கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 2000.07

Page 1
vol.xx No. 7 ISSN 0286-48s 15
 

ly 2000 90p
Tigers & Monks Reject Govt Proposals
Govt. UNIP Consensus
Interview with Norway
Envoy Power-Sharing a Must Book Review

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5 JULY 2000
“I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.”
-Voltaire
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 V0. XX N0. 7 15 JULY 2000
Published by:
TAMILTIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton,
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Phone: 020 - 8644 0972 Fax: 020 - 824. 4557 Email: prajan(G)gn.apc.org
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Editorial O3 LTTE Rejects Proposals O4 Monks Reject Reform 04 Consensus Threatened 05 UNP Facing Crisis O7 Indian Role Precluded O8 Human Rights Abuses 09 Court Discharges Minister 10 Ban on Paper Lifted 10 Interview -Norway Envoy 11 Tamils to Determine Destiny 13 Power-Sharing 14 PA-UNP Consensus 19 Letter from Jaffna 21 "When Memory Dies" - Book
Review 23 Classified 30
- -
CONTENTS
Israeli
it was in Septer leader Yasser Araf blaze of internationa negotiations. Prior over two years bel government to arri Accord. The ACcorc ing an end to the bl had continued for S Wars. It was negoti was Continuing.
Rabin paid the ist gunned him dow Jewish individuals : with the Palestinian tinian hardliners wh sold Out the Pales It was former B politics is a long tir 2000 is a very long sides of the divide peace process. Des positions on basic i. pulsion to recognis their respective con This month witn the peace process from President Clin Arafat and their res. with a view to striki failed and have retu media highlighting been missed out is t tation, but to try anc Whatever the ha rience is worth follo are transparently irr and the Palestinian the irreconcilable is pragmatic realisatio making which is an difficult option which to sit and talk day a sary even year afte measures and parti, it is unrealistic to a specified time to at proach coupled with the hallmark of the The Norwegian facilitate the Comm Tamil Tigers. Thoug the Palestinians is m and Tamils, the Isra mend itself to be fol and implore the cor and the Israelis - ag Oslo Accord) follow and war and negotia
 
 

TAMLTIMES 3
-Palestinian Peace Effort and its Relevance
hber 1993 that the then Sraeli Prime Minister Rabin and PLO it appeared on the lawn of the White House in USA amidst a publicity Committing themselves to bring about peace through to this, the Israelis and Palestinians had been negotiating for ind the scenes with facilitation provided by the Norwegian fe at what has now come to be known as the Oslo Peace
was designed to begin a peace process in an effort to bringbody conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians which everal decades engulfing the entire Middle East into periodic ated and arrived at while the fighting between the two sides
altimate penalty for his peace efforts when an Jewish extremIn for betraying the Jews . Still there are many extremist and organisations who continue to oppose any peace move s. There have also been many atrocities committed by Paleso Continue to assert that the PLO and Yasser Arafat have tinians to the Israelis. ritish Prime Minister Harold Wilson who said that a week in ne. Certainly, the time that has elapsed between 1991 and time indeed. During this period, hardline elements on both have been trying their hardest to undermine and scuttle the pite obstacles and the vast differences between the entrenched ssues held by Israel and the PLO, and not ignoring the come and respond to the concerns, fears, and expectations of stituencies, the peace process has survived. lessed intense and sustained activity in an effort to bringing back on track. With the active encouragement and support ton, Israeli Prime Minister Barak and PLO Chairman Yasser lective teams met for two weeks day after day at Camp David ng a peace deal on all outstanding disputed issues. But they rned home accompanied by screaming headlines in the world he breakdown of the talks. But what is significant that has hat both sides have promised not to return to violent confron
try again to reach an accord in the coming months. ardliners on both sides may say, the Israeli-Palestinian expeving. Even where the basic positions between warring parties econcilable - and there have been many between the Israelis s - the only alternative to war is to continue negotiating until sues are reconciled through a process of compromise and n of each others fears, Concerns and limitations. Unlike wareasy option for the impatient, peace-making is a hard and requires enormous patience and courage of ones conviction fter day, week after week, month after month, and if necesyear. Along the way, it may be necessary to arrive at interim al deals on certain specific areas. Experience has shown that m for a final and complete solution in one go within a short intractable conflict lasting decades. A stage by stage apthe Commitment not to return to violence and war has been peace effort by Israelis and the Palestinians.
who facilitated the Israeli-PLO dialogue are now seeking to encement of a dialogue between the Government and the h the historical and ideological divide between the Jews and uch more fundamental than in the case between the Sinhalese eli-Palestinian experience in peace-making has a lot to comowed in resolving the Sri Lankan conflict. One can only wish Ficting parties in Sri Lanka to follow the example of the PLO ree a basic framework for negotiations (as in the case of the ld by a ceasefire with a commitment not to return to violence te over whatever period it takes to arrive at a lasting solution.

Page 4
4 TAMILTIMES
O LTTE REJECTS GOVT-UNP PROPOSALS
Whatever developments may
dominate the southern political
scene, they are of little consequence to the position of the Tamil Tigers. They have summarily dismissed the constitutional reformand devolution proposals that emerged from the GovernmentUNP consensus. To the LTTE the proposals have “failed to address the national aspirations of the Tamil people'. In an interview with the pro-LTTE "Tamil Guardian' published from London, LTTE's political advisor Mr Anton Balasingham said that devolution package "fails to address the key demands or the national aspirations of the Tamil people as articulated in the cardinal principles of the Thimpu declarations."
Recalling that the LTTE had rejected the government's devolution package when it was presented in 1995 because it had serious limitations, Balasingham said that the proposals have now been severely diluted. "The LTTE will not study or comment on any proposals that tends to ignore the key issues of self-determination and nationhood of the Tamil people," he said.
The LTTE spokesman was particularly contemptuous of the other Tamil groups referring to them as “Tamil mercenaries' and accusing them being guilty of treachery for which they would not be forgiven. Rejecting the proposal for the setting up ofan Interim Council for administering the NorthEast Province (which was one of the elements contained in the GovernmentUNP consensus), Balasingham said that the government was living in a fool's paradise. "We are not that stupid to seek a few seats in a temporary administrative set up renouncing our people's only means of defence. i.e. arms.'
Balasingham was certain that even if the government established an Interim administrative council it would not be able to function in the Northeast, under the prevailing conditions. He reminded that the Northeastern Provincial administration could not function even under the might of the Indian army. He warned that the government may throw a few rotten bones in the form of an Interim Administration to those power hungry Tamil mercenaries in her alliance, but "should realise
that history will not ery.”
According to withdrawal governn Jaffna peninsula is any peace talks. "T for a cease-fire and the troops occupyi drawn. If the gover to continue the mil Jaffna, then the cor prevail.” He adde military Operation will never stop unt jective is achieved. Jaffna peninsula is the alien military o In regard to the dian and United S that any political sc conflict must be wi ritorial integrity ( Balasingham said, timate solution to is concerned it is n perpower nor the In or the Sri Lankan si the power of dete! people, the people c will ultimately de political status and
O MONKS REJI. REFORM PRO
The Mahanaya Asgiriya chapters trol 10,000 of the l ples in Sri Lank Sinhala Buddhist vote against Pré Kumaratunga's d which had been a position UNP, whi sented in Parliame
One newspape priests as saying, Constitution in tc proposed Constitu tion and we contil
Tilak Karunara retary of the Sinh tra-nationalist ou told journalists th Mahanayakes pos July, had warne

15 JULY 20
orgive their treach
3alasingham, the ent troops from the a precondition for here is a prospect peace talks only if g Jaffna are withment is determined tary occupation of ditions of war will d that the LTTE's 'Unceasing Waves il our strategic obThat is, when the fully liberated from ccupation."
position of the Intates governments lution to the ethnic thin “unity and terof Sri Lanka”, Mr "In so far as the ulthe Tamil question ot the American sudian regional power ate power that have mination. It is our f’Tamil Eelam, who termine their own destiny.”
CCT
OSALS
kes of Malwatte and who together con5,000 Buddhisttema, have written to MPs asking them to sident Chandrika :volution package, reed with main opthis likely to be prent on August 24. r quoted one of the We reject this draft o. We rejected the tion from its incepue to reject it,' ne, the General Secla Urumaya, an ulit formed recently, t the letters from the 'd from Kandy on 19 that the proposed
devolution package and the provision for an interim council for a temporarily merged north-east Tamil province would divide the country on ethnic and religious lines. Such a division would eventually lead to the creation of a separate Tamil Eelam.
The warning assumes importance in the light of the President's accepting a suggestion from the Eelam Peoples” Democratic Party (EPDP) that the ref. erendum on the merger of the north and east to form a single Tamil dominated province be held at the end often years and not five years as proposed.
Karunaratne said, “We reject this package in toto. Dilution of the country's unitary status and the proposed interim council in the north and east would eventually lead to the separation of the country.”
Hearing of the monks' missive to the MPs, President Kumaratunga on 21 July dispatched Constitutional Affairs Minister G. L. Peiris to talk to the two Mahanayakes at their temples in Kandy.
According to Mr Karunaratne, the Mahanayake of Malwatte, Ven.Rambukwelle Sri Vipassi Thero, did no even want to see Peiris. And when he did eventually see the Minister, hegav him "a dressing down". Peiris seems to have had less difficulties with the Asgiriya Mahanayake, Ven.Udugama Sri Dhammadassi Ratnapala Buddha - rakkita Thero, who was mostly interested in the retention of the clause giv - ing Buddhism the foremost place in Si Lanka.
Apparently, he was mollified whe this was assured, but the prelate's stan on the package as a whole is still unclear. On the impact of the Mahanayakes stand on the minds of the MPs and their constituencies, Karunaratne said that it could be substantial. "The monks are the opinion makers in the villages,” he explained.
But the general secretary of Peoples” Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), D. Siddharthan MP. said that the monks' influence would pale into insignificance if the ruling Peoples' Alliance (PA) and the opposition United National Party (UNP) agreed on the package. But his fear was that the UNP might backtrack and scuttle the new constitution. "The PA”Sinsistence on keeping the Executive

Page 5
15 JULY 2000
Presidency for the full six year term even with a parliamentary system in place, and the government's opposition to having an independent election commission immediately, could be used by the UNP as an excuse by the UNP to opt out of the bipartisan agreement,” Siddharthan said.
O CHARGES OF RANIL-LTTE LINKS THREATEN BIPARTISAN CONSENSUS
Reports published in some Colombo newspapers that Opposition and UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe has been having alleged secret contacts with the Tamil Tigers have raised political controversy even threatening the emerging bipartisan consensus between the government and the UNP.
Four months of dialogue between President Chandrika Kumaratunga's government and the UNP took an unpleasant turn on 22 July when Wickremesinghe stormed out of the meeting having protested to President Kumaratunga about a police probe, claiming it attempted to establish that he had clandestine contacts with the LTTE. Although Kumaratunga denied knowledge of any investigation, Wickremesinghe walked out, followed by the rest of his delegation.
In walking out of the talks, Wickremesinghe accused the government of carrying out a smear campaign against him ahead of the scheduled November parliamentary election and told the President that he would boycott future discussions, although other members of his delegation would return to continue the talks.
The island's minority Tamil and Muslim parties reacted to the turn of events with dismay saying that they no longer have hope of a consensus between the opposition and government on constitutional changes to end the island's civil war.
"I think we will virtually have to bid goodbye to bipartisan talks," said Rauf Hakeem, secretary of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. He said only the minority Tamil and Muslim parties can now put the talks back on track by acting as conduit between the government and opposition.
"Wickremesinghe's threatened
boycott is a big, Dharmalingam Sic the People's Libera Tamil Eelam (PLO "The other memb discussions but the him for decisions,” a former rebel gro violence and joined Stream.
"In the present seems to be going f Anandasangaree, v. Tami United Liber; cricket term.
Ports and Shipp government and the Congress leader M. local weekly newsp ernment was acting ble” manner at a tir ties were involved reach a consensus i a solution to the c Ashraff said that a Wickremasinghe wi going talks.
Some political ci that Wickremasing hasty and irresponsib ing a walk out at a They feel that, in the tion, it is natural in t sarial politics that p make all sorts of a each other to gain p The UNP leader ed publication ofre controlled media tha had a two-hour mee oon, allegedly an LT ge of the groupʼs shi ammunition, at a ho Three other UN Samarawickrama, L Arjuna Mahendra, during the meeting, leaderwent on a pri pore last monthamic ings with Chandrika Constitution.
The disclosures time when Kumarat masinghe have bee late a new Constitu litical settlement to Wickramasinghe, deny his meeting w Singapore.
An angry Wickl

ig setback,' said harthan, leader of on Organisation of E), a Tamil group. is may attend the y have to refer to he said. PLOTE is up that renounced the political main
ontext, everything or a six,” agreed V ce president of the tion Front, using a
ng minister of the Sri Lanka Muslim H.M. Ashraff told a aper that his govin an "irresponsine when both parin a dialogue to view of bringing in going conflict. :cusations against ll endanger the on
ommentators think he has acted in a lemannerbystag| crucial juncture. runnup to the eleche world of adverarties are likely to llegations against olitical mileage. 's walkout followports in the statetWickremasinghe ing with GnanakTE leader in-charpment of arms and el on June 18. P leaders, Malik alin Fernando and were also present it said. The UNP ate visit to Singast a series of meeto formulate a new
came at a critical nga and Wickra
trying to formuon to reach a pond the ethnic war. owever, did not th Gnanakoon in
masinghe denied
TAMILTIMES 5
any links with the LTTE and accused the government media of launching a smear campaign ahead of elections. Reacting to allegations made by the Sri Lankan media that he met Gnanakoon, the UNP leader Wickramasinghe said Gnanakoon was a businessman who frequently visited Colombo. "If he is a known LTTE leader, why has he not been arrested during his trips to Colombo,” he queried.
The UNP leader alleged that the state-controlled media was making these allegations in order to denigrate him and his party before the parliamentary elections which are scheduled to be held later this year.
Similar allegations of a shadowy link between the LTTE and the UNP were made in the run-up to the Presidential election last year. The allegations gathered strength with Mr. Wickremsinghe's promise to form an interim council to govern north-eastern Sri Lanka that could be run by the LTTE. The fact that that the LTTE did in fact provide practical help, particularly in the island's eastern province, urging the people to vote for Wickremasinghe during the presidential election made the allegations made by his adversaries to look credible. Now with the Government re-opening its accusation of a nexus between Wickremesinghe and the LTTE, commentators say that the tone for Sri Lanka's next general election seems to have been set. The "revelation' of Mr. Wickremesinghe's alleged "clandestine meeting' was a sign that the ruling People's Alliance will fall back on the strategy, tried and tested successfully in the Presidential elections, of painting dark pictures of a conspiracy between the UNP and the LTTE.
O THE PRICE FOR CONSENSUS
The government had to pay price for securing the bipartisan consensus with the UNP on its constitutional reform proposals. The price paid was the “dilution” of some of the key provisions contained in the government proposals which had the support of the Tamil parties.
The differences between the government and the UNP were narrowed down on the basis of a Working Paper

