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Vol XVIII No. 7 ISSN 0286-4488 15
 

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laiser, 1971, from "A ri. Ngainst War"

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15 JULY 1999
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it."
-Voltaire:
Tanill
TIMES
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XVIII No. 7 15 JULY 1999
Published by:
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Executive Presidency 03 Grave Probe Resumed 04 Violence at Protest March 05 GMOA and Devedlution 06
Humanitarian Crisis O7 LTTE Tightens Grip O7 Ethnic Quotas Urged 08 Transparency 09
Toture Despite Reforms 09 The Ghosts of Chemmani 13 Ouestions for the Generals 16 Abolishing Ex. Presidency 18 The Boring Peace Process 19 Kargil: A Pakistani View 21
Politics of the DMK 22 Caste Politics 24 Mervyn de Silva 27
Classified 30
We witnes One would ha violence again art under the p characterised Executive Pre days when the Owned media, fence of press those in powe The Contex demonstration the governme. Executive Pres security forces testers, particu journalists and the force and \
AS for the enormity and b in during 1988 want to revisit. by political viol have subjecte ship. Neither p engaged in an The UNP ir that office usec UNP is Still no ures are contin It is therefore ticipate in a de that the govert coming from th has already pla stitution makin Had the UNP Executive Pre: tory. It is the government's ( lution of power
it is on the Crastination an things at differ often the need very little to ofi proposals put them as inade failed to prese It was duri escalated out ( Operation and community in t - PA and UNP least that the its support to C
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 3
tive Presidency & the UNP
sed on July 15 violent scenes on the streets of Colombo. ve thought that such scenes were a thing of the past when st political opponents was developed and practised as a fine revious regime and when institutionalised political violence the entire political and social landscape of Sri Lanka under sidency of Jayawardene and Premadasa. Those were the present day paragons of press freedom from the privatelyeither due to fear or favour, displayed their eloquent defreedom by their abject silence or by singing the praises of
tin which the recent violent incidents occurred was during a organised mainly by the UNP and the JVP protesting against nt's failure to implement its election pledge to abolish the sidential system. The government's conduct in permitting its to deploy excessive and indiscriminate force against prolarly against journalists, is deplorable to say the least. The civil rights organisations have vehemently protested against fiolence used on this occasion. JNP and the JVP, they are protesting too much. The sheer arbarity of the terror and counter-terror both parties indulged -90 is an experience that the people of Sri Lanka would not The UNP installed a virtual presidential dictatorship backed ence. If the JVP had not been vanquished, it would certainly d the country and its people to a Pol-Potist brutal dictatorparty has Confessed to its past sins nor has either of them y self-criticism. stalled the Executive Presidency. Its leaders who occupied } and abused their enormous powers with a vengeance. The t committed to its abolition. Some of the party's leading fig uing to articulate the merit of retaining Executive Presidency. hypocritical in the extreme for the UNPto organise and par:monstration demanding its abolition merely on the charge ment had not fulfilled its election pledge. Even that charge he UNP is farcical. True to its commitment, the government aced before the public and Parliament a draft of a new cong provision for the abolition of the Executive Presidency. xtended its support, by now the 1978 Constitution and the sidency would have been consigned to the dustbin of hisJNP which has for the last two to three years thwarted the constitutional reform effort which include proposals for devos to regional Councils. issue of devolution that the UNP has been engaged in prod prevarication playing silly political games saying different 2nt times to different people. The UNP leader repeats very to talk to the LTTE. Very few doubt that need. But he has er to the LTTE. He and his party cannot agree even to the forward by the government - which the LTTE has rejected Juate - on the ground that they go too far. They have so far it a viable alternative. ng the UNP's previous 18-year rule that the ethnic conflict of control. Its present leadership has a duty to extend its cosupport to resolve that conflict. The leaders of the business he country are presently engaged in promoting a bipartisan - approach and consensus to resolve the ethnic crisis. The NP leadership can do is to honestly and genuinely extend reating such a Consensus.

Page 4
4 TAM TIMES
| Chemmani G
ProbeResum
T he inquiry into the alleged surreptitious burial of persons in Chem-mani in northern Jaffna resumed on 15 July in the Magistrate's Court of Jaffna before District Judge of Mannar and Additional Magistrate Jaffna, M. Elanchelian.
Having considered the submission of the counsel for the Attorney General and counsel for the aggrieved parties, the Magistrate accepted the schedule submitted by the prosecuting counsel relating to criminal and forensic investigations.
The hearing will resume inquiry on 30 August enabling court to direct all convicts of the Krishanthi Kumaraswamy rape and murder case to point out the locations of the alleged grave sites in Chemmani. Subsequently excavation work would commence on the 6 of September and field work is expected to be completed prior to the onset of the second inter-monsoon in the peninsula expected in early October.
The following are excerpts from the submission made by the Prosecuting Counsel, State Counsel Yasantha Kodagoda in court which contains the findings of the pilot phase of the investigation and also the further investigation plan:
Pursuant to the Judicial Order obtained from Your Honour's Court, and based on information obtained from Prisoner Somaratne Rajapakse, Professor Niriellage Chandrasiri and six other Judicial Medical Officers excavated a site in Chemimani, Jaffna Situated at 44P0396781 and UTM 1068516. The excavation work commenced around noon on the l6th of June 1999, and was concluded soon after noon on the 17th of June 1999. On the 17th of June 1999, around noon, two, virtually complete sets of human skeletal remains were exhumed from the relevant grave site.
On the 18th of J sets of human ske the personal effects the remains were s sons. Out of the sai Kumar Shanthi id sonal effects found human skeletal ren the stage of exhuma as that of her husb Kumar.
Mahendran Van waran Rita identifie fects found with t skeletal remains lab as that of their bro Babu. Suppiah Rav the identification o fects of Mahendran Having taken ir all the relevant ma Niriellage Chandras a "provisional findi fication of the two se etal remains. Accor sional opinion, thes etal remains that 'body l, belongs to “Rasia Sathis Kuma set of human skele were labelled as “bo a person named "M (male).
However, Prof Chandrasiri has ir would be necessary to perform "Mitocol ysis” in order to arri the identification c scientific certainty. en to conduct there Professor Niriel has expressed the o) Sathis Kumar had d severe brain injury r or more blows give1 a heavy club. Accor N. Chandrasiri, the death of Mahendra
 

une 1999, the two etal remains and
found alongside hown to six perd persons, Sathis entified the perwith the set of lains labelled (at tion) as "body l', and Rasia Sathis
itha and Sivanesdthe personal efhe set of human elled as 'body 2, other Mahendran i also assisted in f the personal ef
Babu. to consideration iterial, Professor siri has arrived at ng” on the identits of human skelding to his proviet of human skelwere labelled as a person named r' (male), and the :tal remains that dy 2”, belongs to (ahendran Babu”
2ssor Niriellage dicated that, it n the instant case drial DNA analye at a finding on f the dead, to a Steps will be taklevant tests. lage Chandrasiri inion that, Rasia ied as a result of sulting from one to the head with ding to Professor exact cause of Babu cannot be
15 JULY 1999
determined based on the presently available material. However, he has expressed the opinion that the possible' cause and manner of death is due to a blow on the left side of the face over the left zygomatic arch.
The personal effects referred to above, were forwarded to the Additional Government Analyst Mr. M. A. J. Mendis, for further forensic examination. It was so done, after Professor N. Chandrasiri examined the said productions in his Forensic Laboratory in Galle.
The earlier mentioned Forensic Examinations were conducted both in Chemmani, Jaffna, and in the Forensic Laboratory of Professor Niriellage Chandrasiri, observed by five foreign observers. Three of the observers were Forensic Scientists. Amnesty International, Asia Foundation and Physicians for Human Rights were represented. Observations received so far have been complimentary in nature, and the Observers have not yet commented negatively on the conduct of the local Forensic Investigators or regarding the procedures adopted by the Forensic Investigators. Further, the foreign Observers have not in any way commented adversely on the integrity or the competency of the local Forensic Experts.
Having considered the available material collected in the course of the relevant Criminal Investigation and the findings of the Forensic Examinations, there is material to conclude that the aforementioned deceased had died as a result of offences being committed on them. In the circumstances, it is respectfully submitted that criminal investigations will be conducted in order to ascertain the nature of the offence(s) committed on the aforementioned deceased persons, and the identity of the persons responsible for the commissioning of the relevant offence(s). These steps would be taken with the view to instituting criminal proceedings against the perpetrators of those offences.
Future Investigations
It has been planned to immediately continue Criminal and Foren

Page 5
5 JULY 1999
sic Investigations into the revelations made by Prisoner Somaratne Rajapakse. Such investigations will be conducted, with the primary objective of ascertaining whether further human skeletal remains have been Surreptitiously and illegally buried in Chemmani, and if so to scientifically exhume the relevant remains, with the view to conducting criminal investigations.
I wish to explain the primary features of the intended investigations, along with a possible time frame according to which each step of the investigation would be carried out.
16th July 1999 to the 11th August 1999- Interviewing and recording the statements of persons who may be acquainted with facts pertaining to the alleged disappearance of persons, wrongful detention ofpersons, torture of detainees, murder of persons in detention and surreptitious and illegal burial of murdered persons.
20th July 1999 to the 11th August 1999- Interviewing and recording the statements of persons who may have been involved in or concerned in the commissioning of offences.
26th July 1999 to the 28th July 1999- Interviewing and recording the Statement of Prisoner Somaratne Rajapakse.
29th July 1999 to the 30th July 1999- Interviewing and recording the Statement of Prisoner Dissanayake Mudiyanselage Jaya-thileka.
2nd August 1999 to the 4th August 1999 - Interviewing and recording the Statement of Prisoner Gunasekerage Pradeep Priyadharshana.
5th August 1999 to the 6th August 1999 - Interviewing and recording the Statement of Prisoner J. Mudiyanselage Jayas-inghe.
9th August 1999 to the 11th August 1999- Interviewing and recording the Statement of Prisoner A. Suranjith Priyashantha Perera.
12th August 1999 to the 17th August 1999 - Studying of the contents of the statements made by all the prisoners, by the Criminal and Forensic Investigators. This step is necessary for the Investigators to identify the
following informa (a) Extent ofth graves are situa (b) Total nur whose remains the relevant are (c) Extent of th necessary for t (d) Logistical r
30th August 19 tember 1999 - Ge1 to individually poi Magistrate and the locations of all the
ViC
Widespread vi during the demon by the main opp United National P Janatha Vimukthi I 15 July protesting of the Governmen tion pledge to abo Presidential systen Police set up 1 tear-gas and bator strators who tried into the capital's n ded high security Z ple Trees”, the Pres residence are locat sons were hurt an treatment althoug cally injured. Amc the police violence nalists covering tl The violence direc ists in particular ha gry reaction from 1 organisations incl Guild and the Free
Since the viole the government a UNP have charged leashing the violer Government p( cused the UNP off lence by staging an permitting its “thug lice with stone and

tion: eland in which the ated; mber of persons may be found in ca, e support services he investigation; equirements.
99 to the 1st Septting the prisoners int out to the Hon. : Investigators, the 2 graves in Chem
TAM TIMES 5
mani and Ariyalai.
30th August 1999 to the 3rd of September 1999 - Preparatory field work.
6th September to the 30th of September 1999 - Exhumation.
It is the intention of the Criminal and Forensic Investigators to complete the exhumation of skeletal remains prior to the onset of the 2nd Inter Monsoon in the Northern Peninsula. According to predictions made by the Department of Meteorology, the 2nd inter-Monsoon is not expected prior to the end of September.
blence Confronts Protest March
olence broke out stration organised
osition party, the
arty(UNP) and the Peramuna(JVP) on against the failure t to keep its eleclish the Executive n of government. oad-blocks, used l-charged demonto storm their way nost heavily guarone where “Temidential office and ed. At least 30 perd needed hospital h none was critiong the victims of * were many jourhe demonstration. ted at the journalis provoked an anihe island's media uding the Editors' Media Movement. int incidents, both nd the opposition each other of un
C. oliticians have acprovoking the vioillegal march and s” to attack the poother objects. By
directing the demonstrators towards Temple Trees, the organisers were not only provoking but also inviting a violent response from the police, said a cabinet minister.
On the other hand, the UNP has accused the government of deploying personnel from the Presidential Security Division, some of whom were allegedly in civilian attire, to unleash violence against the protest
EITS.
Independent commentators have placed blame on both the government and the opposition UNP and the JVP who organised the march. The government has been blamed by them for either ordering or permitting the use of excessive force disproportionate to the risk posed by the demonstrators. They characterised the violence deployed as indiscriminate in as much as journalists who were performing their normal professional duty were also attacked. They also said there was reason to believe that the UNP had ulterior motives to provoke a violent incident of this nature at this time when the Government is said to be preparingfor the holding of the Presidential election sometime after September this year. They also doubt the good intention of the UNP in organising and participating in a march
(continued on next page)

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6 TAMILTIMES
The recent strike by Sri Lankan government doctors led by the Government Medical Officers Association that crippled the island's medical services except for some emergency services in hospitals has triggered off a wider debate - the right of the doctors to pursue what they regard as a legitimate demand by strike action, the right of the public to obtain uninterrupted health service, and above all the right of the Provincial Councils established under the country's constitution to exercise its functions in accordance with the law as it stands.
Some 4,500 doctors in hundreds of state-run hospitals began the strike on June 14 to protest against efforts to give Provincial Councils control over health services. The doctors' case is that control of the health services at the provincial level would lead to political influence and favouritism.
Beyond the immediate problem faced by the public in regard to their health care was the larger constitution and political issue of delimiting powers in a unitary State between the Central government and the Provin
(continued from page 5) demanding the abolition of the Executive Presidency when in fact it was the UNP when it was in power which installed the Executive Presidency and its policy continues to be its retention.
They also say that the UNP knew that they had to obtain a police permit to hold a public demonstration, but it chose not to and organised an illegal demonstration. Secondly they knew they would be stopped if the march proceeded into the country's most highly protected security zone, but they proceeded to deliberately provoke a confrontation with the security forces.
Some have expressed fears that the violent incidents on 15 July constitutes only a dry-run and a foretaste of the violence that may possibly characterise the forthcoming elections.
cial Councils to wh health services ha under the 13th Amé land’s constitution. doctors union was result of a recent in vincial Chief Minis PC’s powers of sel for provincial hosp
Up to now the that the Public Serv selected the doctor appointment, with from the province panel. The names \ mended to the Gov appointment. On practice, the CM of ern Province was able interim injunct Appeal.
While the CM h Vincial Councils A. his action, the doct manding continuati trol over provincial accordance with a decision. The docto tions be made at th ensure that there w; terference in appoi Whatever the m case, the strike was of the constitutio devolution of powe cial Councils under ment and mainten hospitals, and “pu ices' is a devolved
After two weeks pended the strike services have bee when it launched th big gamble. Firstly mous public resent The public did not “well-healed and a enjoying many pe right to engage in practice while also d ries from the publi the medical service hospitals and putti at risk.
Secondly, there with which the gove
 

15 JULY 1999
TION
ich the subject of S been devolved endment to the isThe strike by the precipitated as a nitiative by a Proter to exercise the ection of doctors itals. practice has been ices Commission s for island-wide a representative included in the were then recomfernor for formal challenging the the North Westgranted a favourtion by a Court of
as taken the Proct as the basis for ors have been deon ofCentral conmedical posts in in earlier Cabinet rs want the selece Central level to as no political inhtmentS. erit of the doctor’s aimed at the heart nally established ers to the Provinwhich "establishance” of public blic health servmatter. , the GMOA susand the medical in restored. But le strike, it took a it provoked enortment and anger. take kindly to the affluent doctors' ks including the lucrative private Irawing their salac purse crippling is and paralysing ng patients' lives
was no remedy rnment could re
spond to meet the striking doctors' demands because the government was bound by the constitutional provisions and to add to that a court order.
The government's position was complicated by the fact that in March this year buckling under pressure from the GMOA the government had approved a national health policy that provided for the retention of the power of appointment, promotion and transfer of medical personnel with the central government. The policy was under implementation when a provincial council challenged its right to appoint doctors and medical staff in the province in court, and got a stay order on further appointmentS.
Faced with rising public anger in the face of a looming health crisis, the government declared the health service "an essential service' which automatically declared the strike led by the GMOA illegal.
When the doctors continued with their illegal strike, a Colombo judge ordered the arrest of senior officials of the GMOA following a public interest petition filed by a group of lawyers. The lawyers argued that since health was declared an essential service by the government and the strike banned, the public had a right to medical services.
"Trade unions don't have the freedom of the wild ass. The public has a right to services,' was the comment of many observers.
"This has raised some interesting issues vis-a-vis the rights of trade unions and the public,” said Dr. Pakia-sothy Saravamuttu, executive director of the Center for Policy Alternatives (CPA), which is supportive of public interest litigation. He said ordinary citizens were increasingly exercising fun-da-mental rights issues through petitions in courts. Earlier this year, two members of the Center in their private capacity challenged the postponement of proVincial council elections saying their right to exercise their vote had been violated. The Supreme Court agre-ed with their view and ordered the Elections Commissioner to hold the polls, put off by the government last year on security grounds. O

