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N. Manickatha Sam Military commander of PLOTEkiled on 2.9.99 naamdinline attack convicted Soldier Rajapakse being taken to dentify grave-sites Digging for the disppeared at Chemimani International Observers at Cheimami MaSS Grave
Probe Women weeping for their disappeared kith and kin

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2 TAM TIMES
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Til
ISSN 0.266 - 44 88 Vol. XXVIII No. 9 15 SEPTEMBER 1999
Published by: TAMIL TIMESLTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM1 3TD United Kingdom Phone: 0181 644 0972 Fax: 0181 241 4S57 Email: prajan0gn.apc.org
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Senseless Killings O3 Civilians Killed in Bombing 04 54 Villagers Massacred 05
Mass Grave Probe O6 Peace Process Stalled O7 Tortured in Custody O8
Fear of Further Killings 09 Manickathasan's Murder 10 One Nation or Many 15 Looking Below the Surface 19 Alliances and Dalliances 21
BJP in Upbeat Mood 22 Challenging Hegemony 24 DMK to Win in TN 26 A Great Patriot 28 R R Sivalingam 29
The killing indisCriminat FOCe On 15 Cre of 54 Civil district. On 18 brutality and tween goverr In both ins tions by both international military's atte text that they ians Were aCC itS forces hav Cautions eve ants and civi SO On this OC either the air Was a delibel ties the milita either Case, t
Though t for the mass Was a Cold-bl ians While the Carried Out in ing raid three Condemned. The Conti Scores the pi to the ethnic forces and th Sands of Ordi by religious í appear to ha bring about . tum that was negotiations of early elect ebrationS Ofi ing for Snap { has flown to public relatio be deployed ported to be wards negoti SO the Wa Senseless kil cently as the only Nero wł
 
 

TAMITMES 3
of 21 and the wounding of 41 more civilians in an e bombing mission undertaken by the Sri Lanka Air September soon followed by the deliberate massalian villagers reportedly by the LTTE in the Amparai September demonstrate beyond doubt the sheer inhumanity that characterise the ongoing war bement forCeS and the LTTE. stances, the victims were innocent civilians. The acparties are clearly a grave and blatant violation of humanitarian law. In the first Case, the Sri Lankan Impt to escape liability and Condemnation on the prewere aiming a military target and the deaths of civilidental is clearly unacceptable. The government and re a duty to ensure that they take all reasonable pren in a situation of war to avoid targeting non-combatlian property. Palpably, the military has failed to do Casion. On the Contrary, there is a perception that raid Was undertaken with Criminal Wrecklessness, or rate and indiscriminate retaliatory one for the fataliary suffered elsewhere at the hands of the LTTE. In they stand condemned. he LTTE has not claimed or accepted responsibility acre at Amparai, there cannot be any doubt that this OOded and deliberate attack upon defenceless civiley were asleep. It is reported that this massacre was retaliation to the killing of Tamil civilians in the bomb2 days earlier. This act of Savagery stands equally,
nuing Senselessness of these types of killings underaramount and urgent need for a negotiated solution Conflict and the ongoing war between government e LTTE. The several peace marches in which thounary people have been participating, and the attempts and business leaders to promote negotiations would ve left little impact upon those who have the power to beaCe and an end to the war. Even the little momengathering in the recent past towards a peace and would appear to have been stalled by the prospect ions. The government is engaged in grandiose celtS five-year tenure in power and is said to be preparlections. The Opposition United National Party leader ..ondon to seek advice and support from a well known nS firm in regard to the strategies and propaganda to during the election campaign. The LTTE itself is renot keen in responding positively to any moves toations until after the forthcoming elections. rwill Continue accompanied by the type and Scale of lings one witnessed in Mullaitivu and Amparai repoliticians indulge in their electoral games. It is not Io played the fiddle while Rome was burning.

Page 4
4TAML TIMES
21 Civilians Kil
in Bombing R
A. heavy fighting resumed between government forces and the LTTE in the Mannar district, at least twenty one civilians, including school children and women were killed and more than forty seriously wounded when two Kfir jets of the Sri Lanka Airforce bombed a crowded public place in Puthukkudiyiruppu in the Mullaithivu district at about around 10 am on 15 September. The Puthukku-diyiruppu market and a many houses and buildings nearby were destroyed in the air attack. Tamil Eelam Vaanoli, the commercial service of the Voice of Tigers (VoT) radio gave details of the civilians were killed and 41 wounded in the attack adding thatten houses were damaged. According to the radio following civilians were killed in the air strike:
Sangarapilai Selamanikam (70), Ariyanaygam Gajanthini (12), Selliah Arumugam (59), Kanapathipillai Yogarasaa (36), Antony Thavarasa Thersammah(50), Packiyanathan Reetama (56), Antonyo Christia Florence (54), Pathmarasa Jenitta (15), Gnanasegaram Letchumipillai (43), Anthonypillai Sebamalaimuthu (45), Thanadas Jenodi (25), Sinniah Ugapaalasingam (35), Savariyon (50), Sinnathamby Thambu (55), Thambiah Subramaniam, Alam Rose Konstoses (20), Rasanayagam Uthayaruban (18Thevanayagam Sebastianpillai (52), Arumugam Jeyaraaman (50), Jeyaraman Chandrakumar (20), Jeyam Jeysankar (33), and Antonio Melrose (29).
The indiscriminate nature of the bombing raid in which scores of noncombatant civilians came to be killed and injured and thir property destroyed has been severely condemned.
Intense fighting resumed recently when government forces advanced further in an attempt to capture more LTTE controlled territory. LTTE reports claimed that the army's attempt was thwarted by fierce resistance from the Tigers. Casualties from both sides said to be very heavy with hundreds of soldiers and LTTE fighters being killed or injured. The LTTE reported that government forces had suffered a major defeat. The LTTE in a statement sent
from its London o had killed more t soldiers for the los cadres, includin fighters in the batt “The Sri Lankan a ous military debac ment troops launcl campaign on Sun areas in the Manna statement said
A spokesman Committee of the said that sixteen c on the spot and six wounded died in th Lanka Air Force ( a busy market pli yesterday in north “It is with deel that we confirm th ians consequent Puthukkudiyirupp plore the factthat t civilian area,” ) Harasha Gunawarc The sub-delega Puthukkudiyirup kilometers from the was bombed. Mr.G the ICRC provide ing material,IVs et diyiruppu hospital Meanwhile, a Colombo said that the civilian target taliation to the hea the hands of the L September by the S of Mannar. He poi targets have beenb in past following m war with the Tige ports indicate that sonnel, including killed and 902 wer Tigers counter atta sive by governmei In condemning the National Peace ment dated 17 Sep airforce bombing vilians and injurin the Mullaitivu di immense grief, a
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
fice said the Tigers han 75 government s of 27 of their own 12 women Tiger le on 12 September. rmy suffered a serile when the governled a fresh offensive lay to capture more r district,” the LTTE
for the International Red Cross (ICRC) ivilians were killed who were seriously he hospital when Sri SLAF) jets bombed ace in the morning ærn Sri Lanka.=20 ) regret and concern le death of 21 civilto the air strike in u yesterday. We dehe air strike was in a (CRC spokesman lana said. ution of the ICRC in bu isless than two marketplace which unwardana said that d emergency dressc., to the Puthtukku
Tamil politician in the SLAF attack on ppeared to be in revy losses suffered at TTE on Sunday 12 ri Lanka army north ited out that civilian ombed by the SLAF ajor set backs in the s. Unconfirmed rel38 Sri Lanka pertwo officers, were ; wounded when the oked a major offent forces.
the bombing raid, Council in a stateember stated, "The nd killing of 21 ciof many others in trict is a cause for ger and suffering
among the directly affected people of the area. We believe that military and political strategies that lead to such tragedies must be condemned and rejected by all right thinking people wherever they may live.
“These civilian casualties follow the military operations by the Sri Lanka army against LTTE-held positions in the Mannar district on the other side of the island. The only outcome of these operations appears to be the death toll, with over two hundred combatants killed and several hundreds more injured at a minimum. The ground situation after the fighting appears not to have changed at all with the two sides locked in a continuing stalemate.
"Despite the procurement of virtually unlimited quantities of new armaments and the continuing recruitment to the armed forces, the fact is that the ground reality is not changing in any way that could be construed to be positive. The only changes are those for the worse, in the level of cost, both human and material, and the loss of democratic and humane values. War can never address the issues of governance in a country.
“It is not surprising that in the context of this brutal and senseless war, and the sufferings deliberately or accidentally inflicted upon the people of those areas, that so many of them should openly wish the military to withdraw. This was the sentiment publicly expressed to a group of journalists who visited villages of the north-east along with the National Peace Council earlier this month.
“We urge the warring parties to recognisethelimits ofmilitary force inimposing a unilateral solution upon the other, and instead to make a sincere decision to enter into dialogue with one another to reach a mutually acceptable solution.”
The London-based Amnesty International in a statement issued on lis September condemning the killing of civilians in the bombing raid said, “The reported presence of “legitimate military targets in the Puthukkudiyiruppu area of Sri Lanka, where 21 civilians were reportedly killed in a bombing raid on 15 September, does not absolve the Air Force of its responsibility under international humanitarian law to take all possible precautions to avoid harming civilians, Amnesty International said today.
“Amnesty International believes that the reported high number of civil

Page 5
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
ian casualties and the significant distance between the intended objective of the air strike and the actual place where the civilians were killed, raise serious doubts about the quality of the intelligence used before the bombing raid. It also raises questions as to whether the alleged military value of this attack was proportionate to the risk it posed to civilians.
“A military spokesperson denied this had been a deliberate attack on civilians. He told Amnesty International that two bombing raids were carried out in the area, one of them aimed at a Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) camp at Nandikadal, about four and a half kilometres to the east of Puthukkudiyiruppu.
"The spokesperson said the Air Force had attacked a legitimate military target, that the reported killings of civilians were being investigated, and that the attack had followed normal procedures, including prior checks withintelligence sources regarding any civilian presence near the area.
“Amnesty International has written to President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga expressing concern as to whether this may have been an unlawful attack. The organisation asked a number of specific questions about the Air Force's adherence to fundamental rules of humanitarian law. These include the prohibition of direct attacks on civilians and civilian objects and the prohibition of attacks on military targets expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated.
“Other rules require specific precautions to be taken when launching attacks, including desisting from an attack if it becomes apparent that the objective is not a military one or the attack risks being disproportionate.
“Amnesty International is concerned that this incident may indicate that not all precautions are being taken to protect civilians, for instance in the Air Force's selecting and vetting of targets, in choosing the timing of attacks, in the way such attacks are carried out, and in ensuring that civilians are being given advance warning when possible. “The human rights organisation has also asked to receive relevant details of the rules of engagement and other instructions given to pilots in order to assess whether these comply with international humanitarian law.”
54 VIII
At least 54 Sinh the Amparai dist Lanka were killed c portedly and their h LTTE cadres in a violence to avenge civilians killed in a Lanka Airforce thre Mullaitivu district, An agency repo tember said that gu. the LTTE descend Punchisigiriya in t try and attacked th knives and swords police officials.
They said the a sisting of over 100 fighters of the LT dom Birds, torched leaving the area.
A radio news r said 12 people in o wiped out in the ma had gone to the vill gious ceremony to a relative who had victims were aslet started,” said a loc “The Tigers se up the people bec have alerted securi some of the victims at close range, he s Police reinforc village after the a
Trincoma
The UNESCO gramme to declar “City for a Cultu International Day on September 14 UNESCO, said Udagama, the Sec Lanka National UNESCO address the press briefing ment Information rium on 9 Septem
This day will ebrated throughou System worldwid The Government (

TAMILTIMES 5
agers Massacred
East Sri Lanka
alese villagers from ict in eastern Sri in 18 September reouses set on fire by 1 apparent orgy of the deaths of Tamil n air raid by the Sri e days earlier in the
rt datelined 18 Separrillas belonging to d on the village of he east of the counhe inhabitants with
according to local
ttacking force con} mainly of women TE known as Freethree houses before
eport by the SLBC ne family had been issacre. The victims age to attend a reliinvoke blessings on died recently. “The p when the attack al official. m to have chopped :ause firing would ty posts.” However, were also shot dead aid. ements sent to the ttack recovered the
bodies of eight children, 17 women and 23 men, officials said. Five women were among 20 people who escaped with serious injuries. Police said another six people in two more villages were killed by the guerrillas during another pre-dawn massacre,
The majority of the victims were massacred at the 31 settlement at Gonagala in the Uhana Divisional Secretariat area, all victims had been cut and chopped to death, Atleast 47 people including many children and women were killed there. Some people and children had been knifed inside their houses, some bodies were under tables. The victims included two pregnant women. Some of the victims had been tied up before they were cut to death. The massacre is the first since 1995 strike on Mangalagama, a village
in the Ampara district.
Of the 47 killed, 14 had died in one house, he said. A group of relatives had come there to participate in a bana preaching ceremony on Saturday to invoke blessings on a person who had died earlier. The inmates of the houses and all relatives who had come there for bana had been butchered, Wanagasuriya said.
At least six more persons were killed at Pokurugama, Aranthalawa in the Maha Oya police area and at Bendirekka in the Tampitiya area.
lee as a "City for Culture of Peace'
has launched a proe Trincomalee as a e of Peace' on the or Peace which falls as declared by the Mr. Premadasa retary General of Sri Commission for ing the journalists at held at the GovernDepartment auditoJer be universally celthe United Nations on September 14. fSri Lankahas des
ignated Trincomalee which is a multi religious, multi ethnic city in order to show solidarity with this international movement and to represent Sri Lanka at the peace process lead by the UNESCO throughout the world, Mr. Udagama stated.
The declaration ceremony will be held in Trincomalee with the participation of ministers, school children, government officials and many others on September 14. This occasion would be universally historic at a time when there is an urgent need and eager hope for peace and harmony in the world, he further added.

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6 TAM TIMES
Chemani Mass G
For the past 15 years, Sri Lanka's Jaffna peninsula has seen so much of death that residents cynically say that they would not be surprised if the entire region turned out to be one big mass grave.
And the accidental discovery of about 20 skeletons nearthe Jaffnastadium only strengthens this view. So, it comes as no real shock to anyone that an allegation of a mass grave at a spot outside Jaffna town is fast turning out to be true. The government too has acknowledged that between 400 to 600 people disappeared between August to November 1996 from the peninsula without a trace.
Since September 6, eight skeletons, including that of a woman, have been dugupby investigators from different sites at Chemmani, a vast marsh land at Ariyalai, in a massive operation mounted by the Sri Lankan Goverment.
Two more were dug out in June during a preliminary dig in the area. According to reports from Jaffna, some of the skeletons bear marks of assault, for instance a cracked skull, or a broken bone. After 10 sets of remains, investigators are now convinced that more lie buried.
“The indications are that there could upwards of 100 bodies at Chemmani,” said Dr William Haglund of the Physicians for Human Rights, one of the three international observers invited by the Government to witness the excavations.
Uptil now, the information on the surreptitious burials provided by death of prisoner Somaratne Rajapakse and four other ex-soldiers, all of whom were convicted last year for the rape and murder of a teenaged Jaffna girl, has proved accurate.
The two skeletons, dug out in June, were identified as those of two young mechanics arrested by the Army in August 1996 from a garage at Ariyalai, not far from Chemmani.
be T
They were not heard til their bones W Chemmani. Investig ing seriously Rajapá between 300 to 40 people lie buried u Chemmani.
Refusing to acci family members oftl But everyday, a knot at the site and fea shovels and the pick ground.
Their agony was by 62-year-old Par varajah, whose son August 1996. He tol in June, I would b remains of my son w at Chemmani, and tered if they were no can be happy is if ni me alive.”
The disappearan most severe test for drika Kumaratunga. friendly ruler when Kumaratunga fierC previous United N (UNP) government track record.
The disappearan to the mass graveat ( that the Governmel not lily-white eithe Government has m a cover-up, and h ahead with the inve to appease internati tic human rights grc “It is unusual fol the midstofa conflic ng an investigation cations for its army. ernment needs to said Mark McKenr of Asia Foundation, governmental organ ing the investigatio is by Nirupama Subrar September in the Indi
 

15 SEPTEMBER
of thereafter un"ere dug up at ators are now takakse's claim that 0 "disappeared” nder the soil of
pt the claim are he "disappeared”. of people gather rfully watch the (axes dig into the
aptly Summed up amanathan Selwent missing in d this newspaper e shattered if the vere found buried I would be shatit. The only way I my son returns to
ces have beenthe President ChanSeen as a peopleshe was elected, ely criticises the lationalist Party 's human rights
ces, and their link hemmani proves ht's reputation is r. That said, the ade no attempt at as instead gone stigation, if only onal and domesbups.
a government in :tto be undertakithat holds impliFor this, the govbe commended,” a, representative a US-based nonisation that is aid. (The above report manian datellined 14 an Express)
Historically Significaant
American Forensic anthropologist Dr. William Haglund said that the Chemmani mass graves exhumation investigation is historically significant because no other Government had undertaken an investigation into the allegd wrongdoings of its own military while the conflict was still raging. He was speaking to the media at the Hotel Lanka Oberoi.
Dr. Haglund of Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) a Massachusetts based organisation said that he would have thought it sinister if the Government had not extended an invitation to foreign observers. In reply to a question asked by a journalist, he said that there was no hindrance to the investigations.
He said that the legislation in Sri Lanka did not permit evidence offoreign experts to be led before Courts, hence the local forensic experts advised by his team were doing the collection of evidence.
Melissa Connor, Forensic Archeologist and Robert Stair, Chief Investigator of the Canadian Police in Vancouver commended the Government’s efforts for the transparent investigations carried out in connection with the exhumation of graves in Chemmani disclosed by Cpl. Somaratne Rajapakse the former soldier condemned to death with accomplices in July 1998 for the rape and murder of Krishanthi Kumaraswamy.
Mr. Stair an experienced investigator in Kosova, and different countries of South America and Europe said he was impressed by the 50 CID men who were throwing everything into the investigation'.
Dr. Melissa Connor whose other exhumations have led her to El Salvador, Guatemala, Rwanda, Yugoslavia and Kosovo said that eightbodies including at least one body of a female were recovered within the past week.
Mr. Marc McKenna representing the Asia Foundation said that the Government was standing by its commitments and that the transparency of the excavations was evident by the fact that the press and family members of the missing persons were allowed to visit the alleged sites.

