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15 NOVEMBER 1999
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it."
-Joltaire:
Tanil
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XVIII No. 11 15 NOVEMBER 1999
Published by:
TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton,
Surrey SM13TD
United Kingdom
Phone: 0181 644 0972 Fax: 0181 241 4557 Email: prajanG)gn.apc.org
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Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers. The publishers assume no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or artwork.
Presidentail Election O3 Sonia Pleads for Convicts 04 Tiger Blitzkrieg 05 Unpredictable Election O8 Thondaman-Funeral 10 Thondaman among Rulers 11 Passing into History 12 Tamils and Elections 18 Split in the UNP 21 EPDP MP Killed 22 A Cloak and Dagger Affair 23 The East Timor Crisis 25 Irish Lessons for Peace 29 Classified 30
The Preside Over a dozen. T Chinadrika Kun Wickremasingh and Democrat expected to ob have only the not the outco Wickremasingh Kumaratung Could she not wafer thin majo her Peoples A opposition not Constitutional a increasingly fru mandate that prematurely thr political life. Wi appears to have if the split in With SCOres of m Councillors Cro have affected \ unprecedented the LTTE COu advancing jugg after town in thi matter of three the military sinc territory (almos great Cost in te control. The jug lines turning int Wanni and oth thousands of pe Continues in the As the propi War and resolve Context seems following the his Wickremasingh of the North-ea With the LTTE journalists and Such a Stateme interview giver magazine in wh hand over the a The fact oft 17-year tenure Mr Wickremas administration. of the Conflict transformation in his bid for thi
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES
esidential Election
ntial Race is on. The field is replete with candidates, he gladiators in the contest are no doubt the incumbent laratunga and the United National Party leader Ranil e. The JVP candidate Nandana Gunatilake and the Left ic Alliance candidate Vasudeva Nanayakkara are tain not an insignificant number of votes, but that will ffect of taking away votes from the main contestants, me which is bound to be either Kumaratunga or e. a had more than a year to be in power as President. ave waited for some more time? Some say that with a rity in parliament and some of the constituent parties in Iliance coalition openly bickering too often, and the playing ball with her to push through the government's ind devolution proposals, Kumaratunga had become strated and wanted to go before the people for a fresh Nould strengthen her position. But her decision to OW the gauntlet at this time is the biggest gamble of her ckremasinghe had no choice but to pick it up, and he done so with some degree of confidence in the outcome. the UNP that occurred at the beginning of this month, embers including Members of Parliament and Provincial Ssing over to Support Kumaratunga, could be said to Wickremassinghe's chances, as for Kumaratunga the reverses suffered by the military in the battlefront with d not have happened at a worse time. The LTTE's ernaut rolls on and on with camp after camp and town e Wanni falling into the hands of the Tamil Tigers. In a weeks since 2 November, the total gains obtained by e the beginning of 1996 have been wiped out. The entire 500 square miles) captured by government forces at rms of men and material have now Come under LTTE Igernaut still seems to roll on with the military defence O forward lines of the LTTE. It looks as if the war in the er parts of the North-east would rage on with tens of !ople being displaced while the battle for the Presidency
rest of the country. aganda war hots up, the question as to how to end the the ethnic conflict and how to relate to the LTTE in this to have emerged as the most serious issue particularly ghlighting of a news item in the "Tamilnet" website that e had agreed, if he won, to hand over the administration st to the LTTE for two years during which negotiations would take place. But when he was confronted by his opponents, Wickremasinghe denied he ever made nt. In retaliation, the UNP is now dredging out an old
by President Kumaratunga to the American "Time" ich she appears to have said that she was prepared to dministration of the Northeast for ten years to the LTTE. he matter is that it was during the UNP's uninterrupted that the ethnic conflict escalated into a full-blown war. inghe was a leading and powerful figure in that Whether his recent statements relating to the resolution and dealings with the LTTE represent a political on his part is yet to be seen in practice, that is if he won
Presidency.

Page 4
4 TANTES
Presidential Race, The Candidates
More than a dozen candidates have entered the race to be President of Sri Lanka. But the main contenders are the incumbent Chandirika Kumaratunga and the leader of the Opposition United National Party, Ranil Wickrematunga.
With more than a year to go, President Chandrika Kumaratunga surprised everyone when she suddenly announced in late October that would resign and seek a fresh mandate from the people. The election will take place on 21 December.
They party candidates are with their symbols which will appear on the ballot paper are: o President and PA candidate Chan
drika Bandaran (Chair), O Opposition Lea
didate Ranil (Elephant), O JVP candidate
tilake (Bell), O Dr. Harischandı the Sinhalaye M Bhumi Putra Pa O Ariyawansa Di Democratic Uni (Eagle), O Dr. Kamal Ka People's Liberat nt (Lantern), O Alwis Weerakk
The Opposition and Congress leader and widow of the murdered former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi is reported to have pleaded for clemency on behalf of Nalini, one of those sentenced to death by the Court.
The Congress (I) spokesman, Mr Ajit Jogi has revealed tojournalists on 18 November that Mrs Gandhi during a private meeting with Indian President K R Narayanan had conveyed to him her feelings, as well as those of herson and daughter, that the life of Nalini, one of the accused in the assassination of her late husband and former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, be spared as she was the mother of a child.
It is said that Mrs Gandhi has favoured Nalini's commutation on the ground that no child should be orphaned or allowed to suffer by an act of State. She had also written to the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Mr M Karunanidhi, the National Human Rights Commission and the National Commission for Women in this regard.
Mrs Gandhi has further expressed the view that neither she nor her children have any desire to see the other three accused Suthenthirarajah, Sriharan and Perarivalan executed. She and her children also favoured the commutation of their death sentence too.
Many who had severely condemned the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, but who have always opposed death pena-lty as a means of exacting revenge for the crime committed have been touched by the Mrs Gandhi's plea on behalf of those who were involved in her husband's murder.
The London-based Tamil Informa
Sonia G
tion Centre (TIC) in comed Mrs Sonia G the Indian Presiden death sentence again: further welcomed M on the other three acc indicated her respec the rights of all. Her which is supported t a highest example O triumph of compass has touched the hear and has brought hop to those who are wo nsus to end the deat statement said.
The TIC has enc
 

ìike Kumaratunga
der and UNP canWickremesinghe
Nandana Guna
a Wijetunga from aha Sammathaye kshaya (Plane),
ssanayake of the ted National Front
runadasa of the ion Solidarity Fro
pdy Premawardena
15 NOVEMBER 1999
of Bahujana Nidahas Peramuna (Butterfly),
O Vasudeva Nanayakkara of the Left and Democratic Alliance(Clock),
o Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha of the Liberal Party (Book) and Abdul Razool of Sri Lanka Muslim Party (Scale).
The three independent contenders are:
Tennyson Edirisooriya (Scissors), Hudson Samarasinghe (Radio) and W.B.M. Ranjit (Almirah).The list of contestants was notable by the absence of a candidate from any Tamil political party. Mr Kumar Ponnambalam, the leader of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress who has been unsuccessfully in the past was expected to submit his nomination, but it is said that the LTTE had not consented and therefore stayed out of the race. O
andhi Pleads and's Murder
andhi
| a statement wellandhi's appeal to t to commute the st Nalini. The TIC rs Gandhi's views used which clearly t and concern for gesture to Nalini, by her children, is if forgiveness and ionate love. This ts of many Tamils be and confidence rking for a consen penalty, the TIC
ouraged people to
send messages of appreciation to Mrs Sonia Gnadhi for the initiati1 | ves that she had taken about Nalini and her views on the execution of the other three accused. The Madras High Court on 17 November reserved orders on the petitions filed by the four con-demned prisoners in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case seeking to set aside the order of the Tamil Nadu Governor rejecting their clemency petitions.
After hearing both sides, Justice K Govindarajan reserved the orders on the petitions filed by Nalini, Murugan, Santhan and Perarivalan, who were sentenced to death in the case.
Earlier this month, the federal government advised authorities in the southern state of Tamil Nadu to postpone the execution of Nalini and three men convicted with her in the 1991 assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. The executions were delayed indefinitely to allow the president time to review petitions for mercy.
Rajiv Gandhi was killed by a suicide bomber who strapped explosives to her waist and mingled with crowds in the southern town of Sriperumbudur during a 1991 campaign rally.
The Supreme Court had rejected appeals by Nalini, T. Suthendraraja, V.Sriharan and G. Perarivalan, who were among 26 defendants sentenced to death last year after a six-year trial. A special court in Madras has commuted the death sentences of the other 22 defendants to life imprisonment. O

Page 5
15 NOVEMBER 1999
he First phase of Operation Unceasing Waves or "Oyatha Alaigal' in Tamil was conducted by the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam at Mullaitheevu in July 1996. It resulted in the fall of the Mullaitheevu camp and town to the Tigers. The second phase was executed last September in the Kilinochi - Paranthan region. The Kilinochi military complex was overrun by the LTTE then. Both phases were resounding successes for the Tigers with more than two thousand soldiers being killed in Mullaitheevu and Kilinochi. Both towns have been under LTTE control and the army has been unable to recapture them since then thereby giving the lie to an often repeated claim by Colombo that the LTTE has never been able to retrieve lost territory muilitarily.
The dawn of November 1999 saw the LTTE launch the third phase of Operation Unceasing Waves or "Oyatha Alaigal -3”. It has proved to be the most spectacular military advance recorded by the LTTE in the entire history of the armed conflict. Within seven days beginning 2 November the Tigers were able to recapture almost the entire territory taken by the armed forces in the Eastern Wanni sector from 13 May 1997 onwards. Like a massive tidal wave engulfing everything before it the LTTE's third Ceaseless Wave operation swept on from Oddusuddan on the A-34 Highway to the outskirts of Omanthai on the A-9 highway.
If one were to adapt Winston Churchill's famous line after the aerial battle of Britain in 1940 to the LTTE's blitzkrieg, it could be said that "Never in the history of the Eelam conflict has so much territory been regained in so few days with so little losses by such small groups of Tigers from so many soldiers". By mid-November the lashing fury of the unleashed military tidal wave had somewhat abated but the fighting in the Wanni region had not
LTE Leger
totally subsided w the Weli Oya regi Mannar being und attacks, Unusual Manoeu' The LTTE's mi preceded by an un the army. Starting Sri Lankan securi along the old Kand pattaimurippu on t laitheevu road and anent presence on sequently troops t Oddusuddan on th aimurippu on the M eevu road known a way. These troops defence lines th Ambakamam posit rectangular shape. ber troops used formation to proce in the general dire nkaddu. After mee stance these troops kamam and Oddus lst morning.
Even as these a on something unus at Katsilaimadhu tc uddan and south of Pandara Wanniy Wanni chieftain o reigned at Panank by the British led b
 
 

ith Vavuniya town, on and positions in ler threat of further
Vre litary operation was usual manoeuvre by in mid October the ty forces advanced ly road from Kariphe Mankulam-Mulestablished a permAmbakamam. Subhrust forward from e east of Karippattsankulam-Mullaithso as the A-32 highestablished forward at were linked to ions in a somewhat On 30 and 31 Octothis rectangular ed further upwards ction of Muthaiyaing stiff LTTE resireturned to Ambauddan on November
ctivities were going lal was taking place the north of OddusPuthukkudiyiruppu. an the legendary f Adankapattu who mam was defeated y Major Driebergat
盘 TAMILTIMES5
Katsilaimadhu. A stone inscription as well as a statue erected about 20 years ago bear testimony to the heroic image of the last Vanniyan to defy the imperialist aggressor. Katsilaimadhu with its historic significance was witnessing another historic occasion on that day.
LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakharan was reported to have been in Katsillaimadhu on that day. He was there in the company of several senior Tiger commanders like Balraj, Karuna, Sornam, Jeyam, Bhanu, Theepan, Rabat, Nagesh, Anton, Selvarajah, Asha, Durga and Malathie. The LTTE supr-emo and his premier deputies were there to finalise the attack plans for launching operation ceaseless waves-phase three. Even as the military conclave was going on thousands of male and female cadres from the LTTE were secretly converging in nearby areas like Muthaiyankaddu, Sammalankulam, Mulliyawalai, Thanneerootru, Katpoorappulveli, Kodalikkal, Indimadhu and Thanduvan. They were drawn from different LTTE fighting formations like the Charles Anthony and Jeyanthan infantry divisions, Sothiya Women Corps, Kittu artillery brigade, Victor armoured corps, Leopards Commando unit, Black Tiger suicide squads, Anti air craft unit etc. There were also members from auxiliary civilian units.
The Architect
Operation Ceaseless Waves itself was a blueprint drawn by LTTE supremo Prabakharan himself. He was both the architect and chief executive of the operation. Tiger literature claim that the entire operation was guided, inspired and masterminded by the leader himself who is also the supreme commander of the LTTE forces. LTTE deputy military commander in chief Balraj a sonof the Wanni soil himself was in charge of the co-ordinating operational headquarters. Karuna, a senior commander from Batticaloa was the overall field commander. Once the LTTE leader gave the go ahead signal the Tigers commenced onslaught.
The first target was Oddusuddan on the Mullaitheevu road that had been seized by the army last December through operation Revibalaya or Solar power. Oddusuddan was being guarded by the Second Gajaba Regiment on the east and the Walagambaya division of

Page 6
6 TAMITES
the Navy on the east. Incidently three Naval divisions were deployed on land duty in the eastern sector of the Wanni. Likewise Air Force divisions were on duty in the Western sector. Both services were being used as supplementary ground troops to assist the army. The Western and Eastern Wanni Sectors were demarcated by the Jaffna-Kandy road that bisects the northern mainland called Wanni.
An LTTE commando unit infiltrated army lines on Manavalanpattaimurippu on the Mullaitheevu road on the west of Oddusuddan. Shortly around midnight they attacked the Gajaba troopers from behind. A little later three formations of the LTTE attacked the camp from all three sides. After nine hours of battle the LTTE overan the Oddusuddan camp. The Gajaba Soldiers and Walagampaya naval personnel were virtually annihilated. A fresh column of the LTTE along with the civilian militia came in a motorcade from Mulliyawalai and hoisted the Tiger flag. It is said that Karuna performed the honours. Thereafter the Tigers and their civilian militia began transporting vehicles, ammunition, equipment and the arsenal seized from the army by road to Mullaitheevu.
Camp After Camp Falls
The Tigers then proceeded in three directions. One went north-west towards Ambakamam. The second went westwards to KarippattaimurippuOlumadhu. The third went southwestwards to Nedunkerny. The latter was taken in the preliminary stages of Operation Jayasikurui itself in May 1997.It is situated on the PuliyankulamMullaitheevu road and is the interface of the Vavuniya and Mullaitheevu districts. It is very much the gateway to Mullaitheevu district or the Tiger heartland. The access route between Oddusuddan and Nedunkerny had the 3rd battalion of the Sinha Regiment at Samanankulam and the 8th battalion of the Vijaybahu regiment at Pandarikulam. After fierce fighting Nedunkerny also fell to the LTTE.
In the meantime the other two Tiger columns were confronting two navy divisions stationed on the western flank of the Mullaitheevu-Mankulam road on the one hand and 55th division personnel on the Ambagamam rectangle
on the other. Aft Karippattaimurip Tigers proceeded a road towards Amba formations kept on dhu adjacent to Kar the road between Mullaitheevu. Rei from Mankulam w. reaching Olumadhu ndos blew up a bric of the Kanagarayan
Soon Ambakal short while Oluma. advancing LTTE
barrage of artillery
Kanagarayankula both on the A-9 Mankulam fell. Th started proceeding the Jaffna- Vavuniy ards direction. The the government had of roadway betwe Mankulam through rui after 9 month the Tigers were me it. Some rearguard a at Kanakarayankula of the 56th divisio tern Wanni sector. E day it too fell. Th further south to Pl also succumbed on Finally on 7 Nc reached Panickane skirts of Omantha north of Vavuniya. been captured by 1997. The rapidly finally dug in at On by troops from V artillery field gun defending Omant where some resista were Madhiyamadi on the Puliyanku stretch; Othiyamal yiruppu in the Ned ppukuthi, Katkida ayankulam and Sen nthai. At present ho Panikkaneeravi, V and Pandrikkeithak The LTTE has points on the Wes to the west of the A drumurippu near N kulam near Kana Puthoor near Puliya

er heavy fighting pu fell. Then the long the old Kandy kamam while other pounding Olumaippattaimurippu on Mankulam and inforcements sent ere prevented from as Tiger commaige over a tributary kulam. mam fell and in a ihu too. Thereafter personnel began a pounding against m and Mankulam highway. Shortly ereafter the Tigers by vehicles along ya road in a southwirony in this is that captured the stretch en Vavuniya and operation Jayasikus of fighting. Now rrily cruising along iction was proffered am the headquarters n manning the eas3ut on the following en the Tigers went uliyankulam which
the same day. vember, the Tigers :eraavi on the outinine miles to the Omanthai too had the army in May f retreating troops nanthai. Reinforced avuniya and with is the army began hai. Other places ance was displayed nu and Nainamadhu ulam-Nedunkerny llai and Pattikkudiunkerny area; Karanku near Kanakarnamadhu near Omastilities continue at ilakkuvaithakulam culam etc.
also seized some
tern Sector Or areas -9 Highway. MoonVlankulam, Mannakarayan kulam and ankulam in the west
15 NOVEMBER 1999
* en sector have been seized. Some Airf.
orce personnel and soldiers were killed and injured. The LTTE has also begun artillery attacks on Pallamadhu and Palampitty in Mannar. Both these places are ofstrategic importance within the context of capturing the Mannar-Ponneryn road. After Jayasikurui was aborted the army had launched a series of operations named Ranaghosha or battlecry and seized a lot of territory, and chunks of the Pooneryn road. It was said that the objective was to utilise the Mannar-Pooneryn road as the land route to Jaffna.
Lost in a Week
The government began its manoevres in the Wanni with the launching of operation Jayasikurui on May 13th 1997. It was called offin December last year. The operation had seen the army sustaining tremendous losses with the LTTE indulging in positional warfare defending entrenched positions.Now after Unceasing waves -3 the army has lost 30 kilometres of the 42 kilometres it had seized on the A-9 highway. It has also lost according to preliminary estimates 1269 square kms of territory on the eastern Wanni front. It has lost area annexed over a period of two and a half years injust a week. 10 bases, 24 camps, 116 detachment stations and an unknown amount ofbunkers and posts had been lost. Massive amounts of arms, ammunition, equipment, vehicles, tanks and armoured cars etc. had been lost to the enemy. So too were large amounts of dry rations. Though the government puts it at unbelievably low levels the army and navy have lost more than a thousand men. Compared to this LTTE losses are reported to be only in the range of around 200.
The more significant aspect of the fighting was the fact that the LTTE had adopted conventional fighting techniques to the successful extent of chasing the army out. The campaign was thoroughly demoralising as thousands of troops literally ran away instead of fighting. There have been reports of rebellion where officers and militar policemen have been shot. Large scale defections have occurred. There has been a breakdown in discipline. In short the army despite its numerical and logistical superiority has been decisively routed by a "guerrilla force

