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15 AUGUST 2000
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it."
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ISSN 0266 - 44 88 V0, XIX N0, 8 15 AUGUST 2000
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into the Election Fray O3
Constitutional Comedy 06 Daring the UNP O7 A Commission for July '83 11 Another Lost Opportunity 13 Letter from Jaffna 19 Neelan Remembered 20 The Autonomy Tangle 22 Attack on Christians 24 Mideast Peace Prospects 26 Lights, Camera, Censorship 29 Classified 30
ηtΟ
Parliament was from midnight on tary elections in Sri on October 10. NC ceived the Commi from August 20 to The election : wake of the unsucc government to get Bill passed throu government was f debate on it when i it would not obtain majority following drawal of support the UNP.
The main battl between the ruling. the opposition Un However, the emer. comprised of main ultra-nationalist or the electoral arena prospect of a thre Already there are third front making ditional vote-bank parties making the c dictable.
By fixing the ( 10, the governme. weeks for the electi believe that the m given for the camp; opposition parties a hope in governmen is that the short pe efit the ruling party against a divided o In announcing dent Kumaratunga ( seeking a mandate turn the newly elect Constituent Assemb to adopt a new Co she will get a major enough for it to be date from the peop But there are othe equally determinec ernment. Ranged UNP, the ultra-nati have promised to against her attemp
 
 
 

TAM TEMES 3
he Electoral Fray
dissolved with effect 3 August. ParliamenLanka will take place minations will be resioner of Eelections September 4.
being held in the 2ssful attempt by the its new Constitution gh parliament. The rced to suspend the became certain that ts required two-third the last-minute withor the measure from
e in this election is Peoples Alliance and ited National Party. gence of a third front ly Sinhala-Buddhist ganisations entering has given rise to the e-cornered contest. indications that this inroads into the tras of both the main utcome quite unpre
:lection for October ht has given just 8 on campaign. Many nimum time period Lign place the minor a disadvantage. The circles presumably iod given will bento win a majority as position. the election, Presieclared that she was from the people to ed Parliament into a y so as to enable her nstitution. Whether y of seats sufficient regarded as a man: is not guaranteed. forces which are to defeat her govgainst her are the nalist forces which ght tooth and nail to bring back the
Constitution Bill before parliament, and the privately owned press which has displayed its unrestrained hostility against her day in day out. On the other side, the LTTE has time and again, by words and action, demonstrated its hatred of the President.
The governing party's allies, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party have already announced that they would contest under the PA banner. Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SILMC) General Secretary Rauf Hakeem said his party was "committed to back the President's efforts to end the ongoing conflict'. "We will definitely help them to achieve victory and form a PA Government.'
The UNP goes into the election campaign not as a united party. Ranil's leadership has been under a cloud for some time now. Since he became leader, he has presided over successive defeats in provincial, parliamentary and presidential elections. A number of its members, including some leading figures, have defected to the government. One time leading and powerful personalities like Sirisena Cooray have left the party and formed their own and are likely to put up candidates in the election.
The UNP, in the name of bipartisan consensus, forced the government to accept its own amendments and signed up to almost all the provisions of the draft new Constitution, except on some minor issues. Having done that the UNP will find it hard to denounce it as a sellout. In a sense, it could be said the UNP and the PA are the co-authors of the draft Constitution which the UNP refused to support at the eleventh hour. The only reason it gave for withdrawing its support was the government's failure to consult the LTTE and the Maha Sangha before it was tabled in Parliament for debate.
The UNP leader has said that if his party was elected he would seek a "national consensus' for the Constitution. But he has not spelt out how he will manage to reconcile the positions of the ultra-nationalist Sinhala-Buddhist sec

Page 4
4 TAM TIMES
tions, which are hostile to any further "concessions' to the Tamils and who want to crush the LTTE, and the LTTE which is fighting for self determination and a traditional homeland for the Tamils in the north and east of the country.
It has been commented that when the campaign for the general election kicks offin right earnest, the UNP leadership will have some serious explaining to do to the Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka for having opposed the government's new Constitution. The Tamils living in the central highlands of the island form an ethnic category separate and different from the Tamils of the northeast. They mainly live and work in the tea estates. This distinct ethnic minority stood to gain immensely from the proposed new Constitution, which addressed one of its long-standing grievances B the issue of their citizenship.
In the government's Constitutional Bill, Clause : 6 of the chapter relating to citizenship provided that any person who has been a permanent and lawful resident of the Republic from October 30, 1964 and who was not a citizen of any country on that date, or any person being a permanent and lawful resident of the Republic at the commencement of the Constitution, is a descendant of any person
A Buddhist monk om death
ful in obtaining a votes from the Ta during past electi ing a heavy price government’s cor The UNP lead ing away significa in his favour durin tion held in Dec many believe tha UNP haS aliena Tamils also by, f government to di the draft Constitu of the Tamils, the exercise by refusi liament.
It is said that expecting suppor tionalist Sinhala
who was a permanent and lawful resident of the Republic on October 30, 1964 and who was not a citizen of any country on that date would be entitled to full citizenship rights. This provision would have enabled each and every person who has up to now been regarded as a "stateless' person to automatically to be treated as a citizen.
But the UN P’s opposition to the Constitution Bill, which led the Government to pull it back, by extension, means that these Tamils have another long wait ahead before being granted a basic human right.
The Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC), the dominant party representing the Indian Tamils, which is in partnership with the ruling People's Alliance (PA), will definitely take this up as a big issue for propaganda against the UNP. The UNP which had been quite success
return for the par
the government However, parties Sihala Urumaya : that support acci dealing. A statem Urumaya stated, so-subtle move b impression in thi are responsible stitutional bill fr the people are qu that the bill was the IPA and U equally respon: However the pec edge the vital rc Sangha and othe that led the agital the bill and thus ing into law, at
The Souther
 

