Page 1
Tamil
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A fila photo of the highly vEmiratad 17 the Century F which was damag and 38 pple kile ir 20
o A Question of War and Peace
o Presidential Election
o Doors for Talks Still Open Says LTTE Leader
a Voting for Peace
 
 

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LOeeraa LLtLLaLLL LLaaaa LLLL ELLLLLLLLS L LaLLLLLLLS a LLLLLLL wermber in the fighting between the LTTE and the arrTy.
o Pakistan: The General Drifts
Aimlessly
o Ireland: Peace at Last
a Book Review: Crimes Against
Humanity

Page 2
2 TAMILTIMES
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நீங்கள் தொடர்புகொள்ளவேண்டியவர்கள்: Harry Mahendran Asoka Fernando
 
 
 
 

15 DECEMBER 1999
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15 DECEMBER 1999
{ዐ death your . right to say it."
Tani
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XVIII No. 12 15 DECEMBER 1999
Published by:
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Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers. The publishers assume no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or artwork.
A Ouestion of War
and Peace O3 LTTE Leader Offers Talks 04 Presidential Election O6 People and Politics 09 News Review 12 Voting for Peace 18 Boycott Election 19 Tamils Should Vote 20 Ireland - Peace at Last 21 The General Drifts 22 Reprieve for Rajiv Convicts 24 Freedom of the Press 27
Crimes Against Humanity 29
With just a \ reached fever pi country betweer Peoples Alliance is only matched Country betweer Indications a has been gradu steadily increasi having a slighte There is evic Tamil and Musli election held in peace promising LTTE, a line whi she was put off ( negotiations wit leading to a bru Which is Continui to the people o became displac The sudden leader Thondam Prior to his deat Who had a stron guaranteed her
In her campa stated that she v it Withdrew from promises to "em that Would ena government or a See the referenc government" as areas of the N acceptance of til interested partie However, the in the electoral annual Heroes Tamil people vir that the only ca therefore some the LTTE has Wé in support of Ch. green light to Wi his immense adv Without let or hir AS for Wickr the face of it look military operatio in the War-torn a LTTE and othe Northeast and b will satisfy the L The offer of LTTE was made an arrangement Indian Peace Ke lf past expe negotiations bet
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 3
estion War or Peace
veek to go, the campaign in the presidential election has Ech. The intensity of the propaganda war in the south of the the main contestants, Mrs Chandrika Kumaratunga of the and Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party by the intensity of the war that is raging in the north of the
government forces and the LTTE. re that the advantage maintained by President Chandrika ally eroded and the support for Wickremesinghe has been ng. The contest is said to be finely balanced with Chandrika idge. lence that Chandrika has lost ground among the minority m Communities who provided enormous support in her last late 1994. At that time she was fighting on a platform of to bring an end to the ethnic war by negotiating with the ch was quite attractive particularly to the Tamil voters. But :ourse from her preferred platform of restoring peace when n the LTTE ended prematurely and abruptly in April 1995 tal war between government forces and the Tamil Tigers ng to this day, The war brought untold hardship and suffering f the Northeast where hundreds of thousands of people ed, and unexpected death of the Ceylon Workers Congress an has turned out to be another major blow for Chandrika, he pledged his and his party's support to her. Thondaman ghold on the plantation Tamils would have without doubt the overwhelming majority of their votes had he lived. ign document on "The Ethnic Question and the War", having was forced to go into war by the actions of the LTTE, when the peace process and resumed hostilities, Chandrika power the various provincial or regional councils in a manner ble the diverse communities in our country to enjoy self autonomy in the conduct of their day to day affairs." Some :e to "provincial or regional councils" and "autonomy or self a reference to asymmetry that could recognise the Tamil ortheast as special. The document also includes "An he need to have negotiations with the LTTE and all other S."
LTTE leaderVPirpaharan has made a powerful intervention campaign with a vitriolic denunciation of Chandrika in his Day speech describing her regime as a "curse" upon the tually making a clarion call to them to defeat her. He knew ndidate who could defeat her was Wickremesinghe, and view the LTTE leader's call as signal to vote for him. While arned of dire Consequences against those who campaigned andrika in the east of the island, it seems to have given the ckremsinghe to campaign there freely which he has done to 'antage. It is said that posters supporting him have appeared
drance in the east even in LTTE Controlled areas. emesinghe, he has presented a set of proposals, which on sattractive and impressive. He has promised to de-escalate ns, increase essential food and other supplies to the people reas, set up an interim council with the participation of the r representative groups to run the administration of the egin negotiations with the LTTE. Whether these measures TTE even on an interim basis is quite doubtful. an interim council with an overall majority of seats for the in September 1987 and the LTTE then did not view such as acceptable leading to the military confrontation with the eping Force. rience (as was amply demonstrated during the ill-fated ween the Kumaratunga government and the LTTE in 1994
(continued on next page)

Page 4
4 TAMILTIMES
LTTE Leader Off Peace TakS Und
Conditions of Norm
r. Velupillai Pirapaharan, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in his annual Martyrs' Day message, called upon the Sri Lanka government to deescalate the armed conflict by ending military aggression and occupation of the Tamil homeland and initiate peace talks under conditions of normalcy for a negotiated political settlement of the Tamil conflict.
"Though the LTTE stands today as a formidable force with the military capability to liberate our homeland, we have not abandoned the path of peace. We want to resolve the Tamil conflict through peaceful means; through civilised methods without recourse to bloodbath and destruction of life', Mr. Pirapaharan declared.
Mr. Pirapaharan said that peace talks should be held in a peaceful cordial atmosphere of mutual trust with the assistance of international third party mediation. He defined peaceful atmosphere as "a condition of normalcy characterised by cessation of armed hostilities, withdrawal of troops occupying the Tamil lands and the absence of economic blockades".
The following are extracts from the translated text of Mr. Pirapaharan's speech as released by the International Secretariat of LTTE, 21 1 Katherine Rd, London.
"Our current military successes
have surprised ar world. This is a achievement in th porary warfare. The military victory hav our enemy but also international count actively helping Sri by providing trainir
The vast tracts Vanni, which were upied by the Sinhala years and months o campaigns, after sa of lives, have beel fighters at a rapid p span oftime. A col cture with its multi exes, well fortified suddenly collapsed of the Tiger offensi ated almost all the towns in the Vanni that we have rede Manal Aru, which Vanni where the st cred the indigenous ed Sinhala settleme
Our massive o' in Vanni code-na Waves 3' has effect to the world the ext and developmento forces in the art o The speed of our st rapid deployment,
(Continued from page 3)
95) is to go by, the LTTE will certainly demand first a cessatio de-escalation of military operations) and then followed by the ci of normalcy and cordial atmosphere of mutual trust. The LTTEl recent Heroes Day speech) cordial atmosphere as “a cor characterised by cessation of armed hostilities, withdrawal of tI Tamil lands and the absence of economic blockades". That mean will have to withdraw from the Tamil areas, all restrictions or have to be removed and there shall be unrestricted rights for fis waters. The LTTE will insist on the "day to day problems of ti solved as a prerequisite before any substantive talks for a polit conflict begin. And such problems of the people can be addresses an elaborate and extensive programme of rehabilitation and r war-torn Tamil areas, and such an undertaking must be unde LTTE. Whoever wins, it is on the capacity and readiness to acce measures that the question of war and peace in Sri Lanka dep
 

ld astounded the
unique historical e art of contemdimensions of this 'e not only amazed astonished several ries that have been Lanka's war effort g, arms and funds. of fertile lands of invaded and occarmed forces after f massive military rificing thousands h liberated by our ace within a short ossal military struble military compl-- bases and camps with the onslaught ve. We have liberancient strategic region. I am happy ‘emed a sector of is the heartland of ate's army massas Tamils and creat
ontS. ffensive campaign amed "Unceasing ively demonstrated ra-ordinary growth f the Tiger fighting f modern warfare. rikes, the ability of the unified com
h of hostilities (not a reation of Conditions eader defined (in his hdition of normalcy oops occupying the s government troops transport of goods shing in the northern he Tamil people" be ical resolution of the i only by undertaking econstruction of the 2r the Control of the apt and deliver these ends.
15 DECEMBER 1999
mand, the high discipline, the spectacular offensive tactics and the tremendous courage displayed by our fighting formations have astounded the world military experts.
This war is being waged for liberation of our land. Tamil Eelam is our homeland, a land which belongs to us historically, a land on which we were born and bred, a land of our sustenance and resources, a land that forms the very foundation of our national identity. Our enemy claims that this land belongs to him.
For more than fifty years - ever since the Sinhala chauvinists assumed political power in the island-the lands of the Tamils have been systematically usurped. Our land has been subjected to tyranny and oppression. On one side, there have been devious schemes by which our lands have been forcefully annexed and given to Sinhala colonisers. On the other hand our lands have been militarily occupied and their resurces destroyed and the people who lived on those lands have been reduced to the state of destitution. It is against this injustice we have been fighting. Therefore our liberation war is essentially a war to libeate our lands and to establish our sovereignty: our right to rule in our homeland.
Our people have now understood the aim and objective of this liberation war. Our people, who have lost their lands and the livelihood that derived from the lands and have become destitute, realise the value and significance of their own lands. They also realise the necessity of chasing away the alien forces that have invaded and occupied our territories. It is because of this realisation wide sections of the popular Tamil masses are supporting and participating in this war of liberating our homeland. Our liberation war has now expanded and developed into a higher stage as the people's war of liberation.
In my annual speeches on the Martyrs' Day, I have always emphasised the importance of peace and peaceful ways of seeking a negotiated political settlement. At the same time, I have also pointed out the fact that Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism was not prepared to resolve the ethnic conflict through peaceful means.
The two major Sinhala political parties, who have assumed political

Page 5
15 DECEMBER 1999
power alternatively in the Sri Lankan political system, are essentially chauvinistic organisations. Both these political parties have bred and flourished in the anti-Tamil Sinhala Buddhist racist ideology. For the last half a century these parties competed with each other in intensifying the oppression against the Tamil people. In this diabolical history of racist oppression it is Chandrika's regime which has inflicted the worst form of tyrannical oppression.
The five-year rule of Chandrika has been a curse on the Tamil people. The monumental tragedy that our people encountered in the form of war, violence, death, destruction, displacement, hunger and starvation was the worst form of tyranny ever suffered by the Tamils. Chandrika's oppressive rule marks an epoch consisting of bloodstained pages of our history. Her tyrannical rule left a permanent scar on the soul of the Tamil nation.
While masterminding an authoritarian tyrannical rule against the Tamils internally, Chandrika Kumaratungaportrayed herself internationally as a goddess of democracy committed to peace. Having implemented a notorious military programme aimed at the total invasion of the Tamil homeland she interpreted her project as a war effort for peace. The entire international community believed her and supported her military project. In this deceptive disinformation campaign to cheat the world, treacherous Tamil elements played a crucial role. We do not trust Chandrika. She does not have the honesty and determination to resolve the Tamil national conflict in a fair and reasonable manner. We perceive her as a modern representative of a neo-Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism. It is for this reason we refused to engage in a direct dialogue with her. Yet, we did not close the doors for peace. I made an announcement last year in my Martyrs' Day message that we were prepared for peace talks with the assistance on international third party mediation.
Though we called for third party mediation we have emphasised the necessity of creating certain objective conditions conducive for peace talks. We explained very clearly that these objective conditions entail a situation of normalcy free from military aggress: on, occupation and economic stra
ngulation of the Ta
Chandrika's go to accept our propc congenial peacefu peace talks. Chandr ed to bring an end the military aggress to lift the econom government wanted campaigns and the oes as political pres ils. The concept oft as enunciated by C rnment signified a This grand military total invasion of th and envisages the d Tiger movement eventual subjugat nation. Chandrika for the last five year military scheme. T brought about sev debacles to the arm determined not to ab programme. There reflect seriously ab she taken any co towards peace talks Chandrika conv age through third pa was prepared to hol certain conditions the war effort. We osal. It is absurd impossible to hold side while engagin on the other side. difficult task to inv dialogue with the people are subjecte ction and suffering do not want to enga process with con frames. Chandrika extend her hand c wanted to lay a tra of peace talks. But ared to fall into tha Swept by the “l of the Liberation T military project crl of sand built on 1 spectacular victoric this current offensi turned the balance in our favour. Then by Chandrika over to weaken the LT military hegemony us in the matter of Though we star

mil nation. vernment refused sal for creating a l atmosphere for ka was not preparo the war, to stop ion of our land and c blockades. The to use the military 2conomic embargsures on the Tamhe "war for peace' Xhandrika's govemilitary solution. project aimed at a e Tamil homeland efeat of the Tamil and finally the ion of the Tamil worked tirelessly sto implement her hough the project 'ere setbacks and ed forces, she was bandon her military 'fore, she did not out peace nor has instructive steps
S. eyed to us a messarty source that she ld secret talks with while continuing rejected her propand practically peace talks on one g in a bloody war It is an extremely volve in a friendly enemy while our 'd to death, destru. Furthermore, we ge in a negotiating ditions and time did not sincerely f friendship. She p under the cover we were not prepit peace trap. Unceasing Waves' igers, Chandrika’s umbled as a house he seashore. The s that we gained in ive campaign have of military power nassive effort made the last five years TE and to achieve I was shattered by a few days. ld today as a form
TAMILTMEs is idable force strengthened by manpo
wer, firepower, moral power, and
people's power and have the military capability to liberate our homeland, we have not abandoned the path of peace. . We want to resolve the Tamil conflict through peaceful means, through , civilised methods, without recourse to a bloodbath and the destruction of life. We wish to re-iterate that peace talks should be held in a cordial peaceful atmosphere of mutual trust and goodwill with the assistance of international third party mediation. By peaceful atmosphere we mean a condition of normalcy characterised by cessation of hostilities, withdrawal of troops occupying Tamil lands and the absence of economic blockades.
We cannot allow the Sinhala State to use the conditions of war, military aggression of our lands, and economic blockades as tactics of pressure against the Tamils. We wish to engage in peace talks as equals with mutual understanding in a cordial environment without external coercion and
constraints.
We are keeping the doors of peace open and are sending signals of peace and goodwill to the Sinhalanation. But we are aware that Sinhala political leadership will not agree to create a peaceful environment as we suggest. We are also aware that Sinhala chauvinistic leadership will not easily abandon their longstanding policy of military violence and repression against the Tamils. Therefore we do not live in fantasy hoping to resolve our national conflict by engaging in a rational dialogue with Sinhala political leadership.
The anti-Tamil Sinhala racist political system - which totally disregards human rights and liberties - offers no alternatives to the Tamils other than to fight, secede and establish an independent Tamil state. It is along this secessionist path that the Sinhala nation is driving the Tamil nation. .
Years ago our people made a decision that an independent state of Tamil Eelam is the only and the final solution . to our national conflict. For the last several years, our freedom movement has been fighting a bloody liberation struggle carrying the cross of our . people's aspirations for freedom. . Today we have reached a turning point in this long historical journey towards emancipation.' O

Page 6
6 AMILTIMES
Chandrika has the but Rani closes
he race to elect the next Executive President of Sri Lanka has got into top gear amidst reports of many incidents of campaign related violence in several places. The propaganda war between the two primary contenders has become sharper and very personal with quite a lot of mud-slinging at each other. But the central focus remains the
remaining ten candi
4% of the vote. would be the spoilt endent candidate Ter were his supporters announced that he a would spoil their vot disapproval of the e tial system and the
ongoing ethnic conflict with both candidates claming to have the formula for its solution. In the meantime, the LTTE's military encounters with the armed forces continue unabated in the North-East of the country.
If the incumbent, Mrs Chandrika Kumaratunga, thought that she would have an easy ride when she surprised the country with
her sudden and premature Chandri
a Kumaratunga R
decision to seek a fresh man-date from the people, she may have mis-calculated.
Though many described him as weak, indecisive and uncharismatic, there is much evidence that the man who wants to replace Chandrika, the United National Pary(UNP) leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, has gained much ground. His Cambridge Place residence and Albert Crescent office has become lively with lot of new visitors. Says Bradman Weerakoon, the distinguished civil servant who was secretary to six prime ministers, "I get the feeling that the days of 1965 had returned.” His reference was to Dudley Senanayake's residence, Woodlands, where people of different races, faiths and political convictions thronged as Sirima Bandaranaike’s government was floundering.
A swing towards Ranil Wickremesinghe seems to have set in recent weeks and the crowd at his meetings is swelling. Elated UNP leaders are predicting Wickremesinghe's victory. They estimate that Wickremesinghe would collect 44% of the votes which President Kumaratunga garners 42%. Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s Nandana Gunatilleke may collect 6% and the
electoral politics, would require the preferential votes. election system auth Commissioner to an if he or she obtain 50 plus one, If no canc percentage of votes second and third pre the votes cast for the and add them up to the respective conte date who scores the votes is declared el
An intelligence the President in No has predicted a Wick ory with 50.8% oft her considerably. group of her support Temple Trees and “Some of these pe their electorates. ' around here to go v ted.
Some of her cl beginning to doubt tunga’s chances of very close fight. Th either way,” said Congress leader Po
 
 

d
ge
ate The balance 4% ote which indepnyson Edirisuriya Edirisuriya had nd his supporters es to indicate their
ecutive presidenconfrontational
anil Wickremesinghe
UNPers say this counting of the The Presidential brises the Elections nounce the winner percent of the vote lidate collects that he has to count the ferences marked in losing candidates those obtained by stants. The candihighest number of ‘cted. report that reached vember last week remesinghe’s victhe votes had upset She shouted at a ers who were at the do the campaign. pple cannot go to they are hanging ith me,' she shou
pse supporters are President Kumaraa victory. "It is a e outcome may go Sri Lanka Muslim rts Minister M.H.-
15 DECEMBER 1999
M.Ashraff, a good assessor of election
trends.
Political analysts say the odds were in favour of the President when she called for a snap poll on October 20. The gap between her and Wickremesinghe was wide. People saw her as peace-friendly, capable of militarily weakening the LTTE and Wickremesinghe as the spoiler of her peace efforts. He was also seen as a week, ineffective, indecisive, selfish leader who had no interest in the welfare of the country. He was also perceived as an intemperate man ill at ease among the masses.
Surveys showed that peace constituency that helped her to sweep the 1994 presidential election had expanded since then. It was to capitalize on this growing constituency, the anticipated war victories and the adverse public perception of Wickremesinghe the President decided on the snap election. She also wanted to catch the UNP unprepared and with its incessant internal bickering.
All these calculations seem to have gone awry. The UNP would appear to have been well prepared for the snap poll and it announced Wickremesinghe's candidature the very next day. Wickremesinghe was ready with a new style campaign and a program of action which he described as a pact with the people. He was prepared to project a fresh image of himself as a frank, down-to-earth politician who was ready to solve the problems of the people.
"I am not going to give you any pledge because I know I cannot keep them. I cannot bring prices down because it is not in my hands but in the international commodity prices. Instead I will take all possible actions that would improve your income, earning power. That would help you overcome the diff. iculties caused by the increase in prices,” he tells every meeting.
He tells them that he had met over 300,000 persons during the past three months and had identified their problems and needs. People want peace, economic development. They want to study the English language and enjoy the benefits of the information technology. "I will do those things, I will make the Sri Lankan society knowledge-based,” he says.