Page 7
15 JULY 1999
Aid agencies have warned of a potential humanitarian crisis in the territory held by Tamil Tigers because the area has been completely cut off from the rest of Sri Lanka for the past severalweeks. The Government and the Tigers have so far failed to agree on conditions for opening up a new road link between the two areas they control.
Food and medical supplies are reported to be running low in the area under the control of the LTTE, known as the Wanni. Government officials in the Mullaitivu district say they have no more flour, sugar and milk powder and that kerosene is also in very short supply.
"Government representatives in the Wanni have told us their food stocks in the area are more or less finished and no aid agencies can cross the lines to help out with food or drugs,” the head of the Red Cross in Sri Lanka, Max Hadorn, said.
There are reported to be more than 80 patients waiting to be transferred from the Wanni to the hospital in the government-held town of Vavuniya. Officials have warned some of them could die without the necessary operations and treatment.
Fighting between the army and Tigers has made the earlier crossing points unsafe for civilian traffic and the road was closed at the end of last month. The proposed route from the town of Mankulam, which was captured by the army last year, proceeds north into the Tamil Tiger area along the main road that leads to the Jaffna peninsula.
The army has proposed a 5km civilian security zone on the proposed route, which it says would "avoid or minimise confrontations that will cause severe hardship to civilians'.
The Tigers have said the no-man's land should be just 250 metres long. Their leaders claim that withdrawing several kilometres back from its present entrenched positions to create a demilitarised zone might encourage the army to embark on a new adventure to move forward along the road.
The Red Cross, which is mediating between the two sides, has called for a quick solution because of the humanitarian situation.
But as yet there is little sign of any
{2aSO (Imamafar
compromise. Both the other of causin ing. Conditions ir is home to tens oft displaced by fighti rural area with few employment. Man, dependent on go which come in alor south. The road clo ernment convoys a businessmen have
Meanwhile, the 25,000 people of Manthai AGA div said to be very dist displaced during th tary operations in
1500 of them who
Pro-government fits, like the militar TELO, EPDP, and
(Razeek), are ci nting pressure from ing to Iqbal Athas, c ent of"The Sunday the Directorate of I (DII) as saying tha such outfits had qu in recent times. Gi Mr Athas states t Jaffna peninsula, 1 40 in Batticaloa.
In its broadcast Tigers” in June, th edly asked the cad to quitandeitherjo turn to their famili PLOTE political le few would actually they would only b front lines to be sl res seemed to have call seriously. As r to join the Tigers.
Acting as a ca military wing chie call to his lower LTTE. Having Manickathasan hin try. The rumour is turn. Only recently
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 7
sides have accused g deliberate sufferthe Wanni, which housands of people ng, are harsh. It is a
facilities and little y of the people are vernment rations g the road from the sure means the govnd trade by private stopped.
condition of about 12 villages in the ision in Mannar is ressing. They were e Ranagosa IV miliVidathaltivu. Some managed to get to
mannar Town have related the distressing conditions of those people. They are said to be staying in Churches and open spaces in Monndrampiddy and Vellankulam villages with no relief and assistance, whatsoever, reaching them. They desperately need drinking water, food and medicines which even the NGOs are unable to provide them with because all access routes remain blocked.
About 1500 people of Vanni who came to Vavuniya for various purposes before the 'Ranagosa IV' military operations started on June 18 in Pappamoddai, Mannar, are now stranded in Vavuniya. About a hundred of them crowded up at the Vavuniya Secretariat last Friday and explained their plight. They appealed to Vavuniya GA K. Ganesh to help them in getting back to their homes. These people are said to be facing hardships for want of food and sheter. O
TE Tightens Grip
tTamil military outy wings of PLOTE,
EPRLF racking under mouthe LTTE, accorddefence correspondTimes', who quotes nternal Intelligence ut 79 persons from it to join the LTTE ving the break-up, hat 24 quit in the 5 in Vavuniya, and
over the “Voice of 2 LTTE had repeatres of these groups in the LTTE or "rees”. While a senior :ader believed that join the LTTE, as : dispatched to the aughtered, the cad
taken the LTTE's hany as 17 had left
alyst was PLOTE f Manickathasan's cadres to join the made the call, self left the counhat he may notre, the LTTE flexed
its muscles by bumping off Bhaskaran, a top PLOTE military leader, with a claymore mine.
PLOTE has been having problems with the army for sometime now. Informed sources in Vavuniya say that PLOTE cadres have ceased to man the army?s Forward Defence Lines (FDLs) for there is a suspicion that these cadres, instead of preventing infiltration of the LTTE, were enabling it.
The army had to take punitive measures when PLOTE Went out of hand extorting money from the people, killing opponents and not doing its assigned anti-LTTE role. As many as 24 civilians were killed by PLOTE this year in Vavuniya, says a source there. On the same subject, DB SJeyaraj, in one of his recent columns wrote, “The LTTE has launched another tactical campaign. It seeks to destroy all vestiges of a civil administration in the Government-controlled areas of the north and east. It has stepped up attacks against the Army in the peninsula. It has killed several recently elected members of the local authorities. Besides, it enforced a boycott of government of fices by government employees for two days in a week. This paralysed government institutions. The boycott, which was the result of a mere warning, illus

Page 8
TAMILTIMES
trated the LTTE's hegemony over the Tamil people. After proving their point the Tigers suspended the boycott.
The LTTE also issued a stern appeal to rival Tamil groups, after killing Razeek, the leader of the Razeek Group, in Batticaloa. It called upon their members to redeem themselves by joining the LTTE. They would be forgiven if they did so now, and hereafter there would be no further opportunities, the Tigers stated. This resulted in a considerable number of members of smaller organisations joining the LTTE ranks. The military commander of the
People's Liberatio Tamil Eelam (PLO openly asked his co LTTE and then left turbed by this deve has been disarming sations aligned to it "In another cont LTTE has embarke in Batticaloa distr Province. It has co to the five memb elected from the should not meet th attend public funct
Package Before Parli in September?
It is reported that the Government is expected to present in Parliament in September later this year a new draft Constitution which will provide for the abolition of the Executive Presidency and devolution of powers to Regional Councils provided a consensus between the ruling Peoples Alliance and the UNP has been reached by then. Both parties have also agreed that the consent of the minority parties should also be obtained.
Promoted by leaders of Sri Lanka's business community, two rounds of talks have already taken place between the delegations of the PA and the UNP. Both sides were agreed that "silent diplomacy” should be the order of the day at these consultations which took place in parliament with only Mr. Lalith Kotelawela, the business leaders' coordinator, representing the business community.
Kotelawela at the meeting suggested that he would like to take the proposals emerging from these consultations to the LTTE. Both Prof. G. L. Peiris and Mr. A. C. S. Hameed made it clear that this would only be possible with President Kumaratunga’s and Mr. Ranil Wickramesinghe's concur
eCe,
The PA delegation to last meeting was led by Prof. Peiris and comprised Governors Neville Kanakaratne and K. Vignarajah. Minister M. H. M. Ashraff who was due to participate was not present.
The UNP delegation was led by Mr. Hameed, Messrs. K. N. Choksy, D. M.
Swaminathan and Kodituwakku (for who is abroad) were
The businessme prised Messrs. Kote dra, Nigel Austin a
Prof. Pieris is rei tified the vital issue ture of the state, the and land. Mr. Chok portance ofa conse state will be a unio posed by the PA in age or a continuati cept of the unitary constitutional powe to the provincial cc
Mr. Hameed as
Port Developm and Reconstruction Ashraffis urging sp for minorities in pl ment and strongly quota.
"The main iss should address i whether the ethnic fends the constituti system is a healthy Lankan political co is in the affirmativ is not to drop the e but to amend the CC be unfortunate and to look at the quest

15 JULY 1999
n Organisation of TE), Manickadasan leagues to join the for Singapore. Perlopment, the Army many ofthe organi
roversial move, the d upon a stratagem ict of the Eastern Inveyed a message ers of Parliament district that they (eir constituents or ions in the future.
These MPs comprise Pararajasingham, Selvarajah and Thurairajasingham of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), Ali Zahir Moullana of the United National Party (UNP) and Hizbullah of the Muslim Congress, a Deputy Minister. All of them took the warning seriously and returned to Colombo after cancelling all their engagementS.
Later the Tigers made a publicannouncement that no one should participate in government functions or invite politicians for functions of a private nature.'
ament
Mr. Karunasena Mr. Ronnie de Mel the other delegates. n's delegation comlawela, Ken Balennd Lyn Fernando. ported to have idens to include the naunit of devolution sy stressed the imnsus on whether the n of regions as proits devolution packon of present constate with certain rs devolved directly uncils. sked that the basic
issues of the nature of the state and the unit of devolution be taken up first.
Following the meeting of the delegations on 15 July, a press release stated: "The delegations agreed that discussions would continue with a view to arriving at a consensus on the constitutional proposals.
"The following were identified as the core requirements:
1. That the fundamental issues be addressed; 2. That agreement be reached on these issues between the PA and the UNP;3. That the proposals, as agreed upon between the PA and the UNP, be acceptable to the minorities.
"It was agreed that, once these requirements are satisfied, the Government would prepare legislation for submission to Parliament as rapidly as possible.
"One of the features of this legislation, in the form of the draft constitutional document, would be the abolition of the Executive Presidency.”
raf for Ethnic Ouotas
ent, Rehabilitation Minister M. H. M. ecial consideration blic sector recruitbacking an ethnic
le that the cabinet is mind to is not : quota system of on but whether this feature in todays Sri ntext. If the answer e, then the remedy thnic quota system nstitution. It would counter-productive ion from the oppo
site point of view," Ashraffhas said in a cabinet memorandum.
He has pointed out that in the Indian constitution there is special provision accommodating special categories of people such as members of scheduled castes. "This applies to recruitment even to the Indian Administrative Service.'
He has expressed his disagreement with a joint report by the Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration, Home Affairs and Plantation Industries and the Attorney General on "National policy for recruitment to the public service, provincial public service and

Page 9
15 JULY 1999
the public corporate sector - ethnic quota system."
The minister who has drawn attention to Supreme Court determination that held that "applying ethnic quota for promotions was unconstitutional,' has said that this decision flowed from the Attorney-General's thinking on the
subject.
ʻIt must be bor the opinion of the who felt that the eth ment would violate sions of the Constit Supreme Court co decision,' he has
Rs.345m for Jaffna Pri
The international community since 1996 has provided Rs. 345 million for projects in the peninsula, according to Resettlement and Rehabilitation Authority of the North RRAN) officials.
The international community with the assistance of the RRAN had so far implemented 306 projects worth approximately Rs 345 million. Another 135 projects worth about Rs. 128 million are being implemented within the peninsula.
India, France, Netherlands, Germany and British governments had supported Jaffna projects. Some of the assistance had been channelled through
international NGO ernment agencié UNOPS, ECHO, O UNICEF, SIDA, A NORAD and USA
RRAN said th; 1998 period 62 a. worth Rs 325 mill But so far only 43 103 million had be remaining are be: RRAN official sai
Completed ar projects cover indu man settlement, e ture, transport and
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le in mind that it is
Attorney-General nic quota at recruitthe equality proviution that led to the ming to the same said.
BES
s and various govs, GTZ, UNDP, DA (UK), UNHCR, usAid, CIDA, FAO,
D. at within the 1996gricultural projects ion were approved. projects worth Rs en completed. "The ng implemented,”
. ld ongoing Jaffna stries and trade, huconomic infrastrucsocial infrastructure.
Under these, hospitals had been rehabilitated. The restoration of electricity to thousands of people is perhaps one of the most important jobs we have done, the official said. According to RRAN, the Ceylon Electricity Board CEB) has provided 24 hour supply for l 6,936 consumers. Another 8,056 consumers have been given power but on alternate days. However, the peninsula is still not connected to the main grid and depends on generators, some of which supplied by the British government.
Last month the LTTE blew up a generator at Mirusu vil in the Chavakachcheri area. Officials admit that they have been able to provide electricity to only a small percentage of the total requirement.
Apart from the funds provided by the international community, the government, since the middle of 1996 to 1998 had spent Rs. 4,143 million for rehabilitation, reconstruction and food relief. Of this amount, about Rs 3,500 million had been spent on food relief provided through the Commissioner General of Essential Services.
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Page 10
O AMTIMES
Governments Urged
Transparent and Acco
ifty years or more of freedom have F not made South Asia's governments more transparent or accountable. Instead they cling to a policy of confidentiality on official information inherited from British colonialists, human rights activists declared following a meeting held at Dhaka recently.
The region's more than one billion people are denied the basic right to know the details of government policies which affect their lives and Survival. Far from being a transparent government, there is a wall between the democratically-elected rulers and the ruled, resulting in the people's exclusion from decision-making processes.
“The secrecy of government that we inherited during colonialism still continues, and the large section of the poor continue to suffer because of a lack of information,” declared former Bangladeshi foreign minister Kamal Hossain. "There can be no effective accountability... unless the people have the right to information,” he asserted at a three-day work-shop on the "Right to Information in South Asia,” organised by the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative.
The time has come to challenge the "culture of silence” that prevails among governments in the region, speaker after speaker from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh said.
Deepika Udagama, a lecturer in human rights at Colombo's law faculty, said the Sri Lankan experience of democracy has been restricted to participation in elections. But that is changing, she added. "Now there is talk of direct participation; now the people want to know what is happening in their governments.”
In the region, only two countries have responded to a grass-roots demand for the conceding of the "right to information' - India and Pakistan. In both cases, however, the government bills still have to be approved by their law-making bodies.
The Indian bill, for instance, titled the Freedom of Information Bill, 1997, guarantees every citizen the right to "secure access to information under the control of public authorities, consistent with public interest, in order to pro
mote openness, tra countability.”
It was drafted f lic pressure for op non-governmental ( the Rajasthan-based ers group called Shakti Sangathan | years ago, villagers bone of the MKSS ing for a "social manded a scrutiny spent for developm cils. Raising slogar formation; a Righ "Our Money; Our lagers numbering forced open the fi had been closed to “We have forc to be accountable. usudan Mistry, an said the struggle government progral ing. Previously, bu ticians stonewalled programs, the full di not known to peopl could not be challe Interestingly th tion demand has marginalised sectio region's countries those below the po poor, make up a larg lation. Yet since ir
Despite severa recent years by th ture continues to n man rights record. tional said in a repo titled “SRI LANK CUSTODY'.
Torture by thes ported almost dail their ongoing arme Liberation Tiger (LTTE), who are f pendent state, Eela east. The LTTE ha sible for torture. B
 

nsparency and ac
ollowing huge pubenness created by organisations led by workers and farmMazdoor Kisaan (MKSS). Begun 10 who form the backstarted campaignaudit,' which de1 on the monies ent by village counis like "Right to int to Survive' and Accounts,” the vilin their thousands nancial books that
them. ed the government ,” declared MadhNGO activist who for transparency in ms has been rewardreaucrats and poli| and dawdled over etails of which were e, saying their work nged. e ‘right to informabeen voiced by the ns ofpeople in the . In South Asia, verty line, the rural ger slice of the populdependence in the
15 JULY 1999
late 1940s, the effects of development have hardly trickled in their direction. For decades they have stagnated, unaware of the money and the benefits due their way.
Said the New Delhi-based Commonwealth Human Rights Initia-tive's director Maja Daruwala: "This right is vital to the poor of our region. They will be the actual beneficiaries.' Groups like hers would like to see the government give access to records of proceedings and meeting, copies of decisions, rules and notices, copies of entries in government registers, copies of accounts, of maps, of drawings and of work sites.
If enacted into law by their governments, South Asia would be complying with Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, which states: "Everyone has a right to freedom of opinion and expression; This right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek receive and impart in-formation and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”
In addition, the Commonwealth Law Ministers conference in Barbados in 1990 had declared: "Public participation in the democratic and governmental process was at its most meaningful when citizens had adequate ac-, cess to official information.' But the process of putting this "right' in statute books looks set to be an arduous one. Activists at the meeting agreed that one stumbling block before them is the “Official Secrets Act,' another legacy of colonial rule.
l positive steps in e Government, tormar Sri Lanka’s hu, Amnesty Internart released on 1 June A: TORTURE IN
security forces is rey in the context of ed conflict with the s of Tamil Eelam ighting for an indeim, in the north and s also been responut the problem ex
Prevais, este Reforms
tends to routine policing, with police officers regularly torturing criminal suspects and people detained in relation to local disputes.
"Sri Lanka has shown some commitment to eradicating torture - a real achievement given the country's ongoing conflict,” Amnesty International said. "However, the fact that torture continues to be reported frequently means there is still a long way to go before changes in the law lead to changes on the ground.”
In spite of existing legal safeguards, torture continues to be committed with

Page 11
15 JULY 1999
relative impunity. Only a handful of cases against police officers are reportedly pending in the courts, and so far no one has been convicted for torture. "The recent landmark judgment which sentenced members of Sri Lanka's security forces to long prison terms for "disappearances' and political killings sent an important signal that nobody can expect to get away with these crimes anymore,' Amnesty International said, adding "The time has now come for Sri Lanka to bring the torturers to justice. Showing that torture will no longer be tolerated could have a major impact on the lives of many ordinary people who are currently in danger of suffering appalling treatment in custody.”
In May 1998, Sri Lanka appeared for the first time before the United Nations (UN) Committee against Torture. The government acknowledged that torture was a problem in the country and pledged that "every effort would be made" to put into effect the conclusions and recommendations of the Committee. But this commitment has yet to be put into practice.
Routine torture methods outlined in the report include near-suffocation by either "dry submarino'-pulling a shopping bag containing chillies and/or petrol over the head and tying it to the base of the neck, or "wet submarino’ - lowering someone into a water tub or well. Many detainees report being beaten with cricket bats, PVC pipes filled with sand or concrete, being burnt with lighted cigarettes and given electric shock treatment. Extreme forms of torture include burning with melted polythene, drilling into feet, inserting nails into feet or other parts of the body and rape of female detainees.
In northern Sri Lanka, most torture allegations are directed against members of the army, while the navy has also been implicated. In the east, members of the army, Special Task Force (STF) and police have been responsible for torture. Members of several armed groups fighting alongside the security forces against the LTTE, including the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), and'Razeekgroup', have also been named as perpetrators.
Likewise, the LTTE have been responsible for torturing prisoners, includingby inserting pins and nails under fingernails and burning people with
heated rods. Amne; also received repo young as 14 have t being forcibly recr The arrest and by security forces several chilling rel ofyoung Tamil chi in custody on suspi members or to for to hand themselves Rape committe flict constitutes an clearly prohibited and by internation: However, despite S visions designed t custody, a numbel bers of the security every year, particul east. Given the cu context, it is thoug of rape go unrepor
Apart from the torturers, other rea lence include the si powers to detain without having to judicial authority, legal standards se detention conditio force existing legal of an investigativ of the police, as wi use of unauthorisec
The torture of non-political conte nexus between lo politicians, wide within the police lack of independer police.
In its report, Al again welcomes Sr of the UN Conven and the passing However, these s enough.
The AI is the government of Sr plement the recol Committee agains poses a program ( vention of torture Individuals ar cluding legal and als, are invited toj program.
The report als to bring an imme and other violatior manitarian law.
Sri Lanka ma

TAMITMES 11
ty International has ts that children as een ill-treated after ited by the LTTE. torture of children s not common, but orts have emerged dren being tortured ion ofbeing LTTE ce family members
OVer. lduringarmed conact of torture and is by the rules of war l human rights law. ri Lanka's legal pro) protect women in of rapes by memforces are reported arly in the north and ltural and religious ht that many cases ted. current impunity for sons for its prevaecurity forces' wide people long-term bring them before a Sri Lanka's lack of tting out minimum ns, the failure to ensafeguards, the lack : body independent ell as the continuing places of detention. people detained in a xt is often due to the cal police and local spread corruption force and a general ce on the part ofthe
mnesty International Lanka's ratification tion against Torture yf the Torture Act. eps are clearly not
efore calling on the
Lanka to fully imnmendations of the Torture. It also profaction for the pre
d organisations, inmedical professionpin in promoting the
calls on the LTTE diate halt to torture s of international hu
have improved its
human rights record in recent years but torture is still a problem, with authorities slow in prosecuting members of state agencies who are guilty of abuses, rights activists in Colombo say.
Prof. Ravindra Fernando, director of Colombo University's Human Rights Centre, says the government is reluctant to prosecute law enforcement officers except in a few "high profile show trials” which are merely to appease public anger and international criticism. “The government is in a dilemma due to the military situation in the north - taking disciplinary action against security forces might lead to resistance from military personnel,” he is quoted saying in a new book titled “Impunity in Sri Lanka.”
Of particular concern also is the growing number of rights violations by members of non-state agencies - like the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) engaged in armed confrontation with the government as well as pro-government Tamil groups helping security forces against the rebels.
Last year, the Family Rehabilitation Centre (FRC) - which provides medical care and counsels victims of Sri Lanka's armed conflict - treated up to 3,400 torture and trauma victims and their families. “Torture is still a serious problem in Sri Lanka. It is a hidden issue - suppressed by the victim and the perpetrator,” says Wimal Diyasena, FRC's executive director. The FRC, is the Sri Lankan counterpart of the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims (IRTC) based in Copenhagen.
When the ruling People's Alliance (PA) coalition took power in 1994, it promised to end an era of state terrorism. Since 1983, during the previous United National Party regime, thousands of people died or went "missing” during twin campaigns by Tamil militants and leftwing Sinhalese rebels to defy the state. Tthousands were taken into custody and deteained without charges or trials. Torture was widespread with extra-judicial executions as well as deaths in custody. Security forces were allowed to dispose of bodies without reporting to a magistrate or holding a post-mortem, under a law that was later repealed in 1990. Also the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), enacted in 1982 gave security forces wide powers of arrest and detention and also exemption from prosecution.