15 AUGUST 2000
gnificant segment of nils of Indian origin ns may end up payir having scuttled the titutional proposals. r succeeded in weantnumber Tamil votes , the presidential elecmber last year. But this time round, the ed the Sri Lankan st having forced the ute the provisions of ion to the detriment n scuttling the whole gto support it in Par
he UNP leadership is from some ultra-naBuddhist sections in
fast against govt's draft constitution
the Sihala Urumaya, Malinga Gunaratne, state, Ranil Wickremasinghe and Chandrika shook hands and participated at what they called a historic occasion where the two parties had agreed on the constitutional proposal. How can the UNP now try to disclaim liability from this attempt to break up our country. The UNP is a great party, but the leadership today is doing everything possible to woo only the minority votes sacrificing the majority of those who put them to power.”
The recently formed Sihala Urumaya, with the active participation o. some influential sections of Buddhist clergy, is seeking to lead a third fronto: like-minded ultra-nationalist groups The Sinhal Urumaya is stridently nationalistic and is opposed to any form o: power-sharing arrangement to resolve the ethnic conflict. It has accused both the government and tht UNP of betraying the Sinhala-Buddhists of the island and of being prepared to grant too much t. the minorities in exchange for cheap votes. It wants the war against the LTTE to bi prosecuted with more vigour until it is crushed. The Sihala Urumaya and th: Mahajana Eksath Persmuna (MEP) are reporte. to be already conductin joint discussions with th:
ty's refusal to support 's new Constitution. like the newly formed ire determined to deny sing UNP of doubleantissued by the Sihala "We also note the notthe UNP to create the public mind that they prpreventing the conm becoming law. But te conscious of the fact jointly formulated by P and that both are ble for its contents. ble gratefully acknowle played by the Maha patriotic organizations onal movement against revented it from passast for the present,”
province organiser for
aim of forming an alliance. Tilak Karlnaratne, General Secretary for the Siha. Urumaya said the move was initiate after both parties in one voice oppose. the recent new constitutional draft. A joining of forces, Mr. Karunaratne said. will help bring together Sinhala Buddhists and form a strong united front together with the Buddhist priests whic have been leading the campaign agains the government's proposals for devolution of powers.
This front is seeking to challenge both the main political parties, the PA and the UNP by mobilising all forces which have always opposed a politica. solution based on power-sharing. If: succeeds in efforts to a significant extent, there is the prospect that, unlike in. the past when the contest has been a straight fight between the UNP and the PA, this time round there may be a three

Page 5
15 AUGUST 2000
cornered contest.
The non-LTTE Tamil parties like the TULF, PLOTE, EPRLF and TELO are likely to put up candidates in the north and east of the country. Tamil United V&\RVSeV. Vse ResideV V. Anandasangari said that his party would contest the election in the predominantly Tamil Northeast. He called for a 'free and fair election devoid of political intimidation from armed groups. "There were allegations of mass scale impersonations and rigging during the last election in the North. People feared for their lives due to threats from armed militant groups. We are requesting the Government to ensure that this kind of incidents do not occur again, so that people in these areas will be able to exercise their democratic right without fear and intimidation,' he said. It is reported that A. Varatharaja Perumal, the Chief Minister of Sri Lanka's short-lived North-Eastern Provincial Council, has decided to contest from Jaffna in the October 10 general election. Perumal, who leads a dissident group within the Eelam People’s Liberation Front, said his is group would contest the election independently in Jaffna and the Vanni, and in alliance with friendly parties in the three other electoral districts of the Tamil-domimated north-east. Perumal was Chief Minister of the
has often used electic agenda by trying to in the outcome through military and political as terror tactics. In th
the LTTE, then in to
Jaffna peninsula, mo process by ensuring t the nearly 600,000 el trict, turned out on ele Jaffna has since slipp it controls large chu the Wanni and east O they are by and large others. In the preside last December, repor Lanka said that the L people to vote for th Ranil Wickremasing
Fears are also among Colombo circ
Picketting
1988-1990 NEPC, and thereafter took refuge in India for nearly nine years before returning to the island last year. After cooling his heels for over a year, Mr. Perumal hopes the general elections will enable his re-entry into the Tamil political scene. At the national level, he and his group would support the People's Alliance, he told The Hindu correspondent.
What role the LTTE would play during the election is not yet known. It has never participated in any election. In some it had asked the Tamils to boycott issuing menacing threats of dire consequences. It is also likely that it will be hostile to any participation in the election by ex-militant Tamil groups.
LTEE's basic position is that the Tamils should have nothing to with elections conducted by the “Sinhala State'. But the LTTE, without ever contesting,
might instigate some including suicide att during the election ca Kumaratunga was the attack on the last day election campaign la ever since, she has c her official residenc mainly from fear off her life. The LTTE m military campaign it cially in the Jaffna runnup to the electio
What is worrying tivists and those belo constituency is the em ing influence of ex ultra-nationalist forc Urumaya and militar like Madulu weva Sol activities are boundt
 

ons to further its directly influence a combination of strategies as well e 1994 elections, tal controll of the
cked at the whole hat only 2.97% of ectorate in the dis:ction day. Though ed out of its hands, nks of territory in if the country, and no-go areas for the ntial election held ts from eastern Sri TTE had asked the e UNP candidate,
15。
being expressed leS that the LTTE
AMLTIMES 5
munal tension and prevent a peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict.
Commenting on this development, Dr Jehan Perera of the National Peace Council says the “UNP leader Ranil Wickremasingle is ၃esently Տ661 bý
those who supported the draft constitution as a villain in the unfolding scenario. But until the breakdown of the bipartisan process, much praise was directed towards him for his non-communal leadership....For a political leader who had seen his party slide to nine successive local, provincial and national level defeats, Ranil Wickremasinghe demonstrated a rare strength of character in refusing to use the ethnic issue to attack the government. During six years of his leadership of the UNP he restrained his party from taking the line of communal politics, which all opposition leaders be
fore him had done.
“But today the six years of restraint practised by the UNP under Ranil Wickremasinghe's leadership seems threatened. First came the shock of the UNP's last minute withdrawal from the bipartisan constitutional reform process. The constitutional draft had 256 articles of which the UNP apparently disagreed with only 4. There is no doubt that, had it chosen to, the UNP could have negotiated a mutually acceptable compromise on each of
violent incidents, acks in the south
mpaign. President : target of a Suicide of her presidential st December, and onfined herself to :e, Temple Trees, urther attempts on ay also escalate its h the north, espepeninsula in the
many political acnging to the peace ergence and growtra-parliamentary es like the Sihala it Buddhist monks bitha Thero whose o exacerbate com
these areas of dispute."
Lamenting about threat of the UNP lurching back into communal politics, Dr Perera States:
"At a mass rally held by the UNP in Colombo last week the government's draft constitution was denounced as a harbinger of division of the country. This rally was an inevitable follow up to the UNP's earlier decision to withdraw from the bipartisan constitutional reform process. What was less inevitable was the association of the UNP with the Mawbima Surakeema Viyaparaya (Motherland Defence Front), a nationalist Sinhalese grouping headed by a fiery Buddhist monk. The joint rally is indicative of the UNP's trajectory in the direction of communal politics in the period prior to the general elections which have been fixed for October.' O