Page 7
15 OECEMBER 1999
"I have come to a pact with you. I will do what I undertake to do,' and he had placed a simple 6-page document in their hands with the title "My Pact with the People'. It reminds one of the US Congressman Newt Ginchrist's "My Contract with the American People”. Theslick presentation ofWickremasinghe's campaign confirms reports of the role played by a leading Public Relations firm from Britain where spin-doctoring during election campaigns has developed into a fine art.
President Kumaratunga seems to have made a grave mistake by trying to splinter the UNP, a mistake similar to what UNP made in 1994 when it admitted Anura Bandaranalike who was causing problems within the SLFP. The admission of Sarath Amunugama, Nanda Mathew, Wijeyapala Mendis, Susil Moonasinghe and Prof. Stanley Kalpage and their group failed to weaken the UNP as 60% of the people interviewed in the last week of November in the ORG-Marg Smart survey showed. People think that they are a pack of power hungry politicians who were sidelined by Wickremesinghe.
The entry of Moonasinghe and Kalpage has roused the suspicions of the minority communities - Tamils and Muslims -as they consider them as the ones who blocked the UNP from helping the government to enact its devolution proposals in parliament. In fact Ashraff had voiced this suspicion openly. Moonasinghe had conveyed to Ashraff through a friend that he was hurt over it. “What is he if he is not a racist?” Ashraffhad queried. Moonasinghe is said one of the men close to the the Sinhala chauvinist Vira Vithana Movement.
Admitting Mendis also has caused dissension inside the governing party. At a campaign meeting at Kaduwala on December 1 Minister Jayaraj Fernandopulle refused to sit with Mendis and took a back seat. He went to the front row only after Mendis left. "How can I sit with the man who was harassing my supporters all these years?” Fernandopulle asked.
President Kumaratunga’s dependence on her uncle Deputy Defence Minister General Anurutha Ratwatte to deliver her a military victory during election time had misfired. Ratwatte launched Operation Watershed to link the troops at Ampagamam with those at Paranthan through a series of limited moves and achieve his cherished
opening of the lanc the eve of the pres backfired. The Tige piercing operations asing Waves 3, ri Vanni territory gov captured in 18 mont of losing over 300 amount of militar spurts, eastern sectic 2-5 and the western Government troops camps in ten days h defensive position iya and Weli Oya. atening Elephant Camps.
The impact oft defeat, dubbed the affected morale in island. Wickremes of that military deb attributes the defea ference, the desire victory during the attacked the poors saying that that had over an uncontroll President responde of a possible consp; sections of the arm said the presence o of staff Lt. Gen. Vannijust before th Such a conspiracy UNP had denied it. on social service explained to the p who had questione With Presider charismatic smile li Wiclremesinghe's i oving, doubts abou a win at the first c( In all the three pri elections winnersh of the votes. In th election held in 19 wardene obtained polled. In the secon sident Ranasinghel 50.5% of the votes. 9 November 1994 candidate Presid poled 4,709,205 vc ted 62.28% while U Dissanayake collect being 35.91% The dates shared the ba votes. Since then P Bandaranaike Kumr rity had considerab by the performance

route to Jaffna on idential election. It :rs in two sharp and code named Uncetrieved the entire ernment troops had hs at a colossal cost ) soldiers and huge y hardware in two or during November sector a week later. that lost ten major ad been pushed into at Mannar, VavunThey are also thre
Pass and Palaly
he massive military Vanni debacle, had the south of the nghe has made use acle very deftly. He ut to political interto show a military election. He also trategy of Ratwatte spread the military able wide area. The d with suggestions iracy between some ny and the UNP. It fretired army chief Lucky Algama in e debacle suggested '. Algama and the He had gone there work, Algama had olice investigators d him.
it Kumaratunga's osing its appeal and mage steadily impr
ther ability to score
ount have surfaced. evious presidential adpolled over 50% e first presidential '82 President Jaye52.9% of the votes ld held in 1988 PrePremadasa gathered In the third held on People's Alliance ent Kumaratunga otes, an unprecedenJNP's Mrs. Gamini ted 2,715,283 votes, other four candilance 1.81% of the resident Chandrika laratunga's populaly eroded as shown of her party in the
TAMILTIMES 7
Provincial Council election held early this year. In the five provincial councils - West, Central, North Central, Uva and Sabragamuva- PA garnered only 45.26% of the votes against UNP's 42.56%.
To raise that percentage to 50 she will have to fall back on the block votes of the three minority groups, Jaffna Tamils, Muslims and the Indian Tamils, who backed in 1994. Her campaign, at the initial stage, was thus focused on showing that she was the only leader who had the vision to find a political solution to the ethnic problem. She declared, in her address to the nation on October 20, that she called for the election to get a mandate from the people for the government's political package. Elect me first and then give me the two-third majority at the parliamentary election to enable me to resolve the racial conflict, she said.
Wickremesinghe countered her on two counts. First, he told the people that the government's peace package would not bring peace. "Substantial section of the Sinhalese and Tamils have rejected the President's peace package. LTTE had rejected it. Even moderate Tamil parties have rejected it. The government's proposals are not going to bring peace to the country. We must talk to the LTTE and others and work out a solution acceptable to all and then amend the constitution accordingly,” he said.
Second, he placed a practical formula for a solution. Addressing Colombo-based Foreign Correspondents Association on November 10 he said: “We cannot afford this war. It is a big drain on the economy. With the war on we cannot develop the country. My priority is to end the war by working out a political solution to the ethnic problem."
Hethen propounded the main elements of his solution: 1. Commence talks with the LTTE as soon as he was elected President. 2. Establishing a temporary administration for the North-east for two years in which the LTTE would be invited to participate. 3. Lifting of the economic embargo on Vanni. 4. De-escalation of the war. 5. Fixing of the date for the election of the North-east Provincial Council. 6. Third Party Mediation
Mrs Kumaratunga realised that Wickremesinghe's formula would be

Page 8
8 TAMITMES
more attractive to the Tamils and felt that the Jaffna Tamil vote bank was slipping away from her hands. Using the statement alleged to have been made by Wickremesinghe to the effect that if he was elected he would hand over the administration of the Northeast to the LTTE, she accused her rival of having hatched a conspiracy with the LTTE. She charged that the UNP leader's reported proposal would lead to the division of the country.
President Kumaratunga, in her latest publication addressed to the voters, "The Ethnic Question and the War' is seeking a mandate to take the country out of the quagmire of ethnic strife and mistrust and rebuild the confidence and trust among all the peoples by implementing a new Constitution. "I seek your mandate through which you will empower me to set in motion the process of introducing a new Constitution for the Republic of Sri Lanka which shall be to the benefit of all of us,” she said in the publication.
The salient points in the proposals for a New Constitution presented by Mrs Kumaratunga are:
1. Bringing about far reaching
changes in the col our constitutional S all sections of the of community, eth participate and cont of political powe participants in pow about a modernisin very nature of the p prevails today.
2. Empowering incial or regional c that would enable munities in our col governmentor auto: of their day to day eby build a richer
3. Establishing integrity, indivisibi of the Republic of 4. Using the m cepts of Human R. in the world to w Human Rights and in the country,
5. While re-ass those who speak Tamil languages, t Tamil and English : of the country.
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onial framework of tructures, to enable people, irrespective nicity or religion, to ribute to the process r, and thereby be er sharing, to bring g and change in the power structure as it
, the various provouncils in a manner the diverse comuntry to enjoy selfnomy in the conduct activities, and therunity in diversity. firmly the territorial lity and sovereignty Sri Lanka. lore advanced conights now accepted iden the scope of Fundamental Rights
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15 DECEMBER 1999
6. To grant citizenship rights in Sri Lanka to those all sections of the population who do not yet enjoy the rights of citizenship.
7. The abolition of the prevailing Executive Presidential system.
8. Guaranteeing the independence of the Judiciary and the Public Service. The document further states: "We must give content and meaning to our freedom so that Sinhalese, Tamil or Muslim, every citizen of this our country will be able to live with the dignity and self-respect that is one's inherent right."
The Tamil groups that had backed President Kumaratunga for the past five years are distancing themselves from her. After a 12-hour internal battle on December 4 the Working Committee of the TULF decided not to support either of the candidates. A strong section wanted the party to back Wickremesinghe and shouted down secretary general R. Sampanthan's plea to back the President. The decision not to support either of the two candidates was the compromise reached to safeguard the unity of the party. TELO has decided to support Wickremesinghe.
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Page 9
15 DECEMBER 1999
Pirpaharan’s Message
Compared to the previous ones, the 1999 Heroes Day message delivered by the Tamil Tiger leader V Pirpakaran on 27 November was the most upbeat, bullish and hard-hitting. He could afford to do so in the backdrop of a string of recent successes on the military front resulting in the recapture of almost all the territory the LTTE lost to the government forces since 1996.
The message peppered with vitriolic attacks against President Chandrika Kumaratunga's regime reflected the extent of the Tiger leader's hatred and anger. Pirapaharan made it clear that he would not like to hold talks with the present government of President Chandrika Kumaratunga who is running again for the Presidency in the election to be held on 21 December. He described the five-year rule of Chandrika Kumaratunga as a curse on the minority Tamil people. "Chandrika's oppressive rule marks an epoch consisting of blood stained pages of our history. Her tyrannical rule left a permanent scar on the soul of the Tamil nation.'
Pirapaharan also revealed that Chandrika had sent a message through
PEOPLE SI PO
a third party offeri on certain conditi with the war. "W osal. It is absurd ossible for peace in a bloody war c said.
Not mincing leader said, "Wed She does not ha determination tc national conflict in manner.'
Political analy supremo was se ahead of the elect was returned to pc go on without an iations. Was the L voters, if they w Chandrika, and th her main rival R who has announ begin talks with t party mediation? Asserting th today as a formi military capability eland, they had nic of peace and wa
(Continued from page 8)
EPRLF has decided to be neutral. PLOTE has not come out in open support of President Kumaratunga. EPDP is the only Tamil group to back the President. It is reported that the EDDP has been appointed President Kumaratunga's polling agent in the
Jaffna district and it is carrying on a
poster campaign. Former North-east chief minister and leader of the EPRLF Varatharaja Perumal has hitched his bandwagon to President Kumaratunga for which he has been suspended by the party.
Indian Tamil community too is also divided. Though Ceylon Workers Congress is sticking on with the President, smaller groups have crossed over to Wickremesinghe's side. Even in the CWC a strong section favours Wickremesinghe and cracks have appeared in that monolithic organisation. Muslims are also divided. SLMC leader Ashraff will find it difficult to deliver the same number of votes it delivered for the President in
1964.
President Kum worried about lc parties which had recently. To retai peace constituenc her readiness to after the elections. support base she a bonanzasto a varie Prominent among 500 monthly pay garment worke complain that t industry that had r growth. Pensions a Some commentato hikes, put togethe. election expenses economy.
Taking all fa including the f incumbent with a state machinery President Kumara this campaign, but Ranill Wickremesi
 
 

TICS
ng to hold secret talks ons while continuing e rejected her propand practically imptalks while engaging n the other side,' he
his words, the Tiger o not trust Chandrika. ve the honesty and resolve the Tamil a fair and reasonable
sts felt that the LTTE lding a clear signal ion that if Chandrika ower, the conflict will y prospect of negotTTE leader telling the 'anted peace, defeat hat means to vote for anil Wickremesighe ced his intention to he LTTE with third
at the LTTE stood dable force with the to liberate our homtabandoned the path inted to resolve the
laratunga is said to be osing support from been her allies up to n the support of the y she has announced talk with the LTTE To stabilise her rural nnounced a series of ty of working sector. them were the Rs. hike to the 300,000 s. Manufacturers hat would kill the ecorded 5% negative lso have been raised. ors say that these pay with war losses and
would damage the
ctors into account act the she is the l instruments of the is at her disposal, unga has the edge in there is no doubt that nghe is closing in. o
TAMILMES 9
Tamil conflict through peaceful means. Peace talks should be held in a peaceful cordial atmosphere of mutual trust with the assistance of international third party mediation. He defined peaceful atmosphere as "a condition of normalcy characterised by cessation of armed hostilities, withdrawal of troops occupying the Tamil lands and the absence of economic blockades'.
It is quite likely that if the UNP leader Wickremesinghe won at the forthcoming election, he will commence talks with the LTTE. But will he be able to provide the "peaceful atmosphere' as defined by the LTTE leader which includes the withdrawal of government troops from the North and East? Will he agree to withdraw the troops from the Jaffna peninsula? If not what then?
Pirapaharan has himself given the answer in his Heroes day message: "Years ago our people made a decision that an independent state of Tamil Eelam is the only and final solution to our national conflict. ..... Today we have reached a turning point in this long historical journey towards emancipation."
Blasingham in London
Meanwhile, the LTTE's political adviser Anton Balasingham, who with his wife Adele returned to London for medical treatment made his first public appearance on 27 November at a function to mark the Heroes Day commemorated by the LTTE.
Balasingham in an hourlong speech said that the LTTE is determined to secure the Tamil people's aspirations and drive out the occupation forces of the Srilankan Army, adding that LTTE had sufficient manpower, firepower and peoples power to liberate the Tamil homeland. "And our recent successes have demonstrated our capability, giving new confidence that an independent Tamil Eelam can be established,' he said.
Balasingham affirmed the LTTE's position that third party mediation was essential for negotiations to take place between the parties for the settlement of the conflict in Sri Lanka. Revealing that since the war broke out in April 1995, President Chandrika had "offered to negotiate with mediation three times, but had placed unacceptable conditions.' The Commonwealth Secretariat and the government of Norway were suggested as mediators. The

Page 10
10 ALTIMES
problem with Chandrika's suggestion, according to Balasingham was that she wanted the LTTE to negotiate in secrecy without the people of Sri Lanka or rest of the world. She wanted the talks to take place in a foreign country in utter secrecy. She also wanted the talks to take place while the war continued. Saying that this "secrecy was unacceptable to us and the Tamil people,” Balasingham asked, "How can we sit and talk in a nice hotel in a foreign country while our people are being killed and starved?'
Referring to his illness, Balasingham said that when he fell ill in the Vanni with kidney failure, President Chandrika Kumaratunga had been approached by Britain, Norway and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to grant him safe conduct by allowing his transport abroad for treatment. Even though the LTTE released captured Sri Lanka Army (SLA) soldiers as a sign of goodwill, the government had seized the opportunity of his predicament to impose conditions on the LTTE, he said, “They wanted the LTTE to cease operations in Jaffna, not interfere with local administration and not target the supply ships to the Army there," he said. "All these things which, peculiarly enough, had nothing to do with my kidney" he said amidst laughter. “Then the LTTE leader Pirapaharan told me not to worry, that they would take care of my transportrequirements," he said, "I was brought out by LTTE boat and ship." "A government which would exploit my illness is not going to be bothered by the hardships of the Tamil people," he said.
Balasingham also sought in his speech to allay some "misapprehensions and fears' generated in India about the establishment of a state of Tamil Eelam. Dismissing suggestions that the creation of a separate in Sri Lanka would fan the flames of Tamil nationalism of separatism in Tamil Nadu, he said, "It is baseless for people entertain fears that the people of Tamil Nadu will demand a separate state if Tamil Eelam was established. The Tamil people in India enjoy a federal democracy. They are not being persecuted, bombed or starved. Why should the clamour for a separate state?”
The LTTE is pledged not to get involved in India's internal affairs, and was not opposed to India's national or geopolitical interests. On the contrary,
the "future state of be an ally of India,”
Whither the Vis Recently an arti Colombo weekly, “ under the title “Ra Visionary' praising found understandin of the Tamil people solving them. In ci article, a column News' noted that in to the article and "c Hamlet, the very ep among all of Shakes it was obvious the " so with very good ur an apt description of constant dilly-dally question, and his ina decision on this all issue. Hamlet is alw his dilemma, best monologue, "To be the question'. In that was right on target the UNP leader.'
The intention c columnist was clear UNP leader who is top post. And he dic uted dictionaries.
The Oxford E. defines "a visionary & noun; l.a given t to indulging in fanc ting only in a Visic nation; imaginary, fi hence 2 n visionary Webster's Dictic onary as follows: ' someone who ima should be and pays they actually are or be; 2 adj. conjured ation without bein inclined to be a visi
Handing Over Ch; UNP presidenti Wickremesinghe ha of protests in the S ential campaign, Sr Chandrika Kuma would hand her ov Prabhakaran if elec Probably unner accusations by the ples Alliance that asinghe, if he won the North-East to thi a step further and gc