Page 12
2 TAMILTIMES
Though it has not repealed the PTA, the present government has taken some positive steps towards human rights legislation like ratifying the International Convention on Torture and enacting enabling legislation last year like the Anti-Torture Act. So far 122 nations have ratified the convention.
At a recently held FRC symposium on Torture, Justice Minister Prof Gamini Lakshman Peiris discussed how the government went about tackling human rights abuses. He said that when it set out to take action against several police and military officers for human rights abuses, it was advised that this would be an unwise step because of the predictable resentment from the security services upon which the government had to rely on to fight the Tamil Tigers. "But we went ahead against such advise and have been and are filing action against guilty officers,” Peiris said. The government faces the risk of upsetting the military who are engaged in a war with the rebels.
Three presidential commissions probing disappearances during 19881991 received more than 30,000 complaints from families of victims. By mid-1997 when their mandate ran out, the commissions investigated about 19,000 cases and submitted reports to President Chandrika Kumaratunga in September of the same year.
The commissions have implicated hundreds of officers in the disappearances but legal action has been slow, prompting rights groups to accuse the government ofbacktracking on election assurances that the guilty would be found and punished.
A spokesman for the Attorney General's Department said charges have been brought against 119 officers for abduction and illegal detention. Another 45 cases of murder are pending in the courts against officers.
The government's stated commitment to stop rights abuses has had some impact on the military. There have been violations in recent years but not of a widespread nature as in the past and there is a general acknowledgment amongst the military that the rights of individuals must be respected.
Dr. Deepika Udugama, another director at the Colombo University's Human Rights Centre, said there was a great deal of resistance when they ran a series of training courses on human rights for the military and the police,
some years ago. “ that - we (military sanctions that we l now we (officers scapegoats,” she sa that perceptions har cally.
Since then many ing the FRC and th ternational Commit (ICRC) which dis behaviour in comb training courses on the law for the arm FRC’s Diyase
As the skeletal r ies of people who Chemmani area of, recovered in mid-J being analysed, Am said in a statement exhumation was a towards full acco widespread "disap area during that per Speaking at a p Colombo, Amnesty servers to the proce government of Sri . ing on this investig sibly many shallow expressed their hope of the investigation ried out in full acce national standards f of alleged extrajudi Two observers rights organisation experts from Phys Rights (USA) on 1 nessed local forens up two bodies fro identified by Somal
Rajapakse is a corporal found guilt ing and murdering a ing her mother, y neighbour in Se Chemmani. At the trial in July 1998, he more bodies had b. this place.
One of the vic grave was blindfold other had his handst
 

15 JULY 1999
he perception was ) were given these ad to execute, and ) are being made id, adding however ve changed dramati
institutions includ2 Geneva-based Inee of the Red Cross seminates rule of at, are conducting human rights and ed forces. na said they held
three torture prevention programs at military camps last year. "The attitude of the military has changed and they are beginning to understand the concept of human rights. There is a much better understanding ofan individual's rights,” he said. "Sri Lanka has shown some commitment to eradicating torture - a real achievement given the country's ongoing conflict," Amnesty said in its June 1 report. "However the fact that torture continues to be reported frequently means there is still a long way to go before changes in the law lead to changes on the ground.”
Positive First Steps irds Truth and Justice"
emains of two boddisappeared in the Jaffna in mid-1996 une this year were nesty International dated 22 June, the first important step untability for the pearances” in the iod. ress conference in Internationals obss commended the Lanka for embarktion of one of posgraves. They also that further phases process will be carordance with interpr the investigation cial executions.
from the human and two forensic icians for Human 5 and 17 June witic experts digging in a shallow grave atne Rajapakse. former army lance of abducting, rapschoolgirl and killpung brother and tember 1996 in conclusion of his revealed that many :en disposed of at
(ims found in the ed with a shirt; the led behind his back
with a vest. Relatives later identified them as two garage workers who had disappeared after they were arrested by army personnel on 19 August 1996.
Amnesty International welcomed the Sri Lankan authorities decision to allow international human rights organisations to observe the process. It urged that this policy of transparency be continued and that local non-governmental organisations will be given observer status, when requested.
Ai is concerned that relatives of suspected victims be kept informed of the progress and interim findings of the investigations, and allowed to hold funeral rites as soon as practicable. There is a need to build trust between the relatives and the investigators, one of Amnesty Internationals observers said. This would increase the chance of making this investigation successful, as the relatives have a lot of information about how people disappeared and where their remains have been disposed of. To date, many of them have not divulged this information because of a lack of trust.
Amnesty International is alsourging the government to provide adequate compensation to the relatives of identified victims and to clarify when this compensation will be paid.
On 16 June, Somaratne Rajapakse made a detailed statement before the magistrate in charge of the investigation, in which he alleged that he could identify at least ten places where bodies were disposed of in the Chemmani (continued on next page)

Page 13
15 JULY 1999
The Haunting G
of Chemma
Marwaan Macan-Markar from Jaff
aramanathan Selvarajah still remembers the clothes his son wore that day in July 1996 - a light blue shirt and ash coloured trousers - and such trinkets as a gold chain, two rings and a wristwatch. He referred to them while recalling the events surrounding his son's disappearance.
Selvarajah Prabhakaran was 24 at the time. He had been working at a textile shop. On July 31, while heading home on his scooter, he was stopped at an army checkpoint in Chemmani, four kilometres south of Jaffna. Thereafter, he had been taken to an army camp nearby.
It was hours later that his father learnt about it. A friend had informed him that a friend of his who had been travelling a short distance behind Prabhakaran had told abouthis som having been to the army camp. And Selvarajahresponded to the news immediately: he headed towards the camp. It was 5:30 in the evening,
When he got Selvarajah rec scooter. It was pal to the entrance of he inquired after on duty denied ha son. Nobody ansv description had b he was told. Ev dence as the pri scooter at the Selvarajah had pc ter. The Soldiers story.
Not an Isolated
Heading hon soft-spoken, silve resolved to get h decision made an and fear. It was a rajah soon found lated one. For in find Prabhakaran, with other parents
(Continued from page 2)
area. Others convicted with him also indicated that they have information about burial sites.
Amnesty International urged that these key witnesses be given the necessary protection to ensure they would not be intimidated or harmed. It also urged that all necessary steps be taken to guarantee the safety of the relatives of the victims and their lawyers and that the site be closely guarded.
The magistrate's order that Somaratne Rajapakse would be asked to locate all the other nine sites, and that these sites be excavated prior to the start of the rainy season in Jaffna, expected for October, presents a challenge to the government.
It will be important for the investigation team to strike a balance between proceeding with this investigation at a reasonable pace to satisfy the magistrate, the relatives, as well as the international and local communities, who have been campaigning for this investigation to start, and ensuring at the same time that the international stand
ards of investigat Amnesty Internat There is therefor detailed plans fo the investigation public.
Our impressic rensic team, at le the next stages ( could benefit fro eign forensic ex experience of ex ied in restricted Amnesty Interna help the governi such internationa sic anthropologist or pathologists.
The Chemma the need to inve other mass grave ported by the thr missions of inquir ances, as vell as bodies of people while kept captiv Tigers of Tamil E 1990 in the Jaffna
 

TAMITMES 13
to the army camp, ognised his son’s ked in a corner, close the camp. But when his son, the soldiers ving seen such a pervering Prabhakaran's een arrested that day, in such glaring eviesence of his sonos army camp which inted to, did not mathad stuck to their
Case he that evening, the r-haired father of two is son back. It was a hidst a swirl of worry decision that Selvaout was not an isohis painful quest to he came into contact wives and other kith
ions are maintained, ional observers said. e a need to draw up r the next phases of
and to make these
on is that the local fo:ast at some point in of the investigation, m assistance by forperts with hands-on cavating bodies burplaces such as wells. tional is offering to ment in identifying lly recognised forens, archaeologists and/
ni exercise underlines :stigate evidence of s, such as those reee presidential comy into past disappearreports of burials of deliberately killed se by the Liberation elam (LTTE) around peninsula. O
and kin who had suffered a fate of confronting a similar situation. As he said last Wednesday (16.6.99): "There were 22 persons who were arrested at the checkpoint that day. They were all taken to the camp and had not been seen since.'
But they were not the only ones. In 1996, the first year after government troops moved into the Jaffna peninsula, close to 628 youth "disappeared'. And the narratives of their families vary marginally when they recall what happened. In the main, all of them have not been seen after they were plucked from their homes, from their work places or from the streets by the army. In some instances, the soldiers had done so in uniform.
Digging for Evidence
Today, 64-year-old Selvarajah heads an organisation of many families who have suffered such a fate: Jaffna's Guardian Association for the Families of the Disappeared.
What Selvarajah remembers of his son, the clothes and the trinkets, others in this group remember, too. And such details will prove useful in their painful quest for their missing kin.
For it is evidence like that that the forensic team, led by Professor Niriellage Chandrasiri, will find helpful when they have to identify the bodies they unearth in Chemmani, where the remains of nearly 400 of the "disappeared' are said to be buried. And it was to provide such information, if required, that prompted Selvarajah to make his way on Wednesday (16.6.99) afternoon to witness the first spades scoop of the dry earth of Chemmani, a flat marshland covered with wild grass and fringed with coconut and palmyrah palms. As he watched it, tears welled up in his eyes.
The Krishanthi Case
The events leading up to the excavation of mass grave in Chemmanibegan in July, last year, soon after the 27year-old Somaratne Rajapakse, a corporal in the army, made a statement from the dock of the Colombo High Court after he and four other of his military colleagues were convicted and sentenced to death for the rape and murder of schoolgirl Krishanthi Kumarswamy and the multiple murders of her mother, her brother and her neighbour. Rajapakse said: "We didn't kill anyone. We only buried bodies. We can

Page 14
14 ALTIMES
show you where 300 to 400 bodies have been buried.' And the locality was Chemmani, an area where Rajapakse and his colleagues had served during their tour of duty in the northern Jaffna peninsula.
On Tuesday (15.6.99) morning, Rajapakse was flown to Jaffna under the watchful eye of policemen and prison officers. During the brief period he spent at the Jaffna's Palaly airport, he looked worried. The senior police officer who met him noticed the traces of worry on his forehead. That could be understood given Rajapakse's mission: to expose members of the army he had once served.
By then, he was aware of the various death threats that his family had
received. And when Antonov aircraft,
prison official, there soldiers to be seen. he was in the custod lice, locked in solita a cell, that he relaxe
Rajapakese's Rev
That day the Jaff taking any chances \ To ensure his safety were permitted with the police station; r side was given to hir ate and drank till court came from th Everything, said a p tasted before beingg
Rajapakse's Confession
On the morning of Wednesday, June 16, Corporal Somaratne Rajapakse was brought into Jaffna Magistrate's Court under tight security. During the first hour of court proceedings, Rajapakse was confined to a room in the complex. He was handcuffed to a prison officer. That morning, Rajapakse was expected to reveal the places where he had buried people who had been killed by the army in 1996. Rajapakse had first made this revelation at the end of his trial in July last year where he was convicted in the Krishanthi Kumaraswamy rape and murder case along with four other soldiers. At around 11 am, Rajapakse, in a white shirt and grey slacks, was led into the courtroom in the company of three policemen. He revealed details of arrests, torture and murder that had taken place in and around Chemimani area where he served in 1996.
Excerpts Rajapakse's confession in court:
"I was at the Ariyalai camp doing civil administration. At that time I worked under Captain Lalith Hewa, My job was to register family names and the names of youth. We would prepare two lists.
Once, Captain Lalith Hewa and Lieutenant Wijesiriwardene brought soldiers from another section to work under me. We were given a list of people who they said were Tiger suspects. I was asked to show the places where these suspects lived. Thereafter they conducted cordon-and-search operations.
Major Weerakkody and Major Gunasekera brought people before two Tiger informants and the informants were asked to point out who the Tiger suspects were. The ones they had identified were separated from the rest. About 50 people were identified and were photographed.
At Ariyalai I can show how people were arrested killed and buried. At the beginning some people were arrested and brought to a camp and kept at the Jaya building. Some were kept at a school. The ones who ordered this were Captain Lalith Hewa, Lt. Wijesiriwardene and Lt. Thudugala.
They were also the ones involved in the arrest of the
 

15 JULY 1999
he walked out of handcuffed to a ; were a number of It was only when y of the Jaffnapory confinement in d.
elation
na police were not with their prisoner. /, no military men hin the vicinity of no food from outm. What Rajapakse nis appearance in he police kitchen. police officer, was given to Rajapakse.
Rajapakse’s revelation in the magistrate's court was explosive. Clearly, he was fighting for his life.
Portraying himself as a victim, he spent close to an hour explaining in Sinhala what had gone on in the area he had served. And he was not short on details, nor did he display any restraint in naming the officers in his sector who, he said, were responsible for the bodies buried in Chemmani.
At one point, he said: "I can show you how people were arrested in Ariyalai, tortured, and buried.” There was another occasion when he described the torment that a youth named Uthayakumar had been put through: his body had been slashed with blades and he had been hung by his feet.
government servant Selvaratnam. He was brought
to the camp. The next day his wife came and asked me whether I had seen him. I did not have the answer then. At that camp there was a building used to torture people. I can show it to you now. When I went to the camp, there were 25 people in that building. Selvaratnam was also there. His legs were tied. He pleaded with me saying he didn't have any Tiger connections. I asked Captain Hewa to release him. He agreed. But that night they killed him.
The next day when I went back I saw 10 more dead bodies. When I was working at the Jaya building, another man, one Udaya Kumara, was arrested. His family came and pleaded for his release. I went and asked Captain Jayawardena to do so. That afternoon he was taken to another camp. When I went there, they got a radio message asking to release this man. He was hanging by his feet and his body was cut with blades. They couldn't release him. He was killed later. I know the weapons they used for torture very well and I can show them to you in that building. There was a day when I was asked to bring a mammoty by Captain Lalith Hewa. When Igotthere, Captain Hewa was with a woman who had no clothes on. This woman and her husband had been brought to the camp earlier. Lalith Hewa raped the woman. Later, he attacked the woman and her husband with the mammoty I brought and he also used some rods. Both of them died. He tried to bury them there but couldn't. Then the bodies were brought to Chemmani. I can show you where they are buried.
Lots of people disappeared from Ariyalai. I can tell you how many were arrested. I also know how many people were buried. Although I was accused of murdering Krishanthi Kumaraswamy I didn't do it. I buried her body but didn't know at the time that it was her. My four colleagues who were convicted and I, all gave statements.
I can show you 10 places in Chemmani where bodies are buried. ASP Perera can show five places. D. M. Jayatilleke can show one place near akovil where a number of people were buried.
There is also an area behind the Jaya building. I know of two workers in a garage owned by one Ravi who were taken to the main camp. They were killed. I know where they have been buried.”