Page 6
6 TAMILTIMES
Sri Lanka: Constitut Comedy, Political Tra
Rajan Philips
fyou are not part of the act, constitution making can be quite an unscripted comedy. Behind the hoary, old written constitutions of the world, are the unflattering tales of heavy drinking, brutal back stabbing, unholy aliances, and blatant opportunism of many of the founding fathers. But the founders were always sharp and sober enough to protect the interests of social power blocs and keep the “swinish multitude' safely at bay. Nonetheless, these constitutions have been worked on over time and allowed to evolve into living frameworks for the governance of society. Constitutions, like nation building, not to mention family life, are never ending work-in-progress. You do not throw out a constitution, even a bad one, for the heck of it, or change it on the pretence of a revolution. You leave it alone for the most part, side-step it when you can, and amend it when you have to.
Comedy in Kotte
As constitutions go, Sri Lanka has had three constitutions in thirty years (in 1948-78), and amended its third constitution sixteen times in sixteen years (1978-94). Since 1994, there have been on-again, off-again attempts to tailor a fourth constitution that will finally hold the island from falling apart. The culmination of these atteptsturned into a farce and lowbrow comedy in the first week of August, in the House that Geoffrey Bawa, the famed architect, had built for King Jayewardene of Kotte. The drama was so unscripted that even the fall of the curtain was fittingly unexpected. Bawa is famous for the grand design and its minute detailing. But with the constitutional architects of the People's Alliance, the design was faulty and flabby, and, worse, the detailing and the preparation were sloppy and unskilled. To stretch the comparison, Bawa designed the House as a monument to one man's vanity, but the PA con-architects tried
to erect a multi-pu all-people babel Tamils; reassure th the Muslims, spre gions, but fatten th time; abolish the but let the incumb for five years; and the show curiousl. con-architects first repeal and replace tution, and then th to amend, for the si same constitution repeal.
There was a m ness, but the me crooked and desig vote for the bills by in Parliament afte 17th Amendment seats to the current liament (more thar and multiply them past the post, the national list. The screw the voters, \ an MP, if you vo' ment. Reminiscer cil days, bribery, c and excursions all tried, not just by the major parties liament has sure place after 1977, around, like N.M. thieves and drive It is not uncor logroll, pork barr twist to ensure pas controversial leg President Lynd bluffed, bullied a Southern legisla Civil Rights Bil But Johnson wou of extending his the size of the C laudable goal ofg Bill passed. In there are certain

Onal gedy
pose, all-things-toower: satisfy the Sinhalese; include d power to the re2 centre at the same residential system, nt president go on so on. Just to make complicating, the introduced a bill to the existing constirew in another bill eventeenth time, the they were trying to
ethod in their madthod was patently ned to lure MPs to assuring them a seat r the election. The Bill tried to add 78 225 seat strong Parone third increase), odes of election: first district list and the message was clear: ve will get you in as e with us in Parliait of the State Counajolery, confinement appear to have been ne side but by both in Parliament. Pary become a lesser and there is no one Perera, to expose the hem out of politics. mon or unseemly to l, horse deal and arm age of necessary but slation, American n Johnson swore, d browbeat reluctant ors to navigate the through Congress. d have never dreamt enure, or increasing ngress, even for the tting the Civil Rights ny political system, ings that should not
15 AUGUST 2.
be tampered with, no matter what the circumstances are. But there is nothing that has not been monkeyed with in the Sri Lankan political system.
Political Tragedy
Things were expected to change for the better with the election of the PA government in 1994. Having coasted to victory without a clear position on the Tamil issue, the PA leadership soon came under enormous popular pressure to find a peaceful way out of the military mess that the country was in. The pressure was popular enough for the PA to use it as its reason to live with the presidential system that it had vowed to abolish, and work on constitutional changes focused on restructuring the state and devolving power. But in a bizarre contradiction, the PA tried to write a new constitution that would go beyond the 13th Amendment, while doing nothing to streamline the operation of the Provincial Council system created by the 13th Amendment, and make that system meaningful and acceptable to the people. In fact, for petty political reasons, it did a number o: things to undermine the PC system.
Nonetheless, there was a groundswell of support and genuine enthusasm for far reaching constitution 3 changes. For five years, hundreds ci dedicated volunteers stormed souther. Sri Lanka taking the message of peace and devolution to ordinary people. The NGO intelligentsia overworked itself ır researching, writing, debating and publicizing the purpose, scope and modalities of devolution. All their efforts and enthusiasm have been brought to naught by the way the constitutiona bill was finalized, presented in Parliament and then withdrawn. They deser. ved better from their Parliamentarians rather, they should have known bette about their Parliamentarians. The se:- back to their efforts is a political tragedy, made worse by the reawakenins of the communal Cerberus that every . one thought had been weakened an silenced.
In all this, it is not just the PA gov - ernment that failed, but the UNPoppc. sition also failed, just as badly and ever more shamefully. The UNP is tryir. to ride several horses at the same tims Last November, on the eve of the pres .
(continued on next pas :

Page 7
15 AUGUST 2000
Daring the UN and the Prelate
By our Colombo Correspodent
o Parliamentary Game
Parliament is the name of the new game secondary school student now play with enthusiasm. It is not their invention but an adaptation of the actual parliamentary sessions of August 3,7 and 8. The elderly boy of the group sits on an elevated chair shouting "Order! Order! Order please” while a girl on his right speak at the top of or her voice to make herself heard above the din created by those on his left. They say they are training themselves to be the worthy inheritors of the mantle of those now sitting in parliament.
Radio and television broadcast of the parliamentary proceedings of the three days, August 3, the day on which the Constitutional Reform Bill was presented and August 7 and 8, the days on which it was debated had generated an unprecedented interest in parliamentary debates and strategies among the future leaders of the country.
On the first day, a Thursday, Presi
dent Chandrika B into the chamber ing her famous sm 9.40 a.m., to an e from government a simple beige sari leather briefcase. to Leader of th Wickramanayake : shook hands witl Ronnie de Mel wh record of being e twice as an SLF UNPer and of cro: House four times the government fr tion and Tourism Senanayake who in July.
Justice and C. Minister Prof. G. L presented the Co Bill to repeal the tution and replace gave way to the F
(Continued from page 6)
dential election, its leader made the stunning proposal that the northeast provinces should be placed under an LTTE led interim administration. It was stunning only because it came from Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe. Now, one year after that kite-flying proposal, and with Parliamentary elections coming up shortly, the UNP has sandwiched itself between the Mahanayakes and the Sinhala Urumaya in opposition to the government's much lesser devolution proposals.
How is the UNP going to explain its opposition to the Tamil Parliamentary parties with whom it had cohabited before and whom it might need after the elections? The Tamil parties know that it was the UNP that made the PA government water down the original package as a condition for Supporting it, and to the point of making it unacceptable to the Tamil parties. In
the end, the UNP even for the dilute was tacked on to th sion to let Mrs Ku her second tenure. suggested amendr jecting it outright. the diplomatic co ally does, to medi ment. Now it has turn to the wester nors after cultivati a more disciplined a better manager the ethnic conflict age that the UNP the urban busine Tamils during the and won a higher votes than did the to be the UNP's n voters in the Parl That it can play N Mahanayakes and