Page 7
5 NOVEMBER 1999
of boys". How did this happen? Panic and Confusion
Two developments occurred on the first day itself that had far reaching consequences on the course of immediate war. Firstly the LTTE's anti-Aircraft utilised newly acquired weapons to bring down two helicopters and damage a plane. The Air Force panicked thinking that the Tigers possessed the ability to blast them in the skies. Thereafter the airforce suspended all active engagement in the conflict for more than a week. Thus the beleaguered ground troops on different fronts in the Eastern Wanni sector could not receive aerial assistance of any form.
Secondly the officials in Oddusuddan hastily loaded a South African “Buffel” tank with all communication codes and signal crypts and tried to send it to the 56th division headquarters at Kanakarayankulam after the camp was under attack. The tank got bogged down in the mud. As troops abandoned it the Tigers seized it. Decoding some of the stuff the LTTE began invading the radio communications system of the army. As a knee jerk reaction the army stopped all internal communications. The communications equipment within the combat zone went dead for several days. As a result panic and confusion set in among troops.
The primary cause for the debacle was the suspension of aerial contact and radio communication. Without any proper leadership issuing directives or morale boosting reassurances the individual army detachments began withdrawing. There were also several officers who had begun retreating before troops instead of urging them to stand and fight. The government's refusal to accept dead bodies of soldiers from the LTTE in the conflict zone also fuelled resentment. A collapse of logistical support hampering transport, food supplies and medical treatment also created demoralising impact. After fighting at Oddusuddan and a few other places the soldiers hadmerely preferred flight to fight. An angle being probed by the government is sabotage and propaganda by pro UNP elements.
In its anxiety to findscapegoats the government has transferred out all senior commanding officers. But there is criticism of the political leadership itself. It is said that many intelligence
warnings went unh government wante victory to boost i Presidential electio: of Monsoon the ter not conducive forfi Ratwatte wanted Hence Operation launched to take
launching pad for Stationing troops or endangered other Tigers exploited. became a Waterlo. for troop demora realisation that
cynically expe-mde electoral victory as
Expert Tactics
Three salient po to LTTE success w of a tremendous a barrages, the ra personnel and ve tactics. After the element of surprise Thereafter it wa mobility, better t usage of artillery very same weath affected military hinder the Tigers allowed retreating route in most cases surround and deci This led to most sc away ratherthan fig that in many earl denial of escape r contributed to so fighting literally a hampering LTTE ( Another area w an impact was W Aaru. This strategi out with the objec the territorial conti and eastern provin PA government af of Jayasikurui ha scheme of colonisi establishing a ne must be remembel bitants of this are: in a systemic form The LTTE has suc several camps in inues to pressuris than seven thous

TAMITMES 7
eeded because the il a quick military ts chances in the ns. With the advent ain in the Wanni is ghting but Minister a military drive. Watershed was Ambagamam as a further incursions. the outer perimeter points which the Thus Watershed ). Also one reason lisation was the they were being d in a war that had its ultimate motive.
ints that contributed ere the deployment mount of artillery pid mobility of hicles and expert initial stages the was no longer there. as only superior actics and precise that mattered. The er conditions that movement did not ... Also the LTTE soldiers an escape instead of trying to mate them totally. ldiers opting to run ght. It must be noted ier operations the putes by the Tigers diers rallying and for survival thereby bjectives. here the LTTE made "eli Oya or Manal c region was carved tive of interdicting guity of the northern *esbythe UNP. The ter initial successes ad embarked on a ng armed settlers and work of camps. It ed that Tamil inhawere driven away of ethnic cleansing. eeded in destroying Weli Oya and conte the region. More ind Sinhala settlers
have fled the area.
Vavuniya the southernmost town of the northern province too is under threat. The LTTE announced that it was going to shell the town and asked residents to move away. This led to about tens of thousands people abandoning the town. But there are signs of several returning. The armed forces are gathering in large numbers in Vavuniya transforming it into another garrison town. The objectives of the LTTE in triggering off such an exodus is yet to be revealed.
Military Resilience
The major consequence of this military campaign is that the LTTE has demonstrated its military resilience once again. The government's "War for Peace” exercise stands exposed as nonworkable. Even if subsequently the Tigers are compelled to relinquish the newly taken territory it has very effectively made the point that it simply cannot be undermined gradually. Also no strategy based on the ephemeral conquest of territory is workable as all matters are fluid. As such new, bold and creative alternatives for a resolution of the conflict will have to be found in the long term. But in the short term fighting will continue.
The LTTE offered very little resistance for the greater part of this year when the armed forces grabbed a lot of territory with very little fighting. The LTTE strategy was perplexing. Nevertheless with the wisdom of hindsight it is discernible now that those tactics allowed the army to spread thin. At the same time the Tigers gained time to prepare themselves for a major onslaught. One thing that was clear then was that the LTTE leader Prabakharan had to accomplish some spectacular military feat in order to explain away his lack of resistance then. This he has done with a big bang now But now it is Kumaratunge's turn to explain the debacle. With a Presidential elections around the corner she is constrained to launch some dramatic counter attack if possible. Though a risky and from a humanitarian perspective a totally unacceptable option, there does not seem to be any other way out for her. So the cycle of violence will continue. Whether ebb or tide waves are unceasingly endless. Ceaseless always! O

Page 8
8 TAM TIMES
Presidential Electi
Outcome Unpredict
From our Colombo Correspondent
A resident Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga shocked the nation and some of her ministers on October 20 by calling for an early Presidential election invoking a provision in the J.R. Jayewardene constitution, which she vowed to jettison in her 1994 election campaign. Addressing the nation that night she said her government had fulfilled most of the pledges it gave in five years instead of the six allotted to it under the constitution.
She asked a fresh mandate from the people to find solution to the only remaining hurdle, the ethnic problem. She said she would have found a political solution if only the United National Party had helped her to pass into law her government’s constitutional proposals she had placed before the people on 3 August 1995. She accused the UNP of delaying the solution by refusing to co-operate with her. “We need to throw away the present constitution to solve the ethnic problem. We need the people's support to change the constitution. If the people rally round us we shall be able to solve the national crisis without delay and march towards prosperity,” she declared.
President Kumaratunga carefully prepared the ground for her proclamation with a letter she wrote to UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe on October 12 in which she heaped all the blame on him for failing to help her to end the war by his persistent refusal to support her political package or by presenting to the country an alternate proposal. He accusation was true because the UNP had on 14 October 1987, the day Justice, Constitutional Affairs, Ethnic Affairs and National Integration Prof. G.L. Peiris submitted the Government's Constitutional Proposals to parliament, submitted a rider pointing out the five areas in which the UNP differed promising to present its views
President Chandrik
on those matters wit It failed to honourth There was inte about the cause fort the Presidential ele before the due date. speculated the projeç in the economy as th Others said the Pre cash in the growing among the Sinhalap unpreparedness of til reason came out fr when the cabinet me approve President's
She revealed the had received about racy by some of her 1 the government by budget and her call election had defeated told the ministers th had brought down h Bandaranaike”s SLF 1964. "I don't want C government to succe CP de Silva the the the party and a cabin over to the opposition the government br defeat on a confiden There was a seri
 
 
 
 

a Kumaratunga
hin three months. at undertaking. nse speculation he sudden call for ction, 16 months Some journalists :ted sharp decline e probable reason. sident wanted to desire for peace )eople and on the he UNP. The real om the President ton October 22 to poll decision.
information she i political conspininisters to defeat (oting against the for Presidential their designs. She at a similar revolt er mother Sirima P government in .P.de Silvas in my ed,' she had said. n deputy leader of at minister crossed and voted against inging about its Ce VOte. ous dispute betw
15 NOVEMBER 1999
een President Kumaratunga and some
of her senior ministers about the holding of the Presidential election. They feared that a strengthened President would not give them nominations at the next parliamentary elections. It seemed that the President wanted to do just that. It appears that the President consulted only minister Anurutha Ratwatte, Mangala Samaraweera and S.B. Dissanayake on calling a snap Presidential election. The decision was kept a top secret and others knew about it only after it was announced in the media. Tourism Minister and Sri Lanka Freedom Party general secretary was informed of the proclamation by his ministry secretary when he went to his ministry. A colleague in the UNP informed another senior minister.
The President and her ministerial confidantes are now hammering Ranil Wickremesinghe and the LTTE as standing in the way of a political solution to the ethnic problem. They are trying to show the Sinhala people that there is a conspiracy between Ranil Wickremesinghe and Pirabhakaran to defeat the President. Mangala Samaraweera had told several meetings that Ranil Wickremesinghe had become the agent of Pirabhakaran.
At the October 22 cabinet meeting all the constituent parties of the People's Alliance pledged their support to the President. Ceylon Workers Congress leader Savumiyamoorthy Thondaman who pledged his full support to her proposed a resolution supporting her decision to hold the Presidential election before the parliamentary poll. Thondaman was at odds with Plantations Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake who supported the holding of the parliamentary polls first. A kingmaker that he was, Thondaman wanted to get closer to President Chandrika Kumaratunga and undertook to lead a sustained election campaign. But he is no longer there to keep his promise. Thondaman was in Nuwera Eliya on October 30 to canvas the support of the Inthiya Vamsavali Makkal Perani when he suffered a massive heart attack and died though rushed by a helicopter to Sri jayawardhenapura Hospital.
President Chandrika Kumaratunga and her government acted fast to win the sympathy of the Indian Tamil community. Thondaman's death caused an

Page 9
15 NOVEMBER 1999
instant and unrestrained emotional outburst among the Indian Tamil community who flocked in thousands to pay him their last respects. Bradman Weerakoon who had served several prime ministers and Presidents as secretary and who had seen the funerals of D.S. Senanayake, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Dudley Senanayake and Vijaya Kumaratunga said: "People came because of genuine feeling.'
Arumugam Thondaman has taken over the leadership of the CWC. He has been appointed to the portfolio that his grandfather held and has pledged full support to the President. Thondaman's death has knit the Indian Tamils emotionally and they feel indebted to President Chandrika Kumaratunga for according their late leader a state funeral, the only Tamil to receive one. It would take some time for divisive forces within the CWC to surface.
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader minister M.H.M. Ashrafftoo has pledged his support to the President. Eastern Muslim vote bank, though riven by divisions, will be with President Kumaratunga.
She is wooing the Colombo and Jaffna Tamil votes through several means. On the Dipavaliday she had a satellite video conference with a cross section of the people of Jaffna where she declared her anxiety to usher in peace. She said she wanted every citizen, Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim or Burgher, to be treated as equals. She has arranged another similar conference with the Colombo Tamils.
She is also trying to win some Jaffna votes through the E.P.D.P. She had a meeting with the EPDP general secretary Douglas Devananda on November 5 where she requested its help. "Madam How can we go to the people when your administration is not doing anything to serve the people?” Devananda is said to have asked. "What can I do? LTTE is not allowing the local bodies to function?” she asked. "We are asking for an interim administration. You are not giving?' Devananda said. She replied: “TULF is opposing that. What can I do?' Devananda said: "TULF is not going to give you votes. They are saying that they will be neutral.”
President Kumaratunga yielded. She announced that the government
would appoint an a a managing count province to assis identify and is: projects. TULF im the President oppo and announced tha part. PLOTE, EPF announced their
Ranil Wick
said it would part EPDP is not given will be stagin, highlighting the government is not Municipal council f to enable it to fu pointed out that th not given vehic Predeshiya Sabas EPDP had been giv Disunity and ri parties also surface. by the All Ceylon T Kumar Ponnambal mon Tamil candida protest to the Sinh world against the tw candidates for their ward to end the w honourable end to The meeting that w Queen's Road hon PLOTE, EPRLFan EPDP kept out. K contest which he la because the LTTE candidature was r That amply demon alternative Tamille could be considered any negotiations.
 

F. TAMILTIMES 9
lvisory council and
il in the northeast the Governor to ue development mediately wrote to sing such a council t it would not take LF and TELO too pposition. SLMC
remesinghe
icipate if only the control of it. TULF g a satyagraha fact that the giving the Jaffna inance and facilities nction. They have e Jaffna M.C. was les whereas the controlled by the
fe. valry among Tamil i during the attempt amil Congress chief am to field a comte to signify Tamil ala people and the 'o main Presidential failure to come forar and to bring an the ethnic conflict. as held at Kumar's e was attended by TELO. TULF and umar was asked to ter declined mainly approval for his 2portedly refused. trated failure of an idership with which or consulted during
The LTTE assault that began on the early hours of November 2 has effectively made the Tigers the only factor to be taken into consideration. Attacking Oddusuddan from the rear they smashed the base injust nine hours and dividing themselves into two wings they smashed Nedunkerni, Karipaddamurippu, Olumadu, Ampagamam, Mankulam, Kanagarayan Kulam and Puliyan Kulam injust four days. When this was written Tiger fighters are threatening Manal Aru (WaliOya in the east, Vavuniya in the south and Moonrumurippu in the west.
At the same time the LTTE had
asked the residents of Vavuniya to move to Assikkulam and Rajendrakulam for safety as they intended shelling the town where the army is now being concentrated. The police and the army asked the people not to move and guaranteed their safety. Deputy Defence Minister Anurutha Ratwatte said the army had taken precaution to defend Vavuniya and it was moving to Puliankulam to recapture it. But reports indicate that people living in the northern villages of Vavuniya had begun to move to the safe areas with small parcels.
At Manal Aru also the situation was volatile with the Tigers poised to move further south. Over 12,000 persons had left their villages and more are continuing to do so. How the situation would turn is uncertain.
While military debacle was taking place in the jungles of Vanni President Chandrika was concerned about encouraging defections in the UNP. Preparations for this were going on for some time. The disgruntled lot in the UNP, which was marginalized by Ranil Wickremesinghe in his apparent effort to bring in new blood and a fresh image to the party tried its best to topple him from leadership. Failing in that attempt it negotiated through the political Buddhist monk Elle Gunawansa, a hand suspected of being behind the 1983July riots, with minister S.B. Dissanayake to join the government and support the President during the elections. The monk extracted a promise of three ministries for the rebel group. The widely televised cross-over was enacted on Thursday, November 4, at the auspicious 7. 14 a.m. On Tuesday, November 9, Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Nanda Mathew were appointed Ministers of Special Assignments. Wijayapala Mendis had declined to accept an offer a

Page 10
10 TAMITMES
ministerial portfolio.
Analysts think that this cross-over would benefit the President though the UNP is showing that the desertion of the defectors would clean it up of the corrupt and racist elements. By racist elements it means the Susil Munasinghr - Dr. Stanley Kalpage group which allegedly have close links with the Veera Vithana Movement, an extremist chauvinist group.
The advantage gained by the PA by the defection in the UNP, analysts say, would be offset by the military debacle. Even though the general Sinhala public has not yet begun to react against the government the families of the soldiers have begun to raise their voice in protest. Many of them were flocking to the military camps and offices asking for information about their solidersons and relatives. They do not believe the statistics trotted out by the President and Ratwatte that only 10l soldiers died during the LTTE onslaught. Their votes are bound to go against the President.
Ranill Wickremesinghe, though considered a weak and indecisive leader who lacks charisma, has started an aggressive campaign. With the solid UNP base of around 30 to 35 percent of the electorate firmly behind him he is currently concentrating on winning the peace constituency and the Tamil and Muslim minority votes. In a significant speech delivered on recently he had vowed to start talking to the LTTE immediately after he was sworn in as the President and declare a ceasefire. He said that he would setstop the war and set up an interim administration in the north-east and, if the LTTE is agreeable, allow it to manage it for two years within which time frame he hoped to work out an agreeable permanent solution to the ethnic problem. Many feel this offer is the best the Tamils have had so far and it may, if pushed properly, attract considerable Tamil votes. Tamils, some intellectuals feel, should get out of the negative politics they had become accustomed to, and learn to make use of the vote as a weapon, the way Thondaman used it. Vote can also be another front in the battle to win the rights of the Tamils, in certain circumstance more effective and less destructive than the gun.
In the 1994 presidential election, no one doubted that Chandrika would emerge victorious. But this time, the outcome remains unpredictable.
ThOn(
at I
he body of Sri Ceylon Worke leader Savum man was cremated Independent Squa November.
The funeral pri "Ransivige' which of the most reverec tation Tamils of In
CWC headquarters ed Independence S funeral rites around to the Independer Force helicopter drc path of the process The unique and Thondaman had pli annals was respectf recorded by being funeral in the pri gathering, includin, and local dignitarie After the caske ins was placed on a orm, Army, Navy a ds stood vigil on the casket in turn,
Among the VIP at the Independer farewell to the de several Ministers of of the Oppositior Wickremesinghe, c. Ceylon Workers Co the Colombo-based members of the
 