Tamil Eelam would Balasingham said.
ionary? cle appeared in the he Sunday Leader' mil: Hamlet Turns him for his newly g of the problems and his vision for ommenting on this ist in “The Daily giving this headline :omparing Ranil to itome of indecision peare's characters, Leader' was doing lderstanding. It was Wickremesinghe's Ing about the ethnic bility to take a firm important national ays remembered by described in his or not to be, that is Esense the "Leader' in its assessment of
of the Daily News - to poke fun at the
contesting for the lso by quoting rep
nglish Dictionary ”: “Visionary - adj. o seeing visions or iful theories; exison or in the imagianciful, unpractical;
person.” bnary defines a visi"Visionary noun - gines how things little regard to how are likely in fact to up in the imagin|g related to facts onary.”
andrika al candidate Ranil is kicked up a storm Sri Lankan Presidliping at President rantunga that he ver to LTTE chief ted. ved by the repeated leaders of the PeoRanill Wickreml, would hand over e LTTE, Ranil went t into more trouble
15 DECEMBER 1999
when he said at a public meeting: "My motive is to win the election and work for the whole country free of political rivalry. Therefore, if people accept me please cast your vote for me. I shall not. hand over the country to Prabhakaran, however I shall if necessary hand over Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to Prabhakaran. She can go and reside in the Wanni. Now tomorrow on TV they will show this and say what a hard hearted man Ranilis. I know Chandrika from my young days."
While Ranil's supporters wanted his statement to be treated as a joke made in lighter vein, Chnadrika's supporters have raised it to the level treason. A colunminist in Colombo newspaper considered the UNP leader’s statement as an insult to all women: "Ranil Wickremesinghe, as the leader of the UNP, now has to apologise not only to President Kumaratunga about this statement, but also to all the women in Sri Lanka, including the women members and supporters of the UNP, for his contempt for the rights of women and the unparalleled insult to all women at the core of this statement.'
At a later public meeting, Mrs Kumaratunga paid her rival back in kind for the comment he had made. "I should remind him that he has no right to hand over the President of a country, or any other woman, to Prabhakaran. We don't mind him offering his own. spouse to Prabhakaran"
Meanwhile Wickremesinghe strenuously denied that he had agreed to hand over the administration of the North-East to the LTTE. His lawyers have sent a letter to the Lake House group of newspapers demanding a retraction of the statement from the Presidential Secretariat which made the allegation and asserting that the statement that Wickremesinghe had a plan to hand the administration of the North and East should he win the forthcoming election was totally false.
An Intriguing Question
The relative silence on the part of some extremist Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinist organisations during the ongoing presidential election campaign is truly intriguing. Organisations like the National Movement Against Teerorism (NMAT) and the Sinhala Veera Vidhana (SVV) which carried on a relentless and sustained campaign against the PA government's devolution proposals charcterising them as a

Page 11
15 DECEMBER 1999
betrayal of the Sinhala-Buddhist nation have become eloquent by their silence.
The NMAT has been carrying on a systematic campaign demanding the government to intensify the war against “Tamil TigerTerrorism”untilitis annihilated. They were very active in breaking up peaceful meetings that called for an end to the war by negotiating with the LTTE. The SVV, the leading light of which is Rev. Sobitha Thero, was more sinister, This organisation that exhorted the Sinhalese people not to have any dealings with Tamil or Muslim owned business establishments. They asked the Sinhalese not to rent out or lease their homes to Tamils or Muslims. In some areas, such as Kiribathgoda, they even prevented Tamil and Muslim traders from putting up signboards at their business premises. There was always the accusation made that the SVV was working in collusion with and having the active support of some leading figures in the UNP. That archetypal chauvinst of the Jathika Chinthanaya persuasion, who has of late distanced himself from these organisations which he embraced most avidly not so long ago, has lamented that their silence is due to the fact that they have been massively penetrated by the UNP. The question is who has penetrated whom? Will these dark forces permit Ranil Wickremesinghe, if he wins in his bid for the top post, to keep his promises in resolving the ethnic conflict by de-escalating the war, negotiating with the LTTE and setting an interim council under the control of the LTTE to run the administration of the North-East until permanent solution is reached.
Ashraff's Poetic Troubles
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader and cabinet minister M H M Ashraff has ruffled the feathers of many. The cause of Ashraff's troubles is that in his book of poems written in Tamil titled "Nan Enum-ni" is included a poem titled "Lord Buddha and the Poet'.
The orchestrated chorus of protests has resulted in Mr Ashraff tendering a statement of apology. His statement said: "I notice that once again I have been brought into a controversy. The poem I wrote on the title "Lord Buddha and the Poet' has caused disturbance in some circles. Before I explain the poem and the contents I would like to reassure to the Maha Sangha and Buddhist Community that I have the
greatest respect for the Buddhist Comm
I am certain it is ers who are trying to out of a mole-hill. poem or its contents of mind to anyon genuinely I wish to t and regret.
A poem has to the viewpoint of a which is not the ord anyone wants to u1 according to its or every poem may bec
All I tried was prevailing shortcom nment Policy in co Buddha Dhamma.
I strongly believ Sinhalese in this cou versant in Tamil l Tamil speaking pec versant in Sinhala la problem will come to tive through the po Sinhala readers that age and the Dhamm things.
I admit and I nov is a problem in the my poem where Ig say that he will be r I realise that it is a m I feel sorry for this.
In another poem samebook I am invit med to rise again tc dictions prevailing in munity. Muslims in believe in re-birth. T Prophet Mohamed t insult to Prophet Mc Buddhist brothe understand the con this poem."
Lord Buddha and
One day I met Lord B He greeted me "How I replied in Sinhala Assuming he would b Lord Buddha was puz "I do not understand, It was in Sinhala I sp. He smiled and said th He does not know Sin "Didn't you come to long years ago? Have you forgotten th of having taught us y "Yes all that is true b

TAMILTIMES 11
Lord Buddha and unity.
the mischief makmake a mountain However, if my have caused pain 2, sincerely and ender my apology
be looked at from poetical language inary language. If lderstand a poem dinary language, ome controversial. o bring about the ings in the GoverInformity with the
that the day every ntrybecomes conanguage and the yple become connguage, the ethnic an end. My objecem was to tell the the Sinhala langua are two different
w realise that there
last paragraph of et Lord Buddha to e-born again. Now istake. Once again
h contained in the ing Prophet Moha) solve the contrathe Muslim Comany event do not he fact I am asking o come again is no bhamed. I hope my rs and sisters will textual content of
the Poet
uddha are you, Poet"
2 pleased zled
"he said oke, ”I said
at
hala Sri Lanka
!e history pur Dhamma?” ut... but ".
"But... What do you mean by but? Tell me the truth quickly, "I said Sinhala is a beautiful language However I conveyed my Dhamma In a different language, he said "If that be so, when did you learn Tamil, "I asked, "After the injustice of 1956," he said "Even my message and values are dying" With sadness, He began.... Do you say this even after witnessing the flowering of Your statues all over Sri Lanka Lord Buddha replied me "Because the truth has gone to deep slumber Andjealousy is flying all over There is no place untouched By robbery and theft, The government displaying The taverns as its sign of commitment to the Sasana. The souls have plunged As a result of being surrounded By gambling centres And dances of the naked damsels Competition and destruction of human life have increased In the name of war and struggle, The frustrations of the poor Became a bonfire For the inflamed economy, And the peace I gained under the Bodhi tree Gets more and more distant everyday The art I discovered to conquer Sadness appears to be dying Lord Buddha declared. "Sir, you are the Great Lord Buddha, It's not correct for you to be worried, "I said Lord Buddha thereupon gave me a smile "Are you now okay, You may now smile, "I said Lord Buddha looked at me once again "Saints neither smile nor laugh, Nor do they worry" When their followers flout their rules I began to understand the language of his eyes
"Oh Sir, I am mad, please forgive me, "I said Buddha looked at me once more Again did he give me a flowery smile,
"Oh Lord, Why not you pray for our dying nation?" I asked He said, "I can see a way out of this problem." "I want to teach the Dhamma once again In a language they understand" "But you don't know Sinhala How will you do that, "I asked "I want to know whether these people
(continued on next page)

Page 12
12 AMILTIMES
W the undersigned, believe that the ongoing war in the NorthEast is an outcome of the long unresolved ethnic conflict and the most serious problem that the country faces. We call on the people to vote at the forthcoming Presidential Election for the candidate who demonstrates, by word and deed, the ability to resolve the conflict and bring lasting peace to the country.
We request the Presidential candidates to answer the following questions:
1. Are you for ending the war soon and what action will you take to achieve this?
2. What are the basic principles of the political solution that you propose? Please be specific. In particular we ask: (Continued from page 1 l) will learn Tamil At least in order to communicate with me". "I will be reborn in Sri Lanka very soon I shall abide by a new rule to teach my Dhamma
in Tamil soon, "said he, Having heard him, the Red Lotus flowers At his feet began to sing in happiness, The skies too were pleased to hear them.
End Piece
Accusatory letters to each other by the two main candidates has become a familiar feature in the current presidential election campaign. In a recent letter addressed to his main rival Mrs Kumaratunga, the UNP leader Mr Wickremesinghe, inter alia, said: “For many people Sri Lanka has become a terrifying place in which to live." To even to think of saying this, it must have required some nerve for a leader of a party which presided over a regime under which hundreds of dead bodies of persons cruelly killed were floating in rivers, many more were incinerated on burning vehicle tyers, journalists like Richard de Zoysa were picked up at midnight and their murdered remains were dropped from helicopters into the ocean, tens of thousands disappeared without trace, etc. etc. O
(a) whether you ai beyond the limitati Constitutional stru effective devolution devolution of powel (b) how do you pr( problem of the unit c North and East?
3. How do you a consensus in the to the content of the 4. Do you sup approach (PA/UNP LTTE, and how di achieve this?
5. To bring abc ment, how do you p1 the LTTE? If you a to the LTTE, what co measures with the pose for implement: 6. Do you agree litation/mediation a should this take?
7. How do you that the new Cons Law? What Const would you envisag would you take to changes?
8. Pending the end what action regarding the follow (a) What extra would be given to th and are being dis refugees by the war (b) The provis medicine in adequa
Tari
TIMES
I wish to payirenew n I am Sending you a gif Please send an introdu
enclose a donation of
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

e prepared to go ons of the present |cture to achieve obstruction to the , and
pose to solve the foevolution in the
propose to achieve South with regard political solution? port a bipartisan ) to talk with the o you propose to
ut a peace agreeopose to deal with reprepared to talk onfidence-building LTTE do you proation at this time?
to third party facind if so what form
propose to ensure titution becomes itutional charges ge and what steps implement such
war coming to an would you take ving problems:
relief measures ose who have been placed and made
ion of food and te amounts for the
1999 DECEMBER 15 ܠܐ
people in both the cleared and uncleared areas affected by the war and improvement of their pathetic living conditions.
9. What have you done in the past to achieve peace and find a solution for the ethnic problem and based on this experience how would you proceed to achieve a lasting peace.
Prior to the Presidential Election we will be calling a meeting of the entire peace community and the mass media, and be presenting them with the answers we receive, and our own conclusions. We will also be sending you an invitation.
Please send your answer to reach Dr. Jehan Perera, Secretary, National Alliance for Peace, 291/36A, Havelock Gardens, Colombo 06 by the 06th of December 1999.
The following are the signatories on behalf of the National Committee and the Action Committee of the National Alliance for Peace: Ven. Malwatte Walgouvagoda Wimalabuddhi, Nayake Thera, Ven. Madithiyawela Vijithasena Anunayake Thera, Ven. Thalalle Dhammaloka Nayake Thera, Ven. Prof. Kumburugamuwe Vajira Nayake Thera, Ven. Mapalagama Vipulasara Nayake Thera, Rt. Rev. kenneth Fernando, Rt. Rev. Dr. Malcolm Ranjith, Mr. Javid Yosuf, Dr. A. T. Ariyaratne, Mr. W. H. Piyadasa,
Mr. Bogoda Premaratne, Mr. Godrey Gunatilake, Ms. Irangani Serasinghe, Mr. Tissa Abeysekera, Mrs. Dulcie de Silva, Prof. Tissa Vitarana, Ms. Jezima Ismail, Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy, Dr. R. O. B. Wijesekera, Mrs. Anita Fernando, Ms. Sunila Abeysekara, Mr. Shirley Tissera, Prof. S. T. Hettige, Mr. Andrew Samaratunga, Dr. Jehan Perera, Mr. E. Nadarajah, Mr. T. M. R. Rashideen, Mr. Kingsley Rodrigo, Rev. Fr. Oswald Firth and Ven. Batapola Nanada.
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Page 13
15 DECEMBER 1999
Former Chief Mini
Returns as Political
F驚 North-East Province chief minister Varatharaja Perumal met with the Colombo media 24 November at Holiday Inn. Physically, he had not changed much. He looked as though he had lost the fire, ebullience. He took more time to reply questions. Nine years of exile in Ajmir, Madhya Pradesh and nine months in Colombo. amidst tight security had mellowed him, made him more contemplative.
Aclose aide of Perumaltelephoned media institutions in Colombo that afternoon to tell them that the former chief minister wished to meet them at Holiday Inn at 5 p.m. but was told to keep the venue and time secret. Hotel authorities too were asked to be secretive about the meeting. Perumal came under heavy security and two of his personal bodyguards were beside him during the meeting keeping a close watch.
"I have come back after nine years in exile in India and nine months in the cold in Colombo,' Perumal said, "and I am talking to you as a political activist who has resumed his political career.” He thanked the media for attending the sudden meeting and the governments of India and Sri Lanka for the security and the logistical support given to him during the period of exile.
The Sinhala media was more interested in questioning him about his unilateral declaration of independence in 1960. One shouted from the back of the crowded room: "You declared an independent Eelam which even Pirapakaran has not done so far.” Perumal smiled and replied softly: "Even I did not declare Eelam.” “Why not? You moved the resolution at the meeting of the Provincial Council and it was adopted,” the reportershot back. "You have only read the last page of the resolution. It was a 5-page docu-ment,” Perumal countered.
“The first four pages of the resolution I moved in March 1990 listed 19 demands that we wanted President Ranasinghe Premadasa government to grant. If the government failed to do so, the last page said, Tamils would be left with no alternative but to declare Eelam,” Perumal explained.
“I was very c the constitution,”
CSS.
“Why did yo asked.
Perumal replie to do that. The e was dismantled b good officers who dragged to Coloml The chief ministe Jaffna to be hande Even the typewrit council were giv how could we f queried.
He revealed a v this matter at an in Lanka Broadca December 1. Hes: dasa had done eve administration an over to the LTT decided not to fig government forc India,
"We received from India to diss Provincial Counc moved the resoluti he said.
The radio inte “S it the LTTE tha East administratio "It was the F ment,” Perumal re Both at the ra the November 24 was asked: "Do yo as a solution to th "No," he rep "The situation Sinhala opinion h government and ready to give an istration with subs North-East Provir the Tamils too hav prepared to accept within a united Sr He added: "E parties have giv finding politicals conflict.'
Radio intervie this change in atti
 

areful not to violate he added with firm
u do that?” he was
d: "We were forced ntire administration y that time. All the ) were with us were po. We had no funds. r's car was taken to d overto Mahattaya. ers in the provincial en to the LTTE. So unction?' Perumal
well kept secretabout nterview he gave Sri sting Service on aid President Premarything to cripple his d wanted to hand it E. The EPRLF had ht the LTTE and the
es but to leave for
a secret instruction olve the North-East :il. That is why we on and left for India,'
rviewer asked him: it crippled the Northn?' Premadasa governplied. dio interview and at media conference he u still belief in Eelam e Tamil problem?” lied emphatically. has changed. The as altered. Both the the opposition are autonomous admintantial powers to the ce. The thinking of 'e changed. They are an autonomous unit i Lanka.'
loth main political
en top priority to olution to the ethnic
Wer asked: “Is it that
ude the result of the
AMELTES 13
war the LTTE had waged?"
Shrewd Perumal saw through the question. He did not want to give the credit to the LTTE. "No. It is not the murders of the LTTE,' he said. But he could not explain the factors that caused the change in the Sinhala thinking.
Perumal, while stating that Ranil Wickramasinghe's alleged claim to hand over to the North East for two years is no reason for panic, added that when the North east PC assembly was being dissolved, it was he who first proposed to the govt to hand over the province to the LTTE along with the 38 seats EPRLF had in the assembly. He also said that then SriLankan as well as Indian governments were of the opinion that the LTTE could be brought on to the path for peace he made the above suggestion openly, but the LTTE refused it.
He Said he had met President Chandrika Kumaratunga twice, the first time a few months ago and the second on November 19. He was questioned on whether the second meeting made him to decide to come into the open. He evaded the question.
"Did the President ask for EPRLF support?" he was asked pointedly. Again he was shrewd. "We discussed the ethnic crisis. The question of supporting the President at the elections is a matter the party has to decide.'
Radio interviewer probed him on that. EPRLF secretary general Suresh Premachandran had issued a statement saying that his party would not support the President or the Opposition Leader the interviewer pointed out. "That was his view,” Perumal said. “EPRLF Working Committee is meeting in a few days. The party's position will be decided at the meeting,” he said.
Interviewer would not accept that position. "Suresh had said in that statement that that was the party position." "Unlike other parties there is internal democracy in the EPRLF. Every member is entitled to his opinion,” Perumal said.
"To the extent of voicing it publicly?”
Perumal replied: "That is the uniqueness of the EPRLF.' Then he added: "I am still in the EPRLF and these are my views.”
On December 6 Suresh Premachandran announced that the EPRLF had decided to suspend Perumal from (continued on next page,