Page 7
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
PeaCe PrOCeSS Sta
With speculation rife about a snap presidential election followed by parliamentary elections, all the moves gathering momentum hitherto in regard to the peace process including possible talks with the LTTE will be delayed until after the elections, political commentators in Colombo believe. They say While all the political parties are gearing up for the elections and making preparations for their electoral campaign, the peace process promo-ted both by the government and some civil society organisations are set to be pushed back on the national agenda.
Even foreign diplomats who have actively encouraged the peace process are of the same view. “At a time when the major political parties are in the middle of a campaign, it is difficult to expect them to take a stand on contentious issues. So the peace process will be delayed,” a Western diplomat is quoted to have said.
Those who appear to have had contacts with the LTTE seem to of the view that the LTTE leadership is also not interested in making any move in respect of any possible talks with the government until after the elections.
Some are saying that the murder of Dr Neelan Tiruchelvam who relentlessly pursued the peace process and urged a political settlement through negotiations, and the unexpected death of former UNP foreign Minister Shahul Hameed, a heavy-weight politician within the opposition UNP who always advocated negotiationshave also contributed to derailing of the peace proc
eSS.
Before his death, there were reports that the the LTTE had told the late AC S Hameed that it would not hold talks with the Sri Lankan government before the national elections next year.
It has now emerged that the late Mr Hameed had three meetings withthe LTTE's political theoretician, Dr Anton Balasingham, in London and that he had briefed the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader, Mr M H M Ashraff, about this on September 2, at the last meeting of the Businessmens Initiative for Peace. But no details are available as
Mr Hameed died c However, a fi died, Mr Hameed no possibility ofta tions in view of the tive political situ polls. The two ma would be jockeyin tions and competiu under these condit was possible on wil before the LTTE is It is commente contention about talks with the LT could have been LTTE’s view expı ham back in Lond Meanwhile rep Opposition and
The LSSP Me Vasudeva Nanaya cently expelled frc Samaja Party(LSS new political mc “Democratic Peop
One of the very brands of the left land, Vasudeva c would be the fou point for all prog country to join hau to a new political c millennium. He sa of his new mover nalised the and ca ple who are critica liance governmen
Vasudeva who liament in August ples Alliance alle ernment and its lea the masses by not ises given in 19 says that the PA trusted any more the people to thin mOVement as an a

TAMILTIMES 7
lled
n Sept. 3. w days before he said that there was ks prior to the elecfluid and competiation ahead of the in political parties g for political posig for the vote, and ions, no consensus at should be placed there were talks. il that Mr Hameed's he impossibility of TE before elections, a reflection of the essed by Balasing
. orts indicate that the UNP leader Rani
Wickremesinghe is expected to discuss party's election strategies with officials of the London-based PR firm Sachi and Sachi during his current visit to London. It was recently revealed through an e-mail addressed to the UNP leader, but misdirected to another person that the PR firm is to supply the most modern IT technology to the UNP in its forthcoming election campaign.
Wickremesinghe who will be the main challenger to President Kumaratunga left Colombo on 14 September for Germany and from there would fly to London for meetings with Sachi and Sachi, hired by the UNP to boost party’s image in the runup to the election.
Newspapers in Colombo report that Wickremesinghe and some of his close advisors believe that the London firm could help them with correct strategies to win both presidential and parliamentary elections.
asudeva launches
New Political Party
mber of Parliament kkara who was reom the Lanka Sama SP) has launched a vement called the le's Congress".
few remaining firemovement in the isaims that the DPC dation and rallying essive forces in the ld to take the nation ulture in the coming ys that the manifesto ment has already fils upon all the peoI of the People's Alto support him. was elected to par1994 under the Peoes that the PA govilership had betrayed honouring the prom4. Therefore, Vasu adership cannot be and it was time for of another political ternative to face the
challenges in the coming century.
Vasu says that the new movement would work towards the democratisation of the society with much focus on national development resisting globalisation of the economy. Vasu is also critical of the government's pursuit of the war and wants to the end the war by devolving power to the periphery in a more realistic manner.
Though Vasudeva has formed a new political movement he has urged the LSSP leadership to reconsider the decision which was taken to expel him from the party. He has written to the LSSP General Secretary Batty Weerakoon stating that the decision taken to expel him was inconsistent with the party constitution. Vasu asserts that the LSSP constitution requires the party to call a meeting of the party conference every two years but it had not been done since 1994. Therefore, he argues that the decision to expel him is unconstitutional and therefore recinded.
The LSSP leadership which expelled Vasu from the party decided to stop further action which would have

Page 8
8 TAMILTIMES
resulted in the expulsion of Vasu from Parliament Vasu having been a member of the People’s Alliance government crossed over to the opposition benches in Parliament two months ago. Before he crossed over he told Parliament that he could not continue in the government ranks anymore as the PA has let down the masses. Once a MP in the PA government is expelled from the respective political party, the leadership of that party has to inform the PA Seccetary of that expulsion and the PA Seccetary in turn would inform the Secreary General of Parliament that the respective MP is deemed to have vacated
his seat in Parliam Vasu, LSSP leader has stated that Vasu Parliament as a mer It is said that this l wards Vasu is repo feelings of the ranka among who Vasu is
There are those v the formation of t movement, Vasudev self to be a left can Presidential election President Chandrika the UNP leader Rani Ifthat happens it wil
Tortured in Police Cust Amnesty is Concern
Amnensty International has expressed concernin respect three persons who are reported to have been tortured in police custody. In a statement dated 10 September, AI states that the three young Tamil men named Sri Ram, student; Anthonipillai Binoth Vimalraj, and Sivagnanasunderam Sri Kanthan (28) have been severely tortured in police custody in the capital, Colombo. All three may be in urgent need of medical attention.
“Sri Ram has been severely assaulted by police at Mirihanapolice station. A final year student at the Open University, he was arrested on 25 August 1999 at Kotahena reportedly in connection with the killing of Dr Neelan Thiruchelvam, a member of parliament, by a Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) suicide bomber. Eight other students arrested by the Mirihana police have since been released: two of them were badly tortured, and have scars from being beaten on their backs and hung up by their wrists.
“Anthonipillai Binoth Vimalraj, originally from Mannar, was arrested on 24 August at New Asia lodge. During interrogation at Kotahena police station he was allegedly beaten all over his body, had pins inserted under his fingernails and had an ironrod inserted into his anus.
“Sivagnanasunderam Sri Kanthan is in custody at the headquarters of the Crime Detection Bureau (CDB) in Colombo. Relatives were allowed to visit
him for the first time a month after his ar utes. They say his fac had difficulty walkin have a fever.
“Other sources re been hung by a rope a his body. Sivagna Kanthan, originally Jaffna, was arrestec Wellawatte.
Background Inform "For years, tortu the most widespread lations in Sri Lanka. tional has obtained from victims of tort certificates corrobora nies. The prevalence revealed in Supreme awarding compensa torture, and in recent ernment inquiry cc Committee to Enqui Arrests and Harass complaints of torture December 1998.
“There have bee ports of torture sinc tween the security foi resumed in April 19 fighting for an ind Tamil “Eelam” in the Colombo, members munity are at risk of a detention. Large num regularly arrested th and search operation

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
nt. In the case of Batty Weerakoon should remain in ber of the House. 2nient attitude torted to reflect the nd file of the party quite popular. ho think that with he new political is preparing himdidate in the next to challenge both Kumaratunga and Wickremasinghe, l be the third time
that Vasu will be contesting for the
most powerful post in the land. Earlier, he contested Presidents J. R. Jayewardene and Ramasinghe Premadasa unsuccessfully. If Vasu is adopted as a common “left candidate, he may fare better than he did in his previous encounters. But given the sectarian divide that characterises the left in the country, and also given the fact that Vasu resigned from the NLSSP and joined the LSSP only weeks before he filed his nomination papers under the PA ticket to contest the August 1994 parliamentary elections, it will be big surprise if he is to be adopted as a common left candidate.
Ody ed
2 on 4 September, rest, for five minxe was swollen, he g and appeared to
ported that he had ind beaten all over nasunderam Sri from Kodikamam, l on 4 August at
nation te has been one of human rights vioAmnesty Internamany testimonies ure, and medical ting these testimoof torture is also Court judgements ion to victims of reports from govjmmissions: the re into Unlawful ment recorded 47 between July and
n widespread ree the conflict beces and the LTTE )5. The LTTE are pendent state of north and east. In f the Tamil comrbitrary arrest and bers of Tamils are 're during cordon s, particularly fol
lowing LTTE attacks. Though most of those arrested in these round-ups are released once their identity has been checked, those suspected of links with LTTE are held for longer and are likely to be tortured. Young Tamil men originally from the north or east of the country are especially at risk.
“Sri Lanka acceded to the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) in 1994, and torture has since been made a criminal offence. However, under current legislation, the security forces have broad powers of arrest and detention. These wide powers have contributed to the prevalence of human rights violations, including torture. Torture has also been facilitated by widespread impunity of the perpetrators. To date, no member of the security forces has been brought to justice for committing torture.
Recommended Action:
“Please send telegrams/faxes/express/airmail letters in English or your own language:
- expressing concern at recent reports of torture at several places of detention in Colombo, including Mirihana and Kotahena police stations and the headquarters of the Crime Detection Bureau (CDB);
- urging the authorities to undertake full and immediate investigations into these reports and take the necessary steps to bring the perpetrators to justice; - urging the authorities to grant Sri Ram, Anthonipillai Binoth Vimalraj and Sivagnanasunderam Sri Kanthan access to any medical treatment they may require, and to their families and lawyers.

Page 9
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
Fear of Further Political
Amnesty International has made an urgent appeal in respect of the risk to the lives of certain Tamil politicians at the hands of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. In the appeal dated 24 August, Amnesty International states that it “is concerned for the lives of several politicians belonging to Tamil political parties represented in Sri Lankaos parliament. They include members of parliament, party leaders and elected representatives functioning in local authority bodies in the north and east of the country.
“Their lives are at riskfrom members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), an armed opposition group fighting for an independent state of Tamil Eelam in the north and east of Sri Lanka. The LTTE has repeatedly issued notices calling on members of these parties to resign or face the consequences. Many of them have received threatening letters and telephone calls, in the name of the LTTE, or front organisations such as the Sangilian Force, Ellalan and Pandara Vanniyan Group”.
Among the people considered to be at immediate risk are Rajavarothiyam Sampanthan, Secretary General and member ofparliament (MP) for the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), and Veerasingham Anandasangari, Vice President of the TULF. According to newspaper reports, their names are on an LTTE hitlist, which the police recently obtained information about. The name of Neelan Thiruchelvam, another MP representing the TULF, was reportedly also on this list. Neelan Thiruchelvam was killed by a suicide bomber suspected to be a member of the LTTE near his home in Colombo on 29 July.
“In Jaffna district, local politicians belonging to these parties have also repeatedly received death threats. Among them are Nadarasa Raviraj, acting mayor of Jaffna and other politicians belonging to the TULF. K Sivajilingam, Chairman of the Valvettiturai Urban Council and member of the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), is also reported to be at immediate risk.
“Although son cians have been pr tion by the governr and are being acc bodyguards, in A ional's view, this civilian status.
Background Info “The LTTE ha sible for numerc abuses, including of civilians. Amon politicians belongi cal parties represe: parliament.
“Most recently Neelan Thiruchelv In 1998, Sarojini of Jaffna, and her thurai Sivapalan, v Arunasalam Than shot dead in Trinci “In 1989, the TULF, Appapilai, Vettivelu Yogeswa by gunmen at Am. in Colombo. Whil responsibility for th its leaders have rer the other killings. ce' reportedly clai for the killing of Si A hand-delivered based newspaper, she had been killec down from the Ma “The LTTE ha intimidation of loc tioning in Jaffna dis all members of local government t dered to resign iu death if they failed eleven local coun district have since them was Murug: member of the K elected under the People'?'s Democr who was killed in “Amnesty Int are guided by the tion of the individ ticle 3 common to ventions of 1949.
 

AMIL TIMES 9
ne of these politiovided with protecment of Sri Lanka ompanied by armed Amnesty Internatdoes not alter their
rmation
Is been held responbus human rights widespread killing g them were several ng to Tamil politinted in Sri Lanka's
, as stated above, Dr am, MP was killed. Yogeswaran, mayor successor, Ponnuvere killed. In 1997, gathurai, MP, was omalee. : then leader of the Amirthalingam, and ran, MP, were killed irthalingam's house e the LTTE claimed le latter two killings, mained silent about The Sangilian Formed responsibility urojini Yogeswaran. etter to the JaffnaUthayan, stated that for refusing to step yorʼs postʼ. s also increased its al councillors functrict. In April 1998, the newly elected Iodies there were ormmediately or face to comply. At least :illors in the Jaffna peen killed. Among in Poopalasingham, pay local council, panner of the Eelam atic Party (EPDP), May 1999. :rnational's appeals orinciples of protecal enshrined in Arne four Geneva Con- Common Article 3
forbids governments and amed opposition groups alike to torture, to deliberately kill civilians taking no part in hostilities, to harm those who are : wounded, captured or seeking to surrender, or to take hostages. Sri Lanka ratified the Geneva Conventions in 1959. In February 1988 the LTTE announced that it would abide by the provisions of the Geneva Conventions and its Optional Protocols I and II.
“Amnesty International’s action on behalf of these politicians should in no way be interpreted as an endorsement of them or their parties' political platform. As an impartial and independent human rights organization, Amnesty International’s appeals are issued on the basis of international standards. In particular, Amnesty International believes that these killings are in clear violation of international humanitarian law, which prohibits the killing of anyone who is not taking a direct part in hostilities.
Recommended Action:
"Please send telegrams/telexes/ faxes/express/airmail letters in English or your own language:
- explaining Amnesty International’s action on behalf of those protected under Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions and noting the LTTE's announcement in February 1988 that it would abide by the provisions of the Geneva Conventions and its Optional Protocols I and III;
-condemning the deliberate and arbitrary killing of members of parliament and politicians belonging to political parties represented in Sri Lanka's parliament as being in violation of international humanitarian law,
- expressing concern for the lives of Nadaraja Raviraj, Rajavarothiyam Sampanthan, Y Balachandran, K Sivajilingam and Veerasingham Anandasangari and other national and local politicians belonging to these parties, who reportedly are under threat from the LTTE;
- urging that a clear statement condemning the deliberate and arbitrary killings of all civilians, including politicians not taking direct part in hostilities, is issued by the leadership of the LTTE; - appealing to the LTTE for an immediate halt to attacks on people taking no direct partin hostilities by the LTTE or by forces under LTTE control.

Page 10
OTAMIL TIMES
Suspicions Surro
Manickiath
D BS Jeyaraj
ierre Vergniaudathis trial in 1793 during the French reign of terror made the comment that “It was possible to fear that the Revolution (French) might like Saturn, devour each of her children one by one”. This remark attributed to Vergniaud who incidentally was guillotined to death has become a familiar and inevitable fact of life for the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The armed struggle that was originally inspired by the lofty ideal of political liberation for the Tamils has now lost sight of its earlier objectives. It has now degenerated into a savage and meaningless orgy of bloodletting where intraTamil fratricide has become the dominant trend. The latest such victim of this internecine warfare is the well known Peoples Liberation Organization of Thamil Eelam (PLOTE) personality, Manickathasan.
Nagalingam ManickamRajan known generally as Manickathasan alias Thasan Das was the Deputy leader of the Peoples Liberation Organization of Thamil Eelam (PLOTE) and its military commander. On September 2nd he was killed when an explosion occurred at Vavuniya the southernmost town of the predominantly Tamil Northern Province of Sri Lanka. According to initial reports the explosion occurred around 12.40 pm at “Lucky House” camp which functioned as the headquarters of the PLOTE in Vavuniya. Lucky House known generally as Lucky camp is situated within the Vavuniya Urban Council limits at Rambaikulam behind the Catholic St. Josephs Church - about half a mile from the Clocktower roadjunction. The two storey building was named Lucky house as its builders cum owners now in Canada had a thriving business “Lucky Stores” in Vavuniya at one time. Though Manickathasan had been lucky enough to weather difficult situations in the past, he was not lucky enough to survive the latest attempt made on his life at Lucky House camp. Killed along with Manickathasan was his lieutenant Tharmalingam
Thevarasa alias Il region military 1 and Murugesu Gl the PLOTEPublic Vavuniya. Vino l Deputy Chairmat Pradeshiya Sabha Batticaloa District asan's bodyguard Thavam was serio been admitted to Hospital.
Vavuniya resi explosion as very verberations all c stated that while neously and Illang spot Manickatha the way to hospita
Contradictory V. There was sor how the attack wa reports initially st suicide killer was ckathasan and Illa the office room o Lucky House camp had allegedly climl into the room and t bomb strapped a story went.
Subsequently their earlier staten involvement of a s new version was t vice of the claymo the ceiling above th triggered off justas were descending.
Informed sour when contacted b telephone that the a suicide bomber due to the fact tha ber from Batticalo, the full force of the been torn to bits. V. ing the stairway v were descending device went off. TI was standing at bo Since Wino's bod
 

ango, the Vavuniya ader of the PLOTE naratnam alias Vino Relations Officer in ad earlier been the
of the Poratheevu. (Local authority) in One of ManickathUthayakumaralias usly injured and has the Anuradhapura
ients described the bowerful causing rever the town. It is Vino died instantao a little later on the an himself died on
l.
rsions
ne confusion about s conducted, Police ated that an LTTE responsible, Maningo were seated in in the first floor of ) when the assailant bed up the stairs, got hen triggered off the ound his body the
Police contradicted ent and denied the uicide bomber. The at an explosive dee variety affixed to e staircase had been Thasan and Illango
es from Vavuniya this writer on the nitial impression of eing involved was the PILOTE memVino had suffered blast His body had no had been ascendhile the other two when the explosive le injured Thavam om ofthe staircase, had disintegrated
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
greatly it was presumed at first that he was a suicide bomber with explosives strapped around his body. Hence the earlier report of a suicide bomber.
Subsequently investigations revealed that the bomb had been covertly affixed to the ceiling. The extensive damage to the building inclusive ofagapinghole in the roofbears testimony to this. It may be recalled that a similiar method was adopted last year too in the case of the explosion at the Jaffna Municipal Council premises in Nallur."TULFMayor for Jaffna Pon. Sivapalan, Jaffna Military commandant Brigadier Susantha Mendis and several highranking police and municipal officers had died in that incident. They were all assembled for a conference to discuss new traffic arrangements for Jaffna. The claymore explosive had been hidden in the ceiling and then triggered off by a remote control device. The claymore explosive devices are usually placed on ground as landmines to target mobile patrols or convoys. Deploying one on the ceiling and making it explode in a downward direction was considered a unique innovation by the LTTE then. Now the same method seems to have been used to fatally target Manickathasan and his associates.
According to Vavuniya sources there were about 15 to 20 members of the public on the ground floor of Lucky Camp when the explosion occurred. Mercifully none of them were harmed. They were all waiting to meet Manickathasan. Vino the public relations officer of the PLOTE had been chatting to them. Manickathasan with eleven of his senior cadres was in conference on the upper floor. Later nine of them came down but Thasan and Illango stayed on for some confidential talk. Then Manickathasan called Vino up. Even as Vino was going upstairs Thasan and Illango came out of the room and as they were coming down the staircase, the lethal the device exploded. According to eyewitness reports Manickathasan was loudly inquiring from Vino whether tea and refreshments had been provided to the visitors. Those were his last words.
Internal Collusion ?
The confusion was compounded by the fact that the explosion had occurred within the highly fortified PLOTE headquarters at the Lucky House Camp. Of the nearly 800 cadres of the PLOTE about 400 were stationed at