Page 15
15 JULY 1999
Then there was an incident involving Captain Lalith Hewa, who had taken into custody a married couple, raped the wife, and then killed her and a husband by beating them up with a mammoty and iron rods. In that gruesome instance, it was Rajapakse who had been ordered to bring the mammoty.
Following his evidence, Rajapakse was driven to Chemmani where he had agreed to show one of the 10 grave sites where he had buried bodies. And the location he chose, a junction along the Nallur road, by the side of a gravel track, was almost 500 metres from the main road, and a similar distance from the place where Chandrasiri and his forensic team had conducted a study to assess if the soil had been disturbed on March 5 this year. According to Rajapakse, there were two bodies buried at the spot.
Investigating Strategy
At the time the investigators had agreed upon a common strategy. According to State Counsel Yasantha Kodagoda, only four bodies would be unearthed. Addressing a press conference earlier that day at the military base in Palaly, Kodagoda spelt out their reasons. "We have the logistics to collect only four skeletal remains,” he said. If they succeeded, he added, the skeletal remains would be flown to Chandrasiri's office in Galle for further analyS1S.
Three hours after the digging had begun, a slow process, made more difficult by the dry bed of sand, the forensic team came upon earth that was of a different character to the few feet of top soil they had unearthed. It was different of a colour and texture. As one soil expert said, the next day, it had the hallmarks of soil one would notice near a grave. "We knew we were onto something by the amount of moisture,” he added.
An hour later, they came upon the first sign of a buried body: a part of a knee with shreds of a trouser clinging to it. It was about two feet from the surface. But with fading light and the shadows stretching over this desolate area, they stopped.
The bed of the pit was covered with a black plastic sheet. A police guard was placed around it.
According to Doctor William Haguland of Physicians for Human Rights, who was flown into Jaffna
along with other int ers, the process and been encouraging. In one cannot hurry, ht only contribute towa "Evidence will be ( families denied the ing their relatives.”
Jaffna's only ps Daya Somasundaran a view. He felt the appeared need to kn their husbands, so Having treated so members of the disa would help them co, ritual of death and r
Both admitted tc process. There was Haguland put it: "V is trying to give a \ less, so that there sto
Looking for the D And at Chemm, such broken down f jah, therewere close sat on a grassy knol away, following the were the mothers an appeared. Among Velusamy, 52. It was dra, 20, who has bee still believes that he So what had bro mani?“Toget the in ers to find her son,” Another woman swer: "To find out v are buried.'
And by Thursd noon, there were an had been uncoverec feet 24 hours after th begun digging. The proximity of each o ing one on top of
wooden railway sl
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TAMILTIMES 5
ernational observpace of work had such excavations, said. For that can rds anothercrime: lestroyed, and the hance of identify
ychiatrist, Doctor n, agreed with such amilies of the disow the truth about ms and daughters. me of the family ppeared, he said it mplete the normal nourning.'
) the sadness of the no escaping it. As What we are doing soice to the voiceries can come out.”
isappeared ani, in addition to igures as Selva-rato 15 women who some 400 metres excavation. They ld wives of the disthem was Gowri s her son, V. Rajenin missing. And she
is alive. ught her to Chemternational observ
she replied. had a different anwhether any bodies
ay (17.6.99) afterswers. Two bodies at a depth of four eforensic team had y were within close ther. They were lythe other, with a eeper sandwiched
between the two. One was facing up, with folded knees. The other was lying to the side.
But that was not all. One of the skeletons had a rag that had been used to blindfold the face, with the knot at the back still intact. There was a hole in the skull of this skeleton. The other's hands were tied. Furthermore, a pair of trousers, underwear and a T-shirt were also unearthed.
On Friday morning, 300 members of the Guardian Association for the Disappeared had gathered outside the Jaffna police station where the skeletons had been brought. The atmosphere was emotionally charged. Women were weeping.
Identification
One by one, they were asked to troop in to identify the items that had been discovered with the skeletons. And this didn't take long. For soon, the, skeletons were identified. They were men who had worked as mechanics at a garage owned by Suppiah Ravi. One of them was 29 years at the time of his death, Rasiah Sathiskumar, from Misalai. The other was 23, Mahendran Babu, from Nallur. They had been arrested by the army at Ariyalai on August 19, 1996.
They were identified by Ravi and Shanthini, the wife of Sathiskumar. What had helped was the trouser and a silver pendant hung on a black rope necklace in the case of Mahendran Babu, and the underwear and T-shirt in the case of Sathiskumar.
So it helps that fathers like Selvarajah still remember what their sons wore when they disappeared. For if they are found in the graveyards of Chemmani, such details will help in answering the painful question that has been haunting them since 1996: What happened to them? Where are they? O
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Page 16
16 TAMILTIMES
Marwaan Macan-Markar
Recent revelations at Chemimani confirm that the military division under Weerasooriya's wing were not involved in a "hearts and minds' operation only. The two skeletons were those of two men who "disappeared during his term in the north I wonder what went thought the army commander's mind when he learnt that two skeletons had been unearthed in Chemmani. Did he sleep well on that Friday night knowing they were identified as two men who had been taken into military custody on August 19, 1996, and had "disappeared' since? Did he spare a thought for the life that Shanthini, the wife of one of those men-Rasiah Sathiskumar-had been leading for more than two years, desperately searching for her missing husband? And what about a thought for the family of the other man, Suppiah Ravi?
Did Lieutenant General Srilal Weeerasooriya pause to reflect on the anguish that had been tormenting them since that fateful day in '96? Since his appointment, last year, as army commander, he has been lavished with praise. We have been informed that he is above corruption. Weerasooriya is so lean, we have been told, that he avoids taking office stationery home for his personal use. And his credentials as a gentleman have been underscored by his humane qualities; by the fact that as a Born-Again Christian and a "Godfearing man', he displays a levelofsensitivity and kindness that is admirable. His sympathizers have also given him full marks for his calibre as a military leader.
Clearly, then, we have been given to believe that he is of special mould. Yet Weerasooriya's march to the top took him through Jaffna. It was under him the troops functioned in 1996, the year the army wrested control of the northern peninsula from the Tamil Tigers. At the time, in an effort to win the sympathies of the Tamil civilians, the government embarked on its "hearts and minds' operation. And it was Weerasooriya's duty to deliver, to map out a strategy that would draw the civilians into the bosom of the government from the clutches of the Tigers.
However, ther Chemmani confirr divisions under W were not involved minds' operation c etons were those of appeared duringh According to avail who vanished afte military custody, worst month was fathers and sons we men in uniform. I pakse is to be beli 398 skeletal remai the marshes of Chi Rajapakse, along w leagues, who infor morning of their c anthi Kumaraswam case that 400 civili into military custo and then buried in excavations two some credibility to Yes: deaths of civ when Weerasooriy der of the peninsul
So far, the arr been silent on the even after Rajapak allegations. The ol doing the talking coming to Weerasc the assorted spoke: ment, including th eign ministry, Rav Their line of argun happened in the no rogue elements in apples in khaki, an uct of state terror. , at a press conferel morning of the Ch. "These kinds of vic sponsored. The mi or the army are re ally.” So it would to such line of thi northern high com ties of "96, the lik and his brigadiers Perera and P.A. may very well be the events that to checkpoints then.

15 JULY 1999
ecent revelations at n that the military eerasooriya's wing i in a 'hearts and 'nly. The two skeltwo men who 'disis term in the north. able records, those :r being taken into number 628. The August, when 190 re plucked away by f Somaratne Rajaeved, then another hs are concealed by emmani. For it was rith his military colned the court on the onviction in Krishny rape and murder ans who were taken dy had been killed Chemmani. And the Thursdays ago lent Rajapakse’s story. ilians that occurred a was the comman
а. ny commander has matter. He was so se made the initial nes who have been instead, the ones oriya's defence, are smen of the governat voice of the forinatha Ariyasinghe. ment goes thus: what rth was the work of the army, the bad i it was not the prodAs Ariyasinghe said nce in Jaffna on the 2mmani excavation, plations are not state :mbers of the police sponsible individupe unfair, according nking, to blame the mand for the atrocies of Weerasooriya at the time, Janaka Karunatilleke. This rue regards some of ok place at military It is quite possible
that civilians who were stopped by lowranking soldiers on duty were arrested, never to be seen again.
The sad events surrounding Krishanthi Kumaraswamy's rape and murder and the murders of her mother, brother and neighbour may reflect such a reality. However, not all who vanis-- hed in Jaffna suffered the same fate. Amnesty International's report of November 1997 talks about a "familiar pattern' that prevailed in the area at the time. The most common were 'disappearances' after civilians were taken into military custody following "round-ups' and 'cordon and search operations.' Here, for example, is one situation: "Cases were reported from Guruganar, Valikamam on 27 August, 1996. On that day, the army rounded up hundreds of civilians and made them queue in front of eight informants at St. James Church, Main Street, Jaffna. At least 10 among them were blindfolded, put in an army truck and driven towards the Gurunagar army camp. Several relatives were witnesses to the arrest and detention but have been unable to trace their whereabouts since.'
Consider, for instance, this one: "On 19 July, 1996, at least 39 young men reportedly "disappeared after they had been taken away during a cordon and search operation by the army in the region around Navatkuli, Thennamar achchi division. The search commenced at 9 a.m. Yes: There was a pattern, there was a scheme that the soldiers on the ground were adhering to. They were not acting on whim. No wonder 628 "disappeared. The question is: who gave them the orders?
It is unfair, at this point, to point a finger at Weerasooriya, nor to say that Brigadiers Perera and Karunatilleke gave the license for the lower-ranking men to pursue such destructive mission. And unless a paper trail is established to reveal the one who sanctioned it, or a senior officer confesses out of a sense of guilt, it will be a question that will be added to the long list of unanswered questions since 1983.
But there are other questions for which answers can be got: Was Weerasooriya aware of these developments? When did he learn of them? What did he do? After all, it was happening in areas under his control. And it went against the grain of his intended mission, to pacify the people, to win their "hearts and minds’. And if he did not know, why? Is it standard policy of the

Page 17
15 JULY 1999
army to keep the most senior officer in the dark about events on the ground? Do the lieutenants in charge of a platoon, captains in charge of a company, majors in charge of a unit, colonels in charge of a battalion, provide selective information? Didn't he learn from his intelligence wing about the hundreds offathers, mothers and wives who spent days outside army camps in search of the missing relatives?
Then there is the issue of "arrest receipts, an innovation introduced by Chandrika Kumaratunga to improve the human rights condition in the country. On November 4, 1994, early into her presidency, the emergency regulations were amended to include a new clause. It stated: "Where any person is taken into custody, it shall be the duty of the arresting officer to issue to the spouse, father, mother or any other close relative, a document specified by the secretary ministry of defence acknowledging the fact ofarrest.” It added: “Where any person without reasonable cause fails to issue a document acknowledging the fact of arrest or wilfully omits to make such an entry, he shall be guilty of an offence, and upon conviction after trial before a high court, be liable to a term of imprisonment extended to two years and a fine.” At the time, human rights activists welcomed the move as an indication of Kumaratunga's commitment to make the state more accountable, a way of preventing the resurgence of state terror. No more, the government reminded the public, can people be taken off the streets as happened during the UNP's regime and “disappear. Under the People's Alliance, we were told, the families of those arrested would know where their relatives were - alive in custody. And it is fair to say that in Batticaloa, where this innovation first took effect, a change was immediately felt. That was appropriate given it was from this eastern town that the clamour was initially raised for such a requirement.
Human rights activists felt it was the only way to ensure the armed forces of the state be held accountable for people they took into custody. They had witnessed an abuse of power before the arrest receipts were introduced, during the first two years after the second phase of the Eelam war began. During that period, nearly 4,000 civilians "disappeared'. It was at tat time that 158 people were taken from a refugee camp at Vantharmoolai by the army, never to be seen again. It was then that 184 people from four villages in the Sathurukondan area were forced out of their
homes by the arm again.
So when Wee trol of Jaffna, the receipts was in the only has to talk to "disappeared to re Paramanthan Selv, ofJaffna's Guardia Families of the Dis you so. Sreskeran F band was taken a soldiers, would te wise would the hu thers, mothers and peared'.
Arrest receipts feature. Why was Weerasooriya enfc law? It could have forcing his troops able to the civilian tody. This, in fact, Major General Li over as the comma 51st division in th troduced several n appearances’ in hi was the issuing of ther a relative or t the village where t According to tional, "The com duced several chal receipt designed b fence. He include the rank of the arre the name, unit anc general agreemen tion in the penins ginning of 1997, GOC of the 51 Div command, a clear human rights si about.'
The governme Ariyasinghe shol such facts before senior military off of "disappearance have not been a st of terror, but the ated for the ab Clearly, account Power was abuse. Chemimani were
And if he neec let me remind Ari other convicte Kumaraswamy ca caped: "Just as s to kill animals f pays them a livin Lankan Army, an when those in col kill in cold bloo

TAM TIMES 17
7, never to be seen
asooriya took conneed to issue arrest aw books. Yet, one the relatives of the lise what prevailed. rajah, the president Association for the ppeared, would tell athmini, whose husway by uniformed l you so. And likendreds of other fawives of the “disap
Were not a COmmon his so? Why didn't rce this clause in the
made a difference, to be more accounts they took into cushappened only after onel Balagalle took inding officer of the le peninsula. Heinheasures to end 'diss area. Among them arrest receipts to eihe grama sevaka of he arrest took place.
Amnesty Internamander also intronges to the model of y the ministry of dei details of not only sting officer, but also number. There was among the populaula that since the beat the time the new ision had taken over improvement in the tuation had come
nt's spokesmen like ld give thought to rying to distance the cers form the culture s. It may very well te sanctioned policy conditions were crelse that followed. ability was absent. . The mass graves at OTTn.
s further convincing, asinghe of what ansoldier in the se said before he esciety hires butchers r consumption and , I too joined the Sri was paid for killing mand wanted me to . Now why are you
punishing me and humiliating me, while the officers who wanted us to kill are getting their promotions and decorations, and are being lionised as national heroes?'
If the government is serious about its pledge towards transparency, then it should begin by asking why arrest receipts were not issued to all the families whose relatives were arrested. Why the army broke the law? The rogue elements in the army, the bad apples in khaki, could not have functioned otherwise.
Lieutenant General Srilal Weerasooriya will, no doubt, be able to help with the answers. I wonder what the army commander, the God-fearing Christian, will say. Will his conscience prevail? After all, he is an honorable a. o
U.S. LTTE
Ban Upheld
A U.S. court has upheld the ban on Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by the Clinton administration on the ground that it is a terroristorganisation.
Rejecting the LTTE appeal against the Secretary of State's order to ban the rebel group, a three-judge panel of the District of Columbia court of appeals upheld the Government decision.
The court gave a similar ruling in the case of the people's Mujahedin, an Iraq-backed organisation of Iran which is fighting to overthrow the current government of Iran and engaging in violence. However, the court let the ban and label of terrorism to stand on the ground that the law gives it no discretion.
The law, it pointed out, gives the authority to the Secretary of State to label any organisation as "terrorist' on the basis of secret information. It does not give a chance to the organisations named to explain. "For all we know," said the judges, "the deisgnation (as terrorist) may be improper because the secretary judgment that the organisation threatens our national security is completely irrational and devoid of any support." Judge A. Raymond Randolph, giving the court's decision, added: "or her (Secretary of State Madeline Albright's) finding about national security may be exactly correct. We are forbidden from saying we cannot make any assumption, one way or the other.'

Page 18
18 TAM TIMES
Harim Peiris
in the past few days and weeks, several political parties have been clamouring for the abolition of the Executive Presidency. This campaign has been given credence by sections of the media that have given prominence and editorial support for this demand. Given the current debate on the topic this columnist decided to examine some pertinent aspects of the issue.
The basic demand is quite simple, it is to abolish the Executive Presidency. The demand supposedly draws its potency from the fact that the PA both in its election manifesto and subsequently once in office, promised to abolish the all powerful presidency and is now called upon to honour that pledge.
Any examination of the powers of the Executive Presidency begins with the fact that the office of the Executive
President was creat widely abused by ti Successive UNP 1 more benign lead tunga regime could essentially caretak popular mandate. It abuse of the presi pted the widesprea the abolition of the abuse was the syst of Sri Lanka's dem it the media, the ju ture or the civil s other organ of go passed through exe than being reforme powerful executiv drawn it would le ture incapable of cc ess of governance i ing world we live i
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15 JULY 1999
ed by the UNP and em as well through eaders though the rship of the Wijebe attributed to its ir role and lack of a was this calculated lency which promd public outcry for office. The biggest :matic undermining bcratic structures, be diciary, the legislaervice. Also every vernment was bycutive power, rather :d. Hence when the 2 is suddenly withave behind a strucoping with the procn the rapidly changn, unless alternative
structures and constitutional arrangements are put in place.
The UNP having created an office for its own partisan purposes and then abused its power until removed from office, have little credibility in now demanding the abolition of the monster they created and abused. To the credit of the PA it should be conceded that it never abused the office of the president, quite so brazenly as in the heyday of the UNP regime.
The other agitator for the abolition of the office is the JVP, the renewed third force in Sri Lankan politics. But the JVP's demands on constitutional reform spring more from their immediate political considerations rather than any commitment to principle. Notwithstanding their claims to be principled young politicians, the JVP have been pastmasters in opportunistic politics. They opposed the provincial councils in a bloody manner in 1988/89 and ten years hence take pleasure in claiming that they hold the remote control as they call it, in several provincial councils, with no talk for abolishing them.
No doubt both the UNP and the JVP
(continued on next page)
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Page 19
15 JULY 1999
(continued from page 18) have good reason to not want the Executive Presidency to remain. As parties that make their policies based on their immediate partisan requirements, neither the UNP nor the JVP would be fancying their chances in a head to head contest in a presidential election between their leaders and the current incumbent of that office. The JVP realise they will only be making up the numbers in a presidential election, while most people struggle with the concept of the current leader of the UNP as a viable alternative leader with an alternative vision.
While the PA has been widely accused of ineffectiveness and or having not delivered on its promise of peace and prosperity they have also neither been so wicked as to cause widespread popular disaffection with the government. The spontaneous lighting offirecrackers upon the death of the UNP president was an indicator of the depth of popular revulsion against it in the dying stages of the UNP regime.
Nevertheless notwithstanding the opportunism of the UNP's and JVP's demand for the abolition of the executive presidency, it must be conceded that the PA did promise to abolish that office, leaving no opportunity for any future governments to widely abuse it. To her credit the current president has also dispensed with the trapping of royalty and the illusions of grandeur, that was a hallmark of some previous holders of that office.
Most importantly the PA has presented to the country and the Parliament, a new constitution that does abolish the office ofthe executive president. However in every sense it is a part of the package. The sad truth is that these beneficial and far reaching constitutional changes are short by seventeen votes for the two thirds majority of parliament needed to change the constitution. Now the opposition would counter this by stating that it has offered its votes to abolish the presidency and not for devolution.
That position itself should be enough to prompt ethnic minorities to vote for the incumbent president rather an opponent of devolution. The UNP's commitment to devolution is restricted to words, they neither did it while in office nor support it in opposition.
The constitution of a country is too precious to be tinkered about for transient partisan purposes. The PA prom
ome recent di
that at long la might really many will take it surely. For most, ments will be nonshould not be tal serious-minded should they, wh slightest reason to main protagonists namely the LTTE, Government, then process seriously That disillus. understandable c( stacles that the pe going through fo and years and yea Economist (Lon. Lanka's "boring people be blame peace process als However that a mistaken one. plistic notion of peace process. It which the conte gether, hammer which in the ne: mented, after wh is a process, and peace is not some plished once and
it is a process in |
ise to abolish the context of all ( changes they pro promise has beer their individual c proposals have legislation preseI stead of protestin provide an open science on the ne ing devolution an presidency. Let constitutional c process in parlia genuine commit ecutive instead o opportunistic nat
 

