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Tunil 3 : a
TIMES
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XVII No. 11 1S NOVEMBER 1998
Published by: TAMILTIMESLTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM1 3TD United Kingdom Phone: 0181 644 0972 Fax: 0181 241 4557 Email: prajan(agn.apc.org
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REP
Let the Muslims go home O3 NeWS Review O4 Pressure Mounts for Peace 08 Turning Point in the Conflict 10 The Dispossessed Muslims 13
Peace Alliance 15 Hazards of Making Peace 17 Turning the Tide 21 Assertion of Humanity 24 Sangh Parivar Bares its Fangs 26 Prof.S. Arasaratnam 27 Book Review 28 Classified 30
LET
This Octob the Muslim pol Kilinochchi an fenceless peop were ordered possessions an was like a leth out warning o unconscionabl even in their w In Jaffna, til did and over 7. dispossessed sands of Musli way through n One had n quent commur population in was carried ou the required it have carried it But the sad majority of the leaders did no displacement c They remained this grievous ( October 19 the enforced ev sula for it was by diktat to lea of the jungle : Jaffna faced in victim of the * First they Then they ca communist, Next they ca a trade unio Then they c. The displa in 66 camps st for the last eig ple undergoing go. They have Their one and from which th to them in Oc return to their The North jority of these the Muslim re LTTE leadersh year after yea stating that it In the hist rights, the ign sion of the Mu ible blot. The their homes.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
er marked the eighth anniversary of the enforced exodus of bulation from Sri Lanka's northern districts of Jaffna, Mannar, d Mullaitivu. On 22 October 1990, tragedy struck these dele, who had lived in these areas for centuries, when they by the LTTE to immediately leave their homes and worldly d quit the land of their birth. To the victims of this diktat, it all thunderbolt that hit them instantaneously. It hit them withr notice. They never imagined that such a draconian and e prospect would visit them for they had done no wrong ildest dreams to displease the promulgators of the diktat. hey were given just two hours to pack up and quit. Quit they 5,000 Muslims, men and women, old and the young, became and displaced overnight. Innocent and defenceless thoum civilians in lorries, tractors and bullock-carts waded their hud and rain to beat the deadline set for their evacuation. ever before witnessed, even taking account of the not infreLal pogroms mainly directed at the island's minority Tamil recent decades, such an outrage of ethnic cleansing which t in the most cold and clinical fashion that only those with ieological disposition and organisational capability could
out. commentary to this tragedy is that, out of fear or favour, the : Tamils including their so-called intellectuals and religious t raise their voice in protest against the dispossession and f the entirety of the Muslim civilian population of the north. silent spectators or willing accomplices in the enacting of :rime against a defenceless people. 98 also marked another “Exodus' - the third anniversary of vacuation of almost the entire population of the Jaffna peninin October 1995 nearly 800,000 Tamil civilians were directed lve their homes and go out of the peninsula and into the areas areas of the Vanni. In considering the plight the Tamils of October 1995, one is reminded of what Pastor Niemoeller, a Holocaust, said in his often repeated quotation:
ame for the Jews, and I did not speak out - because I was not a Jew, me for the communists, and I did not speak out - because I was not a
me for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out - because I was not hist; ame for me, and there was no one left to speak out for me.” ced and dispossessed Muslims have been living as refugees attered throughout the Puttalam district and adjoining areas ght years. They have become a forgotten and voiceless peounendurable hardship. These people have no where else to neither the money or the inclination to seek refuge abroad. only objective in life is they want to return to their homes ey were driven out. They have not forgotten what happened tober 1990. But they are willing to forgive and forget and homes. Their plea is, “We Want to Go Home”. rn Muslim Refugee Organisation, which represents the marefugees have taken up their cause. According to the NMRO, fugees want to return to their homes with the consent of the ip to whom several letters had been sent. Month after month, I, these people wait for a word from the LTTE leadership has no objection to them returning to their homes. ory of the Tamil struggle for the restoration of their legitimate bble and inhuman act of enforced evacuation and dispossesslim people in October 1990 would constitute an ugly indelime has come for mitigation. Let the Muslim people return to

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4 TAM TIMES
October 1998 began inauspiciously, counting the dead from the battles at Mankulam and Kilinochchi. The final death toll was clearly above 1500 on the side of the Sri Lankan security forces while the LTTE too is estimated to have lost close upon 1000 of its cadre. The confusion created by Defence Ministry sources regarding the actual numbers of those killed in the clashes led to a growing resentment regarding censorship of news regarding the war. 人
On October 2, the Free Media Movement issued a statement calling on all responsible journalists to publish whatever information they could gather on the war situation, in defiance of the censorship.
On the part of the Sri Lankan government, the loss of the ParanthanKilinochchi Base camp at such a hea vy cost of lives and equipment led to a serious re-assessment of military and defence strategy vith the President herself taking the lead in this review, as Minister of Defence. A Court of Inquiry headed by Major General Sathis Jayasundera was appointed to look into lapses in military intelligence which were at least partly to blame for what is now being commonly referred to as the Kilinochchi debacle’. While prospects of peace remained as distant as ever, with the UNP and the government continuing hostilities, a surprise actor entered the fray inumid-October. A consortium of several key Sri Lankan business federations came out with a ten-point programme for peace and prosperity and organised an all-party dialogue on these issues. Following intensive discussion with the UNP and the PA, the business community announced that they had decided to prioritise the peace issue as being key to every other point on their agenda. This initiative has been viewed by many observers as being one of the most radical with regard to peace agendas in Sri Lanka in recent times.
The surprise release of 6 service
men and 3 crew m Moana” and the ' any conditions be the LTTE led to an lation about the LTTE to resume sc with the governme been comments m servers regarding intermediaries fr aimed at bringing the Sri Lankan co negotiating table. Within the UN current leader Wi Premadasa confida ay came out into tl ray appealed to his lic meeting in Colo the leadership of reiterated that he w dent when the op the meanwhile, fol chchi debacle and sumption of a key military strategy, th ves* within the F SLFP in particular polarised. Attacks and supporters w several parts of th
A team from tional made a tw Lanka in the firsth visited Vavuniya meetings with go members of huma tions and other groups. While the was on the incider Lanka, the inves Chemmani graves agenda for discus ment and non-gov The situation i. has remained extre vilian administrati almost to a halt the LTTE. Electric ticaloa were seve ing of some key tr October and Batt darkness throug
 

15 NOVEMBER 19es
embers of the Irish Missen” without ing laid down by ew round of specu
readiness of the me form of contact nt. There have also ade by political obhe interventions of om South Africa
the two parties to nflict closer to the
P, the clash between ckremasinghe and unte Sirisena Coorhe open when Cooaudience at a pubombo to challenge” the UNP. Cooray vould run for Presiportunity arose. In lowing the Kilinothe President’s asrole in reviewing he hawks and do'A and within the have become more on UNP meetings ere reported from e island. Amnesty Interna-week visit to Sri alf of October. They and had extensive vernment officials, in rights organisa3ommunity-based focus of their visit ce of torture in Sri tigation into the was also one their sion with governernment figures.
the north and east mely tense, with cion in Jaffna coming under threats from ity supplies to Bated after the blastansformers in early caloa remained in hout the month.
There were also sporadic reports of LTTE abductions of young men including schoolchildren from the Batticaloa and Amparai Districts.
Reports of malnutrition and people living under near-starvation conditions continued to flood in from the Vanni, and the onset of the monsoon intensified problems of access to SOC aaS.
Suspension of civilian air traffic to and from the northern peninsula continued to create a wide range of problems for all concerned. Passengers were left stranded on both sides, with those due to travel to Colombo missing onward reservations, job opportunities and facing many other problems. Producers of non-durable consumer items, especially fruit, vegetables and fish, were deprived of access to the markets in the south of the island, while transport of essential medical supplies to Jaffna was also hampered. By the end of October, the problems created by the suspension of air travel to the north had become so severe, that it was reported that the Defence Ministry was re-considering its decision in this respect.
Controversy continued around the arrest and detention of judge Mahanama Tilakaratna, with key lawyers taking up his fundamental rights petition and others backtracking from their initial commitments to his cause. Attorney General Sarath Silva has had his personal life too dragged into the public debate by certain sections of the media. It is clear that hearings in the case will bring a show-down between the Attorney General and the head of the CID. Interestingly, and to the delight of human rights activists, the Attorney General in the course of the denials and counter-denials regarding the Tilakaratna case went on record as saying that Police officers could write anything in their books. This discrediting of Police records, which often are produced as vital evidence in Court, could have many implications for the course of justice in the country.
On the War Front
At the end of September, Operation Jayasikuru launched by the Sri Lankan armed forces over 18 months ago to capture the main supply route to Jaffna has successfully captured the town of Mankulam. Thismeans a gain of about 6 kilometers along the

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15 NOVEMBER 1998
main supply route to Jaffna. According to Defence Ministry sources, this was a major strategic gain, since Mankulam is the transit point between the eastern and western sectors of the Vanni. More or less concurrently, the LTTE launched its own offensive, codenamed Oyatha Alaigal (Unceasing Waves) II against the base camp established by the Sri Lankan security forces in Kilinochchi. This camp, which was occupied by the 54th Division and the 543 Brigade, was completely run over by LTTE cadre and through this maneuver, the LTTE has now gained control over the Par anthan-Kilinochchi area. Military stra tegists say that this is a critical advance for the LTTE since it now gives them unfettered access to their administrative centre in the Vanni as well as to the Mullaitivu coast. The death toll was reported to be among the highest in the history of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. There was a great deal of confusion in the first days, with conflicting reports from Defence Ministry sources. However, the final body count as reported by Defence Ministry spokespersons on October 8 stated that 186 army personnel including 64 officers had died in the Paranthan and Kilinochchi battles, while 789 including 18 officers have been placed on the missing in action list. LTTE representative Tamilchelvam handed over more than 700 bodies of soldiers killed in this attack to the ICRC. Over 700 LTTE cadre were also reported to have lost their lives. 24 children fighting with the LTTE troops were captured by the Sri Lankan security forces during the Mankulam attack, and flown to Colombo. This was a propaganda coup for the government, since it was a clear reneging of the commitment made by representatives of the LTTE to the UN Secretary General’s Special representative Mr. Otunnu that they would desist from recruiting children into their fighting forces. Child rights groups, however, were critical of the manner in which the children were exposed to the media, pointing out that this would perhaps be detrimental to the psychology of the children who had already been through a very traumatic experience.
In Jaffna
Posters calling for the closure of all government offices and schools,
and for the evacuat residences situated camps and check throughout Jaffna "cleared' areas in October. There wer under the letterhe Eelam Administrati on public officials t ing to work.
On October 13, had been functioni Jaffna town, Point hcheri, Kayts and M indefinitely follow yers had stopped a earlier on in the mon lar acts of intimidal
The LTTE also threats to members ernment bodies to posts. While many signed, those who demand have been October 6, EPDPm veddy Pradeshiya sabai Rasadorai, w, unidentified person his house which is thikai hospital. The point blank range bicycle.
The military ma security throughou peninsula under t October 23, membe tered the premises College and searche was reportedly the army had entered a ninsula in over 2 ye LTTE's call for ev dences adjacent to army put in place a ous controls on pel of the uncleared a sula to the areas ul From October 3 l, ci balagamam and K. Palai area were all areas under army three particular da army also began identity cards of pe. uncleared areas, th them from traveling their own village.
Concerns regarc abuse by members ces also persisted. C high priest of the Se ple in Jaffna disa feared that he had

ion of all civilian close to military points appeared including in the the first week of e also letters sent ad of the Tamil ve Service, calling o refrain from go
the 5 courts that ng in Jafina - in Pedro, ChavakacMallakam - closed ing threats. Lawppearing in Court th, following simiion. continued to issue of all local govresign from their members have reresisted the LTTE assassinated. On ember of the KaraSabha, Kanagaas shot dead by 2 s who had visited close to the Many had shot him at and escaped on a
intained very tight t the areas of the heir control. On rs of the army enof Kokuvil Hindu :d the school. This first time that the school in the pears. Following the acuation of resiarmy camps, the number of rigorople traveling out reas of the peninder army control. Vilians from Thamluthavalai in the owed to enter the control only on ys per week. The confiscating the sons living in the ereby preventing anywhere outside
ing human rights of the armed forbn October 16, the lvachannithy temppeared. It was been arrested by
TAMIL TIMES5
the army but no information could be obtained. It was only on October 29 that officials of the Human Rights Commission in Jaffna located him, in custody at the army base camp at Kan
kesanthurai. On October 17, there
were reports that a schoolgirl of l6 years had been raped by 3 Navy personnel in Vadukkodai. However, there was no further confirmation of this incident in the days that followed.
On October 23, Rajaratnam Udayakumar (42) was arrested by the Police in Jaffna and detained in Police custody. On October 27, the Police handed over his body to the Jaffna Hospital, alleging that he had hung himself while in his Police cell. The JMO Jaffna refused to perform a post-mortem on the body, which was then flown to Colombo for autopsy. The Colombo JMO returned a verdict of death by suicide.
Chemimani Graves
Members of the Missing Persons Guardian Association in Jaffna continued their agitation for the promised investigation into the alleged mass grave at Chemmani to be expedited. The National Human Rights Commission, under whose jurisdiction this investigation falls, has been remarkably slow in proceeding with this matter, and there are very valid reasons why human rights activists have continued to express their concern regarding this delay.
The suspension of air passage between Colombo and Jaffna, and the onset of the north-east monsoon means that the exhumation of the bodies can now only be undertaken in a few weeks time. In the meanwhile, there have been doubts expressed as to whether there is being adequate protection being provided for the graves, especially in view of the fact that the site is located within area controlled by the military and out of bounds to civilians, thereby facilitating any tampering that may take place in an attempt to destroy vital evidence.
The Attorney General went on record inviting a delegate from Amnesty International to be present at the investigation. In turn, Amnesty International issued a statement calling on both the government and the LTTE to issue guarantees regarding the safety and security of those involved in the investigation prior to any

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
final arrangements being made regarding a visit to Jaffna and Chem--mani.
The Lionair Crash
Investigations on the crash of Lionair flight from Jaffna were at a virtual standstill. Fishermen from the Mannar area reported seeing a ball of fire dropping into the sea at Nachchikuda, north of Mannar. This area which is about 25 kilometers from Mannar town is under the control of the Tigers. There were reports that some bodies were retrieved from the sea and buried by fishermen along the Mannar coast. Although there was speculation that some persons may have survived the crash, the Bishop of Mannar issued a statement in which he said that there were no survivors.
While several sources, including the University Teachers for Human Rights, have categorically stated that the plane was shot down by the LTTE, there continue to be reports of technical faults in the aircraft as well. Lionair itself has remained tightlipped regarding the crash, and although there were initial reports of their engaging master divers to investigate the crash, no concrete steps have been taken to initiate a search for the plane. In addition, there has been a great deal of speculation regarding the legality of the operations of Lionair, with allegations being made that they had no certification from the Civil Aviation Authority to operate civilian flights and that their passengers were inadequately insured. In the meanwhile, the Air Force which is facing a severe shortage of air-worthy craft at the moment, hired the grouinded planes from Lionair to fly goods and personnel to the north.
Vanni
Throughout October, reports continued to flow in from various sources in the Vanni areas regarding the rapid growth of malnutrition and virtual starvation among more than 30,000 families in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu Districts who are suffering due to the persisting cut in the issue of dray rations. According to information received, the authorities in certain areas have been reduced to distributing half rations only amongst those they categorise as “most needy”. Civilians in the Mullaitivu and Mannar Districts have maintained an almost
permanent vigil i ment offices and 1 retariats to expl against the cutt This protest ha throughout Septe and has brought fices literally to a
Shortages in tial medical supp to plague the Mullaitivu, docto complained that affected by the cu sene and threat work-to-rule can their opposition With the ons et rains, there are a the spread of wa The first cases o be reported from mid-October. In the East
On October trict was plunged lowing attacks of tricity transform the LTTE. One at transformers w since then the a lowed the area power supplies.
There were r tions between th bers of the secu ous parts of the comalee and Ar Policemen were on the Aranthala while security have launched a on a LTTE base tainous parts of in the Central Ca led to several c many people t doned their villa of fear.
Reports from 32 young men cholai village in Batticaloa Distr cted on the nig an unknown arn uniform. This cated in an area area is close military camp. tions that STF p. were responsibl People of the a refuge at Chenl