Page 14
TAMILTIMES
Junior Minister Dei
key ruling party minister, who helped form a coalition govern ment in Sri Lanka, resigned from the government on 6 December and swiched sides to Support the opposition United National Party candidate, Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe.
Deputy Minister for Estate Housing, P. Chandrasekaran, who held junior rank but was responsible for providing the crucial one-seat majority to form a coalition administration in August 1994, said he was fed up with the government led by President Mrs. Kumaratunga.
The decision of Mr. Chandrasekaran, who heads the Up-Country People's Front (UCPF), reflects the first formal spilt in the vote-base of the estate workers. It also further narrows the close contest between Mrs Kumaratunga and the Opposition Leader, Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, in the Presidential race. Chandrasekaran said he was confident opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe would win the December 21 presidential election, adding he would be able to win concessions for his minority Tamils in tea plantations with an opposition victory at the
(continued from page 13) the party. He gave two main reasons: First, Perumal supported President Kumaratunga violating the party decision not to support any candidate and instructed his supporters to paste President Kumaratunga's posters in Jaffna. Second, he wanted to start a military wing of the party while its policy is to function as a fully democratic party.
"Soon after his arrival, without the knowledge of the party leadership, Mr. Perumal entered into discussions with politicians, officers and armed forces and intelligence agencies, thereby creating an impression among party members that there are two rival factions within the party. Although he was aware that the EPRLF has already submitted its amendments to the proposed political package of the Government to end the ethnic conflict, Mr. Perumal on his own submitted another set of amendments which completely deviated from that of the party,” Mr Premachandran added. O
polls.
Parting ways wi kers' Congress (C asekaran was elect 1994 as an indepe Deputy Minister. Ti late Thondaman, all in the last polls but the polls and wi portfolio.
With a backg politics, Mr. Cha making inroads int vote after the form With his announ Tamil vote also g CWC, headed by Thondaman, the g1 Thondaman, has p Mrs Kumaratunga. Chandrasekar leader had promise of tea workers by m "It was we who to form a governme Chandrasekaran tol "It is we who will Wickremesinghe wi this time.” He sai given him an oppo bargaining for the Tamils working in Chandrasekara the Kumaratunga
The Catholic B have called upon thi vote on December candidates to refrai other irregularities.
The Catholic E in a statement on 3 this all importanto holic Bishops of S bers of the Confere gious Superior call vote as it is their sac on to do so. Destr tantam Olunt tO a S responsibility. Th rned must ensure th free election is coi voters are allowed makers, without le

ects
th the Ceylon WorWC), Mr. Chandred to Parliament in indent and made a he CWC, led by the igned with the UNP backed the PA after rested a Cabinet
round in radical indrasekaran was o the estate Tamil ation of the UCPF. cement, the estate ets divided as the 1 Mr. Arumugam randson of the late ledged support to
an said the UNP d to increase wages ore than 55 percent. helped Chandrika nt in August 1994,” ld reporters adding, ensure that Ranil ill become president d the election had rtunity for political
250,000 minority the tea plantations. n's departure from camp is a further
15 DECEMBER 1999
blow to her in an area where her
support-base is weak and affected by the death of S Thondaman, leader of the largest estate workers trade unioncum-party, the Ceylon Workers' Congress. Days before his death, Thondaman had pledged his party's support to her in the elections. In his last letter to the President before his unexpected demise, Mr Thondaman wrote, "I wish to convey to you with pleasure, that the Indiya Vamsavali Makkal Perani which met in N’Eliya on 30 October, 1999 has unanimously decided to actively support You Excellency at the forthcoming Presidential Elections. Furthermore, I wish to assure Your Excellency as the President of the Ceylon Workers Congress, that members of my party as well as the representatives and other office bearers of the CWC who are spread all over the plantation area are at Your Excelency's disposal to work cordially with other organisations supporting Your Excellency's candidature in the respective districts to ensure your victory.” However, it is now said that the party leadership is now divided despite the assurances of support for Chandrika from Thondaman’s grand-son, Arumugam, who has taken over the leadership of the CWC.
Analysts say Kumaratunga faces a tougher battle than in the last election in 1994 when the minorities supported her overwhelmingly as she made establishing peace in the island her main campaign plank. O
Urge People to Caster Wote
ishops of Sri Lanka e people to cast their 21 and urged the n from violence and
Bishops Conference December said, "On ccasion we the Catri Lanka and memence of Major Reliupon all to cast their red duty by the natioying one's vote is hirking of a grave e candidates conceat a democratic and nducted, where the
to be the decision it or hindrance and
all candidates to eschew every type of coercion, irregularity, manipulation or violence during their election campaign, the election day itself and the days following the election.
The Bishops also requested all candidates to gracefully accept the verdict of the people and to act accordingly. All candidates should ensure that their party supporters do not resort to any irregularities and respect the democratic right of everyone for a free exercise of their franchise and all candidates to facilitate the smooth progress of the election by placing no hindrance whatsoever on the officials conducting the election, and by not seeking to unduly influence or coerce them to any irregularity.

Page 15
15 DECEMBER 1999
Independent Commi on "Disappearances'
Recent developments in Sri Lanka have reinforced the need for an indepeindent commission to investigate the "disappearance' of hundreds of people arrested by the army in Jaffna in 1996, Amnesty International said on 7 December.
"The international community is waiting to see how the government deals with human rights violations, committed under both the previous regime and the present one," Amnesty International's Secretary General Pierre Sané said, in a letter to President Chandrika Kumaratunge, asking her to set up such a commission.
As a preliminary step, the government should make public the findings of an internal investigation by the Ministry of Defence into "disapp
earances' in Jaffna Sané said.
The Defence M Investigation has ri relatives of the “disa sent out last week, blish the fate, or w people arrested by 1996, out of mor probed.
The human ri pointed out that u findings are made difficult to verify th that this be done sin that some of the find public confidence,” ional said.
Relatives have fate of at least two o
Editor Grilled Ove Madhu Church Repc
One of the country's most senior newspaper editors, Mr. A. Sivanesaselvam, Editor of the weekly “Thinakkural news journal, recently fell victim to this quality when the security authorities summarily hauled him up for questioning. On 24 November, Mr. Sivnesaselvam, by no means someone with a "radical' reputation nor someone who could easily be mistaken for a Tiger"terrorist', was taken into custody and detained for more than seven hours in the offices of the CID.
This veteran, Colombo-based journalist, with a professional reputation spanning several decades, was not being questioned in connection with LTTE arms, or urban bombing operations or for harbouring Tiger cadres. Rather, this highly respected journalist, long known for his moderate political outlook, was detained for so many hours for questioning purely about some items published in his newspaper. In fact, even the suspect items - about the plight of refugees following the attack on the Madhu Church in which 37 innocent civilians were killed - ultimately did not turn out to be not so "suspect' once an accurate translation from the Tamil was done!
The question is, if a person as unlikely as Mr. Sivanesaselvam (who is a
member of the Nat vices Board of Sri President of the Ta nalists' Associatio ioned about publica war refugees, would for the CID to have office and interview Thankfully, the Mr. Sivanesaselval much further down ation and grilling had attempted to fi was being backed by pressure from that editor had denied in organisation, letal had reported the s without being partia ough released at 10 day, his uncomforta atic experience wol ently etched in his least. At the same t remain as to wheth ment of this senior T purely an overreacti Department’s securi ther there was an att intimidate ajournal The Editors Gui dia Movement seve action of the CID.

AMITIMES 15
Ssion Urged
in mid-1996, Mr
inistry's Board of portedly informed ppeared", in letters that it cannot estahereabouts, of 374
the army in mide than 700 cases
ghts organisation nless the Board's public, it will be em “It is important ce it is already clear lings do not inspire Amnesty Internat
been told that the fthe "disappeared”
is not known, even though their bodies were among those exhumed and identified in June this year at Chemmani in Jaffna, the organisation pointed out.
Amnesty International also urged the Sri Lankan government to seek international expertise in forensic criminal investigation to help bring to justice the killers of those whose remains have recently been exhumed by the authorities. The United Kingdom, the United States and Australia have shown interest in providing such assistance.
Amnesty International had sent international experts to Chemmani to be present during the exhumations of the remains of 15 people in September this year, and their analysis in October. These experts concluded that a pattern of injuries had emerged, making it easier to identify the perpetrators of these crimes. "By seeking international expertise, and by developing its own facilities for advanced forensic work, including DNA testing, the Sri Lankan government can speed up this process,” Amne-sty International said.
tional Library SerLanka and current mil National Journ) must be questtions pertaining to it not have sufficed a visited him in his ved him there?
CID's handling of m did not proceed the path of incarcer. His interrogators ind out whether he y the LTTE or under organisation. The volvement with any one the LTTE, but ituation at Madhu ul to anybody. Alth.15pm on the same ble, perhaps traumuld remain permanmemory, to say the ime, questions will er the CID’s treatCamil journalist was on prompted by the ity concerns or wheempt to deliberately istand anewspaper. ld and the Free Merely condemned the
Bishop Urges Tamils to Vote
The Rt.Rev. Rayappu Joseph has advised the people in his Diocese of Mannar that it is important to for the people to cast thei votes at the Prresidential election.
The statement from the Bishop
said,
"At this juncture, I wish to point out to you how important it is to elect a leader who will lead the country with a vision and usher in permanent peace based to justice, a leader who will be capable ofbringing to end with no further delay the unbearable burden that the people are given to bear.”
“It is our basis right to freely make use of our right of franchise....We are bound as individuals and as communities to strictly avoid all types of election violence: to be vigilant over the evil of rigging of votes and to do everything to ensure the free exercise of the right of franchise.”
"I wish to draw your attention to the gruesome incident that took place at Madhu on 20.1 1.1999. This is a pitifully indication of the height of evil in the country. This process of evil should be brought to end. God is the author of lives that these will be the seed for the birth of our long awaited peace, let us go to the polls to elect a leader the time demands.'

Page 16
1 TAMILTIMES
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15 DECEMBER 1999
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Page 17
15 DECEMBER 1999
350,000 peop
le in W
Face Starvation
The Bishop of Mannar, Rt. Rev. Rayappu Joseph, who visited the Wanni area at the weekend, said recently that most of the 350,000 people living in the district are starving, and has requested the Governor of the North-East Province, Major General Ashka Jayawardena to take immediate action to send food to the Wanni area.
The Vicar General of the Mannar Diocese, Very Rev. Fr. Anthony Xavier Croos, has senta Ietter to the Governor on behalf of the Bishop saying that food had not been available in Wanni from October 16. The paddy the people had, has been all used for seed paddy and
no fishing is pos SeaSO.
“Thus most of Irving and the situa who keep on cryi parents for food is common sight ther ests Your Excellen action to send foc there are nearly 35C said.
The Bishop has notice of the Gove present disturbanc area of the district its paddy cultivatio
Poll Shows Sligi Lead for Chandri
The second opinion poll conducted by ORG-MARG and published in the Colombo weekly "The Sunday Times” has found that the incumbent, Mrs Chandrika Kumaratunga of the Peoples’ Alliance (PA), continues to have an edge over Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP), in the Sinhala majority areas of south Sri Lanka, in the run up to the December 21 Presidential elections.
The ORG-MARG polls were conducted only in the mainly Sinhala south, and not in the war-torn North East. The results, therefore, pertain mainly to the Sinhala majority residing in the southern, central and western parts of the island.
Though the pollsters had not directly asked who one would vote for, indirect questions, such as which party was better equipped to tackle the key problems of the country provided an insight into the possible voting pattern in the Presidential elections.
To take the burning ethnic question first, 37 percent said that the PA would be able to find the best solution to it, while only 15 per cent said that the UNP had the best plan and 28 per cent thought that the PA was better for solving the country's unemployment and cost of living problems. Only 26 per cent thought that the UNP was better suited.
The pollsters ha voters in the island North and East, be 25. The earlier pol the same area betw November 2. It ha edge.
Between the tw been able to keep vital parametres, tl
MSF war
Medecins Sans el Prize winning medical and human said recently that it erned that continue the Northern and E Sri Lanka will w precarious situation ulation." A six-pa by MSF noted that ks on civilians an must stop. MSF Lankan army and til of Tamil Eelam ( international huma particular attention affecting the civili.
MSF added: “ the Sri Lankan a have placed civil alerting civilians can help to reduce

anni
sible in this rainy
the people are staEion of the children g to their helpless un unbearable and a . His Lordship requ
y to take immediate
d to Wanni where ,000 people", he has
also brought to the
rnor that due to the e in the main land of Mannar, 90% of n is about to be aba
TAMITIMES 17
ndoned, threatening an year of starv-. ation in the year 2000 in the district.
‘. . Meanwhile the Catholic Bishops' Conference and the Conference of Religious Superiors in a joint declaration has called upon the Government and the LTTE to declare Madhu a Zone of Peace under the supervision of the Church. In a joint declaration, they have recalled that 38 people were killed in the recent attacks on the Madhu shrine and that at present 16,000 refugees from surrounding areas have moved into the church seeking security and refuge. . . .
They have also called on the government and the LTTE to allow all pilgrims or any person who seeks refuge in the Shrine to be allowed to come in without any difficulty and also to ensure that no armed persons are allowed into the shrine reservation.
Դt ka
ld interviewed 1351 l, barring the Tamil tween Nov.19 and l was conducted in een October 28 and d given the PA an
opolls, the PA has he lead in terms of hough the lead has
narrowed. In the earlierpoll, 44 percen thought that the PA was best suited to solve the ethnic problem. What is,how. ever, disturbing is that no party seems to have the overwhelming support of
the people on the two vital issues facing
the country. About 22 per cent of the people said that no party would be able to solve the ethnic problem and 18 per cent said that they did not know, indicating that near 40 per cent of the people had no hope that the ethnic problem, which had claimed more than 60,000 lives in 16 years, could be solved in the foreseeable future.
of Worsening Situation for People
Frontieres, the Nobnon-governmental rights organisations was "deeply concd heavy fighting in astern Provinces of orsen the already of the civilian popge statement issued ndiscriminate attaci civilian property :alls upon the Sri e Liberation Tigers LTTE) to abide by hitarian law, giving to those provisions in population. he actions by both my and the LTTE ans at risk. While f dangerous areas civilian casualties,
international law provides that issuing warnings to a civilian population does not negate the requirement of civilian immunity from attack or the civilian non-combatant status.
"The restrictions on access of the population to humanitarian assistance has sharply reduced the level of assistance provided to civilians in the north. Unless such restrictions are stopped, the civilian population will continue to suffer from shortages of medical care, food and shelter materials. Both parties should agree to the establishment of humanitarian corridors and safe areas to improve access to humanitarian assistance. "The recent fighting has resulted in the increased deployment of landmines. Both sides should abide by the provi-sions of the 1997 Landmine Convention and cease producing and deploying anti-personnel mines.”