AMILTIMES 19
The Boring
Zeth Hussain
2velopments suggest ist the peace process get going. But how seriously? Not many, hose recent developnews, something that cen too seriously be people. Why indeed en there is not the believe that the three in our ethnic tragedy, the UNP, and the PA selves take the peace ) ioned view is quite onsidering all the obace process has been r interminable years rs. Some time ago the don) referred to Sri little war'. Can our if they now find our o boring? disillusioned view is [t is based on a simwhat is involved in a is not a process in lding parties get toout an agreement, xt stage gets impleich peace prevails. It as that word implies hing that gets accomfor all by fiat. Rather, which there are sud
presidency was in the other constitutional mised to make. That kept to the extent of apability. That is, the been made and draft ited in parliament. Ing about it let the UNP vote accordingto conv constitution, includd the abolishing of the those clamouring for hange, support that ment, to display their ment to a limited exfempty rhetoric of an ԱՐՇ O
den changes ofdirection andreversals, collapse and abandonment of the process, after which it may be resumed.
We have seen all that happening in the cases of the Palestine problem, the Chakma rebellion in Bangladesh, the Moro rebellion in the Philippines, the West Irian rebellion, the Southern Sudan rebellion, the Chechen rebellion, the Kurdistan rebellions in the plural, and so on. And we can now see the peripeteies over the Northern Irish rebellion. In Sri Lanka we have to pay the price for provoking an ethnic minority into becoming fighting mad, which was done through the State terrorism of the 1977 UNP Government. We have to pay the price for the folly of getting involved in a protracted war. The price includes a protracted peace process.
It is in that context, that is of a protracted peace process, that we must take certain recent developments seriously, and not in the expectation of a solution within months or before the next round of elections.
One development is that of Anton Balasingham going to London, not just for medical treatment but reportedly to re-activate the peace process. In that connection, it is reported further, he will be proceeding to South Africa to try to secure a South African role as facilitator, with the help of a Minister and a Deputy Minister both of South Indian origin. Mandela himself might be willing to assume a role, it is said.
Now all this may be just the same dreary old story as before. The LTTE finds the going tough on the military front, it wants a respite of some months or more which should be possible through bogus peace negotiations, it recoups, and attacks again. It has happened before, and can happen again. But bringing in South Africa as facilitator introduces a novel dimension. South Africa being used for a sordid LTTE purpose will certainly be resented, and could provoke the denunciation of Mandela who has immense moral authority in the world. The LTTE

Page 20
20 TAMILTIMES
could perhaps be serious this time.
We might give some importance also to the fact that Balasingham is operating from London. He cannot be forbidden residence there because he is a British citizen, nor can he be arrested unless there is evidence directly linking him to terrorist activity. All that is on a technical level. The important point is that the British authorities can clamp down on Balasingham and LTTE activity in Britain in various ways should they wish to do so. The latitude allowed to him could conceivably mean that the effort to re-activate the peace process has British blessings behind it. That could be very important, should the surmise turn to be correct. The LTTE cannot have anything like its present efficacy if not for its hinterland. It consists partly of South India, which diminished considerably after the Rajiv Gandhi assassination but is still there. It consists to a greater extent in the form of the Tamil Diaspora in the West. This is tantamount to saying that the Western Governments have the capacity to exert very considerable pressure on the LTTE. They can pressure the LTTE to seriously engage in the peace process should they think the present time to be propitious for it.
The present time does indeed seem to be propitious for new initiatives towards peace. Here we come to the second development favourable to the peace process. It arises from the recently concluded Southern PC elections. It was already apparent from the earlier round of five PA elections that the PA’s devolution proposals did mot preclude it being the leading party. However, those proposals were hardly an issue at those elections.
This time the Government wisely changed its strategy. According to the Sunday Observer editorial of June 6 the President made it a point to emphasise the need for a peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict on the basis of devolution of power to the provinces. Therefore, the editorial argued, the results would allow us to gauge the extent to which the devolution proposals are acceptable to the people. The results, as we now know, showed the PA to be way ahead of any other Party, and it seems reasonable to infer that those proposals are broadly acceptable to the people.
Another significant development took place some weeks earlier when the Mahanayake Thera of the Asigriya Chapter said that the war must be brought to an end and peace restored, even with the assistance of a third party.
This has been take realisation has bee among the upper rai hierarchy, that there solution to the ethni of significance that statement has is su that the Sinhala lar private and state-c prominence to it. T regarded as being sł ist.
There have bee developments over and weeks. There is initiative to establis between our two m ethnic problem. Pro cise, but significal cause our businessm to have a particul standing of the fact ble protracted war w the economy. The g to 4.7% last year, decline further this figures are certainly ering that we are sp our revenue on the stated recently by problem is that pri decline in forthcom of the protracted wa out to be vastly imp was that inter-relig met LTTE represen and returned with th the LTTE was favou ing the peace proc President, and wen the LTTE would no The disillusion our religious digni the note of disillusic beginning of this a ally a realistic note that recent develop seriously as favou process only if we pectations about q acknowledge that must necessarily b protracted.
That may be re realistic approach to the question ra should we take the ously when there is that the main prota nic tragedy, the LT the PA government seriously?
The answer is tl of the ethnic probl tirely in their hand alternative to our r

15 JULY 1999
n to mean that the n spreading, even nks of the Buddhist : can be no military c conflict. The kind the Mahanayake's ggested by the fact guage press, both owned, gave little hat press is widely nockingly chauvin
n other significant the last few months the businessmen’s h common ground ajor parties on the bably a futile exerht nonetheless been can be expected arly sound underthat an interminaill spell disaster for rowth rate declined and is expected to year to 4%. These impressive considending one third of war, as reportedly G. L. Peiris. The otracted economic ning years because r will certainly turn ressive. Then there gious group which tatives in the North e pleasantnews that urable to re-activatess. They met the t North again. But it meet them. ing experience of taries returns us to onment struck at the rticle. It was actubecause we argued ments can be taken rable to the peace eschew native exuick Solutions and the peace process e complicated and
alistic, but a totally requires an answer ised earlier. Why peace process serinothing to indicate gonists in our ethTE, the UNP, and , themselves take it
hat if the resolution em is to be left enLs, then there is no efusing to take the
peace process seriously. But the problem should not be left entirely in their hands. This means that we must force them to take the peace process seriously.
There seems to be a need for our peace lobby to work out new strategies. Up to now the strategy has been, broadly speaking, to make appeals to the three main protagonists to come together in a genuine peace process, the assumption being that only the chauvinists, presently incarnated in an extreme form in the National Movement Against Terrorism, are inveterately against the peace process. But the unpleasant truth is that for quite sometime it has been very difficult to believe that the LTTE, the UNP, and the PA Government, have really wanted peace. The difference between them and the NMAT has been one of degree only.
In this situation it should be read
ily understandable that the strategy of
making appeals has proved to be thoroughly futile, and has made some of our peace lobbyists look naive or, even worse, hypocritical. The logic of the situation clamours for a critical attitude towards the three main protagonists, and not only towards the chauvinists.
It is difficult to believe that the LTTE has ever been favourable to a peaceful resolution of the problem. At least that position is logically, and morally, consistent with its demand for nothing less than Eelam or a confederation. Neither can be realised through negotiations. As for the UNP, its behaviours over the ethnic problem has been unrelentingly silly and irresponsible. For instance, it wants the government to negotiate with the LTTE but it has refused, on the most specious grounds, to work out a consensual position which can serve as the basis for meaningful negotiations.
The PA Government began well, but obviously lost direction after coming to nurse illusions about a military solution. That at any rate has been the impression given to many people, and the further impressions has been given that the Government lacks any Serious moral commitment to solve the problem peacefully. And that perhaps is the core of the problem. De Gaulle took all the risks, including nearly successful assassination and coup attempts, to solve the Algerian problem because he, and the people backing him, had a serious moral commitment to do so, arising out of a burning love of France.
Moral commitments and burning love ill assort with the paltry politics of Sri Lanka. O

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15 JULY 1999
Kargil: Aview from Pal implications of the July
Dr Rifaat Hussain
HE joint statement issued after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's July 4 rendezvous with President Clinton in Washington has evoked a sharp domestic reaction. Its call for "concrete steps” aimed at "the restoration of the Line of Control (LoC) in accordance with the Simla Agreement' and its promise that Mr Clinton "would take a personal interest” in getting the India-Pakistanbilateral dialogue under way after "the sanctity of the LoC has been fully restored" have been widely seen as hasty and unwise diplomatic blinking by Islamabad in its eyeballto-eyeball military confrontation with New Delhi over Kargil.
Almost all political opponents of the government have characterised the Washington agreement as betrayal of the Kashmir cause by Islamabad. The Jamaat-e-Islami has termed the joint statement as "total surrender and complete sell-out of Kashmir". Former ISI head Lt Gen (retd) Hameed Gul also described this as a "total sell-out" as it was tantamount to Pakistan accepting "what India wanted us to accept.' Tehrik-e-Insaaf chief Imran Khan has castigated the statement as a “sell-out of the struggle of the mujahideen' whose sole "purpose was to save the government' which had traded "mujahideen's blood and earnest sacrifices for political gains'.
The Washington declaration has also been categorically rejected by leading Kashmiri mujahideen groups. Addressing a news conference in Islamabad on July 8, Sayed Salahuddin, head of the United Jehad Council, said that President Clinton and Nawaz Sharif's call for the "freedom fighters' withdrawal from the northern Kargil-Dras mountains was a stab in the back" and vowed that the militants would fighton "until the last drop of the their blood". For its part, the government has portrayed the Washington agreement as a great "diplomatic victory' which, besides averting the risk of war between India and Pakistan, has helped internationalise the Kashmir dispute through
American interces the way for future conflict. Notwiths there is little gair the Washington terms of what it si not say, has grave future course of policy. Its immedi the ongoing confli ply disastrous. Ar eral reasons.
First of all, by bad to take "conc the LoC, the Wa lends great cred charge that the co initiated by Paki infiltration from explicit violation ment. As a corolla mines the credibi Pakistani stance Kargil were an ex Kashmiri struggle Second, by lin of India-Pakistan full restoration o LoC, the agreeme bad to comply wit and that stalled In would commence have been comple tus quo ante fully Third, the W. is totally devoid c commitment to he mir dispute. In fa sive promise of" President Clinton that of any future in Indo-Pakistani that the "bilatera Lahore last Febru forum for resolvil India and Pakist miro.
All in all, the tion while comm defuse the crisis i and for all practic terms, contains in the suffering Ka

(İstan "4 dea
ision and also paved US mediation in the tanding these claims, saying the fact that jeclaration, both in ays and what it does implications for the Pakistan's Kashmir ate ramifications for ict in Kargil are simld this is so for sev
committing Islamarete steps”to restore shington agreement ence to the Indian Inflict in Kargil was stan through armed across the border in
of the Simla Agree
ry, it severely underlity of the declared that the events in tension of the larger
for freedom. king the resumption bilateral dialogue to f the sanctity of the :nt commits Islamah New Delhi’s demdia-Pakistan parleys only after Kargil hills tely vacated and sta
restored. ashington agreement fany firm American lp resolve the Kashot, it tempers the elupersonal interest" by (and by implication American president) affairs by asserting dialogue begun in ary provides the best ng all issues dividing an, including Kash
Washington declaralitting Islamabad to n Kargil unilaterally, alpurposes on Indian othing mollifying for shmiris. The joint
TAMEL TIMES 21
statement is also deeply flawed for its silences and omissions. Conspicuously absent from its contents are standard clauses and references which Pakistan had always employed as means to safeguard its declaratory position that Kashmir is an internationally recognised dispute awaiting final settlement. The Washington agreement makes no reference to the longstanding UN obligations and involvement in the Kashmir dispute nor does it articulate the Pakistani position that the LoC is only a temporary line of division and not a
'de facto international boundary.
It is indeed a stunning semantic blunder by Islamabad to let the Washington agreement describe LoC as having “sanctity” since such a characterisation is fraught with the devastating implication that Indian occupation of Kashmir is incontestable and the Kashmiris and the world at large should learn to live with it.
It is worth recalling that on many occasions in the past and in circumstances far more daunting than the situation prevailing in Kargil, Islamabad pursued its Kashmir diplomacy with grit, acumen and foresight. In May 1963, when following the failure of the sixth rounds of Bhutto-Swaran Singh talks, Washington floated the proposal for third party mediation in Kashmir, Islamabad, according to recently declassified US documents, spelled out following four safeguards: (a) Time limit for mediation process; (b) “freeze" on long-term military aid to India during mediation; (c) terms of reference which would focus mediation solely on Kashmir; and (d) mediation to be in general context of UNCIP resolutions. When told by American ambassador Walter McCnaughy that these safeguards "posed real problems" with New Delhi, Foreign Minister Z. A Bhutto replied that “he recognised this" but maintained that mediation had "utility” only in the context of these safeguards. Similarly, in January 1963 when, at the end of the second round of ministerial level talks in New Delhi, Pakistan signed a confidential joint statement of objectives with India aimed at "examining proposals for honourable, equitable and final boundary settlement' in Kashmir "without prejudice to basic position of parties". Pakistan resorted to the same strategy of inserting safeguards for its stated position on Kashmir when it signed the Tashkent Declaration with India through Soviet

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22 TAMILTIMES
mediation in January 1966 and the India-Pakistan bilateral agreement at Simla in July 1972.
The much maligned Tashkent Declaration nct only committed both parties to conduct their bilateral relations “in accordance with the UN Charter” but also explicitly stated that "Jammu and Kashmir was discussed (by them) and each of the two sides set forth its respective position.” The Simla Agreement of July 1972, which Pakistan had to sign after the humiliation of defeat and its dismemberment following the 1971 war, clearly recognised that Pakistan’s observance of the LoC resulting from the ceasefire of December 17, 1971 was without prejudice to its recognised position on Kashmir.
Clause (ii) of article IV of the Simla Agreement says:"In Jammu and Kashmir, the Line of Control resulting from the ceasefire of December 7, 1971, shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to the recognised position of either side.” By baptizing LoC in Kashmir as something sacred, and therefore inviolable, the Washington agreement has egregiously undermined Pakistan's long-held position that it has the moral right to help the Kashmiri people win their freedom.
It could be argued, and indeed has been argued by some, that by declaring the LoC sacred, the Washington agreement has virtually pre-empted India from violating it with impunity. The problem with this line of reasoning is that it expects New Delhi to abide by the terms of an agreement to which India is not a party. This is an untenable position in the eyes of international law, especially in view of the Indian declaratory stance that the whole of the state of Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India. As for the argument that the agreement has saved peace in South Asia by averting India-Pakistan war, it is sufficient to point out that this socalled peace has come about as a loss of will on the part of Pakistan to stand its ground in Kargil.
Pakistan's inability to take a few blisters in getting the suffering Kashmiris their rightful place under the sun lies at the heart of the meltdown in Kargil. Peace, as Mao once remarked, flows from the barrel of the gun. By forcing the mujahideen to silence their guns in Kargil, the Washington agreement has done nothing except making the quest for peace ever more elusive.o (Sunday, 11.7.99 The News International)
V aiyapuri Gopa ourable son of DMK's long-t amply demonstrate turning to his politi minister Muthuvel F was all the uncouth acrimony which h; tween the Guru an since the latter raise volt seven autumns a expulsion from the Kazhagam and his f aissance, or Marum the Kazhagam. G Karunanidhi let it world, had been ath cording to the infor him from the Indian agencies. According the LTTE wanted to to ensure that his dis could take over the thereby paving the support for the LTT
The facts jelled tion': Gopalasamy, 1990, by boat to V: to meet the LTTE l Vai Ravichandran h some injured LTTE alone went against probe into the assas leader Padmanabh matter that Ravi was ted). Yes, Gopalas meant, was a dang terrorists or militan shunned, the logic W there were anothers asamy was slowly c anidhi's sons - Stal building up a set of party. Ever since he prime minister VPS used his post as a ber to develop exc Delhi, and DMK Karunanidhi” s ni Maran, saw in him And the Guru, Ka option but to take O der to save the stra
 

15 JULY 1999
litics of the DMK
Prodigal Son Ret
Ramesh Gopalakrishnan
lasamy is an honthe Rising Sun, the ime Symbol, as he di recently, by recal Guru and chief {arunanidhi. Gone rancour and bitter ad developed bed his Sishya ever d his banner of rego, resulting in his Dravida Munnetra ounding of a Renalarchi, version of opalasamy, then, be known to the reat to his life, acnation received by central intelligence to the information, bump off Mu Ka ciple-rebel Vai-Ko DMK leadership, way for unstinted E. with this “informahad travelled, in vuniya and Jaffna eaders; his brother lad given refuge to , militants and this him in the police Sination of EPRLF a (It was another s ultimately acquitamy, Karunanidhi erous supporter of ts and ought to be ent thus. However, set of facts. Gopalhallenging Karunin and Alagiri - by loyalists within the got close to former Singh, Gopalasamy Rajya Sabha mem'ellent contacts in ideologue and ephew Murasoli a dangerous rival. runanidhi, had no in his Sishya in orangleholds of sons
and his nephew.
The war of words between the two then lit up the political landscape of Tamil Nadu: Gopalasamy was Krishna and Karunanidhi, his uncle, the scheming Kamsa; Vaiko was David the little conqueror and Karunanidhi, Goliath; he was Vibeeshana and Karunanidhi, the evil Ravana, refusing to relent! Karunanidhi saw himself as the ageing Bhishma, fighting on the side of Kauravas Stalin and Azhagiri, while Gopalasamy felt he was Arjuna, ready to vanquish his dear mentor.
When Gopalasamy broke off to found the Marumalarchi DMK, he took away eight district secretaries and several ideologues. After a running battle of words, he put Karunanidhi on the defensive, when he campaigned, along with the CPI(M), against the DMK in subsequent elections. His main charge had been that Karunanidhi was getting closer to the Congress(I) in his bid to oppose the then AIADMK government of J Jayalalitha. Karunanidhi had no answer to this charge and he ultimately needed the help of Congress leader G KMoopanar who broke away from the parent party in a timely manner, to defeat the AIADMK. Gopalasamy was left high and dry without even an assembly seat, and, in a new avatar, changed his name to Vai-Ko via agazette notification.
Vaiko's supporters consisted of two types: youth with a genuine desire to revive the Dravidian ideology and those leaders who could not be accommodated within the DMK due to factionfighting and reasons of casteism. Also, Vaiko managed to raisequestions about the then fledgling Sun TV, started by Kalanidhi Maran, Karunanidhi’s grandnephew and party ideologue Murasoli Maran’s Son.
Slowly, Vaiko's soldiers became battle-weary and Vaiko was left with no option but to look for fresh allies. He quickly dumped the CPI(M), which had started moving closer to the DMK as both were constituents of the then ruling United Front. And Vaiko thus