Page 6
6 TAM TIMES
prepared by the UNP's former Constitutional Affairs Minister and President's Counsel K. N. Choksy. An explanatory note to his Working Paper cautioned both sides on the usage of words and terms that were sensitive. Choksy described his Working Paper as the basic framework of the constitution if accepted by both sides.
Choksy in his explanatory note stated that the paper embodied the principles of government upon which the constitution is based which would be used as the "Key" to interpretation in the event of any legal dispute between the Central Government and the Regional Councils in regard to their respective powers. He had pointed out that the rival political contentions on the side of the majority community is to maintain the territorial unity of the country, whilst the Tamil parties are anxious to ensure adequate devolution entrenched in the constitution which cannot be legally assailed.
Choksy had recommended the avoidance of the use of controversial terms such as "unitary state', 'union of regions', 'indissoluble' and "indivis
ible'. He recognis Republic consiste Regions while enu nising that the leg tive powers of the uted between the gions, to the respe out in the Constitut ensured the maint and territorial integ whilst devolvingp It is learnt that Paper will substar one of the new cor State, Sovereignty which contain the
l) Sri Lanka is a independent Repu known as the Repu in which the sover ecutive and judicia ple shall be exerc Government and t inafter provided in 2) The territory o comprise the capi gions, the territori space above.
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d the fact that the of the Centre and ciating and recogslative and execuepublicare distribentre and the Reive extents spelled pn. Choksy has also nance of the unity rity of the Republic wers to the Region. Choksy's Working tially form chapter stitution titled "The and the People' and following:
free, sovereign and blic which shall be ylic of Sri Lanka and sign, legislative, exl powers ofthe peoised by the Central he Regions as here
the constitution.
f the Republic shall tal territory, the real waters and the air
15 JULY 20
3) It shall be the duty of the people and of all organs of the State to safeguard the Independence, sovereignty, unity and the territorial integrity of the Republic. 4) In the Republic of Sri Lanka, sovereignty is in the people and is inalienable. Sovereignty consists of the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise. 5) The legislative power of the people shall be exercised by Parliament and by the People at a Referendum and by the Regional Councils to the respective extents and in the manner as hereinafter provided in the constitution. 6) The executive power of the people shall be exercised by the President of the Republic on the advice of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet of Ministers and by the Governors of the Regions as in hereafter provided by the constitution. 7) The judicial power of the people shall be exercised by the courts, tribunals and institutions created and established or recognised by the constitution. or by law. In matters relating to the privileges, immunities and powers of
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15 JULY 2000
parliament and its members, the judicial power of the people may be exercised by parliament according to law. 8) The franchise of the People shall be exercised by the people at the election of Members of Parliament, regional councils and local authorities and at a Referendum. 9) The fundamental rights of the People which are by the Constitution declared and recognised shall be secured and advanced by all organs of government, and shall not be denied or restricted or abridged save in the manner and to the extent hereinafter provided in the constitution. 10) The State shall foster a Sri Lankan identity amongst its citizens by recognising the multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-lingual character of the Sri Lankan society. 1 l) No Regional Council or Administration shall, by director indirect means promote or otherwise advocate or attempt to promote or otherwise advocate, a) the separation of any region or part thereof from the Republic, b) the alteration of the area or boundaries of a region, c) the change of the name of a region, d) the formation of a new region by separation of the territory from any region or by unifying two or more regions or parts of regions or by unifying any territory with part of any region. Provided however that a regional council or administration may make representations to the Central Government regarding matters referred to in sub paragraph (b), (c) and (d) above. 12) The National Flag of the Republic shall be the Lion Flag depicted in the......... schedule hereto. 13) The National Anthem of the Republic shall be "Sri Lanka Matha' the words and the music of which are set out in the ...... schedule hereto. 14) The National Day of the Republic shall be the fourth day of February.
The acceptance by the government of Choksy's paper in pursuit of a bipartisan consensus is regarded by the UNP as a victory for its position. But the Tamil parties regard the amendments made as unacceptable and expressed serious objections putting the government in a difficult situation.
One commentator said that what is acceptable to the Tamil parties is not
agreed by UNP, and to the UNP is not ag parties.
OEXECUTIVE P The government' form proposals prov tion of the Executive return to the Westmi ing parliamentary su Prime Minister bec powerful figure. Hov als also provide that, tional period, Chand will continue as the dent.
However, this tra has become a bone tween the ruling part though most of the T minority parties have for such an arrangem The government aratunga to be an Ex for a full six-year ter First, it gives continu cal transitional phast Executive Presidenc time is a reflection of "Mrs Kumaratunga h dential elections on and that was for as had got the people's Executive President people's wishes mu argues Prof.G L Pi Constitutional Afrail The governmen continuation also res the minorities wantth dency based on dire main because they fe elected by all the pe responsive to the net ple than a Parliament tional interests. Butt that it was Mrs Kum first promised to ab Executive Presidency key election promist tions.
O UNPFACNG INTERNAL CRIS
Sri Lanka” main National Party is fa ternal crisis. Its leade the party's Members hin its fold. At theen MPs and some other

TAMILTIMES 7
what is acceptable reed by the Tamil
RESIDENCY s constitutional reide for the aboli: Presidency and a lster model restorpremacy with the coming the most wever, the proposduring the transirika Kumaratunga Executive Presi
nsitional provision of contention bey and the UNP alTamil and Muslim expressed support lent.
wants Mrs Kumxecutive President m for two reasons: ity during the criti2, and second, the y at this point of the peoples' will. nad won the Presily last December ix-year term. She mandate to be an for six years. The st be respected," eris, Minister for
S. t’s argument for its on the fact that e Executive Presict elections to reel that a President ople will be more dds ofall the peo| composed of seche UNP points out aratunga who had olish the post of y. It was one of her es in the last elec
S opposition United cing a serious inr is unable to keep of Parliament witd of last year, four leading members
crossed over to support President Kumaratunga in her re-election campaign in which she won against the UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe. Two of the MPs who crossed to support the Peoples Alliance governmentare now Ministers. Up to now, the UNP leadership has not been able even to take disciplinary action against the defectors who operate as an independent group continuing to entice and encourage more members to defect to the government side.
Indications are that the UNP is expected to suffer further losses form its depleting number of MPs with more decamping to follow in the aftermath of its former finance minister Ronnie de Mel who signaled an imminent cross over to the ruling party recently when he broke ranks and voted with the government in Parliament supporting the renewal of the state of emergency. In voting as he did, Ronnie de Mel, opposed the decision of the UNP to vote against the extension of the State of Emergency.
Ronnie de Mel is a prize catch for the government. He is a high profile senior parliamentarian whose reputation is that he had been the island's longest serving Minister of Finance, for eleven years from 1977 when the United National Party was in power. Ronnie's predicted cross-over to the government has occurred amidst speculation that a group of UNP MPs may cross over so as to enable the ruling People's Alliance to secure a two thirds majority in Parliament necessary for the passage of the government's constitutional and devolution proposals.
Crossing over from side to the other is not a novel experience for Ronnie de Mel. He was a leading member of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) when it was in power in the 70s. He crossed over to the UNP on the eve of the 1977 general elections. He crossed over to the PA (the chief constituent of which is the SLFP) in 1990 but joined the UNP again in 1994. Although Mr. de Mel would prefer to become Minister of Finance, he is expected to assume government office in a ministerial capacity, possibly replacing the late C.V. Gooneratne, who was killed by a Tamil Tiger suicide bomber, by accepting the Industrial Development portfolio.
“Such defections are normal just be

Page 8
AMES
fore an election, but the problem for the UNP is that it is becoming a one-way street. People are going away, but no one is coming in. It boils down to Ranil Wickremsinghe's leadership. It's so weak and lacklustre, there is no magic in it,' Mr. Sinha Ratnatunga, editor of the weekly, Sunday Times is quoted as telling journalists.
Mr. De Mel is the seventh parliamentarian to part ways with the UNP since last November. Talking to the local media, Mr. De Mel said the UNP was in "complete disarray. The UNP is going down the slope to destruction,' the 75-year-old parliamentarian told a Colombo newspaper.
According to government sources two other MPs would be shortly crossing over to the PA prior to the elections , and have already come to a certain understanding with the Peoples' Alliance and were only biding their time. These two have been identified as Hambantota district parliamentarian Mervyn Silva and Galle district member Upali Amarasiri. UNP's former Coconut Industries Minister Harold Herath from Nattandiya is another UNPier who is
said to have been over bug.
One time heavy have distanced th UNP and have bec its leader. Sirisena most powerful figu ing the former Pre period, has forme party and is threate dates against the the other heavywe. dis who is associa rebel group whichs ment.
What is truly in ied silence for the of Anura Bandara over to the UNP fro by his father not b cal conversion, bu not get along wit Chandrika. Anur should have beentl inheriting the politi tle of his father a deceived when C him. So Anura cros and became one O
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15 JULY 200
ers. Those close to Anura say that he has now distanced himself from the UNP leader and waiting in the wings for call from his elder sister. Some speculate that it will be only a matter of time that Anura will quit the UNP.
O BAN ON LTTE PRECLUDES INDIAN ROLE
While asserting that India has an active role to play in Sri Lanka, the LTTE's theoretician and chief spokesman, Anton Balasingham in an interview with The Deccan Herald (6 July) that New Delhi cannot play that role so long as the LTTE remains a banned organization in India.
Asked as to whether he thought India can play a mediatory role, Balasingham said, "I will say India has a role to play, it is a regional super power and we cannot wish it away. What we feel is our struggle will not undermine India's geo-political interests. We have already formally said we will never do anything that will be prejudicial to India’s interests or interfere in its internal politics. There is apprehension in India that the Tamils' struggle for a
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Page 9
15 UY 2000
separate Eelam will have repercussions in Tamil Nadu. I think it is an over-exaggerated fear. India is a federal state and there is no oppression of Tamils like we are facing in Sri Lanka. There is no demand for separation in Tamil Nadu. Our struggle is entirely different. We don't want to create any kind of pseudo-nationalist parties in Tamil Nadu. We need India, we need the support of the Indian people.
“Both sides may have made mistakes in the past. We want to forget them and enter into a new relationship with India. We feel we are a friendly ally of India.
“Presently, India is supporting the government of Sri Lanka and there is no link between the Tamils of Eelam and the Tamils of India. But India cannot play an active role so long as we remain a banned organisation. We recognise India's predominance in the region and we look forward to the time when it will lift the ban on our organisation," Balasingham said.
The LTTE has been a banned organization in India since it was blamed for the 1991 assassination of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
Asked about the Thimpu principles, which includes right to self-determination, which the LTTE says can be a basis for negotiations, Mr Balasingham said, "The Thimpu principles are totally misconstrued. Right to self-determination means we might choose to associate with the Sinhala government or accept a federal autonomy. Sri Lanka should not see self-determination as a right to separation. It only means that the Tamil people have the right to decide their own political destiny. Accept the principles first and let us negotiate.” To the question, “In 1989-90 when you entered into an understanding with President Premadasa, you said it was an internal problem of Sri Lanka and India had no role to play and it culminated in the withdrawal of the IPKF. Why do you look to India now?” Balasingham answered, “When we entered into negotiations with President Premadasa, we were on the brink of destruction. The IPKF had taken over the entire north and east and the LTTE and Prabhakaran were fighting for survival. So we entered into an understanding with Premadasa to escape from total annihilation. Now the situation is to
tally different. For India has practica Tamils. But now th newed interest in th lation of the violet to accept India's rc To the questior favour a negotiate the framework of Both have bannedy cause of your purs sassination as an struggle. Can you ment and achieve without internation ingham replied, "It and India have ban ferent reasons. Ind their own geo-pol Lanka too has bann will be a difficult t tional recognition. and retrospect and c Asked as to w Eelam would beco1 life time, Balasing ready control 70 p. tory in the north an eas of Jaffna are n trol. We are not g We will take Jaffn us our cultural capi
O COURT DISC MINISTER WIT
Sri Lanka’s Sup ged a powerful ca contempt of court him against makin courts and judges i
A three-membe headed by Chief J ruled that Sports N nayake, reportedly of President Chanc did not have mala f when he remarked t be closed down an go home if they dic government’s polit age.
Dissanayake m last year at a functi Institute of Archi courts would be c Supreme Court blo stitution bill, aime land’s drawn-out e the judges who did

TAMILTIMES 9
the past ten years, lly abandoned the ere seems to be ree wake of the escace. We are willing le.’’
, "India and the US i settlement within united Sri Lanka. our organisation beuit of politics of asinstrument of your sustain your moveyour ultimate goal al support?”, Balasis true both the US ned us. But for difia and the US have itical reasons. Sri edus. We realise it ask to gain internaWe have to rethink vercome the odds.' hether he thought me a reality in your ham said, "We aler cent of the terrid east and most arow under our conping to keep quiet. a and that will give tal.”
HARGES H WARNING
reme Court discharbinet minister in a charge, but warned g references to the in future.
r bench of the court ustice Sarath Silva Ainister S.B. Dissaa close confidante rika Kumaratunga, ide or bad intention hat the courts would d the judges could not agree with the ical reforms pack
ade the statement on organised by the ects. He said the losed down if the cked the draft Conat ending the isthnic conflict, and not accept it could
"go home'.
Dissanayake's counsel Faiz Mustapha submitted what the minister meant was that when the new draft Constitution is presented the judges who did not agree with it would have the option to seek premature retirement. He pointed out that Dissanayake also had tendered an unqualified apology to all the judges. When the minister's remark was brought to the notice of the Supreme Court, the Chief Justice instructed the registrar to call for affidavits from the editors and journalists of the three newspapers which published the news item on Dissanayake's speech. His action followed a call by l l judges of the Supreme Court to ascertain whether the minister's Statement amounted to contempt of court and whether he could be formally charged for the offence.
The Bench of judges, in its ruling, discharged Dissanayake of the contempt of court charges, but said a minister did not have the right to “misbehave.' It also said that a senior minister like Dissanayake should be careful while commenting about the courts.
O BAN ON NEWSPAPER STRUCK DOWN
The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka on 30 June dealt a major blow to the Government by ruling that last month's appointment of the chief media censor was illegal, thereby effectively invalidating the ban order on the weekly newspaper, Sunday Leader.
The ruling by a three-member bench of the court was made against a fundamental rights plea by the Sunday Leader. The court also asked the state to pay SL Rs. 100,000 (approximately Sl,250) to the newspaper as compensation in the landmark case.
The Competent Authority, as the chief censor was called, was appointed by the President, Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga, to implement restrictions on the media in respected war-related and material involving national security.
By ruling that there was no provision under Emergency regulations to appoint him, the Supreme Court has in effect also said that the censorship of the press carried out by the Competent Authority was illegal.
The ruling was based on a point of law and was not critical of censorship

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
itself.
The editor of the Sunday Leader, Mr. Lasantha Wickremetunge, said he was "overjoyed' by the ruling. He said the weekly, which is known to be virulently against the Kumaratunga Government, would be back on the stands on the following Sunday.
"The government's march towards dictatorship has been stopped by the Supreme Court. The court has also shown that this government is so incompetent it cannot even draft a simple legislation, let alone fight a war,” said Mr. Wickremetunge.
The newspaper was banned from publication on May 22 under Emergency regulations for a period of six months. In late June, the ban period was reduced to two months.
"It is a slap in the face of the Government and a tremendous boost for the freedom of expression,' said Mr. P. Saravanamuttu of the Centre for Policy Studies, a thinktank that deals with various issues including those related to the media. He said the judgment was further proof that the Government's decisions were "bad in law' and had no constitutional basis. "Every time the Government is taken to court, they lose,' he said.
The ruling in this case is expected also to impact on the fate of the Jaffna daily Uthayan, which was closed down by the censor on May 20, two days before the banning of the Sunday Leader, for alleged violated censorship regulations.
"According to this judgment, the letter (ordering the closure) that was issued to me is also null and void,' said the Colombo-based managing director of Uthayan Publications, Mr. E. Saravanapavan.
Since the judgement, the government has re-appointed Mr. Ariya Rubasinghe as "the Competent Authority' strictly following the legal procedure as interpreted by the Supreme Court.
o 200,000 UPCOUNTRY TAMILS TO GET CITIZENSHIP
The Sri Lankan President, Mrs Chandrika Kumaratunga, has agreed to give Sri Lankan citizenship to those Indian Origin Tamils (IOTs) who were
forced to take In 1964 as a result of pact on the statele origin in Sri Lanka Mr M S. Sella Ceylon National (CNWC) told the the President's agr when ten IOT parti had met her on the Mr Sellasamy dential decision v about 150,000 or 2 fate was sealed w by the Shastri-Siri Indians in Sri Lan
As the matter dia was consulted told the Sri Lanka could go ahead a citizenship to the according to Mr S To solve the f about a million IO by the post-indep law, India and Sri agreed to divide t themselves, with ship to 500,000 w crease, and Sri Lan citizenship to 375 ral increase. But s the concerned IO
“They were ap modities in a marl IOT leader, the la Sure enough, the not migrate to I bother to repatriat Lankan governme to their existence fering from vario ties because they other than someth fathers or grand Indian citizenship ades ago.
The IOT parti Mr.Thondaman, unilateral grant C ship to these pe United National F nst it initially, b according to Mr
Both the ruli (PA) and the UN because parliam near and both are But predictably from the Sinhala

15 JULY 2.
ian citizenship in he India-Sri Lanka s people of Indian
amy, leader of the Workers' Congress ress on 21 July that :ement was secured sand organisations previous day. said that the Presiould be a boon to 00,000 IOTs whose thout their consent ma pact on stateless a in 1964. 'oncerned India, Inand the Indians had government that it |d grant Sri Lankan persons concerned, ellasamy. estering problem of Ts rendered stateless endence citizenship Lanka had, in 1964, he stateless between India giving citizenfith their natural inka giving Sri Lankan ,000 with their natuadly, the consent of 's was never sought. portioned like comKet,” commented the e Mr S Thondaman. IOTs concerned did ndia. India did not them either. The Sri nt turned a blind eye But they were sufus kinds of disabilihad no documents ing to show that their athers were granted more than three dec
s, headed by the late were pressing for a f Sri Lankan citizenple. The opposition arty (UNP) was agaiut is now amenable, ellasamy. g Peoples' Alliance P are now amenable 2ntary elections are wanting the IOT vote. there is opposition majoritarian lobby.
O INCREASE IN HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES
Amnesty International in a press statement on Thursday July 20, 2000 said that the present emergency regulations in the country is having a detrimental effect on human rights. The statement said that an increase in torture, "disappearances' and deaths in custody have been reported in Sri Lanka since new emergency regulations were introduced by the President in May 2000.
Amnesty International is concerned that wider powers given to the security forces under these emergency regulations may have contributed to the increase. The regulations confer powers of arrest to "any authorized person' in addition to the police and armed forces, and considerably extends their powers to detain.
Amnesty International on July 20 released a report entitled "Sri Lanka: New emergency regulations - erosion of human rights protection'. In particular, the report highlights the removal of several safeguards against arbitrary arrest and detention and the danger this poses for the safety of detainees.
In May this year AI emphasized that civilian life must be protected as fighting in the northern Jaffna peninsula escalated. The human rights organization on May 12, appealed to the Sri Lankan armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to respect international humanitarian law.
AI asserts that previous escalations in this long conflict have brought widespread violations and abuses to the civilian population. "Half a million civilians live in this contested area. Amnesty International said.
“Every effort must be made to respect their security.”
International humanitarian law lays down clear standards in the conduct C. any war, and applies equally to all parties to a conflict. Both the Sri Lankan Army and the LTTE have a responsibility to uphold these standards.
In an apparent response to the heightened conflict, the Sri Lankanauthorities introduced new Emergency. Regulations on 3 May 2000, granting the police and armed forces wide powers of arrest and detention and allowing for restrictions on freedom of as