Page 18
18 TAMILTIMES
ust over a fortnight ago, the
LTTE leader Velupillai Prab
akaran in his annual Heroes Day speechreiterated his offer of peace talks with international mediation. The LTTE also seems to have given the green light to the UNP's presidential candidate Ranill Wickremesinghe to campaign in the east of the country. While campaigning in Batticaloa and Ampara Mr Wickremesinghe expressed his determination to make the LTTE a partner in whatever solution was arrived at to bring peace to the country.
But with the presidential elections due in less than a fortnight, and its leader's peace offering in the air, the LTTE launched its latest military offensive. This was a multi-pronged land and sea attack on the massive Elephant Pass army camp that stands at the gateway to the Jaffna peninsula, But unlike in the recent past, the Sri Lankan army seems to be standing its ground and repelling the attack with the LTTE taking substantial losses,
The successful defence of Elephant Pass would repair some of the damage to the army's battered morale in the aftermath of last month's loss of most of the hard won Wanni territory. But more importantly for the government, this military encounter will partly restore the government's claim that it has prosecuted the war effectively against the LTTE. It once again provides the government, if it so intends, the flexibility to enter into negotiations with the LTTE with a sense of strength and not collapse.
Track Record
Coincidentally, the successful defence of Elephant Pass came shortly after President Chandrika Kumaratunga brought out her election statement on "The Ethnic Question and the War.” This is a very comprehensive and admirably crafted document. It is rich in depth of feeling, experience and thought. The UNP candidate's "My Pact with the People;' by way of comparison, appears to have been written more with a mass audience in mind. The solution to the ethnic conflict provided in the UNP's document, while attractive, is exceedingly skimpy in detail and content.
Some of the relevant points in President Kumaratunga's document include the assertion that the PA would be “Empowering the various provincial
Vote o
IIGI
Jehan F
or regional councils would enable the di in our country to enji or autonomy in the c to day affairs." The between provincial cils offers a welcome that could recognise special.
The reference to may provide a meet self determinations pu principles. In ad ential statement acc the LTTE’s domina east. It included: "A need to have nego LTTE and all other
Supplementing which are still to be actual fact that the genuine (even if i record in the "Carry building of the need tion and our propo. the Sudu Nelum Mo South Bridges o Programme, the N events, youth exch and through a wid education and aw discussions carried While the UNP document or trackre work done, it has the government's ( the electorate in th Batticaloa and Amr mesingheis reporte his confidence that t with the LTTE in a mutual trust for neg "naturally created.'
The Big Question
The UNP's pre also added that "I we can discuss cor and bring about n Today the governi isoned within const will not be able tog ther by dragging of

15 DECEMBER 1999
Peace
B
errera
in a manner that erse communities yselfgovernment onduct of their day distinction drawn ind regional counhintofasymmetry the Tamil areas as
self government ing point with the ought in the Thimdition, the presidpted the reality of ince in the northacceptance of the tiations with the interested parties." these assertions, acted upon, is the government has a inefficient) track ring out awareness for a political solu
sals for it through
vement, the Northf Understanding orth-South sports ange programmes le range of peace areness building out in schools.'
has no comparable cord of educational been dismissive of fforts. Addressing e eastern towns of para, Mr. Wickrei to have expressed ly working together n Interim Council, otiations would be
sidential candidate such a backdrop, stitutional reforms ecessary changes. nent has got imprtutional frames. We o even one step furuseless arguments
about constitutions.' He has a point. There has been too much dogmatism and inflexibility in accommodating other points of view (most notably in terms of power-sharing at the centre) in the government's devolution package.
There is little reason to doubt that if he wins the presidential elections, Mr Wickremesinghe will be true to his word and immediately seek to commence peace talks with the LTTE. For the past two or more years he has been consistent in asserting that the LTTE has got to be negotiated with for peace to be a reality. But whether he will be able to persuade the LTTE to enter into an Interim Council under the existing constitution, and one he proposes will be based upon the ethnic ratio prevailing in the north-east, is a big question.
It is relevant to note that in 1987 the LTTE rejected a comparable arrangement of participation in an Interim Council. There is no doubt that in negotiations, the LTTE will demand the maximum as they did with the government in the 1995 peace talks. They made various demands that had serious military implications. The major problem with the UNP's position is that it is not based on any firm set of political principles which are any different from those present in the existing constitution. The highly centralised nature of the present constitution will remain untouched by the any proposed Interim Council.
The LTTE has every reason to be mistrustful of the promises of politicians that are not backed by either a proven track record of commitment to Tamil rights or a political consensus that has already been achieved. They have seen a track record ofbroken promises given by a succession of governments to Tamil leaders beginning with the B-C pact of 1957. Due to their mistrust it can be expected that the LTTE will demand that the government should make the major concessions first and, thereby, prove its good faith. Unless the UNP is prepared with a principled position beforehand a new UNP government will be forced to either enterinto one-sided compromises orto risk a breakdown of the peace talks like happened in 1995. Ulterior Motive
But it may well be that the UNP has prepared such a principled position. If

Page 19
15 DECEMBER 1999
it has, it should trust the voters and state what they are. For their part it is incumbent on the voters to disregard the appeals made by certain groups, who stand for “Sinhala unity” and who oppose any deal with the LTTE, that they spoil their vote.
The vote is an essential part of democracy and responsible citizenship in ademocracy. Without the vote, democracy becomes meaningless. Those who are exhorting the people not to vote or to spoil their votes should be subjected to the test, What is it that those "spoilers' have offered the people in the past? It will be seen that many of those who wish to negate the people's right to vote are at the extreme ends of society.
In the past (and even in the present) they have advocated policies of ethnic hatred or intolerance or both. Be they in the north or south, they have never enjoyed the confidence of the people and been voted into positions of authority. Perhaps realising that their paths to power do not lie through the ballot, they are trying to take the people on another journey - to another form of government, in which there is no vote. Despite the misgivings we may have about the practice of democracy in our country, the voters have a wide choice at these elections. It is clear that of the 13 presidential candidates only Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe have a realistic chance of winning the elections. But that does not mean that people have no
choice but to vote for one of the two
front runners. If we reject them totally, we still have a choice of l l others.
The other presidential candidates may not be able to win the elections. They are also untested in government, but certainly some of them stand for acceptable policies that light a beacon for the country. Surely some of them, such as Vasudeva Nanayakkara (human rights), Rajiva Wijesinha (liberalism) and Nandana Gunatilleke (socialism) may merit our vote. We can give one of them our first preference. And if we do not reject both of the two front runners totally, we can give one of them our second preference.
Sri Lanka is fortunate to have two front running candidates to whom the electorate feels familiar enough to call them by their first names. It says much for their basic tolerance that we can criticise them publicly, and that posters that mock at them can be publicly
Tam VOters an parties includir
are currently ir what they should do presidential election is bound to arise w elections take place making a decision 1 different groups sh( ount the consequen in previous electio decades. They must outcomes of the val lable to them as reg common goal of wi Tamils; freedom fro Buddhist oppressio practised in varic successive governm decades of the sopost-independence now decided should similar elections of demonstrate and ma consistency and un goal is achieved on
The PA Gov Chandrika Kumarata in 1994 with the ma solving the problem hence of the countr
displayed They hav in the past, but they the people promisin future.
The war is ragir omy has not colla not taken over and communal riots for There is much for thankful about, eve mercies to those dire war. We have the op a government tha support a governm large tried. The ex and Burma in our ( stare in our face. W the problems that t have grown much Those who campai cast their vote appe the value of demo have another ulteri
 

TAMILTIMES 19
lection: TamS
Should Boycott
Prof. Kopan Mahadeva
d Tamil political g armed activists a dilemma as to at the forthcoming s. A similar puzzle hen parliamentary in due course. In low. Tamils of the puld take into accces of their voting is of the past two foresee the likely ious options avaiards their obvious nning freedom for m de-facto Sinhala n and chauvinism bus forms by all ents of the last five called democratic, era. Whatever is be applicable to all the near future, to intain sober Tamil ity, until the main ce and forall. ernment of Mrs unga came to power ndate of, inter alia, s of the Tamils and y through peaceful
reboth failed badly are coming before g to do better in the
g on, but the econbsed, the army has there have been no the past 16 years. Sri Lankans to be n if these are small actly affected by the portunity to change t has failed or to ent that has by and amples of Pakistan corner of the world Without democracy, hese countries face worse, not better. gn for people not to ar to have forgotten cracy. Or else they or motive. O
dialogue with the LTTE, as well as of abolishing Jayawardane’s (UNP’s) presidential system of government which is hindering real democracy. Neither of these important promises has been fulfilled. Contrarily, Tamil homelands of Northeast Sri Lanka are now occupied and controlled by the government’s armed forces. The half-hearted peace talks of 1994 and early '95 were abruptly terminated at the first minor hurdle, and a policy of militarism was ruthlessly reintroduced. There is no guarantee at all, not even a reasonable hope that the PA Government will deliver justice to the Tamils if they again vote for PA's nominee in the coming election. Hence this course of action is like suicide. It will only result in Tamils going round the same cycles
of unrealisable hopes.
The option offielding a Tamil candidate at the presidential election might seem to be a truly democratic method, which may appeal to the international community. Such option is also being bandied about. But it will not serve any purpose in practice. Firstly, no Tamil candidate will ever win, considering the population ratios of Sri Lanka, as has been proved even lately by Kumar Ponnambalam. Also, such a course might give the wrong impression that Tamils support the present lopsided unitary constitution under which the elections will be held. It is the 1972 & 1978 constitutions which have been the main instruments of subjugation of Tamils. Also, the current agony of Tamil suffering and agitation will then be prolonged almost indefinitely. Even from our Sinhala brethren's viewpoint, such a course will have the effect of leading them up illu-sory garden paths as regards an equitable and lasting solution to the Island's ethnic crisis.
Another possible option is to vote for the UNP candidate. But Tamils should not forget that despite the fact that both Mr J R Jayawardane and Mr Premadasa started off by appearing to Tamils to do evenhanded justice, both succumbed finally to racialism and favouritism, making life a living hell for Tamils. Though Premadasa in

Page 20
20 TAMELTEMES
practice went all out to help individual Tamils whom he trusted, and, having been a grassroots politician, sincerely understood and sympathised with the problems of the Tamils, he used underhanded methods of governance. Had he lived, he might have ultimately succeeded in making the scales even, but only might have’. And Mr Wijetunga who followed him was too shortlived in office and selfish, to do any justice to the Tamils. Their present leaders, on the other hand, have not demonstrated strength of conviction, even as President Chandrika did in her pre-election years and as lip-service during her presidential reign, for the Tamils to reasonably hope that UNP will at least repay them for their votes. There seems to be only one option for the Tamils to follow. That is, to boycott the forthcoming presidential and parliamentary elections completely - not in silence but vociferously, as had been practised by the LTTE for some years now. All Tamil political parties and armed groups should openly and unitedly declare, and publicise internationally that they are boycotting the forthcoming and all future island-wide elections - not because they don't believe in democracy but because they have seen no real democracy from the unitary form of government practised in Sri Lanka under the present constitution. The time has come for all Tamil parties and groups to stand together in this passive and democratic protest.
Two thirds of the Muslims of Sri Lanka are Tamil-speaking, and hence are Tamils. They have to live among the majority Hindu and Christian Tamils. This section of Muslims would do well to support the rest of the Tamils in the intended form of democratic protest. Those Muslims who, by choice, live among the Sinhalas and who themselves speak Sinhala at home, would naturally support either of the Sinhala presidential candidates. Upcountry Tamils are all Tamil-speaking, and have suffered even more, economically and educationally for example, than the Tamils of the Northeast. Now, especially since they have lost Mr Thodanman who had his own personal methods of solving their problems, they should do well to join with the majority of Tamils and boycott the elections.
The suggested course of non-voting by Tamils will put to an acid test, the winning Sinhala candidate and party as to how they will govern and effect
TAM
O ne day, after a c sion with the lat Thomadman abc I told him with since never had a leader li lems are due to that.' and nodded his head have had rigid Gar lawyers, leaders oft type, but never a l understood power, how to look after his people form a minc displayed the flexibil to “look after our pe Now they are bac group says, "Don't v( "Let us put forward candidate.' What the is, waste the preciol the vote, in an empty gesture. When CNN ( the results of the pre on 21 December, w other than those of possibly JVP, even b. they refer to the low v areas within the 15 se devote to the electio) Sri Lankan Tam the illuminating stori in elementary schoo bundle of firewood to "Break the bundle'. tried and failed. The "Untie the bundle anc the task was finished The lesson is that un Sri Lankan Tam (or 1 in 8) of the p million as enumerate 1981. The mid-1998 to the registrar ge million. The total nun Tamils, assuming th has come down byl to heavier outward I 2,000,000 in the cour ing age was lowered ntage of voters is ap of the population. Ir Lankan Tamils havi
constitutional refo
justice to the Tam; minority communiti Lanka with equal
opportunities as fort

15 DECEMBER 1999
ILSMUSTVOTE
T Somasekaram
ne-to-one discuse Saumyamoorthy but another matter, e feeling, "Sir, we ke you, our probThat lion Smiled in agreement. We ldhians, eminent he non Gandhian ader who really where it lay, and people, when his rity. They never ity that we require ople”. kin full force. One te”. Anothersays, a common Tamil y are really saying is resource called and meaningless Dr BBC announces sidential election ill the candidates the PA, UNP and e mentioned? Will roting in the Tamil 2conds they might n in Sri Lanka? ils have forgotten es we were taught l. A father gave a o his son and said, The son tried and 2n the father said i break them', and in a few minutes. ity is strength. ils formed 12.6% opulation of 14.3 !d in the census of figure, according eneral was l8.8 mber of Sri Lankan at the percentage 67% to l'1% due migration, will be ntry. After the vot.. to 18, the perceproximately 61% other words, Sri e a vote bank of
rms to dispense il nation and its es in a united Sri sovereignty and he Sinhalas. O
1,220,000. Twelve lakh votes.
Now let us think of two imaginary scenarios. Suppose we could cast our votes in the presidential election in the Maldives, which has a total population of 400,000. We would swamp the country and even an SL Tamil can become the president of the Maldives! Let us imagine that we could vote in the recently concluded Indian elections, in the state of Tamil Nadu. Our bloc vote would determine the winner. Now we are having the same chance within Sri Lanka. If we vote en bloc, we will determine whether the IPA or UNP candidate wins.
There is no need to form organisations, paste posters or carry out TV and other media campaigns or hold meetings with thundering orations. Simply talk on the grapevine - by word of mouth, letter or telephone. Decide who is the better candidate - and vote unitedly for one of the two main candidates. Even if you want to record a protest vote by voting for Vasudeva Nanayakkara or some other candidate, cast your second preference for one of the two main candidates.
I was in public service for 35 years before retiring in 1992. In the later stages of my career, I had a close ringside view of how the engine of government works. Whatever system is adopted, unitary district provincial federal or regional real power will remain in Colombo. The United States is a federal country with 50 states, with 50 elected governors and others lower down the line such as highway engineers and attorney generals elected by the people. There is careful separation of powers, legislative judicial and executive. But who runs America? In whose hands does the power to wage war or have peace, economic progress, social development, or to provide disaster relief, lie? In the hands of the man sitting in the White House. So it will be in Sri Lanka, whatever form of government is adopted. Alex-ander Pope summed it all up in a couplet, "About forms of government, let fools contend, What is administered best is best.”
The vote is as precious to us as good
water for drinking and farming in the
arid lands we live. Don't waste one drop. , O

Page 21
15 DECEMBER 1999
Peace At Last in Northern Irela
Gerad Pandyan
f the vexed disputes of Israel-Palestine and Ireland are seemingly on the path to resolution, why not Sri Lanka? This question is uppermost in the minds of several persons of south Asian origin in London. This is easier said than done. Of course, the Palestine and Irish problems are long-pending ones and their apparent resolution has involved a third negotiating power - the United States. Given its dominant position in the post-cold war era, the US has seen it right to take upon itself the mantle of resolving age-old disputes. What are the reasons? Possible US domination of the Irish markets?
. Pressure from the Irish diaspora in the US? Or president Bill Clinton's desire to champion peace as seen by the US worldview? The relative path to peace in Palestine has even taken the US to bring arch enemies Syria and Israel to the negotiating table. Well, this has meant that the countries, or the parties, in dispute might better listen, or at least make the right noises that they are listening. And sometimes, get to the task of implementing what they have been listening as well, come what may
Last week, northern Ireland certainly entered a new era. The province's political landscape is changing, as political foes banded together to try and rule in peace after 30 years of armed conflict. Without fanfare but with hope, a coalition of Protestant and Roman Catholic ministers took over responsibility at Stormont for day-to-day running of the province from British ministers who had shuttled in and out from London as guerrilla war had been raging. Historically, Ireland had laid claim over the northern part of the island, which has been under British rule. And the struggle had long assumed a Catholic-Protestant dimension, with those in northern Ireland swearing allegiance to British rule. The Irish struggle had caught the imagination of Karl Marx himself, who supported the Irish nationalist aims.
Now, in a new era, Catholics and Protestants have at last made peace. The
current aim of both sectarian hatred anc of strife, reaching ba mercilessly struck and Catholics and S home in coffins. T has had a knack of of the oppressor an occupier and the ol ggle for Irish freed tolls for both sides getting militarised. the Irish Republi remain and they ( hopes. Martin McC IRA commander ar minister in the new that he has been wo anding of the IRA's who was a hate figu will sit with the like holder of a British
For the first tim power with Union are pledged to upho. Sinn Fein now expe talks with disarmam this month. The lau party ruling coaliti revival of the stallec реасе расt.
Protestant Fir Trimble, who tool getting the manda party for the new sel said: "We're going tution with respor responsibilities to th meant that the Ul longer look up to but rather go for di Fein. On the oth Mallon, a moderate who is the provin Minister, agreed wi awesome respons awesome.”
However, it is k between the variou and suspicion thri The appointment nness as education 1 kicked off protes school students wa