15 NOVEMBER 1999
laman: State Funeral independece Square
Lankan Minister and rs Congress (CWC) yamurthy Thondato rest at the city's e in Colombo on 4
ocession led by the l, carrying the body i leader of the plandian origin, left the
Äikää
at 3 pm and reachquare for the final d 4.30 pm. Enroute hce Square an Air pped flowers on the ion,
remarkable role that ayed in the island's ully recognised and , accorded a State esence of a large g foreign diplomats :S, t bearing the remared-carpeted platf. und Air Force guarfour corners of the
s who were pre-sent hce Square to bid parted leader were the Cabinet, Leader and UNP, Ranil ffice-bearers of the ngress, members of Diplomatic Corps, ate Thondaman's
family, representatives of the trade unions and Non Governmental Oroanisations, delegates of the Government of India and members of the clergy, Buddhist, Hindu, Christian and Islamic. Minister of State for External Affairs Ajit Kumar Panja and Tamil Nadu Minister for Highways and Ports Pasumpon Kiruttinan attended the funeral representing the Government of
India,
Funeral orations were made by Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremesinghe, Minister of Samurdhi, Youth Affairs and Sports S. B. Dissanayake, Minister of Tourism and Aviation, Dharmasiri Senanayake, Minister of Ports Development, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction (East) M. H. M. Ashraff, the Indian delegates, TULF's Joseph Pararajasingham, PLOTE’s Balachandran, Minister Alavi Mowlana, President Planters' Association Mahendra Amarasuriya and P. P. Devaraj MP (CWC).
Tens of thousands of plantation workers from the upcountry areas, for whose rights Thondaman had toiled tirelessly for decades and won, streamed through the funeral site to pay their last respects. Most of them wept silently, but for some women grief was to much to bear they wept openly when the body of their fatherly leader was deposited in an all white three-tier pyre. Thondaman is the first Tamil leader who was cremated at the Inde

Page 11
15 NOVEMBER 1999
pendent Square, where the country's national leaders like RPremadasa, JR Jayewardene and Dr N M Perera have been cremated in the past.
Thondaman, Minister for Livestock Development and Infrastructure and CWC leader, who died of heart attack on October 30, and was the longest-serving Minister, having worked in several administrations since 1974. Thondaman Honoured
President Chandrika Kumaratunga, Speaker of Parliament K. B. Ratnayake and Ministers and MPs paid their last respects to late S. Thon-daman Minister of Livestock Development and Rural Infrastructure, whose body was brought to Parliament on the afternoon of 3 November. Thondaman was the senior most parliamentarian having entered the august assembly in 1947 passed away at the age of eighty six on October 30.
His body was brought to Colo-mbo on 2 November from Kotagala, his home town, in the central high-lands of the island.
Sharp at 3.00 p.m. the motorcade with his body arrived at the VIP entrance to the Parliament and was received by the Speaker and toprungers of Ceylon Workers Congress of which the late Thondaman was the unchallenged leader from 1947.
The casket bearing his body was draped by a full sized CWC flag. The motorcade which brought his body flew CWC's trycolour flag with the emblem of the rising sun and white flags.
The road leading to the Parli-ament, the parliamentary Drive and the precincts of the Parliament all flew white flags. The casket placed on a trolley was pushed along by the late parliamentarians colleagues, over red carpet to the Ceremonial Hall where his body was lying for one hour to pay last res-pects.
Headed by the Speaker, Deputy Speaker, Deputy Chairman of Committees, Leader of the Opposition, Ministers, and other parliamentarians paid good-bye to their departed colleague. They were followed by members of the Colombo based diplomatic Corps who had been invited by the Speaker to witness the solemn occasion.
President Kumaratunga arrived laid a garland of jasmine on the re-mains of the late Thondaman. Among those present on the occasion were family members of Thondaman including his
he remains o lopment and Minister and Congress (CWC moorthy Thonda umed in flames w Independence Squ November 1999) hills where his pow at the centre wher power and influen workers of the plar up to him as theirl Saumlyamoorth not suffer any del although by the Ceylon as an eleve his father had pro tea plantation and of a car in which fat up to Ramboda fro. station where fathe meet the son. It w wealthy plantation ( champion of the u worker that Saun Thondaman, set foc young Thondamal challenge him as ht for himself as th people.
If at all, it was of designing polit pendent Ceylon t
space to lead his pe
son, Ramanathan T leaders of the Cey gress.
Justice, Cons Ethnic Affairs a gration Minister a Minister Prof. G. Minister Lakshir Minister of Irrigat Deputy Minister I ruddha Ratwatte, M Development C. V sport and Highway Fowzie, Educat Education Minister Minister of Tour Dharmasiri Senan Posts Telecommu Mangala Samarav other ministers, de other parliamentari nt and opposition \

TAMITMES 11
Livestock Devestate Infrastructure Ceylon Workers Leader Saumyaman will be consth state honours at are this evening (4 far away from the er base lay but right 2 he wielded much :e derived from the tations who looked iberator. y Thondaman did usions of grandeur ime he arrived in in-year-old in 1924 pered to acquire a was a proud owner her and son motored m Gampola railway rhad gone down to "as as the son of a owner that the future nderdog plantation hyamoorthy, later tin Ceylon. So, the n had no rivals to 2 carved out a niche e liberator of his
the anti-Indianism lcians of pre-Indehat provided him 'ople from the bon
honda-man and top lon Workers Con
itutional Affairs, ld National Inteld Deputy Finance L. Peiris, Foreign han Kadirgamar, on and Power and Defence Gen. Anuinister of Indus-trial Gooneratne, TranMinister A. H. M. on and Higher Richard Pathi-rana, sm and Aviat-ion yake, Minister of ication and Media "eera and sever-al puty ministers and insboth governmeere pre-sent. O
dage of squalor and hard labour that was the norm on the plantations und-er the British Raj. But his lifelong mission of ameliorating the conditions of the plantation worker was contained within the parameters of national independence and then national unity.
He was firmly on the side of nonviolent campaigners and resorted to the
ultimate weapons of strike action when
negotiations failed to move the estate management to accede to dem-ands of increase in meagre wages and the betterment of squalid conditions of barracklike line rooms with no sanitation that the 'coolies' had to put up with to produce the very life blood of the economy at that time.
Thondaman made no elaborate claims to formal education but had had a multiplicity of experiences from which he benefited and singularly committed himself to the cause of the exploited plantation worker. It was as Chairman of the Reception Committee of the Gampola Branch of the Ceylon Indian Congress in 1940 that the future Cabinet Minister of successive governments launched his political career. From then onwards, from controversy to controversy and crisis to crisis Thondaman gambolled along until he was firmly entrenched as a kingmaker in an era of coalition politics, reflecting the multi-ethnic and multi-lingual plural society that has now been recognised as the reality in our country.
History records that a Thonda-man, a military commander of the Chol-a period had arrived in the North of Ceylon in 1070 on a peaceful mission of trading in salt and a canal built to reach the salterns was named Thondaimanaru.
The Thondaman clan was known to associate with rulers even in the dim and distant past. As it was then at the on set of the millennium, Saumyamoorthy rounded off the end of the millennium at the very centre of power and sat in Cabinet with the "rulers' of today. It is no aberration then that he is to be cremated at Independence Square the venue of cremations of many a public figure.
(Editorial, The Observer, 4 November 1999)

Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
Patriarch of the Pan
PaSSeS into Histo
D BS Jeyaraj
aumiyamoorthy Thondaman undiS sputed leader of Sri lanka's predo
minantly Indian Tamil plantation proletariat has passed away. At 86 he was both the Sri Lankan cabinet's oldest member as well as its seniormost minister having served - except for a brief two months in 94 - continuously for 21 years from 1978 under presidents Jayewardene, Premadasa. Wijetunge and now Kumaratunge as her minister of Livestock development and infrastructure. The respected leader of Sri Lanka's Indian Tamils died at 8.12 pm on Saturday October 30th at the Sri Jayewardenepura Hospital of a myocardiac infarction. Taken ill seriously at Nuwara Eliya in the Central Highlands, he had been brought by helicopter to Colombo in the afternoon of the same day. Thondaman had gone to Nuwara Eliya the previous night and was staying at the Grand hotel.He was scheduled to preside over a meeting of the Indian Vamsaavali Makkal Perani and confirm extending support to Chandrika Kumaratunge at the Presidential elections. The fateful morning of 30th found him experiencing breathing difficulties. He was rushed to the intensive care unit of the Nuwara Eliya hospital and from there to Jayawardenepura by air. After showing signs of recovery in the evening he suffered a relapse and died peacefully in bed. Though family members wanted to fly him over to Chennai for advanced medical treatment doctors in Colombo refused it on the grounds of his fragile health.
It was only some months ago that politicians and commentators in Colombo had been decrying Thondaman as a spent force in politics. It was said that he had lost his charismatic hold over the Indian Tamil masses. After death however Thondaman acquired a larger than life image. Genuine outpourings of grief was visible among the Up Country Tamils. Large crowds paid homage wherever his body lay in state. People lined up
the routes along wl taken by motorcad ams, posters and h; dantly omnipresen of people participal ey from the CWCo van” in Colpetty square. The funer. broadcast live. Tho Tamil to be given full honours.
His Methodology The glowing tr Thondaman are in reciation and reco, tructive role play emporary Sri Lar quotes by Dr. M illustrate the essen vocation and them by him to fulfil multiracial society it alone. It is a myt Irish, Italians and power through se group unity was joining in alliance such as political 1 unions.... To play ros we will have t representation an labour movement. need to think of earnestly as they di and profession.”
“Nelson Mandi one of the many en Thondaman afterh more appropriate t Martin Luther Kin and symbolised t hopes of the oppr of South Africa wh with greater hist country. King on t for the black peop had been brought : the cotton plantat oppressed lot with omic and social rig non-violent strugg
 

hich the cortege was e. Flags and thoranand bills were abunut. More than a lakh ed in the finaljournffice “Saumiya Bhato Independence al was televised and ndaman was the first a state funeral with
ibutes being paid to dicative of the appgnition of the consed by him in contnka. The following artin Luther King ce of Thondaman's ethodology adopted his mission: “In a no group can make h to believe that the the Jews..... rose to paratism...... Their always enlarged by s with other groups machines and trade our role fully as negostrive for enhance d influence in the Our young people union careers as o of business careers
ela of Sri Lanka” is comiums heaped on is death. It would be o compare him with g. Mandela inspired he aspirations and essed black people no were the majority orical claim to the he other hand fought ble of the USA who as slaves to work on ions. They were an nout political, econghts. King espoused le to winthese rights
15 NOVEMBER 1999
and integrate with White america on equal terms.This was very similiar to the Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka for whose upliftment Thondaman strove for. Brought here originally as "coolies' they were very much the modern slaves of Lanka and were deprived of political, economic and to a lesser extent social rights. Thondaman's historical role was providing leadership and guidance to these wretched of the plantation earth to emancipate themselves from political and economic injustice and integrate with the rest of Sri Lanka as equals. Thondaman shared King's dream. It was like King's in the USA, a vision of "belonging” for his people, in Sri Lanka.
It was the fate of Sri Lankan Tamils as well as the Tamils of recent Indian origin to face racial discrimination bordering on oppression at the hands of the Sinhala majority that gained political power after the dawn of Independence. Unlike the Sri Lankan Tamils the Indian Tamils lived among the Sinhala people without any claim of territorial enclaves. They were educationally and economically backward. It should be noted that the Jaffna Tamils looked down upon and kept their “respectable' distance from the Indian Tamils. Also they became "non persons' with the deprivation of their citizenship and voting rights soon after Sri Lanka gained independence in 1948. That these rights were deprived from them with the full support of the then dominant Tamil political party, the All Ceylon Tamil Congress led by its then leader, G G Ponnambalam should not be forgotten.
The inherent and contrived differences between Sri Lanka Tamils and the Indian Tamils helped shape the policies and strategies adopted by both communities to achieve equal rights. The Sri Lankan Tamil leadership followed a policy of exclusion through confrontation and secession that ultimately led to an an armed struggle for liberation. The Indian Tamils under Thondaman followed within non-violent parameters an emancipatory struggle aimed at inclusion via co-operation and integration.
The irony however was in the different responses by the Sinhala polity to the expectations and demands from both these Tamil communities in the past. The Sri Lankan Tamils wanting to separate were told you are an integral part of Lanka and you cannot be

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15 NOVEMBER 1999
allowed to secede. An all out war was launched to keep the Sri Lankan Tamils integrated to Lanka. In the process Sri Lankan Tamils have undergone much despair but nevertheless they are still viewed as an inalienable component of the country.
The Indian Tamils on the other hand want very much to be considered an integral part of the island. But they were treated as an unwelcome alien presence and stripped of all rights. The situation is not so bad now. But there are still miles to go. The significance is in the present position of both communities. The Sri Lankan Tamils who fought to preserve their position and rights have lost much now. Most of them are displaced from the north and east and are in the South or abroad. Their economy is in shambles with a great number reduced to poverty level as internal refugees. Their privileged place in government service and professions is a past glory. Even devolution through the provincial council scheme has not brought them any benefit. The ongoing war is diminishing the community on multiple levels. At the time of independence the Sri Lankan Tamils were perceived as a privileged minority. Post independence years for them has been a steady decline without any bright prospect in sight.
The Indian Tamils were in a pathetic plight as freedom dawned. They were decitizenised and disenf. ranchised. Though contributing to the economy greatly the politics of exclusion and exploitation kept them in dire straits. The literacy level was abysmally low. They were persecuted as “kallathonis” (illicit immigrants) for a long time. Large numbers were repatriated to India. They were uprooted in substantial numbers from the estates after apolicy of land reform was introduced. Despite all these overwhelming odds against them the Indian Tamils have over the years progressed on the path to emancipation. Most of the injustices meted out to them have been remedied to a substantial extent. They have also been sharing political power to some extent.
This renaissance has been possible mainly because of the correct and pragmatic leadership provided by Thondaman, the patriarch of the plantations. The life and times of V.E.K.R.S. Thondaman called affectionately as Thonda by friends and Thalaiver by followers nas been intertwined with the viciss
itudes of the plantat was cremated with at the Independence This was the first il being awarded that years of Independel symbolic acknow Indian Tamil comm ment as well as a Thondaman's positi Born in 1913 th had celebrated his 86 two months ago on 1 daman's father Karl was connected to t. Puduukkotai in Sou nch of the family h a decline in fortun verge of poverty. S ated to Ceylon as it British as a “Kanka of tea estate work work and shrewd b became owner of ap tation - Wavendon in the Gampola are man was born in M erly of Ramnad a Pudukkottai district came over to Lank He had his seconda Andrews, Gampola planting as estate ma known. In his lat twenties Thondam: brown sahib as the prosperous plantati There was howe ak in the younger TI not content to lead estate proprietor. I espouse the cause workers who were e The bulk of these w brought as indentu the then Madras P. man and other lik began organising til ers to trade unions. pioneer in the field to Natesa Aiyer. T struggle under Ma had a demonstrab Thondaman forsoo and began weari handloom cloth.
The Indian com guided by anothers freedom movement acted on his advice formally as the C. ress on July 25th 1 for the nomenclatu

TAMITMES 3
ion proletariat. He :
full state honours square on Nov 4th. stance of a Tamil ionour in fifty-one ice. This is both a edgement of the unity's empowersalutary tribute to ve role in it. e political veteran ith birthday exactly August 30th. ThonIppiah Thondaman he royal family of th India. This braowever underwent es and was on the o Karuppiah migrwas called by the ni” or Supervisor ers. Through hard usiness acumen he rosperous tea planestate in Ramboda :a. Young Thondaunappudoor formund presently of in Tamil Nadu. He a at the age of ll. ry schooling at St. . He then took to inagement was then e teens and early un led the life of a son and heir of a
On OWnc. ver an idealiststrehondaman who was a luxurious life as nstead he chose to of the plantation xploited ruthlessly. orkers were Tamils red labourers from esidency. Thondae-minded idealists le plantation workBut he was not the That honour went he Indian Freedom hatma Gandhi also le impact on him. c imported clothing ng “khaddar” or
munity in Sri Lanka alwart of the Indian , Jawaharlal Nehru, and declared itself ylon Indian Cong39. The inspiration 'e was of course the
Indian National Congress. Thondaman
himself was not a founder member of the CIC which was the precursor to the present day Ceylon Workers Congress. The CIC initially comprised a membership of trade and commercial interests. A plantation trade union division of the CIC was also formed that year. The war years saw trade unionism taking firm root in the estates.
The CIC achieved rapid growth. Thondaman possessing a car was of immense value in recruiting members. Much of it was done clandestinely as planters were opposed to their employers joining trade unions. A car served to both impress workers as well as beat a hasty retreat when required. Thondaman also spent his own money to finance localised strikes at times. The CIC developed into a formidable organisation by the time of Independence with Thondaman as a frontline leader along with others like Azeez, Motha, Velupillai, Subbiah, Rajalingam, Vellaiyan etc.
The 1947 elections saw eight persons representing Plantation Tamil interests being returned to the first Parliament. Of these six were from the CIC. Thondaman himself won the Nuwara Eliya seat with a majority of 6l35. In addition Tamil workers helped influence results in a further 12 electorates in favour of the left political parties which were also in the forefront of fighting for workers rights. The Parliament at that time had only 95 elected members and 6 appointed members. Interestingly the octogenarian Thondaman was the only member from that first Parliament to be a member of the current Parliament.
The UNP government under D.S. Senanayake felt threatened on class and ethnic lines by this "alien presence" in their midst. Legislation was introduced to deprive the Indian Tamil community of citizenship and franchise in 1948 and 49. Thondaman and other Indian Tamil leaders inspired greatly by the Gandhian ethos chose to combat these blatantly discriminatory measures by resorting to non-violent methods. There was also some confusion in their response. Initially they asked the workers to refrain from applying afresh for citizenship. Later they dropped this boycott campaign and wanted the people to apply formally. A satyagraha campaign was also launched but called off after eight months. The stringent requirements imposed for citizenship