Page 11
15 JULY 2000
sembly, and extensive censorship of the local media. This, AI adds makes assessment of the true situation in the conflict zone all the more difficult.
Amnesty International has reminded the Sri Lankan government of its obligations under international human rights law not to derogate certain fundamental rights, even in a state of emergency.
"Even in a national emergency, some rights are fundamental,” Amnesty International said. "No one shall be subjected to torture or ill-treatment, and the right to life must also be upheld.”
In a recent statement welcomed by Amnesty International, the Sri Lankan government said that steps have been taken to protect the lives of ethnic Tamil civilians in the south of the country, against any possible backlash.
Amnesty International takes no position on the causes and nature of the conflict and its appeal is based on humanitarian concerns for the lives and safety of civilians and in view of widespread human rights abuses reported in the context of previous offences. EX-GENERAL CHARGED FOR MURDER AND DISAPPEARANCES
A retired Sri Lankan Army General and his two subordinates have been arrested and remanded to judicial custody fortheir alleged role in massacring hundreds of Sinhalese youth during a crackdown against a Left wing party between 1988 and 1990.
Ananda Weerasekera, who presently belongs to the Right wing Sinhala Veera Vidhana, an organisation campaigning against a political settlement to the ethnic conflict in the country, and his associates were arrested and remanded to judicial custody by a magistrate in north central Anuradhapura.
The three were charged with murder, abduction and unlawful detention in connection with the disappearances ofhundreds ofyouth from the area during the army's campaign against the Janatha Vimukthi Perumuna (JVP) conducted under the then United National Party regime headed by R Premadasa. JVP, a Left wing youth movement, had organised an armed insurrection against the state to capture power. The revolt was finally crushed by the army in which over 60,000 Sinhalese youth were estimated to have been killed.
Mak An
orway has a deep-sea fish has taken intc of SriLanka in the with a pearl that v and Sinhalas talk to be a tricky ex special envoy to heim, has been shl New Delhi, Colon to find a way to r Colombo begin p( And the Tigers a Colombo at a late by at "The Times to Shastri Ramach Q: Why has N Lanka? A: For the sim asked by Colombo the third party foi wards negotiation ise that one reaso earlier talks, in 19 was the absence c are assisting Colo We assume we are Norway has no m economic interest
Q: Extremist S opposed your that Norway h Tamils. A: We do not opinions or accep ing to talk those op involvement and : avoid misundersta convince them, wi spect their opposit Q: What are th LTTE and C. tunga's govern A: I think both dent Kumaratunga useful; useful in c between them, a standings and crea conducive for talk are started. There the earlier proces

TAMITMES 11
ing a Way for LTTE dColomboto Talk
lot of expertise in ng. But the plunge it the troubled waters hope of coming up ill make the Tamils peace is turning out pedition. Norway's Sri Lanka, Erik Solttling between Oslo, ıbo and Washington nake the Tigers and blitical negotiations. e willing to talk to r stage. He stopped of India' and spoke andaran.
orway got into Sri
ple reason we were and the LTTE to be finding a way tos. Both parties realn for the failure of 90-91 and 1994-95, if a third party. We mbo and the LTTE. acceptable because ilitary, political or in Sri Lanka. inhala groups have involvement saying as been a haven for
expect unanimous ance. We are willposed to Norwegian eek their advice to ndings. If we do not will accept and reO.
expectations of the andrika Kumarament? he LTTE and Presifind Norway's role nveying messages oiding misundering an atmosphere , if and when they vere weaknesses in towards negotia
tions. Our involvement is limited to strictly doing what we are asked to do by both the parties. So far, both parties have shown great willingness to trust Norway to take up a number of different obligations.
Q: What is the framework binding you? A: A separate Tamil state can come about only as a result of an absolute victory for the military forces of LTTE; and a centralised Sri Lanka can be sustained only if the government wins militarily. Hence, a solution will have to be within the framework of Sri Lanka's integrity, but a solution that meets Tamil aspirations. This is what would be acceptable to the international community, led by India and followed by the United States and others.
Q: Does New Delhi have misgivings about Norway's role? A: I don't see any "misgivings'. New Delhi has no reservations about Norway's role. What I have seen and found is only appreciation of the part played by Norway. Norway has one role and New Delhi other and bigger roles. Oslo will consult India at every stage in this process. I am very satisfied with my relations with New Delhi. Q: What is this "other role' of New Delhi A: New Delhi should do what it is already doing: appealing to the LTTE to settle for less than Eelam by agreeing to a solution within the framework of Sri Lanka's unity and integrity, and persuading Colombo to meet a wide range of Tamil aspirations. This is the only way to negotiate, the only way ahead when the parties are setting out on the difficult path of direct negotiations. India has also the bigger role of providing economic and other support for all of Sri Lanka but more for the Tamils.
Q: Are these part of the expectations that Colombo and the LTTE have from New Delhi'? A: The LTTE and Colombo have

Page 12
12 TAMILTIMES
different and opposing expectations at this stage. I don't think I should spell out what their expectations are from New Delhi. It is not for Norway to do
SO.
Q: There is suspicion in some sections here about Norway, a NATO member, coming into the picture and possibly acting to a US-NATO script, not necessarily in the interests of South Asian security. A: There has been such scepticism in some quarters. These are unfounded. When it comes to Sri Lanka, India is the most important third party and we are consulting India at every stage, more than anyone else, US or others. It is because there is no conflict of interest that both India and the US have accepted us in this role in Sri Lanka.
Q: India and the US have designated the LTTEasa terroristorganisation. The European Union has not. Is Europe soft on the LTTE? A: Norway is not in a position to speak for or advise the EU. If Norway should be a third party to the conflict, then we will have to talk to the LTTE. Norway relating to the LTTE is a pre
condition to achieve ing the conflict.
Q: Have you m with the LTTE A: We have hac ings with LTTE m also met the Norweg ter and hisdeputy. V good understanding excellent rapport w UNP, ruling PA an been of the opinion to be involved in the problem to avoid is and create a level of Q: How for art talks between LT A: We have not We are preparing ou keeping communica we don't expect drar diately. We want th way would be prep ties are ready. The n Jaffna and the comi vember might be c talks at the momen have been several r tween us and the UN
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a series of meetmbers, who have an foreign minise have developed and built up an h the opposition LTTE. We have that the UNP has process. The huge | lot of suspicions trust.
you from direct TE and Colombo? set any deadline. selves for talks by ion lines open and natic results immem to act and Norred when the parlilitary situation in ng elections in Nobstacles to direct t. However, there ounds of talks beWP, the PA and the
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15 JULY 200
LTTE; and the LTTE has been most willing to engage in discussions with Norway and prepare for a positive settlement. Settlement will come when both parties move from conducting war to going in for talks.
Q: What guarantees would you of fer to LTTE chief Prabhakaran? A: Accepting Prabhakaran as the undisputed leader of the LTTE is a must. There can be no negotiated settlement between Colombo and LTTE without Prabhakaran.
Q: What about the charges he is wanted for? A: That is not up to us. We cannot interfere in the internal affairs of India and Sri Lanka.
Q: Do you hope to be able to persuade Colombo on this point? A: We cannot take on the task of persuading the two parties on anything but only do what they want us to do. If you take the example of the Palestine accord in 1993, what we did was to provide bed and breakfast, and may be some whisky too, to bring the parties together.
(Courtesy of Times of India, 1.7.2000)

Page 13
SUY 2000
The Tamil people will de their own destiny
LTTE theoretician, political advisor and chief negotiator, Anton Balasingham, said in an interview that the LTTE would not study or comment on any proposals that ignore the key demands of self-determination and nationhood of the Tamil people. He rejected the government's devolution proposals because they failed to address the aspirations of the Tamil people. He said that there was no prospect for a cease-fire or peace talks until government troops withdrew from Jaffna, and that the LTTE's military offensive would continue until its strategic objective of recapturing Jaffna was achieved.
The following is the interview given by Anton Balasingham to the “The Tamil Guardian', 1 July 2000, published from London:
Q: The fighting in Jaffna seems to have subsided. The government claims that the LTTE's offensive campaign has been stalemated by the armed forces using modern weapons systems. What is your comment? A: The Tigers' offensive is not stalemated by the army. Our combat formations are consolidating their newly gained positions in Jaffna. The offensive campaign has been temporarily suspended to evacuate the civilians trapped in the battle zones of Chavakachcheri. The army has been using the Tamil civilians as human shields to protect themselves. They have been bombing and shelling recklessly in the LTTE controlled areas causing heavy casualties among the innocent people. The army is desperate and demoralised and taking their vengeance on Tamil lives and property.
(Operation) Unceasing Waves will never stop until our strategic objective is achieved. That is, when the Jaffna peninsula is fully liberated from the alien military occupation.
Q: Have the LTTE fighters faced any setbacks due to the army's use of new weapons systems, i.e. the multi-barrel rocket launchers? A: The heavy use of this weapon system has been the primary cause of
civilian casualties. heavy damage t Chavakachcheri se familiar with this ourselves have bee the Sinhala troops operating with th that the introducti systems will chan war in their favour ons that determine 1 tary campaign. It nation and commit ants that determine is blessed with th and therefore its vi Q: The governi sition have agr terim Council f of the Northea: has stipulated arms as a pre LTTE's particip comment? A: I think the g in a fool's paradise. more than seventy mass of the Tamil also confident that of the Jaffna penin ture. We have alre facto state in the ti control. We run a tration there. We a seek a few seats in istrative set up reno only means of defe Even if the gov an Interim administ not be able to fun east, under the pr( The Northeastern tration could not f the might of the Kumaratumga a mooting ludicrous tion of the ethnic disregarding the s ground situation Chandrika may w rotten bones in the Administration to Tamil mercenaries those who seek aft leges from an oppr

termine
- Balasingham
This has also caused o property in the ctor. Our fighters are weapon system We n using them against The government is 2 misplaced notion on of new weapons ge the course of the . It is not the weaphe success of a milis the will, determiment of the combats the war. The LTTE ose human virtues, ctory is assured. ment and the Oppoeed to set up an npr the administration st. The government the laying down of -condition for the bation. What is your
overnment is living The LTTE controls percent of the landhomeland. We are we will take control sula in the near fuady instituted a de arritories under our permanent adminisre not that stupid to a temporary adminuncing our people's nce. i.e. arms.
•rnment establishes rative council it will ction in the Northvailing conditions. Provincial adminisinction even under Indian army. The iministration is ideas for the solu'onflict completely ark realities of the in the Northeast. nt to throw a few form of an Interim hose power hungry n her alliance. Yet r powers and privissive regime at the
TAMILTIMES 13
cost of the immense suffering of our people should realise that history will not forgive their treachery.
Q: Colombo has become a hive of political activity this week. The final stage of the devolution package is being worked out between the PA government and the UNP. The Norwegian peace envoy Erik Solheim has been meeting the government leaders. But there seems to be a studied silence in the LTTE quarters. What is your position regarding the devolution package? Is the LTTE prepared to study and comment if the package is given to them? A: The LTTE rejected the package when it was first presented to the public in 1995 as the Devolution Proposals. We rejected the package on the grounds that it had serious limitations and that it failed to address the national aspirations of the Tamil people. Since then there were two more sets of proposals, the legal draft of 1996 and the proposals for constitutional reform of 1997. Several changes have been made from the original proposals and powers of devolution have been further whittled down in the draft constitution. The PA government and the UNP in an attempt to reach a consensus engaged in deliberations for the last several months diluting further the constitutionalreformproposals of 1997. Having sucked the blood and flesh out of the original package, a skeleton is now remains as the final draft.
The LTTE will not accept this package because it has nothing substantial to form the foundation for a permanent solution to the Tamil national question. It fails to address the key demands or the national aspirations of the Tamil people as articulated in the cardinal principles of the Thimpu declarations. The LTTE will not study or comment on any package or proposals that tends to ignore the key issues of self-determination and nationhood of the Tamil people.
These proposals for constitutional reforms are not specifically addressed to resolve the national question of the Tamils but rather seeks to promote the majoritarian interests. Sri Lanka has enacted several constitutions but they have been woefully inadequate for resolving ethnic conflict, As longas constitution makers are constrained form instituting radical structural reforms in the polity enacting new constitutions

Page 14
14 TAMITMES
has little or no meaning.
Q: Do you think that there is any prospect for cease-fire and peace talks in the near future? A: There is a prospect for a ceasefire and peace talks only if the troops occupying Jaffna are withdrawn. If the government is determined to continue the military occupation of Jaffna, then the conditions of war will prevail. The LTTE has already liberated large territories in the peninsula. This liberation process will continue until our final goal is achieved.
Q: The world's sole super-power, the United States and India, the regional super-power have insisted that a solution to the Tamil conflict should be found within the unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. Do you think that these assertions will have a negative impact on your struggle for self-determination? A: America and India have made these statements for specific reasons. We understand their geo-political concerns and interests. These views are articulated not with an intention to undermine the Tamil struggle for political freedom butto encourage the parties in conflict to seek a negotiated political settlement.
In so far as the ultimate solution to the Tamil question is concerned it is not the American superpower nor the Indian regional power or the Sri Lankan state power that have the power of determination. It is our people, the people of Tamil Eelam, who will ultimately determine their own political status and destiny.
Q: What is the LTTE's position with regard to the Indian assistance of 100 million dollars credit to Sri Lanka? A: Though the financial aid is provided as a gesture of humanitarian assistance, we feel this credit facility will enhance the resource position of Sri Lanka and indirectly help its war effort. The Tamil people are dismayed because the Indian assistance will not be going to serve a humanitarian purpose but rather it will encourage the Sri Lanka regime to pursue the military path intensifying the suffering of the Tamil people. It is the Tamil people in the North, dying without food and medicine, who urgently need humanitarian assistance. Yet this pathetic human tragedy has not touched the spirituality or conscience of India.
"How do you sell Jaffna. Tamils?” Th posed to me over twe a Sinhala Marketing M tigious firm in Sri La reporter attached to Sr Tamil daily "Virakes: was a ceremonial fun launching of a new bl the firm of which he manager. Jaffna in p North in general was market for the "new' “None of the conv ing strategies and a niques for introducin seem to work in Jaff gentleman. "Yet if v Jaffna man accept a adopt it on a permane He then went on to m of cars, a sewing mach another brand of trac All of these were dous sales in Jaffna hold names for decac He then went on 1 query. "The Jaffna fooled by advertisir intensive sales pitch uncanny ability to product. If they are durability and genu accept it without an is what we hope will tor too.”
Though two deci have passed, I haver pertinent observati Sinhala marketing n stood and appreciat che and seemed to to sell a product in J gus, only the genuin indeed that very fe' politicians attemptir to the Tamils have g of that wisdom whe political solutions
 

15 JULY 2000
On MUIS VOIVe
ar Reaching
Over-sharing
D B S.Jeyaraj
a product to the e question was nty years ago by lanager of a presnka. I was then a Lanka's premier ri'.The occasion ction to mark the and of tractor by was Marketing articular and the viewed as a prize tractor. entional marketdvertising techg a new product na,” lamented the we can make the product he will nt basis,” he said. lention two types line, a bicycle and tOT. enjoying tremenand were houseles. o answer his own people cannot be g gimmicks and es. They have an ecognize a solid convinced of its neness they will v hesitation. That appen to our trac
des and twoyears ever forgotten the on made by that anager. He underd the Tamil psynow exactly how ffna. Nothing bo2 article! How sad 7 of the Southern g to sell solutions asped the essence 1 trying to evolve at would redress
the grievances and accommodate the aspirations of the Sri Lankan Tamils. The latest in this long line of "solutions' is the one supposedly in the making by the Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga regime right now. Unlike earlier ones this solution is considered to be special because it is allegedly a joint product of both the ruling Peoples Alliance and chief opposition United National Party. It is said that history was made on July 7th this year when both parties achieved a "Consensus” on resolving the Sri Lankan National question termed simply as the Tamil problem. For the first time in Sri Lanka the two major Sinhala dominated parties are said to have agreed on a mutually acceptable solution for resolving this. The contemporary political history of this Island is replete with instances of the chief opposition party taking up cudgels against any meaningful attempt by the party in power to address the problems faced by the Tamils.
The roles are reversed when governments change. Thus the Tamils saw the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam pact of 1957 being scuttled by the UNP then in opposition. Likewise the DudleyChelva agreement of 1965 was negated by the SLFP, shamefully supported by the LSSP and CP. Of course the Sinhala Buddhist chauvinist lobby comprising the clergy and laity aligned themselves to the forces in opposition. It can be argued that the development of the two party system in Sri Lanka was inextricably intertwined with and contributed extensively to the escalation of the ethnic crisis.
It has been stated that the difference this time was that in spite of a great deal of tension and hostility, both the PA as well as the UNP had been able to forge together a tentative agreement aimed at resolving the National question. Superficially, the Executive President and Leader of the Opposition seemed to