andaranaike walked of parliament, flashile, at the auspicious nthusiastic applause benches. Dressed in ee she carried a large Taking her seat next e House Ratnasiri she leaned across and 1 seasoned defector o proudly claims the lected to parliament Per and thrice as a ssing the floor of the . He was occupying ont rowseat of AviaMinister Dharmasiri died of heart attack
onstitutional Affairs ... Peiris then formally nstitutional Reform current 1978 Constiit with the new and 'resident to open the
refused to vote for d package because it ne transitional provimaratunga complete The UNP could have ments rather than reIt could have run to mmunity, as it usuate with the governto explain its about n diplomats and dong its own image as governing party and of the economy and t. That was the imsuccessfully sold to ss groups and the presidential election proportion of their PA. What is going nessage to the Tamil iamentary election? Norway between the the LTTE? O
TAMILTIMES 7
debate for the government on the Second Reading of the bill. UNP”’s Mahinda Samarasinghe raising a point of order queried whether the debate would commence that day itselfcontrary to the earlier agreement that it would be debated on August 7, 8 and 9.
Ratnasiri Wickramanayake: The President will open the debate and then we adjourn for August 7 as agreed.
After that little procedural snag was cleared the President got up again to deliver her speech. Hardly had she uttered a word the UNPers shouted that there should have been a proper public debate and began thumping their tables with books, order papers and files. Then they started jeering, yelling and howling.
For a moment the President was flabbergasted. She stopped mid-sentence and looked at the unruly spectacle pathetically.
President: (To the Speaker): They are howling like jackals,
Speaker: (To the President): I told you they will start this nonsense.
The Speaker then called on the President to continue her speech. Mustering her entire vocal resources at her disposal, President Kumaratunga shouted her speech,
oTearing and Burning
Up jumped UNP's A. H. M. Azwer with a fresh point of order which the Speaker ignored. AZwer would not give in. He took the copy of the new bill before him, shredded it and threw the pieces into the air over the well of the House. Many UNP MPs did the same and pieces of paper were strewn all over the floor of the House.
UNP MPs then gathered in groups and shouted slogans, hurled abuse and kicked the sides of the table with their feet.
“What happened to the gas? shouted one.
"Sold to the Shell Company,” chorused the rest.
“What happened to the promise to abolish the Executive Presidential system?”
"It will be retained for another six years," was the chorus.
Undeterred and undaunted the president shouted her speech. She laid the entire blame on the UNP for the current war. She argued that in a coun

Page 8
8 - TAM TIMES
try where a quarter of the population belong to other races, languages, religions and cultures their rights should be acknowledged and respected. She admitted that the minority communities had been discriminated. When Tamils agitated peacefully for their just rights they were spurned and attacked. She blamed the UNP for the repeated riots, assaults and the burning of the Jaffna Library. She repeatedly referred to the torture and death meted out to Tamil civilians under the UNP regime. She blamed the UNP for the l983 riots.
“We are taking this firm step to remedy the injustice meted out to the Tamils during the Black July of 1983 by the UNP that stated the war,” she said emphatically.
She allayed the fear of the Buddhist monks saying that a s a devout Buddhist she would never think of doing away with the foremost position given to Buddhism in the present and previous constitutions. She also assured the people that she would never permit the break up of the country into two.
She said war is costly and could not be afforded by a poor country like Sri Lanka. It would not provide a final solution to the ethnic problem. The ef. fective way to end the war is to draw the Tamil people away from the stranglehold of the LTTE by giving to the Tamil people their legitimate rights. That is how the support of the 700,000 expatriate Tamils now backing the LTTE could be denied to it.
The proposals, she added, was aimed to do just that. Powers would be devolved to enable the provinces to look after their affairs without endangering the unity and integrity of the nation. She cited Canada, Germany, United States, China and Switzerland as examples of countries where sufficient power is devolved to the regions. "All countries that faced such problems solved them by sharing power with the minority communities,” she said.
She added some of the major provisions in the constitutional draft were the contribution of the UNIP and appealed to the UNP to help pass the new constitution.
The UNPers were not listing to any of her pleas. They continued their slogan shouting and heckling "Gas gas sold to Shell'
"World Bank nomic policies'
"You have so World Bank'
"You promise of living
But raised to "What happen do away with th dency?"
UNP leader amusement. Twic tried to restrain hi listen. But with : the President con when they tried to At one stage F UNP's former mi looking at the S commented: You in my face. Isn't
Renuka Heartl tiful face is the onl not honoured a pledges. You hav the country’s pro The President and the burning o stitutional bill by MP. D. M. Banda the speech in a c that she would r two-thirds majori
o Priestly Oppo But that was and leading mem clergy had other
Buddhist pr Mahanayakas Malwatte and A. angry that the Pl ernment had igno not to proceed w tion. They had v to any devolutio gions as a tool ti ethnic strife. The be preserved as
The Ven. Ra' Mahanayake Th Chapter and Ve napala Buddhar Thera issued an ploring Sinhala vote for the ne President and he der and summo of parliament fo the Constitutic

15 AUGUST 2.
dictates your eco
d the country to the
l to bring down cost
each the sky" 2d to your promise to e Executive Presi
at with a smile of 2 he turned back and flock. They did not wave of her hands
rolled her followers
| react. resident noticed that hister Renuka Herath LFP manifesto and seem to be interested S beautiful?'
shouted back: Beauy thing left. You have ny of you election te not solved any of blems.
ignored that remark fthe copy of the conKurunegala district ranayake. She ended onfident note saying eceive the necessary ty on August 9.
sition
not to be. The UNP bers of the Buddhist plans.
iests, specially the of the influential griya Chapters were esident and her govred their repeated plea ith the new constituiced their opposition n of power to the resolve the escalating y wanted Sri Lanka to
Buddhist country. mbukwela Sri Vipassi ero of the Malwatte n. Udugama Sri Ratakkitha Mahanayake order on July 30 imBuddhist MPs not to w constitution. The MPs ignored the ored a special meeting August 3 to present Reform Bill. The
President flew to Kandy on August l to present the prelates with the copies of the Bill and obtain their blessings. The two Mahanayakas declined to give appointments for the meeting, the first time a Head of State was refused such a meeting. She returned to Colombo handing over the task to Minister Anurutha Ratwatte who threatened to break open the gate if it was bolted for him. He was received by Malwatte Mahanayake but the Asgriya prelate avoided him.
o The UNP Baktracks
The UNP succumbed to their pressure. Its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who announced in his letter to the President in January his willingness to give the government the required two-third majority to enact a new constitution and offered to work out a consensual solution to the ethnic problem retracted from that undertaking on August 2 and announced his party's decision to vote against the bill. This despite the 18 join: meetings they held over a period of fou: months and the government amendins many of its vital proposals with which moderate Tamil political parties were in agreement.
On the controversial issues like the nature of the state and state land the government's 1997 October proposals were more favourable to the Tamils The government proposal on the natur of the State read: Sri Lanka is one, Sov - ereign and Independent Republic, being an indissoluble union of regions anc shall be known as the Republic of Sr. Lanka. On UNP's insistence the phrass "union of regions' which introduced th: federal character was dropped and the unitary character of the state surrept). tiously reintroduced. It said parliamer and regional councils enjoyed legislative, executive and judicial power. T. this the government agreed despite th: opposition of the Tamil parties in 1: anxiety to reach a national consensus
The government was prepared to vest the state land within the region : the regional council with the right the Centre to take over the land require, for its use but on the insistence of the UNP state land was vested in the Centre. In fact, UNP's constitutional exper. K. N. Choksy, defending the leadership's decision to participate in the join: Chandrika-Ranil meetings, reported:

Page 9
15 AUGUST 2000
the UNP Working Committee that they were able to get the government to amend its stand because of their participation.
On the other contentious issue of north-east merger the UNP was instrumental in getting a proposal more favourable to the Tamils. It wanted the current temporary merger to continue for another five years with the provision that the referendum to determine the wishes of the people of the eastern province at the end of that period. The government wanted to merge a portion of the eastern province - Trincomalee and Batticoloa districts- and create a Muslim majority South-East Council for the Muslin majority area.
The UNP- Buddhist clergy tie-up came to light during the cross-over drama of August 7. The UNP parliamentarians continued with their heckling when the debate on the second reading resumed that morning. Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader Minister M. H. M. Ashraff was on his feet when government backbenchers shouted "Jaya Wewa" (Victory to Us). They conducted Chilaw district UNP MP Harendra Corea to a government bench second row seat. UNP MPs shouted back in anger and one of their leaders John Amaratunga screamed: “How many millions did you accept for this dirty work?"
UNP leadership decided to retaliate immediately. They had already done the ground work to draw a disgruntled government parliamentarian to come to their side. Colombo district MP Dixon J. Perera had had a running battle with the President over the importance she had given to a businessman Chandana Kaththirarachchi who was eyeing Perera's Kesbewa constituency. When he was appointed to fill the vacancy created by the death of Dharmasiri Senanayake Perera contacted Tyronne Fernando, a former UNP minister, and asked for a secret meeting where he offered to crossover if the UNP agreed to nominate him for the Colombo district. UNP leadership agreed for this and instructed Perera to be with the government group which was accommodated at the five star Taj Hotel till they inform him of the timing of the cross over. Perera was taken
out by UNP le Madige Panjasee him for helping Thero maintains Buddhist country communities mu fact if they are to country.
He was led by liamentarians to til while their lead singhe was on h: ended with one al Wickremesinghe had presented thi fore some of the i
O Forced Singap The UNP had rations to prevent their side to the gc leadership had to fectors that a UNP iting Singapore in collected their p documents for flı were all invited by nanayake for a din were told to take t flight.
One such MP v next morning was Uppatissa de Silv ticket he said he pore but not the ne day convenient to "You must go arrangements have told.
“But I prefer the constitutional The UNP put veillance. De Silv another de Silva antota district MP Of the ten susp ked off to Singapo V. Puthrasigaman; Pulendran. Both h Committee meetin uld support the B had praised the go' include the Tami National Anthem 'Naturally, I wou national anthem in two Muslims. Far had raised their vo

ilers to meet Ven. a Thero who blessed e UNP. Panjaseeha that Sri Lanka is a and that all minority t acknowledge that ontinue living in this
a group ofUNP paropposition benches r Ranill Wickremefeet. The first day for both sides. Rani aid the government Bill in a hurry besues were settled.
re Sojourn
already made prepamore crossover from vernment. The UNP d the suspected degroup would be vismid-August and had assports and other ght booking. They UNP's Ravi Karuner on August 2 and he Monday morning
who was asked to fly Gampaha district's a. On receiving the would go to Singaxt morning but on a him.
tomorrow. All the been made,' he was
o be here to vote on bill,' he insisted. im under strict sur: did not cross. But id it. He is HambMervin de Silva. :cted defectors pace two were Tamils: and Rajamanohari d told the Working ; that the UNP sholl. Puthrasigamany rnment decision to translation of the n the constitution. l relish to sing the Tamil,” he said. The ok and Cader, too es in support of the
TAMILTIMES 9
government bill. Others were Sinhalese.
The Maha Sanga issued two threats to the Sinhala Buddhist MPs. The first was that no Buddhist bhikku would be permitted to perform the last rites of the MPs who vote for the Bill. The other was the issue of a second letter reminding the MPs of the letter the Sangha issued on July 30 banning them from voting for the Bill.
Demonstrations outside the Parliament were also intensified and a 29year old monk, Hdfigalle Wimalasara, started a fast unto death at the busy Pettah junction. A leading monk issued a threat that they would go on a housc to house campaign against the bill if a referendum is held.
The government decided on August 7 morning to defer indefinitely a vote on the Bill and thus defused the situation. What influenced its decision was the flight of the UNP MPs on whom it banked to obtain the two-third majority. Even those who were not sent abroad were kept under strict surveillance by the UNP leadership.
O A Defiant President
President Chandrika Kumaratunga, backed by the powerful international community, is defiant. She declared on August ll, in a lengthy interview to the state-run television, Rupavahini, that she would enact the Constitutional Reform Bill within two months of her government returning to power at the forthcoming general elections. "There is no question of our abandoning it," she said.
Saying, "We must not say there is no hope. There is hope," she spelt out two options before her. The first is the obtaining of two third majority. If, under the proportional representation system that were not possible she would convert the new parliament into a Constituent Assembly and pass the Bill with a simple majority.
She revealed that she was contemplating on the second method, suggested to her by reputed international constitutional authorities, when the UNP offered to give her 16 voted she needed to get the two-third majority and a national consensus. She charged the UNP of deceiving her and the country.