Page 11
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
Vavuniya, their stronghold. Lucky House was the head camp. Even when there were doubts about a suicide killer involvement the question that arose was how did that alleged explosive strapped person manage to enter that camp without being detected and walk upstairs to the room and self-destruct?
The same doubt persisted later when the cause was attributed to an explosive device fixed to the ceiling above the stair case. Again the question was how was it possible to affix an explosive device within the high security camp? Preliminary answers to these questions pointed very clearly to an inside job in the sense that some internal connivance or involvement had to be there. There had to be collaboration by some PLOTE cadres in the af. fair. It was also possible that a person closely trusted by Manickathasan may have been responsible.
Secondly if the bomb had been triggered off by a remote device how did the person responsible know that Manickathasan was coming down the stairs at that very moment? Was that person then within the camp infull view of what was happening? Or was he or she in the immediate vicinity observing the scene Did the assassin who triggered the remote device also pretend to be agitated over the incident and even help in carting off Thasan to the hospital? The fact that the incident could not have been made possible without inside help have raised certain questions of this nature.
Subsequent investigations threw more light. The prime suspect was a man called Gnanaseelan alias “Thamby. This man had been earlier in the EPRLF and later EPDP. He had left the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party and after a year of being in "limbo” joined the PLOTE. This man had gone missing the day before the incident. It is suspected that it was this person who affixed the exlposive device two days before the explosion. There are doubts as to whether this person had established contact with the LTTE during the one year transition period between his tenures at EPDP and PLOTE. Inabid to clarify the situation PLOTE leader and Wanni district Parliamentarian Dharmalingam Siddharthan spoke personally to EPDP Secretary General Douglas Devananda by telephone.
Preliminary investigations have also revealed that the remote control device had been exploded by a person
called Saravanam alleged that the mí house close to Luc been observing Mar ties through binocu ently pressed the ri appropriate mome taken into custod Anuradhapura whil mbo. Heis suppose and had been resid for quite a whil PLOTE itself is col vestigations and hi more than 20 peo All members of th the PLOTE camp w was killed too were grilling by the PL that further investig could reveal mored ing.
The Dwindling Sp Manickathasan species of Tamilm record of two deca the Tamil politica born on 14 January has been involved from his teens. Shyamala hailiing has three children of Jaffna town Nagalingam ran a furniture depot at . heart of Jaffna tow is Sinhala and inci former Janatha Y na(JVP) General Gamanayake's m along with JVP le weera was killed under dubious ciu Ranasinghe Prema 1989. The Manick ake relationship is of two cousins, on other in the south volved in two extr spectrum concurr was this relationsh ment the ties betw when those organ Uma Maheswara spectively.
Thasan (Some his early educatio mary school in th uge Church prem tal Road and Thir he went for secon at Jaffna Central

TAMILMES 11
itu Ariyadas. It is n was staying at a Ky House and had ickathasan's activiars. He had apparmote device at the nt. Ariyathas was by the Police at returning to Cololly a native of Kayts ng in Saudi Arabia . Meanwhile the ducting its own inis illegally arrested le for questioning. e public present at hen Manickathasan subject to intensive DTE. It is expected ations by the Police etails about the kill
iecies is one the dwindling ilitants with a track des involvement in l struggle. He was 1959 in Jaffna and in Tamil militancy He is married to from Vavuniya and . Thasan is a native itself. His father small lumber cum Martyn Road in the n. Thasan’s mother ientally the sister of Vimukthi PeramuSecretary Upatissa other. Gamanayake ader Rohana Wijein military custody cumstances during dasa ‘s Presidency in athasan - Gamanayan interesting case in the north and the , being actively inmes of the political ntly. Incidentally it ip that helped to ceen PLOTE and JVP zations were led by and Wijeweera re
spell it Dasan) had at the Catholic Pri: Our Lady Of Refses between HospiCross Street. Later iary School studies Sollege but dropped
out from school early because of his political involvement. It is said that though his mother was Sinhala and the Sinhala Maha Vidyalayam was situated very close to his home Manickathasan and his siblings who grew up in a Tamil ethos did not study there. He was in the early stages a junior member of the TULF student and later youth wings. He also functioned as a “helper' of the original undivided LTTE, when Uma Maheswaran was chairman and Prabakharan Military commander. There were many such helpers those days and they were not “official” members of the LTTE,
In 1977 Manickathasan worked actively for the TULF”s Vettrivelu Yogeswaran who contested in Jaffna. The TULF swept the polls on a mandate for Eelam. A few weeks later at the St. Patricks College Carnival a fracas broke out between some Tamil youths and Sinhala Policemen. Former TELO leader Sri Sabaratnam and Manickathasan were among those who fought the police then. This incident triggered off nationwide violence against Tamils then.
Founder of PLOTE
Later as time went on the Tamil youths became disillusioned with the TULF. It was around this time that Manickathasan was arrested by the Police for scribbling anti-TULF grafity on the Jaffna Hospital wall in front of Yogeswaran's house on Point Pedro Road. After his release Manickathasan moved to the Northern mainland of Wanni. There he became involved with certain Agricultural settlement projects. During that period he became very close to people like Dr. Rajasundaram, Thambipillai Santhathiyaar and Thangarajah alias Paranthan Rajan etc. After the Uma Maheswaran - Prabakharam split of 1980 he along with Paranthan Rajan and Santhathiyaar chose to throw in his lot with Uma Maheswaran.
Along with Uma Maheswaran Manickathasan was one of the founder members of the PLOTE. He later went to Lebanon and obtained military training in one of Dr. George Habash’s Peoples Front for Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) camps Returning to Sri Lanka, Thasan participated in the Anaikottai Police Station attack the first of its kind in Tamil militancy and the Kilinochi bank robbery. He is said to be responsible for the gunning down of four policemen on duty at an election meeting

Page 12
2 TAMILTIMES
of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) held in Nachimarkovilady, Jaffna on May 31st 1981.This provoked unruly elements of the police to indulge in a spree of violence resulting among other things in the total destruction of the Jaffna Public Library. Thasan was arrested while sleeping at his home on Martyn Road on suspicion and detained in Colombo.
He survived the Welikade Prison massacre of 1983 July fighting the Sinhalaprisoner mobs face to face with others like “Panagoda” Maheswaran, Douglas Devananda etc. and was then transferred to the Batticaloa jail. He escaped during the Batticaloa Jail break and made his way to India. Severely ill because of torture in custody he spent many years in Chennai and the PLOTE camp at Orathanadu in Tanjore district. He returned in early 1987 to Vavuniya and set up a PLOTE camp in Chettikulam. The PLOTE in 1987 opposed the IPKF presence and expressed solidarity with the LTTE. Manickathasan personally tried to arrive at an understanding with the LTTE and had on several occasions helped the beleaguered LTTE cadres. It also provided arms and training to Sinhala JVP cadres in order to create mayhem in the South.
The PILOTE under. Uma Maheswaran had been the first Tamil militant group to identify correctly the role played by India in the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis. The booklet “Vangam Thantha Paadam” (The lesson of Bengal or Bangladesh) released by the PLOTE was an eye-opener. Later the PLOTE adopted an independent stance calling for the IPKF withdrawal and contested elections in Jaffna. It was routed.
But in spite of PLOTE overtures the LTTE with logistical assistance from the Sri Lankan armed forces attacked PLOTE camps in Mannar and Vavuniya districts during Premadasa's Presidency. The PLOTE retreated in confuSO.
Vavuniya Power-base
Soon it altered its political position towards the LTTE. Slowly the PLOTE began re-establishing itself in Vavuniya. Vavuniya town as well as the greater part of the district has long remained a citadel of the PLOTE. This was mainly due to the efforts of the highly politicised PLOTE cadres who won the hearts and minds of the people then. Thasan and the military wing was the cutting edge of the organization.
One consequence of endeavours was that of its overall hegem areas could not retail ence in Vavuniya to" After the murder: Uma Maheswaram a alias Sangiliyanin se 1989 there was som turing. Siddhartha TULF MIP V. Dhar the PLOTE leader. M came its military con elevated himself as too. Gradually the F new equation with armed forces and be tonomous power wit The taste of ab Vavuniya had a corru Manickathasan accc insiders. Soon he beg on the people. Vehi transport of people a pay a levy. Sotoo di farmers. The PLOTE exercised a monopol eggs and coconuts in culturists had to pay dition “donations” we ordinary people thems did not pay up were PLOTE on the pretex supporters, detained tortured. In addition members or informal gally detained and to internal repression PLOTE cadres too v this harrowing treatm There were severa in Vavuniya the mos the “Malar Maaligai” camp and the Lucky H Thasan ultimately er The existence of a Lucky House was vealed last year wh shackles escaped and joining Church whi was going on. He fel parish priest and crie When armed cadres ( tered church and tried the priest refused tol saying he had obtain PLOTE members turn prevented from indu by irate worshippers timately the Police c the escapee. This in many others regard highlighted by the L

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
Manickathasan's the LTTE in spite ony in the Tamil a dominant presyn and environs. of PLOTE leader nd Kandaswamy barate incidents in ; internal restrucn son of former halingam became (anickathasan bemander. Soon he its deputy leader LOTE devised a the Sri Lankan gan to enjoy auhin Vavuniya. solute power in pting influence on rding to PLOTE un imposingtaxes cles involved in ind goods had to d businesses and under Thasan also y over the sale of Vavuniya. Agritaxes too. In adare extracted from selves. Those who “arrested” by the it of being LTTE indefinitely and suspected LTTE nts too were illetured. There was too and several rere subjected to ent. 1 places of torture t notorious being (Flower Palace) ouse camp where countered death. torture camp in tramatically reen a detenue in burst into the ade morning mass at the feet of the out to be saved. f the PLOTE ento take him away :t the escapee go d sanctuary. The 2dnasty but were ging in violence t the Church. Ulme and rescued ident as well as ng torture have ndon based hu
man rights organization, Amnesty International. The AI has been consistently spotlighting the illegal torture and detention by Manickathasan's PLOTE in Vavuniya.
Perplexing Phase
Though the political and military wings of the PLOTE as a functional entity were careful to avoid overlapping, Manickathasan in recent times displayed an ambitious political streak when he contested the Jaffna Municipal Council elections and aspired to be its Mayor. The TULF won and Sarojini Yogeswaran became the first woman Mayoress of Jaffna. Thasan though elected as a Councillor declined to serve and returned to Vavuniya. Thereafter there began a controversial, perplexing and troubled phase in his life. There were three aspects to this phase.
The first dimension of this phase was the launching of a vicious intra - organizational campaign to oust PLOTE leader Siddharthan. It was an all out and pathetically one sided of. fensive by Manickathasan’s military wing against Siddharthan’s Political Wing. All those alleged to be Siddharthan supporters were warned not to set foot in PLOTE offices. Siddharthan's driver himself was assaulted and hospitalised by Thasan himself Jaffna local authority members considered partial to Siddharthan were forced to resign their posts. The chairman of the PLOTE controlled Point Pedro Urban council was abducted by Manickathasan’s men and forced to sign a resignation letter. After escaping from PLOTE custody the man obtained protection from the army and later from the comparative safety of Colombo retracted his “resignation”.
So great was the threat from Manickathasan to Siddharthan that the latter was compelled to adopt a very low key lifestyle even in Colombokeeping his movements secret. Subsequently Thasan seemed to have realised that he lacked the ability and personality to function as the PLOTE head. He opted to allow Siddharthan to function as the de-jure leader while he himself would be the de-facto one. A few weeks before his death both PLOTE leaders appeared jointly before sections of the media and declared that there was no differences between them.
Ironically Manickathasan's death and consequent funeral has once again brought the split within the PLOTE to

Page 13
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
the fore. When Siddharthan and some other political wing leaders went to Vavuniya for the funeral sections of the military wing including acting chief Hari Baabu began remonstrating.
Interestingly Hari Babu is an old PLOTE hand who participated in the abortive attempt by the PLOTE to seize the Maldives in 1988 by overthrowing its government. He was jailed there from 1988 to 1993. During his incarceration he suffered a nervous breakdown and had to be treated for dement1a.
Apparently the PLOTE military wing suspected Siddharthan's hand in Manickathasan's killing. His statement that it was the LTTE that killed Thasan made the latter's supporters suspicious of the former's motives. It was felt that a cover up operation blaming the LTTE was being done.
There is also the question of reforming and regulating the PLOTE military wing. The politically savvy Siddharthan obviously realises the need to discipline the military wing and thereby salvage the political support for the PLOTE that once existed in abundance in Vavuniya. But the military cadres will naturally
KUWAT AIRWAYS
resent Sithar's inter style and in a bid to picions against hir strike.
The opposition his associates wasg to pay their last re thasan lying in : Maheswaran cemet Vavuniya. There w to assassinate hin turned back amidst his military wing c( Babu was to twist publicly that Siddh ticipation at the fu his mala fides invol murder. He also th and purify the PLC elements.
The Second Phase
The second as asan's controversia open confrontation group the Tamil Ee ganization or TEL( initially as a turf W. competing to levy" ers ofVavuniya. Si
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TAMILTIMES 13
ference in their lifeprevent it raise sush as a pre-emptive
to Siddharthan and reat when they went spects to Manickatate at the Uma ery in Kovilkulam, as also talk of a plot n. So Siddharthan “Bronx Cheers” by )mrades. Later Hari this fact and allege arthan's non -parneral was proof of vement in Thasan's reatened to cleanse DTE of treacherous
pect of Manickathal conduct was his with another Tamil lam Liberation OrD. The clash began ar with both groups Taxes’ on the tradDon Manickathasan
personally led a bitter and bloody campaignagainst the TELO resulting in the deaths of several cadres and supporters. The TELO retaliated and soon there was a full scale “civil war” in Vavuniya resulting at one stage in the entire town getting paralysed. Several innocent civilians too were caught in the crossfire. The residents of Vavuniya agitated for the disarmament of both groups. The security forces were obligated to confiscate some arms. Both groups objected strongly saying they were sorely needed to defend them from the LTTE. The situation became too hot in Vavuniya and leaders of both groups shifted temporarily to Colombo. But again the conflict spread to the Metropolis. The Vavunia leader of TELO Rajaratnam Kugarajah alias Kugan and . two others were shot dead by unknown persons at the posh Majestic Shopping Complex premises in Bambalapitiya. It was widely believed that Manickathasan had personally executed them. There was a public outcry that the Tamil groups should not be allowed to continue their fratricidal violence in Colombo and the police began looking for Manickathasan to interrogate him.
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4 AMLTMES
Thasan absconded. He then flew out to Singapore and from there to Mumbai.
It was suspected that he went to Mumbai to meet a former PLOTE leader Vamadevan alias Rajan whois allegedly involved in the narcotics trade now. From there Thasan moved to Bangalore where his one time mentor Paranthan Rajan (Leader of ENDLF) is living running an orphanage. Thasan then got down his wife and three children and left them there. In fact they came from India for his funeral.
He then went to Chennai. It is said that the Q branch(Intelligence unit) of the Tamil Nadu Police became aware of his presence and had supposedly tried to interrogate him. It is also believed that the Indian authorities fearing a replay of on the lines of EPRLF leader Pathmanabha's assassination on 19 June 1990 in Kodambaakkam did their best to be rid of him. Another factor was the suspicion that with his “palestinian’ background Manickathasan could have been acting for Pakistan's ISI too. Finding Chennai “inhospitable” Manickathasan returned to Colombo. Even as he landed in Colombo there were news reports in Indian papers that Thasan was a Pakistani agent. Thasan denied this charge vehemently in Colombo.
The Third Phase
The third and perhaps the most controversial aspect of Manickathasan’s recent conduct was his attempt to appease the LTTE and align with it. Earlier Sri Lankan intelligence officials had been irritated by the discovery that the PLOTE was harbouring suspected LTTE operatives in their camps. Then there was the detection of calendars published by the PLOTE showing the picture of a tiger mauling a lion lying spread-eagled over the north eastern areas of a Sri Lankan map. All calendars were confiscated. It was well known that all this was Manickathasan's handiwork. It was felt that the PLOTE was merging with the LTTE.
Thasan also began giving interviews to the Tamil press saying that the LTTE and PLOTE were “brothers’ while the army was always the enemy. On another occasion he said that the PLOTE would give up Vavuniya if the LTTE wanted it. When the armed forces began confiscating arms he threatened to team up with the LTTE and fight against the government. He also announced that he had instructed
his junior cadres LTTE. Later there Lankan media tha joined the LTTE.
Against the b zarre conduct by killing too become lation. Though S points to the LTTE ground for doubt t tures made by Ma outfit. Would the someone who was himself with the L tion. Also given th affairs other possib It could have been have been the dirt of the army; it also work of PLOTE e Manickathasan. Gi Lucky House cam) ble fortress the po nal squabble is mo
The Track Recor After all the t PLOTE is a sordic repression and sp Santhathiyaar, R killed in the India Uma Maheswaran mony to PLOTE’s nal elimination. Ev Manickathasan w sible for the kill Trincomalee PLOT eran of the ill fat Maldives that was dian navy. He wa. been responsible Karavai Kanthasar ist of the PLOTE W of crossing over to Democratic Party rumoured that Thas zerland and killed a and his wife in ord mation about Mani ment in the killin Uma Maheswaran been an allegation : death though no col able. All these vis ternal divisions wit open flare up betw. political wings in termath of Thasan pointers to the stat vailing within that This internals enmity regarding o the TELO has help

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
to merge with the were reports in the t more than 70 had
ackdrop of this biManickathasan his s an issue of specuuspicion naturally E there is legitimate because of the overnickathasan to that Tigers have killed trying to ingratiate FTE is a moot quese prevailing state of ilities too stand out. the TELO, it could y tricks department could be the handilements opposed to ven the fact that the ) was an impregnassibility of an interre possible.
rack record of the | history of internal lits. Sivaneswaran, ajmohan, the 212 h camps and finally himselfare all testicapacity for interen a few years ago as allegedly responing of Arjuna the "E leader and a veted invasion of the thwarted by the Ins also said to have for the death of ny a political activho was on the verge the Eelam Peoples (EPDP). It is also an travelled to Switformer cadre Robin :r to suppress inforkathasan's involveg of former leader There has always bout his role in that crete proof is availble signs of the inhin PLOTE and the :en the military and Vavuniya in the af's death are further e of confusion preoutfit. plit along with the ther groups notably ed cause clouds of
doubt to appear whenever the PLOTE was targeted effectively in the past as well as now. In recent times the PLOTE has suffered many major setbacks. Last year on May 12 Manickathasan’s deputy commander and “alter ego” Selvathurai Shanthakumaralias “Sinna Thasan' alias “Alavaanku Thasan' and six other PLOTE cadres were killed in a claymore mine attack while travelling in a convoy. It was suspected that the real target was Manickathasan whose vehicle had parted company just a few minutes before.
Last year also saw PLOTE member of Parliament from the Wanni district Shanmuganathan alias Vasanthan being killed in another Claymore landmine attack on July 15th. Vasanthan’s two year old son too was killed while his wife sustained serious injuries. Some weeks later another PLOTE Parliamentarian Balachandran's house was shot at but he survived. On July 16th this year Thasan's secretary and right hand man Sabaratnam Baskaran alias Dumal was killed in a claymore mine attack. The explosive was attached to a parked cycle and triggered with a remote mechanism.
All these incidents in Vavuniya along with those attacks in Jaffna against PLOTE members clearly indicate that the LTTE is consistently targeting the PLOTE. It is an accepted fact, that the most skilful and deadly exponents of the claymore mine device are the LTTE. Yet it has not been possible to point a definite finger of guilt because of the suspicion that other agencies too may be involved. This climate of uncertainty is one on which the LTTE thrives. They continue with their actions systematically and ruthlessly while the victims and aggrieved parties indulge in mutual recrimination. Even now the Special Task Force Commandoes have been taking action against the TELO in Vavunia. They think the recent landmine attacks by the LTTE against them were implemented through TELO connivance.
In that context the killing of Manickathasan too naturally raises doubts about the perpetrators. Nevertheless to those analysts who have been observing the LTTE pattern of attacks there is no doubt about who was responsible. The LTTE is currently aiming to demolish all effective alternatives to it within the Tamil community.
In Vavuniya the PLOTE too enjoys some popular support though much

