sita depicting the power and beauty of Lord Siva, the devotion of his devotee Markandeya and the ferocity of Siva's despatch of Yama, the God of death, beautifully conveyed tranquility, total dependence and tremendous power with equal ease.
The contrasting Varr, Raga Dhanyasi, Adi ta of both Nritta, pure Portraying the pranks a She used her beautiful, She showed us the teased and adoring bursts of fleet footed, i.
After the interval, menced with the Pad Raga Siwaranjani, Adi for the violin of Sri Balu trayals of the Avatars these famous stories to gy of Narasimha emph ordinary strength ands Ninna Sneha" Misra Chapu tala, par the haunting flute c brought a whole differe to Sita's Abhinaya a, lovelorn heroine and th Sivasakthi's soul stirrin dance especially in the “Yamanelli Kana" Whe, Scope for Abhinaya.
As guests of honour, ing the Headmistress c Girls, Dr. John Marr, Hc Bhavan and Sri Mane Bhavan, gave speeche, and attainment of the C encouragement given b ents and devoted tea Bhavan.
The programme con Raga maand, Adi tala, graphed fast rhythm. emphatic footwork alte balanced Sculptural pC mangalan, Sitalakshm. Yadagudde and the ai received a well deserve performance was exc compered by Miss Wel Guruji, Sri Prakash Ya and dedication had intr ing dancer to the Bhara
Tami Ent
TOr
The latest Tamil Valikaaddi, record establishments in To cery shops and b, There are 89 corn including sports clu Churches, 38 alumni in Sri Lanka, six telev lishments, 20 news publishers. There a dance and music s housed in the basem Thanilar? Wallihaadd trade directories pub within three years, h most publication in the TarniS.
 

TAMIL TIMES 33
am, Na Inca Mayam' in a showed Sita's mastery dance and Abhinaya. nd loves of Lord Krishna eyes to great effect as oveable child and the 3opis, alternating with yful dance.
he programme recomm “Yamanelli Kana” in tala notable particularly Rahuaman, Live y por of Lord Vishnu brought life, the ferocious enerasising Sita's own extraamina. The Javeli "Sako in Raga Kapi, icularly ornamented by f Sri Gnana varathan, nt range of expressions She showed us the wayward Lord Krishna. music added life to the items Bho Sambho’ and e there was excellent
Mrs. Skinner represent)f St. James' School for on. Gen. Secretary of the ck Dalal, Chairman of spraising the dedication lancer and the love and y her parents, grandparCherS and Staff Of the
cluded with a Tillana in the intricately choreofic patterns with their
Ses. At the end Of the , her Guru Sri Prakash companying musicians 'd standing ovation. The plently introduced and la Greerawo. Bhavan'S dagudde, with affection bduced his 20th promistanatyam stage.
Wendy Marr.
erprises in DntO
directory, Thamilan nearly 200 Tamil ronto apart from groisiness enterprises. munity organisations os, 45 temples and fraternities of schools ision and radio estabaper and magazine e also a number of hools mOSt Of them ints of private homes.
is one of the four ished annually which as become the forehis category among
Scarborough M.P. Woos
Tamil Voters
Federation of Associations of Canadian Tamils (FACT) which represents the Canadian Tamils in the international arena, officially declared open an administrative Office on 19.4.98 at 2191 Warden Avenue. This office was declared open by the Scarborough West M. P. and Deputy Solicitor General Jim Brown. The welcome speech was made by the federation leader Mr. Sittampalam.
Following it, Scarborough Agincourt M.P. Mr. Jim Kariagiannis, who belongs to the ruling Liberal Party, who had arrived as the chief guest said in his speech that he had great pleasure in this office being opened in his constitutency and his share in Tamils' welfare wil continue. Following it he thundered "Victory to the Tigers! Long Live Tamil Eelam".
Mr. Sam Duraisamy expressed his gratitude to those who gave their presence.
Marino Represents Great Britain
kళ 。* 雄
Sixteen year old Marino, son of Mr. & Mrs. Kumarathasan of Purley, Surrey represent ed Great Britain in the World Fencing Championship held in Venezuela, South America. He is British Fencing Champion for under 17 and is the first Tamil to represent Great Britain in such an event.
Wanted Mirudangam & Violin Teachers
British Association of Tamil Schools needs a qualified Mirudangam and a Violin teacher with a sound knowledge of Tami and a minimum of 10 years experience in accompanying Bharatha Natyam. Basic salary E8000 pe annum plus benefits. Closing date for written applications to Mr. K. Sivagurunathapillai, Chairman, B.A.T.S., 18 Wellsmoor Gardens, Bickley, Kent BR1 2HU is 30th June 1998.

Page 34
34 TAMIL TIMES
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