Page 10
10 TAMLTIMES
The UNP kept on delaying till the very end and let her down, she said.
Answering the Buddhist prelates and other who want a military solution she said she needed 20,000 men and huge amount of money to win the war. She revealed that to kill 10 LTTERS the army has to lose 1000 soldiers.
"When we buy sophisticated arms the LTTE matches it,' she said and asked the supporters ofamilitary solution whether they would agree if she reduce the salary of all persons by half. She asked them whether their sons or relatives are in the army. She challenged them to join the army and promised to lead them to the battlefront.
She said killing Pirapakaran would not bring the conflict to an end. Rohana Wijeweera was killed. But the JVP is still there she said.
President Kumaratunga is preparing for the polls likely to be held in November. So is the UNP. Both are trying to exploit the Constitutional Reform fiasco.
The Jaffna w likely to escalate. time till the GCE amination now ol sticking to the trad ing the examinatic
o Sirima Steps D To strengthen the election Preside persuaded her ail Bandaranaike, w prime minister, to post. She appointe manayake to that
Sirima in herre to her daughter hac the reason for her was sick for quite year lady had refi polite suggestions about the advisab She was longing t would mend fence return to the SLF shoes. More than t her cousin Anurut ceed her.
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ir, meanwhile, is he LTTE is biding dvanced Level ex
is over. LTTE is tion of not disturb
l,
Wη
and in the runup to nt Kumaratunga had ng mother Sirima rld's first woman step down from that id Ratnasiri Wickra
OSt
signation letter sent given her illness as resignation. But she Some time. The 84ised to resign when were made to her ility of taking rest. hat her son, Anura, s with her sister and P and step into her hat she did not want ha Ratwatte to suc
Srima, though President Kumaratunga puts the entire blame on the UNP for the ethnic conflict, was responsible for the emergence of the armed conflict. Her introduction of the media-wise standardization of marks for entry to the university and the enactment of the 1972 constitution which declared Sri Lanka a unitary state and gave Buddhism the foremost place in the country was the last straw that broke Tamil democratic approach to find solution to the Tamil problem.
She seems to have realized her folly. She told her daughter last week that she would vote with both hands in support of the Constitutional Reform Bill which dropped the Article that declared Sri Lanka a unitary state,
She was wheeled into the chamber to listen to her daughter's August 3 speech and was prepared to attend parliament to cast her vote. She had publicly voiced her dissappointment that her daughter's attempt to find out a solution had been thwarted by the Buddhist clergy and the UNP. O
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Page 11
15 AUGUST 2000
The Case for a Com
of Inquiry into Ju
Zeth Hussain
symposium on Violence and terA. during Civil Strife held last month by the Council for Liberal Democracy under the Chairmanship of Dr. Rajiva Wijesinghe, in remembrance of the events of July 1983, turned out to be one of the most memorable of innumerable such meetings that I have been attending for over a decade. Part of the reason, at least for me, is that the meeting concluded with a most interesting discussion on whether or not there should be moves towards the appointment of a commission to inquire into what happened in July 1983.
Another part of the reason why the meeting was so memorable was that it seemed to me that there was a new note of urgency about it, which I relate to the impasse on the ethnic front. It is a situation in which there is a case for doing some rethinking about the fundamentals of our ethnic problem and reaching out towards a paradigm shift to unblock the impasse.
The purpose of this article is to suggest that the appointment of an Inquiry Commission on July '83 is necessary for the paradigm shift, that is a new conceptual framework within which to understand our ethnic problem.
Unfortunately, there does not seem to be the slightest prospect of a solution as of now, because neither the Government nor the Tamil representatives seen to be prepared for the flexibility required for an exploratory an creative approach, which alone can lead to a solution. The Government wants to push through a new Constitution irrespective of whether or not the LTTE, or even the Tamil moderate, agree to the devolution package.
The apparent problem is that the Government and the UNP believes that the Sinhalese people are not prepared to make any further concessions by way of devolution. I happen to be involved in a grass-roots movement promoting
ethnic harmony which is Rev. ranks include a ber of Buddhist tive for ten yea that the Sinhale roots level are a are prepared to tive to the Tam higher levels. I; Buddhist chauv two major parti prepared to give Rauf Hakeem ol recent interview fisted about part On the Tami marily rejected and shortly after ates. What, then tween those grou ways the differer not when it com on devolution. T simplistic to ar only a terrorist fore the ethnic pr together with th and apart from tl But it migh TULF and the ot fact chosen to at bilities and leav because they are about meeting N ful to recall that dent to one of h Neelan attending Amirthalingam v eafter Neelan, an ils, continued to ate position und
derousness. The
rejection of the c be sought at a di
The explanat whether extremi unit in which the mous, and above
 

the leading spirit in 'ohan Devananda. Its very appreciable nummonks, it has been acs, and its findings are e people at the grassnenable to reason and be more accommodal than is imagined at the problem Sinhala nism or is it that our 's, are as always only too little too late? As the SLMC put it in a , "They are so tighting with power.” 1 side the LTTE sumthe devolution offer, o so did Tamil moderis the difference beps of Tamils? In many ices are enormous, but es to a solution based his suggests tat it is que that the LTTE is movement, and thereoblem has to be solved 2 other Tamil parties e LTTE.
be argued that the er moderates have in dicate their responsimatters to the LTTE n a state of blue funk :elan's fate. It is useit was only an accisons that prevented the meeting at which is assassinated. Therso many other Tamfirma Tamil modererred by LTTE murxplanation for their volution offer has to per level. n is that the Tamils, or moderate, want a can be fully autonola unit in which they
TAM TIMES 11
can feel secure, a viable unit in the North East to which all Tamils can gravitate should their security be seriously threatened. This, I hold, is the result of the State terrorism to which they were subjected after 1977, and which rose to a genocidal crescendo in July '83.
It seems to me that the present impasse is due to fundamentally opposed conceptions, on the part of the PA and the UNP on the one hand and the Tamils on the other, about what is legitimately due to minorities. Here a distinction, a crucially important one, must be made between two types of minorities. One type, like our Muslims, cannot claim a homeland in the sense of being indigenous to a territory. Their aspirations can be accommodated through reasonably fair and equal treatment. The other, like our Tamils, can claim a homeland with some show of cogency, and the widely accepted strategy to counter their separatist aspirations is to allow them a considerable degree of devolution.
Both of our major parties have insisted, in effect, on dealing with our minorities as all of the same ilk. Theoretically they have concede that there are areas of traditional Tamil habitation, but in practice they have been allergic up to now to allowing genuine devolution or full autonomy. This is understandable to some extent because, af. ter all, in a world consisting of nation states the term "majority" is usually regarded regarded as privileged over the term “minority”. What is not understandable is why the Sinhalese political elite has been so allergic to allowing genuine devolution, unlike the elites of so many other majorities, and that too at a terrible cost to the Sinhalese people. But that is not part of our inquiry here.
Many an observertrying to beimpartial could feel exasperated by the Tamil side also, specifically by the propensity to make maximalist demands.
This goes to the extent of making a demand that seems to be of no more than theoretical importance. I have in mind the insistence that the validity of the Thimpu principles be acknowledged. It will mean acknowledging that the Tamils are a nation, as they have insisted from pre-Independence times,