Page 15
5 SEPTEMBER 1999
of it has eroded because of Manickathasan’s ignoble conduct. Still the LTTE wants to reduce the PLOTE to a non-entity through selective assassinations. It may like to co-opt some of the junior PLOTE cadres as Tigers . The LTTE deputy military commander Balraj himself is an erstwhile PLOTE member recruited later by the Tigers. The LTTE however is unlikely to accommodate senior members from other groups. They are forever dubbed as traitors or anti-social elements who must be eliminated.
In the case of Manickathasan he was always perceived by the LTTE as a “thug and criminal” who had to be eradicated. He had also allegedly killed and tortured quite a number of LTTE members and supporters. So there never was any chance of his being pardoned and accepted by the LTTE in spite of his repeated overtures. It may even be possible that the vacillating attitude displayed by Manickathasan in recent timestowards the importantitask ofcontaining the LTTE may have contributed to his demise. The present confusion about his death would linger for a while But it is only a matter of time before the truth emerges.
The important factor however is to recognise that the killing would not have been possible without internal connivance. This means that the LTTE has either deeply infiltrated or bought over cadres in the PLOTE. Such a possibility should make the alam bells ring for the PLOTE, other Tamil groups and in the final analysis the armed forces.
There is also the larger question facing the Tamil community. Whatever Manickathasan’s defects or merits there is no denying that he was at one time a youth who embarked upon the enterprise ofachievingthrough armed struggle a country for the Tamils called Tamil Eelam. Now he too like innumerable Tamils before him has been exterminated at the altar of the Eelam struggle. The question that Tamils must answer after intense soul searching is two fold. First, who has arrogated unto himselfthe infallible right ofexecuting fellow Tamils and who decides the criteria upon which life after life is snuffed outbrutally as alleged traitors? Second, even after this endless cycle of deaths that has undermined the community from within are the Sri Lankan Tamils anywhere within reach of that elusive goal that is Tamil Eelam ? O
Observati
t may be helpfu tional analysis ca. litically charged day Sri Lanka) to st Sri Lanka is an isla practice four religi with several others f tions of the populati Hinduism Islam and speak three languag pally) Sinhala, Tami merically Christiani the smallest proporti religions and Englis guage of few but the of many. But the cu Christianity and Eng numerical strength their practitioners. T are part and parcelo modern/colonial - colonial history of Lanka. Geographic: Sri Lanka is divided North, East, South West plus the interic the dry zone and plar interior and the four along the coast.
Four religions, guages and at least S 48 or 72 combinatio guage/region. A reli gion trichotomy do exhaust the lines alo consciousness and li practice can be cla fied. A most impo omission is gender w cuts across the chotomy. An earlier eration of writers wi have put class abov other dimensions. course caste - that ve Asian category - whi dus, Muslims, Bud Christians across So a few of these cell Thus Sinhala speak marily Buddhist or speakers are Hindu, tian. English speake1 well as Buddhists ol

TAMILTIMES 15
One Nation or Many: ions on the Sri Lankan Crisis
Meghnad Desai
l (if any such ran ever be in the pocontext of present art by stating that und whose people ons (principally, or very small fracons) - Buddhism, | Christianity, and ges (again princil and English. Nuty is practised by on among the four h is the first lan2 second language ltural influence of
In terms of regions, Tamils are largely in the North, the East and the plantations (upcountry) regions but they are also in the West (Colombo region) Sinhali speakers are also around the island.
Thus while it is possible and indeed predominant practice to think of the problem” as that of Sinhala Buddhist versus Tamil Hindus, and North and East versus the rest, even if such a problem was settled, it would leave many issues of Sri Lankan politics unresolved. Muslims and Burghers and plantation Tamils do not fit easily into the duality as currently conceptualised.
lish farexceeds the : Table 1: Sri Lanka: Language x Religion matrix ney
L f ဖုံဖုံ Buddhism Hinduism Islam Christianity OS р Sri Sinhala Χ X X ally, Tamil X X X into English Χ X X Χ and
br. People speak of utation areas in the NEWS” regions
two or three lanix regions provide ns ofreligion/lanigion/language/rees not, of course, ng which people's
Thus in the language X religion matrix above, the first two rows and columns have the two major groups around whom the duality is constructed. But around that 2x2 matrix are the other columns and other rows which cannot and should not be ignored. (This is similar to the situation in Israel-Palestine. It is not of Jews versus Muslims because there are Christian Arabs as well.
g Table 2: Sri Lanka: Language x Region Matrix SS1
tant Language/ West South North East interior Interior hich Religion Dry Plantation tri- Sinhala Χ Χ Χ Χ
gen- Tamil X x
ould || English X x x x
e all
There is also of Similarly if we look at language x ry peculiarly South region omitting English speakers as
chpermeates Hindhists as well as uth Asia. But only s' are non-empty. ng people are priChristian, Tamil Muslim or Chrisis are Christians as
Hindus etc.
they are spread across the islands), the symmetry of West, South and Dry zone for Sinhala speakers and North, East and Plantation for Tamil speakers is spoiled by Sinhala speakers in the East and Tamil speakers in the West. While the last two are minorities, their presence cannot be ignored.

Page 16
16 TAMILTIMES
Nationhood in South Asia
Nationhood can be defined along a variety of ways but more recently two ways have been emphasised - territorial and ethnic. In the history of South Asia, nationhood has been constructed along religious lines (Hindu/Muslim, nations as by the Muslim League and Jinnah in the 1940's India). Religion, however, was not enough to keep Pakistan together and in 1971, itbroke up as between the Bengalis speaking Muslim EastPakistan Bangladesh and West Pakistan/Pakistan which is Muslim but multilingual.
Bangladesh did not become part of a united (red) Bengal as many thought likely in 1971 but religion and language jointly crystallised the separate nationality of the Bangladeshis as opposed to Bengalis of West Bengal. In the doomed struggle for Khalistan some Sikhs defused their nationhood as along religion/language and territory lines. [II have dealt with some of these issues in Desai (1997).
For the present India has chosen to define herself as a multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-regional polity where nationhood is defined alongterritorial lines. There are tensions in this
definition - most ri articulation of Hindu Vanaik (1997)]. Bu parliamentary dem time being reassert gious multi-regional polity. Pakistan has hood along a domi multiple language, yet single territoria again tensions due dominance of Pun problems of the M. Sunni divisions etc. mains a territorial e about Kashmir is al because of the need Pakistan to define : territorial lines,
Nationhood in Sri II
Against this bri other South Asian na we think of Sri Lank would seem that Sin tionalism as articula 195O's would like to as a single religion si tion across it entire what compels its char story of Sri Lankar
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cently due to the vaby the BJP see the dynamics of cracy has for the 2d the multi-reliand multi-lingual lefined its nationnant religion but multiple regional lines. There are or example to the ab. The identity bhajirs, the Shiabut Pakistan rentity. The dispute the more intense in both india and nationhood along
anka
ef excursion into tionhood, how do an nationhood? It hala Buddhist nated since the midy define Sri Lanka ngle language naterritory. This is mpions to retell the history along a
seamless 2,500 year tale of Sinhala Buddhist domination. Whatever the veracity of such a story (and truth is never objectively - ie in a universally accepted way - definable in this context) its construction is compelled by the programme of nationhood which it is meant to bolster.
In its own view Sinhala Buddhism thinks of Sri Lanka as a single unitary territory with provinces but not regions or States. In this it is dissimilar to both India and Pakistan but more akin to Bangladesh. But it lacks the single language, single religion domination that Bengali Muslims enjoy in Bangladesh. As seen above not all Sinhala speakers are Buddhists and a Sinhala Buddhist identity would exclude anywhere up to 30% of the population. By comparison, in Bangladesh, Bengali Muslims are in the 90% range.
To define Sri Lanka as a Sinhala Buddhist nation is plausible if nationhood is defined along ethnic lines. It is
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Page 17
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
there would have arisen questions of minority rights as human rights in any Constitution. In that case, some accommodation could have been found which would have recognised minorities as having rights as such - as minorities - relative to a majoritarian hegemonic national identity defined along language/religion lines.
[Even with the numerical dominance of Bengali-speaking Muslims, Bangladesh has had to face the issue of Chittagong hill tribes. The problem” of Bihari Muslims who belong to Pakistan is another instance of how minorities even when small have to be accommodated n a one-nation state.
But of course in Sri Lanka the 30% minority is neither evenly scattered across the island nor will a simple accommodation as minority be sufficient given the history of 20th Century Sri Lanka. For one thing there is a large minority - the Tamils who have a claim to be the co-community of Sri Lanka. For another this community has large regional concentration in the North and the East as well as in the interior upcountry” area.
Independence without Nationhood
Sri Lanka became independent without a protracted nationalist struggle violent or non-violent as in the case of India. Indeed the Story of Ceylon becoming Sri Lanka is one of collaboration between the British and the various fractions of the local people. Thus Sri Lankan nationhood was not defined sharply as a reaction to the imperial presence. British presence was in some ways less other in Ceylon as it then was, than in India. As a majority community, Sinhala Buddhists defined themselves more in opposition to Christian (Catholic) (or Muslim or Malayalee speaking communities (Jayawardene (1986)). It was by constructing the other as alien-foreign, Indian, that the local” was crystallised.
The lack of a national struggle meant that when independence came it was granted rather than won. The constitution of independent Ceylon was not drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly, but handed over by the British. Thus the task of defining nationhood was carried out not consensually as in (post-partition) India, but in the populist pressures of democratic electoral politics. In a democracy with a first-past the post electoral system, numbers are at a premium. A majority
is a commanding p minster system als powers on the majo ment. If the majorit also construct a pa ity in a Westminste write its own ticket tutionally this was Ulster protestants i vis-a-vis the Catl Catholic challenget elected majority fr that made Northel problem in British now, after thirty yea resolution (March
The definition o hood was thus con islation in parliame ing simple majorit thirds or three fou tion making. From fore, there has been attempt by the maj define nationhood dhistlines. On the c been a pattern of re ond largest group to in such a definitio another Sri Lankan The division a linesvery much Bri Left at the outset from the strength o munity. On the one on the other an ur Left, centre-left pa etc., focused attent attenuation of gov in the domain of ec ing between Right haps diverted atter different basis alon question was bein parties Stalinist, T particularly diverte taking the populis ties as representing tred or mass politi collapse of the S. majoritarian popul move the parliame Tamil minority. Th able coalition that ity in parliament th a legitimate place to nition of Sri Lanka
Confronting the N
Thus it was t 1950s onwards th lations became ex Pacts were signed

TAMILTIMES 17
osition. The Westo confers immense rity party in Parliay community could rliamentary majorr system then it can legally and constithe position of the in Northern Ireland holics. It was the o domination by the om 1968 onwards in Ireland a tough politics that is only ars, coming close to 1998). fSri Lankan nationlucted through legnt, a process requiry rather than tworths as in constitu1948 onwards thereon the one hand an ority community to along Sinhala Budther hand there has sistance by the sec) insist on inclusion n or recognition as
nation. long party-political tish style. Rightand diverted attention f the majority comhand the UNP and stable coalition of rties - SLFP, LSSP ion a British style ernance. The battle onomic policy makand Left also pertion from the very which the national g tackled. The Left Trotskyis etc, were d in this way mism of Sinhalese pargenuine people cends. The ignonimous ri Lanka Left into ism did a lot to re:ntary option of the ere was no conceivcould obtain majorat would guarantee ) Tamils in any defin nationhood.
National Question hat from the mid e Sinhala-Tamil retra parliamentary. between Bandara
naike and Chelvanayakam in 1957, and between Senanayake and Chelvanayakam in 1965. The need to sign such pacts was a recognition that the parliamentary road was now impossible for the Tamils. At that time the battle centred on the issue of language. Was Sri Lanka a one language or a two language nation? English was always to reinain an extra elite language.
The Sri Lankan state was also under other - economic – pressures. The failure to achieve sufficiently rapid growth which could absorb the expanding labour force in the rural and the urban areas led to the JVP-led rebellion in 1971. The collectivist moves to accommodate these pressures were also populist in their preference of the majority over the minority.
During the 1970's, Sri Lanka maintained an extensive welfare provision and achieved a high level of human development. At the same time, its performance as an open economy deteriorated and it was too small to pursue an autarkic economic policy. The shift to a liberal economic regime was accom
panied by a reduction in the welfare
provision. The balance shifted even more against the poor of the minority community.
India gave itself a Constitution in 1949 and since the formation of the Republic in 1950 has accorded a central place to the Constitution. It is one of the longest in terms of number of articles. While it has been amended more than seventy times, there has never been talk of another Constitution. By contrast, Sri Lanka has given itself new constitutions twice since independence. In 1972 and l977, the Constitution changed but each time the issue of nationality for the non-Sinhala speaking Community was not addressed. Indeed the Executive Presidency inaugurated by J R Jayewardene concentrated executive power even more than in the Westminster type government. There was no level above the elected government which could be appealed to by any minority.
For a while, a Tamil Party, TULF, attained the status of an official opposition Party but of course, in the context of an Executive Presidency it had less power than before. The pacts between the two communities thus became international with India playing the Big Brother role through the 1980's. Events of 1983 no doubt gave spur to India on this front. But by that time,

Page 18
8 TAMILTIMES
several Tamil formations, EROS, EPRLF, LTTE-hadabandoned parliaments and pacts.
Neither the 1983 understanding between India and Sri Lanka nor the 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Agreementand the consequent Thirteenth Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution solved the issue. It was not possible for an outside power such as India to solve what is after all an internal issue of Sri Lankan people. The tensions within Sri Lankan society, even within the majority community about the national issue, manifested themselves in the assassination of President Premadasa as well as several other politicians echoing the earlier assassination of S W R D Bandaranaike in 1959.
A New Framework for Solution?
Two recent developments have changed the framework within which the national issue is being posed. First is the consensus among the majority community parties on economic policy. A Left/Right division still persists but it will lead to fewer reversals and restorations of the policies of rival parties in the economic sphere. Secondly, there has been a growing recognition that the unitarian structure of Sri Lanka needs to be modified by devolution. With some small differences, there is also consensus on this issue among the majority community parties (see ICES 1997).
There is now a Devolution package presented by the People's Alliance government which came into power in August 1994. This package takes the form of a new Constitution. This is the maximum offer that the majority community can agree to make to the minority community.
Of course, devolution by itself does not relate to the national question. The national question could have been settled in the 1950's even within a unitary framework if the 1957 Pact had been implemented. Thus in some abstract (though not very helpful) sense, devolution is neither necessary, nor sufficent to solving the national problem.
But of course the context is not abstract and has not been since 1983. The context is a bloody military confrontation which has ebbed and flowed as between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Army. The open military confrontation is in the North (Jaffna) area but terrorist attacks can be anywhere across the island. It is not only in terms of lives
taken, but in term ing insecurity, an nomic terms, of military spending in 1997).
An Impossibility A Sinhala Bud (1998) be constitu only two ways:
(l) By winn tle decisively i feating the LT (2) by partiti two territories, Neither of thes ble solution to the deed in terms of a of nationhood spa ritory of the islanc obviously, a defea untenable since ev the LTTE, the Tar lation of Sri Lank and nor will the c sidered at the outs deed, a Tamil sp mains in the West there were to be a lese one may rem state as Sri Lanka, But the emerg or devolution amoi ties, not uncontest own risks of break after fifty years o project of defini Sinhala Buddhist and religion and te as impossible - th devolution packag tion edges (hence taining 2/3 vote fol there is this recog ble nationhood. T of discovering a v ternative,
A pre-conditi emergence ofan al consideration ofa posed solutions) both the LTTE a Army that there is the war and obtain jective of nationh some way from t The breakdown o negotiations betw government and til most progress in show that there is of the LTTE that militarily and/or

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
s of a constant feeld of course in ecohigh and increasing (up to 6.5% of GNP
Result dhist nation can now uted in Sri Lanka in
ing the military batand permanently deTE or
oning Sri Lanka into
e two ways is a sta2 national issue. Inmonistic” definition nning the entire terl, the second way is t but the first is also en after the defeat of mils Speaking popua will not disappear ther minorities conset of this essay. Ineaking minority reof Sri Lanka even if partition, as a Sinhalain in the second”
ence of a consensus ng the Sinhalese parted nor free from its down, indicates that f independence, the ng Sri Lanka as a island (ie language ritory) has been seen e debate around the es still has its partithe difficulty of ob* itin Parliament) but nition of an impossihe difficulty now is riable and stable al
on required for the ternative (ie realistic my one of several prois a recognition by nd the Sri Lankan no way of winning ning the political obbod desired. We are his recognition yet. f the latest round of :en the Kumaratunga le LTTE after the utnegotiations to date, a feeling on the part
it can beat Eelam hat by entering and
completing bilateral negotiations on any package whatsoever which is on offer will mean an objective not achieved. Similarly, the Sri Lankan Army believes it can exhaust and defeat the LTTE and regain control over Jaffna and other LTTE territory and restore peaceful conditions.
There is an asymmetry here which renders a consideration of alternatives difficult. The army of a sovereign state cannot cede territory without a military defeat. A guerilla army of a putative state can cease hostilities and settle a war and even claim victory if some of its objectives are met. There have been settlements in El Salvador and Guatemala ofilonglasting civil wars. Current compromises in Northern Ireland imply a recognition by Sinn Fein and its military counterpart - the provisional IRA - that their objective of a United Ireland is not (pro tem?) achievable. The rights of the Catholic minority will however be guaranteed if and when there is a settlement of the issue, hopefully by May 1998.
When we speak of a settlement of the crisis, it is useful to note that the present period is within a process started in 1995, by Chandrika Kumaratunga. This was an offer of a new Constitution which led to extensive negotiations which were then halted when there were new LTTE attacks in Colombo and elsewhere. Since these attacks, there is a military thrust to gain back Jaffna and resettle it on part of the Sri Lankan Army. The LTTE considers itself still at war. It is possible to take the view that a successful recovery ofJaffna andits resettlement by the former residents is a precondition for the reopening of talks on the devolution process. This is certainly the logic behind the current military effort.
If, however, recovery and resettlement of Jaffna leave the LTTE free to open up attacks on new fronts in the North and East or elsewhere via terrorist attacks, the devolution effort will never take off. This is because the civil war is such that neither side can win and neither side will surrender or even give up the fight. So an alternative must be found. The roots of the alternative solution lie back in the history of Sri Lanka. It is the lack of an inclusive constitution making process which seems to me to be at the bottom of the present crisis. A combination of Parliament and Pacts has been tried and failed. External interaction to broker