15 NOVEMBER 1998
front of governne Divisional Secess their protest ng of the rations. been going on hber and October, work in these of halt. drugs and essenlies also continue Vanni areas. In rs at the hospital they were badly t in issue of keroned to launch a npaign to express to this measure. of the monsoon lso grave fears of terborne diseases. f cholera began to Mannar District in
l, Batticaloa Dis| into darkness folin several key elecers in the area by tempt to repair the as thwarted and uthorities have alto remain without
epeated confrontae LTTE and memrity forces in variBatticaloa, Trinnparai Districts. 8 killed in an attack wa Police Station, forces claimed to
successful attack camp in the mounAmparai. A clash mp area in Amparai ivilian deaths and emporarily abanges in this area out
Batticaloa said that from ThumpalanEravurpattu in the ct had been abduut of October 5 by ed gang in military illage which is looutside the cleared the Thambittiya There were allegarsonnel at the camp for this abduction. ea fled and sought alady through fear,
There were also reports that the abductions could be seen as an attempt to drive away the civilians resident in the area. The whereabouts of 7 farmers who were arrested by the STF in this area last year are also still unknown. This situation has led to a heightened insecurity among the population of the area.
In October, there were also several reports of the LTTE forcibly abducting school children from several areas in the Batticaloa and Amparai Districts. Among the areas from where these reports came were Kokkadicholai, Porativu, Santhimalai, Ambalanturai and Karadiyanaru. It was feared that these children were being recruited for training, to replace those cadres lost in the Kilinochchi attack. As a consequence, a large number of families fled areas of the East under Tiger control, in an attempt to save their children from being kidnapped in this manner. Meanwhile, many principals and teachers of schools in Batticaloa District complain that they are unable to serve in these schools any longer due to the blatant activities of the LTTE.
On October 19, Iyathurai Inbaraja went to the Kalkudah army camp to report for registration. He did not return home. Several days afterwards, following systematic agitation by his parents, his body was found buried on the premises of the camp. The body had two gun shot wounds. It is not clear what action has been taken in this regard. Negotiating For Peace
The peace process was in a stalemate situation throughout October, with the government and the Opposition continuing to engage in hostilities. The two redeeming features in the scenario were the release of six servicemen and 3 members of ships’ crew by the LTTE on October 26, with no stated conditions attached, and the initiative taken by several leading federations of commerce and industry to bring forward a peace agenda from a different perspective.
On October 22, the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, the National Chamber of Commerce, the Ceylon National Chamber of Industries, the Federation
of Chambers of Commerce and Indus
try of Sri Lanka and the Exporters' Association of Sri Lanka organised a meeting of all political parties and interested groups and individuals at the BMICH in Colombo. The UNP was conspicuous in its absence. However, members

Page 7
5 NOVEMBER 1998
of the businessmen's consortium had individual talks with the UNP leadership, as well as with the President following the success of their meeting at the BMICH. Observers have commented that the entry of the business community in to the discussion about alternatives for peace in Sri Lanka indicates a new and hopeful trend in this arena.
The release of the six service persons, who had been in custody since 1993, the captain, Loyola Fernando, and one crew member from the Ms. Irish Moana and one crew members from the Mv., “Missen” on October 24 came as quite a surprise to local observers. The release was effected through the ICRC and there was no intimation that there were any conditions laid down by the LTTE for their release.
Mainstream Politics : Continuing Conflicts
The conflict between the UNP and the PA continued to fester, while there were tensions within each grouping as well. PA backbenchers in Parliament called for a Commission to be appointed to inquire into allegations that UNP leaders funded and supplied weapons to the LTTE, during the Premadasa Presidency. Among the names mentioned were Ranjan Wijeratne, Ranil Wickremasinghe, Festus Perera, A.C.S. Hameed, Wijayapala Mendis and Sirisena Cooray. Their information was based on evidence given by former Army Chief, General Sepala Attygalle before the Kobbeakduwa Assassination Commission in August 1996.
There were also several reports of attacks against UNP meetings and on UNP supporters in different parts of the island. Unidentified armed gangs are reported to have attacked meetings held by the UNP to demand the holding of the Provincial Council elections and lifting of Press censorship at Gampaha, Eppawela, Mihintale and Kandy. In Eppawela, the jeep belonging to Ms. Kumari Dissanayake, a UNP candidate for the North-Central Provincial Council was set on fire.
Tamil Detainees
On October 5, 119 Tamil prisoners including LTTE suspects were shifted from Anuradhapura prison to other jails, following the exposure of a plan to attack and murder Tamil prisoners
there. A tip-off fri alerted the author tion and enabled t tion. Reports stat 76 LTTE suspects detainees, includin hearing about tl Kilinochchi camp, these Tamil detai out Jayawewa (V deserters who are : in the same prison Tamil prisoners wi this incident. The ened on the follow Given continui within the prison once more reitera shift all Tamil det der the Preventior and Emergency R Boossa camp in Ga ise had been made following a clash { son in which two led. Now the trans early November. T now being renovat transfer. A total ol pects are at preser ons in Colombo, K and Kalutara.
Deserters
In October, th announced one m. to arrest nearly 35. lowing several r members, this actic a general amnesty days of 16, 17 and 5000 were said te service during the the 20th, the oper serters got under ment also annour ties for persons ( deserters.
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TAML TTMES 7
om a prisoner had ities to this situahe pre-emptive aced that there were among the Tamil g three women. On he attack on the it was alleged that nees had shouted /ictory). 56 army also being detained had threatened the ith death following situation had worsving day.
ng ethnic tensions s, the government ted its decision to ainees arrested unof Terrorism Act egulations to the lle. The same proma few months ago, at the Kalutara Priprisoners were kilfer is scheduled for he Boossa camp is ed to facilitate this f 675 terrorist susnt detained in prisKandy, Trincomalee
he security forces ore joint operation ,000 deserters. Fol2quests by family on was deferred and declared during the , 18 October . Over have returned to amnesty period. On ation to arrest deway. The governced severe penalcaught harbouring
Violence Against Women
Rita John, an Indian national married to Sri Lankan Tamil Jude Manoharan, was abducted while walking on the beach with her husband near his home in Crows Island, Colombo l3 on October 11. Her body was found in a shrub jungle close to the police from which she had been kidnapped, on the next day. The post-mortem revealed that she had been raped and strangled.
Four men from the neighborhood were taken into custody in this connection, and remanded. Following the arrests, residents of the area had stated that these men were a part of a gang that roamed that beach with impunity, robbing and molesting women. Several questions have been raised as to the security of persons in the area, and as to the efficiency of the Police in providing adequate security.
While in remand custody, three of the accused were subjected to assault by other prisoners.
The case attracted a great deal of attention, due to the sensational and tragic nature of the incident. On October 21, a coalition of women’s groups organised a picket and demonstration in Colombo to highlight the increase in incidents of violence against women islandwide.
The case has also led to public debate regarding prosecution of rape cases and other cases of violence against women, in particular with regard to many demands for increased penalties. Senior DIG of Police, H.M.G.B. Kotakadeniya went on record calling for the death penalty for crimes agaiinst women, and raised a furore within the human rights community that has agitated for the abolition of the death penalty for many years. O
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Page 8
8 TAM TIMES
Pressure for Peace Mou
he recent efforts by the private sector and the Alliance for Pea ce, amidst the tragedy of the continuing internal war, are signs that pressure is mounting towards a negotiated settlement. But there are also those dark and dangerous forces of extremism and committed to a permanent state of violence which want the carnage of recent years to continue.
The Sri Lankan government is ready for talks with the Tamil Tigers to reach a negotiated settlement to the island's long running ethnic war. That is what President Chandrika Kumaratunga is reported to have told a delegation of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) when it met her on 10 November.
The President is reported to have repeated to the TULF delegation her recent public statements to the effect that her government was prepared to recommence talks with the LTTE within a stipulated time-frame, and then decide on a cease-fire depending on the progress of the talks. She also appears to have told the TULF leaders that the government had to be cautious because of the failure of similar past initiatives, especially referring to the government-LTTE negotiations that took place in 1994-95 which was aborted when the LTTE resumed armed hostilities in April 1995.
The TULF known generally as a moderate parliamentary party representing the Tamils met the President in the wake of its Central Committee's decision to review its alliance with the government which it has been supporting in Parliament. The support of minority political parties like the TULF is crucial to the survival of the Peopl-es Alliance (PA) government headed by Kumaratunga because it has in parliament a wafer-thin majority of
O116.
Having supported the government in all its efforts, including the promotion of a peace package - devolution of powers and constitutional reform - the TULF leaders of late have become disillusioned and alienated because mainly two factors. The gov
ernment has not ing through parlia package which, it lead to a politica many doubt it tak rather extreme den tion Tigers of Tami il Tigers) who ar they describe as gle” to create a se island's Tamils.
The second fa between governm LTTE continues u sands of lives be side, but the main being the civiliar Northeast of the dominantly Tami context, the TUL the government ti ties of recomme) with the LTTE, i assistance of an ir side third party ac On the first is: is in great difficu repeated commit with the devolutic a two-third major progress its devo tional reform prop opposition Unit (UNP) has blockec fusing to back the issue.
Despite its p contrary, the UN) appears to be de erate with the gi the UNP leader i has supported thi and talks with th to sit with the g and iron out its ( a bi-partisan cor The TULF an ties representing lims, including th number of meet leaders with a them to reach a sus with the gov these meetings a proved abortive.

15 NOVEMBER 99
IntS
ucceeded in pushment the devolution
is thought, would 1 solution, though ing account of the hands of the Libera| Eelam (LTTE-Tame engaged in what a 'liberation strugparate state for the
ctor is that the war ent forces and the nabated with thouing lost on either
victims of this war population of the sland who are prel-speaking. In this F has been urging o explore possibilincing negotiations f need be with the dependent and out:ting as a facilitator. sue, the government lty despite its often ment to proceeding In package. It needs ity in parliament to lution and constituIosals. But the main ed National Party its progress by regovernment on the
rotestations to the and its leadership termined not co-opvernment. Though n public statements idea of devolution e LTTE, he refuses overnment, discuss lifferences and seek
ՏemՏԱՏ.
l other political parhe Tamils and Muse TULF, have had a ngs with the UNP iew to persuading bi-partisan consen:rning party, but all nd discussions have
The fact of the matter is that the UNP's counter proposals, which have yet to be finalised, offer much less on the devolution of powers than what the government has put on the table. In this context what the UNP has to offer to the LTTE draw it into a negotiated a political solution is unclear to say the least. Many feel that the UNP and its leader are not genuinely interested in seeking a political solution to the ethnic conflict, but are biding their time until the next election in which they hope to regain power. Private Sector Initiative
If those responsible shirk their duty to solve a problem they themselves have created, then others who have become victims of the problem have to step in to solve it, and that is what exactly happened in recent days. Two major initiatives have been undertaken in recent weeks to underline the need for an end to the ongoing ethnic war and bring about peace to the troubled island and its people.
The first was the initiative from an unusual quarter, the captains of industry and commerce in the private sector, and the second was from a representative coalition of organisations and individuals playing key roles in civil society who came together in an Alliance for Peace
Representatives of the private sector representing the leading chambers of commerce and industry convened a public forum on 22 October to promote a multi-party approach and consensus on national issues such as the ethnic conflict and seeking a lasting peaceful solution. The organisers had invited representatives from all political parties to participate in their deliberations.
The government welcomed the move from the private sector and announced its willingness to participate. But the UNP leader, Ranil Wickremasinghe, refused to attend the conference on the ground that the government delegation was headed by Prof. G. L. Peris, the Minister of Justice, Constitutional Affairs, Ethnic Affairs and National integration, and not by President Chandrika Kumaratunga! Infantile disorder, juvenile petulance and a congenital insecurity in participating in a discussion-setting among major actors in the field are some of the problems that have been attributed to the boycott by the UNP leader.

Page 9
is NOVEMBER 1998
On the day prior to the conference, a delegation of the private sector initiative met the President and expressed their unanimous view that an early solution to the ethnic crisis should be found through a peaceful and negotiated settlement. They had expressed their 'deep concern on the crisis facing the country pointing out that it was their intention to facilitate a dialogue between the Government and the Opposition as the process of dialogue between these two parties had come to a halt. On learning of the reason for the UNP leader's boycott, it transpires that the President offered to lead the government delegation to the forum discussion if that would ensure the UNP's participation and requested the delegation to convey her offer to the UNP leader. But stood by his decision to boycott. The business leaders, after discussion at the public forum, decided to seek lasting peace as its number one priority and requested the Government and the Opposition to nominate two representatives to work out modalities to achieve the objectives. The private sector group’s coordinating Chairman Lalith Kotelawala told the packed committee room A of the BMICH: “We will go for peace. That will be our priority for the moment and then concentrate on the need to achieve rapid economic growth.”
The forum was attended by three senior Ministers of the People's Alliance Government, leaders of all minority and other political parties, NGOs, diplomatic community, donor agencies, the business community and the media.
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Leader M. H. M. Ashraf, Eelam People’s Republic Front Leader Suresh Premachandran, Sri Lanka Progressive Front Leader Ariya Bulegoda, All Ceylon Tamil Congress Leader Kumar Ponnambalam, Industrial Development Minister C. V. Gooneratne, New Democratic United National Lalith Front Leader Srimani Athulathmudali, Liberal Party Leader Dr. Rajiva Wijesinghe, Ceylon Workers Congress MP PDevaraj, New Left Front representative Leenas Jayatilake, Suriyamal Movement's Prof. Tissa Vitharana were among those who spoke at the forum.
After the conclusion of the public forum, the members of Chambers
of Commerce a Lanka, Employers Trade Association said they Awish o ness community preciation and th of political parti Community, Non ganisations, lead the general publi asm and overwh the initiative to approach by polit ing with several 1 A special appreci the support extent making the initiat “The Joint Col cifically to ackno ciation the suppo extended by Her E dent during the m Joint Committee good wishes for initiative as expr the United Natio forward to the mee of the Opposition October, 1998.
“The Joint Cor. pleasure the succi the initial meeting ties, the Diploma Non Governmen held at the BMIC 1998 and the Com to the days ahead separate meetings ties and other in taking the initiati “The Joint Co rsed the conclusio ting, for the need sues raised, in or tion to growth a Sri Lanka and its agreed that for the tive will concen bi-partisan appro effective resolutio conflict.
“The Joint Co all leaders of pol months ahead to the initiative and any actions that I tiative of progre; approach to the North-East confli “The Joint Col all members of th nity to endorse th ing or stamping a

TAMIL TIMES 9
d Industry of Sri Organisations and s in a press release n behalf of the busito convey their apanks to the leaders es, the Diplomatic -Governmental Orers of society and c for their enthusielming support for forge a bi-partisan ical parties in dealkey national issues. ation is recorded for led by the media in ive a success. mmittee wishes spewledge with apprert and commitment xcellency the Presieeting with her. The also appreciates the the success of the assed in writing by hal Party and looks ting with the Leader scheduled for 26th
mmittee records with 2ssful conclusion of g with political partic Community and tal Organisations, H on 22nd October, mittee looks forward when it will have ; with political parterested parties, in ve forward. Immittee has endoins of the initial meeto priorities the isder of its contribund development of people and has been : present, the initiatrate on seeking a ach in reaching an n of the North-East
mmittee appeals to itical parties in the continue to support also to refrain from hay impede the inising a bi-partisan resolutions of the >t.
mmittee will request e business commuinitiative by printcommon peace mes
sage and/or logo to be intimated by
the Chambers, on all envelopes used
by the business sector in their com
munications.”
Alliance for Peace
A meeting of the Alliance for
Peace', a broad coalition of religious
dignitaries, peace activists, academics, trade unions, women's and youth organisations, professionals, business groups and civic organisations took place on November l l (Armistice Day, the day of remembrance of the costs and losses of the First World War) after over four months of planning at the 800-seat Public Library Auditorium in Colombo. The purpose of the organisers of the “Alliance for Peace” was to try to build up public pressure on the government and opposition to enter into a bipartisan consensus on ending the war in the north-east.
Having failed to interest the various political parties in its endeavour to set up a National Peace Task Force, the organisers of the Alliance decided it was necessary to set up a Task Force that would operate in an unof ficial capacity to facilitate the coming together of the main actors that can influence events, particularly the PA and UNP
On the day of the meeting, over 600 persons were in attendance, representing over 75 organisations, and including very well known and respected personalities from different fields of non-violent endeavour. The attendees included the Ven Malwatte Wimalabuddhi Nayake Thero, the Ven. Madhithiyawela Vijithasena Nayake Thero, former Vice Chancellor of the Vidyodaya University, Ven. Prof. Kamburugamuwe Vajira Nayake Thero, the Ven. Diviyagahe Yasassi, the Ven Pallekande Ratanasara, Bishop Winston Fernando, the internationally renowned theologian Fr Tissa Balasuriya, Human Rights Commissioner Javid Yusuf, Northern Muslim Rights Organisation Secretary Mou-lavi Sufiyan, former President of the International Bar Association Desmond Fernando, UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women Dr Radhika Coomaraswamy, Marga Institute head Godfrey Gunatilleke, Head of the Sociology Department of the University of Colombo Prof Siri Hettige, former diplomat Stanley Jayaweera, Hindu Council President Yogendra Duraiswamy and Hindu Congr