Page 15
15 JULY 2000
have transcended their very real incompatibility oftemperament on a personal and deep seated differences on a political level. Once again, the Sinhala hardliners have opposed whatever settlement agreed upon by the PA and UNIP,
But the expectation was that with the dominant Sinhala parties acting in unison such opposition could be overridden and marginalised.
There is of course a great question mark about the ultimate success of the entire exercise. Given the consistency of both Kumaratunga's and Wickremasinghe's inconsistency there is understandable doubt whether they would really abide by their acknowledged positions. There are also the problems about the transitionary arrangements between the soon to be discarded old Constitution and the new Constitution to be ushered in soon.
The UNP expects the executive presidency to be abolished along with the new Constitution while Kumaratunga hopes to go her full term before relinquishing it. This is a major issue as the entire thrust of the UNP's cobperative approach hinges on this vital element. The UNP does not want Kumaratunga to retain the Presidency while the latter wants to do so as long as possible.
Also the PA wants to present the new draft during the term of the current Parliament and deal with the implementation in the next Parliament. The UNP has serious reservations about this. More importantly the forthcoming elections and its attendant consequences of inter-party rivalry could af. fect the uneasy affinity between both parties resulting in acute hostilities. All these factors could upset the present equilibrium relating to a political consensus. Already such signs are visible. The government controlled Lake House newspapers are indulging in a concerted campaign accusing Wickremasinghe of meeting with LTTE representatives in Singapore.
In response Wickremasinghe has walked out of the talks and minority party leaders have expressed scepticism about the success of the so called Bipartisan Consensus. The extra round of talks were necessitated because of the Tamil parties expressing dissatisfaction over the so-called Sinhala Consensus.
A paradoxical fe political scenario is to some extent pro of the Tamil people UNP accord. Instea over this "historic S the Tamil political expressed misgiving Liberation Tigers of rejected it outright. erate party of the United Liberation F ticulated its opposit clusion of certain Other Tamil parties jected it wholesale ( tions. Whatever the tra-Tamil difference ing that the propos draft based on a PAnot acceptable by again, there is ethnic Sinhala and Tamil diametrically oppost
That the Tamil with or without the II the proposed draft should come as no also be foolishly sim the behaviour of the political parties to f alone. The real reaso seek. There are seri what is on offer and ceptable. A "Sinhal itself does not warra Tamil acceptance. , response is possible the "Sinhala offer' i credible.
Chandrika Kum touted devolution p presented on August product of GL Peiris chelvam, the envisa certainly the most far gressive of its kind i dependent Lanka. maximum devoluti federalism and the pl the unitary structure ion of regions was c. digm shift. It was Ku that the war against introduce this prog This helped her obta ternational support fo for peace. This warr edented hardship o being imposed on th

ture of the present le total apathy and ounced antipathy towards this PAof being jubilant nhala consensus” parties have only and protests. The Tamil Eelam have The premier modamils, the Tamil ront, has also aron and urged invital provisions. oo have either rer urged modificafiner points of inthere is no denyed Constitutional UNP consensus is and large. Once polarisation with viewpoints being d. bolitical spectrum TTE should view with disfavour surprise. It would plistic to attribute non-LTTE Tamil ear of the Tigers ins are not hard to bus gaps between what could be aca Consensus” by nt or guarantee a A positive Tamil only if and when s worthwhile and
laratunga's much ackage was first 4th 1995. A joint and Neelan Tiruged scheme was reaching and prothe annals of inIt was certainly tantam Olunt tO oposed change of of the State to unntral to this paraharatunga's claim the LTTE was to essive package. n national and inher so-called war sulted in unprec
colossal scales Tamil people. As
TAMITMES 15
a result Kumaratunga found herself in 1999 alienated greatly from the minorities who had voted overwhelmingly for her in 1994.
The “package” too was steadily diluted in 1996 and then again in 1997. Finally the watered down scheme was tabled as a sessional paper on October 24th 1997. Thanks to the prevaricatory tactics of Ranil Wickremasinghe, President Kumaratunga was able to blame the UNP for her failure to legislate and implement the devolution package. All she needed was another 16 votes to obtain the necessary two thirds and the UNP was not co-operating, she com
plained. After shelving the package she
intensified the military drive against the LTTE. After initial victories against the LTTE, the entire situation was reversed in the wake of a string of Tiger successes codenamed "Oyatha Alaigal” or Unceasing waves.
On the political front her bluff was called, when in a Machiavellian manouevre, Ranil offered to support her draft Constitution in Parliament. Althoughe he stated that it was not the solution his position was that he would support it to prove that the UNP was not the stumbling block to peace Wickremasinghe said. If Kumaratunga was sincere about resolving the Tamil issue then she should have grasped the offer firmly and quickly. Whatever the ulterior motives of Ranil, all she had to do was present the draft in Parliament and hold him to his word. Instead she took several days to even acknowledge let alone accept the offer. Then came the charade of a renewed search for Consensus. Instead of trying to pass the allegedly finished product of a Constitutional draft a fresh process of Constitution making commenced.
As a result Ranil was able to prove to the world that it was not the UNP that was obstructing devolution. On the contrary Kumaratunga was exposed as not being ready with the package in spite of claiming to have one ready. Under the guise of achieving an agreement with the UNP, the draft was watered down even further from the Oct 24th 1997 position. It was apparent that Kumaratunga was using the "New” search for Consensus as a means to strip the draft of most of its progressive measures in a bid to appease the Sinhala hawks within and without her party. It

Page 16
16 TAMLTIMES
also seemed clear that it was not her intention to formulate a package acceptable to general Tamil opinion. If the Tamil parties themselves could not find the package attractive then LTTE acceptance was not possible at all.
The Tamil parties too contributed to this state of affairs by co-operating with Kumaratunga in her so-called *New”search for a consensus. By participating in fresh discussions they allowed her to diminish the extent of devolution further. What these parties could have done was to insist upon her presenting the Oct 24th 1997 draft and then make demands of the UNP to support it. Instead they let PA-UNP discussions dragon. Now under the guise of a PA-UNP Consensus the original draft has been reduced to a caricature of its formerself. A case in point is the clause pertaining to structure of the state. If the proposed terminology is accepted it can only result in the central government prevent actual devolution of power to the periphery. Some years ago Kumaratunga found fault with the TULF for not propagating her non-existent package. But now it is
unrealistic to expt support to this nev
The blame for on the UNP. Gov telling the Tamil p gressive provision had to be jettison pressure. Since th dered by allowing the PA in the first selves in a quand ting itself on its ba mined and negate tive features of th now very much a the PA's. Choksy the current archite duct in this is ur sphere of political not be condoned v national good and
What the UN laborate with the extent of devoluti tive and qualitativ sue of lands is a gli Besides the core i tity have been igno accord allowed a
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t that party to lend arrangement. ill this is being laid :rnment circles are rties that all the proof the original draft d because of UNP Tamil parties blunsuch a sly move by lace they find themy. The UNP is patck for having underl many of the posioriginal draft. It is TNP product and not rather than Peries is cht. The UNP’S conderstandable in the upmanship but canwithin the context of
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and East and described them as areas of historic habitation of the Tamils. But the new draft seeks the merging of the North and East a specific period followed by a referendum in the East. The focus is on managing rather than resolving the issue.
The PA-UNP bipartisan consensus is a “Sinhala' Consensus. This Sinhala Consensus has failed to take adequate cognizance of Tamil aspirations orunderstand their fundamental grievances. The problem is not viewed as the "National Question'. It is only being looked at as a minority issue. As the Nava Sama Samaja Party General Secretary Dr. Vickramabahu Karunaratne has observed in a press release neither the Tamil identity nor the homeland has been recognized. He has also stated that the left should campaign for the recognition of the Tamil nationalty in the Constitution and devolution of power on that basis. Comrade Bahu says: "Chandrika came out with her ideas on devolution on August 4, 1995.Though there were many misgivings about her behaviour towards the LTTE and the resumption of war, many people pinned
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15 UY 2000
their hopes on this document. In that, there was the possibility of the recognition of the Tamil homeland and a devolution of power on that basis. However this hope evaporated fast when she started discussions with Ranil instead of a dialogue with the Tamil parties including the LTTE. After five years of empty talks and a barbaric bloody war, she has emerged from talks waving a draft constitution, sans the recognition of Tamil identity or the Tamil homeland... What the left should do today is to campaign for the recognition of the Tamil nationality in the constitution and devolution of power on that basis'. Efforts to arrive at a Consensus acceptable to the Tamil parties also are on now through tripartite talks. The PA-UNP divide threatens further progress on this front. If talks break down the Tamil parties will be left holding a hot potato that falls far short of Tamil expectations, Nevertheless unlike the LTTE, the Tamil parties within the mainstream cannot simply reject and sit back. They can only keep on pursuing the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow or the goal of a Political Consensus acceptable to all shades of opinion on both sides of the ethnic divide. It is a moot point however that in the absence of a PA-UNP accord the draft Constitution would be presented before the elections. The issue however is quite dicey and the next few weeks could provide an answer.
Against this backdrop it would be pertinent toprobe whether Sinhalaparties can only go thus far or whether other meaningful options are possible. If the Thimpu principles are non-negotiable then is any settlement possible within a united Sri Lanka is a troubling question. On the other hand what is the extent to which Tamil aspirations can be accommodated within a united entity is also another important question. The following excerpts would help shed more light on the issues.
Firstly a brief paragraph from the Indian newspaper "Deccan Herald" of July 6th. In an interview to SM Murai, LTTE political ideologue Anton Balasingham comments about the right to self determination. “The Thimphu principles are totally misconstrued. Right to self-determination means we might choose to associate with the Sinhala government or accept federal autonomy. Sri Lanka should not see self determination as a right to separation. It only means that the Tamil people have the right to decide their own political
destiny. Accept the let us negotiate'.
Secondly a relev the South Asia Mc This is a report pu think tank, Center f ternational Studies. vision is headed by former US envoy to ing of a possible sol changes envisaged i sensus the report sa ce would lie in a r approach to power confederation struct of explicit recogniti a collective group stronger guarantees in power at the natio more successful. Ti Constitutions propo: islative changes wol ble - majority” of French-speaking P. analogous provisio Obviously this type ture would be inter in the Sri Lankan po But half-measures w Country's agony,' t In an ill-advised Sinhala people the gime tried to project scheme as a recipe equitable settlemen way for peace is tru term. It is not a sho) Thus the Sinhala hai campaign against a vice on the grounds usher in peace imm ity however is diffe What the Sinha made to understand that envisaged settl late to the contempo of war alone but go case of correcting hi. to the Tamils during under the pretext of wrongs done to the S ing pre-Independenc nal sin or cause of dressed and not th alone. It is also a cas it is not awarding c Tamils but simply inherent and inalien It is myopic to tal leged position of th present situation is v. Tamil people are gre against and deprive place in this Island.

principles first and
ant paragraph from nitor of June 1st. blished by the US Dr Strategic and InThe South Asia diTeresita Schafer, Sri Lanka. In talktion going beyond the PA-UNP con’s “The only channuch more radical sharing. A loose re, with some kind pn of the Tamils as within it and with of their inclusion inal level might be wo draft Canadian ed that certain leguld require a “Douboth English and arliamentarians, an might be useful. of radical deparisely controversial litical mainstream. ill only prolong the he US report says. attempt to woo the Kumaratunga ret its power sharing for peace. That an t would pave the e only in the long it term possibility. "dliners are able to ny devolution dethat it would not ediately. The real'ent. la polity must be and appreciate is ements do not reorary compulsions far beyond. It is a storic wrongs done post-Independence correcting historic inhala people dure times. The origiwar must be ade immediate war e of realisintg that oncessions to the recognizing their able rights. k of the once priviTamils when the 1stly different. The atly discriminated i of their rightful A typical example
TAMTIMES 7
is employment in the state sector. The Tamils who prided themselves as being the cream of the public service are not even 2% of it now. What is needed therefore is a bold and imaginative solution that would help resolve the national question in conclusive terms. Post Colonial tensions within a state whose boundaries were evolved during colonial times can be best resolved through a reinvention and restructuring of the existing state.
It is in this realm that the envisaged Constitutional draft of the PAUNP combine falls lamentably and pathetically short. What the Sinhala polity must realise is that the Tamil selfperception now is that of being a distinct nationality. Earlier these perceptions were of different hues but underwent a process of change aided greatly by acts of discimination and oppression. The 1977 elections where the TULF obtained a sweeping victory on a separatist platform was a watershed in Tamil consciousness. The upheavals and tribulations that the Tamil people have experienced and continue to experience as a result of the ongoing war have only reinforced their feelings of alienation from the Sri Lankan state. This mindset cannot be altered by feeble attempts of political reform. The cliche "an idea can only be defeated by a superior idea' is very much true. The Tamil aspiration articulated through the 1977 elections cannot be satisfied through ineffective and feeble alternatives. There must be genuine power sharing between the Sinhala and Tamil people on the basis of true equality in any envisaged settlement.
So once again to the wisdom spouted by the Sinhala Marketing manager. Let the Sinhala people and their leaders understand the true Tamil position and extend a genuine hand of friendship and equality. Let not war weariness among Tamils be misconstrued as an indication of their willingness to accept permanent second class status. If a genuine and durable product is offered by the South the North would accept it. In the absence of such a product no amount of sophistry or gimmickry would help sell it. If it is to be imposed by force alone then resistance as in the past would be inevitable. The need of the hour is for the PA-UNP bipartisan consensus to be translated into a meaningful and far reaching power sharing formula that would treat the ethnic issue as the National Question and not a simple minority problem.

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PA-UNP Consen Amidst Objectio
From Colombo Correspondent
resident Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga told the TULF delegation in the morning and the envoys of the European Union countries in the evening of July 10 that she is prepared to talk to the LTTE. She refrained from mentioning her earlier conditions that the LTTE should lay down arms and return to democratic fold.
“The doors are open for the LTTE. We have to talk to the LTTE to find a settlement to this problem," she first told the TULF and repeated the same in more emphatic words to the European Union ambassadors whom she had invited to explain the agreement she reached with Opposition and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.
When TULF leaders reiterated ethnic problem could not be solved without LTTE's participation she said: "I am ready to talk to them. I am aware that peace cannot be restored without the involvement of the LTTE.'
She told the TULF and European Union envoys that the Government-UNP consensus reached on July 6 was historic and would form the basis on which the talks would be held. But she did not mention about the UNP stand that the draft agreement should be sent to the LTTE and Maha Sanha for their reactions before it is tabled in parliament. Wickremesinghe had said that that is a must.
"The ball is now in the Government court. It must send the draft agreement to the LTTE. The LTTE should be told that the agreement is the starting point of negotiations. If the LTTE is prepared to Talk on the basis of the agreement negot1ating process should be commenced immediately. If they decline to talk alternate approaches for the solution of the problem should be worked out," Wickremesinghe told his party executives on July 10.
Ruling People's Alliance (PA) secretary general D. M. Jayaratne said the draft agreement would be sent to the LTTE through Norwegian facilitators and then it would be brought before parliament. Whether it would be brought to the parliament as a bill or as a White Paper would be decided after receiving LTTE's response, he said. If the LTTE declines
to enter negotiations tion drawn on the bas would be placed befol a bill. If the LTTE agre the draft constitution before parliament as a the people would be basis for the negotiati
Winning over Mode President Kumara win over the Europea easily. In fact, at the e French ambassador
speaking in her capaci
the country which hold dency of the Europea the President for her f erated the support of ion and its members to effort to work out a neg But winning over the T for a separate meeting common meeting w Groups, was not that ( successful in winning t TULF delegation whic retary general R. Sar vice president V. Anar Pararajasingham and M were the other memb the meeting they were t cally towards her.
She touched their with her hour-long pe recounted the role she played in seeking a sol problem. She gave an a to Chennai and later to "My late husband thing possible to find ethnic strife,' she sai UNP for the present sta now the UNP wants t tion,” she added.
Then she appeale help her to solve the pr delegation, though mo explained her their dif "Madam” began "We supported your Now that it had been extensively we find i vince our supporters.'
Pararajasingham