Page 19
15 SEPTEMBER 999
the crisis with military force (IPUF) devolution offer from the first pact of 1957 to the current constitution proposals. This has also now failed.
The problem common to all the failed attempts is that the majority community offers unilaterally various concessions. The real need is to start a multilateral, inclusive, symmetric process which, starting from the unsatisfactory present situation, will end in a consultation jointly made by all the people of Sri Lanka. Such a process will include not only the government and the LTTE but opposition parties as well as representatives of the other minorities - Muslims, Burghers in an inclusive way. The process is the solution, or at least the essential core of any viable solution. The process will not start with a draft Constitution given” by the majority. Constitution making is the healing, nation rebuilding process. What should have happened in the 1950s around the debate on the language issue can happen now, several thousand dead bodies later in the late 1990's. It is only within such a process that the legitimate aspirations of the Tamils as well as all other groups can be expressed. The very recognition that there are a number of groups can be expressed. The very recognition that there are a number of groups in Sri Lanka beside the Sinhala Buddhist majority group, which have s much right as the majority to having national identities and must be accommodated within any notion of Sri Lankan nationhood is the essence of the solution.
Then Sri Lanka has to get back to where this essay started. Sri Lanka has to recognise internally and endogeno-usly that it is a country of four religions, three languages and six regions. Cutting this three dimensional cake along any particular axis - religion or language generate unhappy anomalies. Thus Muslims of the West and the South are not the same as those of the East. Similarly, for the Tamils there has been for a long time and there is now more than one party which can claim to represent them. This makes it important not to miss out any one of the various cells' which have a minimal size. If they choose to knit in various umbrella coalitions should be presumed. It is by acknowledging the separateness of as many cells as possible that a genuine and binding unity will occur. O
References International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES) (1997) Sri Lanka. The Devolution Debate (ICES, Colombo), Jayawardene, Kumari (1986) Ethnic and Class Conflicts in Sri Lanka. Some Aspects of Sinhala Buddhists Consciousness over the Past 100 years (Centre for Social Analysis, Colombo).
he ethnic crisis been dissected
explanations offe knowledgeable peo depending, naturally where does one stanc or South? It is futil objective standpo claims by many. But what I would call thi of the problem; cau guage, employmer Constitution etc.
There is no gain plex combination c coupled with the ine ofchauvinistic politi sible for the crisis. to recognise a very : den factor which ha hind the scenes. In it we have to look b the global scene of
As I have indica tional, racial and cu the planet, hitherto are getting thrown on account of the pc and the travel and co lutions. The globe i population expandin congestion of life-sp the quantity, intens of interactions am probability of confl portionately. Up to man lived in what m isolation.
On a rough cal three quarters of th today are less than . means, for the best tory, man has livedi language/culture tribes, petty princed Interactions betwee took the form of co sion, local wars) a operation (exchange mixture of both. Th of land and natural for short periods oft even our small coul istence of at least th
 

TAMILTIMES 19
hnic Crisis: Looking
Fr. Mervyn Fernando
and its violence has and analysed and red by a host of ple, the viewpoint , on the standpoint: l, in the North, East e to expect a fully int, despite such tall these deal with a "physical” causes lses touching lanht, education, the
saying that a comf all these factors vitable aberrations cs hasbeen responBut we have failed significant but hidis played a role beorder to recognise eyond our noses to the human drama. ted elsewhere, naltural entities upon relatively isolated, against each other pulation explosion Immunication revos “shrinking” with g, resulting in both, ace and increase in ity and complexity ong peoples, with ict increasing provery recent times ight be called tribal
>ulation more than he nation-states of 300 years old. That part of human hisin smallkinship and related groups in oms, kingdoms etc. in them sometimes mpetition (aggresnd sometimes co, alliances) or some ere was no scarcity
resources. Except unitary government htry saw the co-exree “kingdoms” in
the 2500-year period of recorded history. Sri Lanka became a nation-state in the modern political sense only with the British conquest of the Island in 1815.
Reactions to the unaccustomed closeness experienced by nations and cultures as a result of the enforced convergence has often been on negative lines. Inner psychological acceptance and genuine friendship lag behind physical closeness and superficial interaction. So we have had, in the recent history of the world, several wars of aggression (two World Wars in this century), and the subjugation of the weak by the strong by force of arms, particularly in the colonisation of many parts of the Southern world by Northern powers.
War and bloody conflict have not ended but, remarkably, we can see that their character has changed, if we look close enough. Whereas in the past most wars were motivated by aggression and conquests, today wars and conflicts, limited to specific places and regions, are claimed to be defensive without exception - defense of territory, freedom, human rights, language/culture etc. In bygone days the strong made no bones about subduing and exploiting the weak, but today peoples are fighting not so much to conquer others as to liberate themselves from servitude of any form or defend their legitimate rights. This does not mean that motives of self-interestand expansionism are altogether absent, the primordial sin of greed and self-interest still bedevils the human condition resulting in man's inhumanity to man. But they are more clearly and easily recognised for what they are and resistance to them in violent and non-violent forms are readily forthcoming. The silverlining in the dark cloud of violence in our day is the aggressive affirmation of positive human values, unlike in an earlier age subjugation and repression will not be easily tolerated.
Despite the ugly and the evil in violence and suffering the world over we should not fail to notice the growth of

Page 20
20 TAMILTIMES
opposite movements of unification and convergence. Major political disintegrations have resulted in new integrations or associations of a similar nature, for example, the League of Nations after the disruptions of World War 1 and the United Nations after the chaos of World War II. During the last few decades a number of regional groupings have come into being to deal with issues of common interest such as the Organisation of African Unity, the nonaligned Movement, ASEAN and our own SAARC.
On the one hand we have seen the breakdown of artificial “Empires” e.g. the Soviet Union which was an enforced polity of previously independent national/ethnic entities held together by ideology and State dictatorship, on the other, hitherto free and independent Nations are coming together freely to form larger associations e.g. the European Community. In line with what we would expect in a rising tide of person community consciousness those socio-cultural entities which felt secure in their national/ethnic identities are able to come together to form larger voluntary communities. Conversely
OXFORD CIRCUS
those entities, ofte which felt insecure tity are struggling to be themselves, an in ratist movements t Lanka is a perfect e
Up to the begin lonial rule the Sinh ples lived as juxtap gling groups in col peace with occasior The partiality of B Tamils and Christia rise to a strong ass ably, of Sinhala-B ness after Independ at both Tamils and ( aside the Christian cies followed by s ments specially with and land, consolida rity in the Tamil co nority ethnic group ity.
Naturally these cies of separation wil in the mid-seventie the younger Tamil g arms for the cause On the other handt
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15 SEPTEMBER 1999
n minority groups in their ethnic idenfree themselves to nanifested by sepahe world over. Sri xample.
ning of British coala and Tamil peoosed but interminhditions of relative al episodes of war. ritish rule to both ns (minorities) gave ertion, understanduddhist conscious2nce, which swiped Dhristians. Leaving question, the poliuccessive governregard to language ted fears of insecummunity as a miin the national pol
fears led to tendenhich come to a head s with a section of eneration taking to of a separate state. he Tamil separatist
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cry and its violent militancy evoked strong fears of insecurity in the Sinhala people vis-a-vis the combined Tamil population of the North and East and of Tamilandu (South India),especially in the eighties when India was openly supportive of the Tamil cause in Sri
Lanka.
In my opinion, both communities are gripped by fears of loss identity and ofhuman space for racial/cultural survival and well-being. This is the root cause of the problem. As long as such fears are operative they will not be able to come together from within, in mind and heart. No forced or imposed “solution” will last. Psychologically and politically the resolution of the conflict lies in removing these feelings of insecurity which have been aggravated by continued violence on both sides in the past few years. If the greater responsibility lies with the majority community the co-operation of the minority community towards that goal is also vital for success. Since India is now disengaged from this problem it should help . to alleviate fears of the Sinhala people on the one hand, and on the other, (continued on next page)
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Page 21
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
(Continued from page 26) awaken the Tamil people to dangers of attrition and isolation in prolonged violence.
The painful question is, how much more violent struggle the two communities have to go through before realisation dawns that both can be enriched only in a symbiotic relationship, each allowing the other to be itself as Sinhala/Tamil - a unity in diversity. In other words what is called for is an enlightenment of mind and a conversion of heart, both of which are very foreign to politics and politicians, Army commanders and guerrilla leaders.
The prevalent socio-economic and political orders in the world are revealing their discordance with the rising new consciousness by the violence they generate. Just as pain reveals pathology in the body so violence manifests pathology in the body of mankind. It is in need ofhealing, but healing of the spirit comprises both enlightenmentand conversion - enlightenment about the truth of mankind's ascent to a more free person-community level of “being human” and conversion of heart from the petty ego of the self and tribe/race to the larger whole of the human family, & finally of the whole universe.
From the above considerations, it is clear that both the Sinhala and Tamil peoples are being challenged to “die” to their present confrontational and “separatist” modes of being to rise to a higher level of unity which will paradoxically enhance the specificity of each. At the level of spirit that is at the human level, (unlike at the level of matter) union does not obliterate the uniting elements but differentiates them. The deeper the union between husband was wife the more the personality of each as man and woman will be enhanced.
But the “un-redeemed’ or “unliberated” man seeks to grow by isolating himself, he is afraid that communication and sharing will diminish personality and destroy identity, but in reality the opposite is true, whether it be an individual or a group. Violence is the price we pay for resistance to this fundamental law of being, which has been preached by all the religions, but little practised. It is therefore at bottom a religious and spiritual endeavour demanding apainful personal and collective sacrifice.
But the religious authorities in the country have not shown evidence of
AN
The world allial in the dictionary of ance, or cohabitatio like the live-in sys the marriages of In to come together ( than physical or p The system carries spite the occasional of players. The sar political alliance.
Witness the co and sundry in the keen to join the saf Sharad Yadav, who champion of oppre the guiding force ( (and not Divided), Samata Party of G Lok Shakti of Rama ad's main opponen parliamentary boar George and George was defeated. Hegd kedby Laloo Prasad of HD Deve Gowd da became prime m and Hegde have rev da is no more than Karnataka with the symbol and Hegde maker’s role with a der Ram Vilas Pas voted along with fe KGujral against thi nt, has coolly mac himself in a bid to
The case of
Party leader Mula
serious attempts ti cate their flocks ir of the problem. standpoints take both Sinhala and of racial chauvini the spiritual dimer the on-going ethni to bethe Way oftl try which will lea lated racial egos f new harmony of cive to enhanced sity of racial iden
(Excerpt from

TAMILTIMES 2.
ALLANCES D DALLANCES
Ramesh Gopalakrishnan
nce is a wretched one ' Indian politics. Allin, is a necessary evil, tems of the West, or dia, There is no need on any ground other 2rhaps familial ones,
on nevertheless de
change in the matrix ne is the case with a
ming together of all
socialist firmament fron B.JP bandwagon. prides himself as the ssed castes, becomes of Janata Dal United going along with the eorge Fernandes and akrishna Hegde. Sharut for the post of Dal 'd chief in 1994 was left the party after he le, of course, was sacYadav at ths instance a in 1996 when Gowinister. Today, Gowda 'ersed positions. Gowa Dal faction leader in farmer's tractor as his is playing the kingplomb. And Dalit leawan, one of those who rmer prime minister I : Vajpayee governmele up with Vajpayee defeat Laloo in Bihar. ecularist Samajvadi yam Singh Yadav is
) enlighten and eduthis spiritual aspect Vore seriously, the by some of them, famil, clearly smack sm, the antithesis of sion. My hope is that c violence will prove Le Cross ofour counl to the death of isoor a resurrection to a ro-existence conduand enriched diverity.
“This Piece of Planet Earth: Sri Lanka”)
even more curious! He has been accused of supping with archrival and Uttar Pradesh chief minister Kalyan Singh of the BJP. Mulayam is certainly cultivating the backward class leader in Kalyan, in a bid to overcome the challenge posed by the flight of Brahmin caste from the BJP and the Congress. Mulayam doesn’t mind losing a few seats to the BJP in this process. At the same time, both Congress and Mulayam are trying to hard to wean away Dalit and MusliM voters from the Bahujan Samaj Party of Kanshi Ram.
The case of BJP is no better. In Haryana, the party withdrew support to the Haryana Vikas Party government led by former Congressman Bansi Lal. After Bansi failed to keep his government afloat, the BJP changed tack and announced support to Om Prakash Chautala of the Lok Dal. Memory is woefully
short, for, nine years ago, it was the very
same BJP which had led a struggle to oust Chautala after the latter was accused of murdering an independent candidate to get the election process stalled at Meham from where he was to be elected to the state assembly. Chautala at last failed to win from Meham and had to vacate the chief minister's chair. Now, he is cuddling up to the BJP, thanks to his father, Devi Lal, and George.
The ironies don’t end there. The Trinamul Congress of Mamata Bannerjee continues to cohabit with the BJP. Mamata, the street-fighting queen of Calcutta, sorry Kolkutta, now wants to even join the Vajpayee government if it is reelected. The same fiery queen was all sound and fury when the Babri Masjid was demolished by the saffron hordes. And, the BJP, for its part, continues to implement its anti-left agenda by cosying up to the Trinamul Congress.
The BJP's traditional allies - the Shiv Sena and the Akali Dal - are in no better position either. The Akalis have suffered a split, with the faction led by former Shiromani Gurudwara Praba-ndhak Committee chief Gurcharan Singh Tohra breaking away from Punjab chief minister Parkash Singh Badal. Tohra was unable to strike a major blow at Badal, but the elections may find Tohra doing anything to scuttle the Akali-BJP alliance.
The case of Shiv Sena is most unenviable. Sabre-rattling chief Balasa-heb

Page 22
22 TAMILTIMES
Thackeray has come under fire from the Election Commission itself, with the statutory body disqualifying him from voting or contesting elections for carrying out communal propaganda during the 1987 elections. If Thack-eray's campaign 10 years ago was communal, what to speak of his fascist drama during the 1992-93 riots in Mu-mbai and the subsequent elections for which he has been indicted by the Srikrishna Commission Thackeray is unfazed and his supporters went to the extent of attempting to enter the Election Commission headquarters in Delhi. Thackeray is cool as he doesn’t contest elections at all, donning the mantle of a saint. But the question remains whether he will campaign in the same vein during the parliament and assembly polls in Maharashtra. The response of the “good guy” Vajpayee to the Thackeray embarrassment is to remain silent. After all, votes do matter and not values for the good guy.
Come the election results, each political leader seems to have his own calculations. Sharad Pawar, who recently broke away from the Congress to form his own Nationalist Democratic Congress, dreams of taking over as prime minister in the event of a hung parliament. Buddy Mulayam also wants to remain in the fray, though both leaders may not get more than 25 seats each. The ever-irrepressible George will not challenge Vajpayee, but in case, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance fails to win majority, there's the chance, for him, to lead the usual non-Congress, non-BJP front government. At 70, this may be George's real chance of leading the country: when fellow socialists Chandra Shekhar, Deve Gowda and Inder Gujral have done it, why not George Of course, if the Congress manages to scrape through, and if Sonia chooses not not to get into the hot seat, there’s the man for al seasons: the genial Sardar Manmohan Singhji, who has seen it all - by being everything from Reserve Bank governor, Secretary of the South Commission under Julius Nyrere and finance minister under Narasimha Rao - in one decade flat
Of course, there are minions like Arjun Singh who have been nursing dreams of grandeur within the Congress itself. And why not, says, Purno Sangma, who has visions of becoming the first prime minister of the country from the beleguered north-eastern region
Such ambitions, mercifully, are not reciprocated by even Tamil Nadu's megalomanical politicians - Karunani-dhi wants to rule in Chennai and would be glad if nephew Murasoli Maran is given a cushy portfolio in Delhi - to ensure the
A s India is sett
other costly looks like Ata is destined to have the top job in the co Thanks to a seri committed since sh the political scene, S. to have frittered away she did have at one Congress is likely t in the Opposition ra more time to come.
No one is sure wil bodes for the nati« Sangh Parivaar wou and pave the way f or, as some claim, the the DMK to the Tel
further growth of the ywide and global ope does not mind becom ister, or finance minist tling the income-tax c buddy Sasikala Natara aims are too narrow an alone justify the ends Stranger is the si getting close to the C states and to Jayalalit The leftists are fightir West Bengal and Ker: direct or indirect und in a few other states - BJP.
And veteran Ma chief minister Jyoti Ba is ready for retirement - to become the prime his leftist buddies ha kind to him when his the Race Course Road - in 1996 and 1999 not have another chan this be his last chance Ideologies, progr plain good-old simple party victory have tak is the time for realisin forming dalliances, pl visions of empire and c of power over the mil subcontinent. Power poison. It flows and el thing and nothing - it all at once. O
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
in Upbeat Mood
T.N. Gopalan
enter into yet anhund of polls, it Behari Vajpayee et another shot at Intry. s of blunders she : decided to enter nia Gandhi seems all the advantages stage, and so the widdle its thumbs ks for quite some
at such a scenario in - whether the ld set the agenda or a fascist future : BJP's allies from ugu Desam Party
Sun TV’s countrrations. Jayalalitha ing the prime miner – to ensure Scutases against her or jan. After all, their d, for them, means
ght of the leftists ongress in several na in Tamil Nadu. g the Congress in la, while having a erstanding with it mainly to fight the
xist and Bangla su declares that he after the elections minister? After all, e not really been chance to occupy eat came up twice He senses he may e. Or perhaps will
immes and even minded sense for a backseat. This alliances and perting into practice splaying the sense ng crowds of the s like nectar and ps - it risks everynlivens and kills -
(TDP) would hold it on a tight leash and prevent it from flying off the handle, remains to be seen.
The very first nation-wide opinion poll predicted that the BJP would secure around 200 seats on its own and, with its allies, the tally could be in the region of 280, well past the majority mark of 273. The Congress could get up to 160 seats as per this survey. Other polls which followed said very much the same thing, though the numbers varied here and there.
The BJP has certainly acquired the image of a winning horse, but interestingly, in the process, it has sought to dilute its own Hindutva project.
Kushabhau Thakre, the new BJP president and said to be a hard-liner in the Advani mould, said the other day, “We have dropped many slogans...people are not ready to give a mandate to the BJP alone...they want a coalition.”
It may be recalled that even though its last election manifesto talked about abolishing Art.370, which provides for some special privileges to Kashmir, a uniform civil code and building Ram temple at Ayodhya, the National Agenda for Governance drawn up by the BJP and its allies after the elections glossed over such contentious issues. A similar strategy has been adopted this time too, only this time the party has not issued any separate manifesto of its OW).
Suddenly the BJP seems to have been transformed into a party of consensus. Anything, anything, the BJP high-command is willing to do, in order to cling on to power.
But why seek power at all if it cannot hope to achieve any of the goals it has set for itself? Though many opportunists and careerists have joined the BJP in the last few years, the fact remains the RSS hard-core has taken to politics not to indulge in back-room manoeuvres or even make money, they would rather seek to make use of the stint in power to promote the Hindutva agenda as much as possible.
As a journalist noted wryly, “The BJP which prided itselfon being a party