Page 10
10 TAM TIMES
ess President Kandiah Neelankanthan. Detractors of Peace
However, there are still formidable extremist forces within Sri Lanka which are anti-peace and demand that the war continues with the accompanying death and destruction. They are determined to thwart and wreck any peace move even using terror tactics while masquerading as anti-terrorists. The so-called National Movement Against Terrorism (NMAT), an extremist organisation with well known ultras at its head have attacked the Chambers of Commerce and Industry for making efforts bring about a peaceful solution to the conflict.
In an open letter to the Chambers, which organised an all-party conference on the ethnic and other key national issues, the NMAT said that the island's business leaders had failed to realise that peace was being stalled not by the government, but by the "barbaric' LTTE which would not settle for anything short of an independent Tamil Eelam. “Even persons of limited intelligence should realise that there is only one way to overcome terrorism. That is by militarily wiping it out,” the letter said.
By demanding an end to the war, the business community was playing straight into the hands of the LTTE, the movement said. The NMAT charged that the island's business leaders had taken the cue from the LTTE and the other Tamil parties when they demanded that both the government and the opposition must guarantee equality of all citizens irrespective of ethnicity, race, religion and gender. Without naming the minority Tamils, the NMAT said that the “so called discriminated community” was threatened not by the state or the majority Sinhalese but by LTTE bombs. Sixty-three per cent of Colombo was from this community, and they were equally threatened by terrorist bombings of civilian areas in Colombo. NMAT appealed to the chambers to see that their Tamil members stopped contributing to the LTTE. But every businessman must contribute 10% of his or her turnover to the national war fund, it added.
Those associated with NMAT also tried to disrupt the meeting held by the Alliance for Peace (see article on page 15). Their terror tactics did not succeed. O
he Governmer Mankulam an In the afterm have come about pression that we ha ing point on the et obviously a situa should challenge tions, explore new c initiatives, instead thing in the hands But the public, by be far too apatheti all.
The reasons f not too far to seel for peace, which s ing when the PA to power four ye dissipated, and no weary disillusionn ernment's perform front. As for the seems to be no po because the UNP, spread perception to go on playing i ist role. Underlyin notion that no mal do, we cannot me any of the main a tragedy, that is th opposition and th But that notio taken one. This c sidering the co1 which we can rea ably the ugliest f conflict, namely ti lem. Usually, in ti are shot. In Sri L{ them to return, í sand have done LTTE side the pr that they are con ity of forcing chi The man-pow cause the afflue1 members, and the with their jobs a ety are not willi tions, to enlist in either the Gover Those who do,
 

15 NOVEMBERS
Sri Lankan Ethnic Front
Izeth Hussain
: troops have won lost Kilinochchi. th there seems to | widespread imve reached a turnhnic front. This is ion in which we familiar assumpirections, take new of leaving everyof our politicians. nd large, seems to to do anything at
or this apathy are k. The momentum seemed so promisGovernment came ars ago, has been w there prevails a ment with the Govance on the ethnic opposition, there int in turning to it according to wides, can be expected is silly obstructiong the apathy is the ter what we say or iningfully influence ctors in our ethnic e Government, the e LTTE.
is probably a misin be seen by contrasting ways in ct to what is probature of our ethnic e man-power probne of war, deserters nka we have to beg nd over five thouo recently. On the blem is so serious mitting the barbarliren to the front. r problem exists be, the middle-class je who are satisfied d positions in socig, with rare excepthe armed forces of ment or the LTTE. 'e overwhelmingly
the poor, the unemployed, the excluded. Galbraith, champion iconoclast who has made a specialty of blurting out unwelcome truths, wrote in one of his books that it is the excluded who provide the man-power reservoir, the cannon-fodder, for the brutal wars going on in the Third World. Sri Lanka certainly provides an outstanding example. One way of reactingto all this is to be sniffily contemptuous about the class aspect, the slaughter of the children of the poor, of what the rest of the world probably regards as Sri Lanka's squalid little war.
Another way of reacting to the man-power problem is to say that it shows that there is no great enthusiasm, in fact no enthusiasm whatever, for the war among the broad mass of the Sinhalese and Tamil people. Instead of fighting each other they are peacefully interacting with each other, away that is from the battle front. This suggests that the majority of the people belong to what might be called a peace constituency, a conclusion that can be drawn from the data provided by Professor Hettiges recent opinion survey.
It is this peace constituency which should make it possible for us to influence meaningfully the main actors in our ethnic tragedy. No Government, not even a dictatorship, can go on indefinitely ignoring the wishes of the people with impunity. Our democratic PA Government can do so only to a limited extent. The point applies also to parties wanting to come to power, that is the UNP and the LTTE.
We can think of a number of strategies that might be followed in pushing for peace. This article will focus on just two of them. Both require more extended treatment than can be given in this article,
One strategy is to try to persuade the main actors in the ethnic tragedy. that is the LTTE, the UNP, and this Government to really commit them. selves to the peace process. Perhaps

Page 11
15 NOVEMBER 1998
an effective way of doing this might be to encourage them to stop having wrong expectations about the future.
Euphoric Expectations
In the aftermath of the fall of Kilinochchi the LTTE might come to have euphoric great expectations about winning Eelam more than ever before. Such expectations might be fuelled by the misleading analogies sometimes drawn with Vietnam and Afghanistan. One super-power, the US, beat an ignominious retreat from Vietnam and so did the other super-power, the Soviet Union, from Afghanistan. The logistics of guerilla warfare are such that even the super-powers cannot tame peasants and backward tribesmen who resort to it. So the LTTE can win Eelam in the long run. But the crucial difference is that those superpowers withdrew from foreign, not their own, countries.
The more useful analogy should be with the large numbers of cases of separatist rebellions in the Third World. Overwhelmingly, the separatist wars have not led to separate states, even after decades of guerilla fighting as in Iraq, Turkey, Burma, Sudan and elsewhere.
Certainly it would be foolish to under-estimate the importance of the fall of Kilinochchi. Lt. General Kalkat, who headed the IPKF in Sri Lanka, says “Jaffna becomes very vulnerable now”. It is conceivable that at the worst we may lose the North after some time, which will be a traumatic experience for the armed forces, the PA and its supporters. But gaining the North will not bring the LTTE any nearer Eelam than it did under the UNP. We may revert to low-intensity conflict, which the economy may be able to sustain much better than the present high-intensity one. Economic development will be held back, but the main victims will be the Tamils in the North. Considering the LTTE's man-power problem, it may be that a protracted war will lead not to Eelam but to the only children’s rebellion in history. The LTTE should do well to commit itself to the peace process.
So should the UNP which according to widespread impressions seems to have great expectations of coming to power by obstructing a peaceful settlement. Perhaps the best strategy is to try to convince the UNP that its obstructionist policy might actually
prevent it coming
The UNP must mind. In the past have blocked devc turned to power at But that was at a ti no war, with all its quences. Today th nist policy can set provoke indignatic The UNP must it is the architect lem in its presentm problem would hav ago if not for the 1 resort to State terro by the present writ cle. Thereafter the to be seen by the munity as a bullyi disgraced Sri Lan the North, to conc money in the Sout recognise further tl ment had no alter regain the North, tary weakening of and still remains, the LTTE would ev ful settlement thro
Outrageous Tacti It is the abov makes the UNP's obstructionist tact Its devolution pro scionably delayed, simply cannot be t instance the propo means that the C. cam dismiss Provi at any time at its c ure. It was demoli ble logic by Just Peiris.
The UNP will thinking its doctri it will not engage i the Government t sus on the ethnic it is attacked by th furthermore that meetings at which present. This amol tack on democrac no democratic g Government can C to attack each c means precludes deed the obligatic together over mat tional interest. Di tem which allows

TAMIL TIMES 11
to power.
bear some facts in opposition parties blution and yet rethe next elections. me when there was horrendous consee same obstructio}m sub-moral, and }n and anger. also recognise that of the ethnic probtilitarised form. The re been solved long 977 Government's rism, a case argued er in an earlier artiUNP, which came international comng genocidal gang, ka by abandoning entrate on making th. The UNP must hat the PA Governnative to trying to as without a milithe LTTE it was, inconceivable that er agree to a peaceough devolution.
S
background that
prevarication and ics so outrageous. posals were uncon
and some of them aken seriously. For sal which virtually entral Government ncial Governments wn will and pleasshed with impeccaice Minister G.L.
do well to start renaire position that
n consultation with
o reach a consenproblem as long as e Government, and it will not attend Minister Peiris is ints to a farcical at. For there can be overnance unless Dpposition are able ther. This by no the possibility, in
·n, of their getting ers of supreme na*mocracy is a sysfor the expression
of the divisions in a society while at the same time acknowledging a base for consensus in the society. This is why Government and Opposition can get together in Britain over the Irish problem while continuing to attack each other. Why cannot the UNP follow the British example? Part of the explanation may be that old habits die hard. One of the most impressive features of UNP rule for seventeen long years was the depth of its dedication to anti-democracy. Probably the more important partis the depth of its dedication to obstructing a solution to the ethnic problem.
What is being enacted in the North and East is a tragedy. What is being enacted by the UNP is a farce. A price will have to be paid through the loss of minority support, the possible scale of which is suggested by the recent defection of 700 UNP members to the SLMC. We must try to convince the UNP that under certain circumstances a loss of majority support can follow.
The PA Government, quite unlike the LTTE and the UNP, was certainly committed to the peace process when it came to power four years ago. After negotiations with the LTTE failed in April 1995, the Government adopted the coherent strategy of weakening the LTTE militarily as the necessary prelude to persuading it to accept a settlement on the basis of a reasonable measure of devolution. At the same time the Government showed an admirable enthusiasm in formulating its devolution proposals, and hoped to obviate UNP obstruction by resorting to a non-binding referendum.
Change of Direction
But there was an abrupt change of direction last year. The devolution proposals were, in effect, shelved. It appeared that the Government also had come to nurse great expectations, probably because of the euphoria caused by the spectacular success of Operation Riviresa and Operation Jayasikuru in its earlier phase. It is dismaying but true that consequently the impression has been given to the minorities that there is really no great difference between the PA and the UNP because both are equally the expressions of the same backward political culture of Sri Lanka, of which chauvinism has been a notable feature.
(continued from page 13)

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 13
15 NOVEMBER 1998
The Dispossessed Mus and the Silence of Conve
Marwaan Macan-Markar
nity comes easily to our local politicians. And it is a syndrome that does not discriminate either. Look at those who have been bestowed with the trust of being the people’s representatives and you will notice this trait in abundance. It is there across all party divides. It stands out on them the same way an ugly mole would on a forehead. The late President Ranasinghe Premadasa was typical of this breed. The current Deputy Defence Minister Anuruddha Ratwatte oozes with it (what with his fancy for being a latter-day Sapumal Kumaraya and a Dutugemunu all rolled into one). And how can one ignore Saumyamoorthi Thondaman who has been making vanity into an art form for decades.
Last Friday, it seemed, was M. H. M. Ashrafos turn. And what a number he did. He chose that day, October 23, to bask in it. I am referring to the “coincidence of two events we were informed of One was the Muslim Congress leader's 50th birthday that fell on that Friday. And the other, a special moment chosen by his party: the opening of its new headquarters in Colombo. There was the customary publicity associated with it. Full page advertisements were taken out in the papers. It was a “coincidence” that could not be overlooked. No wonder it is being said that Ashraffis
the “emir of his p. come one and the s ing of the persona would not have be the others in the hood.
Another annive not taken on the here had Ashraff a a thought for anc concerning Muslin the same period. C October 22 and w 31. But hardly an about it. No ads highlight it. And a be excused if she was an unimportar thy of forgetting.
I have in mind sary of the Muslin province being driv by the Tamil Tigers the districts of Jaf nochchi and Mullai ed' of their Muslim was on October 2, unexpectedly the nouncing over lo Muslim neighbou would have to lea be killed. In some a given two days to Jaffna, a mere 24 close to 75.000 peo possessed. Clearly,
(Continued from page ll)
But in fact there are very important differences. The PA has been deeply committed in the past to the peace process, unlike the UNP which has been antagonistic to it, and the PA has been prepared to go much further in its devolution proposals. It is a question now of regaining a lost direction. The case for urging it is self-evident now that we have obviously come to a turning point on the ethnic front, that is with the debacle at Kilinochchi.
It has been argued in this article that at this turning point we should follow two strategies. The first is to make the main actors in our ethnic
tragedy, that is the the UNP, and the L. mit themselves to If that can be don follow without too the same time we s ond strategy, the o suading the Gover devolution propos ous that not much about it in this arti LSSP's admirable September says in that a commitment ess can be conv strated only by pr Draft Constitution Parliament.

irty. They have beame. Such a mergand the political en the privilege of Congress brother
rsary I would have role of spoilsport nd his men spared ther anniversary ls that fell during )ne that began on 2nt on till October issue was made were taken out to ny onlooker would or he assumed it t event. One wor
the eighth anniverns of the northern en out at gunpoint . Eight years since na, Mannar, Kilitivu were “cleanspopulation. For it 2, 1990 that quite Tigers began anudspeakers in all rhoods that they ve immediately or reas, families were pack and quit. In hours. Overnight, »le became the disthe “emir and his
; PA Government, TE, to really comthe peace process. e, the rest should much difficulty. At hould adopt a secovious one of pernment to push its als. It is so obvineeds to be said cle except that the statement of 20 its last paragraph to the peace procincingly demon2senting the PA’s al Amendment to O
TAM TIMES 13
party have a different set of priorities.
Vanity, I'd say, is the reason. But the Muslim Congress alone should not be singled out for this sin of silence. Other Muslim parliamentarians, too, have been equally remiss on this occasion. Even the irrepressible A H MAZwer, who has given the word jack-in-the-box a whole new meaning by his antics in parliament, hasn't been making the kind of noise he has the habit of making on a range of isSt. C. S.
And what about Minister Fowzie'? Isn't he aspiring to be the leader of the local Muslims? Don't the thousands of his homeless' brothers' and “sisters” have a place in his commu
nity? The latter lot, however, cannot
be faulted for the vanity syndrome in this instance.
It is another feature that has contributed to their muteness on this occasion. And one, I should add, that the Muslim Congress, too, can be held guilty of The silence of convenience. To some, it would only be natural to assume that those who have been ignored, the dispossessed Muslims, would have considered such an attitude very painful. But that would have also expected one to assume that there had been a healthy link between those who enjoy the trappings of power and the refugees. The former always taking up the latter's cause; making public their anguish.
But you only have to speak to any of the thousands of refugees crowded in camps in Puttalam to realise what has actually prevailed. There has been little to talk. And the Muslim refugees have grown to expect this silence. This is a view, in fact, that has been shaped after eight years of experience. After eight years of being let down. And it is to break through such a veil of silence that the dispossessed Muslims rallied to form an organisation of their own. One committed to address, primarily, their concerns. One that would articulate in any forum their views.
And that organisation happens to be the Northern Muslim Refugee Organisation. Listening to it you will realise why this Muslim voice differs from those in the east and the south. And no better example demonstrates this than the manner in which it has made known one of its primary aspirations - an end to the stagnation of

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
its people. An effort to seek a solution according to its terms, And foremost is this desire to go home. To feel once again the warmth and the comfort of houses the refugees once knew. But what does it mean to have lived eight years of one’s life as these Muslims did? Let's take the children, for instance, those below lo who have had to endure it. Psychologists say that the first six years of a child’s life are the most important. A sense of security is paramount. But in refugee camps, they say, such conditions are wanting. The instability of the environment, the despair of living in limbo, affects parents. And that, inevitably, rubs off on the children.
One only has to visit a few of the 66 refugee camps scattered throughout Puttalam to be struck by this. And it is to change this that the NMRO is striving. To give a better life to the others, too, like the teenagers who move around listlessly within the barbed wire and cadjan fences of their compound, the young adults whose best years for work are being whittled away by the scourge of unemployment, and the old who simply
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In April this NMRO held a mee town hall to cor again. At that me current presiden deen, it was resol' Tiger leader Velu directly. A letter that he permit th their right to retur in the wake of o been made mont NMRO representa kesmen in some And that they w despite the Tigers gised for what th Muslims in 1990.
As Burhanude casion: “Althougl free, the armed gi government may Tigers come at r tack us again. W. happen. We need their assurance. T ple, are demanding we go back. On their word, we wo
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und die.
year, in fact, the ting at the Puttalam sider this option, ting, chaired by its , Latiff Burhanuved to approach the pillai Prabhakaran was sent, appealing e Muslim refugees n home. That came her feelers having hs earlier between tives and Tiger spoEuropean capitals. ere prepared to do ; not having apoloey had done to the
en put it on that ocJaffna is declared oups are there. The rule by day but the light. They can at: don’t want that to to talk to them, get he people, our peothis. Only then will ce they have given on’t be harmed.”
The Tiger chief, however, has still to respond. And that is not new to the NMRO, either. For they have made similar efforts before. And have faced disappointments likewise. Nevertheless, they have kept on trying, they have made concerted efforts to keep the lines of communication, even though only from their side - the victims in this case - open. For as another NMRO officer favours saying, “The north is our homeland.”
And it was in this spirit that one could understand why this weekend, too, the NMRO rallied its numbers in Puttalam to revive their call again. The occasion of their eighth anniversary of dispossession provided an apt moment. And it was not only an appeal to Prabhakaran that featured. There was an appeal to both the government and the opposition to give an ear to their clamour. For they desperately desired peace. It would be a way of ensuring their journey back home. In fact, if the numbers who gathered on that occasion had a sense to be optimistic, that could be understood in the light of what has happened re
(continued on next page )
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Page 15
15 NOVEMBER 1998
PEACEALLIANCE OVE
UNEXPECTED ATTA
Jehan Perera
t began as just another meeting, and potentially another “talk shop'. Scheduled to commence at 2 pm, the organisers kept on delaying the opening, while glancing at their watches. They were waiting hopefully for those late coming stragglers. The 800 seat Public Library Auditorium was substantially empty to begin with, and would have demoralised the most ebullient of speakers. But a half hour later the hall was more than half full, and the size of the gathering looked respectable enough for the proceedings to commence. Fighting off the sleepiness of the early afternoon, few would have guessed that in little over two hours, this somnolent scene would give way to a physical battle for the control of the stage and the microphone.
The meeting of the broad coalition of religious dignitaries, peace activists, academics, trade unions, women’s and youth organisations, professionals, business groups and civic organisations last week on No
vember l l (Arm remembrance of of the First Wol after over four I The original pur ers of the “Allia been to try to b sure on the gove tion to enter int( sensus on endi north-east.
Initially, the t was to request t appoint two mem “Peace Task For basic principles solution to the el be found.
However, jus leaders who orga cessful “all part month are sadly re. est political partie not very enthusia rating together i they cannot monc ment has its de
(Continued from page 14) cently in Colombo.
There has been, on the one hand, the initiative of the business community to give leadership to a peace initiative. And on the other, both the government and opposition have begun to see some validity in the dormant Fox proposals. Such a spirit of peace in the air, although still a glimmer, has a reason to excite. Particularly so for this dispossessed community. Some day, of course, they hope that would all be over, that they would be able to reclaim their lost heritage, their past. And when that does happen, I don’t expect the Muslim politicians to be on the receiving line for bouquets and accompanying expressions of joy like “Alhamdulillah”. For they would have preferred the opposite: a solution with a different Outc0me.
And what would that be? That the
dispossessed con Puttalam, becomi place, adding sig a substantial Mus that is not a view ms of my imagina tered in Puttalam. ned in Colombo,
the powerful gatl with crass opport ds, as they say, ( their spots. Even
Muslim leopards.
So on this ann eight years since “cleansed” out c Tigers, the refug they have taken rights. They lea they could neve who conveniently The “silent” mem erhood who sit in
 