Page 14
14. TAMILTIMES
eligibility and the strict enforcement of rules when processing applications saw only about 5% of the Indian Tamils getting citizenship.
The CIC itself transformed itself into the Ceylon Workers Congress in 1950. With the deprivation of voting rights for almost the entirety of the Indian Tamils, the CWC became more of a trade union with a political wing than apolitical party with a trade union. No member of the CWC was elected to Parliament in the fifties. In 1960 July Thondaman became an appointed MP under Sirima Bandaranaike’s government. He represented the hill country Tamil category known as "stateless' being neither Ceylonese nor Indian citizens. This was estimated to be around a million at that time. The worst however was yet to come.
In October 1964 former Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike signed an accord that arbitrarily determined the future of these so called stateless persons. The Indo-Ceylon agreement or SirimaShastripact as it was called popularly, divided the stateless on a ratio of seven to four between India and Sri Lanka respectively. Out of the estimated
975,000 stateless pe to be repatriated to I were to be grar citizenship. The fate was kept in abeyanc 1974 MrS Bandar Gandhi signed anot the residue equall between both count quota was 600,0 375,000 to Sri Lanll
The tragic di exercise was that t or the CWC repres persons was not Thondaman did not government respol situation. Angered lopments Thondam voting either for Bandaranaike’s gov dissident governme de Silva joined the National Party MPs government in a c December 1964. T government's dowr -74). The incident : political animal tha Instead of strikin government openly
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rsons 525,000 were ndia while 300,000 ted Sri Lankan ofanother 150,000 :e. Subsequently in anaike and Indira her accord dividing y as 75,000 each ries. Thus the final 00 to India and
ca. mension to this he affected people enting the stateless consulted . Still oppose overtly the nsible for this sad over these devean abstained from or against Mrs. ernment whensome :nt MPs led by CP opposition United to vote against the onfindence vote in This brought about fall by one vote(73 also spotlighted the it was Thondaman. g out against the in opposition to the
1999 NOVEMBER 15 ط
Sirima-Shastripact and be politically
isolated he chose to bide his time and team up with other Sinhala MPs on the question of press freedom at the opportune moment and helped deliver the coup de grace.
1965 saw Thondaman becoming an appointed MP along with Annamalai in the UNP government of Dudley Senanayake. He used the opportunity to delay repatriation of the "stateless persons'while encouraging the process of their re-enfranchisement. The IndoCeylon Agreement (Implementation) Act was passed during Senanayake's regime. This linked the granting of citizenship on a corresponding ratio to that of India's acceptance of repatriates. Behind the scenes, Thondaman used his influence with Delhi to slow down the acceptance of repatriates. He is reported to have boasted to a political scientist once that he had single handedly nullified an agreement entered into by two sovereign governments.
The return of Mrs. Bandaranaike in 1970 saw a reversal of this state of affairs again. Families were uprooted and in many instances divided through compulsory repatriation. Also the nationalisation of plantations saw many
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Page 15
15 NOVEMBER 1999
Indian Tamils being evicted from the estates and landless Sinhala people being settled. Large numbers relocated themselves to the Sri Lanka Tamil districts of the North and East to find work or sustain themselves. In spite of dire economic circumstances there was a silver lining, a silent revolution was in progress within the community.
More and more Indian Tamils were regaining citizenship and consequent voting rights. As more and more children grew up and reached the voting age of 18 the voter strength of the community increased. This electoral empowerment was realised first in the 1977 elections when after 30 years Thondaman was re-elected to Parliament as the third member to the now multi-member constituency of Nuwaraeliya-Maskeliya with a majority of 32,717. The Indian Tamils had come out of the political wilderness after 25 years by gaining elected representation in Sri Lanka's parliament. In 1989 the CWC had three and in 1994 nine MPs. Thondaman himself was appointed as national list MP in 89 and 94. He participated as a member of the Parliamentary Select committee that drafted the new Constitution of the UNP government of JR Jayawardene in 1978. He used his influence as much as possible to gain concessions. The TULF representing the Sri Lanka Tamils refused to participate in the constitution-making process.
The new constitution of 1978 removed the distinctions between citizens by descent and citizens by registration. This removed the stigma of second class citizenship. The 40 year old ban on plantation Tamils voting in local government elections was also removed. Also the Tamil language was declared a national language. These measures many of the grievances and problems faced by Indian Tamils.
In the August 1977 elections, the TULF representing the Sri Lanka Tamils became the second largest party in parliament, and its then leader Amirthalingam had tried to persuade Thondaman to accept the post of Opposition Leader in parliament on grounds of his seniority. But Thonda declined. In 1978 after the new Constitution came into force he joined the JR Jayewardene government and was appointed to the cabinet as Rural Industrial Development Minister, the first Indian Tamil to get a cabinet portfolio after Independence.
This columnist gained an insight
into the pragmatic daman on the eve c ted to the cabinet. from the "Virakesa office discussing hi Some of the depar corporations bein were virtual white ( this out and asked allowing JR to sad "burdens”. He repl eyes. First of all he Indian Tamil being was in itself a matt controversy among within and withou Aiming for a presti would foment opp minister from who taken away as well would object and c boards and departm at a loss. They were from the Agricultu ministries respective ministry. The minis L Senanayake and C relieved that they w from them. So none I can make them via I will get the credit to revive them no ol Thonda enlightened political approach.
As minister of Development Thon foster dairy project tries among Indian great extent through Milk Board, Nat Development board Dept etc. Cottage in in the line rooms in every plantation far and poultry. Thon Mattu Manthiri" (B his critics. But the lot bettered. Thond. jobs for his people irritating the Sinh neighbourhood. In openly about ethnic fifty-fifty formula jobs for estate and v an euphemism for for Indian Tamil. deprived plantation given enhanced W through a system of without unnecessal Thondaman’s gl perhaps the remova nku” state of statele

sagacity of Thonhis being appoinAnother colleague i' and I were in his new appointment. ments, boards and
assigned to him lephants. I pointed him why he was lle him with these ed with twinkling pointed out that an
given a portfolio er of objectionable hauvinist elements the government. gious ministership osition. Also the n that portfolio is as those seeking it bstruct. But these ents were running being taken away re and Industries ly to create the new ters concerned (E lyril Mathew) were ere being removed was protesting. "If able and profitable but even if I failed he will blame me',
me then about his
Rural Industrial laman was able to and small IndusTamils to a very institutions like the ional Livestock , Small Industries illustries flourished he estates. Almost hily owned a cow la was dubbed as »vine minister) by people found their man also enabled cleverly without la people in the stead of talking ratios he devised a if equal shares in llage. Village was inhala and estate The historically Camils were being eightage in jobs affirmative action
friction. :atest triumph was of the “Thrishasness for all time.
TAM TIMES 15
When the application registers for Indian citizenship closed, it was found that there was a 93,000 shortfall in the numbers of applicants required for Indian and a corresponding excess for Sri Lankan citizenship. Thondaman successfully persuaded the Jayawardene government to grant citizenship unilaterally to this category of 93000 and their natural increase in January 1987 thereby bringing an end to the problem of statelessness for all time. Again bureaucratic antipathy and apathy resulted in this not being implemented fully. Subsequent attempts by Thonda in late 1988 saw the process being accelerated. As Thondaman told the press then "The citizenship problem was being resolved by the very same UNP that created it.' Concessions were also gained in the case of those who had obtained Indian citizenship but were staying on in the Island.
Thondaman was successful in these attempts to gain rights for his people because of many factors. Firstly the increase in votes within the community and the CWC's ability to deliver them en bloc provided Thondaman great bargaining clout. By aligning with the UNP he was able to maximise gains. Secondly the escalation of the ethnic conflict leading to armed political violence in the North-East saw the Colombo government moving closer to and awarding priority to the needs of the Indian Tamils. It wanted to prevent violence spreading into the plantations and avoid a second front to confront. Thirdly India was taking greater interest in Sri Lankan affairs thereby impelling governments to remove possible irritants pertaining to the plantation Tamil community that claimed an umbilical relationship with “mother India". Fourthly the CWC through well executed labour strikes illustrated its capability of paralysing tea and rubber production. This provided economic clout that enhanced bargaining their power. Fifthly Thondaman enjoyed close personal relations with UNP leaders of yore like Jayawardene, Premadasa, Dissanaike, Athulathmudali and Anandatissa de Alwis and used it to the advantage of his people.
The CWC contested several elections in associations with the United National Party. It was a mutually beneficial arrangement helping both parties to increase representation at multiple levels like the local

Page 16
16 TAMILTIMES
authorities, DDCs, Provincial Councils
etc. in addition of course in Parliament. For the Indian Tamils it was a slow return to political representation and power after being in the cold for more than 25 years. The Indian vote also helped Jayewardene and Premadasa win the Presidential elections in 1982 and 1988.
All presidents except D B Wijeytunge who assumed office after Premadasa was assassinated treated Thondaman with respect. When this happened, the master strategist Thondaman planned to deliver a signal to DBW by trying to forge an alliance with the DUNF and SLFP to oust the UNP in the Central Provincial Council and make Gamini Dissanayake the chief minister. This was foiled by a group of dissident CWC members backed by his General Secretary MS Sellasamy who sided with the UNP. Thonda was enraged by the challenge
to his hither to unquestioned leadership.
But when GaminiDissanayake rejoined the UNP Thondaman utilised the opportunity to strike rapprochement with Wijeytunge and got the UNP to
discard Sellasamy. Incidentally it must
be noted that all those erstwhile CWC
stalwarts who rebel and left the organ Vellaiyan, CV Vel samy. P. Chandrase Kathiresan, etc. fa diminsh Thonda's stantial extent.
In 1994 the CW with the UNP undel of elephant. Sev. elected and two inc became eligible t national list MP's, Alliance under Cl tunge became Prin wafer thin majority changed sides and in her cabinet. His c sat in the oppositio government during has been no parallel political conduct in Thondaman he landslide majority the Presidential ele 1994 by once again of the plantation T of certain problems daman remained su ratunge to the very ed for a snap electi
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VC contested along the latter's symbol en members were luding Thondaman o be appointed as
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甚 15 NOVEMBER 1999
December this year, the CWC decided to back her again mainly because Thondaman decided so in spite of some CWCMP's holding a different opinion. Whether this situation will continue to prevail in the aftermath of Thonda passing away is a perplexing question. As the uncrowned king of the Indian Tamil community Thondaman enjoyed the reputation of king maker in Sri Lanka. His popularity however decreased during the held local authority polls held last year. His king maker image was under threat. But during the Provincial Council elections of April 6th this year Thondaman lived up to this sobriquet again. He floated a new configuration called the "India Vamsavali Makkal Perani" (Peoples front of Indian descent) that revolved mainly around the CWC. It won six in the Central and one each in the Uva and Sabragamuwa provinces. Again it was Thondaman who provided a narrow but nevertheless effective majority to the ruling Peoples Alliance to form viable administrations in these councils,
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Page 17
15 NOVEMBER 1999
communities. In 1961 he brought out the plantation workers in strike as a demonstration of sympathy over the massive Satyagraha campaign undertaken by the Sri Lankan Tamils in the North and East. But despite Sri Lankan Tamil expectations that he would prolong the strike he called it off early after making his point. He co-operated with Sri Lankan Tamil political parties in forming the Tamil United Front in 1971. But when it metamorphosed into the Tamil United Liberation Front and opted for a separate state in 1976 he cried off despite being elected as one of the triumvirate of its leaders. Tamil Eelam will not help resolve the problems of plantation Tamils was his practical credo. He campaigned for the TULF in 1977 and enlisted TULF support for the CWC in elections but contested separately under the cockerel symbol instead of rising sun of the TULF. In the all party Conference of 1984 it was the CWC that placed the TULF proposals as its own.
He was also critical of the confrontational tactics of Sri Lankan Tamils both of a violent and non-violent mode. He used to tell me several times that the trouble with TULF leaders was that they never knew how to negotiate. "The art is to put five demands, win one completely, gain partial compromises on two and put on hold the remaining two for another day. You can't get everything in one shot. Since we are trade unionists we know that art well. But TULF leaders are all lawyers who only know to argue their brief eloquently but not how to extract concessions'.
Thondaman was not overtly critical of the LTTE or the armed Tamil struggle. His pragmatic proposal that power should be handed over to Prabakharan for a stipulated period of time without being obligated to face elections was thoroughly misunderstood in the South. It was based on the model of India's agreement with Lal Denga in Mizoram where the administration was handed over to the Mizo leader without elections for a while as a preclude to a settlement. He was accused unfairly of collaborating with the LTTE increating a "Malaya Naadu” in the central highlands. But in practice hondaman strove hard to prevent
violence entering t knew that if the started emulating til counterparts only tı He approved of v means of self-defen instrumental in pr overwhelming thi importance will b absence.
He also had an scribing when to c go in for a negotia comparison was to or Thosai a stap item.'the cook has alternately on the c both sides will get a At the right momer off. If this "Pakkuv adhered to the Dosa or not cooked wel this "pakkuvam" required when con negotiations. If the not seized everythi.
His politics w manship at times. a subtle depth to it was the plantation in 1984 for wage in a minister in stro wardene's governn fiasco of the gov strike which led to t of thousands of em workers was exp Besides Thonda wa being a minister of was opposing. "It Thondaman said campaign where ev attend a place of w praying for a wage day instead of wo personal pressure Jayewardene, the w himself admitted to got a "no visitors' The UNP was unab with Thonda and ( government cave demands. But there boast by Thondar move mountains. been answered,' h toneS.
He was a man w

TAM TIMES 17
he plantations. He up country youth heir North - eastern agedy could occur. iolence only as a ce. Thondaman was eventing violence plantations. His e felt only in his
earthy way of deall off a strike and ed agreement. The he cooking of Dosa le Tamilian food o flip flop the flour ooking tray so that ppropriately heated. ut it has to be taken am' (finesse) is not will be either burnt on one side. It is of timing that is ducting strikes and correct moment is ng would be lost.” as that of brinkThere was however . A major example strike he launched creases while being pngman JR Jayeent. After the 1980 ernment servants' he dismissal oftens plyees, no strike of ected to succeed. s on fragile ground the government he was not a strike,' but "a prayer sery worker would orship and be there increase the whole king." To prevent being exerted by ily Thondaman got hospital and also rule implemented. le to communicate xert pressure. The od into workers' was no triumphant han. "Prayers can Our prayers have e said in deadpan
ho could reconcile
seemingly irreconcilable contradictions. Anestate owner leading plantation workers; a government minister leading a strike against his own government; contesting with the UNP on a common list in the Southern DDCs and supporting the TULF in DDC polls in the North East against the UNP; an MP elected on the UNP ticket sitting with the PA as a government minister etc. were some instances of his talent for extraordinary behaviour. When asked about these different aspects of his personality Thondaman would say with a twinkle, "I am like the ideal woman. She can be a daughter to her parents, sister to her siblings, wife to her husband, and mother to her children and still remain the same woman'.
Exercising a king maker role and adopting a pragmatic approach to the dynamics of political power fuelled resentment against Thondaman in certain chauvinist quarters. The fact that an "Indian Tamil” was helping make and unmake Presidents and administrations increased these feelings. Also his role in resolving the problems of the Indian Tamil community was not fully appreciated by some sections of the community. Whatever the misgivings and misunderstandings there is no doubt that Thondaman was a leader who helped his people with single minded devotion for more than sixty years to realise their aspirations despite overwhelming odds. The passing away of the plantation Tamil patriarch would be irreplaceable in the current context. Whether there is a worthy successor to Thondaman's mantle is the unanswered question.
His grandson Arumugam Thondaman in his early thirties is both a Member of Parliament and also General Secretary of the CWC. He is tipped to be Thondaman's political heir and successor. There is speculation that the CWC may split because of the succession problem. There was a time when the CWC had a 600,000 membership. Now it has dropped to around 350,000. Still it remains a force to be reckoned with. The reason for this was the astute and bold leadership that Thondaman provided. If the CWC fragments after his demise it can only lead to the detriment of the Plantation Tamils. O