Page 23
15 JULY 1999
found Jayalalitha, his steel-hearted sister. As an orator who can last the whole night, Vaiko managed the word barrage show for months on, defending Jayalalitha against Karunanidhi's cases. Imagine, it was Vaiko who had first demanded the impounding of Jayalalitha’s ill-gotten wealth and Karunanidhi had to accede to it!
Vaiko went from strength to strength and was instrumental in recommending, to Jayalalitha, a deal with the BJP. It was Jayalalitha who apportioned the seats to her allies including the BJP and Vaiko’s party in the 1998 elections. Vaikohimselffaredwell, winning from Sivakasi, but only two of his four other candidatesmanagedtowin. Vaiko, predictably, kept out of the government at Delhi, but, when he wanted to join it, Jayalalitha was already pulling it down! Vaiko’s natural animosity towards the Congress ensured that he would stick on with the BJP-led government even as Jayalalitha partedways with it. But, Vaiko found the DMK voting for the BJP-led government at Delhi. The DMK and Marumalarchi DMK came together, and Maran and Vaiko stood beside each other near Vajpayee at the entrance of the presidential quarters. Yes, they had come together. However, more rituals were yet to be completed. Vaiko visited Karunanidhi at the latter's Gopalapuram residence. And Karunanidhi returned the visit by stopping over at Vaiko's ancestral home at Kalingapatti near Sankarankoil for an evening tea.
What does Vaiko gain in credibility, or otherwise, by going in for such off-the-cuffalliances and volte faces ? It is difficult to say, but it is clear that Vaiko is playing to a plan of emerging as the legitimate Dravidian leader of Tamil Nadu. His caste base is that of the Nayudus of southern districts. Vaiko's father himself was a wellknown Congressman.
Vaikobroke away from the family tradition and supported the DMK during the anti-Hindi agitation in 1965. He has always made a big issue out of his credibility, but it was, or still is, nowhere in sight when he decides to align with the DMK or the AIADMK.
Vaiko recently got Union finance minister Yashwant Sinha to release his American Memoirs and other oratorical ventures as books. He always has had to portray himself as a part of the
thinking Dravidia which the likes o are already exclud viously has larger den agendas and h for a while now. contend with Karu tive skills and gua ymen returning to latest bold ventur nanidhi himself t comming MDMK hipuram, the birth elder brother Ann tain to resent the tween his father a idhi, and his Sishy not likely to altert tion between the t He, also, has Karunanidhi in fa the Sri Lankan imb is biding his time led government co LTTE. Also, V MDMK, has a sup over Tamil Nadu some pockets of th ern districts. In th and Gounders, ith: sure groups exert Vaiko, who hail community, has th attracting other se towards his party. not happening for Vaiko’s proximity the minorities awa More immedi problems with the in 1996-97, has be encouraging Al-U terrorist organisat stage the militant Tamil Nadu, M Kazhagam (TMM direct involvemer 1998, serial bla changed the DM) all Muslim outfits in prisons were sl pression, as has be ous human right: other relatively c have also not b Karunanidhi has harsh measures a governance, the charged the DMK ing to tough tact please the BJP-le centre. The TMM

TAMILTIMES 23
intelligentsia, from f Alagiri and Stalin ed! Vaiko, thus, obambitions and hidas been playing safe However, he has to nanidhi's manipulaurd against his partthe DMK fold. His e is to invite Karu) address the forthconference at Kancplace of Drav-idian adurai Stalin is cerlatest proximity beund Guru, Karunanra, Vaiko, but that is he new-found affec
WO.
higher stakes than youring the LTTE in broglio, and perhaps, to ensure that a BJPuld decide to help the aiko's party, the port base spread all , and is stronger in e southern and westne Naidus, Naickers as three distinct presing influence on it. s from the Naicker he unenviable task of ctions like the Dalits ... something which is the time being. Also, 1 to the BJP has kept ly from his party. ate are the DMK's minorities: the party, 'en accused of tacitly Umma, the shadowy ion, in a bid to upand fundamentalist Muslim Munnetra K). The Al-Umma's t in the February 14, sts at Coimbatore &’s outlook towards . Al-Umma suspects bjected to brutal reen found out by vari; organisations, and uiet Muslim outfits een spared. While been justifying the necessary for good Muslim outfits have regime with resortics against them to d government at the Krecently dida volte
face and resolved to support the AIADMK-led frontain order to defeat the DMK-BJP combine.
The TMMK, in the process, has emerged as the strongest of the Islamic fundamentalist outfits in Tamil Nadu and has been able to influence mainstream Muslim parties like the Indian Union Muslim League and the Indian National League. Both these parties have taken a stand against the DMKBJP front. The Indian National League, led by Abdul Latheef, has broken away from the DMK-led front. The lindian Union Muslim League, whose late leader Abdus Samad had tried hard to wangle compartmentalised reservations for Muslims from Karunanidhi, has now decided to oppose the DMK-BJP front.
The Muslims constitute about 8 to 9 per cent of the voters in Tamil Nadu, and the Christians, about 3 per cent. Both these communities are expected to vote largely in favour of Sonia Gandhi's Congress. This way, the DMK is certain to lose a bit of its traditional vote base for a long time to come. The party, it seems, is trying to woo the forward communities and the Nadars, who have a strong presence in southern districts of Tamil Nadu. However, the Nadars are equally divided in all parties. And the forward communities, who have migrated from the Congress to the BJP, may not like to support the DMK beyond a point. Looking this way, the DMK certainly seems set to lose its traditional allies - the minorities - for quite some time to come. Also, the chance of the BJP going in for a process of brainwashing DMK cadres towards its ideology is likely to commence soon.
The unchallenged leader of Tamil Muslims - Quaid-e-Milleth Mohammed Ismail - was a traditionalist in outlook, but a liberal at heart. He had spurned the then Muslim League's offer of a separate Pakistan and, as a member of the Constituent Assembly, had opined that Tamil be made the national language of the Indian Union Such was his commitment to this land. However, the Al-Umma had broken away from this heritage. And, if one recalls that the Quaid-e-Milleth said to Karunanidhi in his dying bed that he was leaving the fate of the Tamil Muslims at the DMK's hands, it is easy to realise that Karunanidhi has compromised on this score by aligning with the BJP. O

Page 24
24. TAMİL TİMES
CASTE POLTC NTDAML, NAD
T.N.Gopalan
Never before the question of has caste has come to play such a vital role in the public sphere in Tamil Nadu. Inevitably the polarisation (fragmentation, to put it more appropriately) seems to behaving a telling impact on the state during the run-up to the Lok Sabha polls, what with the political parties vying with each other to cultivate the various caste associations.
That the likes of Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha should entertain an array of these self-proclaimed caste leaders in the full glare of the media and seek to make out that those castes are rallying behind them do seem to mark a turning point in the state politics. And the poll verdict to follow would show whether the caste factor has indeed become that overwhelmingly important as is projected now or it is merely a chimera pursued by greedy politicians who are not sure of their own support base.
That caste is the unique contribution of Hinduism to civilisation is a truism, not meriting any serious discussion. Though the Shia-Sunni conflicts
or the Catholic-Protestant clashes il
lustrate the signal failure of other religious philosophies too to keep their faithful together, the Hindu castes are so numerous and so fractious that they present a major hurdle to any attempt to unify the social order in India. How an essentially western concept like democracy, grafted on to the polity, has thus far survived the churnings in the Hindu hierarchy is itself mystifying.
Whether it is the conservative North which has not seen any serious challenges to the Brahminical social order for centuries now and the iniquities are still perpetrated with impunity by the upper castes or the South which has been shaken repeatedly by rebellions led by the lower castes in various forms, the caste has remained a forbidding reality in the public sphere.
Even if the caste dimensionis confined to the people's private lives, like marriage or worship, it would of course be a serious source of friction, but per
haps could be kept explosions averted by justments here and th If the Brahminica nated the Indian soc without any major could be largely attr that the lower castes mutely.
Also important t that the public spher in scope then, and i hogging it all, so be
Friction comes ab oppressed begin to re could have a say in t are governed.
And so thanks to western education a troduction of demo ment of the society st own rights,
Consequently th litical parties which of as many voters as to come to power p up for an egalitarian the lower castes with ises even while esse interests of the entren Only subsequen attempt in 1990 to i firmative discriminat vation in governmen cational institutions the resurgence of the significant extent. Th upper and the Dalits of the caste system, a in a bitter battle fors dominance. No more have to change reli some fresh air.
Interestingly ever are essentially the d lower caste and unto realising that conv recipe for upward mo to join hands with t ganisations or partie represent their interes struggle for their ow

15 JULY 1999
S U
at a leash, mjaor making some ad
ere, l order had domiiety for centuries disruption, that ibuted to the fact accpeted their lot
o note is the fact 2 was very limited if the upper were it.
out only when the alise that theytoo he way their lives
the colonial rule, nd finally the incracy, every segEarted asserting its
e mainstream poneeded the votes possible in order retended to speak order and wooed all kinds of promntially serving the ched upper castes. t to V.P.Singh's nstitutionalise af. ion through resertjobs and in edudid the North see lower castes to a e lower castes, the , outside the pale ure all now locked ocial and political : do the oppressed gions to breathe
the Muslims who escendants of the uchable converts,
•rsion is no sure bility, have sought he lower caste oris which claim to ts and carry on the n share of the pie.
But a large part of the South is supposed to stand on a different footing altogether. The empowerment of the backward castes had started in the twenties of this century. If it was the self-respectmovement ofPeriyar EVR in Tamil Nadu, it was Narayana Guru in Kerala and the Communist revolt in Andhra Pradesh which had sought to smash the stranglehold of the upper castes with varying degrees of success. (Karnataka might have remained relatively immune to this phenomenon for long, but even there, at least by the seventies, the backward castes started asserting their place in the scheme of things vigorously.) But it was Periyar's Dravidian Movement which sought to project itself as a comprehensive repudiation of everything Brahminical and indeed seemed to have succeeded in rallying behind it almost all the nonBrahmins, though the Dalits themselves remained suspicious of it, led as it had been by their immediate antagonists, the upper and intermediate non-Brahmim castes.
The apparent pan-Non-Brahmin unity which led to the rise of the DMK is in tatters. Since the stunning victory of the DMK in the 1967 Assembly polls, the stated has been under the almost uninterrupted rule of the two Dravidian parties, the DMK and the AIADMK, for over three decades.
This "achievement' and the near decimation of the Congress, have been touted as the logical culmination of the efforts of Periyar EVR.
Never mind the DMK-AIADMK schism. The enemy, the Brahmins have been vanquished. The Congress which promoted the interests of the Brahmins and the feudal lords is finished. Never mind also the Dalits are still facing "some minor problems”here and there. The liberation is at hand. The non-Brahmin consolidation is almost complete. Thus spake the apologists of the Dravidian movement.
They have all retreated into a deaf. ening silence following some recent developments in the state, and that is just not because of the problems of the Dalits alone. As mentioned earlier, caste associations are mushrooming, each of them claiming to champion the cause of its own community, at times adopting very menacing tones. Almost every major caste, major perhaps mean

Page 25
15 JULY 1999
ing with a thirty to forty percent population in some given area, has begun to assert its place under the sun and more and stridently demand some special concessions for itself, devil take the rest.
The Vanniars found predominantly in the northern districts, with some significant presence in the central and western regions, are an interesting case in point. They are indeed a very backward caste who woke up to the advantage in their numbers pretty early in the day. In the very first elections held af. ter the Independence, a party known as the Common Weal, swept the polls in the northern belt. That subsequently the party folded up thanks to the machinations of Rajaji is a different story altogether. (In fact the Congress, despite the halo of the freedom fighters behind it, failed to muster a majority on its own, what with the Communists on the one side and the Common Weal on the other giving it an unexpected drubbing. After Andhra Pradesh was carved out of the Madras Presidency, apart from some tenancy reform measures, the
Communists too f marginalised. The being that social ten own impact on the that time itself, tho tionalist rhetoric di ing over the cracks ter.)
The violentagita the Vanniar Sangha ership of Dr.Ramac demanding what el announced the arriv Vanniars in the po poll boycott move wrath of the gover and finally when th the banner of the Pa they took everyone strong showing in constituencies in 19 looked back since t took a severe beatin alone.
Ramadas then c cally,"We will neve own. We know ou weaknesses, we'll h
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found themselves moral of the story sions had had their electoral politics at ugh the Tamil nai succeed in paperfor a time thereaf
tions conducted by am under the leaddas in the eighties, se but reservation, ral yet again of the litical arena. Their s only invited the nments of the day, ey contested under ttali Makkal Katchi by surprise by their
several Lok Sabha
91. They have not hough in 1996 they g when they fought
declared unequivo:r again fight on our strengths and our hereafter align with
either of the two major Dravidian parties.' He has switched from extreme Tamil nationalist, anti-Brahmin and anti-North rhetoric to a patriotic, panIndian discourse without any qualms. He has not been able to get the muchvaunted exclusive 20 per cent reservation for the Vanniars, nor any specific developmental project targeting them, but they seem to matter little. If between him and the PMK man in the union cabinet, Dalit Ezhilmalai, (though a Dalit, this latter has little following among his own community and is seen to be doing the bidding of his Vanniar master who likes to project Ezhilmalai as a symbol of his concern for the Vanniar-Dalit unity), they could distribute favours, the Vanniar masses seem to be satisfied.
Their counterparts, in the south, the militant Thevars, are yet to fashion a vehicle of their own. Though they did take refuge in large numbers in the Forward Bloc, founded by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, that party fought shy of any overtly casteist approach. It was
thanks to Sasikala's patronage that the
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Page 26
26 TAMILTMES
Thevars and their kindred castes, Kallars and Agambudiyars, gained extraordinary political importance, disproportionate in fact to their numbers, in the polity - inevitably the Dalits, the Pallars, especially, coming to suffer under the Thevar heels. Interestingly both the Vanniars and the Thevars once formed the backbone of the DMK, but Karunanidhi finds those castes deserting him in droves.
At least in the North, the DMK is still believed to enjoy a strong following and some sections of Vanniars stil remaining loyal to it, but the Thevars have turned almost totally hostile to it. Such is the abjectness of his situation that Karunanidhi recently had a well-publicised meeting with Shanmugiah Pandian, a very young, violent, rabble-rousing Thevar leader, and the latter has now promised to work for the defeat of the AIADMK. It was this Pandian who was largely responsible for the caste riots in the Ramanathapuram region last year. At that time he was believed to have been acting at the instance of Jayalalitha, Karunanidhi himself said so on record. But most Thevar organisations have remained with the AIADMK.
The Dalits themselves have never been able to put up a united front. The Pallars, Pariars and the Arundhadhiyars, the three major segments in the community, have found it difficult to come together even on the major issues confronting them all, such is the intensity of the tensions among them. When the militant Pallars fight it out with the Thevars, the other two generally turn a Nelson's eye, occasionally they join the Pallar-bashing themselves. The Pallars, now led by Dr.K. Krishnaswamy, have banded together under the Pudhiya Thamizhakam banner and registered some significant successes in the last elections. Though the party desperately seeks to take wings and become the acknowledged representatives of the entire Dalit community, the other two sects would still not trust them.
Jayalalitha has succeeded in Wooing the Pariar community to her side. Various Pariar leaders have been calling on her and pledging their support, saying that the Karunanidhi government has treated them very nastily. It may be recalled here again that the Pallars suffered heavily at the hands of
the Thevars during gime, and the Pudh was born of this ch cumstances is it any find it easier to co Garden lady even fending off the overt Thamizhakam?
While the Pallars southern region, th found in large nun with some signific where too. Thought to take advantage C cation and the intell the Dalit movement from them thus far, ceeded in cashing i cal strength, their la their vote-banks to election after electi ing to change the tre will have seats for some concessions f and make the AIAD litical parties acknow problems. No more for others, they say, Though there is lost between them a assert that they have to jump into her b to teach a lesson to has been harassing t cate the Vanniarlob dhiyars, essentiall largely in the west supine lot, and the make much of a pol the Adhi Andhras, t munity, whose motl and whom the vari tions rarely care to The Telugu-sp and Naickers, a fl community, found south, have now f Telungars Party an the deciding facto Sabha constituenc: declare their sup DMK or the AIA chances are they Jayalalitha.
After the fall gime when Sonia wounds and was ul mind on joining AIADMK, Jayala politician she is,

15 JULY 1999
he Jayalalitha reya Thamizhakam Irning. In the cirurprise the Pariars y up to the Poes while persistently res of the Pudhiya
are confined to the : Pariars could be bers in the north int presence elsehey have been able f the English eductual leadership of shasalways come they have not sucin on their numeri:aders only selling he highest bidders on. They are hopnd this time. They themselves,extract or their community MK and other powledge their special piggy-back rides
not much of a love nd Jayalalitha, they no where to go but andwagon in order Karunanidhi who hem in order toplaby. (The Arundhay cobblers, found arn belt, are a very y can not hope to tical impact. So are he scavenging comer tongue is Telugu pus Dalit organisamobilise.)
eaking Reddiyars ourishing landlord in the north and the toated the Dravida they claim they are in at least ten Lok es. They are yet to vort for either the DMK, though the oo might support
f the Vajpayee revas still licking her able to make up her
hands with the tha, a very clever vooed all kinds of
caste leaders. Those who would never have been allowed anywhere near her convoy were granted audience with alacrity and, excited, they promised their support to her.
Ironically, the Nadars are perhaps the only major community who could be trusted to vote for the DMK this time. Last year they had turned against the DMK-TMC combine in the wake of the Tamil Nadu Mercantile Bank affair. Managed essentially by a few Nadar clans, it seemed to have slipped out of their hands when a non-resident Indian, Sivasankaran, a non-Nadar close to Murasoli Maran, bought up a large number of shares of the bank. The Nadar leaders made a hue and cry, but the DMK government remained haughtily indifferent, and the party bit the dust in the last elections.
Now, through some dubious manoeuvres, the management is sought to be restored to the Nadar clans and some pact has been arrived at, interestingly arch-BJP-ites like auditor S.Gurumurthy and journalist Cho.S.Ramaswamy oversaw the signing of the deal. Whether it would really materialise and whether the Nadars would be able to mobilise the money required to pay off Sivasankaran are different questions altogether. The point is the Nadars seem to have been won over with the promise that they are on their way to regaining their control over the bank.
Last, but not the least, the Muslims seem to have cast their lot with Jayalalitha, in protest against the recurrent crack-down on them by the Karunanidhi regime after the Coimbatore blasts. The government has also failed to render any significant relief to the victims ofthe anti-Muslim riots of 1997. Nor any of the culprits responsible for the attacks on them at the time have been prosecuted.
What would happen now? Will the "rain-bow coalition' that Jayalalitha seems to have managed to cobble up would romp home or the DMK-BJP combine would still emerge successful thanks to the Vanniar support in the south and the traditional support of the other intermediate castes elsewhere? How do you factor in the individual charisma of the personalities like
Vajpayee, Sonia Gandhi and Jayalalitha'? It will take a while for an
SWerS tO COme. O