tice Day, the day of he costs and losses ld War) took place onths of planning. }ose of the organisnce for Peace” had ild up public presinment and opposi
a bi-partisan conng the war in the
rust of the Alliance he PA and UNP to bers each to form a ’e" to work out the on which a lasting hnic conflict could
st as the business nised a highly sucy conference” last alising, the two largs in the country are stic about collabon endeavours that polise. The governvolution package,
tinue to remain in ng residents of the ificant numbers to im vote bank. And ffered from the reaion. It has been utIt has been mentiowhere the vain and er. Ideas pregnant inism. The leoparould never change they happen to be
Jersary that marked he Muslims were the north by the es reasserted why to fight for their nt years ago why depend on those gnore their desire. ers of their brotharliament. O
TAMIL TIMES 15
which it has laboured over for over two years and, virtually alone, sees as possessing all the basic ingredients of a solution.
On the other hand, the UNP appears to believe that the government wants to hog the political credit for any solution, and so is content to play the role of the proverbial dog in the manger.
Having beaten their heads against the stone wall (and stony hearts) of the government and opposition leaderships, the core group of organisations that comprised the Alliance, then decided to call a larger gathering of civic organisations to discuss their predicament and design an alternative course of action. In a letter circulated to over a thousand key individuals and organisations, the the convenors of the Alliance which included Prof Tissa Vitarana of the Suriyamal Peace Foundation and Andrew Samaratunge of the National Movement for Justice, Peace and Reconciliation virtually admitted their failure and appealed for more support from civil society.
“Since our last communication to you on the above subject, they wrote, “the Organising Committee tried very hard to get the co-operation of the main political parties to set up a National Peace Task Force. It would now appear that from within our Alliance it is necessary to set up a Task Force that would operate in an unofficial capacity to facilitate the coming together of the main actors that can influence events, particularly the PA and UNP. The factual situation is that the two main political parties seem to have put back the solution of the ethnic conflict from their political agenda and given priority to preparing for elections. The recent developments on the war front (ie... the massive bloodletting at Killinochchi) do not appear to have made a significant change in this attitude.”
The response to their letter was extremely heartening. By 3:30 pm on the day of the meeting, over 600 persons were in attendance, representing over 75 organisations, and including very well known and respected personalities from different fields of non-violent endeavour. The attendees included the Ven Malwatte Wimalabuddhi Nayake Thero, the Ven. Madhithiyawela Vijithasena Nayake Thero, former Vice Chancellor of the

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
Vidyodaya University, Ven. Prof. Kamburugamuwe Vajira Nayake Thero, the Ven. Diviyagahe Yasassi, the Ven Pallekande Ratanasara, Bishop Winston Fernando, the internationally renowned theologian Fr Tissa Balasuriya, Human Rights Commissioner Javid Yusuf, Northern Muslim Rights Organisation Secretary Moulawi Sufiyan, former President of the International Bar Association Desmond Fernando, UNSpecial Rapporteur on Violence against Women Dr Radhika Coomaraswamy, Marga Institute head Godfrey Gunatilleke, Head of the Sociology Department of the University of Colombo Prof Siri Hettige, former diplomat Stanley Jayaweera, Hindu Council President Yogendra Duraiswamy and Hindu Congress President Kandiah Neelankanthan.
As the gathering was much too large in order to have the type of informal discussion that had originally been envisaged, it was decided to form two smaller groups to facilitate discussion in which all voices could be heard.
The main topic was to promote a bi-partisan political approach to finding a solution to the ethnic conflict
while preparing the negotiated politica. would end the war
Thereafter the t nvened in the plenar ch time the two chai groups, both of who Buddhist monks, t read out the conclu spective groups. It that the totally unex began.
A member in the group of youthful up at this stage an the steps prescribed make the LTTE lead lay down arms and on cue, others stat audience began to concert.
“Death to Praba terrorism destroyed go on till the end. peace till the terroris they said. The disru tioned themselves tions within the Pub torium where the n sought to create thi the protests were cc
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groundwork for a settlement that n the country. vo groups re-cosession, at whimen of the small
n were venerable
bok the stage to sions of their rewas at this stage pected disruption
audience with the disrupters stood d asked whether
for peace would er Mr Prabakaran talk peace. As if oned within the chant slogans in
karan. We want . The war must
We do not want ts are eliminated,” oters who had stain strategic posilic Library Audineeting was held 2 impression that pming from every
place in the hall. -
This was followed by moves on the part of the disrupters to forcibly take over the stage, at which point the organisers and others present moved to expel the disrupters. The group was then gradually pushed out of the hall.
The pushing and shoving went on for a while, with a few policemen trying to stand in between the participants and the disrupters. There was a great deal of shouting, abusive language and chanting of slogans by the disrupters who claimed to be from the National Movement Against Terrorism, a shadowy group of unknown influence and contacts.
The disrupters also distributed a leaflet under the name of the National Movement Against Terrorism, calling for the investigation and if need be, the arrest of certain prominent journalists writing for both the independent and state press who were deemed to be offenders under the ban on the LTTE. “Put the LTTE ban law into effect, investigate and if need be arrest them,” the statement demanded. Ironically, all the journalists named
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Page 17
15 NOVEMBER 1998
(Continued from page 16) were those writing solely in the English language press, which certainly gives a flavour of the English-language elitist bias of the National Movement Against Terrorism. On the other hand, their storm troopers were mono-lingual Sinhala-educated youth. The leaflet also called for the investigation of the National Peace Council which it claimed was a “War Council of the LTTE.'
Much to their credit, the vast majority of the participants at the meeting stayed until the end, despite the attempted disruption. Many of them, despite their greying hair, also stood up to physically resist the disrupters who were less than half their age (and weight, for the most part) and were successful in evicting them from the Auditorium. The disrupters were kept out of the auditorium until the close of the meeting, at 6:30 pm with the appointment of a national committee to co-ordinate the programmes of the Alliance. The action plans presented by the working groups were also adopted for future implementation.
The inability of the disrupters to prevail was due to two main reasons. The first was the presence at the meeting of a fairly large contingent from the LSSP and the old left movement. While many were no longer young, they would surely have recalled thier halycon days when trade union action and street protests were the order of the day. They were not afraid of confrontation even if it meant fist fighting in defence of their right to peaceful assembly. In fact, some of them had to be persuaded not to thrash the young disrupters after they had been expelled from the hall.
The second reason for the ability of the peace movement to continue with their meeting was simply the disproportion in numbers. The pro-war disrupters were outnumbered at least 20 to l within the hall. Recent public opinion surveys, such as the one carried out by the University of Colombo's Centre for Anthropological and Social Studies bear out the pro-peace sentiment of the general population. After four years of bloody military stalemate in which thousands of armed combatants on both sides have paid the supreme price with their lives, the wish for a non-military approach to ending the conflict is clearly on the ascendent. O
ewspaper a N brc by the Peopl ment to mark the of Chandrika Bal ratungas elevati office share a rema References to eitl package formulat ment or the progre armed forces aga Tigers of Tamil E. ous by their abst pagandistic blurb sion is deliberate from the fact that ernment has been ing about these tw of achievement. had come to accep that this governme. significant strides far.
The PA gove adopting a two-p combatting the LT a consensus on the lution package foi aimed at winning ple and isolating til The military cam the war for peace weakening and 1 LTTE militarily. Ti als in theory were ally as a significar the Tamils notab pressurised to a LTTE chose to reje almost an act of pc went against its tional Fora. The m mixed successes ing at a pace that Nevertheless thes trotted out time President and h monumental suc was promised ad military and politi about to conclud that peace and pro the corner.

TAMIL MES 17
D BS Jeyaraj
lvertisements and chures brought out 's Alliance governfourth anniversary ndaranaike Kumaon to Presidential |rkable “omission'. her the Devolution ed by the govern'ss achieved by the nst the Liberation alam are conspicuince in these pros. That this omis
can be discerned
hitherto this govcackling and crowlo matters as areas World opinion too ot without question nt had indeed made in tis direction so
nment itself was ronged strategy in TE. The search for : basis of the devomulated by it was »ver the Tamil peohe tigers politically. paign described as lad the objective of narginalising the le political proposhailed internationt advancement and y the LTTE were cept it. That the ;t it summarily was litical hara-kiri and avour in Internalitary front too had out was progresswas painfully slow. two issues were and again by the
r government as "
esses. The nation nauseam that the al enterprises were
successfully and perity were around
Peace Option Recedes
The fact that these two 'cardinal' achievements of the PA government failed to find any mention in the latest publicity campaigns denote quite a few things. Firstly it indicates that a snap general election or early Presidential election where the people of the north and east are expected to vote may not take place as hoped for. Instead what may possibly occur are the staging of elections to Provincial Councils that were postponed some time ago. The lack of reference to the war and devolution in the government propaganda is in a sense attuned towards the Provincial council hustings where the preponderant majority of voters are going to be Sinhala. It is Sinhala and not Tamil or Muslim voters who will matter in these elections except perhaps in Colombo and sections of the Up-Country.
The war has not brought relief to the Sinhala masses in anyway. It has only increased their misery. The rising cost of living and lack of meaningful economic development are greatly caused by the war. At the same time government forecasts about an imminent victory against the LTTE and an end to war haye continuously proved to be false. Likewise the socalled devolution package apart from being suspected as a measure undermining the country’s unity is also seen as useless in terms of ushering in peace. The LTTE continues to fight and disrupt peace in gay abandon is the Sinhala perspective.
Under these circumstances the government thinks that these issues will be non-issues in Provincial polls and seemingly desists from referring to it in publicity exercises that may very likely become the precursor to election campaigns. That a President and government who were harping consistently on these issues as achievements could “shelve them for perceived political expediency at such short notice without any qualms is without doubt a disturbing sign of

Page 18
18 TAML TIMES
political cynicism.
The malaise however is more deep seated than that alone. What is more revealing is that this omission amounts to a tacit acceptance that the pol-icy adopted by the government has failed. The war is unwinnable and
peace package is unrealisable. Earlier
this government was trying to set timetables in the military sphere in accordance with political requirements. It was hoped that military successes could be translated into Sinhala votes at the hustings.
In fact victory at earlier than sch-eduled Presidential or Parliamentary polls was envisaged solely on the basis of spectacular military victories against the Tigers. The provincial polls were postponed on the expectation that the “Operation Jayasikurui” would be concluded successfully before December this year. It has now been grudgingly recognized that neither the military nor political fronts are likely to register any modicum of success in the next few months. Hence the dropping of references to both.
This development can only become a sore disappointment to those lovers of peace and more importantly to the people of the North-East who are bearing the brunt of this war. A very disturbing feature of this changed situation is the growing perception that Chandrika Kumaratunga one time angel of peace is now showing more enthusiasm in the conduct of the war. After the Kilinochchi debacle she has supposedly taken charge of overall defence matters instead of leaving matters in the hands of her uncle and deputy defence minister Anuruddha Ratwatte. One consequence of her taking the reins is a shake-up of top placings in the army hierarchy. More importantly a form of collective leadership under a joint command has been set up. This according to media reports has irritated Ratwatte who ran the campaign with sole authority in an arbitrary and unorthodox fashion.
Another feature of Chandrika’s direct control according to media reports is the decision taken by her to allow her army chiefs full autonomy in conducting the war at their own pace. In short the earlier situation where Ratwatte was continuously fixing unrealistic deadlines on his generals will no longer exist. Instead the army high
command will be slow and steady 1 ing subjected to That this will be ( and may possibly ing performance : media projection. in this approach f of peace is that th not have to exped for the purposes ( ns. The war will g exorable logic at pugilistic object there will be no in that sense the p thinking of Kuma at least for the p has opted to prio a military victory cal consensus.
The prosecutic sullied Kumarat very much. The ing of civilians, th mass arrests, the pearances, the fe banning of fishing this. But the hith about her was h ment to a just and The situation pre in her own mind K given up hopes of a political sett her calculations war run its own pectation that sol registered shortly If and when spec cesses are registe the idea of expe unlike earlier inst tary was pressu) suit political tim now would be t bles be set in to
Va11Ce:S.
This will cre: the peace consti aratunga will not any measure tha hardship of civi it will hamper t example the req ties that civilian nel should not gers on the sa sharply rejectec is the security c the safety of ci Secondly th of a military vi

15 NOVEMBER 1998
ee to progress in a anner without beolitical pressure. relief to the army nhance their fightthe future is the he hidden danger om the perspective armed forces will te military activity f peace negotiatio“ind on with its ints own pace. Until ves are achieved tiative for peace. In ace option in the atunga has receded 'esent. Instead she itise the search for rather than a politi
in of this war itself unga’s reputation bombing and shelle displacement, the tortures, the disap1od embargoes, the etc contributed to erto positive aspect er avowed commitpeaceful settlement. valent suggests that Cumaratunga too has about the prospect ement right now. In he hopes to let the course with the exne success could be before election time. tacular military suced she may toy with liting elections. But nces vhere themiliised to speed up to stables the emphasis let political timetarms of military ad
te three problems for uency. Firstly Kumentertain or welcome would alleviate the ans if she feels that 2 military effort. For est by the Tamil parand military persone mixed as passenne ships has been by her. Her priority her soldiers and not lians.
logical conclusion ory can only be the
strengthening of Sinhala hardliners who will then resist all concessions to Tamils. Gen Daluwatte's interview to the effect that the devolution package would become redundant once the army wins its own objective is one illustration. It is also not a coincidence that Sinhala hawks become vociferously articulate when the military signals some success.
Thirdly there is the subjective factor of Kumaratunga herself becoming progressively alienated from the notion of a just and honourable political settlement as a result of this prolonged dirty war. Already most of her friends from the once dynamic peace constituency are alienated from her.
More importantly the Tamils who voted for her overwhelmingly are estranged from her. She herself has realised that the prosecution of this war has resulted in this development. Yet she makes no move to do some damage control at least. It is almost as if she has resigned herself to a situation where she thinks there are no hopes of her ever re-capturing Tamil hearts and minds again. This is not correct but if that has indeed become her mindset then it is certainly a setback for prospects of peace.
A Captive of Circumstances
The problem here is that like many eminent personalities who thought that a little bit of “compromising with “evil “in the short term would be all right in the context of overall long term benefit Chandrika Kumaratunga herself has fallen into a trap. The “evil” here was the prosecution of the war at the expense of the peace process. Intellectually and emotionally Kumaratunga is not the person to espouse violence or war. In fact one reason for her astounding political success was the feeling generated by her in the minds and hearts of the masses that here was a woman who was genuinely and totally committed to the end of war and ushering in of peace.
The LTTE scored its first success when it succeeded in creating conditions where Kumaratunga had no option but to resort to war. Thus it cau-sed a great contradiction to emerg: in the case of a pre-poll and post-poi. Chandrika.
Again Kumaratunga was of the view that war was only a temporary phenomenon to be concluded shortly