Page 18
18 AMILTIMES
t the end of the 20th century, amongst many rapidly changing things, the call for freedom and democracy has intensified in an unprecedented manner. Everywhere across the globe, from the Vanni refugee camp and the boarder village of Somalia to the tribal hill of Santafe, there is common ethos echoing the demand for self-governance and practice of democracy, in socio-political and cultural affairs of these respective communities. This cross-continent, cross-cultural phenomena belies the sceptics who have raised doubts, on the viability of liberal democracy to be a success in non-western cultures arguing it is essentially a western cultural artefact. When studying these "eastern' political gurus, one basic fact surfaces without much academic exploration. Their disappointments and dissatisfactions are based on the experience in and around their own situations. For example the situation in Sri Lanka.
There are enough reasons to argue and build counter thesis on democracy in this land during the last 51 years of post independence politics. Our history of the last half-century has a plethora of evidence on the break down and destruction of some of the fragile fabrics of democracy and civil society, Thousands killed. Billions of rupees spent on elections and administration procedures, Loss of opportunity for development and economic justice for the lower strata of society. And more significantly the nation psychologically and emotionally divided into parties, colours and slogans. Yet the paramount truth about this scenario is not that democracy has failed us. But that we have failed democracy, in the way we understood, interpreted and implemented it.
Shared Responsibility
Contrary to some popular beliefs, democracy is not an arena where every individual has the right to peruse his or her personal goal and pleasure. In democracy there is individual freedom. That is bedrock. Yet that freedom is in
and Electio
Surendramath Raghavan
the total context ( ponsibility ofjoining to shape the funda freedom and self-gov and tomorrow,
So what failed ir democracy, but the it, Many regimes, ev orships have attempte support by "pinning" on their collar. But, d has travelled through in the hearts and i millions from and Thomas Jefferson to the "will be rules' ol not surrender itselfli hands of a selfish di
It is in this ul democracy, that one attempts of our pol pulate the will and s consciousness. They oming the result of for proper governan the manipulative art
aSSCS.
Few days ago the pictures and writing ride taken by the Opposition Ranil What happened t listening project on experience limite commuters who sh with him.
It has taken 5 lo 3 hour train trip fo asking the mandatet I am not sure when Opposition took his for fun) in his long days of Royal Colleg to the Temple Tr "Cambridge Place". to the millions who delays, discomfort, d the all powerful st known for.
The present le which over-night brc + Pajero culture to th the millions suffer d transportation yet
 
 
 

of a shared res, the entire society mental values of ernance, for today
Sri Lanka is not way we practised en military dictat'd to claim popular democracy labels emocracy - which the human history ntellect of many ient Athens to the Berlin Wall to f East Timor, will ke a soft toy in the ctator.
nderstanding of needs to check the iticians to manipirit of the public y, instead of becthe public search ce, are masters of of misleading the
media was full of s of the great train Leader of the Wicramasinghe. here during his that journey is an i to the blessed ared the journey
ng years, to take a r a leader who is ) lead this country. the Leader of the last train trip (even journey from the e to the parliament ees and now to twill be of interest suffer daily by the irty conditions and rikes the CGR is
der of the party ught upon a BMW epoliticians while ue to lack of basic gain has demon
15 NOVEMBER 1999
strated an ugly and smelling side of our
political culture. Because it is this culture which justified the spending of millions of public funds to provide transport and all other facilities and made the otherwise next to nothing politician, semi-god, Whydoalpoliticians irrespective of colour and education have come to believe that the voters of this blessed island are a mere bunch of guinea pigs to be cheated, manipulated and finally sacrificed on the alter of political power. If they come to terms with the genuine belief, that a nation - bleeding from a senseless war, which is a direct result of the misdeeds of their forerunners, need to take a sincere effort to restore and regain the meaning of nationhood, they will dare not act out these Hollywood comedies.
The Record of the Opposition
I honestly have no favours for the ruling or a special hatred for the Opposition. But the explosive capacity of racism and insincerity of the policies and practices displayed by the Opposition especially during the last 5 years haunt me.
From any angle there has been no stronger Opposition in independent Sri Lanka. The shear numbers in the parliament. The near ownership to major media channels, a sympathetic and collaborative business community (for various reasons of course!) and the experience of governance of 17 years, with this and many other talents, the average expectation is for an Opposition of political maturity and honesty.
Now that is the expectation. Yet the reality is far from that,
The record of the Opposition during the last 5 years is that of political shame and dishonesty. To an ordinary mind the list of their achievements are a few. The “Matara Oration” by one of their leading activists, which has set a record as one of the most indecent public speeches in recent times, and the pictures of the fat belly boys walking in their "amudes' in and around Town Hall, in the vicinity of major Diplomatic Missions, are two vivid memories.
The UNP which is considered to have the traditional sympathy and support of the Thamil community, especially of those living outside North and East has betrayed them in a merciless manner and in grand scale. Besides being the party, which

Page 19
15 NOVEMBER 1999
delivered the culture of political violence and significantly contributed to the birth of terror in Thamil politics, the Opposition also fails in many other Counts:
1. The Opposition's dealing with the single major challenge of this country - to find an amicable solution to the political struggle of the Thamils has been only from a selfish angle of power gaining. During the last five years, the UNP has uttered various forms of solutions to various groups at various places. The variety is so much, one cannot keep track. Despite the Fox agreement, Select Committee and the Lalith Kothalawala initiative in all these occasion, the party as a whole did not have a clear stand or political courage the Thamils of this country are crying for. It is clear that the Opposition does not have the political will or sincerity to look at this historical issue without their coloured glass of power opportunity.
2. Thus the Thamil community is still waiting to know the actual stand of the Opposition on the issue of the political liberty of the Thamils. Because one key concern of the LTTE in terms of any future negotiations, has been that the Government and Opposition which constitutes 85% of the political will of the Sinhala Buddhists should develop one mind towards the solution, And if the UNP is sincere and seeks to win the confidence of the Thamils the best way to articulate their position should be with an unconditional apology for the failed responsibility in the case of burning the treasures in the Jaffna library and watching silently while the land was made wet with the blood of many thousand Thamils in 1983.
3. The Opposition has been good at creating a strong cry against the alleged corruption in major economic transactions like the Air Lanka, P&O, & Channel 9. But the genuineness of these claims and the supportive evidence have always failed to be
authentic and did not live beyond the
political gimmicks this country is known for,
4. And one could clearly see the opportunistic manner, the Opposition is acting whether it is the rights of the doctors (actually it should be the rights of the patients who pays for the education of these special category of people) reforms in education, Equal Opportunity Bill or on the statement of Kadirgamar on the issues of foreign
mediation. Thamil their influence a matters. But surely to observe the att Opposition.
5. Not enough of the Oppositi interviews (in Sinh to the effect that depend on the vote more and the reque community to give It may be for this silence of the O tallied with the hatr and NMAT. But planning to intimi voting for the PA in political thuggery. These and ma ments are impo whispers a Preside near future.
Season of Electio
If its going especiallya Presid Ranill Wickramasi Chandrika Bandar from PA, to conte have yet again an ( their responsibili political imprisonr in.
It is no secret power with the especially to the T years they have fa hoped peace to th nation at large. T an intensified ma have not gone ho suffering in the Colombo living grace of many diff administrative threatened by the SVV and NMAT business entities "apartheid" in er nities. Overall an the PA performan credit or hope f again.
The suffering political maturity test in the above : It is important the past. Especi science of poli Gandhi, yet th political tactics, matchless matul

TAMILTMES 19
may have given up
nd voice in these they are not failing itude taken by the
all these, the Leader on in recent TV ala) said something Le does not want to of the minority any st was to the Sinhala him a clear majority. ame reason that the position has well ed preached by SVV f the Opposition is late the Thamils for 94, then that is pure
iny other developrtant as the wind ntial election in the
n Bargains
o be an election, ential election where nghe from UNP and anaike Kumaratunga st, then the Thamils opportunity to weigh ties in face of the ment they have fallen
that the PA came to promise of peace hamils. Even after 5 illed to deliver the so e Thamils and to the he war continues in inner. The refugees me. There is untold "uncleared' areas. Thamils are at the erent institutions and bodies. They are visible extremism of . Many commercial have adopted a near Imployment opportu
average account of e does not give them r the Thamil votes
Thamils and their are sure to be put into cenario. to learn lessons from ally in the art and ical management. : model for many has displayed the ity and wisdom in
similar situations. Between 1897 and 1899 the Boer war was fought between the British and the Boers, Gandhi was in South Africa and his political struggle with British took public shape then. Yet Gandhi wrote "... my sympathy was with the Boers, but I believed that I had no rights in such cases to enforce my/our individual convictions, I have minutely dealt with the inner struggle ... My loyalty to the British rule drove me to the participation with the British in that war. If I demanded my rights as a British citizen, it was also my duty as such to defend the British Empire. We held that India could achieve her complete emancipation only within and through the empire ..." (autobiography page 203)
This may be a century ago. Yet the end result of the political practice of Gandhi was complete freedom to India and a thirst set on fire for freedom in Asia and Africa.
Changed Times
SLFP, PA's main partner, has left racist scares in the hearts and minds of many or almost all Thamils. "Sinhala Only”, “Sri' letter, 1972 constitution, 1977 riots, all these and many more are reasons to mistrust them.
But the times have changed. The SLFP, which brought acts to dismiss the Thamil Language overnight, is presenting the EOB, the SLFP that refused to support the Dudley - Chelva pact, has presented a proposal with far reaching effects and has stood by it. The SLFP, which focused on the narrow nationalistic ideologies, has embraced the validity of the market economy. A study of the cross section of the present day SLFP should reveal the fact that it is largely controlled and given leadership by a new set of individuals, who have time and again demonstrated their belief in a democratic system with equal rights for all citizens of this nation. This "post independent generation" has been able to develop their political ideologies with a more open and liberal democratic sense. They have clearly moved away from the politics of their fathers/mothers. Their outlook on religion, language and ethnicity has developed from an equality basis breaking the narrow sense of majority hegemony. If there is a possible risk for the SLFP to lose their traditional Sinhala support that is for only one reason - the SLFP taking the political

Page 20
20 TAM TIMES
rights of the Thamils into the core agenda of their political debate. The present day SLFP has used all possible measures to deregulate the masses toward the political rights of the Thamils by deliberate debate and discussion in the national assembly on media and elsewhere. This at times with groups that are not fully convinced of the need to be so.
This is not the end story. SLFP may be yet struggling to reshape their political philosophy for the 21st century. Few founder members may find it little confusing and uncomfortable, yet the potential political honesty of this change is one that Thamils must evaluate, encourage and embrace. That political bridge of understanding with the changing psychology of the centre of Sinhala politics, is perhaps the foundation for the Thamils to build a community of Sinhalese who will recognise the legitimate rights of the Thamils.
Role of Thamils
The crisis of this nation cannot be
named as a “Tham! longer. It has develop the inner chambers politics. Therefore it “Sinhala Problem', th political conscious) solve this war by political rights of the hope for democratic them from the blood politics. Butthat histo come on the basis of confidence that we Th to build.
There are many w even preach to say have no role in the na this country. To them may be the words of R in the debate of the I towards the Muslims are not part of India. And until they take correct political role, in the history of man reached....' Though \ that kind of a nation land, it is the duty o
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Problem” any d and grown into of the Sinhala is more likely a : problem of their less whether to ecognising the Thamils and give forces to deliver y curse of terror ical decision will the support and amils are willing
ho write, lecture hat the Thamils tional politics in he fitting answer ajiv Gandhi who hdian parliament aid, "... Muslims
They are India. up and play the he Indian course kind will not be we are yet to hear al vision in this f the Sri Lankan
Thamils irrespective of the place they live whether it be Jaffna, Batticaloa, Nuwara Eliya, Colombo or Toronto, to accept this fact: Rights are only the fruits of a well executed responsibility.
In a famous speech at the Delhi's Jumma Masjid, a few months after the tormenting partition, Maulana Azad, a great leader of India said to the Muslims who remained on the Indian side: "... Come, let us take the pledge that nowhere else but this, is our country. We belong to her totally. And the fundamental changes of the destiny of this great nation will remain incomplete till we join hands with our brothers to reshape it'.
Martin Luther King has no parallel in his politics of hope. Future will reward him for he uttered ".... I have a dream - A dream where sons of the black slaves will join hands with the daughters of the white masters and play in the foothill of Washington'.
We Sri Lankan Thamils, should we or not take this opportunity in the history to design our own future? O
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Page 21
15 NOVEMBER 1999
Split in the
he decision of several parliamtarians, provincial Councillors and academics belonging to the UNP to support Chandrika Kumaratunga in the forthcoming presidential election is considered by many political analysts as a serious blow to the UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe’s chances in the forthcoming presidential election.
There have been rumours of a split for a number of weeks, but when it occurred it was larger than one suspected. It has been reported that several other UNP members at provincial and district level also have split from the UNP and joined the and pledged their su SLFP. For instance 73 UNPers from rika's re-election a Kegalle joined and participated at the group was led by t SLFP annual meeting held recently. District MP, Dr Sar Twenty-five leading UNPers inc- and included forme luding five Members of Parliament yapala Mendis, Nan met the President ather official resid- mbo District MPSu ence, Temple Trees, on 5 November and Professor Stanl
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k TAMILTMES 21
Although the defectors have not resigned from the UNP, by extending support to Chnadrika in opposition to their own party leader, they have placed themselves outside the party. In fact many of them have already been expelled without even calling for an explanation from them or holding an inquiry.
Dr Sarath Amunugama is considered a price catch for the Peoples Alliance as he is well recognised intellectual. He along with the late A C S Hameed, the former UNP Foreign Minister, has been on that wing of the UNP which wanted the party to support the government's devolution proposals. At a press conference, Amunugama accused the UNP leadership for not acting in a responsible manner with regard to the devolution proposals, adding that they never appointed representatives to the Parliamentary Select Com-mittee according to the ethnic diversity in the country. He said that as the 20th century came to a close, the divisive heritage that has characterised politics in the country should be forgotten and unity must be forged devoid of race, party
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Page 22
22 TAMILTIMES
and caste differences for the common good of the country. He promised that the organisational and intellectual strength and the dedication possessed by the UNP's dissident group would be made available to President Kumaratunga as they acknowledged that she was the only national leader who was capable of solving the problems of the country.
Already Sarath Amungama and Nanda Mathew have been appointed Ministers of “Special Assignments', but Wijayapala Mendis has declined to accept a ministerial appointment preferring to remain as chairman of the UNP dissident group.
There is no doubt that the split in the midst of the election campaign has weakened the UNP to some extent, and has adversely affect Ranil's electoral chances while strengthening Chandrika's. But the readiness with which some among the UNP defectors with a questionable an unsav
Sarath Ar
oury past record ha by the PA leadershi unease among it them feel that the prising the UNP's differentaxes to gi in one thing only, opposed to the cul
Mystery Surrou EPDP MP's
he killing Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) Member of Parliament for the Jaffna district and editor of the Tamil Weekly “Thinamurasu' financed by the party, A Nadarajah, remains a mystery.
The 36-year-old Atputharajah Nadarajah, also known as Ramesh among his friends, was assassinated by unidentified gunmen near Wellawatte railway station in Colombo on 2 November at about 10 am. He was travelling in his car to the "Thinamurasu'office when gunmen opened fire killing Nadarajah instantly. His driver was also killed and two passers-by were injured in the incident. The assailants whose identity remains unknown followed him and shot him at point blank range with automatic weapons.
He became an MP at the last general election held in August 1994, polling 968 votes from Kayts and Vadukkodai in the Jaffna peninsula. Nadarajah began his politics in 1977 with a commitment to the Sri Lankan Tamil movement for self-determination, and had been active in the area
of communication from the very b involvement. After Tamil Students' Jaffna, he joined t of Eelam Students ( oot of EROS, in th he showed his c talents by headin unit.
With the mush erous Tamil secess ups following the Tamil pogrom, Nat as the Political C People's Liberatic lived guerilla grou as the secretary oft Liberation Front briefly functioned, an alliance of maj groups: EROS, T) LTTE.
He subsequent minence with the DP which began fu ce with the Goverr Premadasa. This w the other Tamil mil to suffer threatened
 
 

nunugama
ive been embraced p has caused much s ranks. Some of bersonalities com
rebel group have ind and are united und that is they are rent leadership of
1999 NOVEMBER 15 - ذ_
the UNP headed by Ranil Wickrema-singhe who has sidelined them for various reasons. They are not a coherent group formed with an agreed set political views or approaches to the major problems currently facing the country. For example they point to the fact that while Sarath Amunugama represented the progressive wing of the UNP espousing a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict by greater devolution of powers, Susil Moonesinghe has been having a cosy relationship and collaborated with the most extreme Sinhala chauvinist groupings in the country like the Sinhala Veera Vidhana which advocates a relentless effort at continuing the ongoing war.
Relying on such a group of UNP dissidents to gain power, political analysts say, will only store up trouble for President Kumaratunga in the future in the event she succeeds in the presidential race. O
and propaganda eginning of his an early role in the Organisation in he General Union GUES), an off-she 1980s, in which ommunicational g its propaganda
rooming of numsionist armed gro: July 1983 antilarajah functioned ommissar for the n Army, a shortp. He later served he Eelam National
(ENLF), which as the umbrella for or Tamil militant ELO, EPRLF and
y came into pronewly formed EPnctioning in allianment of President 'as the time when itant groups began annihilation from
the onslaught of the LTTE which was hell-bent on establishing itself as the "sole representative of the Tamils'.
Like many other Tamil nationalist militants, Nadarajah disagreed with the LTTE's move at total domination of the Tamil political scene and so he became active along with other Tamil groups in alliance with the Government after the Tigers withdrew from talks with the Premadasa administration and the war broke out betyween the LTTE and government forces. It was following this Nadarajah worked as a broadcaster successfully conducting the Tamil language broadcast “Makkal Kural” for the SL BC. His radio dramas ridiculed the LTTE leader depicting him as an authoritarian