Page 27
5 JULY 1999
談贊
Mervyn-Pontiff of Lankan Journalis
Ajith Samaranayake
he passing of Mervyn de Silva, the pontiff of Sri Lanka's journalism, was redolent of an epoch. For Mervyn straddled several eras of Sri Lanka's journalistic and political life, moved with several generations and was the most perceptive and witty commentator both of the highpoints as well as the idiocies of the passing scene. Intellectual journalist, foreign affairs commentator, acerbic columnist and flamboyant clubman he personified the times.
Mervyn came to journalism in the early 1950's when the UNP dominated the political scene. However, his early concerns were literary and artistic as befitting a product of the Ceylon University's English Department. Not that Mervyn ever conformed to the staid and prissy values of the groves of academe. But as a young man he was excited by the literary talents of the west and wrote a series of articles to the "Observer' on contemporary English writers such as Ernest Hemingway and F. Scott Fitzgerald. I was surprised years later to get a cuttings book of these articles from Richard de Silva then an "Island colleague now working in the Daily News. Richard who is from Kandy was then boarded in Colombo during the week and he told me that his boarding mistress's late husband had cut and pasted them!
Mervyn was also a fine film critic then. Those were the days when cinema dominated urban middle class life long before television. The images on the screen and the larger-than-life heroes had an ineluctable pull on the imagination. Anton Weerasinghe who retired as Chief Sub Editor of “The Island recalls Mervyn standing alone at the old Atlanta club, drink in hand and puffing a cigarette, somewhat in the cast of one of these melancholy film heroes.
In time he graduated to be parliamentary sketch writer of the "Observer at a time when no by-lines were given. It was, however, after Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike”s MEP Government came into power that Mervyn found his metier as a foreign affairs
analyst, his forte t Karunatilleke, that who combined poli with much else w Matale heralded th took Mervyn to m The foreign affairs dio Ceylon was the Englishman and Ba. happy about its Mervyn used to re rifling through his giving him a books istic language, "Rea Thus was launche made Mervyn roam world meeting polit eralissimos, freedol heads including G notorious terrorist ology. That intervie’ Mahattaya the LT then, gave him a p what is known by t terrorism.
Mervyn's uniqu the 'Daily News' v in 1970. By that ti with the likes of Densil Pieris and Er all been Lake Hou never got the chan ranks. However, in "Daily
News' not onl record (its tradition lively forum for the lectual opinion. On could expect to see arguing with Fredd Silva with S. Pathir the editor himself v at somebody or pun pretensions.
The most scintil ter took place betw his old Royal Co Siriwardena. Meri piece on the death ing that he was a pc undergraduates on who by that time sioned with the ol rebuked his pupil dı to the riches of the
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 27
ill the last. Nimal
amazing dynamo tics and journalism whose triumph at e 1956 avalanche, eet Bandaranaike. commentary in Ra2n still done by an ndaranaike was unrightwing slant. call Bandaranaike ; bookshelves and saying in characterd this”, young man. d a career which the capitals of the ical chieftains, genm fighters and eggeorge Habash, the of western demonw with another with TE’S number two eculiar insight into he generic term of
Leachievement was which he took over me he had moved Tarzie Vittachchi, nest Corea who had se editors but had ce of joining their
1970 he made the
y a newspaper of al role) but also a exchange of intelany given day you Regi Siriwardena e Silva and Fred de avitana that is when was not poking fun cturing somebody's
lating such encouneen the editor and ollege guru Regi syn had written a of Ezra Pound sayet they had read as
our knees”. Regi had grown disillud English Masters awing his attention European and Rus
sian tradition with special emphasis on Anna Akhmatova, one of Regi’s icons then. The debate which ensued came to a close only when the pupil reluctantly using his editorial discretion called “finis.”
However, Mervyn's crowning achievement was without doubt the 'Lanka Guardian which he edited to the last. It was all the more creditable for here was the editor of a mainstream newspaper, a journalist who had always known only the comforts of the "Beira Gedera' (as the Left called it then) and briefly the "Times' setting out on his own to launch a little journal. But I believe the best of Mervyn came out then when he cocked a snook at everybody.
Those were heady days. Jayantha Somasunderam lent part of his firm Robert Agencies for the offices of the new journal. He himself functioned as Business manager apart from contributing. (Jayantha was an old "Nation' hand.) Gamini Dissanayake whose appearance at Mervyn's funeral was poignant since he was on holiday from Canada and was Circulation manager
and everybody in town wrote for the
LG. The original core contributers were S. Pathiravithana and Regi Siriwardena and later Nihal Ratnaike with Hugh Abeyratne as the Chief Sub Editor. It was printed at Ananda press owned by the late S. Shirathanantha, onetime ace political correspondent of the 'Daily News.'
The life of Marvyn de Silva, then, has passed from point to counterpoint. The Lake House editor and director ended life as the editor of a little but hugely respected journal both at home and abroad. The boy from Wattegama who moved from Dharmaraja College, Kandy to Royal College, Colombo and moved among the good and the great yet yearned for his roots. Unlike Tarzie Viittachchi and Denzil Pieris he never left Sri Lanka although he could well have afforded to make his name in the intellectual capitals of the world. Was that another sign that Mervyn did not want to forsake his roots although he had moved far from them as part of the anglicised urban elite of Colombo?
The questions will remain and I can imagine Mervyn chuckling delightedly at the enigma he has left behind. However, some things are certain. The liberal humanist values he imbibed from his Royal college teachers Dickie Atty
(continued on next page)

Page 28
28 TAMILTIMES
(Continued from page 27)
galle and Regi Siriwardena survived reinforced by the values of Ludowyke in paradisical Peradeniya. Undergraduate irreverence combined with the moral seriousness of later life to produce his immemorial prose. He was both prophet and jester. Kautilya (one of his pen-names) and Andare. Parodist, limerick writer, political commentator and public speaker he still kept us guessing. He dressed immaculately but yet travelled by taxi or later by threewheeler. He patronised the most exclusive clubs of Colombo but yet I remember a lunch the two of us had with the late Dharmapala Wettasinghe, editor of the 'Dinamina' at Somagiri hotel, one of the “bath kades' down Hospital Street, now sadly extinct.
Then who was Mervyn de Silva? The riddle will endure. The only clues I can offer are his choice of "Outsider' for one of his pen-names and his fascination with Jay Gatsby, Kafka and Fitzeyard then. Having been a great fan of John Le Carre, however, I know that Mervyn will understand the allusion from those ellician fields. O
y. Yoge
knew him far lo
can remember
give word to. He and followed relig steps. Sir Waitiali was in the Legisla pre-Donoughmor ducted unopposed t to become the Spe in the exalted office Parliament came in
Yogendra Dur cruited to the Fore early fifties. Begini he served with app and distinction in m world - at Rangoor berra, Baghdad, R Manila. He served years under Sir Cla Sri Lanka Mission tions in New York.
To my mind, the
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ndra Duraiswamy
By K. Ranganathan
nger then the mind nd the tongue can did his father proud ously in his footlgam Duraiswamy ive Council of the era and was ino the State Council aker. He remained until the Soulbury o being in 1947. aiswamy was reign Service in the ling at New Delhi, robation, panache any capitals of the l, New York, Canome, Beijing and for two and half ude Corea with the to the United Na
finest phase of his
career was after he shed the metaphorical plumes and regalia of diplomatic life and became District Secretary and Government Agent at Jaffna. That period gave point and purpose to a lifelong passion to serve his people.
Consequent to the General Strike hundreds of government employees were dismissed from service. He recruited approximately thousand youths on a strictly impartial basis to fill the vacancies. He initiated an Integrated Rural Development Programme whereby cottage industries were established and milk production was vastly increased. He launched housing projects and constructed new roads in the Peninsula. Direct dialling facilities were accelerated and a SLBC/Transmitting Centre was established. He ordered the resumption of work on the Mahadeva Causeway. Prior to his assumption of office, the decentralised
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Page 29
15 JULY 1999
budgets were not fully utilised. During his stewardship, all funds were fully expended.
He wanted to implement the Israeli Hydrological Expert's recommendations, for the Peninsula. He also had plans to rehabilitate the Iranamadu Tank whereby an extra 20,000 acres would have come under the plough.
He had diverse interests, principally
religious and cultural. He was the Presi
dent of the Sri Lanka Chapter of the Vishva Hindu Parishad. He vas President of the Hindu Council of Sri Lanka. He was until recently the President of the Alumni Association of the University of Colombo. He was the VicePresident of the National Conference on Religion and Peace and an Executive Committee Member of the Asian Conference on Religion and Peace. He was a Vice-President of the World Hindu Federation. He was a Committee Member of the Alliance for Peace. He had been President of the United Nations Association in Sri Lanka.
He was a man of principles remaining loyal to his cause, always, and to the end. He never changed his ssteed for transient advantage. He was proud of his race, language and religion but he remained a nationalist to the core of his being - a SRI LANKAN first, last and altogether.
He was a spokesman for "the poorest, the loneliest and the lost.” for the voiceless, the defenceless and the forlorn. He listened to all of them with calm and patience. He might not always have been able to solve their problems but gave them the salve of self-esteem, of courage and of future hope. He motivated and inspired the Minister of Justice and Ethnic Affairs to initiate the action programme "On the Spot,” Service which help to solve the myriad problems of displaced Tamils.
He fulfilled many roles as a dutiful son, a conscientious and loving brother, a loving husband, an affectionate father, an accessible relative and a stout friend. He was a friend for all seasons - he shared the happiness of his intimates when they savoured victories and triumphs; he grieved with them in their
SOTOWS.
He had a loving an invaluable asset endeavours. He brou her both by precept took immense pride erable achievements tor and guide in her He used his contacts corps to garner func
M
In early June, m ched a protest camp posals by a 3-membé tee regarding implk Official Secrets Act had been submitte which has for the beenplagued with co and “informers”.
The committee, c retaries of the Medi istries and a senior torney General's de pointed in May 199 to look into ways t Official Secret Acts Council laws could trol leakage of Cabi The Official Sec 'official secret as ". cial code word, col word, any particula relating to a prohib thing therein, any il description whatsoe arm of the armed fo plements of war ma the service of the R equipment, organisi ment intended to be ing used for the defe Publication of an of ishable by an astounc teen years imprison scription and a fi twenty thousandrup The Press Counc its any publication cret" within the me cial Secrets Act witl
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AMTES 29
wife-one who was to him in all his ight out the best in and example. He in all her consid... He was her mencommunity work. int the diplomatic ls for the building
programmes of the Hindu Women's Society.
He was singularly blessed in that his only son is a worthy standard-bearer for the dynasty as much as he pre-eminently was. He will have an assured place in the hearts and minds of his people long after the tub-thumpers, the soap-box orators and the self-styled "liberators" have left the plinth, O
edia Freedom
|edia groups launpaign against pror special Commitementation of the ... These proposals d to the Cabinet, past several years implaints of "leaks'
omprising the seca and Justice minofficial of the Atpartment was ap9, with a mandate hrough which the of 1953 and Press be invoked to connet newWS.
rets Act defines an a A & 8 any secret offiuntersign or pass
irs or information ited place or anynformation of any
ver relating to any rces or to any imintained for use in epublic or to any
ation or establish
or capable of beence of Sri Lanka”. icial secretis punding period of fourment of either dene not exceeding becS.
il Law also prohibof an “official seaning of the Offihout such publica
tion being approved by the Secretary, Defence. Under Section l 6, there is an explicit prohibition on the publication of "any matter which purports to be the proceedings or part of the proceedings of a meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers or any part of any document sent to or by the Ministers or Cabinet Secretary or any decision of the Cabinet. Any person who contravenes the provisions could be punished by a fine not exceeding five thousand rupees and/or with imprisonment of either description for a term not exceeding two
years.
Given that provisions prohibiting the publication of cabinet secrets already exists in the Sri Lankan law, the move by the government was seen to be particularly offensive to all defenders of freedom of expression. Critics pointed out that the definition of 'official secrets' in the Act was contradictory with Constitutional guarantees; in fact, they commented that the Act puts Emergency Regulations to shame. The punishments imposed by the Act are excessive, and in cases of gross misconduct no attorney at law can represent the accused. y -
“Lakbima” journalist Sri Lal Priyantha and three others who had been remanded a few weeks ago for alleged murders committed during the 1988/1989 periodin Welipanna, Matugama, were ordered to be further remanded till the 21st June by the Matugama Magistrate and Additional District Judge Sri Sumanda Herath when the case came up for hearing on June 7. O
El ONLY ))))-SRI LANKA
als
58 369 989
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Page 30
30 TAMILTIMES
MATRIMONAL
Catholic parents seek for pretty graduate daughter, 23, professional groom. Please Send details. M 1118 C/o Tamil TineS. Jaffna Hindu parents in US seek professional groom in US for daughter, medical doctor, 26. Send horoscope, details. M 1119 C/o Tarnil Times. Jaffna Hindu parents seek a professional for graduate daughter, I.T. (UK), 25, well employed in Colombo. Send horoscope, details. M 1120 C/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu parents seek educated partner for fair, pretty daughter, 36, M.B.A., A.C.C.A., Accountant. Send horoscope, details, M 1121 C/o Tanni Tires. Jaffna Hindu brother seeks educated groom for pretty Sister, 32, 5"5" dental surgeon working in Sri Lanka. Send horoscope, details. M 1122 C/o Tamil Times. Uncle seeks Christian groom, professional preferred, for niece, 30, (London), father medical practitioner, Colombo. M 1123 C/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Tamil Hindu parents, Canadian residents, seek educated partner for engineer son, 34, (B.A.Sc. Engineering, Canada), Canadian citizen, well employed in Canada. Send horoscope, details M 1124 C/o Tamil Times or Fax Canada 416.283 1745.
WEDDING BELS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding. Sasitharan Son of Mr & Mrs V. Ratnam of 39/4 Pakkiaraja Lane, Upstair Road, Batticaloa, Sri Lanka and Ananthy daughter of Mr & Mrs S. Sridas of 100-91 L'Amoreaux Drive, Scarborough, Ontario M1 W2U8, Canada on 23.6.99 at Toronto Richmond Hill Vinayagar Kovil Mandapam. Sivasoruban Son Of Mr & MrS S. Kanagasabai of 24
2Owords tosch word SOP che BOX No. 23. (Vat. 17 12% extra). Prepayment essential The Advertisement Manager, Tamil Times Ltd, PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD 0181-644 0972 FAX: 018-24 4.
Ashridge Drive, Bricketwood, St. Albans, Herts AL23SH and Jeyaraatha daughter of Mr & Mrs Jeyaraja of C/26/3/1 Soysa Pura Flats, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka on 28.6.99 at Miami Beach Hotel, Alexandra Road, Colombo 6.
OBITUARIES
Mrs Maheswary Ayadurai, (79), beloved wife of the late
Mr Nagamuttu Ayadurai (Pookuddi) of Koddady Jaffna; loving mother of Somesan (Australia), Sri Nalini (Colombo), Vimalanayakie and Sakunthala (both of UK); mother-in-law of Toni, Kugatha Sar), Balendran and Gnaneswaran; grandmother of Shivan, Niall, Oshin, Ferdia, Yarlini Jeyakumar, Sivayini Arulkumaran, Umayini, Balarajan, Rakulan, Bamini and Luxmi, great grandmother of Ragavi and Poornima; sister of late Mrs Thayalınayagi Sivagnanam, Mahesan, Mrs Valambikai Rajendram and of Nadesan (Australia), Mrs Saraswathy Ganeshan (UK) and Sivasubramaniarn (Jaffna) passed away in London On 24th June 1999.
The members of her family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and floral tributes and assisted in various ways during the period of bereaVerment. - Mrs V. Ballendran, 69 Manor Drive North, New Malden, Surrey KT3 SPA. Tel 0181 335 0757
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 JULY 1999
Mr Yogendra Duraiswamy, formerly of Sri Lankan Foreign Service, dearly beloved husband of Sivanandini (President, Saiva Mangaiyar Kalagam, Colombo); devoted father of Dr Naresha Duraiswamy, son of the late Sir Waithilingam and Lady Duraiswamy, son-in-law of the late Dr. and Mrs T. Nallainathan, brother of the late Mahendra, Rajendra, Maheswari and of Nades Wari, Puvaneswari, Parameswari and Devendra, brother-in-law of Rudrani Balakrishnan (UK), Dr Sanatkunar Nalainathan (USA) and Sivarangani Chandraraj (USA) passed a Way peacefully on 17th June 1999 in Colombo. - 9 Castle Lane, Colombo 4, Sri Lanka.
Mrs Rasathy Thirunavukkarasu (64), daughter of the late Dr. & Mrs Ambalavanar of Suihumalai, Sri Lanka, beloved wife of Mr C. Thirunavukkarasu (Retired Education Officer, Nigeria); loving mother of Vasuki and Dr. Vatsala, grandmother of Thushan and Suji; brother of Dr. Ponnampalam (Melbourne, Australia), Sritharan, late Shanmuganathan, late Dr. Gangatharan all of Sutumalai, Sri Lanka; mother-in-law of Pathmalingam and Suresh; Sister-in-law of Manohari, Jayanthi and Indrani passed away on 4th July 1999. The
funeral took place on Wednesday, 7th July and she was cremated at the New Southgate Crematorium.
The members of her family thank all those Who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and assisted during the period of bereavement - 28 Foxhead Close, Enfield, Middx EN2 7G. Tel 0181 363 O922.
Gnanapooranam beloved wife of the late Kandasamy; loving mother of Jayathilakam and Jeyalukshmy (both of USA), mother-in-law of K. Ponnampalam and T.S. Mylvakanam (both of USA); grandmother of Shyamala, Nirmala (both of UK), Brindhaban, Kumar, Manoharan (all of USA), Rathy, Komathy (both of UK) and Rajkumar (USA); grandmother-in-law of Dubsy, , Ratneswaran, Harry, Chandran (all of UK) and Devaki (USA), great grandmother of Arani, Anuja, Deepam, Dharran and Thanujan (all of UK) passed away on 29th June 1999 and was Crennated at Kanatte, Borella, Sri Lanka at 4p.m. on 3Oth Jane.
The members of her family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted them in several ways during the period of bereavement. - 19 Huxley Place, Palmers Green, London N135SU, UK. (Tel: 0181 886 5966)
Colombo 7 Land
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Contact J.M. Mahadeva, C/Galeon - 11 - 9A, 28042 Madrid, SPAIN.