Page 19
15 NOVEMBER 1998
Ratwatte himself may have misdirected her in that. The end result has been that Kumaratunga has allowed herself and the country to be plunged into a quagmire. The war goes on endlessly with no solution seemingly in sight.
The sad aspect to all this is that Kumaratunga has herself become a captive of circumstances to the extent that she has no choice other than to sit astride the war horse while it trots, canters or gallops. Her government’s abysmal performance in matters of governance has reached an all time low that there is great danger to her regime in terms of longevity. There is considerable heartburn among voters over her perceived inability to bring down the cost of living, curb inflation, generate employment or stamp out corruption. Only the fact that Ranil Wickremasinghe is adopting a watch and wait strategy along with inner divisions of the UNP is preventing political troubles from troubling her. If Wickremasinghe started a dynamic campaign channelling the resentment of the people in a constructive manners it would cause serious crises of governance.
Against this backdrop the only way out for her is to either bring about peace or end the war on a victorious note. Peace means once again the prospects of talking to the Tigers. Given her past experience she is reluctant to do so. More importantly for her to suspend the war now and resume negotiations with the LTTE would be tantamount to an open admission of defeat. There would be a tremendous backlash against her in the Sinhala community simply because of the reason that the LTTE has become totally untrustworthy in the eyes of the Sinhala people. There are few takers among Sinhala people that this war was thrust on the LTTE. Instead they feel that the government had no option but resort to war. Their grievance against the government is because of the slow and tardy progress and the false hopes raised by Ratwatte's hyperbole. So it would be political suicide for her to end the war without any victory and start talking. Her gamble can succeed only if the LTTE plays ball genuinely and agrees to a settlement. The chances however are that the LTTE will only use the opportunity, undermine her credibility and then torpedo the talks
thereby signing h warrant. Also the pre-empted her in to negotiate with t There was a ti tunga told the TU devolution issue w unless the Wanni w after the TULF re aloof. But recently vited the TULF fo that party spurne also passed severe her and the gover the commitment to said that it will budget. It looks li have to oppose he the government's cation to the wal figleaf of a devolu available now. Th echo the sentimer of the Tamil peop porting the gover Kumaratunga to f out the seeming sa So under the Kumaratunga is ca' She has to go on v victory will be in si who goes on bett cover his earlier quent windfall Ku to go on supportin her case it is the o all her political be certainly does n peace prospects.
Hazards of Wagi Confirmation
resolve to go ahea option at this pal further illustrated the post of North Governor. The va by the resignation the actor cum polit edented move sh serving army off Asoka Jayewarde1 ernor. The man is , in chief of the arn in the Jaffna peni recently the over mander in the W. retired military cor Seneivaratne was ernor by JR Jayew ment came in for
appointment of a the President in

TAMIL TIMES 19
er political death UNP has cleverly this by asking her he LTTE.
me when KumaraLF not to raise the
with her until and
ar was over. Theremained somewhat Kumaratunga inr a meeting which d. The TULF has : strictures against nment. Deploring war the TULF has vote against the ke the TULF may openly in view of transparent dedieffort. Even the tion package is not Le TULF will only its of the majority ble if it stops supnment and leaves ight her war withnction of the TULF. se circumstances
ught in the war trap.,
vith the hope that a ght. Like the punter ting hoping to relosses in a subseImaratunga too has g the war effort. In nly horse on whom sts are placed. This ot augur well for
ng Peace of Kumaratunga's d with the military ticular juncture is by her choice for -Eastern Provincial cancy was caused of Gamini Fonseka ician. In an unprece has appointed a icer Maj. General he as the new Govalso the commander hed forces stationed insula. He was until ill operations comanni zone. When a nmander Gen. Nalin appointed N-E Gov'ardene the appointmuch criticism. The serving officer by dicates very much
that Kumaratunga is only concerned with the prosecution of the war and not about setting up a viable civil administration. There is a pertinent question as to whether a civil administration is possible in view of LTTE hostility. The counter to that would be whether a military option that is defeating the LTTE within a reasonable time frame is possible too.
When Ratwatte was visibly in charge of the war Chandrika could always plead ignorance of some horrible incidents in the war zone. Now she cannot do so. Also she earlier retained the option of dissociating from the war and its consequences if things turned awry. Now she has lost that option too. The reverse of this is that it is she who is going to bask in the reflected glory of a major military victory if and when it occurs. This also means that she has a vested interest in the fruits of war and that she will back the military effort to the hilt. This means of course that any peace initiative before her military goals are attained will not receive priority.
This state of affairs will certainly come as a great disappointment to a segment that was on the same wavelength with Kumaratunga four years ago. That segment is what is known as the peace lobby or constituency. In the forefront of this lobby are religious leaders, left leaning radicals, liberals , humanists, intelectuals. creative artistes feminists etc . Some are individuals while others are institutionalised as non-governmental organizations. These have generally the financial backing from several governments and powerful international NGOs. Their main strength however is the peace constituency comprising the ordinary people of Sri Lanka. The silent majority that wants peace and cuts across lines of race. religion, caste and creed.
The Peace constituency played a constructive role in promoting Chandrika Kumaratunga in 1994 as an apostle of peace. Her resounding electoral success was in a sense a victory of the peace lobby. The mistake (from the wisdom of hindsight) was that the peace lobby abdicated its vigorous role and began playing second fiddle to Kumaratunga and the government. It also allowed the LTTE to manipulate events to the point of projecting itself as an agent of peace. The PA too began the peace initiative as a

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
particular political project of the government and not as a national effort. As a result the whole exercise became tainted with partisan politics. When the govt - LTTE talks collapsed and war erupted the peace lobby was totally powerless. Indeed many of the peace activists felt that the PA will succeed militarily and kept quiet. Also the massive image built up by the peaceniks also was to her advantage. As a result when the peace lobby began attempting to assert itself again it found itself ineffective. Their activities were quite feeble in comparison with the juggernaut of war. Also several Sinhala hawkish organizations that were eclipsed by Chandrika's electoral victory began emerging like cockroaches from the woodwork again. The past few years has seen the odour of war pollute the social atmosphere while the fragrance of peace can hardly be smelt.
The present reality however has certainly caused some rumblings within the peace constituency volcano. One such symptom was the much publicised inaugural meeting of the National Alliance for Peace on Armistice Day at the Colombo Public Library. Business-persons of the Arms Bazaar and their henchmen masquerading as Sinhala patriots infiltrated the meeting and tried to disrupt it but were prevented from doing so. The inauguration of the National Peace Alliance consisting of several likeminded organizations and groups is a refreshing feature to emerge on the contemporary political scene.
WEAKNESSES OF THE PEACE LOBBY
While welcoming the fresh initiatives of the peace lobby it is also important to examine why they were ineffective in the past. As mentioned earlier the biggest blunder of the lobby was to abdicate its role to Kumaratunga. What is required of any movement for peace is to keep the momentum on political leaders to promulgate peace rather than become appendages of political leaders. In that sense what any peace movement worth its name should do is to dissociate from the Kumaratunga government in this area. Thanks to the image boost of Kumaratunga by the peace lobby, she is still not perceived by international opinion as a war
monger. Whateve military posture about peace cann
More importal cannot allow Ku) ecute the war wi is very important cate internationa conditions in Sri ducive for peace. regarding the di must be publicise any possibility fc ment the on going fying rationale. In being pursued no solution. This r( pressed upon the munity. The peace its hang - ups a and face up to th day.
Apart from th cessity to self-eva by too. How ma peace activists all be co-opted as go government emp ing their indepen
There must a that the war has breed which thri illusion of pursui new parasitic cli profiteers of war, class that profits There are semina ing courses etc ! jaunts abroad fo would have beer for these activist root movements papers to acader
In addition tc realised that mos have lost their v searching for fui nancial input fro welcome to any sation. Such fun help it to funct what has been surfeit of foreig these organisa bureaucracy. We longer an idealis it has become a of revenue with result these org gun neglecting

15 NOWEMBER 1995
the reasons for her those concerned st subscribe to it. tly the peace lobby naratunga to proshout opposition. It or the lobby to eduopinion that the Lanka are not conThe true situation volution package l. In the absence of r a political settlewar loses its justiblunt terms what is w is only a military ality must be iminternational comlobby must discard pout Kumaratunga e reality that is to
Is there is also a neluate the peace lobny of the one-time owed themselves to vernment and semiloyees thereby losdence and voice
lso be recognition also spawned a new ves on the cosmetic ng peace. Even as a ass has emerged as there is also a tiny by pursuing peace. 's, workshops, trainhat provide several r the peaceniks. It far more profitable s to build up grassrather than present nics abroad.
this it must also be
peace organizations irility as a result of ds abroad . Some filn abroad is certainly mpoverished organiling would certainly on effectively. But happening is that a funding has made ions a prosperous king for these is no ic challenge. Instead comfortable avenue perks and all. As a anisations have beheir main resource
base the people. Instead they have now mastered the art of formulating projects for grants and furnishing performance sheets that would satisfy the donors. Maintaining the illusion of seeking peace has supplanted actual efforts to attain peace. Thus many peace organisations have lost credibility in the eyes of the ordinary people.
This state of affairs has also led to most peace organisations from being cur off from grass roots. Very little activity goes on there. Also peace activists have hitched their wagon to the government star. They are associated with ventures like Sudu Nelum, Thavalama etc. All these are laudable enterprises from the government point of view. Nevertheless they are state controlled. A healthy grassroots peace movement on the other hand must sustain its own dynamism to be really effective.
Another defect among concerned peace activists is an overload of work. Whether due to paucity of qualified and motivated peace activists or for some other reason one finds that many of these people are handling a variety of functions at different institutions. That many of them are efficient and dedicated is beyond question but the fact of the matter is that they simply have no time to discharge their multi-faceted duties efficiently. Again the casualty is the peace initiative.
WHAT IS TO BE DONE 2
The great strength of any viable peace movement lies in the people particularly in a democracy. The success of a peace movement lies not merely in a top heavy appeal signed by sections of the elite or by stimulating intellectual exercises in academia. The real test is the galvanising of the ordinary people. The natural allies of the peace movement are not in the affluent cities but in the rural areas. To cultivate this resource committed activism is necessary at a grassroot level.
Likewise another must for a successful peace movement is the strengthening of civil society. The people must be mobilised for peace This will consist of a thousand and one things from school discussions to street plays, from distributing li:-

Page 21
15 NOVEMBER 1998
erature to holding wayside meetings. If taken singly these activities may riot appear to be tremendously effective. The consociational method of elitist understandings may seem important. But in the long run it is only people movements that will deliver the goods. In this context it is also important to encourage people to people movements among the various communities. This will cement understanding. A worthwhile example was the Mothers Front that cut across ethnic barriers. But once again that front too lost its lustre after the PA came to power.
Thus it is necessary for the peace movement to find its moorings again and reactivate itself effectively. At the same time it must continue to keep up pressure on the parties concerned to engage in peace. These activities should not be directed at the government alone but also at the UNP and other opposition parties. More importantly it should be directed at the LTTE which arguably is the greatest obstacle to lasting peace. Merely asking the government to negotiate with the LTTE is meaningless unless parallel pressure is applied on the Tigers too. Today the LTTE functions without being accountable to any one. The premier challenge before the peace lobby is to find ways and means of bringing about pressure on the LTTE and its supporters to negotiate for peace. This can only be done through public opinion generated amongst the Tamil people. For this there must be a healthy exchange of views within the Tamil community. The peace movement can start by pressurising the Colombo based Tamil media to promote peace and start criticism of the LTTE. A related effort is required in the case of the Tamil political parties too.
These are daunting tasks but the peace movement must address itself to these effectively if they wish to register success in their endeavours. A Sinhala Consensus in the South on what political settlement is possible along with a genuine LTTE willingness to negotiate sincerely for a solution are essential for actual and permanent peace. That these goals are difficult to achieve is not doubted. But then these are the hazards of waging peace. O
he lessons c Ti:
UNP and th fice, have system people claiming more power to se tively. In reality, their power to se the nation or its
The torch has onto a new genera dent and the new sition were born our independence ahead for both of They both have this nation of a C motes authoritaria ity. They both ha re-establish the Ru been willfully b short-term gain long-term losses operate to ensur longer rise in re they have to coop present ethnic pr This is the fo ble message that pen of the author Dissanayaka, in of the “Politics of soon after the Pre November 1994.
The Sri Lanka being efficient is important aspect likeable, however premium. Presid daranaike Kumar usly combined bo is most ingeniol many. During hel as Prime Minist as President, she tivating smile tha disarm and desta trenchant critics a able opponents v presence. Her re
 
 

TAM TIMES 24
ur Eusively Eventiful Wears
anthese ene
for the Better
Dr. Oswald B. Firth OM
Director, Centre for Society and Religion
f history of the past 'ears is that both the SLFP, while in of atically deceived the that they needed rve the nation effecboth have enhanced rve themselves, not people.
now being passed tion. The new Presileader of the Oppoaround the time of . The task that lies them is unenviable. to cooperate to rid onstitution that proun rule of the majorave to cooperate to ule of Law which has Ireached to obtain s that resulted in . They have to co: that our youth no bellion. Above all, terate to contain the oblem. rceful and formidaflowed through the -diplomat, T.D.S.A. his second volume Sri Lanka”, written sidential Election of
n ethos is such that erhaps not the most of a person. Being
carries a far greater nt Chandrika Bantunga has prodigioh in a manner that s and appealing to short term in office , and subsequently as developed a cap
has the potency to ilize even her most ld her most implachen they are in her 2nt encounter with
world leaders at the SAARC Summit, at the Non-Aligned Conference and then at the United Nations are ample testimony to her overall comportment and her magnetic personality that can mesmerize people and put them at 6a SՇ.
Her presence exudes an esoteric air sans sophistication, and devoid of the cosmetic gestures and flamboyant stunts usually associated with stage-managed politicians. The cultural refinements that she exhibits in the presence of her foreign counterparts are traits of her personality that cannot be acquired in just one single generation.
Transcending Party Politics
While President Chandrika Kumaratunga can pride over her many political successes at both regional and international levels during her four years in office, her dismal and distinctive failure has been h: incapacity to transcend the divisive delimitations of partisan politics and enlist the support of a somewhat intransigent Opposition to address major issues that continue to beleaguer the country. A cursory glance at her four years at the helm of a nation on fire is a sufficient indicator of lost opportunities to rebuild the nation-state on a firm footing of peace and economic prosperity for all ethnic communities. The derisive language that pervades the atmosphere when referring to the main
e Opposition, and the trade in accusa
tions on both sides, have often been so intensely acrimonious and acerbic as to narrow the space for dialogue at all levels on issues that are of concern to the whole nation.
This has unfortunately been the case with the most excruciating crisis in the country, the North-East war that is continuing to gnaw away at our religious and cultural value systems that knitted the nation’s religio- cultur