Page 23
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
with a difference, is now trying to project itself as a party of consensus, one ready to carry anyone and everyone along. Its minimum demand is that they accept the leadership of Vajpayeeji.” Vajpayee himself is an eloquent symbol of the party's readiness to bend as far backward as possible in order to woo the Voters across the spectrum. Till recently it was Advani who was calling all the shots. In fact he was credited with having launched the party on the winning trail what with his (in)famous rath yathra during the V.P.Singh regime, his efforts culminating in the demolition of the Babri masjid.
It was Advani who was believed to have discovered the route to success by projecting a hard-line Hindutva. If it continued to increase its electoral performance by leaps and bounds since the drubbing it received in 1984, it had won only two seats then, it was Advani who was almost solely responsible for the dramatic turn-around in its fortunes. But the Advani-effect had plateaued in 1998. The BJP was way below the majority mark. If it was to form a government, it had to seek the support of many other big and small parties, and the support of the latter was conditional on the BJP's jettisoning, or at least pretending to jettison, Some of its core principles. And the man for the moment was only Vajpayee who until that time had been seen as a weak-kneed and temporising Sanghi and one who had allowed the party to drift from one disaster to another.
That lily-levered parivaarman was the only personality acceptable to other parties which still fought shy of overtly endorsing the Hindutva. And as the BJP got a severe jolt in the Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and New Delhi Assembly elections last year, the Vajpayee faction started reasserting itself saying that the government had been hamstrung by the snipings from the RSS ideologues and that if left to itself it could acquit itself more commendably and win back the support of the people.
As it happened when the Vajpayee government fell and elections became
inevitable, it was a whom such parties Congress, the Telu; the DMK were will he was the more ac Hindutva. Predicta own election cam around the “glorie Vajpayee and its pe tures alone by and functionaries, larg ists, are fretting an is little they cand they would like to firmly in the sad which time they co lar.
There are inde would have the re BJP has gone thr Congressization a come eminently ac all. What they wou is that Vajpayee h ing his punches, fc The Pokhran blast more than anybo planned to conduct ing his 13-day stin the BJP itself reve
And when the ing hunted down ir Minister brazenly debate on convers. offer the victims : consolation. Guja somereminder oft BJP. The govern flaunts its Sangh ( minorities are peri the Sangh pariwaan ation there that c would not put up lim candidate. It is company Vajpaye surely he will be the BJP gains an a itself.
Be that as it camp finds itself a today, it has to blau did seem to be m she entered politic luctantly it looked to avert a total di gress last year. A the President ofth

gain Vajpayee with
like the Trinamul uDesam Party and ing to do business, eptable face of the bly then the BJP’s paign is centering us leadership” of sters carry his pic
large. Most party ely Advani-loyalil fuming, but there ) about it. Anyway wait till the BJP is lle on its own, at uld go for the jugu
ed some apologists st believe that the ough a process of ind hence has beceptable to one and ld not say of course imself is only pullor obvious reasons. s were his initiative dy else's. He had the testseven durt in power in 1996, aled later.
Christians were beGujarat, the Prime called for a public on and had little to unything by way of rat itself is a fearhe real nature of the ment there openly redentials, and the odically lynched by . So bad is the situven the Congress even a single Musin such a nefarious 2 finds himself, and kicked aside when solute majority for
nay, if the secular t the receiving end ne only itself. Sonia aking waves when last year, rather relike - she was able saster for the Conain after becoming a party, she led it to
TAMILTIMES 23
a stunning victory in the Assembly elections, and the Congress even seemed to be retrieving some lost ground in the U.P. But then she continued to keep away from the media, operate through a clique and thus erected a wall between herself and the outside world. She seems to have fashioned herself after her mother-in-law even though her leadership credentials are still suspect. Such a style inevitably upset those regional Congress leaders with some mass base for themselves like Sharad Pawar who finally broke off, fearing that they might be sidelined by the coterie around Sonia. Even Moopanar is wary of going back to the Congress since he is not sure of the kind of treatment he and his followers will get under the Sonia dispensation.
Net result Sonia has lost a splendid opportunity to cash in on the blunders of the Shiv Sena-BJP coalition in Maharashtra or to revive its base in Tamil Nadu. She herself had to flee to
Karnataka in search of a safe seat. She
is now contesting from Bellary which has returned the Congress and only the Congress time and again since 1952. Though she is opposed by the colourful Suhsma Swaraj of the BJP, Sonia's victory appears certain. But that is óf little consolation since the Congress itself could be pipped at the post in the Karnataka Assembly and Lok Sabha elections.
It is not as if all is lost already. Though the Vajpayee government did finally win the Kargil war, it cannot escape the criticism of having allowed things to drift resulting in considerable loss of Indian lives.
The minorities are almost solidly behind the Congress. In places like Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh could still be on the come-back trail. Sonia draws good crowds. With the right mix of appropriate candidates and sensible strategies, perhaps the Congress could still make a fight of it. The foreigner label sought to be affixed on Sonia does not seem to have much of an impact on the people at large. All the same it is the saffronbrigade which seems poised to tighten its grip over the Red Fort at New Delhi. O

Page 24
24 TAMILTIMES
Ramesh Gopalakrishnan
hat Dravidian hegemony is the prevalent idiom of the public sphere is an unchallenged issue in Tamil Nadu politics. However, with this election, everything seems to have changed and Dalits, or Harijans and Adi Dravidars, as they are known as in the previous avatars of nomenclature, have finally arrived to challenge the Dravidian parties lock, stock and barrel, Egged on by G. K. Moopanar's Tamil Maanila Congress which itself is an incredible phenomenon, Dalit politics has entered with a big bang in Tamil Nadu, at last.
In the eye of the storm are two outfits which have had only a marginal presence in the political firmament so far: Pudhiya Tamilagam of Dr K Krishnaswamy and Dalit Liberation Panthers or Viduthalai Siruthaigal of R Tirumavalavan. Both parties have latched on to Moopanar's party and giving itayet-unknown-strength, possibly set to upset the caste calculations of the mainstream Dravidian parties like the DMK, AIADMK and the Marumarlchi DMKofV Gopalsamy. Dr Krishnaswamy has been a legislator since 1996, gaining in popularity ever since the police-led attack on Dalits in Kodiyankulam village in Tirunelveli district. However, no political party was willing to go into an alliance with him so far. The case of Dalit Panthers is only slightly different. Starting with a small base in Madurai, Tirumavalavan has expanded his organisation securing it a few pockets of influence in Chidambaram and Cuddalore after a series of agitations to secure civic rights for Dalits. Now, he is together with Moopanar, giving the latter a much-needed grassroot presence.
The challenge from the Dalits has come ata mostinopportune moment for the Dravidian parties, which have found it expedient to align with the Bharatiya Janata Party, representing their polar opposite in the ideological spectrum! A few political observers outside Tamil Nadu have ascribed it to the de-ideologization of the Dravidian parties over
the years, but the E theless, are engaged in a bitter battle fors ideology cannot be the same.
The late eighti witnessed, in Tamil of a peculiar politic tershed effect of the sion report, seeking powerfor the interm centre, heightened the Dravidian partie role in favour of thei in Tamil Nadu. At 1 reaction against the sion report in north. in the long run, the 1 parties to come to t gressive Hindutva Janata Party. Hence in statue and spreac found it imperative t it. It was true that the closely with the Jana avatar ofthe BJP, du to Mrs Indira Gand However, the Mand divided the two part was left to the AIAI to the BJP. AIAD Jayalalitha, who is a realpolitik, used her to tacitly support the kar seva at Ayodhya resulted in the Babri drive.
Of course, the found a chord of sy forward castes of T cially the Brahmins BJPhoneymoon culn victory for the alliar
In the meantime, parties had inevita from the Dalits. The identification with during its five-yearJayalalitha had anta caste, who voted as a led front in the 199 they had to be disa chief Karunanidhi's
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
.azhagams, neveramong themselves upremacy in which given a go-by all
is and the ninties Nadu, the growth ll climate: the waMandal Commisto give a share of ediate castes in the the importance of s and their historic ntermediate castes he same time, the Mandal Commis(ndia necessitated, need for Dravidian erms with the agof the Bharatiya , as the BJP grew l, the Kazhagams o do business with DMK had worked Sangh, the earlier ring the resistance lhi’s Emergency. al watershed had es so much that it DMK to get closer MK supremo J lways dictated by
connections well BJP's disastrous
which ultimately Wasjid demolition
BJP had already mpathy with the mil Nadu, espeThe AIADMKinated in the 1998
ՏՇ. both the Dravidian »ly moved away AIADMKs total ne Mukkulathors ong tenure under onised the Pallar bloc for the DMKpolls. However, pointed in DMK egime, which has
had very few tangible measures to of. fer to them in terms of protection of their civic rights. The DMKand Karunanidhi had never wanted to antagonise the Mukkulathors beyond a point and were wary of empowering the Pallars of southern TamilNadu. This drove the Pallars to the Pudhiya Tamilagam of Dr Krishnaswamy who has been trying his luck at the Lok Sabha polls since 1996. The case of Dalits living in northern and parts of central Tamil Nadu is somewhat different. Called as Parayars, they have been at loggerheads for over decades with the Vanniars, who constitute the strongest intermediate caste in terms of numbers. The hostility between the two castes came out in the open in a sharp manner during several clashes and riots, especially when the Vanniar Sangam, which went on to become the Pattali Makkal Katchi, had held a week-long road block stir of northern Tamil Nadu during 1987. PMK founder-leader Dr S Ramadoss, for a while, had tried to mediate between the two castes and bring about a reconciliation, but he later succumbed to the dictates of caste politics and held the pro-Vanniar line. The Parayars, obviously, could not go along with the DMKen bloc during the 1996 and 1998 polls, as that party had an image of being the “true representative” of the intermediate castes and was engaged in a war for supremacy with the PMK. Hence, the Parayars, by and large, stuck to their traditional line of supporting the AIADMK This policy paidrich dividends for the AIADMK-led frontin the 1998 elections. Interestingly, the AIADMK had roped in the PMK as well in the front led by it that year.
Alas, this year, the alliances changed and the DMK and the PMK find themselves on the same side of the fence. This has led to the consolidation of the Vanniar votes on the one side and the Parayars, sensing the entry of the Dalit Panthers, have decided to cast their lot with Tirumavalavan. With the result that the DMK and PMK have become jittery and started resorting to booth-capturing and rigging, in the style of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. This election has been the first time such incidents on a massive scale have occurred in Tamil Nadu. The incidents, which took place at Chidambaram constituency, where Tirumavalavan is a candidate, culminated in attacks against Dalits, which according to the People's Union for Civil Liberties, have been

Page 25
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
actively aided and abetted by the DMKPMK leaders including the state's backward classes welfare minister Panneerselvam.
All this has ensured that Pudhiya Tamilagam and Dalit Panthers will be able to expand their base in the near future. However, it is still difficult to say whether the two major Dravidian parties and the Marumalarchi DMK would feel threatened by the Dalit surge that much. Caught in the vortex of politics, they have very little time for ensuring social reforms in favour of the Dalits. Also, their new-found proximity with the BJP leaves them with very little or no elbow room for getting closer to the Dalits. The BJP has already started describing the Dalit organisations as violent, extremist outfits
Interestingly, both Pudhiya Tamilagam and the Dalit Panthers have several persons in their ranks who have been cadres or sympathisers of the extremist left in the past. Dr Krishnaswamy himself was an extremist sympathiser in the late seventies before he joined the DMK and once fought the Lok Sabha polls on a party ticket. He later went on to found the Devendra Kula Vellalar Sangam and merged sev
eral such caste as Pallars into a fede mately became th agam.
On the other ha and the Dalit Liber benefited from the several left extremi in northern Tamil cently. The relentles and the caste pol. Vanniar youths to Dalit youths to the Ramadoss' initial bl alliance of interme and the minorities h number of extremi wards voting forth cision to back only align with the BJPil in the lurch. Some R Ezhilmalai, neve Ezhilmalai even go ion council of mit Bihari Vajpayee! H became too hot Ezhilmalai and his PMK and have r AIADMK. He coul Moopanar's front a lawan are bitter riva
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TAMILTIMES 25
isociations of the ration which ultie Pudhiya Tamill
ind, both the PMK ation Panthers had : disintegration of st groups operating Nadu till very reis police crackdown arisation took the the PMK and the Dalit Panthers. Dr avado offorging an diate castes, Dalits had attracted a large st sympathisers toe PMK, but his dethe Vanniars and 1998 had left them of them, like Dalit :rtheless stayed on. t a berth in the unmisters led by Atal However, as things for them to take, supporters quit the 2cently joined the ld not have gone to she and Tirumavals!
All this indicates the arrival of former extremists into the electoral arena under various Dalit banners in direct conflict with the intermediate castes- a phenomenon not very much anticipated by a number of the social commentators of Tamil Nadu who have been obsessed with the Dravidian ideology and its purity during the last decade. The last ten years, on the other hand, have witnessed a splurge of books on the history or pre-history of the Dravidian movement, starting with the one written by DMK ideologue Murasoli Maran. The other significant work was co-authored by SV Rajadurai and V Geetha, titled Towards a Non-Brahmin Millenium. Rajadurai also wrote an analysis on the Hindi, Hindu, Hindutva ideological framework, from within a purist Dravidian ideological standpoint. Dr MSS Pandian, a wellknown social critic, also contributed several articles highlighting the success of the Dravidian movement and its ideology in uplifting the intermediate
casteS.
Interestingly, all the above works failed to anticipate the two-pronged crisis facing the Dravidian ideology (continued on next page)
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Page 26
26 TAMILTIMES
DMK Success Expe in Tomil Nodu
T.N.Gopalan
t has been a roller-coaster ride for the septuagenarian Muthuvel Karunani-dhi. He has never again been able to scale the commanding heights of success he had achieved in 1971.
Ifit was a cleansweep for the Indira Gandhi-Karunanidhi combine in 1971, in the Assembly elections held simultaneously the Congress-O, led by no less a person than Kamaraj himself, was routed and had to be content with just 15 seats.
Soon thereafter though MGR walked out, and Karunanidhi's popularity plummeted. For thirteen long years he was in the wilderness. Though in 1980 the DMK-Cong-I front swept the Lok Sabha polls, the victory was attributed to Mrs. Gandhi's appeal, and the drubbing the same combine received in the Assembly elections that followed only reinforced such a perception.
In 1989, after MGR passed away, Karunanidhi did stage a brief comeback only to have his government derailed barely two years later by a determined Jayalalitha. The woman in a hurry, though, virtually destroyed herself, making it easier for the DMK chief to return to power with a thumping majority. But his elation proved shortlived. Again two years later in the Lok Sabha elections, the DMK-TMC combine was badly mauled, raising the prospect of the dismissal of the Karunanidhi government.
Such has been his track-record, and now again Karunanidhi seems to be facing the electorate on some confident note. He is now heading an alliance comprising the the BJP, the PMK and the MDMK, with the Thamizhaga Rajiv Congress of Vazhapadi Ramamurthy,
(Continued from page 25)
today, due to the Dravidian parties' inevitable association with the BJP and the spiralling Dalit-intermediate caste conflict occurring in different forms. What form and shape all this would take is anybody’s guess and history, as ever, has proved its cunning ability to surprise the ideologues and commentatorso
MGRADMK OfT MGR. Kazhagam bringing up the re And the alliar away with at least seats at stake i. Pondicherry, if no together.
Not only, like company of a pi voted to power at his own performa years, he is not r Since 1969 when Minister, he has r plete his term of could reverse the
But to the ext is likely to make can rest assuredth the full five-yeart perhaps pass on Stalin, though it whether the latter the party together troubled times as apart, his not-so-si that of Jayalalith own popularity an Katchi's cloutam these put together, in favour of the D
The MDMK sorts of knots. F seats for itself. Wh given that many, They argued. It Vai. Ko’s followe fact that while the base, the MDM there is any such, ous. After some p Vai. Ko. did agree offered. Again the was no meeting o DMK and the MD constituencies tc MDMK. Vai. Ko. stituency he did very few options
The MDMK DMK-BJP front placed as mentioi such assessments

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
acted
U
hriunavukkarasu and ' of R.M.Veerappan a.
hce is tipped to walk ta majority of the 40 n, Tamil Nadu and it sweep the polls al
in 1980, he is in the arty expected to be the Centre, even by ince in the last three ated too very badly. he became the Chief lot been able to comoffice even once. He trend now. 2nt the BJP, his ally, it to New Delhi, he at he would complete erm undisturbed and the baton to his son is still a moot point has it in him to keep and steer it through his father did. That Lullied image vis a vis is own, Vajpayee's d the Pattali Makkal Jong the Vanniars, all are expected to work MK-BJP alliance. is tying itself in all rst it wanted seven en the PMK had been why not for us too? was difficult for s to accept the bitter : PMK has a proven C’s own, assuming is much more tenurotracted wrangling, to take the five seats re was a hitch. There f minds between the MK on the choice of be allotted to the ad to acceptone connot like, but he had
efore him. has sle apart, the is said to be wellled earlier. But then end to underestimate
Jayalalitha's own potential. One can never write her off. Many did last year only to receive the jolt of their lives when the results came. Nobody had expected her to achieve such a stunning victory for her front. There could have been many factors behind the success, the Coimbatore blasts, Vajpayee's own image and the Vanniar support for the PMK. Still it was unquestionably Jayalalitha who had galvanised the opposition and carried the day. Even now when it looks like she is fighting with her back to the wall, when she is believed to have attracted the odium of pulling down a government unnecessarily and paving the way for fresh elections within a year, she does not seem to have lost none of her known charisma. She keeps attracting large crowds wherever she visits, and her audience lustily cheer her. While the more discerning should be able to see through her litany of complaints against both Vajpayee and Karunanidhi as thoroughly motivated-not withstanding the modicum of truth involved - it is difficult to see whether the large rural masses care to figure out how much of whatever she says is true and how much of it is vilification.
There are those who are willing to believe anything of Karunanidhi and forgive anything of Jayalalitha, that strong anti-Karunanidhi constituency which MGR had assiduously fostered seems to have been recaptured by his protege. Besides she has been able to revive the alliance with the Congress. The Tamils do seem to have some special love and affection for the Nehru dynasty, and so the Sonia effect too could fetch Jayalalitha some more votes, though the Congress itself is nearly moribund in the state.
Add to these factors the more or less complete alienation of both the Muslims and the Dalits of every segment from the DMK, the situation could be exploited to the hilt by any determined opponent. And Jayalalitha is nothing if not determined.
But there are problems too. The way she chose to snub Sonia by boycotting a meeting to have been addressed jointly by them at Villupuram off Madras, for reasons not very clear, has certainly angered those who would have liked to vote for the Cong-I- AIADMK front out of their love for the Nehru family. Perhaps Jayalalitha was taking it out on Sonia for keeping her on tenterhooks in the aftermath of the