TAMILTIMES 2.
and
sides is to banish d the sombre legacy ck generations, that down Protestants ent British soldiers he cult of violence non-differentiation ld the victim, or the ccupied. The struom had taken huge and the society fast Now, the guns of can Army (IRA) can still jar peace guinness, one-time nd now a Sinn Fein cabinet, has stated orking toward disbarms. McGuinness, re for the Unionists, s of Sir Reg Empey, knighthood. e, Sinn Fein shares ist politicians who ld rule from Britain. :cts the IRA to open ent authorities later inch of a new fouron has marked the i 1998 Good Friday
st Minister David c the first leap by te of his Unionist -up two weeksago, g to have an instisibility, and with le people too.” This hionists would no Britain for support, rect deal with Sinn er side, Seamus Catholic nationalist ce's Deputy First th Trimble: “It is an ibility, absolutely
nown that mistrust s parties dies hard 'es on uncertainty. of Martin McGuininister has already is with Protestant king out of classes
照
in Kilkeel County Down. Years of mut
ualmistrust has made one of the groups - the Democratic Unionist Party - maintain an open hostility to the presence of Sinn Fein.
The peace process has arrived as a two-fold exercise: firstly, US Senator George Mitchel, the chief negotiator, has had extensive talks with all the groups concerned. Key Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams' trips to the US in the past few years and president Clinton's trip to Ireland had made it possible.
Mitchel made the Good Friday agreement work again, narrowing down the differences. Secondly, with the British and Irish prime ministers Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern committed to pushing the talks further, the onus fell squarely on the Unionists and the Sinn Fein. And in a historic mandate, Trimble's gambit paid off, with a majority of his Unionist party members sanctioning the peace process and the new set-up. "We've taken the jump. Now, it's your turn, Mr Adams," said
Trimble, in a swift quote.
And the IRA came out with an expected statement, disclosing that "it is committed unequivocally to the search for freedom, justice and peace in Ireland. In our view, the Good Friday agreement is a significant development, and we believe its full implementation will contribute to the achievement of lasting peace. We acknowledge the leadership given by Sinn Féin throughout this process'. The IRA further stated that "it is willing to further enhance the peace process and consequently, following the establishment of the institutions agreed on Good Friday last year, the IRA leadership will appoint a representative to enter into discussions with Gen John de Chastelain and the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning'.
Following this, the Irish parliament at Dublin passed a historic resolution rescinding its long-held constitutional Irish claims over northern Ireland.
This meant that Ireland would consist of two regions and not one as envisaged by the nationalists. This paved the way for the setting up of a new government at Stormont. Of course, the main question which remains is that of the IRA's willingness to decommission arms, Sure, after all the riots and bombings, the IRA has
(continued on page 25)

Page 22
22 TAMILTIMES
Pakistan: The Gen is Drifting Aimles
T.N.Gopalan
ajim Sethi is a respected journalist from Pakistan, widely acclaimed for his courageous stand against the authoritarian acts of the now ousted Nawaz Sharif. When he was abducted and kept incommunicado, human rights organisations all over the world raised a chorus of protest. It was almost under the pressure of international opinion that the then Sharif government set him free.
That man recently produced a twopart documentary for the BBC which turned out to be almost an apology for the Musharraf regime. He is candid enough to openly voice his predicament in the documentary: "Having fought for the democratic rights all along, how could I reconcile myself to military dictatorship?" But the fact is he does seem to be doing exactly the same thing, repeatedly inter-cutting with interviews with the Chief Executive, as General Pervez Musharraf prefers to call himself, even while depicting Sharif and his cronies as also the Bhutto clan in most lurid colours.
The message is obvious. "Pakistan has little option given the total bankruptcy of its political class. One has to trust Musharraf and give him sometime.” He would not dare raise the point that the armed forces have not fared any the better either in the tortuous history of the country.
Writing in his Friday Times, one commentator despairs that the outside world should look upon with mistrust the new government and that India should cash in on the situation. He goes on to proffer some gratuitous advice too: "The first step in this direction could be a serious focus on issues like human rights and the rights of the disadvantaged groups - women, children and the minorities. There are many laws on the statute books that are shameful, to say the least. Those laws must be scrapped. The second step could be constitutional reform in terms of devolving powers to the federating units. The third step could be land reform. It must be appreciated that so far this package does not include the foreign policy. While it is very difficult at this stage to wind down certain policies, certain other steps can be taken to make the policy more rational.”
After nearly tv Musharraf has not hint of heedings advice or that he different from there In his references to his interview to t harping on the resp. failings of the eli dingly talks about provide some relief but does not tell yo go about it.
Apart from sor to make the big def: money they had loo the CE regime se along, aimlessly, if ging fundamentalis Indian line remind. tably of the Zia Ul There was anoth nder. It looked likel go the Zulfiqar Ali F apparently to come evidence against hir or too much in a hu Musharraf governm that Nawab Shari including his broth permission to the PE in the Karachi airp when Musharraf w Colombo, in an atte from creating p government after h Chief of Armed Sel at grave risk the live red other passenge could invite death p Till the first w charges had not b looked like it woul the government ma All kinds of th Musharraf's approa he would not really executing Sharif — t a lot since execute Bhutto - and that keep the pressur hopefully force hin return for clemenc Musharraf is only around the legal r comes across the ( would certainly go make an example of

eral sly
o months in office given the slightest uch well-meaning would prove any st of the ruling elite. is own class during e BBC, he keeps insibility as also the e and condescenthe urgent need to for the commoners, u how proposes to
he tentative efforts ulters cough up the ted from the banks, ims to be drifting anything its emert contours and antiing one uncomforHaq times. er disturbing remiNawaz Sharif could Bhutto way. Unable up with any strong n in any other case, urry to fix him, the ent is now saying f and his cohorts er sought to deny C-805 flight to land ort on 12 October as returning from mpt to prevent him oblems for the is dismissal as the vices, thus putting s of over two hundrs, a crime which enalty. eek of December :en framed and it i be quite a while lages to do so. eories abound on ch. Some say that go to the extent of mes have changed | Zia Zulfiqar Ali le only intends to : on Sharif and to quit politics in 7. Yet others say groping his way aze, but once he prrect formula he or the jugular and Sharif, thus putting
颅 15 DECEMBER 1999
the fear of God in the minds of every
kind of pretender to the throne.
That apart, what does the military dictatorship propose to pull the country out of the quagmire it finds itself in? Set up a National Reconstruction Bureau. And what will it do?"The National Reconstruction Bureau on Thursday unfolded a nine-point “field of focus' and announced that a mechanism would be evolved to ensure that the systems introduced by the military setup were not easily reverted by the succeeding governments.” At his maiden press conference, NRB chairman Tanvir Naqvi said that the fields of focus as approved by the National Security Council would include politics, government, law enforcement, public employment, primary healthcare, education, population welfare (sic), public information and economy. In its sweep and vagueness, the agenda reads like the manifestos of political parties released at the time of every election and quickly forgotten once the polls are over,
Naqvi also said that the government would not take any action in contravention of the Quran and Sunnat. Every step of this government, he stressed, would be within the parameters of Islam. And hear an Islamic scholar expounding on the glories of Islamic polity - "(it) revolves round the norms and institutions of authority, liberty, . equality, consultation and justice as set out in the Holy Quran thus: "Obey Allah, obey His Apostle and the authorities from amongst you but in case of differences or disputes refer, the matter to Allah and His Apostle...”
That is to say that the issue would have to be decided by “an independent and impartial judicial forum in accordance with the Holy Quran and Sunnah. This completely rules out the sovereignty of the Parliament or of the people and establishes the sovereignty of Allah.” Clearly the fundamentalists are licking their chops in anticipation. Sharif himself took a lot of steps forward in that direction, and it lopks the present regime will only complete the unfinished agenda.
The sufferings of the minorities, even of the Shia sect and of the women in general in a Pakistan increasingly Talibanised are already there for all to see. Only anxious that the West could take some precipitous step and remove him from power, Musharaffglibly talks of a modernised Islam, even invoking Kemal Attaturk.
Before the overthrow of the Sharif government, a liberal commentator,

Page 23
15 DECEMBER 1999
M.B.Naqvi, had outlined the perils posed by the so-called Islamic stream. "Three of them - Jamaat-i-Islami, Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) and Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP) - are the larger ones but there are so many other smaller factions and groups. Their stock in trade is rhetoric about Islam that is calculated to excite religious zeal bordering on fanaticism. It has no linkage with any specific problem of Pakistan like mass poverty, over-population or stagnating economy. They would all profess to enforce Shariat without prior codifying it in a form that will command general acceptance from all sections of the Muslims.
“What they do is to employ a sectarian version of Islamic Shariat that cannot but promote divisiveness in a most radical fashion. Moreover, most have created armed militants wings, one result of which is rampant sectarianism in the country and plenty of evidence of religious intolerance being promoted toward both religious minorities and Islamic sects.” It is this process which looks like getting accelerated under Musharraf now.
If he has desisted thus far from imposing a martial law regime or suspended media freedom, that is because
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Musharrafhimse that he is in no hurt openly stated that h unquestioned power nded of a sequence dies's Shame in wh resembling Zia is int reporter. At one stage musters up enough ci the dictator on his au “Ahem...sir, it is sa suffer fools gladly... far only.) The dicta told you? Am I not d breaks into a guffaw. omfort of the reporte
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- TAMEL TIMES 23
From the safety of her exile, Benazir Bhutto recently noted that the civil structure in Pakistan had crumbled because of a deterioration of civil dialogue, the lack of political consensus, the partisan hysteria and the rule or ruin philosophy. It has led to the stifling of political liberties and ultimately to the collapse of state structure, she said.
Musharraf, though, does not seem to have dispensed with politicians altogether, at least not yet, though he keeps both the mainstream parties far away from the corridors of power. Addressing a group of Pakistani Americans, he in fact had a piece of advice for his "politician brothers' - "(they) have a very profound role to play and I urge them to remove dissension and discord to achieve the objectives of stability.”
He did concede, "Our economy has collapsed and we are near bankruptcy. We have been looted and plundered. Ourbanks and financial institutions are near being emptied.” However, he said he was not all that despondent. “We shall pull Pakistan out of trouble," he asserted.
Given the way things are shaping up in that benighted country, few would share his optimism. O
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Page 24
24. TAMITIMES
Convicts Get Rep. in Rajiv Murder (
T.N.Gopalan
n a dramatic turn-around of fortunes, the four persons sentenced to death in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, Nalini, Murugan, Chinna Santhan and Perarivalan seem to have got reprieve at least for the time being. The Madras High Court has struck down as void Tamil Nadu Governor Fathima Beevi's order rejecting the mercy petitions filed by them on the ground that she had not sought and obtained the advice of the state government before deciding on the issue.
Justice K.Govindarajan also directed Fathima Beevi to consider the mercy petitions afresh after obtaining the advice of the council of ministers as required under the Constitution.
With the fate of the four virtually in the hands of Chief Minister Karunanidhi himself, pressure is mounting on him, predictably from the pro-LTTE
lobby, with some human rights organi mmend to the Gove ency and commute of the four.
On November 3 rally was taken out of Chennai in supp( the four and later a nted to the Chief M to come to their res It is indeed a lo king journey for the 1991 - the ghastly flight, social disgrac the police followed torture, finally culm endous order of the Navaneedham V. w the 26 who stood tri to the gallows.
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15 DECEMBER 1999
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seemed to have greater understanding of the law or perhaps worked under less political constraints. Whatever the case, 19 persons were acquitted and three others including Robert Payas, Jayakumar and Ravichandran sentenced to life. Only the four remained to become victims of the hangman's noose.
When they filed their review petitions before the Supreme Court again, their counsel pointed out that the planners and perpetrators of the crime were dead and three of the seven accused sentenced to life. In the circumstances, the four too could be shown some leniency, he argued,
The learned judges would not agree. The roles of the four were "very different' from those of the rest and so they had to face the punishment. There was one dissenting judgement though, from Justice Thomas, who felt that it was not the rarest of rare cases deserving death penalty. The same judge on the previous occasion too had sought to speak up for Nalini and stressed the need to save the daughter of Nalini and Murugan "from imposed orphanhood,” in vain though.
The option left for the four are only mercy petitions. Under Indian laws, a
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Page 25
15 DECEMBER 1999
person condemned to death could appeal to the Governor of the respective state for clemency. If he or she finds no response, then the next forum of appeal is the President of India - there have been quite a few instances wherein mercy petitions have worked at one level or the other.
What is happening in the case of the four is indeed interesting. There have been signature campaigns organised by several groups, not all of them pro-LTTE, petitions presented to the President of India, street-corner meetings organised and so on, demanding that the death sentence be commuted in the case of four.
It was not as if there is a Tamil nationalist fervour sweeping the state or that human rights organisations across the country had become very vibrant - only the more vocal groups had decided to raise the decibel level
(Continued from page 21)
been on a ceasefire for two years from a bloody war against rule by Britain. The Unionists who voted for the peace agreement are concerned that if the IRA delays its arms decommissioning process, the agreement would not work. Where lies the key to the success for peace in northern Ireland? In the British Labour party's recentlyimplemented doctrine of devolution for Scotland, Wales and northern Ireland? In the Irish government's historic move to relinquish claim over northern Ireland? In Sinn Fein’s stated aim of persuading the IRA in the ultimate efficacy of civil and democratic processes? In the Unionist dream of ruling from Stormont? Or, in president Clinton's cherished desire to get at least one peace agreement back on rails before he quits office, given the fact that the Oslo agreement between Israel and Palestine is still in tangles? Perhaps, the current situation has arisen from a combination of all these, with president Clinton's aims overdetermining the flow of events towards relative peace giving a fillip to the political process.
Observers can easily realise that it pays, for the IRA, to have Sinn Fein around, for the tough tasks of representation and negotiation.
Historically, all struggles have had military as well as political wings and it is pure statesmanship which has always known that the political side has to control the military wing. It is to be seen how the Sinn Fein manages this task. O
to the maximum, apparently by the kinds of argument from humanistic to support of the four', The capital puni abhorrent, they w players, the trial ha under the TADA w the statutes, Nalini al ially leave behind a born in captivity a known parental affe suffered enormously years and so on.
PMK leader Dr. moving letter to C Sonia Gandhi. Even have suffered the m of Rajiv, she should enough to pardon th mend to the Presiden be granted clemency After all they ha ated by self-interest the act. Well, yes, the misguided into believ acting in the best inte ment they had been
Even a Keralitel nd was killed in Sauc had pardoned the ki their lives, appealed example to the resto joining the plea foi death sentence in the
Sonia promptly ling to the Presiden the four and declari that none of her fam her children, Priyank vindictive and wou sentence to be comm Interestingly Vai. tained a mystifyings LTTE-supporters st "He is silently work only,' they assert. escape the noose, tha or the other of the could perhaps go After all he is alwa himself as the most Vajpayee and he wo lobbied the case oft
Jayalalitha and murthy played true to tions, both veheme commutation plea, nidhi himself seeme self up in knots or pl tful role during the er stage he said he was sed to the capital pu ever the crime, a lif

wept as they are
(TTE magic. All are marshalled, moral to legal, in plea for mercy. hment is any way re not the keybeen conducted ich is no more in d Murugan especchild which was ld which has not tion, they all have in the last seven
Ramadas wrote a ngress President though she might ost in the demise be magnanimous e four and recomt of India that they
d not been motivwhen they got into y might have been ring that they were 'rests of the movedevoted to. ady whose husbadi Arabia and who llers, thus saving to Sonia to set an f the humanity by r commuting the case of the four. responded appeafor clemency to ng unequivocally ily, she herself or a and Rahul were ld like the death uted. Ko. himself maintlence, though the ll swear by him. ing for our cause f finally the four nks to some action entre, the credit artly to Vai. Ko. 's eager to flaunt rusted loyalist of ld certainly have le four. Vazhapadi Ramatheir known positly opposing the whereas Karunato have tied himyed a very deceiire period. At one in principle oppolishment. "What-term is the best
f. TAM TIMES 25
form of corrective action. Only that
gives the guilty a chance to reform himself or herself over a period of time," he philosophised when the four sent in their petitions to Governor.
In reply to a specific question he did assert that his views on the capital punishment applied with full force to the Rajiv case too, but he came to deny having said anything like that at a later stage. That apart few cared to recollect that only last year he did welcome the off-with-their-heads judgement. "Is it not a bit too harsh?' he was asked and he responded, saying, "Was not the crime itself terrible?' Any way when hauled over the coals by the Rajiv loyalists over his reported comments that he would like to see the death sentence commuted, he denied having ever said so, and with a straight face at that to the very correspondents before whom he had made the earlier statement.
Even more important, after the High Court set aside the Governor's rejection of the mercy petitions, Karunanidhi asserted that Beevi had done nothing wrong, nothing unconstitutional. It also turned out that he had endorsed a noting
from the Home Department to the effect
that there were no grounds to reverse the Supreme Court ruling and any way Fathima Beevi, being a retired Supreme Court judge could decide on the matter for herself. At least that was what Nakkeeran, the brash pro-Tiger and proDMK bi-weekly claimed, and there was no denial from the government at any Stage.
When the four challenged the rejection of their mercy petitions, it came out that the Governor herself had not sought the views of the state council of ministers on the issue as is mandatory in such cases. In fact the counsel for the four pointed out that Beevi herself had sat on a bench of the Supreme Court which stipulated that the governor shall act on the advice of the council of ministers in deciding on mercy petitions. All that an embarrassed government counsel could do was to seek repeated adjournments which was fine by the other side.
Finally the Additional Advocate General T.R.Rajagopalan went on to argue that under Article 161 of the Constitution there was no need for the Governor to seek and abide by the advice of the council of ministers. The relevant Business Rules were silent on the issue. She had enough discretion to decide on the issue herself. Anyway all the material facts in the case had been presented to the Governor by the state