Page 12
12 TAMILTIMES
that they can legitimately claim a homeland in the North and part of the East, and that they are entitled to self-determination.
What all that means in practical terms is that the Tamils as a national minority and not just another minority can claim full autonomy or a considerable amount of devolution in their homeland territory. If that is allowed in practice why insist on the Thimpu principles? It seems pointlessly fussy. However, there is an underlying logic that makes that insistence understandable. The problem really lies with the principle of self determination. Anton Balasingham has made it clear that the Tamils can opt for something less than a separate state. True, but acceptance of the validity of the self-determination principle implies an acceptance of a Tamil right to separate at a later stage, should they wish to do so.
Why is that option so important for the Tamils? The obvious answer seems to be that the Tamils claim bhumiputra status in this island just as much as the Sinhalese, though in a lesser part of the
territory. Our ethni understood in term tween two lots of b a tiny island. I am n with that answer fo When that lov; maths genius Profes advocated Eelam in ties, no one took TULF adopted its lution on Eelam as 28 years after indep gle for Eelam real 1984, that is 36 ye ence. It is not as ifo burning with a desi long period.
The sequence clearly shows that t was taken really se that is only after Sta the Tamils had mo cal crescendo. I hav on State terrorism ir space constraints pr lating my argument But it is worth emp for that State terror
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15 AUGUST 200
problem might be
of a conflict beLumiputras within tentirely satisfied several reasons. ble and eccentric or Suntheralingam he “forties and “fiflm seriously. The 'addukoddai resoate as 1976, that is indence. The strugy got going after rs after independr Tamils have been e for Eelam over a
of developments ne notion of Eelam riously after 1983, te terrorism against unted to its mania2 presented the case earlier articles, and eclude my recapitus here even briefly. hasizing that if not ism, the grievances
of the Tamils could have been removed without much difficulty, and the ethnic problem solved. Certainly it would not have assumed its present militant and intractable form.
Those views may be disputed. What is beyond dispute is that post-1977 State terrorism, more particularly July '83, has left a deep scar on the Tamil psyche, which continues to shape Tamil perceptions about the ethnic problem. At the symposium to which I referred above Kethesh Loganathan detailed a whole serious of developments which possibly point towards yet another July '83.
A paradigm shift can be effected by appointing a Commission to inquire into July '83, to be followed by the punishment of miscreants or an apology from the Sinhalese side. That can help the Tamils accept an autonomous unit which ensures their security without going too far towards Eelam, and the Sinhalese to accept the Tamil claim to such a unit on the ground of security, if not of history.
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Page 13
15 AUGUST 2000
Constitutional Rel For Peace - Anot Opportunity Lo
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
he ethnic problem that intensified T into a protracted bloody war after the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom remains unresolved for several intricate reasons. These have come to the fore once again with the presentation of the draft new constitution by President Chandrika Kumaratunga on August 3, The statement issued jointly by 15 religious dignitaries and 30 civil society leaders on August 7 urging the UNP not to withdraw from the Constitutional Reform process, pointed out: "It holds out the promise of a new stage in the country's search for a political solution to the ethnic conflict and an end to bloodshed.” Despite similar appeals by other civil society leaders and political parties, the UNP decided to withdraw from this process in the midst of protests against the new Constitution by extremist groups and a section of the Buddhist clergy.
The draft Constitution has been in a process of preparation since a set of draft devolution proposals was presented to the country on August 3, 1995. It is well known that the late Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam, a respected leader of the TULF, helped in drafting it. This was later watered down in 1997 following deliberations in the Parliamentary Select Committee. This too was unacceptable to the UNP and the present draft constitution includes the package agreed jointly by the two main political parties, the SLFP and the UNP, after nearly five months of discussions. The opposition to the new draft constitution is for varied reasons but for the present, the discussions mainly centre on those aspects that seek to address issues relating to the ethnic conflict.
President Kumaratunga was the first Sinhalese leader who sought the and date of the people in a general election to settle the ethnic conflict by constitutional means having publicly conceded that the Tamils have genuine grievances and their aspirations have been ignored y previous governments.
The majority of th munities not only but also the Sinha extremists at the quent events shot advantage then o' mate to settle the c a grave mistake. It been felt in many the present dilem The most unf ing aspect of the lowed the abrupt peace talks is not losses and suffer people, but also tl mate that enablec within and outsid take the uncomp which have becon cent past.
The expectatic ment and many ot conditions for thi Tamil aspirations which suitable ch, constitution are es end as its continua fied. This conclu meaning assigne tions'. Different p the Sinhalese and also tend to view from the standpoil ests. The dichoto the Tamil aspirati Thimpu principle extremists have di Aspirations o are generally thos ing the tribulations sulting from living ronment. It is pos to modify their as reasons related to living conditions : of the necessity to pirations of other with whom they mony. The former social and econom
 
 
 

e people of all comgave her the mandate la people routed the 1994 polls. Subsev the failure to take this favourable clionflict early has been s consequences have orms culminating in
a. }rtunate and agonisfierce war that folcollapse of the 1995 only the enormous ing incurred by the ne change in the cliinfluential leaders e the Parliament to romising positions he strident in the re
in of the PA governhers is that once the a fulfillment of the are established, for anges to the present sential, the war will tion cannot be justision hinges on the i to “Tamil aspiraarties and groups in Muslim communities "Tamil aspirations' it of their own interny gets acute when ons” are linked to the s that are what the
InᏮ . a group as a whole of the majority facand uncertainties rein a particular envisible for the people irations for various he changes in their nd to the realisation ccommodate the asroups in the society ave to live in harlepends not only on c factors but also on
TAM TIMES 13
the prevailing system of administration, whether legal or otherwise.
Power seekers and others keen to project themselves as saviours of their race and religion claim their aspirations are also those of the groups they belong to and use them to achieve their own aims. This stratagem only helps to sustain the divisions in the society. Aspirations of the people as defined by sincere civic leaders whose concerns focus on human and democratic rights and the general welfare of the members are likely to be realistic and reasonable. Reconciliation and peace are what the people at the grass-roots level in the East, North, South and West aspire right now, even if this necessitates arriving at compromises in respect of their aspirations.
The LTTE is engaged in fierce struggle for creating a separate state while at times it maintains that the aspirations of the Tamils are embodied in the Thimpu principles of July 1985. There are also other Tamil political parties, including the TULF, which stress on the Thimpu principles as the basis for a solution. According to TULF MP, Joseph Pararajasingham even the original 1995 devolution proposals did not conform fully to the Thimpu principles and therefore his party did not accept them totally (Interview published in the Sunday Leader of 23 July 2000). But the TULF and other non-LTTE Tamil parties and groups had accepted the 1987 Indo-Lanka accord that led to the establishment of the Provincial Councils with much more limited powers compared with those to have been devolved under the proposed scheme in the new Constitution placed before Parliament.
Apparently, at the Thimpu talks the Tamil delegation dominated by the militant groups had deliberately refused to put forward a detail set of concrete proposals that would satisfy the interests of the Tamils. "The delegation had clearly shown their preference for the adherence to abstract principles thus avoiding discussion on the concrete demands of the Tamil people'. (Circle Digest July 31, 2000) Thus, it would seem that the Thimpu principles were formulated as a stratagem to avoid a discussion and any possible agreement "on the concrete demands of the Tamils people.”
The ITTE continues to adhere to the "Thimpu stratagem' and does not want to get cornered into a situation