Page 23
15 NOVEMBER 1999
monarch sitting on his throne with his servile courtiers ever ready to carry out his bidding and always singing his praises for his valour and wisdom. It is this part of his role which would have made him an eternal enemy of the LTTE leader that, some say, would have made him a prime target of the LTTE and cost him his life in spite of his pro-LTTE stance he adopted in his paper during the recent past.
The LTTE and EPDP have been bitter rivals and the former had sought at least twice to kill its leader Douglas Devananda who still suffers from the serious injuries he sustained when attacked by a group of suspected LTTE- detenus in a prison which Devananda visited at the prisoner's own request.
Though Devananda has been continuing to articulate the EPDP's anti-LTTE views openly, Nadarajah as editor of “Thinamurusu', has been using the columns of his paper to openly support the LTTE during the last two to three years to the dislike of the party leadership and in particular Douglas Devananda. Sources close to Devananda felt that he had lost control of the paper and Nadarajah had increasingly begun to challenge his leadership to the extent of even posing security threat to his life.
Some sources claimed without adducing proof that the slain MP and Editor has been involved with the LTTE for some years and that the LTTE had made available exclusive pictures and information directly to him which he used in his paper. But Nadarajah has repeatedly claimed that his paper had to take a pro-LTTE line in order to ensure better circulation. While the police authorities in Colombo blamed the LTTE for Nadarajah's assassination, some others
A C
T he circumstan arrest and d Saundaranaya Tamil person from shrouded in myste have emerged so fau daggerlike operati Lankan and Tami collaborated in his custody in Tami transported to Colc Saundaranayag the Sri Lankan po connection with til TULF Dr Neelan July this year by Within weeks of Ti newspaper in Col Saundaranayagam behind the assassir It is now auth that the Sri Lankan
doubted it becaus
great service to the columns of his pa
It is said that parliament, Nada newspaperman at cian. Since he toc of "Thinamurasu' its circulation, ev the country's mos il-language weekl ah avoided the pl disliked being phc address of his ne' published and fev he looked like.
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TAMES 23
Cloak and Dagger
Operation
ces surrounding the letention of Eric gam, a 27 year-old Sri Lanka remains ry. The facts that suggest a cloak and on in which the Sri l Nadu authorities s being tak EN into Nadu and being ombo. am was wanted by lice as a suspect in he assassination of Tiruchelvam on 29 suicide bomber. ruchelvam’s killing, ombo reported that was one of the men nation plot. oritatively asserted CID came to know
se he was doing a : LTTE through the per.
despite his seat in rajah was more a heart than a politiok over the editing , he had cranked up entually making it t widely read Tamy tabloid. Nadarajublic spotlight and otographed and the wspaper was never w even knew what
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from relatives and friends of Saundaranayagam that he had gone to Thiruvanmiyur in South India. The Q Branch of the Indian Intelligence was immediately alerted by the Sri Lankan CID about his presence in India. The Q branch was established in Tamil Nadu specially to keep surveillance on any alleged LLTE members or supporters who operate in Tamil Nadu. It is said that a police party led by an officer of the Q branch arrested Saudaranayagam and handed him over to the Sri Lankan CID at Trichy Airport, who transported him by air to Colombo under the guard of three armed personnel. He has since been in unacknowledged detention.
In a letter addressed to President Chandrka Kumaratunga, Mr G G Ponnambalam Jr, the General Secretary of the Tamil Congress, made inquiries as to Saundaranayagam's whereabouts giving the details of his reported arrest and extradition from India to Sri Lanka. Stating that Saundaranayagam is a Tamil aged 27 years from Chunnakam, his mother is in Vavuniya, and his maternal uncle is in Denmark, Mr Ponnambalam said in his letter to the President, “My instructions are that about the first week of July 1999, the above-named had obtained a visa from the Indian High Commission in Colombo to attend his sister's wedding in India and had left immediately,
On 8th October 1999 the abovenamed had gone to meet Rev. Father Samuel Gerad, who had solemnised his sister's marriage, to his Church at Thiruvanmayur in Chennai as the above-named was helping the Rev. Father in some Church work. He was taken into custody at that place by the Indian authorities. Inquiries by the relative of the above-named in India have revealed that he was handed to the Sri Lankan N.I.B., on 16th October 1999 after the N.I.B., was contacted by the Indian authorities.
In the meantime, passengers who had travelled to Colombo on Air Lanka flight No. 132 from Trichy on 16.10. 1999 had seen a young Tamil,

Page 24
24 TAMILTIMES
lean, of moderate complexion, about 5' 4" in height, aged about 25, seated in the departure lounge in the company of three armed Indian Police Officers.
Inside the plane, this young Tamil was seated at the back of the plane in the company of security personnel who are on every Air Lanka flight to check baggage. I am told that ordinarily there are only two such personnel. But on this particular flight there were four such officers.
On arrival at Colombo, some passengers had seen an ambulance parked on the tarmac close to this particular plane. This was seen as unusual. Since the young man was seen in the company of armed Indian police personnel at Trichy, the passengers were curious about this young man. It was reported to me that this young man was not brought to the Immigration counters at the Colombo Airport.”
Ponnambalam also has asked the President whether proper legal procedures were followed if Saundaranayagam was in fact extradited from India to Sri Lanka.
Revealing so mystery Surroun Saundaranyagam, October in "The T cutta said that the had arrested and c secrecy to Sri Lan masterminding the Sri Lankan Tamil !
The hand-over wraps because the treaty between Indi DMK regime is wa state where several triates have taken
Eric Saundaran in Tamil Nadu a \ three months after lvam, a moderate leader, was killed b Colombo. Thoug responsibility, the imprint of the Li Tamil Eelam (LT police tracked it do one trailled to Sau had fled to a sanct He was allegedly i
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me details of the ding the arrest of report datelined 22 elegraph” from CalTamil Nadu police leported a youth in ka on the charge of : assassination of a eader in Colombo. had been kept under re is no extradition a and Lanka and the ry ofa furore in the Lankan Tamil expaefuge. ayagam was arrested week earlier, nearly Neelan Thiru-cheSri Lankan Tamil by a human bomb in h no one claimed incident bore the beration Tigers of TE). The Lankan wn to the Tigers and indaranayagam who uary in Tamil Nadu. nvolved in planning
5 NOVEMBER 1999
邀
the assassination.
A week ago, the Tamil Nadu police Zeroed in on Saundaranayagam and alerted their Lankan counterparts. In a cloak-and-dagger operation, he was taken back to Colombo by the Lankan police. The DMK regime in Tamil Nadu is keen to keep the incident under wraps as it does not want to be seen delivering a Tamil rebel into the hands of the Sinhalese government.
Back in the Seventies, two Tamil militant leaders wanted by the then Sirimavo Bandaranaike regime were apprehended here and deported. Subsequently, the two were sentenced to death. Then, too, M. Karunanidhi was the chief minister and the AIDMK used to taunt him for "betraying" the Tamil cause, the newspaper report said,
The Sri Lankan or Indian or Tamil Nadu authorities have up to now remained tight-lipped as to how and when Saundaranayagam was arrested, and whether in fact he was taken to Colombo with the co-operation of the Tamil Nadu police.
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Page 25
15 NOVEMBER 999
The East Timor C
- the Lessons
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
(Continued from last issue)
CNRM. Peace Plan
CNRM was fully conscious of the reality that East Timorese could never achieve their political goal militarily; nor through continued confrontation that only prolonged the oppression and the attendant suffering of their people, especially when virtually all governments had turned a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the brutal Indonesian military (TNI). In 1992 it issued a major peace initiative - the CNRM Peace Plan - which was introduced by the CNRM's Special Representative, Jose Ramos Horta in the European Parliament and to the US Council on Foreign Relations in New York. The Portuguese government endorsed it and presented it to the UN Secretary General. The Plan received wide support internationally and offered a realistic way for Jakarta to extricate itself from the conflict in East Timor. But it was rejected totally by Indonesia.
The CNRM sponsored East Timor Peace Plan had three phases. Phase 1 (1-2 years) would involve Portugal, Indonesia and East Timor working together with the UN to implement a wide range of "confidence building measures', which included an immediate end to all armed activities in East Timor, a reduction of Indonesian troop levels to 1,000, release of all political prisoners, appointment of a UN Residentrepresenting the UNSecretary General, the stationing in East Timor of UN agencies - UNICEF, UNDP, WHO, FAO.
Phase 2 (5-10 years) would involve the same powers co-operating to develop internal self-government, through a locally elected provincial assembly with a 5 year term. This included legalising all political parties regardless of their philosophies and objectives, managing elections with UN technical support. The Assembly would then elect a Governor (5 years) and then the remaining Indonesian troops would leave East Timor. The territory will have no army but a UN
trained police for responsible to th Territory may enter with foreign count will retain sovereig foreign policy.
Phase 3 would i of a UN supervised one year of the begi in order to choose options provided b Assembly Resolut December 15, 196 Independence; (b) F the colonial powe Integration into Ind
Political Changes Pro-Democrac nesia have been determination for Ea Suharto as noted ea ted all Indonesian in them loyal to him neously prevented ders from develop which might chall Notwithstanding th authoritarianism ha made by individual to be ruthlessly thw leaving a mark government.
The new oppos in the early 1990s w better organised challengers. It had t First it was underg permanent and cc destroyed. Second cosmetic changes personnel but radi genuine democracy not upon the new m had prospered unde the impoverished st farmers. It recognis aims between thei the East Timorese. Indonesian syste government, milita institutionalised co little prospect for t
 

ce which will be e Governor. The into trade relations ries but Indonesia inty and control of
nvolve the holding referendum within nning of this phase, one of the three y the UN General ion 1514 (XV) of 0. These were: (a) ree association with r, Portugal; or (c) lonesia.
in Jakarta y groups in IndoSupporting selfast Timor. President rlier had emasculaIstitutions and made self, and simultaany would-be leaing a power base enge his authority. is, challenges to his d periodically been ls and groups, only farted without their on the facade of
ition that emerged 'as more radical and than the former hree characteristics. ground, united and uld not be easily it was seeking, not to government or cal shifts towards . Third, it was based
iddle classes which
ir Suharto, but upon udents, workers and ed the similarity of cause and that of For both it was the 'm of dictatorial ry persecution and orruption that held heir future and had
TAM TIMES 25
blighted the lives of the East Timorese
and Indonesian masses alike.
Although Indonesia's economic growth rates were relatively high during Suharto's rule, poverty and unemployment were widespread especially in the disadvantaged areas of eastern Indonesia. The benefits of the natural wealth of the country did not reach the vast majority of the people. Indonesia provides another example of the kind of development that has taken place in many developing countries, which failed to address vigorously the problems of poverty and inequity.
The East Timorese students and youths studying and working in Indonesia, and East Timorese groups in Australia and Europe found a new ally in the Indonesian pro-democracy groups. The struggle for democratisation in Indonesia and the quest for self-determination in East Timor had a common enemy. The two communities forged an alliance. Religious, ethnic or regional divisions did not hinder their determination to jointly resist oppression.
The 1997 financial crisis that hit East Asian economies had a telling effect on the life of the Indonesian people. It was the popular student protests throughout the early part of 1998 in Indonesia and the bloody rioting in the capital in which 1,200 people were killed that forced President Suharto to resign in May. His deputy B.J. Habibie succeeded Suharto as Indonesia's caretaker President. Opposition leader Ms. Megawati Sukarnoputri, who also opposed full independence for East Timor was expected to win the Presidential election by the MPR which had been advanced to 20 October 1999. But she was defeated by Abdurrahman Wahid, the partially blind liberal Moslem intellectual who received considerable support from the tainted ruling Golkar party following Habibie’s withdrawal. President Habibie ruled himself out of the contest soon after the MPR voted to reject his "accountability' speech. The violence that erupted following the defeat of Megawati Sukarnoputri died when she was elected the Vice President by the MPR.
She is the daughter of the first president, Sukarno and heads the Indonesian Democratic Party - Struggle (PDI-P) which won 153 seats with 33.7 per cent of the total vote as against 120 seats obtained by the ruling Golkar

Page 26
26 TAMILTIMES
party in the June 7 general election held for the first time in four decades. The total number of members in the lower house (DPR) is 500 and with 200 appointed members - 135 regional representatives and 65 representing functional groups the total number in the MPR is 700. The election was held, following the sweeping political reforms approved earlier in the yearby the MPR. These would not have been possible but for the mass protests by the people. However, the newly elected body met for the first time only on 1 October 1999 and Suharto's MPR continued to meet regularly in the interregnum.
Returning to Habibie’s rule, a succession of events followed the political changes in 1998. President Habibie showed some flexibility towards granting East Timorese their selfdetermination right. In June 1998, there were unprecedented protests and demonstrations in East Timor calling for a UN-sponsored referendum. Leaders of foreign countries and ambassadors were allowed to visit Xanana Gusmao, a former teacher and poet turned Resistance leader, who was in Cipinang Prison in Jakarta. Calls for his release escalated in many foreign countries. UNDecolonisation Committee also held its 1998 hearings on East Timor in this new environment. It heard the statements made by Jose Ramos Horta on behalf of the CNRT and the representatives of the Portuguese Government and East Timorese and Solidarity groups. On July 10, the US Senate passed Resolution 237 urging the US administration to support the demand of the people of East Timor for a referendum to determine their political future.
President Habibie announced after a cabinet meeting held on 27 January 1999 that the MPR decree that annexed East Timor as the 27th province of Indonesia could be changed. The government was willing to consider two alternatives - wide ranging autonomy for the province, which if found unacceptable it would permit East Timor to secede from Indonesia. The latter would have to be decreed by the MPR ata general session.
Indonesia was keen to force the first option of special status with wide ranging autonomy for East Timor through whatever means, Portugal insisted that the East Timorese must be given the chance to determine whether
to remain part of through a referend ered talks, howeve this deadlock due
of the UN Secretar
UN-Referendum
The agreement May 1999 betwe Portugal paved the scite to be conducte be acknowledged th General, Kofi Ann 1982UN mandate only in this histori in its implementati ence of UN perso: became possible w United Nations. As East Timor (Uname vote at short notice all eligible voters v July was itself a c hostile environme conditions where mountains or reloci as West Timor. Th members who wei mountains had to them to come dow names. Meanwhile were keen to regis residing in West intimidated the pe hoping that thes influence the result International ol ion) were sent to r well as East Tim. militia violence. It the responsibility f tion to East Timore: ers of Unamet and . the Indonesian gov 5 May Agreement. showed that only in military reinforce Timorwere mear peaceful vote. Thes who were support militia. The UN h ballot twice becau intimidation by the the poll on August with 98,6 per cent 78.5 per cent voting endence. The UN 1 that the polling day calm before the sto
Post-Referendum Xanana Gusm highly volatile po

Indonesia or not um. The UN-brok, continued despite o the perseverance y General.
struck finally on 5 en Indonesia and
way for the plebid by the UN. It must at the UN Secretary an acting under the layed a key role not c decision but also on. The large presnnel in East Timor ith the formation of sistance Mission in t) for organising the , The registration of shich began in midomplex task in the nt and disoriented many were in the ated elsewhere such e safety of Falintil 'e sheltering in the be guaranteed for n and register their the pro-Jakarta men ter many Timorese Timor and also ople in East Timor e would help to
in their favour. pservers (Ifet missnonitor the vote as rese civilians for must be noted that or providing protecse and to the membsfet was assigned to 'ernment as per the Subsequent events theory, Indonesia's ments sent to East it to guarantee a e were the very men ng the pro-Jakarta ad to postpone the se of violence and militiamen. Finally,
30 went smoothly )f voter turnout and in favour of indepmission soon found peace was only the
Developments o, recognised the litical climate and
15 NOVEMBER 1999
wanted a transitional period of autonomous rule to prevent the very bloodshed that came about after the referendum, However, it was President B.J. Habibie who wanted a snap election and which the UN welcomed most enthusiastically. The UN Security Council rushed into emergency consultations after the clashes outside the UN compound in Dili that followed the referendum. At first, it only issued a statement condemning the violence in Dili and demanded that the Indonesian authorities take steps to arrest those responsible. Some countries, notably New Zealand, Portugal and Canada urged the UN to prepare for the deployment of troops to restore law and order.
New Zealand went further suggesting a non-UN force to protect the East Timorese. With responsibility for law and order left to the Indonesian authorities until the ratification of the vote by the MPR, there was enough time for the militia to complete the destruction of East Timor. The US administration did not show initially the same commitment for action which was seen in Kwait and Kosovo.
President Habibie's declaration of martial law in East Timor was useless because the murderers and the looters had the full support of the military. Because ofuncontrolled violence, UN ordered all the Unamet members to leave East Timor. They were relocated in Darwin, northern Australia. When the people were left as prey to the marauding militia, the credibility of the UN plummeted. Much of East Timor was devastated after the militia groups embarked on an orgy of bloodshed, looting and burning. Xanana Gusmao, who stayed for few days in the British Embassy in Jakarta after his release from detention before leaving for Darwin called for rapid deployment of international troops and relief for the 200,000 East Timorese in camps in West Timor, more than 60,000 hiding in the mountains of East Timor and thousands scattered across Indonesia. Many had been forcibly taken to West Timor by the militia and believed to be held virtually as hostages, Xanana described the refugee camps in West Timor as concentration camps when the visited the UN headquarters in New York during the current General Assembly meeting. Thousands of East Timorese (7,000, UN-FAO's estimate) died in the violence after the referendum. Of the 50,000 strong pro