Page 26
26 TAMITMES
government and she had acted only
according to her reading of the facts and the notings on the files, endorsed by the Chief Minister himself. The AAG had also averred that in over 240 instances in the past, the then Governors had decided on the mercy petitions merely on the basis of the facts made available to them. In no case had the opinion of the council of ministers been sought,
But Justice Govindarajan rejected those arguments and held that the mere absence of any mention in the Business Rules would not override the constitutional requirement to obtain the advice of the Council of Ministers when deciding on mercy petitions under Art.161. He was also categorical that the issue did not fall within the purview of the discretionary powers of the Governor, He cited several supreme court judgements to show that seeking the opinion of the council of ministers was mandatory on the part of the Governor in such matters,
Even during the hearing, it may be noted here, the judge had intervened to observe that simply because certain norms had not been adhered to in the past, it would not validate Beevi's action now. What mattered was whether she had acted in accordance with
the Constitution ol that Governor's ord and cannot be susta and said, "It is for t fresh orders on t getting the advice ministers.'
"Now there is n can play a double ruckus, he would h to recommend com is no appealing aga decision. Even ifK to ditch us for sor we can still appeal India who in turn v advice of the Vajpz which time we are mercy petitions will straightaway surel LTTE enthusiast.
Ram Jethmalan is reported to have lobby that the gove the mercy petitions even if for political to accept them a reprieve. The prothe ruling Nationa nce, in the form ol Katchi (PMK) anc Dravida Munnetri
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not. Hence ruling
er as "invalidin law
ined," he set it aside he Governor to pass he petitions after ; of the council of
Io way Karunanidhi game. After all this ave little option but mutation. And there inst the Governor's arunanidhi chooses ne reason or other, to the President of vill have to seek the yee government, at confident that the l not be rejected, not y...” claimed a pro
i, the Law Minister,
assured the LTTE rnment would sit on as long as possible, reasons it is notable ind grant the four LTTE lobby within l Democratic Alliaf the Pattali Makkal i the Marumalarchi a Kazhagam (MD
15 DECEMBER 1999
MK), seems to have really worked well
and wangled some assurance from the Vajpayee government that "it would not take any decision in any hurry on the mercy petitions of the four, if and when they are submitted to the President of India...'
With the DMKunlikely to incur the odium of the Tamil nationalist constituency, it is almost certain that the state government would suggest clemency and commutation of the death sentence into a life-term when the Governor refers back the relevant files to it, And thus the four could be said to have as good as already earned the reprieve, it is generally felt here.
But then the ageing Karunanidhi does not seem to know which way to decide, to cultivate the Tamil nationalist constituency yet again-its strength being highly questionable - or to play it safe and appease the middle classes by playing it safe and refusing to reverse the Supreme Court ruling, leaving the matter to be decided by the President of India. And when it goes to the President, the clemency plea from Sonia Gandhi may have a greater impact in reaching his decision. For the present the suspense continues, though the odds could slightly be in favour of the four.
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15 DECEMBER 1999
Freedom of the Pre: must be Unlimite
Mario M. Cuomo
he more I learn about government and especially about democracy, the more deeply convinced I become that one of our greatest strengths as a people is our right to full and free expression. No people have benefited more form the giftoffree speech and free press. Never before in history has the gift been so generously given or so fully used. From the very launching of our nation, these freedoms were regarded as essential protections against official repression.
When the geniuses who designed this wonderful ship of state came to draw the blueprints, they remembered Britain and other lands which had discouraged criticism of government and public officials, declaring it defamatory and seditious. The founding Fathers considered that to be one of the worst parts of British tyranny. They were convinced that much of the struggle for American freedom would be the struggle over a free press. So, they were careful to provide that the right of free expression, through a free press, would be preserved in their new nation, especially insofar as the press dealt with government and public officials. They declared that right of free expression in the First Amendment to the Constitution and wrote it in the simplest, least ambiguous language they could fashion:
"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press ...'
Having provided for the right of free speech for the whole citizenry, they went further and provided separately for "freedom of.... the press'; as broadly as possible, not tentatively, not embroidered with nuances, not shrouded and bound up in conditions, but plainly and purely. Gambling on Liberty
The Founding Fathers knew precisely what they were dealing with. The press of their time was not only guilty of bad taste and inaccuracy, it was partisan, reckless, sometimes vicious, and, indeed, the Founding Fathers were themselves often at the point end of the press sword.
In view of that experience, they might have written amendments that never mentioned freedom of the press, or they might have tried to protect against an imperfect press like the one they dealt with - with conditions, qualifications,
requirements, and p not. They knew the that broad freedoms accompanied by sc harm to innocent pe odds, they chose to The gamble ha Over all, the press good - educating C our freedom, watch challenging it, goa forcing it into the O
Teapot Dome, Watergate, the reve in New York Cityof disclosures tha occurred were it n. The press” insiste White House to be about the Iranian a dramatic remindero incessantly to assure nteeing our awarene the work of revelat on day after day at ment, all over the n Surely, the pres ordinary strength vigilance. That is w ropriate to consider of the press now, at ars to me - and to ol are approaching a ti law seriously may of the press and ther of this society.
Our Constitutic ting; it must be int by the Supreme Cou how plain the lang ument may appear Constitution will si Court says it says. right to a free pres care and at the m Court.
In recent decad often with the First of the time has { culminating in the of the press in th Times v. Sullivan i that, notwithstand press was inaccurat the inaccuracy sub public figure, there on the part of the p were guilty of actu

TAMILTIMES 27
enalties - but they did dangers. They knew inevitably would be me abuse and even ople, Knowing all the
gamble on liberty. as made us all rich. has been a force for ur people, guarding ing our government - ding it, revealing it, pen. che Pentagon Papers, lations of corruption these are all examples t might never have ot for our free press. ince on forcing the egin to tell the truth irms transaction is a fhow the press works e our liberty by guara
'ss. Less dramatically,
ion by the press goes all levels of governlation.
ervation of this extrais worth our eternal hy I believe it is appthe matter of freedom this moment. It appethers as well - that we me when shifts in our dilute the protection eby weaken the fabric
on is not self-execuerpreted and applied urt. In effect, no matter age of the great docto the rest of us, the ay what the Supreme The dimensions of the s are therefore in the ercy of the Supreme
es, the Court has dealt Amendment and most xpanded its reach, landmark protection 2 case of New York in 1964, Sullivan said ing the fact that the e, even negligent, and stantially damaged a would be no liability ress. Only if the press ual malice - that is, a
deliberate falsification or conduct that
evinced a reckless disregard - could there be a recovery.
This protection obviously was designed to free the press from the chilling - maybe paralyzing - effect of huge damage awards as a consequence of inaccuracy in trying to report the truth. Some believed this was too much protection; they called it a license to defame, an invitation to dangerous, harmful carelessness. However, some - I among them - thought it was good and necessary policy, good and necessary law; that gamble the Founders took was still a good one. Changing Interpretations
Supreme Court law, however, is not static or permanent; it changes. In 1985, Justice Byron R. White, who joined the majority in Sullivan, announced that he had become convinced the Court had struck"an improvident balance" in 1964. He urged that a better approach would be to return much less protective common-law standards of liability. In a 1986 case, Justice William H. Rehnquist indicated that he too would like to revisit Sullivan with an eye to the possibility ofoverruling it....
Conservatives generally seem to sense this is a good time to strike. Some recently have proposed making simple "negligence" the standard for responsibility for injurious inaccuracy. What would it do to a small newspaper, magazine or station to be subjected to a multimillion-dollar verdict, because ajury discovered its reporter did not make what the jury considered to be a reasonable search, perhaps in the library, perhaps through clips, perhaps seeking out witnesses, perhaps checking their stories, checking out their references, going to experts?
There is considerable other evidence to suggest that the courts are moving gradually, but consistently, away from Sullivan and toward less protection for the press. Floyd Abrams, a noted attorney and expert on the First Amendment, says the Sullivan principles are now under "sustained attack'.
One more point about the Supreme Court: putting aside its somewhat esoteric legal jurisdiction, the truth is that the Courtis aliving institution. Its nine members are subject to the same public events that affect and instructyou and me. Their decisions to some extent reflect changing circumstances in the world around them or changing ideas about what is reasonable or wise.
This means that, when trying to
predict a change in First Amendment
rulings, the quality of the press as perceived by the public is a relevant fact

Page 28
28 TAM TIMES
or. In the Federalist papers, Alexander Hamilton asked: “What is the liberty of the press?... Its security, whatever fine declarations may be inserted in any constitution respecting it, must altogether depend on public opinion and on the general spirit of the people and the government.”
This is still true today. A press regarded by the public as reckless invites the attention of the Supreme Court and tempts it to perform corrective judicial surgery. Thatis what Mr. Dooley meant when he said, "Th' Supreme Coort follows th’ iliction returns.”
This raises a number of questions: What is the public perception of the press today? Is it regarded as less than perfect? If so, how specifically? Official Criticism
It might be worth noting here that, in earlier, times, many of our leading public officials were among the press harshest critics. Today, the press is apt to refer to a public official who criticizes the media as "Nixonian. "If, however, presidential labels are appropriate, the media might just as fairly call its critics "Washingtonian,” “Jeffersonian,” “Lincolnian,” “Taftian,” “Wilsonian,” “Rooseveltian,” "Kennedyesque,” or "Johnsonian."
For example, George Washington
called the press "ir Thomas Jefferson w informed of the pe nothing in a newspa Theodore Roos his vitriol. He had his New York World libel after the news ption in connection the Panama Canal.
William Howa paper so bad as to told his assistant in New York Times. “ the Times will do me only be provocative contemptuous feelir Woodrow Wils iatory disposition press. He said, "Th the newspapers get not find them to th use them as given tl the newspaper deliberately invente The Best Evidence The truth is that by its natural target governors, presiden ious, is not necessar the press' imperfecti argued that it is the
OXFORD CIRCUS
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Wishes All Its Valuable ( of Tamil Times A Me Prosperous Ne
They Also Wish To Tha Support In
O171-6 No: 18, Great Oxford Circus, L.
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amous scribblers.' ote: "Even the least ple have learnt that er is to be believed.” velt added action to soseph Pulitzer and indicted for criminal aper charged corruwith the digging of
"d Taft found one be "intolerable.' He t to show him. The don't think reading any good and would in me of... anger and g."
on lost his conciln dealing with the real trouble is that he real facts but do ir taste and do not lem, and in some of
offices, news is
'...
riticism of the press
s - public officials, is - however illustrly good evidence of on. Indeed, it can be best evidence of the
15 DECEMBER 1999
press' effectiveness.
The press' job is to find the whole truth, especially that part of it which is forgotten, ignored, deliberately concealed, or distorted by public officials. The better the press does its job, the more likely future generations will be reading colourful condemnations of reporters and commentators by today's politicians, and the more likely that the historical record will be truthful and accurate.
I think I understand this as a public official myself. Although I believe I have been treated very well by the press overall, from time to time I have had occasion to make my own criticisms ofsome members of the press and their coverage in particular cases. The response has revealed that politicians are not the only ones who are sensitive.
Of much more concern to the press than criticism from me and other public officials should be the criticism that comes from candid, thoughtful members of the press itself. Recently, it has been harsh indeed. What is worse is that the public at large appears to agree.
Harper's Magazine observed in 1985 that, when the Westmoreland case hit the headlines, a "flood' of commentary from the press ensued. Editorial writers noted that the press was “widely maligned, criti
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Page 29
15 DECEMBER 1999
cized, abused, and worst of all, “distrusted." They pointed to numerous polls and "the public's conspicuous failure to be outraged when reporters were barred from Grenada." Harper's continued, "Though Americans ritually intone their devotion to the “freedom of the press', they delight in repeating another prized national dictum; “Don’t believe what you read in the papers.'
The press itself attributes much of this public disfavour to its own curable defects. Thus, "pack journalism' is a frequently heard complaint, citing the press' dependence on one another, forging a uniform point of view so as to avoid embarrassing differences, written as though every statement previously made by any reporter is indisputable, and the clannish locking of arms against critics from the outside. As Hodding Carter said in 1985,"...We are very, very good at pitching and very, very bad at catching. The press appears to be paranoid when facing criticism itself....' W
Tom Wicker adds a larger and more substantive complaint. He feels the media generally is too prone to promote what it believes is easiest for people to accept and in the process fails to cover significant issues adequately.
The criticism that is set out here easily could be offset with generous accolades from sources equally credible. That is not the point. No one is more eager than I to proclaim how successfully the press has 'done its job over the last couple of hundred years, or how much better government might do its job. Still, we must recognize the fact that this nation currently is debating-in the place where we make the rules, the Court-whether or not to limit
the freedom of the press despite its good
record of 200 years.
The possibility of limitation is a real one. I believe it requires that we admit the media's confessions of imperfection and what appears to be a disconcertingly serious loss of public favor that could encouragerestrictions of First Amendment rights.
The first thing we must do is sound the alert and make it clear that we are facing a real threat of restriction of the constitutional freedom of the press. That is not easy. The drift of the Supreme Court does not get reported in the morn
ing headlines. It is : which we must direc must hope-and we c work-that the reacti better, both the pres Freedom and Resp Let me offer yol opportunity for all contribution to the f cy in this nation: Co more thoroughly. C more extensively. ( government more C events created by officials...
The press is ab and telling it to the that, I am making a possible freedom o: with that great gift
Cri
Crime Against Hum
1999 Allen Lane, Per Crimes of War: Ed
Reviewed by Geof Bindman and Par Crimes Agair outstanding origin charting the dev mechanisms for t punishment of the so heinous that concerns of indivi the responsibility o international comm
It is no more survey. It is a challe critique of the hypocrisies of pol author has been W years it has gainec topically as a resul The unprecedented the Spanish govern General Pinochet crimes against h
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an elusive subject to tattention. Then, we 'an not be sure it will on will affect, for the is and the courts.... bonsibility u what I believe is an the media to make a prming ofpublic poliover the public issues over campaigns even cover state and local leeply, not just press candidates or public
out finding the truth people. In pursuit of case for the broadest f the press. However, comes great respons
TAMILTIMES 29
ibility. The press-print and electronic-has the power to inform, but that implies the power to distort. The press can lead our society toward a more mature and discriminating understanding of the process by which we choose our leaders, make our rules, and construct our values, or it can encourage people to despise our systems and avoid participating in them. The press can teach our children a taste for violence, encourage a fascination with perversity and inflicted pain, or it can show them a beauty they have not known. The press can make us wiser, fuller, surer, and sweeter than we are.
One of the miracles of this democracy is that all of us-both the press and the public-are free to make the choices. We must work to keep it that way, to keep the miracle alive. O
eW
mes Against Humanity
anity - The Struggle for Global Justice by Geoffrey Robertson QC,
guin Press - £20
by Roy Gutman and David Rieff 1999 WWNorton & Co - $10.95
frey Bindman, tners, London 1st Humanity is an al and timely book, relopment of legal he suppression and most heinous crimes, they transcend the dual states to become fevery member of the unity. uncritical or prosaic nging and hard-hitting prevarications and ticians. Although the orking on it for some new importance and
· of the Pinochet case. extradition request by ment to enable it to put on trial in Spain for umanity committed
le he was head of state
rds a new willingness ir international human ints seriously. Its ily described in a final
| Slobodan
chapter of the book, a fitting and optimistic conclusion.
Crimes of War is a different but no less important book, comprising short chapters by a large number of experts, each reviewing a current aspect of the complex world human rights scene. The stimulus was the failure of the Western powers (at the time when the book was planned) to overcome the periodical policies of Milosevitch. Though subsequently the picture changed, the idea of exploring systematically the topics raised by modern conflict remains valid and the execution of the idea extremely effective. By enlisting a large number of distinguished journalists, lawyers and politicians to examine each of over 1,000 topics in 1,000 words or so, what has been produced is a kind of miniature encyclopaedia of war, but written very much from a humanitarian and reformist perspective. The introduction by judge Richard Goldstone is particularly valuable. (Courtesy of New Law Journal, 29 October 1999)
EL ONLY))))-SRI LANKA
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Page 30
30 TAMILTIMES
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OBITUARIES
William Fredrick Aru Veerasingam, (80), Retired Manager, Insurance Corporation, dearly beloved husband of Rajes; loving father of Shanthi, Rajie, Vathany, Yamuna,
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15DECEMBER 1999
Thivakaramoorthy ... ( all of Canada) and late Sarveswari Segarajasingam passed a Way on August 21, 1999 in Canada and was cremated on August 25. The members of the family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted them during the period of bereavement. - 402 - 2466 Eglinton Avenue East, Scarborough, Ontario M1K 58, Canada. Tel: 4.162653416.
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The family wish to express their sincere gratitude to the many friends and relatives for the unsolicited support, their kind thoughts and messages of sympathy and for attending the funeral.
Mrs S.D. Sivalingam, 173 Northumberland Road, North Harrow, Middlesex, HA2 7RB. Tel: 0 181 429 3545. May God Keep Him in Peace
IN MEMORAM
In loving memory of Mr. Karthigesu Balasingam, Retired Station Master of 105 Palay Road, Kanthermadam, Jaffna on the third anniversary of his passing away in Scarborough, Canada on 15th DeCernber of 996.
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Page 31
15 DECEMBER 1999
Tenth Death Anniversary
Sinnathamby Kulasingam
In ever loving memory of Mr. Sinnathamby Kulasingam, son of the late Mr. T.N. Sinnathamby, former Head Master, Skanda Varodaya College, Chunnakam and late Mrs. Sinnathamby on the Tenth Anniversary of his passing away on 24th December 1989.
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by his children Dr. Gunapoopathy Ponnampalam (Sri Lanka), Tharmarajah, Vijayaladchumy Ramanathan (both of UK) and Sivapalan (Australia), sons-in-law Ponnampalam and Ramanathan, daughters - in-law Chandravathana Tharmarajah and Manjula Sivapalan and grandchildren Vishakan, Bhavan, Kugan, Theepan, Thulaseekaran and Sathiasorupan - 3 The Orchard, Wickford, Essex SS12 OHB. Tel: 01268
7666.24.
Sixth Death Anniversary
of
Mrs. Gnanambikai Peruma Piai
(4th July 1924 - 12th December 1993)
Wife of late Dr. C. Perumal Pillaj
Amma
Six years have drifted by, since you were taken from our midst. Your loving care and gentle guidance still strongly missed. In your peace we find solace. Your children, Ravi, Usha, Jeeva and Ranjit and families.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS Jan 1 New Year & Millennium Day, Feast of Solemnity of Mary, Mother of God.
Jan 2 EekathaSi. Jan 3 PirathoSam. Jan 6 Amavasai. Jan 7 Feast of St. Raymond. Jan 8 South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) drop in. Tel: 0 181 542 3285. Jan 10 Chathurthi. Jan 12 Shashti. Jan 13 Feast of St Hilary. Jan 15 Thai Pongal. Jan 16 Karthigai. Jan 17 Eekathasi; Feast of St. Anthony. Jan 18 PirathoSam. Jan 20 Full Moon. Jan 21 Thai Poosan. Jan 22 Feast of St. Vincent. Jan 24 Sankadaharachathurthi. Jan 28 Aquinas. Jan 31 Eekathasi, Feast of St. John Bosco. At Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HQ. Te: O171 381 3086/4068. Jan 22 & 23 4.00pm. Bhawan's Founder's Day
Feast of St. Thomas
 