SUS
S
he draft constitus of the agreement the parliament as esto enterthe talks would be placed White Paper so that nade aware of the
D.
ate Tamils
unga was able to Union diplomats nd of the meeting, 3lizabeth Dahan, ty as the envoy of sthe current presin Union, thanked rankness and reitthe European Unthe Government's otiated settlement. ULF, which asked when invited for a "ith other Tamil asy. Yet, she was he sympathy of the h was led by secnpanthan. Senior dasangari, Joseph avai Senathirajah ers. At the end of alking sympatheti
sympathy chord oration when she and her husband ution to the ethnic count of their trip Jaffna. and I did everya solution to the and accused the e of affairs. "Even block any solu
to the TULF to blem. The TULF 'ed by her appeal, iculties. Anandasangari, 1995 proposals. watered down so difficult to con
stailed the three
TAML TES 19
basic matters on which they are not in a position to yield as they represented the basic aspirations of the Tamil people: federal character of the state, permanently merged north-east region and the vesting of land on the region.
President Kumaratunga said that in those three areas the government tried its utmost to satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people. The UNP would not agree and without the concurrence of the UNP it would be impossible to enact the constitutional proposals into law.
Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris intervened: You are aware of the stiff fight we put up to make the country accept the concept of “Union of Regions”. UNP blocked it. It is because of our insistence K. N. Choksy (UNP's legal wizard} came up with a compromise.
Article 1 of the government draft tabled by Prof. Peiris in parliament on 24 October 1997 reads: Sri Lanka is one, sovereign and independent Republic, being an indissoluble Union of Regions, and shall be known as the republic of Sri Lanka. The First Working Draft presented to the people on 16 January 1996 did not contain the words "one' and "indissoluble." They were added later following a storm of protest by Sinhala Buddhists who charged that Union of regions was the prelude to the establishment of the state of Eelam. Sinhala chauvinists and the UNP opposed that too and vowed to protect the unitary character of the constitution.
Choksy submitted a paper during the summit discussions last month which took into account the concerns of the majority that wanted to safeguard the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka and that of the Tamils who wanted to entrench into the constitution adequate devolution. That objective should be achieved while avoiding the controversial terms like "unitary', 'union of regions', 'indisoluble' and "indivisible', he said on behalf of the UNP.
His formulation was: Sri Lanka is a free, sovereign and independent Republic, which shall be known as the Republic of Sri Lanka and in which the sovereign, legislative, executive and judicial powers of the People shall be exercised by the Central Government and by the Regions as hereinafter provided by the Constitution. Another article provides for the legislative power to be exercised by the Parliament, People at a Referendum and by the Regional Councils.
When Choksy read these formula

Page 20
20 TAMLTES
tions President Chandrika welcomed it saying: Very good. That solves our problem. We will accept it.”
Choksy's formulation avoids the controversial term unitary mentioned in Article 2 of the present 1978 Constitution (It says: The Republic of Sri Lanka shall be a Unitary State) and removes the restriction placed by Article 76 on Parliament from abdicating or delegating its legislative power to any other body.
Sampanthan pointed out to the President that Choksy's formulation still retained the unitary character of the state though it did not specifically state it. Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader Minister M. H. M. Ashraff countered that saying: "That is the cleverness of the formulation. By vesting legislative, executive and judicial power on the Regions it had introduced the federal character to the state.'
Sinhala Urumaya, the recently founded Sinhala chauvinist organization, has made that point in its response to the Government-UNP consensus which had been hailed by moderate Sinhala and international opinion as historic. Its president S. L. Gunasekera has ridiculed UNP spokesman Tyronne Fernanado who told the press that the UNP had succeeded in getting the Government to accept the retention of the unitary character of the state. “What nonsense,” he scoffed: "You have vested the Regional Councils with sovereignty.'
Sanpanthan objected to the provision that vests the executive power of the Regions on the Governors while in the Central Government it would be exercised by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet of Ministers. He argued that in the Regions too executive power should be exercised by the Governor on the advise of the Chief Minister and the Council of Ministers. The President agreed to take up the matter with the UNP at the next meeting.
Interim Administra The TULF dele clear that it could no rary merger of the Government- UNP c. the temporary merg the setting up of an tion for that period. be held at the end c eastern province to nity for the people ince to decide wheth in the merged regior The TULF objec the referendum. Th maneuvered out oft that was UNP's forn TULF to talk to the
The Interim Adn was not discussed at in the air and EPDP, are interested in it. A posal it will compri from the north and . of whom would be President. The Govt the member whom confidence of the c. appoint two Deputy from the Muslim c other from the Sinh Chief Minister will and order, finance, nal borrowing. The N Minister will be in Affairs, Health, Soc habilitation. The Si Minister will be in Affairs, Archeologi transport, housing a nt. Six more minist by the Governor o Chief Minister whi functions.
TULF has decic in the Interim Admir is inducted into it.
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sation also made it agree to the tempoorth and east. The Insensus provide for r for five years and nterim Administrareferendum would f that period in the brovide an opportuof the eastern prover to continue to be
ted to the holding of : President cleverly hat situation saying mula and advised the UNP. ministration proposal the meeting but it is PLOTE and SLMC ccording to the prose 71 members (36 35 from the east) all : nominated by the :rnor would appoint he thinks enjoy the ouncil. He will also Chief Ministers, one ommunity and the ala community. The be in charge of law planning and exterMuslim Deputy Chief charge of Muslim ial Service and Renhala Deputy Chief charge of Buddhist cal sites, museums, ld urban developmers will be appointed n the advice of the ) will allocate their
ed notto participate listration if the LTTE Anandasangari said
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15 JULY 2000
they did not take the proposal seriously because it is a matter that should be worked out during talks with the LTTE. On the question of land too Choksy's suggestion prevailed. According to the Government's draft all lands will be vested in the Central Government and state lands within each region will be vested in the region. UNP opposed that provision. Now, it has been agreed that all lands will be owned by the Central Government and state land within the regions will be with the regions. The Central Government will enjoy the mandatory right to get from the regions the land it requires for its use. TULF is not happy with this change. Priority in land settlements would be to the persons living within the respective region.
Parliamentary Election
Political analysts say that the Interim Administration is another carrot dangled by President Kumaratunga to entice EPDP secretary general Douglas Devananda to be with her during the forthcoming parliamentary election. They point out that she played the same trick last November to get Devananda's backing.
They say that President Kumaratunga's hurry to place a constitutional draft in parliament next month is aimed at the election. She is anxious to announce to the people that she had kept her contract with them to bring back peace to Sri Lanka as she had laid the ground for a settlement of the ethnic conflict. She would ask the voters to give her two-third majority in parliament to enable her to enact the new constitution. Doubts about the postponement of the parliamentary election had been dispelled. According to the present constitution the expiry of the six-year-period operate as a dissolution of parliament and the period of six-years is computed from the date of its first sitting. The present parliament was inaugurated on 24 August 1994. Election will have to be held within three months from the date of dissolution. The government is considering holding the election in September.
Presidential advisors feel that the government's chance of winning the election would be brighter if it could pass the new constitution in parliament with the help of the UNP. The UNP, naturally, is not willing to oblige President Kumaratunga.
So it had raised a constitutional hurdle. At the conclusion of their meeting
(continued on next page

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26 June 2000 - Greetings from an embattled Jaffna. It is only over the past two to three weeks that people in Jaffna have been relaxing slightly following the events that occurred in May.
As you may be aware fighting erupted within the Jaffna peninsula for the first time since 1995 as the LTTE attempted to take control of territorial areas within the peninsula. This was not unexpected following their success in overrunning the army base at Elephant Pass the previous month but the suddenness of it still caught everyone by surprise.
I had just completed my night-shift to find that a 24 hour curfew had been declared in Jaffnatown. This curfew continued for another 24 hours before being relaxed only for three hours. During this time those of us who had to return home could do so only with great difficulty as far as transport was concerned. Gradually we realised that something serious was going on. News was sketchy but we could hear the loud noises of artillery and bombing Kfir jets. We also heard the sounds of gunfire from time to time.
The fighting was mainly in the areas of Navatkuli, Kaithady, Mattuvil and Chavakachcheri where the LTTE after shelling and forcing the army to withdraw took control. However, once the army had withdrawn they in turn unleashed their artillery on those areas. From relatives and others I learned of the harrowing experiences that civilians underwent. Their survival was dependent on their
ability to quickly shelter in from the lery shells that wer from one area to belongings, all the bunkers. They sa or been badly mai and unclaimed w Some of the elderl tempts to escape f act death toll is ur hundreds. Some of were from the gove Aged and each sid responsibility for s The destructio areas. Chavakachc ond largest in the reduced to rubble. the church belong South India, Drieb been extensively d know and an unc counted how they t town to find their ht ple fled from those well as from many It became a sad but families with their on trailers leaving t ter elsewhere. Forn was not their first e dergone similar exp
(Continued from page 20) on July 6 President Kumaratunga asked Wickremesinghe whether it would be alright to pass the new constitution with two-third majority next month and hold the referendum after the election. When this matter was raised at an earlier meeting Choksy objected. He said the new constitution would lapse once the parliament is dissolved if it had not been ratified by the people at a referendum. Prof. Peiris said they had consulted the Attorney General and he had said that it could be done.
Wickremesinghe disagreed and said he had to study the matter further. That
would take time, he Then he said: " Supreme Court for no objection to that tunga replied.
She realised tha Government-UNPt out of that. She wa sion at the UNP V where some membe fulness of its leader summit talks. Dr. R the reply. He said th tion the UNP and its stature and was alsc incorporated into th
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build bunkers to take rain of modern artillanding. People fled nother with meagre while having to build many who had died ned. Bodies unburied re a common sight. died during their atom the area. The excertain but put in the their elderly who died rnment "Home for the e accused the other of helling it.
was severe in those neri town centre (secpeninsula) has been The modern market, ng to the Church of erg College have all amaged. A woman I le of mine both rebriefly returned to the puses destroyed. Peosurrounding areas as parts of Jaffna town. common sight to see belongings piled up he town to seek shelhany, if not most, this xperience having uneriences several times
said.
"I intend asking the its opinion.' "I have ” President Kumara
the UNP entered the lks to derive benefit aware of a discusorking Committee s questioned the useparticipating in the jith Senaratne gave ut through participaleader had gained in able to get its views 2 constitution. O
TAMITMES 2.
before. Many people are now housed temporarily in schools. Others have been more fortunate in finding friends or relatives to stay with. Manipay became a popular place as it is more centrally situated and also because people felt it might not be affected by the fighting. Recent surveys put the number of displaced around sixty thousand. Curfew was a daily occurrence in the areas of fighting and in Jaffna town. For three weeks the curfew was on every day in town except for 3 hours in the mornings. Most shopkeepers had removed their belongings and so the town centre and bus stand was deserted. The irony was that in other parts of the peninsula life went on as usual with temple festivals taking place and people going about their routine almost as if nothing was happening just a few miles away Due to the curfew banks, schools, the university and the government offices within town could not function. There was no bus service within the peninsula for the first couple of weeks and none into town while the curfew continued. This situation was made worse by the fact that telephone links to Colombo had been badly affected. The only regular link with the outside world was the weekly Red Cross Ship which in addition to transporting patients and medical supplies also carries the mail. Even this was suspended for two weeks increasing the sense of isolation.
The Jaffna Teaching Hospital came virtually to a standstill in the first couple of weeks. The hospital which normally had over six hundred inpatients was down to just forty soon after the crisis began. Few medical staff were in attendance. Full credit to them, without whose services even the little that was achieved could not have been done. They had to travel by ambulance and with a curfew pass. Due to the fighting, the curfew and the lack of transport, very few patients were able to visit the hospital during the first few weeks. In any case the hospital could not have coped if more had turned up. The hospital recieved casualties due to blast and gun shot injuries but not as many as one would have expected in the circumstances. Attempts made by some
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Page 22
22 TAMLTMES
to have the ICRC declare the hospital a special safety zone was unsuccessful mainly because there is an army camp alongside from which mortars were fired from time to time. Many, it was learned, had been taken by the LTTE to the mainland and casualties had even gone to Vavuniya. It is estimated that around 6000 civilians may have crossed to the mainland from the affected areas.
The administrative set up of many institutions including government ones seems to have been paralysed or made ineffective by the situation. Except for statements made by the Roman Catholic Bishop there was no civil leadership in this crisis. In spite of the close proximity of the fighting people were dependent on radio news eg: BBC, Indian News and IBC for information. This was not always reliable as both sides tended to exaggerate their successes. It was only when people from the affected areas got out that we obtained more accurate information.
Where does this leave us? Not in a very enviable position! There does not seem to be any progress with regard to negotiations between the government and the LTTE. Some of the government's recent statements seen to be almost an invitation to the LTTE to turn down any
thought of negotiatic be possible for the ty ceasefire and to prog mediation of Norway acceptable group. T that the army is on th of course may have gerness of either sid The alternative h contemplate. The Ja densely populated th fighting, with both s tillery fire, will be ing. The war seems new level of technic with it even greater ity. It should surely interest that the inter is showing now for nity to have their gri hope that if the ma conceded by the gov be no need for fur Tamil people do no to continue endless negotiated settleme development and pr be achieved.
The above is no ture of the events of of my impressions o curfew exists only
CERYGL
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15 JULY 2000
n. I hope that it will so sides to declare a ress to talks with the , Britain or any other e perception here is e defensive and this a bearing on the ea2 for talks. owever is terrible to ffna peninsula is so at any spread of the ides exchanging arabsolutely devastatto have acquired a il sophistication and destructive capabilbe possible with the national community the Tamil commuevances addressed. I in points would be ernment there should ther confrontation. t want this situation y. It is only with a nt that the kind of ogress We Want can
way a complete picMay but only some f them. The fact that from 6 pm to 6 am
now, and that shops in the town have reopened does not in any way mean that normalcy has returned. With thousands still displaced, schools in town not back to normal and with the daily noises of artillery firing still present, it cannot be. For many who have lost loved ones or who have been maimed or have lost their homes and belongings, life cannot ever be the same again.
I heard that in many countries of the west, members of our community celebrated the fall of the Elephant Pass Camp and may be even other subsequent events. I hope that the internet which provides them with much of the information also carried reports of the harrowing sufferings of ordinary civilians and of the fear in which they continue to live. Unfortunately there is always another side to the coin. I for one certainly hope and pray that we do not see any renewal and intensification of the fighting here. I have seen enough casualties and am not particularly keen on seeing more.
I hope that the present situation of fers a window of opportunity for the sides
concerned to talk. Tamils have learned
to be cynical about the political process but nonetheless yet another attempt should be made to try and avoid the tragedy that will otherwise surely follow. O
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Page 23
15 JULY 2000
"There have been no race riots in Sri Lanka since independence”, Wrote Sivanandan in 1984. 'What there has been is a series of increasingly virulent pogroms against the Tamil people by the Sinhala state, resulting in the degeneracy of Sinhala society and its rapid descent into barbarism.” In fact, this descent into barbarism was only just beginning at the time that Sivanandan’s article appeared in Race & Class'. As the Tamil resistance fought back against the actions of the Sinhalese state, the conflict grew into a fullfledged civil war, reaching its peak in the late 1980's and early 1990's. It is estimated that 50-100,000 people, most of them Tamil, have died in the civil war since 1983. Hundreds of thousands more have been forced to flee their homes, becoming refugees in their own country or joining the growing Tamil diaspora around the world.” Sumantra Bose tells us that a 1992 Sri Lankan government report revealed that an estimated 487,000 children in the north-east had been“affected”by the conflict. From July 1987 to March
This review (by Nagesh Rao, a English at Brown University) of (London, Arcadia Books, 1997) (Race & Class, July-December Race Relations, ISBN 08500 1 0 Hazel Waters, which is a comp Sivanandan to mark his 75" birt the work of Sivanandan, one of til ism, imperialism and racism, a ke trenchant critic of the Left and a Contributors to A World to Win umnist Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, j Carew, playwright David Egger, Chair Sir Herman Ouseley, educ Wilfred Wood. Ambalavaner Sivanandan was b ain in 1958. Having initially join as a librarian in 1964, he has been helped to transform from an orgal ence and needs of Britain's black accessible to all those committed is popularly and affectionately a Class, but is best known for his O ferent Hunger (1982), "Communit Memory Dies (1997), a novel b. political developments in his nati aged by a raging ethnic conflict Memory Dies won the Common gion) and the Sagittarius Prize in
1990, the regional superpower, India, committed some 102,000 troops in an attempt, first, to broker an agreement between the Sri Lankan state and the LTTE (the Tamil “Tigers') and, subsequently, to crush the guerrilla movementaltogether. Needless to say, the misnamed Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) achieved neither of its objectives, experiencing instead a humiliating defeat at the hands of the guerrillas. Since the withdrawal of Indian troops from their Vietnam', the Sri Lankan military has escalated its savage campaign against the Tamils, committing tens of thousands of troops in its effort to go ahead and finish off the terrorists in the battlefield', in the words of deputy foreign minister Lakshman Kiriella.
The Tamil militants, organised into various groups such as LTTE, PLOTE, EROS, TELO, EPRLF and ENDLF," have fought as much amongst themselves as against the Sinhalese military, with the LTTE dominating the Tamil nationalist movement. Sumantra Bose points out that “only the EROS has survived the Tigers' deliberate and sinister policy of get
 