Page 27
15 NOVEMBER 1999
Jakarta militia spread throughout Indonesia, a large number had also been located in West Timor.
This calamity infuriated the western powers, many of whom had provided training to the Indonesian army, including the elite force - Kopassus responsible for much of the violence. They had also sold all kinds of weapons to the army. Australia, Indonesia's neighbour and her a close ally was now at the forefront pressing for strong intervention in East Timor. UN Security Council met hurriedly and passed a resolution a fortnight after the referendum to deploy troops under a multi-national force. The Security Council gave a robust mandate to the International Force for East Timor (Interfet) to restore law and order.
There was some bickering over its composition. Indonesia wanted a large presence from Asian countries and in particular was unhappy about Australia's leading role. Again Kofi Annan stood firm and ultimately Indonesia agreed to the Australia-led multi-national force. More than half the total strength of some 7,000 (8,000 was the original figure) troops provided by about 20 countries came from Australia. This composition will change with more detachments from Asian countries expected soon to replace some of the Australian troops. The size of the Interfet should also be compared with the 41,000 strong western force that was deployed in Kosovo. East Timor is 50 per cent larger than the Yugoslav province,
Even as the Interfet troops led by the Australian General Peter Cosgrove landed in East Timor, villages a few miles outside Dili were ablaze and the terror continued in the refugee camps in West Timor. The agreement with Indonesia permitted the deployment of Interfet troops only in East Timor. East Timorese who returned to Dili from their mountain hideout after the Interfet troops landed fled after witnessing the continued violence. With the arrival of more troops in the subsequent days and their presence visible in many parts of Dili, people's confidence in the efficacy of Interfet increased.
The majority of Indonesian troops stationed in East Timor also departed much sooner than expected. About 1,500 troops (compared with some 20,000 present earlier) stayed until the MPR revoked the annexation of East Timor. It approved the separation of
East Timor without before the President the way for a United nal administration t territory. It is also r here that the legislat draw demands th: Timor's former colo references to Eas constitution.
There was, how resentment within lishment that the conceded to the pr and western countr nto, the Indonesian claimed in Parliame that in the first five alone, the Army ha while 2,400 were ir ing Indonesian tro frustration by burn the remaining hous they left Dili.
At the very outs has made it very c East Timor as very 1 back yard and henc to perform a leading ing operation the supported the Aust was not the same involvement as in Defense Secretary during his visit to Ja warned that Indo' economic and polit military fail to disa has already suspen Indonesia’s militar powerful country h the implementation Their success or fai US government's support. It is diffic it will take for UN 1 Timor. Xanana Gus a meeting with t Minister Tony Blai told journalists ful East timor would p three years. This w to East Timor, wh after Indonesia's Pa result of the Augus
East Timorese admit that their lant economic base to substantial help fror infrastructure the destroyed by the In the anti-independ Timor has to dep

conditions the day
ial election paving i Nations transitio) take charge of the elevant to mention ors agreed to withat Portugal, East onial power, delete t Timor from its
ever, considerable the military estabgovernment had essures of the UN ies. General WiraArmy Commander nt on September 20 years of occupation d lost 3,700 troops jured. The departops showed their ing and destroying es and buildings as
et, the United States lear that it regards much in Australia's e the unwillingness role in peacekeepre. Although US ralia-led Interfet, it : as a visible US Bosnia, The US , William Cohen karta in September nesia would face ical isolation if its rm the militia. US ided all links with y, US as the most as a major role in of UN resolutions. lure depends on the commitment and ultto say how long to depart from East mao, speaking after he British Prime at Downing Street l independence for robably take about as before returning ich happened only rliament ratified the t 30 referendum. leaders themselves d does not have the survive without m abroad. Whatever 're was had been donesian army and ence militia. East end on the inter
AMIL TIMES 27
national community and possibly a
wealthy "Big Brother" for reconstruction and thereafter for investment and economic growth. The case for international assistance was set out by Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos Horta, when they had discussions on September 29 with officials from donor governments and international agencies in Washington D.C.
The East Timor crisis has also drawn attention of the western powers to the imperative to take stern action against all violators of international humanitarian law. There is now a growing belief among them that this is essential so that it should serve as a warning to present and future military and militant leaders conducting wars that they will be held responsible for any serious violations of the international law. Coming in the wake of the Kosovo crisis, which opened the eyes of the world to the most inhuman treatment of civilians by the Yugoslav army and the Serb militia, the violations in East Timor have strengthened their resolve to bring to justice the perpetrators.
Mary Robinson, UN high commissioner for human rights called for an international commission of inquiry into atrocities in East Timor. She told an emergency session of the UN Human Rights Commission, convened at the request of Portugal there was "overwhelming evidence that East Timor has seen a deliberate, vicious and systematic campaign of gross violations of human rights”. Jose Ramos Horta and Bishop Carlos Belo also pleaded foram international commission of inquiry in this session. Incidently, the UN commission has held only three previous emergency sessions in over half a century; twice on the war in former Yugoslavia and in 1994 on the genocide in Rwanda. The 53-member body was deeply divided on the formation of the commission of inquiry in the fourth emergency session. Many third world countries rallying behind Indonesia opposed the draft resolution sponsored by the European Union and which was also supported by the US. Indonesia insisted that its own investigation must proceed first. The Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas Ham) wasset up by the former President Suharto. The Commission's leaders are a retired Indonesian general and a senior member of Suharto's Golkar Party.

Page 28
28 TAM TIMES
The amended resolution that the UN Commission adopted on 27 Sep-- tember called on the UN Secretary General to set up an international commission of inquiry into atrocities in East Timor which will work in coordination with Indonesian government’s own human rights commission. International human rights organisations have expressed their disappointment with the compromise reached in Geneva. The announcement by Indonesia's Justice Minister that his country will not co-operate with the international commission prompted the UN to declare that the Commission will function with or without Indonesia's co-operation. Meanwhile, neither the Unamet nor the Interfet could collect and document the evidence of crimes against humanity. This contrasts markedly from the speed with which teams of police, forensic scientists and lawyers from the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague went into Kosovo and started work by sealing off and cataloguing mass graves. This has brought to focus the difference that exists in the commitments of the “developed” and “developing” nations to human rights. There is, however, the hope among the East Timorese leaders that the preliminary inquiry will result in the setting up of a special War Crimes Tribunal for East Timor.
The Future
The East Timor crisis has lessons not only for the UN and the international community that is anxious to see a peaceful world in the twenty-first century but also for militant movements and governments involved in ethnic wars. It is clear that UN intervention in any conflict requires the commitment and the active support of the western powers and normally the consent of the national government. And where there is UN intervention, the world body acts strictly according to its Charter as demonstrated by its dealing with Indonesia. It is only in exceptional circumstances that the western powers will act separately when realpolitik warrants
immediate interve unlikely when eit rebels and/or their considered unacce that no group that v international hun expect any form been somewhat bl incipled compromis most brutal war in Africa.
The UN Secre Annan in his openi general assembly 1999 Stated that th for robust internati tackle human right “it must be, and se consistently appli region or nation.” between national S right of the internat intervene to end a remains indistinc discrepancies will ( Those who draf UN Charter more th in mind only the w In today's world, cause enormous suffering and retar OCCur moSt Comm( ethnic countries underlying principl.
The situation in context of the ongc was comparable to t sovo and East Tim Kopalaswamy (Vail Tamil Nadu MDM tituent partner in In on. Despite the com seeking UN interve
Vaiko, an MP, h supporter of the L. Tamil Eelam (LTTE for an independen Lanka's north and
"International liberation moveme recent times,” Vai saying recently to southern Indian cit
 
 

tion. This is most er the aims of the ghting methods are table. The message olates intentionally anitarian law can f reward later has inted by the unpri2 reached to end the Sierra Leone, West
ary General, Kofi gaddress to the UN on 20 September emerging doctrine onal intervention to to be meaningful, 2n to be, fairly and ed irrespective of As long as the line overeignty and the onal community to manifest injustice it, the prevailing :ontinue.
ed Article 43 of the an 50 years ago had ars between states. the conflicts that human losses and 'd human progress only within multi. However, the e of the UN Charter
-k 15 NOVEMBER 1999
as seen from the opening statement imposes a duty on the UN to intervene in certain situations where premeditated atrocities occur. This requires first defining clearly what these circumstances are and second establishing within the UN organisation, practical possibilities and routines for swift action in particular cases. The difficulty with the former lies in obtaining wide acceptance, as some countries like China and India have already expressed their opposition to the principle that human rights can take precedence over national sovereignty under certain specified circumstances.
Realpolitik also influences the governments of Asian and African countries on how they respond to the disorder and human rights violations in their neighbouring states. Nevertheless, violent methods to achieve political goals and terrorism, which has now become one of many global concerns are abhorred by regional and world powers. The irony is that among the former colonies in Asia and Africa which wanted freedom from foreign rule and succeeded in getting rid of their colonial rulers, the sovereign people in many of them have to depend now on foreign powers and international organisations for securing human rights and political freedom. O
Sri Lanka in the ing ethnic conflict he siuations in Koor, according to V o), the leader of the K which is a consdia’s ruling coaliti
parison, he was not
ntion in Sri Lanka. as been for years a beration Tigers of ), which is fighting homeland in Sri aSt. perceptions about its has changed in Ko was quoted as journalists in the
of Madras.
acasm
"We believe the situation in Sri Lanka is the same as in Kosovo and East Timor. We will not try to influence India's policy in this regard, but will put forth our point of view to the government,' he said.
Vaiko was also an MP in l989 belonging to the then ruling party in Tamil Nadu, the DMIK under the leadership of M Karunanidhi, when he undertook an illegal boat ride to Sri Lanka's north to meet LTTE chief Velupillai Prabahakaran when the Tamil Tigers were battling Indian troops deployed there. He undertook this journey without the permission of the party leader and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi.
LONLY)
as a
)))-SRI LANKA
ggi SOUTHINDIA
-SINGAPORE

Page 29
S NOVEMBER 1999
BOOK REVIEW"
Irish Lessons of P
Reviewed by Professor Bertram Bastian
Re-imagining Sri Lanka, Northern Ireland Insights MSomadundram, Colombo, International Centre for E
The impressive book comprises the contributions of five writers, headed by an introduction by the editor, while the second part consists of a large number of appendices, All contributors are learned and eminent as the articles in the collection demonstrate, but the assembly of the material in the second part of numerous documents, statements, speeches etc, shows that they are of uneven value, interest and relevance.
The introduction is vigorous, passionately crafted and makes the points which the author aims to drive deeply and extremely saliently. The written, a percipient student of contemporary affairs, provides the reader with an absorbing account of events past and makes one clearly understand the present unfortunate protracted, violence ridden ethnic conflict.
Minister of Justice, GI Peiris in Chapter 1 identifies the 15 issues of the Northern Ireland Agreement relevant to Sri Lanka and through the course of a lucid and analytical discussion, indicates how they could inform and influence an attempt to solve the unending ethnic strife that has ravaged Sri Lanka. The second chapter adapted from a talk on 5 September 1998 in Sri Lanka by Professor Thomas G Frazer on “The Northern Ireland Agreement as a Model for Divided Societies' is thoroughly knowledgeable and well informed. Two sovereign governments of the United Kingdom and the Irish Republic most political parties in Northern Ireland enhancing different ideologies and above all representing two traditions that had been uncompromisingly hostile to one another for almost one hundred years and more significantly three political parties of armed groups that had been engaged in violent confrontations for three decades, surprisingly reached an agreement.
But it was after experiencing so much loss of lives and misery that wisdom dawned and the agreement was
arrived at. Short su attempts at peace causes that provide more successful co process are outlinec a reader in Sri La fication of the vital presently form the
a political and col romise. The writ indicated how us Ireland Agreement to reach peace in ot
"More valuable Lanka, is the i the vital ingr presently form impelled a poli titutional compi
Chapter 3 by analyses the rule a women in the peac The writer, af discussion conclu women were brou ations and were all of history in Ireland exceptionally inter read.
Somasunderar Chapter 4 “The Agreement: Thim plied to a Society Sets"? Again the point of view force his arguments W example,
In the first pa scrutinises governi sets, the Northern and the vicissitud tiations were sub nevertheless they wi The second pa section 5 on "Th traces the story of th principles by the S ment's delegation troy’ an united Sr.
 

TAMEL TIMES 29
e2C(e
mpillai
: Edited by Ethnic Studies
ummaries of earlier making and the d the impetus to the ontemporary peace l. More valuable to Inka is the identiingredients which basis that impelled nstitutional comper has coherently eful the Northern could be as a model her split societies.
to a reader in Sri
identification of edients which the basis that tical and cons"omise.”
Carmel Roulston nd significance of e process.
ter an interesting des the voices of ght to the negotiowed to be makers . A remarkable and 2sting chapter to be
m has authorised Northern Ireland pu Principles Apy with Two Mind writer presents his 'fully and backs up ith evidence and
rt of his essay he ance the two mind Ireland Agreement es to which negolected over years, ere persevered with. rt beginning with impu Principles', he rejection of these Sri Lankan governas they would desi Lanka' and were
"inimical to the sovereignty of Sri
Lanka'. In his short conclusion Somasunderam emphasises the rele-vance in Sri Lanka of the Northern Ireland Agreement, refers to the insights it offers, and avers that Sri Lanka could benefit using them to create an opportunity to negotiate a peace if the opportunity were only grasped.
Chapter 5 by J. Charitha Ratwatte is again another study on "Issues from the Northern Ireland Experience: Relevance to Sri Lanka Considered.'
He traces how the conflict on Ireland reached a frustrating stalemate and how meaningless it had turned out to many, especially women and children. As a contrast, he points out that the conflict in Sri Lanka, still according to different points of view, is not so and it is believed that the Tigers could be coerced to talk. This section treats the differences in regard to devolution and in this respect the imperative to formulate a "pragmatic and practical India policy based on Sri Lanka's national self interest' is correctly pointed out.
The other sections deal with international support, the role of businessmen and pose the question "are there minorities in Northern Ireland?' The Protestants and Catholics are almost numerically equal. Ratwatte proceeds to discuss, in other sections that follow, equally valuable issues in a useful comparative manner.
The chapter ends with the quest-ion "Can our erstwhile politicians make the sacrifices that have been made in Belfast?' This is a valuable, well Written and fascinating account.
The appendices will be of use to those who look for easy and ready references to documents, statements and similar materials connected to the theme of this fine book.
This book has compressed good and informative reading on a topical subject within its pages, is readable, well informed and has logically presented chapters.
As the contributors to the study make out in a reasoned manner, toreimagine Sri Lankan intelligent imagination, prudent vision and courageous decision making - from popular to political levels - remain the crying need. O (Courtesy of: The Sunday Times Colombo)

Page 30
30 TAMIL MES
CLASSIFIED ADS
rst 20 words £10. each word 60p charge for Box No. £3. (Wat 17 1/2% extra). Prepàyment essential.
The Advertisement Manager, esses
Lami Times Ltd, PO Box 121 Sutton, Surrey SM13TD
hone 018.644 0972 FAX: O18124 ass
MATRIMONAL
Jaffna Hindu mother seeks educated bride for son, 34, B.Sc., (Eng)/ACCA. Send horoscope, details and photograph. M 1137 c/o Tamil Tinnes.
Aunt seeks caring, employed groom with UK residence for shy, attractive, upcountry niece, 21, O/L educated, living in Sabaragamuwa. M 1138 c/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek attractive professional bride for graduate, outgoing son, 27, in excellent employment in London. Send horoscope, details. M 1139 c/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu mother seeks partner for fair, British born daughter, medical doctor, 30. Send details, M 1140 C/o Tamil
irneS.
Tamil Hindu parents seek for son, 35, 6'1", working as VicePresident of hi-tech firm in USA, fair, petty, tall, professionally qualified partner. Send particulars, horoscope and Contact information. M 1141 C/o Tamil Times.
Tamil Hindu cousin Seeks bride for bachelor Computer Engineer, 36, 5'9", in good employment in California. Please reply with photo. M 1142 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu seeks partner for brother, 37, 5'9", Ph.D. Civil Engineering, University Lecturer, divorcee. Send hOrOscope, details. M 1143 C/o Tamil Tinnes.
For Sale Brand new, two roomed luxury apartment available for sale. Fridge, Washing machine, Hotwater boiler included. Hundred yards from Galle road, MVella Watte.
£40,000. Contact 0181599 6389.
OBITUARIES
Rajika Malalgoda It is with greatest sadness and deepest regret that we announce the death under tragic circumstances in a motor accident of Rajika (23) beloved daughter of Mahinda and Indra, loving sister and sister-in-law of Rajeev and Saloni; loving grand daughter of late Norman and late Dorothy, late Rajendram and Gnanadevi (Sri Lanka), loving niece of Upali, Iranganie, Nihal (all of Sri Lanka), late Sunil, late Ranjit, Mohan Raja (Australia), Ravi and Yamuna (Canada). The funeral took place on Saturday, 13th November 1999 at the Basildon and District Crematorium.
The members of the family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted them during the period of bereavernert.
"You shall always have a place in our hearts and we will never forget the love and happiness that you brought into Our lives'
- Shanthinivasa, 96 Celeborn Street, South Woodhan Ferrers, Chelmsford, Essex UK. Te: O 1245 322852.
Appreciation on page 33.
 