Page 22
22 TAM TIMES
al diversities into a holistic tapestry of mutual respect for all living beings and for resource sharing. Those halcyon days of nation building have now transmogrified into an era ofbrutal terror, abominable fear, unbridled violence and shameless harassment. The blame for such a state of affairs must fall squarely on the shoulder of our politicians.
Politics is, after all, about power. But if power is not illuminated with virtue to become a service to people, it will soon transform itself into an irremediable pollutant of one’s own mind and of others as well.
The gloomy clouds of war revealed a silver lining when President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Opposition Leader Ranil Wickramasinghe signed the bi-partisan agreement in 1997 to keep each other informed of initiatives taken in the direction of peace. That initiative appears now to be sterile and stalled. It is most unfortunate that this bi-partisan agreement, a fleeting ray of hope though it may have been, did not move the two major parties in the country to leap beyond party politi
cal vested inter support of the n ties, the press, and other civil c to craft a conse political solutio sis. That previo ences” on resol have failed coul excuse for not tion to a more i fact, our intelle ways been a cu when an intellec the habit of tole: never be able t will needed to re ever pressing th
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sts and harness the inority political parthe electronic media rganizations in a bid sual and sustainable n to the burning criis “All Party Conferving the ethnic issue ill be trotted out as an inviting the Opposinvolving dialogue. In ctual culture has alture of excuses. And tual culture entertains rating excuses, it will o produce the social solve problems, howey may happen to be. bi-partisan agreement the first delicate step enlightened poweruld have served as a ving the ongoing and onflict, a model that n emulated not only political parties, but
ethnic communities eed sad that our youth ill have to carry into war syndrome and a
degenerate political complacency that was not of their creation. And all this because the two main political parties in the South are determined to deny any political advantage to one another. This has led to unresolved differences on a Constitution that could guarantee the democratic freedom and political rights of all communities that inhabit this shattered paradise.
Promising the Sky
All governments take a fiendish delight in making numerous pre-election promises intended to win votes and fool the masses. No sooner elections are over than these promises give rise to seething discontent and relentless frustrations when the masses have settled down to their routine crucible of daily life and discover that they have been misused and misled. In making such fictitious promises, neither President Chandrika nor her political allies that formed the PA have been the exception. The price of a pound of bread weighing 450 grams - the symbol of the nation's economic woes - was reduced from Rs. 5.30 to
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Page 23
15 NOVEMBER 1998
Rs. 3.30, only to be jacked-up to Rs. 8.50 within the space of a couple of months, and that without the slightest regrets. A kilo of flour, priced at Rs. 11.80, was reduced to Rs. 7.40, but has now taken a quantum leap and is presently priced at Rs. 20.00 a kilo. Pricing of consumer items is in such chaos that price controls are nothing but a heap of baseless rhetorical shibboleths. This chaos has led to greater confusion with the imposition of the Goods and Services Tax by even payment hawkers and small time traders for whom fleecing the helpless consumer is hardly a matter of conscience.
The promise to promote local farm products with guaranteed prices to ensure the survival of the farmer faced with the onslaught of the open economy has miserably floundered. While the farmers are at their wits end to sell their produce at prices that could at least cover their costs, tons of chillies, potatoes, onions and even tea are being imported under the pretext of preventing scarcities in the market. Is it surprising then that farmers should find solace in a dose of insecticide or weedicide so easily available to them? Other farmers find themselves near helpless when their valuable phosphate deposit at Eppawala is to be sold for a song to a notorious mining company that has ransacked such natural resources in Indonesia and elsewhere.
A Disturbing Record
Alongside the victorious performance in the field of cricket at the famed stadium at Lords and other sporting events at the Commonwealth Games in September, Sri Lanka's achievements in the area of human rights too deserve a round of applause. More specifically, President Kumaratunga deserves these encomiums in that she has been able to restore the nation's erstwhile tarnished image. We are once again honoured as a nation of civilized people whose respect for the prescriptions of the United Nation's Human Rights Charter may have the dubious distinction of surpassing sooner or later that of Rwanda, Kosovo, Somalia and even the Taliban infested Afghanistan
In recent times, however, that image has been sullied and vestiges of the legacy of government sponsored human rights violations are casting
long shadows ove investigations on
atunga and Lalit assassinations ha and brought to the lic, the Commissic tigate the Batalan Sooriyakanda ma ceeding at such l these reports may of day before the
The National H mission, for all in seem to be dilly-d: investigations o check-point mass the revelations of the soldiers accus murder of Krishan and the murder of and a neighbour v of the ill-fated sch mandated, the Nat hts Commission is ing the investigati cilitating it. This C on record as statin nicalities, such as on not only from t fence, but also fro istrate have to be investigating the n meantime, parents bers of the disappe an almost continu fice of the HRC in know how this par is to be resolved.
The case of the Court Judge, Mah is another of thos cidents that can br aratungas governi on accusations th tion prevailed Jayewarde-ne’s Tilekaratne had o assault charge, but the CID Direct Wickramasinghe, { as he said, of the Mr. Sarath Silva. smacks of vindic ceeded in bringin gentry onto the st the human rights (
Censorship of Zones and postpol are other instance Chandrika's gove dicted of fundam violations. What

TAM TIMES 23
the nation. While he Vijaya Kumarin Athulatihmudali fe been concluded
notice of the pubns set up to invesda tortures and the
ss graves are proethargic pace that never see the light end of the century.
uman Rights Coments and purposes, illying on pursuing n the Chemimani
graves, based on Rajapakse, one of ed of the rape and thi Kumaraswamy, her mother, brother who went in search tool girl. Although ional Human Rigengaged in delayons rather than faommission has gone g that further techobtaining permissihe Ministry of Dem the Jaffna Magattended to prior to mass graves. In the and family memared have mounted ous vigil at the ofJaffna anxious to lous state of affairs
: arrest of the High anama Tilekaratne, e controversial inng President Kumnent into disrepute at a similar situaduring the J.R.
regime. Judge btained bail on an was re-arrested by or, Mr. Bandula cting under orders, Attorney General, he incident, which iveness, has suc; the black-coated eets in defence of f one of their own. news from the war ement of elections s where President inment stands inntal human rights eally happened in
the killing fields of Kilinochchi is still shrouded in mystery and the numbers of those dead have become a matter of wild speculation. Added to all this, the slashing of rations to the refugees in the Wanni is bound to bestir the international community from its relative silence and slumber on the Sri Lankan issue.
Turning the Tide
President Chandrikas current tendency appears to be that of making vital policy decisions through small caucuses of techno-bureaucrats which are called Task Forces'. This is how Air Lanka, the national carrier, came to be bartered away behind a veil of secrecy. In the absence of transparent State policy, the citizen's vigilance merely tends to end up in despair and cynicism. Unfortunately, the way in which our system of democratic governance is structured does not enable the democratic institutions themselves to benefit from the views of educated and informed citizens. This has reduced even enlightened citizens to the level of mere onlookers, or passive recipients of decisions made by a small parvenu elite, the members of which may not necessarily be elected representatives of the people. Such a system does not provide the country with an effective mechanism for a meaningful bipartisanship in the affairs of government which is sine quo non for a permanent solution of all national problems in general and the elusive ethnic conflict in particular. But, who then can change the direction for a more participatory and consensual, and transparent and accommodative form of governance, at least during the remaining tenure of office of the present dispensation? On whom then can the people repose faith to bring about this sea change - the elite business community with its immense financial clout or the organised workforce with its unsurpassed yet untapped potential to effect such a radical change? Better still, these two vital segments of our society should coalese together in this regard to bring Such pressure on both the Government and the Opposition which they could ill-afford to ignore.
(The writer is also the Editor, “Social Jus-tice', the monthly journal published by the Centre for Society and Religion.)

Page 24
24 TAM TIMES
Amartya Sen and AS of Humanity
T.N. Gopalan
hen the Swedish Royal Academy of Sciences announced on October 14 that the 1998 Nobel Prize for Economics was being awarded to Prof. Amartya Sen for his path-breaking work in famine studies and his concern with the poorest of the poor, it marked a signal break with its own time-honoured convention of acknowledging only the conformists. As noted left-wing economist Ashok Mitra acidly observes, “Perhaps the decision is not as honest as the committee has made it out to be. Two fairly non-descript economic statisticians who dabbled in the so-called miracle of derivative economics as applied to the stock markets were chosen for the award last year. These two were closely associated with the financial firm, Long Term Capital Management, which collapsed, leading to the loss of the life savings of hundreds of thousands of American households. Part of the ignominy on account of this stock market fiasco also devolved on the Nobel Committee, which is why these reluctant journeymen have now chosen a development economist.” But more
important than the admission of de
feat by a relatively conservative bas
tion is the fact that the award does
represent the acknowledgement of the desperate need for asserting humanist values in a world stretched on the wrack of market forces and a re
volting glorification of the virtue of
selfishness.
At a time when the South Asia is
sinking ever deeper into a morass of poverty and mindless violence, the award in fact underlines the need for serious introspection over where we are heading to.
There are those who carp at economists who escape the Indian poverty for greener pastures and then sermonise on what should be done to eradicate poverty in their native land
Perhaps Prof. Sen who emigrated to the USA in the Seventies cannot
escape such a cri question is who h to making life on a better place to li of this world or til Pol Pots and a N “revolutionaries tant crusaders?
In the early e militancy was on Lanka and this w cheering group in from Netherland edged expert on
douse the euphol
fate of Lebanon island of Sere gun-toting milita and killing ea process... I’m es the culture of c don’t see it as a sacrifice but as : And there is this sconced in the c who glorified th one whose sole very own body est of the marty eWe See.
Far from the Lanka, Kashm Amartya Sen ha obsessed with th humanising effe. lentlessly nudgi economics and to see the stark “The fact th concerned with trodden, the un something that heart, Sen has Prof.K.N. Ra calls that once saying, “I have that I was sayil not been said b that I was say have saved so reflected in p Mitra's phrase mothers ran go
 
 
 

15 NOVEMBER 1998
cism. But then the us contributed more his earth that much ve in, Amartya Sens e Prabhakarans, the hole host of other and assorted mili
ghties, when Tamil the ascendant in Sri riter was part of the Tamil Nadu, a priest s and an acknowlMarxism, sought to ia - “I’m afraid the could overtake the ndipity too, with nts calling the shots ach other in the ecially appalled by yanide capsules, I symbol of supreme a negation of life...” fiery journalist enomforts of the west e suicide bomber as weapon is his or her ind hence the greatrs the humanity has
killing fields of Sri ir or Afghanistan, s nevertheless been e degrading and dets of poverty and reg the high-priests of he rulers everywhere reality before them.
ut economics is also the poor, the downerdogs of society is is very close to my observed repeatedly. , a friend of Sen ree latter wrote to him ever had the illusion something that had fore. But I did think g things that could e lives if they were licy. To use Ashok if our great- grand'rnments, they would
have saved many lives indeed.” This touching humility, this poignant concern about saving lives, is what makes Sen not just one of the most important economists of our times, but also a well-rounded humanist, an increasingly rare breed in an increasingly fractious world.
To quote from yet another eloquent tribute to Sen, this one from columnist Praful Bidwai, “Amartya Sen is not just an economist, nor did he get the Nobel Prize as a practitioner of that dismal science' alone.”
He is one of the world’s great economic philosophers, that rare breed of thinkers who remind us that economics is about the real world, about choices and transactions which involve or assume values, institutions and patterns of behaviour - thenselves historically determined and hence far from immutable, unlike the “iron laws” formulated by dogmatists. Amartya Sen is the economist's economist, the philosopher's philosopher.
More, he is a public intellectual who brings morality into public policy discourse. He represents the social scientist’s conscience in a highly evolved form. “An outstanding as
pect about Sen's work is his consist
ent opposition to authoritarianism despite his pronounced left-wing leanings. His work on the causes of famine, on inequality and on the measurement of poverty, has saved a large number of lives,” notes another commentator.
Amartya Sen’s Poverty and Famine (1981) influenced the way international organisations and governments deal with food crises. He showed that famine was not just a consequence of nature, but an avoidable economic and political catastrophe. Drought and flood often precede starvation, but declines in food production rarely account for it.
Typically, even if many thousands of people die, there is enough food un the country to go around or enough money to import it.
Disaster strikes, Sen found, wher. the poorest people can no longer afford to buy food because they lose their jobs or because food prices soar In the great Bengal famine, in which three milion people perished, Ind: food supplies were not unusually low Colonial rulers, immune to democratic

Page 25
15 NOVEMBER 1998
pressures, simply stood by.
Partly because of Amartya Sen's finding, governments now focus less on direct distribution of food and more on replacing the lost income of the poor, through public works proj ects and the like.
That apart he has consistently maintained that democracy as a form of governance is vital to the well-being of the society, lack of dissent, of opposition which enables the ruler to reign as he or she pleases could be fraught with disastrous consequences whatever the claims of authoritarian regimes or of their apologists might be.
“There has never been a famine in a democratic country because leaders of those nations are spurred into action by politics and a free media,” he said in an interview and went on to note wryly that in undemocratic countries the rulers are unaffected by famine and there is no one to hold them accountable, even when millions die. Surely such an observation has much larger implications beyond the issue of famine-relief alone.
Typically Sen was in New York to
attend a memo Mahbubh Ul Haq, Minister of Pakista and the architect man development news of his baggin out. In his intervi recalls his associal says that their frier national and religi Yet another tim great possibilities c and which gives t fanatics of every k Haq had said in that South Asia i, most illiterate regio yet its government ons than anyone Asia has been sinki mire of human de spair, emerging as region in the world Now Haq is known of the welfare ind Sen and his Humar port funded by th serves as a potent Incidentally S demned in no unce
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ial service for a former Finance n, his close friend pf the annual huindex, when the g the Nobel broke ws he poignantly ion with Haq and dship transcended pus borders. sly reminder of the f human existence he lie to sectarian ind.
his report of 1997 the poorest and n in the world, and s buy more weapelse. “The South ng fast into a quagprivation and dethe most deprived l,” the report said. to have used some ices developed by Development Ree United Nations
eye-opener. en has also con:rtain terms mind
TAMIL TIMES 25
less defence spending, especially nuclear weaponisation. Also he is a strongly secular person and never hesitates to speak out. Plurality, he says, “also concerns the diversity within Hinduism itself... Hinduism must also be seen as thoroughly plural in structure. Its divisions are not those only of caste... but of schools of thought... When the fourteenth century Hindu scholar Madhava Acharya... wrote his famous Sanskrit treatise... he devoted each of his sixteen chapters to the different schools of Hindu religious postulates (beginning with the atheism of the Charvaka school).” At a time when the world is teetering on the edge of recession and the once admired Tiger economies are falling like ninepins, leaving the Western think-tanks desperately groping for answers to the innumerable questions the South East Asian collapse has provoked, Sen does provide some pointers to a way out.
Unfortunately even in India whose leaders have rushed forward to congratulate Sen on his achievement, of course the right-wingers more rel
(continued on next page)
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26 TAMIL TIMES
- THESANGHPARWARBA
TSANGS ANDNSU BOTH SANSKRITAND TI
Ramesh Gopalakrishnan
t last, the National Agenda is A. and the BJP has banged in ard its very own agenda. Its allies, especially the Dravidian and other regional parties, were left gaping and stunned as the BJP’s human resources development minister Dr Murali Manohar Joshi crudely pushed in a Hindutva agenda in the conference of state education ministers convened by his department in Delhi last month and found himself at the receiving end.
A nuclear phycisist, Dr Joshi had taught at Allahabad and among his students were V P Singh, who went on to become prime minister even as Dr Joshi was learning the hard tricks of politics after joining the BJP.
Dr Joshi is set in the hardcore mould and is close to the patriotic science groups in the universities. His nuclear physics background did not
(continued from page 5) ctantly than the rest, there is still no honest attempt made to acquaint oneself with Sen’s theories or involve him in any economic planning. The reasons are obvious. No one would like to invite trouble by roping in a man who not only dares fly in the face of the Western wisdom but also makes uncomfortable demands on the rulers.
When asked what he would do if he is made the Finance Minister of India, he shotback, “Simple. I'll resign. What could one do in a place where education is not given the importance due to it?' Given the limitations of such brilliant, well-meaning intellectuals, what does one do? Turn one’s back on such “weaklings” and rally behind the “crusaders and revolutionaries’, whatever their warts in the hope that after “liberation” somehow things will be set right? Or get down to the more painful, less- exhilarating, (perhaps even less-rewarding in the short term) task of understanding Sen better, spread his message and work for a more humane society? O
prevent him from the demolition oft Ayodhya in Decem est antics is to su academic propor left-centrist schol Council for Histor thereby, launch a writing history as textbooks. Of cour say, that the best t spread would be to within the rigid wal The first to real for the state edu conference were th Madhya Pradesh { respectively by the They shot off prot Dr Joshi to hastily als. He justified tended to Vidya E tional wing of the ing that it was a organisation runni schools mostly in while, education I other state gover chorus of protest one P D Chitlagia businessman wi links, would not at the conference answers when he questions whether education expert for the next confi reforms And ed R Dasgupta had t National Minoriti ing some hard e government had r fering with the ri running educatio
The BJP got conference venu ministers from A jab and Jammu a by parties which coalition govern chose to protest The inagural se ence, where a Sa

15 NOVEMBER 1998
RES S M.
gleefully watching e Babri Masjid at ber 1992. His latbstitute Hindutva ents in place of ars in the Indian cal Research, and movement for reHindutva in school je, Dr Joshi would let for Hindutva to start the stuff right ls of the classroom. ise the new agenda cation ministers e West Bengal and governments, ruled left and Congress. est letters, forcing defend his proposthe invitation ex3harati, the educaSangh Parivar, saynon-governmental ng more than 1,200 tribal areas. meanministers of several nments joined the and ensured that l, a Calcutta-based th Sangh Parivar peak as scheduled Dr Joshi had no was peppered with non-Sangh Pari var would be invited rence on education cation secretary P write letters to the is Commission doxplaining that the o no plans of inter
hts of minorities in
|al institutions.
rude shock at the 2 when education dhra Pradesh, Puni Kashmir, all ruled are supporting the ment at the centre, along with others. ion of the conferksrit shloka invok
ing goddess Saraswathi was sung, provided the critics of the government with a hot issue. Even as prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee watched in amusement and horror, the majority of the ministers, led by Tamil Nadu education minister K Anbazhagan, walked out of the conference venue, of course, to join in later. But they had made their point clear - singing the Vandana would send wrong signals to the minorities; other education reforms contemplated by Dr Joshi and his friend Chitlangia like compulsory teaching of Sanskrit in school level would create more problems; more than half the population could not read or write their names even in their respective mother tongues, they kept pointing out.
Dr Joshi would have none of it, sensing just some politics behind the walkout and boycott. Dr Joshi recalled that the Vandana had indeed been sung at a welfare ministry function during the previous united front regime. What he forgot to add was that the context was not so controversial as this one arranged by him, specifically to push Hindutva down the throats of state governments. The Sangh Parivar came to his aid saying that secular state education ministers were incapable of respecting the goddess of Learning. The Parivar asked Sonia Gandhi to keep away from criticising the traditional Hindu culture (?) criticising her as “an Italian and launched abuses at the leftists. For his part, Chitlangia later tried to deny his links with Vidya Bharati itself Worse was yet to ome: Vajpayee, who tried to clear the air at the conference with some jokes that speaking in Hindi would not invite protests in New York but could do so in Delhi. started addressing election rallies blaming non-BJP parties for their apparent disrespect to the goddess ci Learning! So mcuh for the leader ei the “coalition’
The usual brazen Hindutva line is to accept the charge of fascism lev - elled by its opponents. And Dr Josi. was revelling in doing just that, eve: while seemingly backtracking at the conference venue. Here was a chance for him show that the BJP could ge well beyond the shackles of the National Agenda. And the BJP and Sangh Parivar couldn't care less about protests and rebukes from Dravidian allies like the AIADMK.