TAMILTIMES 23
Ph.D student in the Department o Sivanandan’s When Memory Dies s reproduced from A World to Win 1999, Vol. 4l No 12, Institute of 578) edited by Colin Prescod and endium of Essays in Honour of hday. A World to Win focuses on le most seminal thinkers on Marxly figure in the black movement, a
award winning novelist.
include Prof. Aijaz Ahmad, colJournalist Melissa Benn, Prof. Jane Commission for Racial Equality :ationist Chris Searle and Bishop
orn in Sri Lanka and came to Brited the Institute of Race Relations Director of the Institute which he nisation divorced from the expericommunity into a vital think-tank to combatting racism. Siva, as he ddressed, is the editor of Race & wn writings which include A Dif. ies of Resistance (1990), and When ased on the recent historical and ve Sri Lanka which has been ravor the last several decades. When wealth Writers Prize (Eurasia re
1998.
ting rid of all potential and actual competitors for Tamil popular support. The most celebrated of the Tamil "inter-group" clashes was in May 1986, when the Tigers virtually wiped out TELO's political leadership and fighting cadre.* ln fact, as early as 1985, Tamil rebels for the
first time attacked and
killed Sinhalese civilians', and, as Stanley Tambiah argues, "they lost their "moral advantage" in the contest by imitating the indiscriminate violence of their enemy." Since then, the LTTE has continued its courageous resistance to the state-sponsored pogroms, but has progressively alienated itself from the vast majority of ordinary Tamils.
Looking back on the past from the perspective of the present, today's "ethnic conflicts' whether one is referring to the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, India or Sri Lanka are often seen as the result of centuriesold hatreds and hostilities. Indeed, such a view finds its most vocal proponents in the leaders of various groups involved in these conflicts. Ethno-religions nationalisms invariably
project the "nation' back into the past, and the nationalisms of the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority in Sri Lanka are no exception." However, nationalism, communalism and fascism are all eminently modern phenomena and need to be dealt with as such. When, how, and why did these particular forms of mass politics emerge? What were the historical, social and cultural conditions that led to their rise? What role was played in this process by different classes and social formations? And can we envision a future that is a viable alternative to what seems like an intractable present?
History from Below
Winner of the Commonwealth Writers' Prize (Eurasia region) for a first novel, When Memory Dies is a monumental work, breathtaking in its scope and ambition. What makes it a novel of epic proportions is both its historical sweep (in this it is reminiscent of the novels of the Indonesian novelist Pramoedya Ananta Toer*) and its analytical depth. Its chief accomplishment is the manner in which it lays bare the proc

Page 24
24 AMILTIMES
esses of history - history as process - while at the same time grappling with the intimate experiences of those involved in making history. SW Perera has pointed out that When Memory Dies presents subaltern perspectives, foregrounds subaltern solutions to the problems besetting the island’o This subaltern perspective is reinforced in the novel by the manner of its narration. Events of national and historical import are presented in terms of their significance and impact at street level and, even here, the novel focuses our attention on the psychology and activity of individual players. Strikes begin and end in the space of a few paragraphs; key characters are murdered in incidents that take up a couple of pages, but the cumulative impact of these numerous, historically untold, unrecorded incidents is an intimate picture of the steady and inexorable ethnicisation of Sri Lankan culture and politics. In other words, "When Memory Dies' presents us with a fictionalised "history from below': probing the depths of memory and history, it shatters the myth of the inevitability of the present and revisits the past to reveal the complex of human actions that went into making the present. In doing so, the novel not only points to what might have been but leaves us with a hope for what could still be, despite Sri Lankan society's slide towards communalism and fascism." In its recuperation of the historical-realist narrative, in its profound humanism and in its insistence on the recoverability of history, When Memory Dies is a crucial intervention into the field of postcolonial writing in English. It resists "post-modern cop-outs', as the quote from John Berger says on the back cover, and forces us to take stock of a seemingly hopeless political situation. Despite its vivid depiction of the horrors of racism and state terror, and of the inexcusable betrayals of the Left, it holds out a hope for socialism at a time when much of academia has all but given up the project of socialism as utopian. Its artistic integrity lies in the fact that it does this not by proposing simple 'solutions', but through an unstinting affirmation of a revolutionary, democratic vision. The novel takes us through three generations of a Sri Lankan family, roughly from the turn of the century to the present. Book One deals with the period from the early 1920's to the eve of independence. Book Two spans roughly the decade following independence, while Book Three brings the narrative up to the early 1980's. The three sections show a remarkable symmetry in theme, structure and character development. In each of them, a relatively naive male protagonist - Sahadevan in Book One, Rajan in Book Two and Vijay in Book Three comes to political consciousness through his interactions with numerous others. The interplay of characters with different political backgrounds allows us to develop a critical understanding of their politics, and in each section of the novel, one or two characters (SW Lal and Lali, Uncle Para and Padma) are clearly marked out as the educators of the protagonist. Each section is carefully structured, slowly building up to a climax and ending in a tragic death; a death, moreover, which is fundamental in transforming the consciousness of the players in the scene, Against the backdrop of these structural symmetries, the novel takes on a breathtakingly diverse set of political and ideological questions and shows a remarkable sensitivity to the workings of various political tendencies, from SW's syndi

15 JULY 2000
calism to Goonesinha's Labour Party politics; from the virulent Sinhalese nationalism of the SLFP to the capitulation to communal politics of the Trotskyite LSSP; from the politics of the PLF insurrection to the 'socialism' advocated by “the Boys'. Throughout the novel, the emphasis is less on the official programmatic rhetoric of these tendencies than on their concrete manifestations in popular consciousness and behaviour. The common thread that binds together Sivanandan's critique of these tendencies is a revolutionary socialist vision that animates the politics of “When Memory Dies”; a vision best expressed by Vijay.
The answer was quite simply that the people themselves should take power... ordinary people, and in Sri Lanka that meant ~workers, peasants. fisherfolk, market women, artisans. But for them to wait to do that, each of them, each of these groups had to be shown how the new society could improve their own lives while improving the lives of others. (271).'
Colonialism and Anti-colonial Resistance: Origins of Communalism The growth of communalism and racism in Sri Lanka and the ethnicisation of the state and polity in later years cannot be explained without an understanding of the impact of colonial rule. Perhaps the most evocative and lyrical sections of When Memory Dies are to be found precisely in its descriptions of the impact of colonialism and modernisation on the Sri Lankan countryside. Sivanandan succeeds in giving us a sense of the upheaval this caused without, however, romanticising the precolonial past. Sahadevan's father, Pandyan, is a peasant who is coming to terms with this transition: Respect and security... As a young man he had rejected them both. He had fought and accepted and revelled in the recurring drought and the untimely rain. He had wept when the crops failed him and rejoiced when they broke through the barren land against all the dictates of heaven. And he had celebrated his own strength at having brought them through against the will of the gods before whom only a moment before he had lain an abject supplicant. Up one moment, down the next, an endless love affair with the land and sky, without a progression or an end, and yet moving in a spiral upwards through a revolution of time.
Now the land had been taken from him. His rhythm was broken. Time had become one-dimensional, unilinear. He was at outs with the world.(ll) Yet, the process of modernisation and urbanisation was never 'complete'. In the colonial context, it developed according to the needs of colonial capital and not of the native population. "The type of capitalism that developed in Sri Lanka under the British', writes Sivanandan elsewhere, had a differential impact on the different social formations and made capitalism's uneven development more uneven still. And what it could not cohere through organic capitalist development, it unified through administrative diktat. This uneven and contradictory process is most clearly seen in the introduction of railways and roads that connected distant parts of the country to one another. Early in the novel, S tries to explain this to a naive Sahadevan: "Once we were the granary of the East. now all we have to eat is tea, and rubber. He continues:
I am not saying that everything the British) did is

Page 25
15 JULY 2000
bad. But we must ask ourselves why they did it, we cannot just believe what they say. They say they are bringing civilisation to us, with railways and roads, when what they are really doing is transporting the wealth out of the country. I am not saying that railways are a bad thing, after all, I am a railwayman myself, but we would have come to it in our own time, at our own speed. (38) Crucially, S W does not deny the importance of modernisation and industry; rather, he points to the fact that this development only served to more efficiently exploit the island's resources for the benefit of the colonisers. The British withdrew from Sri Lanka (then known as Ceylon) in 1948 and left behind a system of government that had already been marked by the incipient communalism that would, within a decade, transform this South Asian island country into a cauldron of ethnic strife. The communal lines had been drawn by the colonial authorities in their attempt to foster linguistic and 'racial divisions amongst the subject population. From communal representation on the Legislative Council to the classification and categorisation of various sections of the native population into different "races', colonial policies reified and institutionalised particular cultural, linguistic and customary differences.' At the same time, colonialism brought the entire island under one centralised government for the first time in its history. As Sivanandan put it, the colonial government 'divided in order to rule what it integrated in order to exploit.' The backdrop to Book One is the resistance to colonial rule that was forged in the course of various working-class struggles, as well as the weaknesses of that resistance. Elsewhere, Sivanandan has pointed out that colonial capitalism in Sri Lanka produced neither a confident bourgeoisie nor a proletariat schooled in the strategies of class struggle.' Neither the bourgeoisie nor the working class, then, was able to build a mass-based, secular, national liberation movement, unlike in India, where this task had been undertaken by the Indian National Congress. As Rajan comments in Book Two of the novel,
the struggle for freedom was associated with Gandhi and Nehru and the Indian National Congress. Our leaders stood on the sidelines awaiting the outcome, offering up prayers and petitions to Her Majesty's Government the while. The Ceylon National Congress had sold out, my father said, all they were interested in was to hold on to their lands and privileges. They did not care about ordinary people, and the people in turn did not have a say in their country's independence: it was all being done somewhere above their heads.(146) But the novel is sensitive, nevertheless, to various forms of resistance to colonialism that did occur. S W recounts, for example, the theological debates that took place between Buddhist monks and the Christian missionaries in the late nineteenth century. In the first section of When Memory Dies, however, Sivanandan's emphasis is on the unity and solidarity - amongst the lower classes and across 'ethnic' and linguistic boundaries - that existed despite the divisive policies of colonial rule. Sahadevan, a Tamil, is befriended by the Sinhalese Tissa and subsequently adopted by the Wijepalas.

TAM TIMES 25
The bonds that develop between Saha and Tissa and between Saha and his foster-parents are perhaps the most convincing ones in the novel. In part, this is due to the attention that Sivanandan pays to the differences in food, custom, language and dress that mark the two communities. Tissa's love-affair with Soonoo, a Muslim, and his taking her brother Sultan under his wing, point to the easy intermingling that was possible before religion and language became politicised. We are presented here with essentially two models of emancipatory politics. On the one hand, there is the union militancy and syndicalism of SW, while, on the other, there is the Labourite gradualism represented by A F Goonesinha. Where Saha, the central character of this section of the novel, grows close to SW and comes to understand his politics and principles. Tissa grows steadily closer to Goonesinha (the "Chief as Tissa calls him). S W is the more organic of the two leaders: a rank-and-file rail worker himself, he has led strikes in the past and sees workers' self-activity as the path to liberation. Indeed, it is his experience as a union militant that has led him to this conclusion. Reminiscing about a striker who had been jailed, he says:
"What was important was that by standing up to an unjust law. He taught others to stand up too. Just that one act is enough to remember him by. So many other acts flowed from that, so many strikes from that printers' strike laundrymen, builders, cycle workers, carters. People were becoming more confident in their own power to change things. And they saw that when they stood together, they had nothing to fear.(55) SW constantly draws attention to this self-activity of the exploited, reminding Saha of their unremembered histories: "There were rebellions against the British going on all the time... But your school history books wouldn't tell you that, would they? After all, they are written by the English. Soon no one will know the true story of our country'. And again, he argues that the real heroes were the strike leaders and the people, the ordinary people, who suffered a lot of hardship in helping the strikers. It is their sacrifices that made things better for the rest of us.'(56) Tissa's mentor, A E Goonesinha, the self-styled leader of the Ceylon Labour Union, is initially given to militant speeches that impress even S W - indeed, he calls for and leads ageneral strike but soon gets taken in by the politics of the British Labour Party. The move towards parliamentarism is rightly seen as opportunistic by the more politically conscious characters. On hearing that Goonesinha had accepted an invitation by the Labour Party to attend the Commonwealth Labour Party Conference, Para remarks, "If that isn't riding two horses - in opposite directions - I don't know what is.' (84) Tissa, enamoured of Goonesinha's 'pragmatism' (Tissa's term), adopts a mechanical, stageist approach to liberation: "It's all a part of the strategy', he tells Saha,
First we get the workers into unions, like our Labour Union; then we get the unions into a federation, like the TUC; then we get the vote, and then, and then - Tissa leant forward on his chair counting out the stages on his fingers - "they vote for their party, the Labour Party; and then the Party has the power to help them'.(105)

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26 TAMILTIMES
We clearly see here Tissa and Goonesinha's slavish adherence to the practices of the British Labour Party. SW is thus harshly critical of Goonesinha: 'I don't know whether I trust him or not... All I know is that he is not a worker. And he is trying to organise the workers. From the outside in.' (56) Lal echoes these words later in the novel when, ashamed of the Marxist LSSP to which he once belonged, he writes in a letter to Rajan: "unless we throw up our own leaders, not borrow them from the upper classes, we will never have a revolutionary party.'(230) At the same time, however, SW's abstention from politics is not quite convincing as an alternative either. He takes a stand against the general strike called by Goonesinha on the grounds that "the workers were not ready for it', and this alienates him from his potential allies. One might even argue that his abstention from political struggle (despite his principled commitment to economic struggles) is precisely what leaves the door open for Goonesinha's opportunism. By the end of the novel, not only is S W forgotten, but there is little that remains of his political legacy. At the end of Book One, Tissa's illusions in Goonesinha's leadership and strategy are shattered. Goonesinha is beaten up by the police and when workers stage a demonstration to protest the attack, the police open fire, killing Sultan. Tissa looks up to see his Chief standing on the top step above him, beside a white man in a white suit' and comes to understand the price to be paid for the compromises that Goonesinha has made. The somewhat melodramatic tragedy of Sultan's death, and Tissa's and Saha's grief over it. further reinforce the potential for inter-ethnic unity that existed before independence.
Failure of the Left and the Rise
of Communalism Book Two of When Memory Dies shows the development of communal consciousness not only among the elites but among the petty-bourgeois and lower classes as well. Rajan, the narrator of the novel, is the principal character of this section. Politically naive, He comes into contact with Lal, an S Wtype figure who is a member of the LSSP. We come to know of the mistakes made by the Ceylonese Left through Lal rather than Rajan. Rajan thus serves as a foil to Lal's and Lali's political commitment. In 1956, the LSSP and the Communist Party (CP), both of which had dominated the Tamil vote a decade earlier begin to retreat in the face of the growth of S W R D. Bandaranaike's Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), a virulently anti-Tamil party. Lal recognises the right-wing populism of the SLFP when, in an argument with his friend Dr Fonseka, he says: 'You know your trouble, don't you? You are confusing race and class, like your whole bloody party, so that you can keep your class while shouting race.' (202) With the SLFP promising to impose Sinhala-only legislation, the LSSP, competing in the electoral arena and giving up all pretence of being a revolutionary party, jumped onto the bandwagon of communalism. Lal ascribes this to the LSSP's move towards parliamentarism."Once we start playing parliamentary games we are finished he tells Rajan. 'Tactics become goals. Elections, from being a vehicle for politicising the masses so that they can take power, (185) become a way of manipulating them so that the leaders can take power. Although the Left now denounced the imposition of Sinhala-only, its "critical

15 JULY 2000
support of the SLFP had lost it its credibility. The correct course for the Left would have been to fight against the racism of the SLFP and its proto-fascist supporters on the basis of class solidarity across religious and linguistic lines, and to remain an independent revolutionary force. Its capitulation to communalism, however, signalled the death of my genu ine alternative to the incipient fascism that would result in massive anti-Tamil pogroms in the coming years. The struggle - or the absence of it over Sinhala-only legisla tion reveals the process by which actions taken by the state dialectically relate to the ethnicisation of popular consciousness. As Lal points out to a sceptical Rajan, in the combination of language and religion. "Banda Bandaranaike has found the perfect formula for a ready-made majority'. (204)Soon after this conversation takes place, we are taken on to the streets to witness the first few anti-Tamil actions, Even at this stage however, the novel draws attention to the contradictions that continue to exist, despite the hegemony that communal politics has gained at the top of society. Rajan encounters a Sinhalese who addresses him in Tamil, and leaves him with "Don't give up hope, thambi (brother, the fight is just beginning'.(205) While Lal despairs of his party's capitulation to communalism, it is his sister, Lali, who gains an intimate understanding of the realities of life among the Tamil population. Thus Lal, increasingly cut off from the people, thinks that "this SinhalaTamil business will "blow over'. Lali, on the other hand, understands Uncle Para's argument that their society is heading towards "communal war'. (221) It is people like Uncle Para that she sees as the hope for the future: “They were the real backbone of the country. They were the real custodians of our history and our culture, and they were everywhere. There was hope for the country yet.' (217) Later in the novel, we find the grounds for such optimism gradually withering away, as older characters like Para have fewer and fewer links with a younger generation of activists and progressively function more as critics and commentators than as actors on the stage of history. Notwithstanding Lali's optimism, then, When Memory Dies presents us with no miracle solutions, and the harsh reality of the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1956 and 1958 comes home to the reader at the end of Book Two, when Lali is gang-raped and murdered by a group of Sinhalese men. This is the most poignant moment in the book and highlights the horrors as well as the fallacies of Sinhalese nationalism. When confronted with the thugs, Rajan is initially able to fool them into thinking that he is either Sinhalese or Muslim. Their inability to categorise him accurately points again to the fluidity of identity in a multiethnic society, and the only way for them to be sure is to challenge him to recite a Buddhist gatha. His Tamil name is, of course, the final giveaway. The violence of the thugs, which is at first directed against Rajan, in a bitter twist of irony turns upon his Sinhalese wife, Lali, who is raped and mutilated. This horrific conclusion to Book Two leaves us with little hope for the future. But we are also left with a feeling that things could have been different. The betrayals of the Left come in for severe criticism in the novel; further, it is against the backdrop of these betrayals that Book Three depicts the rise of mass anti-Tamil hysteria, on the one hand, and mili