 
 

Mr.
K.S. Muthuvelu (83), Retired Senior supervisor of Rural Development, Kopay, Sri Lanka, beloved husband of Maheswary, loving brother of late Balasubramaniam, Kan
dasamy (Denmark) and Kumarasamy (Vavuniya); loving father of Srikanthi, Mathanakanthi, Srimanavalan, lango (France), Manukanthi, Sivakanthi (France) and Ketheeswaran, loving fatherin-law of Somaskanthan, Rajah, Tharmini, Late Saianthy, Jeganathan (France) and Chevanthi loving grandfather Of Muralitharan, Muhunthan, Rajmathan, Tharshan, Rajsuthan, Manoj, Sutharshini, Vanthana, Dharshini, Jeyanthan, Sugevan, Manalan, Jeyananthan, Vithuran, Sanghawi, Mathuran, Vikarnan, and Vihasawi passed away on 26th October 1999 in Kopay and was cremated on 27th October.
The members of his family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and helped them in several ways during the period of bereavefert.
P. Sivalingam,
Formerly Deputy General Manager of Shell (Ceylon) Ltd and Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, loving husband of Saradha, Son of ate Mr. and Mrs. Peetham
15 DECEMBER 1998
param, loving father of Shankari (UK), Narayani (USA), Ramana (Canada) and Anantha (UK), father-in-law of Easwara Rupan (UK), Sudhakar Vamathe van (USA), Prasana (Canada) and Varuna Thirunathan (UK); loving grandfather of Mahisha (UK), Gajendran (USA), Archana (USA), and Ahila (UK) passed away peacefully on 16th October 1999. The funeral Service took place in Colombo on 20th October according to Hindu rites.
Members of the family thank relations and friends who attended the funeral service, sent messages of sympathy and helped in various other ways during the period of berea Vement. - 57 Melville
Avenue, South Croydon, Surrey Tel: 020 8681 8954/020 8542 81.07.
※ 袋緣緣 :: . Mr Kandiah Suppiah, Retired P.W.D. Overseer of Tellippalai beloved husband of late Sellam and late Sivapooranam, loving father of late Thevanayaki, Dr Thirukkanesan (UK), Thillainadesan (Sydney) and Rathithevi (Melbourne); father-in law of Nagarajah (Sri Lanka), Dr Vinayagalingam, Arunthathy, and late Varuni; grandfather of Yasothai (Canada), Ananthi, Thamayanthi, Mugunthan, Amirihan, Kartick, Janani, and Senthil, brother of late Annappillai and late Ilayapillai passed a Way On f0th No Vernber 1999 in Mesbourne and was cremated on 13th November, The members of his family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy, assisted and shared their grief during this period.
- Dr. S. Thirukkanesan, 114 Holgate Drive, Luton LU4 OXD). Tel: 01582576061.

Page 31
15 NOVEMBER 1999
IN MEMORAM
Mrs Chandra Ragupathy In loving memory of my beloved wife Chandra on the fourth anniversary of her passing away on 26th November
1995.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her husband Ragupathy - 262 Wricklemarsh Road, London SE3 8DW.
In loving memory of Mrs. Maragathavalli Kanapadhipillai, beloved wife of the late P. Kanapadhipillai, Attorney at Law, Uduppiddy, Sri Lanka on the first anniversary of her passing away on 5th December 1998. Greatly loved, deeply missed and always remembered by all her loved ones. - Box 34939, Lusaka, Zambia.
In loving memory of Mr. P.V. Nadarajah on the eleventh
anniversary of his passing away on 16th November 1988,
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by his loving wife Thilagavathy, children Usha, Varathan, Nalini and Nanthini, son-in-law Sivanathan, Rajkumar and Vathsayan, daughterin-law Savithiri; grandchildren Baira Vi, Luxmi, Uruthiran,
Abhirami and Sebestian. — 4 Fernbrook Place, Castle Hall, NSW2154, Australia. Lovingly Remembered on the First anniverary of the Passing away of
Daisy Selvaranee Rasiah On 10th November 1998. In Ever Loving memory of our Dear Acca, Periannah and Periamami who will be Deeply missed and always Remembered. "Deep in our hearts you will always stay'
Fondly remembered by your loving sisters Amirtharanee and Thevaranee, sisters-inlaw Selvaranee and Inpamani, Nephews, Nieces, grandnieces and grandnephew, relations and friends. - 64 Jessup Close, London SE18.
In fond memory of Dr. P. Alageswaran on the seventh anniversary of his passing away on 10th November 1992. Much loved and missed by Ratnes, Krishna, Shyamala, Family, Friends and Relations.
 
 
 
 
 

TAMLTIMES31
1990.
dren.
Mr Richard Jeyarajasingam
In treasured memory of a dear husband and father on the ninth annivesary of his passing away on 27th November
Unearth remembrances fragrant with love Giving us the strength to carry on Till we meet you in the HEAVEN above.
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by Ranee and chil
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
Dec. 3 Krishna Eekathasi; Feast of St. Francis Xavier.
Dec. 5 Pirathosam, 6.00pm. Tamil Orphans Trust presents Music Concert of Flute recital by Preadeepan Vetpillai and Vocal recital by Sivani Senthilkumar at Ealing Town Hall, Uxbridge Road, London W5 2HL. Tel: 0 181 908 1101/422 OO12.
Dec. 6 Feast of St. Nicholas.
Dec. 7 Amavasai; Feast of St. Ambrose.
Dec. 8 Feast of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary Dec. 11 Sathurthi 7.00pm SCOT Christmas and Millennium Dinner and Dacne at Greenford Hall, Ruislip Road, GreenfOrd. es: O81 870 9897/ 579 7986./ South LOrndon Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Children's Christmas Party. Tel: 0181 542 3285.
Dec. 13 Vinayaka Sashti.
Dec. 14 Thiru VembaVai COmmences, Feast of St. John of The Cross.
Dec. 18 SLTWG Christmas Dinner and DiSCO at Merton Hall, 76 Kingston Road, Londor SVV19. Tel 0181 542 3285.
Dec. 19 6.00pm London Tamil Centre Christmas Party at Wembley High School Hall,
East Lane, Wembley, Vaikunda EekathaSi.
Dec. 20 Karthigai; PirathOSaf.
Dec. 22 Full Moon.
Dec. 25 Christmas Day,
Sankadakara Sathurthi.
Dec. 26 7.00pm League of Friends of the University of Jaffna Annual Dinner Dance at Harrow and Wembley Progressive Synagogue, 326 Preston Road, Harrow. Tel: 01923 225850; Feast of St. Stephen.
Dec. 27 Feast of St. John.
Dec. 28 Feast of the Holy lnnocents.
Dec. 31 Feast of St. Sylvester.
Putney Church
Carol Service
The Putney Church London Tamil Christian Congregation will be having their 27th year Carol service, celebrating the birth of Christ on Sunday. December 12th at 4pm. Venue: Rivercourt Methodist Church, King Street, HannerSmith, London W6. The theme of the Carol Service is Meekness and Majesty. Carols will be sung in both Thamil and English. The service will be conducted by Revd Barnabas Alexander. For further details: Mr. Rajan 0181 621 0527/O181 427 2722.

Page 32
32 TAMILTIMES
WEDDING BELLS
Usha Mahadeva married David Moran recently at a Hindu ceremony in Kent, Usha, the second daughter of Professor Kopan Mahadeva and Dr. Seethadevi Mahadeva, now Works as Systems Engineering Manager to T & D (Rotherham) Ltd., and is an M.Sc. in Robotics of Birmingham University, and a Chartered Mechanical and Production Engineer, David Moran, B.Sc. (Salford) is Senior Building Surveyor to Bradford City Council. The simple rites were performed by Guru Dr. K.N. Ratnavel of Ilford, entirelly in Tamil with Thevaarams sung by Mathini Sriskandarajah.
Rajika Malalgoda (1976
1999) - An Appreciation
Attending a friend's funeral is not something that you expect to do, especially when that friend is still in her early twenties. On 7th November 1999 one of my closest friends Raika, was killed in a road accident, leaving her family and friends to mourn her. It is very hard to come to terms with this, and to accept that with her death comes the loss of a special woman who had so much to offer life.
She will always be remembered for her kindness and Compassion. Qualities that earned her many friends including those from her old school Chelmsford County High School, her university in Leeds, and her work. In the future the large network of friends which Rajika built around herself will have a significant missing link, simply because she is no longer there keenly trying to keep in touch with everybody she Cared about.
She showed extreme willingness to do what she could to help other people. This extended beyond those she knew and led her to dedicate her time and energy to causes such as Oxfam and Amnesty International. For those of us lucky enough to have benefited from these special qualities we will now always be poorer because she is gone.
She was a successful, ambitious person. In 1998 she graduated with Honours from Leeds University with a degree in Pharmacology. Her knowledge and qualifi
cations led her to a career working for two
well respected pharmacological companies. Her first job was with Par Excel in
Sheffield, and then in th she moved to London to er and his wife, Whilst sh With Eisai.
Had she lived, Rajika ued to grow her success her are proud of her a proud of the person she Rajika was one of a k loved her will always mi
Kamalesh A Table Tennis (
Fifteen year ol Tharmasuthan, the elite er from Australia becan Table Tennis Nationa Australia at the finals he recently. He beat the N reigning champion 21-17 battle. He is one of the yo title in the under 18 group A fortnight prior to the ment Kamalesh won the Event at the Aus Championships. In April selected to represent th (Under 20) team in the Championships held Victorians were Interstate Kannalesh was one of th with eight wins.
Kamalesh excels in Stu a scholarship to stud College, Victoria, where His father Tharmasuthan Open Table Tennis Char dent of Jaffna College, V.
Tamil Senior Cit Tanil Senior Citizens of S organised an exhibition a gramme at the Be Community Centre Hall 1999. The exhibition was p.m. by the Chief G Stockbridge who was w President Mr. C. Velaiyuth President Mrs J. Shann items for display were Senior Citizens thensé Palmyrah Fruit, Traditi food, Sri-Lankan kitchen COStunnes children's dre, painting of an English cot
 
 
 
 

Summer of 1999, ive With her brothbegan a newјob
Ould have Continand all who knew chievements, and WaS. ind. I and all Who s her dearly.
Rebecca Knight.
stralian hampion
d Kamalesh table tennis playhe the Under 18 | Champion of ld in Oueensland 'ew South Wales 21-18 in a tense lungest to win this 2.
above achieveSenior Boys Open ralian Schools this year he was le Victoria Youth Australian Youth in Melbourne. Champions and 2 leading players
dies too and WOn / at Haileybury he is in year 10. a former Jaffna mpion was a stuaddukOddai.
izens Meet uth East London nd a cultural prolingham North On 2nd October
opened at 3.30 uest Clir. Ron elcomed by the an and the Viceuganathan. The roduced by the /ves Viz Model nal Sri-Lankan 1tensils, national Ses and an Oil age. The work of
15 NOVEMBER 1999
30 students of the English class who had joined with a Smattering knowledge and had advanced to a high standard under the tutorship of the English teacher was on display. The Chief Guest and the visitors evinced great interest in the exhibits and the first part of the programme ended with an address by the chief guest and a vote of thanks by the secretary Mrs. K. Tharmalingam.
The Cultural Programme was commenced at 6.30 p.m. with the traditional lighting of the lamp and the singing of the 'Association songo With gusto by the members. The Chief Guest Clr Les Eytles and the Guest of Honour, Cllr Harry Kanagasabai, Deputy Mayor of the Southwark Council were garlanded and Mr. Welch Balasingam, a senior citizen shared with the assembly the poem 'Call of Lanka'. The president of the association in his welcome address pressed for the Sri Lankan Tamils to be recognised with a separate identity. The chief guest in his speech applauded the members for the good work done and pledged his support for the progress of the association. The guest of honour spoke a few words in Tamil, his mother tongue and extolled the membership for their commitment to the association. There were two English plays, poetry recitals, alluring dances and Songs. There was a fancy dress competition, serving of refreshments, distribution of prizes to participants, a special award to Mr. K. V. Pasupathy, the oldest pioneer senior citiZen. The celebrations terminated at 10 p.m. with a vote of thanks by the Secretary Mrs K. Tharmalingam.
Examination Success
Twenty two year old Narayanan Karunanithy has completed his MBBS from King's College with a distinction in Pathology. He won the George Qvist Prize for Anatomy in 1995 and the Mary Wilmer Prize for Pediatrics in 1998. He excelled in sports too and captained the King's College Cricket and Badminton teams. He plays for the Hainhault and Clayhall Cricket Club.
Narayanan is the youngest song of Arumugam Karunanithy of Sandilipay and Saradhamani Karunanithy, formerly teacher Royal College, Colombo and presently of Cranbrook Rise, Ilford, Essex, UK.

Page 33
15 NOVEMBER 1999
ENCHANTING SWAHAMY
With the GCSE over and a leisurely slow step is taken towards the all important A Level, the anxiety of our Tamil parents hots up boundlessly to see their loved ones' years of training in Bharata Natyam is fulfilled to their satisfaction through an Arangetram ceremony before an enlightened audience.
On 25th September we attended at the Logan Hall the Bharata Natya Arangetram of Kumari Sivahamy daughter of the well known medical pair Sivakumar and Shanthi. Meticulously trained for seven years and presented by her Guru, Uma Chandradeva, a well known Chennai Kalakshetra graduate. The opening steps themselves proclaimed the artistic credibility of young Sivahamy.
The repertoire was the Sampradaya paddati - Alarippu, JatisWaram, Sabdam, Varnam and Padams, and the uniqueness was the entire compositions were Tamil oriented. At the initial ground breakers Alaripu and Jatiswaram themselves Sivahamy's perfect angasuddham was established and in the following Sabdam, she brought out her marvellous talent in Creative expresSion.
The main Varnama special form of compposition in Bharata Natya exposition, was chosen from the works of Papanasam Sivan, illustrating the various moods and yearnings in love - in this case, Valli's love towards Muruga conveyed through her Thozhi. It was superbly danced and mesmerised the entire audience by the enchanting Sivahamy, a Classical virtuoso. A special note needs mention here: in addition to the many compositions selected as Padams from the works of Subramanya and Suddhananda Bharatis, a special composition 'Paddam ontru ada Vanthen' by Dr. Sivakumar, Sivahamy's father, on the Sakthi peedams in Sri Lanka, with music by Nagarajan was included, a special colour.
The music was provided by an experienced and talented group - Singer Kutalam
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World Menta 19
Welcoming a packe lovers in North West of Ascension Hall, B October 1999, I Chairman, The W Sangam said that fic had played a role in , to mental health. The number of music lov ferent organisations l ebrate World Health standing testimony t efficacy of the inter health. The audier, health patients as asserted that the Sangam is dedicate WOuld do all it can to steps needed to pr among the public.
After the inaugural music competition it pant was allowed five ma or classical Son guage. The judges Thanotheram, Mrs. and Mrs. Seetha Ver Dr. Arun Natarajar both Classical and filn adults.
Miss Siyamini Sive first in the Children. Có
22nd Ani Celebi
Menbers of the Sai (UK) celebrated anniversary of its fo High School Hall, 9. 10.99. Proceedings chanting of religious ladies lighting 22 lan near the stage to m sary. It was a colour not only were the but brilliant, it was resp. Sartorially as well.
Mr. M. Natgunath Secretary, who was t address, Cut Short his a mere two minutes, to be punctual, as he grammes Were going ule. It was an exemp Mr. V Nagaratnam, Sangam outlined the
 

ist in providing Vocal ances, Karaikudi er Kalakshetra Veterngam, Tiruvarur L. violin and Pichappa e fiute. hould be congratulatirrangement in inviting ssor of Kalakshetra, ayalakshmi to grace ecial Guest.
G.S.S.
il Health Day 99
d audience of music London in the Church eaufort Road. On 10th Dr. K. Nagarajah, Vorld Hindu Maha or a long time music bringing improvement very fact that a large ers, representing difhad assembled to CelDay, in itself, is a o the importance and action of music and ce included mental well. Dr. Nagarajah VVOrd Hird Maha ld to the Cause and further it by taking the OrnOtte an a Warer)6SS
address, there Was a which each particiminutes to sing cinegs in their own lanwere Mrs. Anbika Visalam Dandapani kataranan.
was placed first in n song competition for
inanthan was placed ategory
niversary
ations
va Munnetta Sangam he twenty second rrnation at Caterhan Clayhall, Essex on Connenced with the hymns followed by 22 ps arranged in a row ark the 22nd anniverul event to behold for ning lamps bright and lendent and elegant
ayalan, the General O deliver the Welcone s speech drastically to emphasising the need realised that the proto run behind schedlary response indeed.
the president of the
Various activities car
AMTIMES33
ried out last year conspicuous of which
was the assistance to the needy in Srilanka. The Chief Guest, Counciller Riaz Ahmed, The Mayor of Newham gave away the prizes to the winners in the competitions for speech and chanting of Thevarems in the various age groups.
The Students of the Naavalar Centre for Tamil Culture presented two items - a dance ensemble and a VOCal ensemble. This was followed by an orchestra by the students of Mrs. Senthilselvi Vanananthan. The last item which was unique in nature was the harmonious confluence o finellifluous Nathans from four instruments Viz Veena, Violin, flute and Miruthangam. It was aptly named Shruthilaya Sagamam. The students who took part in these programmes have to be congratulated for the interest shown and efforts taken to learn Indian Music in spite of the environment in which they are living.
The lack of importance given to the chanting of Thirumurai was noticeable. It Would have made the celebration more meaningful vis-a-vis propagation of Saiva Thirumurai, which is one of the Cardinal objectives of this esteemed organisation. Nevertheless, one cannot fail to appreciate the work the Sangam is doing to inculcate Our Cultural values in the minds of the younger generation. The evening function Canne to a Successful ConClusion With the serving of sumptuous meals to the guests.
– Vimal Poopalasingam.
Tact, Manners and Relationships
People need to learn tact, manners to form meaningful relationships. Relationships exist not only at home, but with relatives, friends and colleagues and to a greater part with the world outside. Manners are the right Way to do day to day things. Without manners and tact you get a society that is uncontrollable.
Learning to respect others and their wishes is paramount to relationship. There will be a time for talking and then for listening, a proper discussion will consist of both and not just one. Communication is an integral part of living. I believe that if we as Tamils can learn to teach others these keypoints on how to behave with everyone they Conne into contact with, there Will be no holding back to what we can achieve as a people, effectively and with little disagreement. So start practising it at home and with all those around you and you will notice that the unachievable will be achievable. In a world of conflict good manners and behaviour always Win through.
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