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15 NOVEMBER 1998
PMK and the MDMk. And the BJP has lost sight of the original intention of the conference to ensure universal primary education in India
Alas, tragically for Sanskrit, the Sangh Parivar thinks only on the lines of compulsion, monopoly and defiance. The Hindutva proponents cannot understand that learning is not just a symbolic activity of keeping hoary traditions apart, but as much for pleasure and use. The Sangh Parivar cannot understand that the study of Sanskrit can be promoted better in a liberal atmosphere, if it is on an optional basis and if such an effort should not come into conflict with the development of the mother tongues of those who make up the majority of India. The Sangh Parivar stands for crudity, while, as a language, Sanskrit stands for refinement. This language has had a unique history, a unique relationship with other languages of the subcontinent. The Sanskrit grammarians led by Panini are hugely praised by modern linguists including Noam Chomsky. Sanksrit algorithms and mnomonics fascinate computer scientists and Sanskrit texts like Hata Yoga continue to draw a variety of students ranging from American novelist Jerzy Kozinski to controversial popstar Madonna. And learning of Sanskrit can well turn out to be an interesting affair for the curious-minded.
Close on the heels of the Sanskrit/ Saraswathi Vandana controversy comes the Archana controversy in Tamil Nadu. For long in recent times, Sanskrit had the pride of place in archana offerings, and during the sixties, it was made known in every temple Archanas would be done in Tamil as well.
These words - as well - have certainly irked the Tamil enthusiasts who have managed to get rid of these words. Sasnkrit and Tamil thereby have equal access for archanas in the temples. Irked by this, one V S Srikamar, known to be close to the Sangh Parivar, has gone to court saying that the agamas allowed only Sanskrit archanas. This evoked a sharp response from the Tamil enthusiasts, who now want to do away with Sanskrit archanas in toto. Some Tamil organisations, with the tacit backing of minister for Tamil culture and official language Dr Tamilkudimagan, went on a protest fast in front of the
PRO ARAS
hose of us wl
he was affect
by his friends, the more because v ringing voice an laughter. Arasawa distinction and c much a life of a rec such as Kuala Lun at the Univers Ity where he served v ance as Chairman eral years. Arasa person of the two the then University in Colombo. In due good friends. The something in the m distinctly aloof a closeness that go over several decad my friend for a litt years. We used to when we were Ph
Kapaleeswarar tem Chennai. While thei archanas and hym attempt to exclud amount to denying the existence of til dialogue through t
The arguments the Chennai High cut ice as it is ampl less Thevaram a hymns that their sir mensely popular in hymns of woman Ammaiyar and Aal dous mystical pow gods forever. Acco Saiva and Vaishin God is both Tamil certainly all langu:
The later Sai Kamikagama clea Tamil can be used arguing for monc archanas, the San ers have exposed Tamil language a culture.

TAMIL TIMES 27
AN APPRECATION
FESSOR SINAPPAH ARATNAMI 1930-1998
y Prof. Alfred Jeyaratnam Wilson
no knew Arasa, as onately referred to will mourn his loss ve will all miss his d his gargantuan s a scholar of great hose to live very use in sultry places npur and Armidale
of New England with much acceptof History for sev
was the younger
of us. We met at
of Ceylon located course we became :re was, however, an which kept him nd he lacked the od friends evolve 2s. Arasa had been le more than forty ) meet in London D students and on
ple at mylapore in r demand for Tamil ns is correct, the e Sanskrit would the possibility of he Tamil-Sasnkrit he centuries. of Srikumar before Court would not y clear from countnd Prabandham ging had been imancient times. The saints Karaikkal daal have tremener, enchanting the rding to the great ava Tamil saints, and Sanskrit and geS. va agama canon ly spells out that for archanas. By poly of Sanskrit h Parivar followheir ignorance of ld insulted Tamil O
occasions when he and I were visiting the metropolis.
He was soon to establish himself the leading scholar of the Dutch colonial phase in Sri Lanka and the South Indian coast. He received worldwide recognition but unfortunately was accustomed all the while to place his light under a bushel. He wrote in liquid prose, as it were, and an enchanting style more befitting the captivating storyteller than the avid dryas-dust professional historian.
Very early in his academic career, he realised that the troubled conditions in the island would leave him little time for concentration on his research and writing. He obtained an opening when a mutual friend of ours, the Reverend Doctor Xavier Thani Nayagam annexed the foundation chair of Indian Studies at the University of Malaysia giving up his senior lectureship in education at Peradeniya. Thani Nayagam reorganised the department of Indian Studies, placing it on a sound footing and recruiting established scholars as faculty members of his department. Arasa found the aftermath of the 1958 riots very unsettling and readily accepted a senior lectureship in Indian Studies at Kuala Lumpur. Needless to say he found the atmosphere in Kuala Lumpur quite conducive and congenial and he doubtless enjoyed working with Thani Nayagam.
Before leaving Sri Lanka, Arasa started work on his well known and widely acknowledged book on Ceylon for a series on new countries being published by Prentice Hall. He used a novel approach to treat his subject, not the conventional path. He took each community on the island and analysed their sociology and interlinkages. This treatment threw much more light on the social and political life of each of the different communities. Prior to this publication, a Dutch publisher subsidised the publication of his PhD thesis on the Dutch Power in Ceylon along with a parallel vol

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
ume by Professor K W Goonewardene, another of our leading recognised historians. With these publications and a good research record, the University of Malaysia was only too glad to welcome him. Soon Arasa was to win his spurs at his new workplace. He spent much time on his lectures for which he earned a well deserved reputation. In his spare time he worked on a slim volume on Indians in Malaysia which again was warmly received especially by the largely sizeable Indian community in Malaysia.
His opportunity came when Father Thani Nayagam set in motion the Flight International Association of Tamil Research (IATR for short). My wife and I were invitees to the stellar conference of distinguished scholars from all parts of the world. This was a shot in the arm for Tamil studies and indeed the occasion was a carnival of splendour. The Malaysian government had been liberal in funding this major undertakling. Arasa being Thani Nayagams righthand man was a pillar of strength and helped tremendously in the organisational work. Thereafter the IATR's became regular features in Chennai (Madras), Paris and Jaffna. Certainly the entire structure was a big boost to Tamil nationalism and indeed to a Tamil revival, it was all praises to Thani Nayagam and Arasa his Johannes” Factotum.
Things were hotting up in Malaysia and the Malay-Chinese conflict began becoming increasingly bitter. Additionally it became government policy there to change the modium of instruction from English to Malay. Arasa saw the writing on the wall. At that stage in his life, he was not ready to switch to even a Romanised Malay. So he did the next best thing and obtained a place in an Australian university, that land of indigestible wealth at the University of New England, Armidale, New South Wales. My wife and I visited him there and we commented on its dreadful loneliness. Even the chirpiest of persons could die of sheer boredom. But Arasa was like the proverbial xerophyte plant which thrives in desert conditions. He seemed to prosper well there and was liked very much by his departmental colleagues. They published a festschrift in his honour when he retired. It was in his isolation in New England University, Armidale that he
wrote up his researc as learned tome on comprise a body o and made Arasa ir ally respected schol He was invited to and conferences an enthusiasm and g spent a very prod University of Texas of his wisdom and k a graduate student ty‘s Centre of Sou Subsequently he v the coveted Smuts E monwealth Studies versity and was elected a fellow of
After retirement ence with me, Ara to enjoy his well ea plained of lonelin and empty spaces difficult to fill. He w visitor to Sri Lanka tellectual millieu ir puses. He continue worried witness of ation in his native One of Arasa's was a chapter to a Lankan Tamil ident
DISCR
344 pages, t
Dr. Devanesan N tle introduction. H many especially th cians, managers an ing held several sen Lankan administra tirement from gover he was the Secreta port, Environment The origin of his b doctoral thesis (Dr has been subsequ light of many deve and the relevant r rated in the book. among Tamils of n functioned as the S istry and Governm in Jaffna.
The book’s titl curiosity among St

15 NOVEMBER 1998
which came out he subject. These pioneering work o an internationr that he became. various seminars | listened to with eat interest. He ctive year at the (USA) and gave nowledge to many at the Universih Asian Studies. as the winner of ellowship in comut Cambridge Unit the same time clare College. in his correspondsa did not appear rned rest. He comess and boredom which he found as a not infrequent and liked the inthe various camd to be a sad and the troubling situcountry.
last contributions volume on The Sri ify - (1988) edited
by Professors C Manogaran and Bryan Phaffenberger. In this chapter, Arasa used all his skills as a historian to reaffirm the Tamil concept of a traditional homeland. This constitutes a valuable and lasting contribution.
Nationalism was however his forte and he used his razor-sharp mind and meticulous scholarship to lean on this highly complex subject. His augural lecture at the University of New England in 1974 traversed the field of History, Nationalism and Nation Building: The Asian Dilemma. He published a richly insightful chapter on Nationalism, Communalism and National Unity in Ceylon in Philip Mason's (editor) India and Ceylon: Unity and Diversity (Oxford at the University Press) and in 1979, Nationalism in Sri Lanka and the Tamils in Michael Roberts (editor) celebrated collective identities, Nationalisms and Protest in Modern Sri Lanka (1979).
In death as in life, Arasa will continue to be a shining beacon to all truth and genuine end objective academics. The world of scholars has lost a valuable icon. We will be the poorer for this. His death leaves a huge chasm which will require much time to bridge. O
By Devanesan Nesiah )xford University Press, New Delhi, 1997 ISBN 0 195639839
Review by Dr. S. Narapalasingam
esiah CCS, needslite is well known to e academics, politisocial workers, havor positions in the Sri ion. Prior to his rement service in 1995, y, Ministry of Transnd Women's Affairs. ok is assigned to his A, Harvard 1989). It ntly updated in the opments in the field visions are incorpo'esiah is well known thern Sri Lanka - he cretary, District Minit Agent in the 1980s
s likely to raise some Lankans, because of
their distinct views on the subject formed either by the reactions of the minority groups that have been adversely affected by the past discriminatory policies of Sn Lankan governments or by their convictions that these policies are justifiable from the standpoint of correcting the imbalances arising from the lack of equal opportunities that denied many Sinhalese in rural areas access to higher education. and high level employment. The subject is no doubt sensitive and complex for various reasons, especially when those groups that get penalised by forced policies of discrimination object to them or various grounds such as violation of their individual and group rights. These havs invariably generated heated debates ar. hostilities wherever they have operate,
The book is a good reference even : know the host of problems that oft

Page 29
15 NOVEMBER 1998
arise from trying to solve the problem of inequality through positive discrimination. The author has taken pains to explain the circumstances and the compulsions that may require the recourse to affirmative actions or protective discriminations or preferential policies. He has very lucidly explained why these should be resorted to only when there are no other alternatives and where these are unavoidable why they have to be phased out af. ter some specified time,
The objective way in which the author has analysed this complicated subject reflect his logical thinking and ability to analyse complex problems from all relevant angles without any preconceived notions. “Discrimination with Reason' is an inter-country study of affirmative action. The author, has chosen three countries viz. the USA, India and Malaysia to analyse the theoretical and the practical aspects of this policy. They have been selected because of their differences in socio-economic status, the circumstances of the protected groups, and the nature of preferential policies. The legal and functional differences between Affirmative Action in the USA and Protective Discrimination in India are discussed by means of many specific cases. He has cited the outcomes of 42 legal cases in the USA and 21 in India to explain the working of the litigious policies. Unlike in the USA and India, the protected group in Malaysia is politically dominant and moreover the judiciary here has not played any significant role in this area. This peculiarity is explained to the wide acceptance of Malays and Tribals as Bumiputras (sons of the soil) and all non-Bumiputras as non-indigenous people, irrespective of their citizenship.
Readers may be disappointed that the author has not included the experiences in Sri Lanka in this inter-country study. This is presumably due to the reason that at the time it was undertaken, he was still
a high-level state e. civil service. Howe filled to a great ext on - Ethnic and I lished in the quarte ume 14, No.4, whether there is a of ethnicity, or gen erences in Sri Lar circumstances, f within limits and f may be necessary. been cited to expl fully, the author w edition, this case st preferential policy mented by the harn ing first by the sin only) policy and 1 neglect to make ne accommodate min
The importanci tween Equal Right nities on the one h; vidual Rights and other is emphasise definitions given at has pointed out th tion upholds indivi exclusion of group firmative action is vidual rights, eve group based prefer nic groups and wc no explicit prescrip law for ethnicity o ences. The US CC the Equal Protectic teenth Amendmen ditional constituti firmative action. In stitution explicitly for Scheduled Cas and other backwari not politically an These cut across t and regional identi tion.
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TAMIL TIMES 29
mployee in the island's ver, this gap has been int by his recent article District Quotas - pubrly journal Marga, Vol998. In discussing case for the adoption der orarea based prefka, he says "in some or certain purposes, ir short periods (these) Some instances have ain this point. Hopeill include in the next udy on the working of in Sri Lanka, suppledone to nation-buildgle language (Sinhala ater by the failure or cessary adjustments to ority interests.
e of distinguishing bes and Equal Opportuand and between IndiGroup Rights on the 'd by the author. The e simple and clear. He 'at “the US Constitudual rights to the total rights, American afbased only on indin though it includes rences for certain ethomen.” Thus, there is ition in any American r gender based preferburts have interpreted In Clause of the Fourtto permit only cononal backing for af. contrast, India's Conpermits preferences tes, Scheduled Tribes i classes who are also d socially powerful. he linguistic, cultural ties of India's popula
The important contribution of Dr. Ambedkar, who was the chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly in spelling out in detail the various provisions for preferential policies in the Indian Constitution is also revealed. The author states that this section of the Constitution is an expression of the contract between the national political leadership and that of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes of India. He has compared this to the US Civil Rights Act of 1964 not in legal terms but more as an expression of the contract between the American Presidency and civil rights movement headed by Martin Luther King Jr. The continuation of the preferential policies without the prospect of phasing out has now become a contentious issue. Some of the antagonists in the US are from the protected groups themselves. The book is also a repository of useful information on the making of the constitutions of USA and India, which have relevance to Sri Lanka at the present time.
This book will help those who are seeking answers to disturbing questions like: If preferential policies are not flawed conceptually, when and how these should be implemented without creating the ill effects that have thepotential to destroy the integrity and cohesiveness of the society. Will ethnically-based preferences help to reduce class inequalities within groups? Do they always hinder national integration? What is meant by efficiency or merit? Can ethnicity, gender and other preferences be compatible with these notions? Can merit, need and quality of public services be completely ignored in applying preferential selection methods? Do preferential policies prove to be economically inefficient and avoid any long-term solution to the social problems? Is it permissible to use preferential policies mainly to hold on or gain political power? O
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OBITUARY
Mr. Pararajasinghan Vasanthakumar (48) FCA (Sri Lanka), CPA (USA), formerly of Kanesalingam & Co. (Sri Lanka), Rothmana (Zambia) and Auditor-General (Papua New Guinea), dearly beloved husband of Savitri: loving father of Prasanthi (McMaster University, Canada) and Ashwini (Turner Fenton Secondary School), son of the late Mr. & Mrs. T.C. Pararajasingham (Alaveddy South), son-in-law of Dr. P and Mrs. S. Sivasothy (UK); brother of Thirugnanasampanther (UK), Thambipillai (Botswana), Sivayogawathy (New Zealand), late Sivanesawathy, Gnanasivam (Zambia), and Sivagnanawathy (Sri Lanka) and brother-in-law of Indra (UK), Gowri (Botswana), late Ramanathan (New Zealand), Natikunasingam (Sri Lanka), Saraswathy (Zambia), Sivap. athasundaram (Sri Lanka), Sivakumar (USA) and Raman (UK) passed away peacefully in Canada on 24.09.98 anc Was Cremated on 26.09.98.
His family wishes to thankal those who helped them during his illness, attended the funer al, paid floral tributes, sen messages of Condolence an shared in their grief. - 503 Heritage Hills Blvd., Missis sauga, Ontario L5R 1V5 Canada. Telephone 905 71, 1583.
(We regret the error in th last issue.)
 