Page 27
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Page 28
28 TAML TIMES
tant Tamil nationalism, on the other.
Tamil Response: From Liberation to Terror Vijay is presented here as a last hope for a united SinhalaTamil struggle for socialism and liberation. Early in his life, he comes under the influence of Padma, a member of the clandestine People's Liberation Front (PLF). Although Sivanandan curiously does not spend much time in the novel on the politics of the PLF or of the failed insurrection led by it in 1971, its impact on Vijay's political development is delineated quite carefully.' It certainly radicalises his understanding of Sri Lankan politics. Of the political parties, "One lot feeds us on American flour, Padma tells him, the other lot on patriotism. And the socialists feed us every five years with revolution to get elected. And now... the patriots and the socialists are getting together to feed us patriotic socialism. Moreover, the intellectuals and academics who had supported or participated in the insurrection are now a demoralised lot, completely cut off from popular struggle. Vijay's visit to the University of Peradeniya serves as an occasion for Sivanandan to provide a blistering critique of armchair radicalism. Vijay's search for alternatives leads him to an organisation called Rights and Justice which recognises that the growing polarisation in Sri Lankan society requires new strategies of organising. They decide to send Vijay to meet with "the Boys', the new Tamil guerrillas in the north. Just as the PLF had been an organisation with a degree of popular support ("The group's name was on everybody's lips, and people marvelled that it should be their children who were taking up the fight', so also "the Boys' at first inspired the people around them. The rise of the Tamil New Tigers (who would later become the LTTE) in the 1970's was a response to the savage attacks against the Tamils that were being carried out by the Sinhalese state and fascist goon squads on the ground. It followed, then, that these rebels were at first welcomed by the Tamil community:
Yes, Para had been proud of them, then, proud of the way they had brought back legend to a people starved of heroes and fed on fear, and prouder still of the practical way they had gone about relieving people's hardships with food redistribution centres and medical supplies and nurseries. (394) Progressively, however, the politics of the guerrilla groups began to unravel. When Memory Dies is thus clearly sympathetic to the Tamil cause, and has a definitely partisan tone, but it is not blind to the errors of the Boys' either. Whereas in Book Two, the potential for working-class unity is squandered and in fact sabotaged - by the Marxist Left, in Book Three, it is Tamil nationalism that comes in for criticism. Although the events of this section of the novel unfold against the backdrop of increasing anti-Tamil violence perpetrated by both the Sinhalese state and fascist goon squads, Sinhalese activists like Vijay, Dhanapala, Sarath and Damayanthi are shown in a favourable light as they attempt to build the bridges that would be necessary for united working-class resistance. At first the Boys' are receptive. But the increasingly vicious anti-Tamil pogroms, culminating in the burning of the Jaffna library in 1981, make such bridge building increasingly dif

15 JULY 2000
icult. The militarism of the Boys' gets sharpened in the wake of the pogroms and with the militarism comes factionalism and, in its wake, terrorism. As Sarath, a member of the group Vijay is working with, says the Tamil youth militants:
are not fighting out of theory, but of necessity. They have nothing and they have grown up having nothing, a whole generation of them. And they see even the little they have to make something of their lives with, like education, being taken away from them. That is when they pick up the gun. (305) Uncle Para, too, turns away from "the Boys', for:
they had begun to fight each other over who could serve the people better, which faction, which dogma, till the people mattered no more... and the army came back... and the war had to be fought all over again. only this time there were no people in it, only armies and warlords and fiefs and kingdoms... and the redistribution centres became places of ransom, medicines ceased to arrive and the nurseries grew into nurseries of war.(394) Para's death, and then Vijay's, magnify the tragedy of the novel. The memories of working-class unity have by now been all but erased. A conversation between Para and Vijay gets to the heart of the matter: “When memory dies, a people die', says Uncle Para. “What if we make up false memories?' asks Vijay, to which Para replies, "That is worse, that is murder.' (335)The inexorable process of ethnicisation that had begun a few decades ago now seems to have a life of its own: Language, race and religion were becoming so intricately woven into each other that in touching one you set off the others. Each in its own right, it was true, connected man to himself, to his fellows and to the hereafter, but in symbiosis they locked him up again in a righteousness of the self and the arrogance of nation, and collapsed the hereafter into the now. And it was from such closed circuits of passion that fascism drew its power. The Tamils were merely the first to be caught up in its forcefield. Their turn would come.(31 l) Thus, while Sivanandan clearly sympathises with the Tamil cause, he is also harshly critical of their aims and methods, and recognises that, being caught up in this "forcefield, a liberation movement could easily succumb to the same indiscriminate violence that it is fighting against. In particular, he draws attention to the top-down vision of 'socialism that the Tamil guerrilla fighters advocate. Yogi is a member of the militant (and ironically named) Liberation Fighters for Eelam (LIFE), which clearly stands in for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), cyanide capsules and all. In an exchange between Yogi and Vijay, the latte asks, "Do you think you can take power on behalf of the peo ple and then hand it over to them?' He goes on to explain: I never happens like that, you know, Yogi. That way socialism never comes. Those who take power don't give it. When Yogi claims that socialism will bloody well have to wait... till after the liberation, Vijay responds, "That way liberation never comes, and you know it. Socialism is the path to liberation, not just its end. (406) Vijay's argument gets to the heart of Sivanandan's critique of the LTTE. Its proclaimed goal is socialism but its top-down strategy and terrorist tac

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tics are at odds with this goal. Back in 1984, Sivanandan had argued in the pages of this journal that whatever the goal of the Tamil fighters) in view, their immediate and inevitable task is to continue their unrelenting war against the fascist state.20 In When Memory Dies, however, he seems to have developed a sharper critique of their politics while remaining sympathetic to their cause. Thus, in contrast to the heavyhanded and exclusivist militarism of the guerrillas, the arguments of Lal and Lali, Para and Vijay, allow a vision of 'socialism from below to run like a refrain through the novel. But the realisation of this vision is contingent upon the unity and solidarity across ethnic and linguistic lines that, not so long ago, did in fact exist. SW Perera, in a review of the novel, has drawn attention to the fact that two principal characters, Para and Vijay, are portrayed as bastards:
Para, Saha’s half-brother, is the product of Pandyan and the midwife, and Saha’s “son” (Vijay) is not his own but Lali's child by Sena. Such a strategy allows the author to challenge the notion of a pure race and to focus on the intersections among races rather than the binary opposition favoured by those who wish to maintain differences between them; in other words, Sivanandan... gives hybridity a positive value. It is significant, then, that in Book Three we witness the deaths of both these characters. While Para's is a natural death (and
References:
'A Sivanandan, Sri Lanka: racism and the politics of underdevelopment, Race and Class (Vol 26 no. 1, 1984) p.l.
SJTambiah, 'Ethnic fratricide in Sri Lanka: an update', in Remo Guidierietal, eds., Ethnicities and Nations (Houston 1988), p.297. Sumantra Bose, States, Nations, Sovreignty) (New Delhi, 1994), p.86.
These are the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam, Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students, Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation Eelam’s People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front and Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front respectively.
Sumantra Bose, op.cit.p.88 n.8.
SJ Tambiah, op.cit.,p.296. See Elizabeth Nissan and R L Stirrat. "The generation of communal identities' in Jonathan Spencer, ed., Sri Lanka: history and the roots of conflict (London and New York, 1990), p.26
Tim Brennan makes the same comparison in his review of the novel in The Nation (1 June 1998). 'SW Perera. "Attempting the Sri Lankan novel of resistance and reconciliation: A Sivanandan's "When Memory Dies' Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities (Vol.23. nos. 1-2, 1997).
*Communalism' itself is a much debated term. Sivanandan points out, for instance, that the term does not allow for an adequately historical understanding of the kinds of anti-Tamil pogroms that are carried out by the Sri Lankan state (op. cit., p. 26). It would be desirable to provide a critique of the usage of this term, but this is beyond my scope here. I therefore use the term 'communalism' throughout this paper with imaginary quotation marks.
Respectively, Sri Lanka Freedom Party, Lanka Sama SamajParty and People's Liberation Front, ie, Janatha Vimukti Peramuna or JVP
To avoid excessive endnotes, all page references to "When Memory Dies' are given in parentheses within the main text. Ref

TAMEL TIMES 29
perhaps symbolises the passing away of an older, secular cultural ethos), 'Vijay is shot and killed by his cousin, Ravi, the self-styled Commander of LIFE. Yogi's taking over from Ravi in the wake of the killing comes as little comfort for the readers or for Meena, who tells Ravi, “You have killed the only decent thing left in this land... We'll never be whole again.' (41 l)This is indeed a bleak ending for a novel of resistance. A novel that so honestly confronts the realities of fascism and the egregious errors of those who could have prevented its rise, might well have succumbed to a sense of helplessness in the face of the larger processes of history. The supreme achievement of When Memory Dies, however, lies in its effective resurrection of the memory of past struggles and of a pre-communalist history. Thus, in all its tragedy, it reminds us of Marx's famous passage from the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte:
Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.’ If it was human agency, then, that so critically failed to present an alternative to the barbarism of the present, revisiting the past to unearth the errors and failures is a necessary first step towards reconstructing a truly liberatory socialist politics for the future. In this project of representing history, When When Memory Dies plays an indispensable role.
erences are to the Arcadia Books edition (London, 1997). ' A Sivandandan, op.cit., p.2.
See Elizabeth Nissan and R L Stirrat, op.cit., pp.26-30 ' A Sivanandan, op.cit., p.2.
' A Sivanandan, op.cit., p.2.
The Trotskyist Lanka Sama Samaj Party, which in 1956 shamelessly joined with Bandaranaike’s Sinhala nationalist Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) on the grounds that, as Sivanandan puts it, "if the SLFP was not quite socialist, the UNP was certainly capitalist' (op.cit., p. 12). This misidentification of the SLFP's right wing populism as some sort of left-of-centre anti-capitalism seems quite common in the literature on Sri Lankan politics to this day. See, for instance, R Hoole et al. The Broken Palmyra (California, 1990), p.27 where the authors list the SLFP as one of the parties of the Left' that the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front) had discussions with.
o The Janatha Vimukti Peramuna (JVP). 'Perhaps this has to do with the complicated politics of the JVP. An account of the insurrection can be found in Fred Halliday. "The Ceylonese Insurrection', New Left Review (No. 59, September-October 1971). Sivanandan rightly calls this account "acute, but in hindsight optimistic'. Sumantra Bose argues, for instance, that the JVP's "ideology' consisted primarily of an exceptionally virulent and xenophobic Sinhalese chauvinism, which its leaders combined with a totally garbled and incoherent "Marxism' into a particularly sour cocktail (op.cit. p.6, n. 14). And yet it is clear that the 1971 insurrection did in fact tap into the anger of tens of thousands of unemployed and disillusioned youth both Sinhala and Tamil. In “When Memory Dies' we see the newly politicised Tamil guerrillas trying to learn from Vijay's experiences in the JVP insurrection. 'A Sivanandan, op.cit.p.36.
S W Perera, op.cit.p. 19. *Karl Marx, Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (New York, 1966), p. 15.

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OBITUARIES
ை
Mrs Annammah Thilla. iampalam, beloved wife of the late Mr. S. Thillaiampalam, daughter of the late Mr. & Mrs. Sabapathy, loving mother of the late Mrs. Rohini Wijeyadevendrann, Pavani Manickasingham, Sivaramalingam, late Mrs. Manonimani Vyravanadan, Kanthimathy Balasingham, Srikanthan, Sripathy, Sritharan, Senthimany Chanmugam and Srigananathan (all of Boston); mother-in-law of late Mr. C. D. Wijeyadeven
 
 
 
 
 
 

dram, late Mr. E. Manickasingham, Sakunthala, late Mr. P. Vyravanadam, late Mr. Balasingam, Ranjit, Sudha, Meena and Chanmugam, grandmother of Suren (UK), Subathra (Boston), Dr. Ravindran (New Jersey), Vasundara, Harichandran, YaSOdara (all of California), Tilly, Archunan, (both of UK), Murugesh, Kaushalya, Indra (all of Boston), Janahan (California), Haran, Shivanthy, Menaka, Deepa, Viji, Muhunthan, and Mythili (all of Boston) passed away on 25th April 2000, in Somerville, Massachusetts, USA.
The members of her family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted them during the period of bereavement. - T. Sripathy, 31 Albamont Road, Winchester, MA 01890, USA. Tel: 781 729 O968.
Appreciation on page 32.
Saravanamuthu Appathurai, J.P., Retired Teacher, Aruno
daya College, Alaveddy, Jaffna, beloved husband of the late Mrs. Kanagesweri
Appathurai; loving father of Ganeshamoorthy (Peniathamby) (Sri Lanka) and Suntharamoorthy (Baby) (UK); grandfather of Dinesh, Kokularaj (both of Srilanka), Kesa
Van, Divakari, Kokulan, Suthakar (all of UK); father-inlaw of Irasamalar and
Sarathdevi son of the late Mr. & Mrs Saravanannuthu of Alaveddy, son-in-law of the late Mr. & Mrs. Sinnadurai of Kanderodai, brother of the late Messers Thuraiappah, Ponnudurai and lyadurai; brotherin-law of Kandiah (UK), Rajadurai, Kanagarajah (both of Canada), Mrs Parameswari Pathmanathan (Australia) and Mrs. Logeswari Kunarasa (Sri Lanka) passed away in
15 JULY 2000
Alaveddy, Sri Lanka on 4th July 2000 and was cremated on 5th July. - A. Suntharamoorthy, 95 Holyroad
Avenue, South Harrow, Middx HA28UD. Tel 020 8423 1628.
Mr. Arunasalam Navaratnam Jeyatheva, (Retired Financial Accountant, Sydney Transport) son of late Mr. A. Navaratnam of Shaw Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and late Mrs. Sivapakiam Navaratnam, belo ved husband of Sarojini Devi, loving father of Shyamala Balakrishnan and Revathy Rajasingham; brother of Anandavalli Shanmugaraja, (Yellow Knife, Canada), Sugunatheva (UK) and Vimalatheva (Colombo) passed away on Thursday morning, 13th July 2000 after a long illness. The funeral took place on 15tb July in Sydney.
The members of the family thank all friends and relations who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and floral tributes and assisted them during the period of bereavement. - N. Sugunatheva, 17 The Drive, Northwood, Middx HA6 i HQ. Tel: 0 1923 82529.
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Mr. S. Bala, on the first anniversary of his passing away on 28th
Continued on page 31

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Continued from page 30 July 1989, Remembered with love and affection by his beloved wife Thanam, loving daughters Susie and Kumutha, Sons-inlaw and grandchildren.
Sadly missed by close relations and friends. We treasure the memories, love and Care.
May God bless and keep him in eternal peace.
Susie Nandapalan Wilmslow.
Fifth Death Anniversary
In ever loving memory of Gnanam (Sivagnanavathy) on the fifth anniversary of her passing away on 15th July
1995.
Fondly remembered by husband C. Sachithananthan, Son Sureshan, daughter Poorany, daughter-in-law Devika, sonin-law Surenthra Willian, grand-daughters Pallavi, Sruthi, and Kurinji Melanie - 22 Gangaiamman Koil Street, Bharathinagar, Chennai 6000041, South India.
In loving memory of Mrs. Mankay Siwasampu on the tenth anniversary of her passing away on 2.8.90.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her two sons. — 15 Wolsey Road, Chessington, Surrey KT9 1XG
FORTHCOMING EVENTS Aug 1 Feast of St. Alphonsus Liguori. Aug 2 Aadi Pooram. Aug 3 Sathurthi. Aug. 5 Shasti; South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Drop in Tel: 02085423285.
Aug 6 Feast of the Transformation of the Lord, Jesus Christ. Aug 8 Feast of St. Dominic.
Aug 10 Sukkla Eekathasi; Feast of St. Lawrence.
Aug 11 Va r a la k s h m y Virathan, Feast of St. Clare. Aug 12 Pirathosam. Aug 13 Feast of St. Pontian. Aug 14 Full Moon.
Aug 15 Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary.
Putney Church Celebrates 28th
Anniversary
In May 1972, a small group of Tamil Christians living in London took advantage of the presence in London of a retired Sri Lankan Tamil Methodist minister - the late Rev. S. W. Arasaratnam, to experiment with the holding of a formal Christian worship in Tamil at the Putney Methodist Church, Gwendolene Avenue, London SW15. This became a reality in course of time and was popularly known among Tamils around the world as Putney Church. The 28th anniversary of this event was celebrated on 28th May 2000 at Rivercourt Methodist Church, King Street, HammerSmith, London W6.
The anniversary service had an added dimension to it, in that it was Combined With a thanksgiving service for the life and Work of the late Rev. S. M. Jacob, a Methodist Minister, who had served among the UK Tamil Christians in two separafe Stints from 1975 fo 1981 and 1984 to 1990 and Went to Sri Lanka. He came back in 1995 on his retirement and was the Honorary MinisterEmeritus at the time of his death in March 2000. Mr. David Jayarajah referred to the various senior positions, he had held in the Church establishment both in UK and in Sri Lanka, where he was the Secretary of the Methodist Conference. A letter from ReV. Wes
 