 

TAM TIMES 31
Celebrations. Variety Entertainment of Music & Dances.
Jan 29 6.30pm Bharata Natyam by Kumaran Bala. Jan 30 5.00pm Bhavan & Gandhi Foundation UK preSent Mahatma Gandhi Smaran in memory of the Mahatma.
MOT's Tear Drops, 1999
The Medical Institute of Tamils presented its fifth Tear Drops cultural programme at the Thurrock Civic Centre in Grays before an enthusiastic audience. This programme has enabled the children in the UK to help the children, suffering from the effects of war in the north and east of Sri Lanka.
The programme commenced with the Mangala Villaku Etram by Dr. S. Pasupathirajah followed by Thamil Thai Varithu Sung by Abberami Sriskandarajah and Agalya Sivakumar, students of Harrow Tasmil School. This WaS followed by a splendid veena recital by Umia Kukathasan, Anthee Yogendran and Vahini Ganeswaran, students of renowned veena teacher Sint Saraswathy Nadarajah
MOT'S PreSident Dr. E. Velayuthapillai spoke about the aims of MOT and its activities in 1999. This WaS followed by a touching speech by nire year old Arabi Senthilselvan on the urgent need for help and peace in the Tanil homelands.
The Chief Guest, Sister Christiobell, Director of Annai Illam, Kilinochchi detailed the tragic plight of the displaced Tamils in Vanni and the Various attempts made to help those suffering due to no fault of theirs. She explained how Annai Illam project is helping them and emphasised the ever increasing need for more help from kind hearted people so that the project could continue to help the victims.
Soft music provided by Nishanthan on Mirthangam, Parthipan on Violin and Maithili singing, was well received by the audience. Students of popular muSic direCtOr Thiru S. K. Panchu of Sabrina Music Group gave an exciting performance which lifted the programme. This was followed by a Jeans Dance by sisters Biruntha and Bira Vinah Balasundran, students of Smt
Sayanee Gunanathan and Thulatha Nadanann by Theepan, Watson, Janusha, and Sabrina.
Jayaseelan, Arangan, Karisan, Gayathiri and Vinojeen, Students of
Thiruvallu var Tamil School, East Ham participated in an educational drama directed by Smit Tha Vamani Manoharan followed by Bharatha Natyam by two versatile and talented dancers Gayathri Sooriyakumaran and Vidhya Maheswaran who won the hearts of the audience.
Junior MIOT president Rishkaesan Gnanachelvan gave an account of its activities for 1999 and proposed the vote of thanks. Ramanan Natgunathayalan and Anentha Ratneswaran compered the show and Doctors Poologanathan and Ratneswaran managed the stage very well.
Dr. P. Kukathasan, MIOT's cultural affairs secretary wishes to thank all participants for their active co-operation in this fund raising event, free of charge and donors of funds towards the programme particularly Western Jewellers of Tooting.
Funds raised through this programme will be sent to two voluntary organisations Viz:
Saiva Apiviruthi Sabai, Trincomalee and Annai llam, Kilinochchi to meet urgent needs of Victims Of War.
Forthcoming Medical Publications and Conference
Dr. Anton Sebestian's latest book "A Dictionary of the History of Medicine' has ben released and has been reviewed in the November Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, London. His other publications, Dates on Medicine and A Dictionary of the History of Applied Sciences will be available in January 2000.
He is due to take part in the conference of Sri Lankan Doctors organised by the Sri Lankan Medical Association of North America (SLAMANA) on 29th December 1999 at Trans Asia Hotel, Colombo. It would last two days and is expected to be the largest gathering of Sri Lankan doctors both expatriate and local.

Page 32
32 TAMILTMES
Double Bill of Lalgudi Jayaraman & Dance Drama Pancha Ishwarams of Lanka
On a perfect autumn evening, a full capacity audience, at the University of London, Logan Hall was treated to a double bill of South Indian classical music and dance of the highest calibre by the Shruthi Laya Shangam. The London audience has become rather blase as a result of regular performances by top notch artistes in recent years. However, the prospect of Padmashri Lalgudi Jayaraman, the living legend of carnatic music and Bharatha Natyam dancers from Kalakshetra, the same evening left enthusiasts gasping in eager anticipation. And what a memorable evening Saturday, 16th October proved to bel
The first half featured the . Violin trio. Lalgudi performed with his artistic and natural heirs, Lalgudi GJR Krishnan and Lalgudi Vijayalakshmi. Accompanying the trio on the Mridangam was the renowned percussionist Trichi Sankaran and the ghatam was played by Bangalore Prakash. The opening Warnam in the raga Bowli and the closing Thilana in Sindhubairavi were both compositions of Lalgudi. These along with the repertoire of kritis and keerthanas in the middle, were rendered by Krishnan and Vijayalakshmi in a holistic style, together bringing out the bhava of the lyric and the beauty of the raga. Lalgudi's uncompromising stance on not disrupting the bhava, the lyrical mood, for pure laya, the rhythm, is well known. The diverse scholarly rhythmic patterns executed by the trio in the unique Laigudi bani, particularly apparent during the kalpanaswara exchanges, were in total unison with the bhava. The melody from the strings, in harmony with the rhythmic sequences woven by the percussion, brought out the beauty of the lyrics in crystal clear fashion to the enthralled audience.
Bakti rasa flowed from the maestro's violin. The delicate variations in tone magically emanated through subtle movements of Lalgudi's bow, at times so subtle that the hand appeared to be still. This unique technique remained unparalleled. The music was always melodious, soothing and sympathetic. GJR staked his claim as a maestro in the making with the performance of Shrikanthimathi in the raga Hemavathi. He was Consumed in the rendition of this composition by St. Muthuswamy Dikshitar, which left the audience equally spellbound.
Vijayalakshmi's ren enchanting.
Sankaran provide paniment on the mr mix of the Chathus thisrann in Adi tala manded respect V and nellinum flow over pebble stones tum tO end in a Cre, thoppi was unique, Sankaran's guru Pa Lagudis body lang an appreciative nod of the head, convey Sankaran. Lalgudi extended to Pragas Ghatam, displaying and reverence.
Lalgudi introduced end of the finale, T. chathusram in fou three. As the perfor the feeling was cravi hours had passed, had stood still. Ind Lalgudi's calibre an surely appropriate Shangham had a cl management fitting and the dance dram both Within the Sann
Pancha lishwaram child of Shruthi La world premiere tha drama was written Jayaraman and Pro music composed b presented by t Kalakshetra, * S Krishnaswamy. Vijay Was a master Class five temples in Sri L supreme Lord Ishw life in this e, Naguleshwaran Thiruketheeswaran the West, Koneshw the lost temple T. South tip of Lanka dance drana. The Arumugam, a much among expatriate S UK, in compiling the was gratefully acknc
Three dancers Sunita, Mathangi joined by Srinidh, Shobana from Lor serenity of Sunitha,
 
 

15 DECEMBER 1999
lition of Lathangi was
d magnificent accomdangam. His masterly ram, kantam and the , for the thani, comariations of Vallinum ld like a river rustling and gathering momen:cendo of rhythm. The reflecting the stamp of ani Subramania Pillai. lage, a beatific smile, and an assenting Slant ed his full approval to 's appreciation also l, who excelled On the confidence, enjoyment
a delightful twist at the hillana, changing from r beats to thisram in nance drew to a Close, ng for more. Some two it was as though time eed, for an artiste of
extended duration is , but Shruthi Laya hallenging task of time ! in the violin Concert a which was to follow,
evening
s of Lanka, the brain a Shangham, had its f evening. The dance by Padmashri Lalgudi essor Va Ve Su, Setto y Lalgudi himself and he doyenne from I?ገt Vijayalakshmi valakshmi's production in choreography. The anka, dedicated to the aran, were brought to cellent production. irገ the North, and Muneshwaram in aram in the East and Ondeshwaran at the were depicted in this Contribution of Shri S. respected elder figure ri Lankan Tamils in the history of the temples pwledged. from Kalakshetra - and Anushya, were from Chennai and Idon. The grace and the versatility and dex
terity of Mathangi, the dignity and elegance
of Srinidhi and the fleet-footedness of the
vivacious Lankan Anushya, were matched by the poise and bhava of Shobana, who also displayed the rigour and discipline of the Kalakshetra movements in equal measure. The co-ordination between the dancers was pleasing to the eye. Smt Vijayalakshmi, a professor of dance at Kalakshetra and direct disciple of Smt Rukmini Devi herself presented Pancha lshwarams of Lanka with verve, versatility, dignity and style.
Vijayalakshmi's choreography was full of variation, never repetitive and did full justice to the beautiful lyrics. The story of each temple was depicted in its own unique style. The dancers brought out the bakthi bhava movingly and never more so than when the lost temple of Thondeswaran was portrayed. Lalgudi's poignant lyrics and music left many in the audience deeply moved. The words 'Kandu un thaal paniyum kaalam vaaraatha” and “Vinthaliyuru gopurimum, vilangu mani mandapamum, a adal aranguhalum, aaru kala poojaihalum" recreated Thondeswaram in the mind's eye. In addition to the excellent bhava, the dancers also executed the pure dance sequences in pure Kalakshetra style, clear straight lines and firm jathis,
The tales of PanCha SWaramS Were brought to life by the clarity of the excellent singer S.P. Ramh, who sang the compositions of Lalgudi to bring out the true essence of the composer's ideas. Ramh is the prime disciple of Lalgudi and the maestro was no doubt justly proud of his sishya's performance that evening. Shri Jegdeesan, the talented percussionist from Kalakshetra, played the mridangam and uddukkai with deft and masterly strokes. Snt Pavathra Mahesh's veena spoke the lyrics and brought the varying emotions. Currently based in the UK, Pavithra is also a disciple of Lalgudi. The young violinist, Kumar Ragunathan, who has a direct lineage to Lalgudi via his guru Smt Lakshmi Jayan, played with confidence, unaffected by the Seniority surrounding him.
Lalgudi's artistry resonated throughout the whole evening, as the distinguished leader of the violin Concert and also the brilliant composer and architect of the dance drama. What struck me most was his generosity to his accompanists and his Sishyas. This benevolence was apparent, be it while performing on the stage or seated in the front row watching approvingly While the dance drama unfolded. The audience reciprocated appropriately As Lalgudi himself noted, fully attentive silent spells were punctuated by spontaneous and thunderous applause. The artistic collaboration behind the event reinforced the cultural and historic ties between India and Sri Lanka Praise also to the Shruthi Laya Shangam, who worked with the full support of their patron Shri R Venkataraman, for
continued on page 33

Page 33
5EECEMBER 1999
continued from page 32 commissioning and funding the events and making such a remarkable evening possible. Quite simply, it was a pleasure and a privilege to be there.
Ravi Sanguhan London, November 1999.
Sportsman P. Sivalingam
Passes Away Peethamparam Sivalingam, fondly known as Siva and P. Siva in Badminton circles passed away peacefully. He was a sportsman, a friend to all, a gentiennan in every sense and a man of few words.
Born in Malaysia, he received his initial education at Victoria institute, Kuala Lumpur and later on at St. Joseph's College and University College, Colombo. As a Civil Engineer, he was attached to the Public Works Department and then to Shell Company of Ceylon until his retirement.
I have known him best as a sportsman. He was involved in a large number of sports and reached national level in table tennis, badminton, lawn tennis and hockey. which not many sportsmen can boast of However, Siva Was best known as a dazzling player in badminton, who played intelligently and skilfully. Having hailed from Malaysia, he had the knack which no others did. He excelled as a player captain and official of the game. In 1949 the Ceylon squad, led by P. Sivaliram. Ralf Jansz, Sutiyan and Marzook Otr ran. Sam Schoorman, and R. P. Nadarajah played a friendly tie with the Malaysian Thomas Cup team. Siva was the only player who triumphed defeating A. Samuel, Captar of the Malaysian team. This was indes a great performance. Since then there has been no looking back for Siva, as he went on to win many badminton titles and was the best player in Ceylon at the time.
His pioneering efforts were seen with the formation of the Badminton Association of Ceylon in September 1950 and in 1953, he was the first national champion and went on to win the triple crown at the inaugural championships. In 1954, he captained the first official Thomas Cup Championship team against Pakistan in Colombo and in 1957 again, against Japan in Colombo. He was President of the Association from 1964 to 1971 and later Orn from 1975 fo 1978 with the change of name to Sri Lanka Badminton ASSOCiation.
On a few occasions as a youngster I remember him, for Siva and I lived down Fernando Road, Wella Watte and was able to witness him play at the Cosmopolitan Sports Club situated down the same road. He was an unassuming, soft spoken person in addition to being a giant in badminton. He was very much older than me and my interest in the game was very much influenced by him. I tried very much to emulate his skills and performance.
We in badminton Circles Will niSS Siva. He helped to develop the game by imparting his knowledge, skills and experience to the younger generation. His name will go
down in the history Badminton Associal
pillar.
On behalf of the of Sri Lanka, ! wish Condolences to his Shanka
and Anantha. M
Aruna’s Bha Arang
Aruna Kumaravel, Subathra Shanteeb; Kingston institute of ed the stage at Ash October 1999. Arur dancing for the pas has given several pe pupils at various ve experiernCe ShOMved when She danced grace. Her facial Were exCellent and stage were full of ele Srnt Subathra is Thananjayans', a we are perfectionists in art and its teaching. prising that Smit Sut the knowledge with cation is following in dainCes were well Cf pieces appropriately Sion.
The two pjeces stil for perfect rendering well performed by thi by Muthusamy Dee Gamagakna ragaan sition, Asai Mukam” in the second, the d feelings of longing w, The music support ing artistes in Lor, Gopal sang with a invoked the devotion Balachandar followed Sri L. Kothandap, Gnanawarathan o Sithamparanathan o instruments gave su the programme.
The impression Arangetramsare sta Creditable C. V. v
 

of the game and the
exhibit their affluence. It is hoped that this
ionas a pioneeranda
Badminton Association to convey our heartfelt wife Saradha and i, Narayani, Ramana ay he attain Nibbana.
Sam Chandrasena.
ratha Natyam getram
disciple of Smt an and a pupil of the Tamil Culture, ascendCroft Theatre On 10th la has been learning t ten years or so and rformances With Other nues in the past. This in the Arangetram' With Confidence and expressions (Bhava) her movements. On the gance. : a disciple of the all reputed couple who their approach to the lt is therefore not surbathra having imbibed 2ommitment and deditheir footsteps. All the oreographed and the chosen for the Occa
| lingering in my mind by the vocalist and 9 dancer are the Krithi kshitar, “Meenaksi" in d the Bharathi compoin Jonpuri, Especialy ancer's expression of as brilliant.
was given by the leaddon. Smit PuShkalla lot of Bhava and in every listener. Sri d on the Mruthangam, ani on Violin, Sri n flute and Sri in various percussion Ipport and enhanced
is often given that ged to help produce a when applying for
TAMILTIMES33
University education or for the parents to
Arangetram would not fall into this category, as Aruna has the potential and has spent some years in learning this fine art. It would be pleasing to see that she develops and propagates this art for many more years.
Miss Manoranjitham
Arumugam
(10.01.1917 - 09.07.1999) An Appreciation Miss Manoranjitham Arumugam is no more with us. We still feel her presence with us because of her Contribution towards the welfare of the students in all the Schools in which she has been teaching. She toiled hard and rendered thirty years of faithful service at Ramanathan College, Jaffna. Every student has high regard and respect for her. Her life is an open book to us. She was steadfast and righteous. We have great admiration and love for her dedication to the schools where she was teaching. She also served at Methodist Girls' School, Point Pedro and Saiva Mangayer Kalagarn, Colombo. All the schools progressed well during her time. She had lived by the noble proverb,( "எம் கடன் பணி செய்வதே" ) till her last breath. A thousand mourners of loyal teachers and students will cherish her teachings and will remember her for ever
Ramanathan College, Jaffna Old Students Association UK Branch.
House For Sale Melbourne Avenue, Bambalapitiya, Sri Lanka. Large five bedroom upstairs house, 3600 Square feet on 33 perches.
Tel: O181991 1978
Mortgages and Loans Arranged Secured and Unsecured loans CCJ Arrears also welcomed. Ring 0181 421 2109
ke e TAMIL TIMES : * :
Wishes all its readers a Merry Christmas and a
Prosperous New Millennium. 米 歌 邻 邻 杀 邻 邻 ※ 邻 邻 裘 梁 梁

Page 34
34 TAMEL TIMES
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