 

15 NOVEMBER 1998
IN MEMORAM
Richard Jeyarajasingam Born: 20. 11.1928 Entered Glory. 27.11.1990
All too soon you suddenly passed Beyond our present sight You left us and the world we knew Without your radiant light But we know that like a Candle Your lovely light will shine To brighten up another place More Perfect more Divine Free from every harm and pain Where one day we shall meet again.
Fondly remembered by Ranee and Children.
Tenth Death Anniversary
in loving memory of Mr. P.V. Nadarajah on the tenth anniversary of his passing away on 16th November 1988.
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by his loving wife Thilagavathy, children Usha, Varathan, Nalini and Nanthini; sons-in-law Sivanathan, Rajkumar and Vathsayan; daughter-in-law Savithiri; grandchildren Bairavi, Luxmi, Uruthiran, Abhirami and Sebestian. - 9 South Park Crescent, Catford, London SE6 1.JJ. Tel: 0 181 473 8894.
in Treasured Memory of a Dear Husband and Father
Dr. T. Kanagaratnam (11 Dutch Road, Tellippalai, Sri Lanka).
Fondly remembered on the twentieth anniversary of his passing away on 20. 10.78 by his ever loving wife Mangalapoovathy (UK); children Shantini (UK), Ranjini (Sri Lanka), Gunam (UK), Sarojini (Rajee) (Canada), Nalayin, (Singapore) and Dhakshayin (UK), sons-in-law, daughter-inContinued on page 31

Page 31
15 NOVEMBER 1998
Continued from page 30 law and grandchildren. "Deep in our hearts your memory is kept, You were loved too dearly to ever forget'. - "Greenacres, 63 Sandown Park, Tunbridge Wells, Kent, UK.
Mrs. Chandra Ragupathy
In Loving memory of my beloved darling wife Chandra on the third anniversary of her
passing away on 26th November 1995.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her darling husband Ragupathy. - 262 Wricklemarsh Road, London SE38DW.
In loving memory of Santhiapilai Tiburtius, retired teacher, Point Pedro on the first anniversary of his
passing away on 2nd
December 1997.
Love and Remembrance Last For Ever.
Sadly missed by his wife and children. (Appreciation below).
Sixth Death Anniversary of Dr. P. Alageswaran
appears
Born: 4.728 Died; 10. 11.92
in Loving Memory
Joseph sisters Victoria and Lily, And friend Anna, were a trinity, They were fragrant Roses - from Uduvil Alma Mater - So Glorious: No premonition had the sisters whatever, That morn, when they woke up together: In life they were compassionate and selfless, But death clasped them - in flaming human torches: We search for an answer, Why death like this should they encounter? Anna, went a few days earlier, Followed by sisters who went together. We will remember this Trio always, For their loving and endearing ways: Pain and anguish are all over in Him, Are they now, in Eternal Slumber.
Old Girls of Uduvil - London
 
 
 
 
 

A beautiful life full of kind deeds, A helping hand to those in need, Unselfish, loving and kind Sweet memories that are left behind.
Much loved and missed by Ratnes, Krishna, Shyamala, Family, Friends and Relations.
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Dec. 8 Feast of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Patronal Feast of the Jaffna Cathedral. Dec. 11 Feast of St. Damascus.
Dec. 12 2.00pm SLTWG Children's Christmas Party at St. John innes Youth Centre. Tel 0181 542 3285. 6.30pm Tamil Performing Arts Society presents Five Plays at Merton Hall, 76 Kingston Road, LOndon SMV19. Tel 0181459 4.335/470 7883. 7.30pm SCOT
TAMILTIMES 31
Christmas Dinner-Dance at Greenford Town Hall, Ruislip Road, Greenford, Middx. Tel: 01895 257788/Of 81 904 9227/870 9 897. Dec. 13 Feast of St. Lucy, Patronal Feast of St. Lucias Cathedral, Colombo. Dec. 14 Eekathasi; Karthigai Somavaram (4), Feast of St. John of the Cross. Dec. 16 Pirathosam. Dec. 18 Anawasai. Dec. 19 7.00pm SLTWG Christmas Dinner & DisCO at Merton Hall, 76 Kingston Road, London SW19. Tel: 0181 542 3285.
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Santhiapilai Tiburtius - An Appreciation
It is a year since Santhiapillai Tiburtius passed away. Tiburtius popularly addressed Tibs was so dear to me that I have not recovered from the shock of his death. The first meeting I had with him was at his residence in Puloly West. I was introduced to him by a friend and colleague of his at Puloly Boys' High School, where he taught before leaving for Nigeria. My regard for him grew stronger as he always showed kindness to anyone who associated With him.
One day I solicited his help to extricate an innocent orphan who was mistakenly arrested during a state of emergency in this island. He was in the midst of a celebration but he, unconcerned about his own safety, willingly rendered assistance to the discomfiture of his invitees. Such a person has left us not at a ripe age but at Sixty four.
He was born in Myliddy and studied at St. Patricks College, Jaffna from where he gained admission to the University of Ceylon and obtained a science degree at an age that could have led him to the administrative service. He was not tempted by offers of executive posts either in the government or private sector and dedicated himself to the teaching service helping many a student to shine in a high position in Sri Lanka, Nigeria and other countries. He had a clear understanding of the subjects he taught. His post graduate studies in education enhanced his approach to teaching and his teaching methods had a distinctive quality. His sincerity to the welfare of his students gave him pleaSure at retirement.
continued on page 32

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32AMILTIMES
continued from page 31
Tibs was such a great man that in addition to his work in the Class room he took an active part in social work to uplift those in the poor working class to a better position in society, in the prime of his youth, he participated in politics as a member of the Communist Party and was a member of the Labour Party while in London. He had a good command of the English language, read widely and had a versatile mind. He was capable of conversing effectively and with ease on a range of topics. He was a keen sportsman, his interest and enthusiasm in games was infectious.
'Breathes there the man with Soulso dead, Who never to himself hath said This is my native land".
He thus left the shores of England to embrace his birthplace Sri Lanka.
He was witty, sociable, knowledgeable and above alla Compassionate person. He was born a Catholic, but did not identify with any particular religion. He married a Hindu science graduate teacher and they were blessed with three children, who are highly accomplished and amiable and are a credit to the parents.
His demise has created a vacuum, leaving all of us, his associates, his beloved wife and children in grief.
We pray for his soul to rest in peace.
R. Rudra, Advocate & Attorney at Law, Sri Lanka.
AUSTRALIAN NEWSLETTER
The Abaya Karam Organisation held its annual concert in aid of the Ramakrisna Mission Orphanages in Batticaloa and the Durgapuram Mahallir llam, Tellipallai at Bankstown Town Hall, Sydney on 17th October 1998. This year's concert was presented by the students of Thillai Nadanalaya School of Dance by its Director Smit Damayanthi Balaraju. The first half of the programme consisted of Pancha Nadai, a pure dance where the dancers performed to the rhythmic beats of the five drum syllables, a Shakthi dance and a composition which portayed the 108 Karanas or poses depicted in the renowned temples of India.
Dr. A. Balasubramanian, President of the organisation thanked Smt Balaraju and the audience for their support and announced that almost $18,000 had been collected from that day's concert and would be equally divided between both institutions. He said that 1998 was the sixth year of its existence and that it had sent during the last five years over $44,000 to Sri Lanka for Charitable Causes. He welcomed the presentation of the Dance Drama Mahabharatha'during the second half and stressed that though Mabhabharatha was an ancient epic, its morals and values were relevant to life today.
Swami Mukthiroopananda of the
Ramakrisna Mission visit to Sydney spc Swami Ranakris. Vivekananda and thi nodern times. He st ment of fellow being, than ritualistic worsh, The Dance Dra depicted the story Pandavas right up PandavaS over the was quite long, it we and the entire audie to the very end. Jaffna Ramanathar Association, Syd Cultural Show and 31st October 98 fort Fitzroy Center, Burw сөedings coтenc daily prayer by Sa Mrs. Kala Gunani f dent's speech by Mr. The guest speaker Arumachalan spo Ramanathan, the fou The cultural Sho| Jalatharangan by M ассотрапied by Suthanthirarai on Mi lowed by a Baratl Selvan Seran Sripal Sivapathasundaram. Sesvi Vaani Harich Sivapalakan and the Parameswaran propa The programme en Song followed by a V
The event was we girls, their families, ers of the college.
Vocal & Wee of A
Sishya a About six years ag at the London Muru dents of Mathini recital of Tannil Nirrmalananthan W pants. She sang Na maiyaa very comp. Ciation, Control of : point she missed th professional, she l over for a short pe
 

15 NOWEMBER 1998
Fiji who was on a e of the ideals of la and Swami relevance to life in issed that Our treatwas more important
la "Mahabharatha" on the birth of the the victory of the auravas. Though it of a high standard ce sat enthraled up
College Old Girls' ley: The Annual inner Were held on e second time at the od, Sydney, The prold with the college geetha Pooshanan lowed by the presi. . Punitham Pasupati. Mrs. Puwaneswary 'e about Sir P. nder of the college. V Connenced With iss Bhavani Mudallar Selvan Janakan uthangan. It was folanatyam recital by an and Selvi Rathika The comperes were andra and Sharmila I secretary Mrs. Jaya Seda vote of thanks. ded with the college egetarian lunch.
II attended by the old riends and well wish
na Arangetram husha
d her Gurus
attended a Concert an Temple, where stuiskandarajah gave a songs and Anusha s one of the particin oru vilayaatu bomently, with clear enunruthi and tala. At one
tala slightly, but like a the mirithangist take od before She contin
ued from where she let off. There was no panic and she was applauded for her presence of mind and Control of the situation, I commented at that time that this budding musician would have a good future.
Anusha had her dual arangetram at the Walthamstow Assembly Hall on 5th September 98 and demonstrated that she had matured into an accomplished artiste. She started the evening with the Navaraagamaaliga varnam which consists of eight parts in janya ragas of melakartas Sankarabaranam, Karaharapriya and Harikamboji and a part in melakarta ragar kalyani. Her ability to bring out the characteristics of the ragas in such a short piece was quite an achievement. This was fol. lowed by the Kirtanai Mahaganapathim in Nattai and then one of the pancharatna kirtanais Entharo Mahanubavulu by Saint Thyagaraja in Sree raga. She continued Mሃith Tannil kirtanas Thaaye Thripurasundhari in Suddha Saveri and Saravanabava ennum in Shanmugapriya. Enna thavam seythanai in Kaafi and Sree chakra raja, a ragamaliga were rendered very well. Then followed the lively thillana in Kathanakuthookalam composed by Balamurai Krishna. She concluded With a Thiruppugazh. Anusha Was obviously enjoying the evening and the spontanous applause from the audience showed that they too appreciated the concert.
I was impressed by Anusha's relaxed posture and control of the performance. She did not seem to be intimidated by the accompanying artistes L. Kothandapani, R. N. Prakash, Somasundara Desigar and Sithambaranathan who are leading exponents in their fields in the UK. Her pronunciation, control of pitch and rhythm were all of a high standard. Her Guru Mathini deserves praise for bringing out the musiCal talents of Anusha.
The second part of the arangetram (veena) was dominated by the Ragam - Thaanam-Pallavi in Kalyani which Anusha played with consummate ease. The other compositions played included Maathar madappidiyum in Afaana, Nagumomu in abheri, Maanasa Sancharare in Sama and a Kavadi Chindhu. Her vocal talent was revealed again when she accompanied herself on the veena with Kanda naal muthalaai in Madhuvanthi. The concert ended with the traditional mangalam. Her veena performance was faultless and enjoyed by all. Malini Thanabalasingam, her veena Guru, should be congratulated for all the efforts that had gone into Anusha's splendid performance.
I would commend the parents Dr. & Mrs. Ninalananthan for their efforts in encouraging British born Anusha to take up Carnatic music. I hope she will continue to learn this art diligently and inspire other youngsters to take an interest in it. The unlimited scope offered by Carnatic music should be exploited to the full by Anusha and I look forward to more performances by her.
Dr. C. Yogachandran

Page 33
15NOVEMBER 1998
Parthiban's Miruthanga Arangetram
& 8 綫:簽。錢:綫 At the age of 15, Parthiban Nagarajah, a GCSE student of 'The Haberdashers' Aske's School, gave a Miruthanga Arangetram performance to a packed audience in the Beck Theatre, Hayes on 29th August 1998. He had been learning Miruthangam from the well known Guru Sri R.N. Prakash. From a very young age, Parthiban had an aptitude for carnatic music and had learnt vocal music and the violin. He had his violinarangetram with his brother Nirshanthan two years ago. In addition to carnatic music, he also plays the Piano and Western Violin and is in the School orchestra. For such a multi talented prodigy music comes as a way of life.
The Arangetram which is in fact a graduation ceremony for the newly qualifying musician to assume professional standard for subsequent performances was planned with a balanced programme to enable Parthiban to exhibit his skill, knowledge and musical competence for public scrutiny. Maturity, experience and self confidence are the sine-qua-non for accompanying an eminent musician. Sri Balaji Shankar, who had rigorous training under Sangeetha Kalanidhi (late) D. K. Jayaraman and Sangeetha Kalanidhi D.K. Pattammal was invited to perform in this Arangetram, to enable Parthiban to accompany and prove his ability to the satisfaction of a demanding audience.
The concert commenced with 'Varnarn' to set the standard and tempo. Since Parthiban had acquired knowledge in carnatic vocal he had no difficulty in accompanying the famous artiste with ease and confidence. Dexterity in the use of fingers stimulates the Miruthangam to produce a rhythmic sound to support and synchronise with the musician's voice. Here Parthiban's role was commendable. In 'Dudukugala nanne dora" in Gowla Ragam, a Pancharatina Kriti, he demonstrated Conclusively his ability to accompany a top musician. Similarly the various songs chosen for the occasion gave Parthiban a chance to handle and exhibit in different Thalams such as Adi, Rupaka, Mishra Chapu and Kanda Chapu. After "Bhajare Re Chittha’ in Kalyani Ragam, the Thani Avarthanam played by Parthiban along With Sri R.R. Prathab or the Gadan Was commendable. Ragan, Thanan, Palawi was well done. The Concert ConCluded With
a Thilana and Thirupp derous applause.
Dr. John Wigley, the ( Staff of Parthiban's Sc best wishes of the staf his personal knowled four years he is behaved, polite and speaker and had passé tronics with an A, a obtained by less than congratulated Parthiba a young age and appl and encouragement O Mrs. Nagarajah. Dr. guest of honour anc Guru referred to the CC he played the Miruthat ing the rhythm and tha player while play Avathanam. She C. Prakash for his pain. dedication in training high standard. Parthib; Muthu Sivarajah was spoke very highly of hi
Parthiban's brother panied on the violin a Maithili, Parthiban's ) rently learning vocal Bharathanatyam acc Thambura and conve) the mutual support all the members of the fa
An excellent evening with a word of praise formance.
Nala Dhan A Dance
Every year around Au art lovers in London a of arangetrams. The be used as Social oC and greeting and at are far from satisfac arangetrams it was a part of the Luxmi Art ( length Dance Drama,
to a packed audience On 5.9.98 with a C dancers. Although the and has been produce by various teachers,
Kalakshetra style wa refreshing, The maj dancers who had g Centre. Although all t parts well, special mer
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TA' TES 333
ugal amidst a thun
2hief Guest fron the :hool conveyed the fand Said thaf fronn je of Parthiban for hardworking, well a confident public dhis GCSE in eleCdifficult grade only 4% of students. He n's success at Such eciated the support f his parents Dr. & .akshmi Jayan, the | Parthiban's violin infidence with which ngan and his enjoyar With the Gadan ing the “Thani ongratulated Guru staking efforts and Parthiban to such a an's former Guru Sri honoured and he s performance. VirShanthan aCCOnind eleven year Old founger sister, curmusic, veena and 'ompanied on the ved to the audience nd solidarity among mily.
leaving everybody for Parthiban's per
Dr. S. Dandapani.
nayanthi
Drama
gust and September, 're treated to a feast arangetrams tend to casions for meeting times the standards 2tory. Amidst these bold venture on the 2entre to stage a full “Nala - Dhamayanthi” at the Beck Theatre ast of nearly fifty story is well known das a Dance Drama
this version in the s very creative and in characters Were Iraduated from the he dancers did their tion should be made
of Natasha Karunakaran as Nala for her bhava, Shobana Balaratnam as Dhamayanthi for her grace and Suresh Swarminathan as Sanis Waran for his vigour.
The choreography and Nattuvangam was by Smit Selvalluxmy Ramakrishnan, the director of the Art Centre, the music Conposition and vocal was by Smt Ambika Thamotheram and the other accompanists were Mridangam - Sri S.K. Bhavani Shankar, Violin - Sri B.K. Chandrasekar, Veena - Smt fenuka Sriananda and Sitar & Tabla - Sri Sarangan Sri Ranganathan. The programme was presented by Sri K. Sanguhan.
On the whole it was an entertaining evening and let us hope that there will be many more Dance Dramas produced by other institutions as well in the future.
Deepa.
Can Anyone of you help us!
The whereabouts of Our dearest daughter Pragashini Paramesh (also known as Kanna) whose photograph appears above and who travelled from London City Airport and landed at 9.30pm on 21.10.98 at Munchen Gladbach Airport in Germany are unknown and driven us to great anxiety and distress. She had no boy friends and had no intentions of marriage and was only worried during the last two years that she had not secured employment in keeping with her educational qualifications. We are musicians from Trincomalee in Sri Lanka and are resident in Germany. We shall be immensely grateful for any information about hef to our address or telephone number or that of the German police. Mr. M.P. Paramesh & Mrs. Paramesh, Post Fach 1135, 41352 Korschenbroich, i,
Germany. Our Tell, NOS, 02161 895561 8 02161 894768 German Poice el. Nos. 02161 292544 8, 02161 292521.
Malini

Page 34
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