Page 27
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
fall of the Vajpayee regime, even refusing to give her an appointment, Or she could have been angry over an interview in which senior Congress leader Dr.Manmohan Singh was quoted as saying Jayalalitha or Laloo Prasad Yadav, none could escape the law if found guilty. She subsequently tried to mend fences with the Congress and came out with some vapid explanation as to her absence. But the damage has been done.
And the way she upbraided veteran R.Thamaraikani because he had failed to mobilise impressive crowds for her at Sivakasi - she later expelled him too from the party - seemed to have alienated the Nadar community. (The veteran is a nadar.)
Though this correspondent who has been touring the state can vouch for the fact that Jayalalitha's charisma has remained intact in rural areas by and large, she has been steadily hacking at her own vote-bank by such ill-considered gestures as noted above.
Further there is a Third Front too in the fray. Saying that he is steering clear of both corruption and communalism, Govindasamy Karuppiah Moopanar has fashioned a new alliance comprising essentially a number of Dalit organisations besides the rootless Janata Dal and the Indian Union Muslim League. He had tried his best to win over Sonia to his viewpoint. Unlike the other erstwhile dissidents like Mamata Banerjee and Sharad Pawar, he still swears by the Congress and is very proud of his Congress lineage. And till the time Sonia decided to overrule him and go in for an alliance with the AIADMK, he sought to make out that he was a Sonia-loyalist too. And even now the question whether his Tamil Maanila Congress would support a Congress-led coalition backed by Jayalalitha remains wide open. He makes it clear that his opposition is confined to Jayalalitha and none else and that he would support any secular formation at
the Centre.
Never since 19 fought on its own ering the Dravidiau it were, Moopanar a big risk. Nobody led front to make though Moopanar's the middle classes to his principled st front puts up a good to win more than all would go to prove political force to rec more smaller partie him. The PMK anc selves could accept ship. For while K never share power anar could opt to, a ble temptation - if toral base now, tha been against riding Dravidian parties. again in 1989 whe dent of the Tamil N gress, he managedt gress leadership at der Mrs. Gandhi anc to fight the Assen OW.
The party did occasions, Still it on both the occasic than 25 seats, but nor Rajiv had the the party from ther himselfgot busy w New Delhi. There mitment and dedic Nadu to revive the hand there were st sections like the on Ramamurthy who defeats an excuse cally. Besides the c self was more co many seats Tamill to its kitty than abo party's base in the ken away from hi
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TAMITMES 27
0 the Congress has n the state. By sevumblical chord as eems to have taken expects the TMCmuch of an impact, own stature among has gone up thanks ind. If the TMC-led show even if it fails andful of seats, that that Moopanar is a kon with, and many s could veer around the MDMK themthe TMC's leaderarunanidhi would with them, Moopnd hence the possihe proves his elect is. He had always ; piggy-back on the Both in 1977 and n he was the presiadu unit ofthe Cono convince the Conthe Centre, first unlthen under her son, ably polls on their
fare badly on both was not a no-show ns. It did win more neither Mrs.Gandhi batience to build up eon, and Moopanar ith the goings-on in was none of comation left in Tamil party. On the other ong anti-Moopanar es led by Vazhapadi sought to use such o crush him politientral leadership itncerned with how Nadu could bring in ut strengthening the state. Having bros mother-party and
tasted some success in the company of the DMK, Moopanar would like to see whether the people, tired of the Dravidian rule for three decades, would care to plump for a third aternative. If he succeeds, even to a very limited extent, nothing like that. Otherwise his political future would be finished. Still he is giving it a serious try.
Apparently he is betting on the possibility that his front would take away enough anti-BJP and anti-DMK votes to ensure Jayalalitha's debacle and that in the Assembly elections to follow a chunk of the AIADMK's votes would shift to the TMC. One has to wait and see whether he is skating on thin ice.
The gory incident in Tirunelveli in July when as many as 17 Dalits fleeing a brutal police lathi-charge were drowned in the Thamiravaruni river, the rise of the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam in the wake of the anti-Muslim riots, the blasts and the repeated raids on Muslim localities and the DMK's shedding all its inhibitions to join hands with a party like the BJP have all added a new dimension to Tamil Nadu politics.One has to wait and see whether the results bear out
such a reading or the people are still
under the Kargil-Vajpayee spell.
The latest opinion polls seem to confirm that the DMK-led front would tot up more than 25 out of the 40 seats at stake in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry and that the TMC would be wiped out. What the marriage between the Dravidian stream and the Hindutva sections and a drubbing for Jayalalitha mean for Tamil Nadu remain to be seen. PL ADD TO THE STORY ON THE ALL INDIA SCENARIO AT THE PLACE WHERE I TALK OF HER SHIFTING TO BELLARY,
Such is the uncertainty haunting the Congress camp after Pawar's revolt, they would not even project Sonia as their prime ministerial candidate and this could also damage the party's chances at the hustings.
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Page 28
28 TAMITMES
Yogendra Duraiswamy, who passed away recently in Colombo at the age of seventy five was born into an aristocratic family in Jaffna which was steeped in political, social, religious and legal traditions stretching back several generations. His father Sir Waithilingam Duraiswamy was born in Velanai, an island west of Jaffna peninsula and his grandfather Ayampillai Waithilingam was an engineer who spent his life in Malaya. Sir Waithilingam Duraiswamy founded the Hindu Board of Education and was the secretary of the Hindu Board which was responsible forestablishing a series of schools. In fact, he was elected as the first speaker in the Legislative Council on account of his remarkable service to the nation and popularity.
Yogendra Duraiswamy was educated at Jaffna Central College, Jaffna Hindu College and later at Royal College, Colombo, from where he entered the university college and had a brilliant career. This was then fittingly crowned by an equally brilliant career in the foreign diplomatic service. He had served in Italy, China, the Philippines, Burma, Australia, India, Iraq, the USA and the United Nations, representing Sri Lanka in various high positions as ambassador and high commissioner. His academic brilliance, his persuasive eloquence, his missionary spirit, his amazing mastery over the intricacies of finance and administration as a diplomat and District Secretary/Government Agent, Jaffna made him a unique person. His sense of responsibility was unscrupulous and behaviour was modest. He adorned what he touched. He made outstanding whatever he did. Whether addressing the assemblies of the United Nations or discharging diplomatic responsibilities or presiding over literary or religious conferences, the benevolent power of Yogendra Duraiswamy's personality permeated all his endeavours and gave them a noble meaning.
He was consistently pragmatic in his approach and willing to seek out and accept solutions where they could be
found. This madeh respected by all. Th ful of the Tamil c equally mindful of He possessed a na Hindu outlook that irrespective of race, He rose above na communalism, regi anism.
Throughout his mutual accommoda mmunities, so thatt the country did not s the interests of one not be achieved wit of the entire people thermore, he also k ests of the country ieved by ignoring o nying the interests group. This should b son for us living in a critical and crucial history of our count of the firm opinion tion to the ethnic found only through arrangement in a un Yogendra Dura dent of the Hindu Ci rendered yeoman si motion, propagation of Hindu religion ar all efforts to make H their rich cultural wanted them to con civilisation and cu gems which were ul ing.
He was also a tir inst social injustice false religious practi old crumbling socia ing a new attractiv from the remnants o' civilisation was the undertook to himse His lofty ideal as Council of Sri Lanl dent of World Hin “Live and Let Live.” ious knowledge rem although he had pr
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
m to be trusted and ough he was mindimmunity, he was national concerns. ional vision and a mbraced everyone creed and religion. row parochialism, nalism and sectari
career, he sought tion with other cohe larger interest of uffer. He knew that ethnic group could nout the well-being of the country. Furnew that the intercould not be achr neglecting or deof any particular le animportant lesturbulent, violent, eriod in the recent y. Besides, he was that political soluproblem could be | a power-sharing ited Sri Lanka. iswamy, as Presiouncil of Sri Lanka crvice for the proand development d culture. He took indus conscious of heritage and he prehend that their lture had certain ique and everlast
less crusader agablind beliefs and :es. Reforming the order and erecte super structure Hindu culture and tupendous task he
President of Hindu and Vice-Presia Federation was His thirst for religined unquenched, found knowledge
in Tamil literature, Hindu religion and Hindu culture. He believed in the wholeness of life. To him the ideal of human civilisation did not lie in the freedom alone, but in the bonds of brotherhood of all the people of the world, where all nations co-operated with one another in all spheres of development. Yogendra Duraiswamy's life reminds us of philosopher PLATO'S embodiment of the complete man. Undoubtedly, he was a man of many parts. No field of human endeavour was left untouched by the sawing amplitude of his imagination, the encompassing sweep of his thoughts, the indefatigable zeal of his actions. His life was an inspiring saga of service. He vitalised every cause he espoused - social, religious, cultural and even political. Undoubtedly, he was well known for his impartiality, indomitable courage and unstinted patriotism.
There is another feature of his life that must be mentioned. Not many persons in this sad world of conflict can claim to have happy personal and domestic lives. But Yogendra Duraiswamy was pre-eminently successful as a family man. In his wife, Sivanandini Duraiswamy he had a most constant and wonderful comrade. Incidentally, she is the co-ordinating secretary on Hindu Affairs to the Minister of Buddha Sasana, Cultural and Religious Affairs, Lakshman Jayakody. She is also the President of the Saiva Mangaiyar Kalagam, the premier Hindu Women's Organisation in Sri Lanka working in the educational, cultural and social fields. Yogendra Duraiswamy himself was closely associated with the Ministry of Culture and rendered yeoman service in the fields of art and culture. His only son is distinguishing himself in his profession in the World Bank.
It is very often said, “Lives of great men all remind us that we can make our lives sublime and when departing leave behind us footprints on the sands of time.” Indeed, Yogendra Duraiswamy's life and career should serve to inspire present and future generations to be constructive in the forward march towards progress and to instill in them a spirit of unity and dauntlessness for attaining the cherished goals. O
- Chelvathamby Maniccavasagar

Page 29
5 SEPTEMBER 1999
RRSivalingam-An Appre
P. Krishnaswamy
D eath has removed from our midst R.R.Sivalingama fine soul, a devoted friend and above all one dedicated to the cause of the people of Indian origin in Sri Lanka and that of the expatriates from that Island nation to India under the two agreements between Delhi and Colombo. Sivalingam who hailed from the tea plantations of Central Sri Lanka was a brilliant student exposing his intellectual capacity even while a student at high school. Moved by the writings of Anna, Karunanidhi and others, he was an ardent follower of Periyar. For a brief period he was also involved in left poli
Having completed his education at Highlands College, Hatton, he was for a brief period teaching at a college in Kandy, when he won a Government of India scholarship and completed his master's degree at Christian College, Thambaram. On his return to Sri Lanka, he secured the post of Principal at the very school where he was educated. As one who was determined to change the socio-economic profile of the youth of the plantations, Sivalingam devoted himself to his crusade relinquishing his academic career opting for social politics. He passed his law examination and practised as an attorney with eminence. Youth in the plantations rallied round him and Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party lured Sivalingam into her fold for campaigning and when she became Prime Minister appointed him as Deputy Director of Education in charge of plantation schools.
Sivalingam was too committed a personality to be fettered by bureaucratic plumes. He resigned his post, when he found that the posthe held was only ornamental and that he will not be
able to reshape the vis a vis estate upliftment of the and devoted himsel of plantation worker with like minded m
Following the ci of 1983, he along v tellectuals from th community, migrate refugees. Moved by tation workers who Nadu as repatriates, of his friends form to look after the inte ers who employed tations in Ooty. His much for the burea and he was arrested in Chengalpattu pri Lakan Tamil milita: while in detention Government hospita
ειΤ
In the first-eve. sisted event for the since it attained i Lanka will host “T the third internation use of Tamil in Inf ogy (IT). The them held in the island in and 14 next year, \ ment through Tami nology”.
The conference. to “TamilNet 99” the Tamil Nadu Go ary, will be inaugu Chandrika Kuma Lankan Governme1 million to finance
Speaking to re.
ogse
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TAMILTIMES 29
educational policy
schools for the lantation children f fully to the cause s and worked along
Շ11. ommunal holocaust ith many other in2 plantation Tamil 2d to Tamil Nadu as the plight of planhad come to Tamil he along with some ed an organisation rests of these workmainly in the planactivities were too lucracy to stomach and held as a detenu ison along with Sri ints. When he fell ill he was sent to the al in Chennai where
he was held in chains. This treatment of Sivalingam by the then government of Tamil Nadu earned for him the sobriquet Nelson Mandela of the plantation workers of Sri Lanka.
Sivalingam was a rare individual, a unique intellectual among the handful of intellectuals from that community. An eloquent speaker in both Tamil and English he had the ability to keep his audience spell bound. He was equally facile with his pen. A peerless personality, who had read and digested great works, he was a towering figure among
ers who tried to dwarf him but failed miserably, Had he had his way, the plantation Tamils would have been released from their bondage long years ago and lived as equals along with other communities of Sri Lanka. Here was a colossus among men, intellectually and eruditionally who had been felled by disease, but the contribution that he had made for changing the profile of the plantation Tamils will earn a permanent niche in the hearts of all men and
women of his community, there is lit
tle doubt. O
amilnayam 2000'
r, Government-asbromotion of Tamil ndependence, Sri umilinayam 2000,” alconference on the
of the event, to be ation on March 13 vill be “Empower
Information Tech
which is a sequel leld in Chennai by vernment in Februrated by President ratunga. The Sri it will grant Rs. 2 he conference. borters in Chennai
Mr. S. Thondaman, Minister for Livestock Development and Estate infrastructure, Sri Lanka said that instead of speaking in different forms, his country and Tamil Nadu had come forward to standardise the language for use in computers. The Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Mr. M. Karunanidhi, would be one of the key participants from the Tamil speaking parts of the world. The organisers would like Ms. Kumaratunga to invite Mr. Karunanidhi.
Mr. Thondaman said the Sri Lankan Government would soon launch a programme to spread the use of computers. The plan was to source used computers from countries like Singapore and dispatch them to all corners of the country.
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Page 30
30 TAMILTIMES
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WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent weddingS.
inpachelvan son of the late Prof. & Mrs. Vithiananthan of “Thamilaham, Tellipallai, Sri Lanka and Parvatha Lakshmi
daughter of Mr. & Mrs. K. Thanga-Raja (Kokuvil East) presently of Gaborone, Botswana on 21.8.99 at Ryde Civic Centre, New South Wales, Australia.
Jeyabal son of late Dr K.Sivaloganathan and Mrs M. Sivaloganathan of 18 Eton Avenue, New Malden, Surrey KT35AZ and Senthiru daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Sundaralingam of 163/15B Mihinthu Mawatte, Dehiwela, Sri Lanka on 29.8.99 at Tooting Muthumari Amman Temple Wedding Hall, LOrodor SW17. Sivakumaran son of Mr. & Mrs. K. Kumaravel of 6 Holme Close, Hatfield, Herts AL10 9LO and Rathika daughter of Dr. V. & Mrs. M.Balasegaram of 'Annai llam”, 54 Marlborough Road, Clayhall, Essex /G5 OJW on 29.8.99 at Thurrock Civic Hall, Grays, Essex. Max We|| SOn Of Mrs. T.R. Emmanuel and late Mr B.R. Emmanuel of 84 Canterbury Road, West Croydon, Surrey CR03HA and Shakila daughter of Mr. & Mrs. SivagnanaSundaram of 93 Links Road, Tooting, London SW179EJ on 4.9.99 at St. Teresa's Catholic Church, Morden, Surrey. Pranavakumar son of Mr. & Mrs. S. Punniamoorthy of 6514, 154th Ave NE, Redmond, WA 98052, USA and Vaithegi daughter of Mr. & Mrs. S Thanikasalam of 26 Ron Scott Circuit, Greenacre, NSW21.90, Australia on 6.9.99 at Town Hall, Alexandra Street, NSW, Australia. Jothy daughter of Mr. & Mrs. K. Gunaratnam of 6 Prince Road, South Norwood, London SE25 6NN and Michael son of Mr. & Mrs. G. Harvey of 22 Meadowfield, Bradford-onA von Wilts BA 15 f, PL On 11.9.99 at Kelsey Park School Hall, Manor Way, Beckenham, Kent. Indrakumar son of Mr. & Mrs. K. Selvaratnam of 16 impasse
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
Marette de Guillerva, 91000 Evry, France and Sathyabama daughter of Mr. & Mrs. P. Velauthar of 52 Manor Park, Ordor? SEf3 5RL Or í 2.9.99 at Sri Muththurmari Amman Wedding Hall, Tooting, London SW17. Narenthiran Son of Dr. & Mrs. Nadesan of f 16 Hulftsdorf Street, Colombo 12 and Nandhini daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Ramachandran of 28, 36th Lane, Colombo 6 on 12.9.99 at Sri Batharakali Amman Kalyana Mandapam, Mayura Place, Colombo 6.
OBITUARY
貓
Mrs. Parvathy Duraisingam of V.M. Road, Point Pedro; Wife of late R. Duraisingam (Engineer, RVDB Amparai), Sister of Miss V, Kandasamy (Sri Lanka); mother of Jayasingam (Canada), Dr Gunavathy (Batticaloa), late Thilagavathy Sripathy Balasingam (UK), Selvavathy (UK), Umavathy (UK) and Rajasingam New Zealand); mother-in-law of Sridchadevi (Canada), Dr Vivekanandarajah (Batticaloa), Sripathy (Moratuwa University), Jagajanani (UK), Dr Sri Vidhyadharsan (UK) and Pathmasini (New Zealand); grandmother of Vytheki, Vasuki, Parthiban, Devaki, Pratheeban, Shamugi, Svethaki, Anjenna, Sri Sai Rakshan, Mihiran, Branavle and Kabithran, great grandnother Shambhavi, Kabilash and Vaishnavi passed away on 24.8.99. The members of her family thank als relatives and friendS Who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and provided support in several ways during their time of loss. Contact Balasingam, Annapurna, 107 Wheelers Lane, Birmingham B13 OSX, 0121 4445558 (UK), 416 747 1204 (Canada), 43874546 (NZ).
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Pararajasingham Vasanthakumar, FCA (Sri Lanka), CPA (USA) on the first Anniversary of his passing aиray от 24th Septeт
ber 1998.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his grieving wife Savitri and children Prasanthi and Ashwini father-inlaw Dr. P. Sivasothy and mother-in-law Mrs. S. Sivasothy, brothers Thirugnanam, Thambipillai and Gnanasivam, sisters Sivayogawathy and Sivagnanawathy brothers-inlaw Natkunasingham, Sivapathasundaram and Sivakumar and sisters-in-law Indra, Gowri, Saraswathi and Ramani. — 5038 Heritage Hills Blvd., Missisauga, Ontario L5R 1 V5, Canada.
Francis Thomas Entered Glory 11th September 98
Precious are the memories of you In silence and in prayer We remember you'
Sadly missed by his wife Grace and children Ra Vi, Shalini, Indhi, Yoga, Mahilini and Juvi; father-in-laW of Dilshi, Rajakumar, SMvintha, Rebecca, Brian and Niro; grandfather of Rishan, Ryan, Rufus, Derek, Bibian, Michelle, Tallitha, Dishana, Prashana, Shabeena, Shohana, Teromi, Continued on page 31