Page 31
15 JULY 1999
OBITUARES ctd
Mrs. Saraswathy Somasundaram. Beloved of her husband, family and community, former Principal of Uduvil Girls College, In the midst of living she passed away unexpectedly in her sleep, in the house she grew up in, at Uduvil on 11th July 1999. She laboured long in the gardens of the Lord. Her spirit lives in us and the trees bear fruit. - Anna
UK and a similar Poojah and Annathanam at Sri Durgadevi Devasthanam in Tellipallai, Sri Lanka.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his children Tharmamabal, Dr. Tharmasothy and Dr. Tharmadevi; sons-in-law Dr. Navaratnam, Professor Balarajan and Dr. Vigneswaran, grandchildren Sarvesvaran, Janani, Jeyaganeshan, Dr. Vaseeharan,
ragiri, Uduvil, Chunnakam. Anand, Varshini, Yarlini, Thay
alan and Dinesh. - 5 Windy Hill, Hutton, Brentwood, Essex CM13 2HE
IN MEMORAM First Death Anniversary of
Dr. S.A. Tharmalingam, Retired Medical Practitioner and former Mayor of Jaffna
in loving memory of Mrs Mankay Sivasampu on the ninth anniversary of her pass
Municipal Council, who 2.8.90 passed away on 5th July 1998 ing away on VM I AM KM was observed with an Sadly missed and fondly
remembered by her two sons. - 15 Wolsey Road, Chessington, Surrey KT9 1XG.
Abishekam and Poojah at London Sivan Kovil in Lewisham,
Prathalingam, the inte Bharatha Natya Gul dancer on the finer The auditorium was this arangetram was staged in Mafikeng by with live music with r. Katpaham commer With the traditional lowed by Jatiswaram, unnai enniye' and Va most important item ty minutes. The aud bound as Katpahan dence and precision. she performed the and Mattunagar V. Javali - “Vani Rama Mangalam. Smit Ba phy was well appreci audience.
Katpaham is a disc nayake and had ea Anusha Ayaru { Ramasamy in Zambi The members of th Rajini Ratnayake - N asundari Prathalinga
Katpaham's Bharatha Natya Arangetram
Xბა: 键 క Katpaham, daughter of Mr & Mrs M. Shantikumar of Batticaloa had her Bharatha Natya Arangetram on 27th March 1999 in the Auditorium of the International School of South Africa, Mafikeng. The Chief Guest was Hon. Zipporah Tumagole, Minister of Arts, Culture and Sports, North West Province, South Africa. Smit Balasundat
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES3
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
Aug 1 Feast of St AlphonSLS.
Aug 5 Karthigai. Aug 6 Feast of the Trans
formation of the Lord Jesus Christ. Aug. 7 Eekathasi; South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Drop in. Tel 0181 542 3285. Aug. 8 Pirathosam, Feast of St Dominic. Aug 10 Adi Amawasai Feast of St Lawrence. Aug 11 Feast of St Clare. Aug 13 Adi Pooram. Aug 14 Sathurthi. Aug 15 Feast დf the Assumption of Blessed Virgin Mary.
Aug 16 Shashti. Aug 20 Varalakshmy Viratham, Feast of St Bernard. Aug 21 SLTWG trip to Clacton Beach Tel: 0181 542 3285; Feast of St Pius X. Aug 22 Eekathasi. Aug 24 Pirathosam. Aug 26 Full Moon. Aug 27 Feast of St Monica. Aug 28 6pm Abdul Hameed presents "Paadukku" Paddu" and Joddy Kuyil" competition at Logan Hall, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1. Tel. 0181
904 5939. SLTWG Women's Group Trip to Poole. Tel: 0181 542 3285. Feast of St Augustine.
Aug 29 Feast of St John the
Baptist. At Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HG. Te: 0171 381 3O86/4608. Aug 6 7.45pm Kathak
Dance by Saswati Sen from India. Aug 7th & 8th 6.00pm Sumner SChool Finales - Book Early. Aug 13 6.00pm Sight & Sound Exhibition of Paintings and Musical instruments, inauguration by His Excellency Sri Lalit Mansingh, High Commissioner for India, All Wel
COf 69. Aug 13 7pm indian independence Day Celebrations with Speeches and Cultural programme of Music and Dance in the presence of the Chief Guest, The High CommiSSiOner for India. All Wel
COT9. Aug 14th & 15th 10am - 5pm Continuation of Sight & Sound Exhibition of Paintings and Musical Instruments' All Welcome.
"rnationally renowned ru had guided the Joints of the dances. filled to capacity as the first of its kind a Sri Lankan dancer puted artistes. ced her programme Mallari/Alarippu folSabtham - 'Kannane rnam the Central and which took about thirance was kept Spelldanced with ConfiAfter the intermission afhans, Aadidu van" laviyile' followed by nave, Thillana and asundai's choreograited by the multiracial
ple of Smt Rajini Ratdier learint fronn Snt rhod Se! Wi Yarnini
2.
2 Orchestra were Srmt ättuvankam, Smt Basn - Vocal & Choreog
raphy, Sri Karthigesan Pillay - Vocal, Smt Srithevi Padmanathan - Violin, Sri Haresh Prahlad - Mridangam, Smt Rani Chandramohan - Veena and Sri Devalpally Vidyanath - Flute. Sri Umakanthan Vinasithamby and Selvi Radhika Ramanathan were the comperes,
Dr. Aiyadurai Karunanandhan
Dr. Karunanandhan, who passed away recently at the age of seventy eight was a person of outstanding talents which went largely unnoticed and unrecognised. He specialised in simulations all on his own. His first effort, while he was a student of Madras Christian College in the B.Sc., class was a model airplane about 6 ft x 6 ft which he built all by himself out of aluminium and demonstrated the principles of the lift and flight of the plane. Instead of the plane flying, he made the landing ground to move under it at increasing speeds when the plane lifted off the ground and the movement of the ground underneath gave the illusion of the plane in flight. This model was in great demand in Colleges and Schools at Science exhibitions both in Madras and later on, in schools in Sri
Continued on page 32

Page 32
32 TAMILTMES
Continued from page 31
Lanka and the Colombo Plan Exhibition where students were able to study and understand the lift and flight of the plane.
Another innovation of his was to make cut-out cardboard models of important buildings. Students could break away sections of the cardboard and following instructions, could assemble the buildings for themselves. He made models of the Taj Mahal, Buddha Gaya, the famous Hindu temple at Tanjore and locally of the Bandaranalike Memorial linternational Conference Hall and the Dalada Maligawa, the last two he presented to the then Prime Minister. Though original and ingenious, the models did not Catch on as he had expected with school children.
At the university of Peradeniya, he was a senior lecturer in the Faculty of Education where he used his expertise in the use of audio-visual aids in teaching, to instruct teachers doing their post-graduate diploma. He finally retired as Head of the Department of Education, Jaffna University.
Karunanandhan Was also an artist in his own way. His scientific drawings were so meticulously accurate in such detail that they were a treat to look at. His botanical drawings are still preserved in the Botany Museum of the Madras Christian College.
After taking his degree, he taught for some time and at the age of 28 was invited to be Principal of a newly established colege, called Yariton College at Karainagar, Jaffna. He was far ahead in his thinking and his views, to last very long in this highly Orthodox and conservative society in Jaffna. From there he served on the staff of Trinity College and Jaffna Central College for a few years. In 1954 he went on a Smith Mundt Scholarship to the University of Ohio, USA, Where he obtained his Master's degree in education. He was a visiting scholar at St. John's College, University of Cambridge in 1968. His speciality was simulated experience which was also his thesis for Ph.D. in the University of Ceylon. He also served the South Pacific Commission for two years again being sought for his expertise in the audio-visual field.
Karunanandhan was a simple and humble man of small stature and looking at him many would not have believed that he was a good tennis and table tennis player in his time, having represented the university at both sports. He hailed from a well-known and influential family in Jaffna, his father having been a lawyer active in local politics and having served as Mayor of Jaffna in the early forties. Having known him for over fifty years I could say that he was a man of extraordinary talents and ingenuity and an original thinker. It is a little disappointing that he did not rise to the heights of his full potential and that he went largely unrecognised in his lifetime. Maybe he was a little ahead of his time. I have great pleasure in paying him this tribute. Dr. E.S. Thevasagayam
Kirthi's
Arang
Kirthi, son of Sri & of Carshalton Beeche Sri Somasundarades of the evening on 1: Beck Theatre, Hayes With India's Outstandi O. S. Thiagarajan. Sr, is appreciated for its depth, tonal splend improvisation skills. I firmand mature Sens cially his ability to ac "vallinam’ and mellir and follow through anticipation.
The distinguished Arangetram, mridang Sri R. Mani enlighter as to what is actual dangist in accompan Soha Mridanga Thala play as attempted by feel for vocal gnana, not simply playing mode. It gave greath, ence and, in partic watch Kirthi's develo dangist at thirteen ye. The thani-avarthan was brilliant. He ent with a scintillating es (which I understand cially by Karaikudi Sn Sion). The Upa-pak Prakash on G Sithamparanathan o tributed enormously percussion interlude arangetram turned ot presentation for the L reached a stature Easai Vizla concert, all the musicians incit tante and Sri Balu Ra linist. It was encour, range in the audience gam teachers, lead tions, students, rasi Who took a keen into recital to bless the yo Kirthi Connes from established backgro. and dance. His noth
 

15 JULY 1999
Wridanga etram
Smit Varodayasingam s, Surrey and pupil of gar Was truly the star th. June 1999 at the
Middx in the ConCert ng genius vocalist Sri Thiagarajan's music i Classicism, musical pur and stupendous was impressed by his e of layam and espeCompany suitably the Lin' of the rendition with a nice sense of
Chief Guest of the a maestro Karaikudi led the many rasikas y expected of a mriying the song 'Soha mu’. It is the beautiful Kirthi that showed his m’ or knowledge and 'softly' in sarvalagu appiness for the audiular, his teacher to pment as a fine mriars of age. am played by Kirthi hralled the audience say in Thisram tempo was composed spei RManifOrthis OCCaavadya playerS, Sri hatarm and Sri n the morsing conto the success of the led by Kirthi. The ut to be indeed a rare Ondon audience as it of being a Chennai full of challenges for luding Kirthi, the debuguraman, the fine vioaging to see a wide 2 of vocalists, mridaners of music institukas and WelWishers prest in attending the jung artiste. a family with a well ind in Karnatic music er Smt Girija is a well
known exponent of Bharatanatyam. He derives further inspiration from his grandmother, Smit Shanmugasundaram who Was a dedicated student of Veena and his uncle Sri Ravichandran, a mridangam virtuoso living in Australia.
Pulavar Sivanathan created a special composition in praise of Bhagawan Baba, which was beautifully tuned and rendered by Sri O.S. Thiagarajan in raga Walajie. Kirthi showed his gratitude to his music teachers Smt Saraswathy Packiarajah and Smit Sivasakthi Sivanesan by honouring them during his recital. The Deputy Headmaster of Kirthi's school spoke on the importance of cultural values and Smt Pushkala Gopal, the artistic director of Mudralaya gave a brief appraisal of the COri:Cerf.
Sruthi-Laya-Seva of Karaikudi Sri R. Mani founded by Sri Somasundaradesigar in London should be applauded for providing a very important source of growth of Karnatic Music.
With the valuable blessings and advice, gifts from Bhagawan and the guidance of his teachers, I am certain that they will stand Kirthi in good stead for the future not only to develop as a great artiste but also as a good and happy person.
Sinthu
Thirukoneswaram Temple Bell Atop its Tower
The Kurmbabishekam of the Mani Gopuram of the new bell of the Thirukoneswaran Temple, Trincomalee, Sri Lanka, the picture of which appears above took place on 4th December 1998. The funds for the bell were Collected mainly in the UK. The cost of the bell tower was met by Mr. P. Keerthidas, a resident of TrinCOnalee.
Book Review The Dangerous New World by Maulia Selvarajah (ten years) available at £2.50 inclusive of postage from 48 Hallwicks Road, Luton, Beds LU2 9BH. Tel: O1582 726398.
I am delighted to read this book full of adventure and surprises. There is a good climax and a pleasant ending. My favourite character was Jacky, most because I am a totally different person to him! I especially liked the chapter about Atusha's story - it was very imaginative, yet almost real. The story flows well and has smaller events Within the there, Lakshmi Srikantha Rajah. (11 years)

Page 33
15 JULY 1999
Piththukkuzhi Sings in Aid of Tamil Orphans
Sentharnizi Íssaivaanar Swami Piththukkuzhi Murugathas is taking an active part to swell the funds of the Tamil Orphans Trust in its campaign to provide assistance to the destitute and helpless Tamil orphans in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The Tamil Orphans Trust is organising concerts at the following centres where he will sing devotional songs.
7th August 996.30 p.m. Wembley High School Hall, East Lane, North Wembley,
Middix
8th August 996.30 p.m. Tolworth Girls' School Hall, Fullers Way North, Surbiton, Surrey.
14th August 99 6.30 p.m Trinity Community Centre, East Avenue, East Ham, London E126SJ.
Tickets: Adult £7, Family (Parents with 2 children) £15
Te: 01819081101/ 471 6558/9493012.
Mohiniattam by
Karthiyayini
Kathiyayini Srinivas from India gave an enjoyable recital of Mohiniattam recently at the Archbishop Lanfranc School Hall in Croydon in a programme jointly sponsored by Vijayanarthanalaya and Link Air Travels. Karthiyayini, a pupil of Aravindans of Koothambalan started the reCital With Pushpanjali, Slokam and Sivastakam. Good combination of pure dance with devotional Bhakti Bhava made this invocational piece a very good beginning of the evening's programme. This was followed by Keerthanam composed by Maharaja Swati Tirunal of Travancore describing the Thandava, the cosmic dance of Lord Nataraja with all its beauty and majesty, well portrayed by Karthiyayini.
The main piece of the evening was a well chosen poem by Mahakavi Vallathol Narayana Menon, the founder of Kerala Kala Mandalam titled “Radhayude Kritharthatha" (Gratitude of Radha). It is a story of a love between a poor girl and a rich boy from an aristocratic family, which ends in the boy marrying a girl of equal status leaving the poor girl as an episode of the past. The girl cherishes her love and consoles her. "I may be the night who Wants to touch the Sun, but no One can take my memories away from me. Let the couple be happy. I am happy to live in that part of the World, Where he lives'. The different situations present ample scope for abhinaya on Sataika as well as Srigara moods and Karthiyayini took full advantage and did ample justice portraying the beau
Obituary - Correction In the obituary of Mrs. Leela Ratnam which appeared in the June 99 issue; it should appear as mother-in-law of Indira (Australia) and not Chitra (Australia).
tiful heroine with su pure dance seque manans added to th The second half st: of Jayadeva in raga Chaturaeka tala, i, brought the Viraka kept the flow of the t Bhajan Chaleiya ir Swati Tirumal broug the repertoire and ness to the evening. by lraymann Tharnp, aspect of joyous Valsalya bhava of í child was well depic Abhinaya was rema The evening endec Tillana with fast swa terns and beautiful p traditional mangalan
Karthiyayini was oured by Dr Vijaya enjoyable evening Sensitive, capable repertoire, choreogr port. Parvathy Nair Bharatiya Vidya Bha
Innovation Fine
East is east and we And never the twain
wrote Kipling. Hadh would have been Co ently. The prograr Institute of Tamil Cu June 99 at the Sec illustrated in a graph
 
 

TAMILTIMES33
tlety and dignity. The nces and crisp teerte beauty of the item. arted with an Ashtapati Darbarr Kanada set to n which Karthiyayini Bhava very well and heme throughout. The Hindi by Maharaja ht excellent variety to ent colour and freshThe lullaby or Talattu' i brought the universal notherhood. The a mother towards her ted and her Control of kable. ! with a well presented aying pure dance patoses which lead to the
garlanded and honmbigai lindrakumar. An of Mohiniattam by a artiste with a good aphy and musical sup
Va.
is of the ITC
Arts
st is west shall meet
e been alive today, he mpelled to think differme staged by The tre Fire ArțS On 27th Ornbe Theatre, Sutton ic form how well these
two Cultures Co-exist in the hearts and minds of our youngsters.
Under the title "Innovations, over fifty present and past pupils of the Institute of ages ranging from four to twenty, staged a magnificent fashion show. The idea was conceived, planned and executed by the youngsters themselves and embellished by their eminent dance teacher Subatra Shanteeban. The show itself was presented brilliantly with excellent stage lighting and background music skilfully mixed with melodies from film songs of different languages. The 'cat walk" which was a fusion of classical eastern dance and western dance movements was performed confidently by the youngsters. The entire show had a very professional touch. However, it might have raised the eye brows of a few 'old fashioned'. They may derive some satisfaction from the Tamil saying, "Aadira maadaiaadi karakkanum'.
Before and after this show were two traditional items, a Viluppaddu and a Tamil play titled 'Better late than Never'. The Viluppaddu, the story of Savithiri and Safhthia van was a full length Comedy presented by parents of the pupils of the Institute ably directed by Mr K. Maheswaran. It looked professional in every aspect, the Singing was good and the show captivated the audience.
The concluding item was the play. The theme centred around the unhealthy rivalry between the proverbial daughter-in-law and mother-in-law. The Current trend in England of the older generation being sidelined at the expense of the extended family was well portrayed. The author cum director Mr V. Poopalasundaram along with the actors who are also parents of pupils of the Institute should be congratulated for the enjoyable time we had. It was a serious play made light by the addition of comedy, Which made us not only laugh but also think.
True to the caption of the performance, the ITC Fine Arts while embarking on an innovation, has avoided the beaten track and presented an enjoyable evening. It is hoped we can look forward to many more innovations in the future. Well donel
Hindolam.
British Association of Tamil Schools
Seeks qualified and experienced Carnatic Vocalist Cum Nattuvanaar with a sound knowledge of Tamil to accompany Bharatha Natya dancers in London. Basic Salary £9600 per annum plus benefits. Closing date for written applications to:
Mr. K. Sivagurunathapillai, Chairman, B.A.T.S., 18 Wellsmoor Gardens, Bickley, Kent BR12HU
is 3OTH JULY 1999

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34 AMELTIMES
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FOR HARDINI, COMPANI" IN THE LIK Trico International Shipping Ltd Init 4...Building "C"The Business Centre at Wood Green,
Clarendun Rd, London N226X, Teዞ: 0181-888 878?‛ Fax: ዐI81 889 ö445