 

TAMILTIMES 31
Aug 16 Feast of St. Stephen.
Aug 18 S a n k a da h a ra Sathurthi.
Aug 19/20 SLTWG Trip. Tel: O2O8542 3285.
Aug 20 Feast of St. Bernard. Aug21 Feast of St. Pius. Aug 22 Kanthigai. Aug 23 Shri Krishna Jayanthy,
Aug 24 Feast of St. Bartholomew. Aug 25 Krishna Eekathasi. Aug 26 Pirathosam; SLTWG Women's Front meets. Tel: 020 8542 3285. Aug 27 Feast of St. Monica. Aug 28 Amavasai; Feast of St. Augustine. At Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London
W14 9HOQ. Te : 3O86/4608.
Aug 4 7.45pm Hindustani Vocal Concert by Herneng
020 7381
Mehta.
Aug5 6.30pm Kathak by Sasvati Sen. Aug 11 7.45рт Vocal by Rajam lyer. Aug 17 6.30pm Indian Independence Day Celebrations. Speeches, Singing, Dancing & Exhibition of Paintings & Jewellery. Aug 23 7.30pm Sri Krishna Janmashtami. Bhajan, Puja & Prasad. Aug 28 6.00 to 8.30pm Phi. losophy Discourses by H.H. Ganapati Sacchidananda Swani. All Welcome.
Carnatic
ley Ariarajah of the World Council of Churches, Geneva characterising Rev. Jacob as a "Tireless Pilgrim' and a poem in Tamil by Mrs Thabes Kanagaratnam were read at this meeting as a tribute to him
The main therne of the Anniversary service centred around growth and vision for the future. Mr. Rajan Rajaratnam, the President of the London Tamil Christian Congregation having made a brief reference to the happenings during the past 28 years as a proof of God's plan and purpose for the Congregation, shed some light on the three stages of the Church's vision for the future. He said that Stage 1 on the formation of a Prayer Fellowship has been achieved and Stage 2 regarding the holding of an additional monthly service in Tarnil is about to be achieved with the proposed holding of the inaugural service at South Harrow Methodist Church on 11th June 2000. Rev. Barnabas Alexander, Minister Putney Church' who conducted the service, fortified and inspired by a text from the scriptures, Joshua Chapter 1, which Was a reference to God's promise to Joshua at the time of Mose's death, implored the congregation to look at the future with vigour and hope.
The hall was filled to capacity, a happy state of affairs which most English churches would be happy to settle for at their Sunday morning wor
ships. Perin Raj.
The Sri Lanka Railway Past Employees Welfare ASSOciation
The fifth Annual General Meeting of the above association was held on 28th May 2000 and the following were elected Office-bearers for 2000/2001.
President: Mr. C. Kannuthu
rai, Vice President: Mr. A. Gnananandan, Secretary: Mr. M. Selvanayagam, Assistant Secretary: Mr. M. Ramasamy, Treasurer: Mr. K. Paramanathan, Patrons: Mr. E. Rasakulasooriyar & Mr. A. Manikkam, Committee: Mr. K.G. Alwis, Mr. S. Arumugam, Mrs. T. Thambyrajah, Mrs. P Arulampalam and Mrs. Mariyadas, Editor: Mr. S. Ponnudurai.
Prof. Canthaboo
Above Prof. Anton Jayasuriya (L) Prof Canthaboo (C) and Prof. Usha Ravi (R)
Professor Maruthu CanthabOO of UK has been a Warded a
Continued on page 32

Page 32
32TAMILTIMES
Continued from page 31 Gold Medal for his work on Cerebro-Neural Technique (CNT) at the 38th World Congress on Natural Medicine held in India recently. The Congress was jointly organised by the International University of Complementary Medicine and indoEuropean institute of natural Medicine and was presided over by the Health Minister of Pondichery State, Hon. E. Valsaraj. Professor. Anton Jayasuriya was the Chief Guest and Professor Usha Ravi and Dr. A. Ravi of Cudalore were the organisers of the event. Professor Canthaboo is of Sri Lankan origin and is at present Dean of the International College of Multi-Therapists, UK and is visiting Professor of international University for Complementary Medicine, Institute of Acupuncture of Medicina Alternativa, Kalubowila Teaching Hospital, Colombo.
Aloy Ratnasingham Presented Outstanding Achievement Award
Mr. Aloy RatnaSingham of Scarborough, Canada was the recipient of the prestigious Outstanding Achievement Award for the year 2000 presented to a handful of Volunteer Workers in the Province of Ontario at a colourful ceremony held on 5th June 2000 at Delta Hotel, Scarborough.
Aloy has been a member of the Ontario Seniors Tamil Centre since 1985 and has been President and member of the Board of Management. He has been an advocate of seniors' issues including assistance to refugees and had organised 55 outings of seniors to places of educational interest, He was selected to assist and advise Metro Counsellors on combating racism and had successfully organised seminars on settlement and anti-racism strategy.
Sri Lankan Businessman
involved in travel, Shipping, communications and computer related services, visiting London shortly seeks a collaborator. Please write interest fO. S. Bala, 28 Tooting Bec Road, London SW178BD. Fax No. 020 8682 4656.
Mrs Annammah
16.8, 1903 - 2 Yet another sad loss in of Mrs Annannah Ammammah to most away at 96 on April 25, her and fondly reme deeply the memories o Up until January 1998 steady health not sufi ment. It was only very admitted to hospital fo problems and as her improving to expectatic may depart from us for She bounced back, Cal daily chores, but her somewhat low, even ti handicapped or bedrid ever aided by the supp mately passed away a ical and personal care Everyone was hoping t become a 'Centurion', I to be so. Ammammah person in the sense th reached the age of 43, to ten children. In 1948, 45 she lost her husba the ten Children to Cat age. One by one from boys and five girls, they tled, either in job or in able to take on her far received from her hus rubber estate and th eldest son Jeganath employment to help th, a close-knit family, w through thick and thin, ty as well as joy, as one iron cast bond, which ammammah a great and Satisfaction. She herself, becoming a " Tamil Junior SChOla knowledge confirmed b tation of phrases, ver: opportune moments.
With the advent of h Srikanthan, leaving the to USA, that is the time Covered America for family. With his setting many opportunities, tl starting arriving in Ammamma was one o nuCh at ease in her ne Somerville became he She never lost her rO about her relatives Thirunelvely and was local temples there. V around her with the unforeseen events to was the unexpected son-in-law, Mr. Wijeya at the age of 62. Whe anmamma, her first say that when all the hanging On, the your prematurely falling a
 

5UY 2000
hillaiampalam 5.04.2000 our lives - the loss Thillaiampalam, of us, who passed 2000. We truly miss nber and Cherish her and her image. , she was in very 2ning from any ailrecently, she was r acute respiratory condition was not ns, we thought she ever. Miraculously, ne home doing her energy level was lough she was not den. She was howort system and ultiespite all the medgiven to the best. at she would live to but it was not meant was a remarkable at by the time she she had given birth when she was only nd in Malaysia with e for at that young the long list of five started getting setmarriage. She was nily with the money band's pension, the e earnings of the an, who took up e family. They were ho were all there, in tinnes of adversi2 solid fortress. This many marvel gave feeling of fulfilment excelled to educate Pala Parditar - a r, her intellectual y her timely presenSes and sayings at
er adventurOuS SOn Shores of Sri Lanka our 'Colombus' disthe Thillaiampalam foot on the land of he rest of the Clan JSA one by One. f them and was very 'w surroundings and 2r area Of domicile, ots, made inquiries and friends in supportive of the With all the Children eir families, SOrne ok place. The first (death of her eldest devendran in 1980 in the news reached reaction Was, SO to ripe old leaves are ig fresh leaves are way This was fol
lowed by the demise of her sons-in-law Balasingam in 1986 and Manickasingham in 1987. These losses took a toll of her, but She never lost her focus in life. After twelve years came the next and most devastating blow when she lost her eldest daughter Rohini to cancer in August 1999. Almost a month afterwards Canne the most unexpected and untimely death of her daughter Manonmani, who was living in the same household, available to her at all times and a tower of strength to her. Then came the loss Of Manonnani's husband Vyravanadan in December 1999. It may be that the time had come, when she could not take it any more.
With her demise, we have reached a stage when those who were kept happy and busy by her, feel her absence badly. They are the daughters Pavani, Senthimani and Kanthimathy who took turns to do the necessary daily chores for her sons Srikanthan who judiciously took every effort to sit with her explaining the political and other news, Jeganathan, the frequent flyer from other continents always there in times of need Sritharan who was readily available at times of need; Sripathy with his lunch time Visits and last but not least Kannan who resided in the Same premises and kept her in good humour. There is a long list of others whose lives revolved around her to make things easy for her and a few of them are Murugesh, Kaushi, Jamuna and Haran.
It was meant to be that she had to depart in a timely fashion, making sure that all those near and dear to her were there at their domicile, before departing from us for 69 Vef.
They will miss her immensely and only time can take away their sorrow. May her soul rest in peace
A Memorable Evening With Divine Music
it was indeed a memorable evening for many who witnessed the carnatic music concert performed by three young talented artistes at the St. Margaret Church Hall. Ilford, UK on 27th May 2000 organised by Mrs. Susila and Dr. T.G. Krishnamurthy featuring Sow. Aishwarya (10 years) vocal, Chi Parthiban Nagarajah (17 years) Violin and Chi Myuresh Skanthabalan (13 years)
Continued on page 33

Page 33
15 JULY 2000
Continued from page 32
Mridangam. They were applauded by a very appreciative audience, which included eminent personalities from different fields with musical interest and knowledge.
Sow. Aishwarya was initiated into carnatic music at the tender age of three by her father. At present she is receiving training from Guru Smt, lndra Ranganathan of Calcutta. Chi Parthiban started learning violin at the age of eight from Dr. Lakshi Jayan, London. He is also talented on the Piano, Western Violin and Mridangam. Chi. Myuresh started learning Mridangam at the age of six and is a disciple of Sri Muthu Sivarajah and had his arangetram recently.
The Concert Commenced with Varnan in Thodi Ragam rendered flawlessly. It was followed by a Devarnama in Raga Rasikapriya in Khanda Chapu Thala. The brief alapana in Kambhoi followed by the song Kuladeivame with Niraval brought memories of late K.B. Sundarambal. The alapana in Kharaharapriya followed by Thyagaraja's Chakkani Raja was rendered with full devotion and perfection. The Thani Avantanam was very pleasing to the ear with perfect rhythm, Vandemaataram of Subramania Bharati, in Ragamalika, aroused the feeling of patriotism in many. The violin accompaniment was apt and excellent.
No doubt Aiswarya is a child prodigy with good self confidence, knowledge, showmanship and perfect pronunciation of words in different languages. She sings from her heart, and has a god gifted voice With inborn talent.
The three young artistes provided an enjoyable evening Let us hope that the almighty will shower his blessings for an bright future for them.
Daasan Australian NeWSette
Tamil Senior Citizen's Association, Sydney celebrated Thai Pongal on 14th January 2000. Among the highlights of the celebrations were a dance performance by the students of Mrs. Krishna Segaram, a vocal recital by Mrs. Kala Gnanaratnam and Poothathamby Nadagam presented by T. Kalamani. The Nadagam was well appreciated by the audience. This was followed by the serving of 'Sakkarai Satham' and Kadalai to all present.
The President of the association, Col. V. Rananathan received the Premier's Award for outstanding service to the community on 22nd March 2000. It was presented by the Hon. Paul Whelan, Minister for Police and Member for Strathfield.
Sydney Tamil Resource Centre, established On 1608, 1991 to Cater to the needs of the Tamil reading public in Sydney as a non-profit, non-political establishment has a great success story. Both individuals as well as Tannii institutions in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka have donated books and as a result it is now a flourishing library with over 4000 books, Donations and member
ship subscriptions at funds.
On 21.5.2000, ther function at the Horn Hall, attended by : guests, who spoke a richness of the Tamil Palavarayan of Tam, Visit to Sydney spok On Tanni education a V. Na varatnarn's bO{ the Tamil Nation launched. Dozens of sold to the members highlight of the even, tion of a special film Jaffna Public library. tures of the library b. burnt in 1981. On the itS establishment. Th nied by a narrative library and many ir moved to tears by tragedies that befe evening ended with n followed by dinner. the president of the the members of his this successful functi
The Wembadi Old Gi their Annual Dinner L. the Ryde Civic Cen MVas an excellet tur their spouses and began with the singin and a welcome spe, Mrs. Devi BalaSub guests were dancing Sounds of the Sri Lan Served at 8.30 and t At 10.30 there was many attractive pr themselves till midn, meet again next yea! Service for the Rehabilitation of T Survivors (STARTT chaired by Rev.
Homebush Boys' Sch fO diSCuSS the needs lum Seekers in Austra the Executive Dire speaker. He was fold from the organisatio NSW Refugee Hea decided to provide th to those suffering fro experienced in Sr. administrators said th ed by clients would They wished to ha about anni Culture WOuld nake Counsel followed by group dis
Tamil Day at Home Hall was organised
and Citizens Acti Hornebush Public Sc, 2000. After the fo guests, there was a Martial Arts, Killi Tha and Kolam drawing.

e the main source of
eSource Centre helda ebush Public School several distinguished about its role and the literary tradition. Prof. il Nadu, who is on a e eloquently in Tamil ind Saiva religion. Mr. Ok On 'Fall & Rise of Was reviewed and donated copies were of the audience. The ing was the presentadocumentary of the The film showed picefore and after it was tenth anniversary of e show was accompaof the history of the the audience were one of the greatest the Tannis. The usic and dance items Mr. E. Vijayaratnam, resource Centre and committee organised Of. irls' Association held )ance On 26.2.2000 at tre in Sydney. There n-out of old girls and friends. The evening g of the College Song ech by the President annanian. Soon the I away to the exciting kan band. Dinner was he dancing continued. the raffle draw with izes. Many enjoyed ght and promised to
Treatment and orture and Trauma S) NSW held a forum John Jegasothy at Ool Hall. On 26.2.2000 of refugees and asyalia. Mr. Jorge Aroche, Ctor was the Chief wed by four speakers in and One from the alth Service. It was le appropriate Service in torture and trauna i Lanka. STARTTS lat information providbe kept confidential. Ve more information as that knowledge ling easier. This was CLSSion. bush Public School by the Tamil Parents on Group at the hool Hall on 18th May rmal welcoming of f exhibitior? Of Tarnis ttu a traditional game A group of students
TAMILTIMES33
sang a 'Song of Praise' in Tamil and the Australian National Anthem. Welcoming speeches were made in Tamil by Mr. P Sivasubramaniam and in Chinese by Mr.Ling Lin.
Cultural programmes followed. Veena, Nadaswaram, Thavi, Flute, Miruthangam recitals and dance performances including "Koladam' and Nattukoothu' were appreciated by the audience.
The Principal of the school Mr. Ron Williamson and the Chief Guest Dr. Mananidran spoke and awards were distributed. The evening concluded with a vote of thanks by Yathugiri Logathasan and a closing message from the Tamil Parents and Citizens Action Group. Victory Celebrations: The historic victory of the LTTE over the Sri Lankan army at Elephant Pass was celebrated by the Sydney Tamils on 30th April 2000 at the Ukrainian Hall, Lidcombe. Leaders from several Tamil organisations praised the heroism of the Tamil fighters. A two-minute silence was observed to honour the menory of the fighters and the civilians who had lost their lives in the War. Australian Federation of University Tamil Students, an umbrella organisation of Tamil University Students from six universities in Australia had their inaugural meeting in Sydney on 15th January 2000. it was felt that this excellent example of Tamil unity set by the University students could be followed by other Tamil organisations in Sydney. Jaffna College Old Students Association held a "Hopper Night" at Homebush Boys' High School Hall on 24th June 2000. The function Was Well attended and proceedings began with the singing of the College Song. Welcoming speeches were made by the President Dr. S. Satkunarajah and Vice-President Dr. A. Balasubramanian. Elections were held to elect the new Executive Committee and Mr. Victor Duraisamy was elected the new President. Dr. Satkumarajah and Dr. Balasubramanian Were elected Life Patrons. The guests were then served egg hoppers, plain hoppers and sumptuous Curries as well as dessert. A Musical Evening with a difference - Ragam Sugaragam — was organised by the Eelam Tamil Association on 15th April 2000 in Sydney. It was a great exhibition of the talents of the well-known South Indian artistes Mohan and Rajesh Vaidha.
The hall was packed with around 1000 rasikas and many had to be turned away. Rajesh Vaidhya mesmerised the audience with his performance on the Veena. He played the Tabla top Veena for the first time and sang cinema songs with his brother and other singers. Mohan Vaidhya compered the show excellently, keeping the momentum of the music flowing and the interest of the audience never flagged. He sang a mix of carnatic ragas and film songs accompanied by local singers. The concert raised $12,500 for the Tamil Emergency Medical Fund.

Page 34
34 TAMILTIMES
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