Page 31
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
Continued from page 30 Breyoni, Jessica and Samantha.
In Ever Loving Memory of Our Dearly Beloved Daddy T. J. Rajaratnam (Retired High Court Judge)
Called to feSt 15.9.81
No length of time can Take away Our thoughts of you From day to day What ever we fail to do We never fail to think of you. Will always love and Remember you. You are all ways in our thoughts And for ever in Our hearts.
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by your loving wife Arul; children Rohini, Renuka, Rajiv, sons-in-law Vijayan, Sriharan; grand-children Vasi, Ravi, Prathi, Jayanthi and Ajit.
In loving memory of Deva Rajan N, FSl, Licensed Surveyor, Leveller & Valuer of 257
Arasady Road, Kanthar
madam, Yarlpanam.
Fondly remembered on the eighth anniversary of his passing away on 11.9.91 by his beloved wife Padma; brother Punjaksharam, sister Mrs. Saraswathy Panchadcharam, Children Sujithan, Siva Kumaran, Rajam, Jeyaraman, Rengan and Rai Iswari sonsin-law The venthiran and Nirthanakumaran; daughtersin-law Jeyadevi, Suhanya, Thangalogini and Helen; grandchildren Jamuna, Karthika, Bharathan, Uththami, Luxmanan, Sri Ram, Vaitharani, Vithuran, Devarajan, Poorani, Pavithran and Dhurrka, sisters-in-law, brothers-in-law, relatives and friends. - Flat 4,
FORTHCOMING EVENTS Oct 1 Feast of St Teresa. Oct 2 Purattashi Sani (3); Feast of Guardian Angels. Oct 5 EekathaSi. Oct 6 Pirathosann, Feast of St Bruno. Oct 7 Feast of Our Lady of the Rosary.
Oct 8 Amavasai Oct 9 Purattashi Sani (4); South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Drop in. Tel:0181 542 3285. Oct 10 Navaraththiri Festival COInterCeS. Oct 13 Sathurthi; Pooja starts. Oct 14 FeaSt Of St CalliStuS. Oct 15 Shashti.
Oct 16 Purattashi Sani (5 & last); Saraswathy Pooja starts, SLT WG Navaraththiri Celebrations at Merton Hall, Kingston Road, London SW19 Tel: 0 181 542 3285.
Luxmy
24 Mansfield Road, Ilford, Essex IG1 3AZ.
Oct 18 Saraswathi Pooja;
Feast of St Luke. Oct 19 Vijathasami. Oct 20 Eekathasi. Oct 22 PirathoSam.
Oct23 SLTWG drop in. Tel: 0181 542 3285, 6.30рт Kingston Institute of Tamil Culture presents Cultural Evening at Tolworth Girls School Hall, Fullers Way North, Surbiton, Surrey. Tel: 01819493012.
Oct 24 Full Moon, Feast of St Antony Claret,
Oct 26 Karthigai.
Oct 27 Sankadakara Sathuirthi. SLTWG Women's Front meetS. Tel 01815423285.
Oct 30 Medical Institute of Tamils (UK) presents its 4th Tear Drops programme of Music, Drama, Dances and Speeches by young artistes at Thurrock Civic Hall, Blackshotts Lane, Grays, Essex.
Tel 01277 632749,
 
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 31
IN MEMORAM
କ୍ଷୁ
Remember me when I am gone away, Gone afar away into the silent land; Remember me when no more day by day
Just Rennenber Me. Yet if you should forget me for a while, And afterwards remember, do not grieve; Better by far you should forget and smile, Than that you should remember and be sad.
(By Christina Rosetti) Dear Appa, in our mind.... a constant thought, in our heart ...a silent sorrow, but always remembered with love and pride, especially on this the fifth anniversary of your passing away on the 24th September 1994.
Mr. Ponnudurai Narendra Nathan, most dearly beloved and adoring husband of Gnanambal; dearest loving and proud Appa to your children, Dr. Thrinayani Jegathambal, Dr. Mrs. Sowmya Wijayambal, Mrs. Sobhana Meenambal, Dr. Mrs. Priyadarsani Brahathambal, Adhithya Thrilochanan, Mrs. Vasutharini Giriambal, Agasthya Ponnambalam and Ambika Dhakshayani; father-in-law of Dr. P Arulampalam, S. Raveendran, T. langovan, R. Srikanthan and Dr. Mrs. Meera Narendranathan, darling dearest Thaththa to your grandchildren, Abhirami Janani Raveendran, Annarnath Thirumadhavan Raveendran, Nirmala Arulampalam, Janaki Saruhasini Srikanthan, Janarthanan Ragavan langovan, Dhivya Saraswathy langovan and Divani Krithika Narendranathan.
A man of great courage, integrity, humour, wit and wisdom, and whose kindness and generosity knew no bounds, you are greatly missed but never forgotten, always in the thoughts of your family and friends. God Bless. (Address: 53Crossways, South Croydon, Surrey, CR2 8JQ.
Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London VV14 9HG. Te: O171 381 3O86,4608. Oct 1 7.30pm Kathak Sunayana Hazarilal. Oct 17 6pm Karnatic Vocal by Neela Ramgopal from India. Oct 20 & Oct 21 6.30-8:30 pm Bharatanatyam Workshop by Malawika Sarukkai. Oct 28 7.30 East West improvisation - Viram Jasani (Sitar) & Charles Alexander (Guitar).
Asian Women's Research Centre 108 Craven Park, Harlesden, London NW10 8QE Advice Line on O181838 3462 Tamil Service is on Thursdays 2.00 p.m. to 5.00 p.m. On the following matters Welfare benefits, Housing, Immigration, Employment, Health, Domestic Violence, & Legal Matters.

Page 32
32 TAMILTIMES
AUSTRALIAN NEWSLETTER
Tamil Information Session: A very successful Tamil information Session was held On 23.5.99 at the Homebush Public School Hall in Sydney. The main focus of this session was the launching of a book on "Murugan, God of the Tamils' by Dr A. Kandiah.
The evening's proceedings commenced with a song in praise of Tamil Mother' by Mrs Kala Gnani and after the lighting of the traditional oil lamp, Dr A. Balasubramaniam, the Chairman Who also heads the Hindu Council of Australia and Abayakaram'congratulated Dr Kandiah on the launching of the book and the elaborate arrangements for the information sesSion.
The Guest of Honour, the Hon, John Murphy, Federal MP for Lowe delivering the opening address, congratulated the Tamil community for the remarkable contribution, they were making towards life in multicultural Australia. He promised to highlight the plight of the Tamils in the north and East of Sri Lanka in the Federal Parliament of Australia. He made an important announcement that Tamil would be one of the languages examined at the NSW HSC examination from the year 2000. The presentation of Research paper by scholars in their respective fields followed.
Mr M. Thayanithy's research paper on 'Saiva religious contributions to Tamil traced the history of Saiva literature from the Sangam period and the Saiva Bhakti literature as found in Panpadal, Thirumurukatruppadai and The Varem. He discussed the poetry of the Saiva Nayanmar as well as saints like Arunagirinathar and Ramalinga Adigal and concluded with a reference to the Saiva Tamil literature of the 19th century.
MrS Sa Vitri DeVi BalaSubramaniam Who presented the paper on "Vaishnava Religious Contributions to Tamil, explained the significance of Maha Vishnu as a deity in temples and briefly discussed the philosophy of Vaishnavism. She referred to the divine poetry of the Alvars who lived between the 6th and 10th century A.D. Special emphasis was placed on Andal and Nanmalvar as Well as Sri Natha Muni who collected and codified the poems of the twelve Alvars.
Dr V.E. Packianathan presented the paper on "Contributions of Christians to Tamil Studies'. He traced the history of Christian Tamil Literature from the Portuguese period to Dr Robert Caldwell and then to the American and British missionaries. He referred to those famous in Jaffna like Dr. Daniel Poor, Dr Samuel Fish Green, Father Gnanaprakasar and Father Thaninayagam.
Mr K. Vallal presenting the paper on "Muslim Contribution to Tamil" traced the history of Tamil Islamic literature from the 17th century when Umarup Pulawar wrote 'Seerap Puranam' - a history of Prophet
Mohamed. This was the style of Tamil Hin to the Various liter exclusive fo Islamic li ature of the 19th and, The research pape the launch of the bo. the Tamils' by Prof Kalpana Ram reviews 1000 books were don in Sydney, most of th Tamil Nadu and Satchithananthan, P lakam Publishing Hou ed 600 books in men The function conclud Variety of dance iter pupils of Mrs Jeyalaks tor of Natanalaya Sch was greatly appreciat
The Mahakumbhab Murugan Temple too 1999. That day was days of poojas and h South India, UK and tralia participated in th emony was attended of devotees, It was fo Mandalapoojas.
The famous Shri Pa; Nathaswaram musici Sydney especially foi Cration ceremony wer vast crowds present. at the Sri Venkateswa and at Various othe drawing large appreci:
The Tamil Senior Cit Sydney held its Annu bearers on 28th Augus Were elected:- Pri Ramanathan, VicePoologasingam, Se Tharmapalan, Asst. Naganathan, Treasure Asst Treasurer: Mrs Committee: Mr. V. ( Janakiraman, Mr. K. Puvanapooshanam, M nam, Mrs S. Sivast ..Somasundaram, and
Senior Lawyer
Singaporeans were dened by the passing ure Mr. M. Coornar
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1999
in epic that followed lu epics. He referred y forms that were rature and Suji literOth Centuries.
s were followed by k Murugan, God of S. Vigneswaran Dr. dit. On this occasion ited to Tamil libraries donors hailing trom Singapore, Mr K. oprietor of Kanthase in Chennai donatory of his late father, ld with a recital of a is presented by the hmy Kandiah, Direcpol of Dancing which d and dinner,
shekam of Sydney k place on 17th June preceded by several nanns, Priests fron other parts of Ausө cereтопу The cerby very large Crowds lowed by 40 days of
'hmanathan group of ans, who arrived in this temple conse9 appreciated by the They also performed ra Temple in Sydney ir locations always ative audiences.
izen's Association, all Election of Officeit 1999 The following esident: Col, V. President: Dr. P. scretary: Mr S. Secretary: Mr. R. er; Mr. N. Murugesu, I. Satkunananda. Gunaratnam, Mr. S. Nadarajah, Mr. K. fr. C. S. Sebaratbramaniam, Dr. T Mr. K. Thisairasa.
Passes Away
shocked and sadway of a father figaswamy, a Senior
lawyer, after fracturing his spine in a fall at his home in Oxley Mansions. He was 74 and the Coomaraswamys had celebrated their golden wedding anniversary in April this year.
Mr. Coomaraswamy was called to the bar in Lincoln's Inn, London in 1956, returned to Singapore, served as a state counsel, magistrate and district judge between 1957 and 1961. He went into private practice and later set up Cooma, Lau and Loh in 1977. He retired in 1991 but found that retirement meant having too much time on his hands' and joined Wang & Woo. In July '98 he set up Cooma & Rai.
He was Deputy Chairman of the Housing Board from 1969 to 1975 and was Chairnar of the National Maritime Board for 23 years. He was awarded the Public Service Star Medal in recognition of his services to the community
He leaves behind his beloved wife Ruby, Children Willian Mahenthran and Shantha (both of Melbourne, Australia), daughterin-law Ramola, grandchildren Kristian and Tarryn and a host of relatives and friends,
Uma's Veena Arangetram
Thirteen year old Kumari Uma daughter of Saratha and Kumarasingham of Maidstone, Kent had her Veena Arangetram at Walthamstow Assembly Hall on 28th August 1999. Uma had training in Veena Since she was seven and staged her arangetram in a very grand style with Srinathi Geetha Ramanathan Bennet from the USA as the Chief Guest.
She started with 'Ganapathiyey Varuvai' followed by the Ada Thala Varnam. Uma presented two compositions by Swami Thiyagarajar "Entharo' Sri) and "Niravathi Sugatha' (Ravi Chandrika). She had also carefully chosen three popular melodies, Saravanabava' by Papanasan Sivan, Kuzhai oothy manam elam” and the ever green song of the seventies played a million times over on Sri Lanka Radio Katpagavalli un potpatham” composed by Jaffna's Veeramani lyer. Incidentally the song "Bavapriye Bavani' appears to have found its way into Uma's list, because it was composed by Professor S. Ramanathan, the very famous father of the Chief Guest.
The final two items played by little Uma still linger on in the ears of many like me,
Continued on page 33

Page 33
15 SEPTEMBER 1999
Continued from page 32
One was a folk song. Uma was able to mimic the male and female voices by her handling of the Veena like a professional, Many music lovers may remember the late Chittibabau and Sri Kunnakudi Vaidhyanathan effectively handled their Veena and Violin as ‘speaking' instrumentsl Congratulations to the Guru Malini. The next piece Sambo Siva Sanbo, instantly created a mood of devotion in the auditorium. It is our prayer that the forthcoming GCSE and Advanced level grades in the academic life of Uma should only be temporary halts and not permanent full stops to budding stars like Uma.
Well done Urna,
-Wimal Sockanathan.
A Classy Whirl Wind
Over six hundred people had t privilege
of attending the Flute Arangetram of
Preadeepan on 29th August 1999. I was lucky to be one of them. It is often mentioned at Arangetrams, "This reminds me of a music festival in Madras' or 'l was WOndering whether 1 was in London or in South India. However I do not wish to compare him with "Mali' or Dr. Ramani' or the Child prodigy Shashank. If I did it would be an injustice to young Preadeepan and to the music.
The moment Preadeepan started the Concert With the "Viriboni' Varnan | Sensed that there was something not ordinary. As the concert progressed it was getting abundantly clear that it was something extraordinary. The style of play, a brief 'raga alapana before every piece, the "Kalapana Swarams, his playing of "Keeravani'all added up to the high expectationS, I have ofter) liSterned to Ramani'S tape where he plays Vara Raga Laya in Chenchu Kamboji and Bhajan in Dharban Kanada. Preadeepan's version was not far from the original. In UK, where the opportunity to listen to good quality music is rare and the pressure on students to do well academically is high, the perfortnance of Preadeepan can be described as par eχCellence.
The Guru, Sri Gnanavarathan should be congratulated for training his disciple to such a high standard, for selecting rare pieces instead of the overplayed ones and above all, for introducing his father's (Kalasoori T. V. Pichappah) composition in
Hamsathwani. The a Thiruvarur L. Kothar M. BalaChandar C Bangalore Sri R.N. the three role model Cian.
Praedeepan's siste clear pronunciation, guage and above dence dida professic Dr. and Dr. (Mrs.) Ve children have every both of then.
Yet Another St
Thiuvarur L. Kothand another young talent natic music. It was tw. son of Mr. and Mrs. G to Mathan, When he three years back ar took part in an orche Sions, il saw a youn exactly as he wa September, I saw M: violin, but playing V believe that a young difficult instrument wi Confidence, Connt panying artistes, hav, with the Guru, pleas: make a good musici them. He was elega, lessly and comfortabl In the Hannsath War the Poorvangam in T. speeds — a rare tre Thiagarajah's comp. Abheri was well pi Swarans were exec It was evident that Me rather than strictly a with a good sense C His Shankarabarana was interesting to list positions like 'Sri Shi 'Nagasvaravali" and Karnaranjani.
Once again Sri Ko impression that he f disciple's ability, gave it richly paid off. Th. was very appropriate and Bangalore Sri R. nied on Mridangam tively. There were
 
 

TAM TIMES 33
ccompanists were Sri dapani on Violin, Sri n Mridangam and Prakash on Ghatam, S forany young musi
r Thuvaraka with her COrnrnand of the lanall her superb confinal job as a compere. tpillai, parents of both eason to be proud of
Anuradha.
ing to the Bow
apani has introduced to the world of carelve year old Mathan, lanesu. I had listened 2 played solo about ld recently when he Stra. On those OCCag boy playing music, is taught. On 4th athan not playing the with it. It is hard to boy could handle a th. Such ease. inicating with accoming good eye contact antness while playing an. Mathan has all of nt and playing efforty ni Varnam he played isranadai and at two 2at, "Nagumomu', St bsition in the Raga ayed. The Kalpana uted quite effectively. than was improvising dhering to the script f Sruthi and Thalarn. m was good and it er țO SOrne rare COmmangara Guruvaram' in 'Vanchadomune' in
thandapani gave the ad Confidence in his him a free hand and a selection of pieces 1. Sri M. BalaChander R. Prathap accompaand Gadam respecno signs of caution,
when accompanying an inexperienced player They appeared comfortable and at ease as was evident in their Thani
avarthanan.
The Chief Guest, Smt Pushkala Gopal was obviously very pleased with the music from the Cornments she made. Mr. and Mrs. Ganesu have in Mathan, a son with great potential and is certainly a Maestro in the making, if his talents are nurtured. It is hoped that they and his Guru will continue
to guide him.
Anuradha.
Examination Success
Priya Sivagnanam only daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Sivagnanam of Colindale, London and former pupil of Henrietta Barnet Girls School scored 4 A s in the recent G.C.E. (A Level) examinations.
In the G.C.E. (O Level), Priya offered 12 subjects out of which she scored 9A Stars and 3A S, a Creditable performance. One of these subjects was Tamil Language, Which is an achievement for a Child born and brought up in the UK.
Apart from her academic prowess, Priya excels in sports and music both eastern and western. She is a brilliant pupil of Dr. Lakshmi Jayan, her Carnatic violin Guru and had her Samarpanam at the London Murugan Temple, where her performance was applauded by a packed audience.
Priya has gained admission to imperial College, London to do medicine. We wish her every success in her chosen career and all her future endeavours.
Tamil Schools Sports
Association
Badminton Tournament 1999
The above tournament Will be COnducted at Willesden Sports Centre, Donnington Road, Willesden, London NW10 on 16th October 1999, commencing at 9.30am. The events are (a) Men Open Team Championship (b) Men (over 40) Team Championship (c) Ladies Open Team Championship (d) Mixed Pair Team Championship.
For entry forms and further particulars please write to TSSA (Badminton), 38 The Highway, Stanmore, Middx HA7 3PN or Telephone 0181 385 7453/0956 949834 (Umachandran) or 0956 110582 (Sathees) or 07970 419832 (Gengatharan).

Page 34
34 TAMILTIMES
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1, Fax: 0181-672 0951 Zsám i \ |
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Page 36
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TEL: 0181-563036
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BUILGARAN 298 + TAX
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181-743 7353, Fax: 0181-740 4229
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TRICO INTERNATIONAL SHIPPING LTD
TRICO SHIPPING SCHEDULE
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CANADA UST
Trica Shipping — 685 Lansdawna Av. d. 24-25 Tick, Sulta 22, Torontu, Ont. MGH3T9. Tl|Ilari, TF 1551 Wçleria 343 Tell: A16 535 9 Tol. 31338.59
LLLLLL LLLLLaLLaLaL aaL LLLLLL GGC LLLLaLLLL aaa LLLkLLL LLLLLL aLLL LLa rking facilitics where our customers have the extra benefit էll cking their goods themselves with our assistance. 3 ofer a Irierdly and prolessional service at competitive rates. Orice ur goods are in our hands, we guarantee a safe and efficient delivery your destination. We also offer two weeks free demurrage to our stormers in Our borinidad war Egħlbu so irħi ColorTbOl.
HE LEADINGSRI LANKANSHIPPING ANFREIGHT
FORWARLING COMPANY IN THEIR Trico International Shipping Ltd Jnit Building "C"The Business Centre at Wood Green,
Clarendon Rd, London N22 6X, LLKS E0L0L0LELE0E0 L T LS ELL 00 000z