Page 14
14 TAMILTIMES
where it may be forced to discuss “the concrete demands of the Tamil people' that compromises its basic position of achieving Tamil Eelam. It is clear that its leadership has never hesitated to articulate its delight at any move either by the political parties or Sinhala nationalist organisations in the south that has been designed to scuttle any effort at a peace process precisely for this very same reason. In their view, the danger to the realisation of the separatist goal comes not from the Sinhala extremists but from those leaders who work hard with great determination for a mutually acceptable political settlement that while retaining territorial integrity of the island while addressing the concrete and genuine aspirations of the Tamil people.
Those who are aware of the difficulties in resolving protracted internal conflicts know that a permanent settlement rests on continuing to negotiate "until the irreconcilable issues are reconciled through a process of compromise and pragmatic realisation ofeach others fears, concerns and limitations.' (Editorial, Tamil Times 15 July 2000.) It is therefore important that the aspi
rations of one grou by others as a thre ment or even survi For the purpos alistically the aspir at the present tim grouped into the fo permanently settle side the north and in the upcountry; (2 settled in foreign c India; (3) Tamil re. (4) Tamils in the r those trapped in th der LTTE's contro It is reasonable majority in group ( united Sri Lanka v same rights as the being discriminate regard to language, ment, general wel The uppermost iss the workers in the economic upliftm rights. Separation intensify the suspi tween the Sinhales not what they war ginalise the poorer
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are not perceived to their advanceal. of determining retions of the Tamils , they have to be lowing: (1) Tamils in Sri Lanka outast including those Sri Lankan Tamils puntries other than lgees in India; and orth-east including : Wanni region un
to assume that the () aspire to live in a ith dignity and the
Sinhalese without i by the State with education, employ|-being and safety. ue in the minds of 2state sector is their 2nt and citizenship that will inevitably cion and hatred bee and the Tamils is it. It will also marsection of Tamils in
15 AUGUST 2.
almost every field affecting adversely their safety, status and quality of life. The suspicion that they are fifth columnists and spies of the enemy will make their lives miserable. The Tamil people in this group cannot be unaware of these dangers.
In terms of proportions, it can be said with some confidence that there is considerable support for the LTTE in the Lankan Tamil Diaspora (group 2). However, it cannot be said that in all cases this support originates from their aspiration to establish a separate Tamil state. There are also many sympathizers who for different reasons endorse LTTE's war effort. They do seem to be little concerned about the adverse consequences of a continuing endless war because they are not directly affected. Among them are academics, professionals, businessmen, proprietors and the relatives of those adversely affected by the excesses committed by government forces. There are also the Tamil nationalists who have an emotional desire for a separate Eelam. Some also believe that their "dignity and honour" will be compromised if any solution inconsistent with the Thimpu principles
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Page 15
15 AUGUS 2000
is accepted.
It is, therefore, important to distinguish between the aspiration for separation and support for the LTTE. Some of the reasons for the latter are: the heroism and sacrifice of the cadre towards the resistance; the retrieval of Tamil dignity; protectors of the Tamils against the (Sinhala) army; useful agent for taking revenge against the Sinhala polity for personal humiliations and deprivations suffered in the past; the Sinhalese parties will not grant the rights of the Tamils; and not least the desire to associate with the group whose leader has been raised to a cult figure.
The present wish of the Tamil refugees in Tamil Nadu (group 3) is to return to their motherland and lead a normal life, for which they want the hostilities to end soon and peace restored. Living in a united Sri Lanka under normal conditions with a hopeful future is preferable than languishing in the refugee camps without basic amenities and freedom. S.C. Chandrahasan, son of late Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam the founding father of the Federal Party, who presently heads the Organisation for
Eelam Refugees Rehabilitation located in Chennai, which is said to be the biggest organisation in the world that refugees have formed for their welfare in an interview with George Iype (A Homeland Denied - Part 2 "The LTTE has been callous and counterproductive all these years’) said: "Tamils are the indigenous people of Sri Lanka. Our only request is, give us equal opportunity.... Our ultimate aim is to go back. When will that happen? We are longing for that day.”
He also said: “We have been trying to work out settlements within the framework of Ceylon. The Sinhalese often come to agreements with us, but they go back on their word. They do not want to share power. They use the police and army against us. It is now a 100 percent Sinhala army in Sri Lanka. "In the current battle for Jaffna (this was in May after the capture of the Elephant Pass army complex and some areas in Jaffna), the LTTE is at an advantage. But many of us believe in nonviolence. We do not believe in the killings perpetuated by the LTTE. LTTE tackles any dissent by destruction. More Tamil political leaders have been killed by the LTTE than by the Sinhalese government and the army.
“We feel that unless Tamils get a
democratic set world is not go. even if it seizes is doing is harr their aspiration callous and coul years.”
Talking dir have come out get first hand in close relatives, the Tamils (thi fishermen and choice other tha torn areas) livin can be discened is the restoration ducive for peace their children, c to prosper, free strictions and from intimidatio ability of food, r sentials and the security and equ Sri Lanka and as cial society. Th freedom and basi not necessarily Tamil state.
President Ch believed constiti inter alia, includ ers to the North tially more than the l3th Amend fears and concer their legitimate aspirations. It wa that the 1995 devi presented. Thes impartial observ as remarkable no powers devolvec constitutions. Bu them as inadequi rations which its be those of the T Devolution p 1987 Indo-Sri more than in the drawn by India fc anti-Tamil pogro: posed by the Sri 1995. Not only t but also many ot settlement of the restoration of pe Lanka had consic as a satisfactory tantly, Sri Lanka the guarantor ol ments. Implicit i.

p in Sri Lanka, the g to accept the LTTE affna. What the LTTE ful to the Tamils and The LTTE has been erproductive all these
:tly with people who f Jaffna or those who rmation through their he real aspirations of include the farmers, thers who have no to remain in the warin the north and east Their main aspiration of the conditions conul livelihood, educate pportunities for them novement without rearassment, freedom n and extortion, availmedicine and other esmeans to obtain them, al rights as citizens of members of multi-raey all want political c rights and these need be under a separate
andrika Kumaratunga utional reforms that, e devolution of powEast region, substanwhat was given under ment would allay the is of the Tamils, grant ights and meet their s with this conviction lution proposals were ; were acclaimed by rs all over the world comparable with the under many federal t the LTTE rejected te to meet their aspieadership claimed to mil people. anned under the July ankan Accord was "Annexure C Plan lowing the July 1983 but far less than proanka government in 2 Indian government ers keen for an early hnic conflict and the ce in north-east Sri red the 1987 Accord ompromise. Imporad accepted India as he agreed arrangethe Accord was also
TAM TIMES 15
the acceptance of the concept of a single unit of administration for the merged the North-East region and the recognition of the North and East as areas of historical habitation of the Tamillspeaking population.
These were significant outcomes of this Accord. The LTTE refused to consider the Provincial Council scheme even as an interim arrangement.
It is also useful to note the comment of Achin Vanaik in his article - States of Determination - published in The Telegraph (India) of 8 August 2000. To quote: "The guiding principle in assessing the legitimacy of a demand for independence, provided it is voiced by a large section of people in a given area, is whether or not it advances the cause of democracy." Vanaik then goes on to say "the leading forces demanding secession in Kashmir and in Jaffna are such that by their very nature they make it difficult to justify independence in the name of democracy. This is because the Islamic fundamentalist groups which dominate the resistance movement in Kashmir and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Jaffna are themselves strongly militarist, exclusivist and authoritarian forces and therefore would themselves be deeply undemocratic. Had there been genuinely secular and democratic parties leading the resistance movements, their demands for Azadi and Eelam would have been more powerful and convincing."
"As things stand, the search for Some form of institutionalized autonomous status for Jaffna and Kashmir, acceptable to both the peoples in question and to the two governments respectively, would clearly appear to be the most democratic framework in which to strive for some kind of political resolution.”
Like the UNP, the LTTE too was not in any readiness to seek a political solution though not for the same reason. When the Norwegian government was actively engaged in helping to restart the talks between the government and the LTTE (and this was before the draft Constitution was prepared), their special envoy Erik Solheim announced that the LTTE would consider talking with the government only after capturing Jaffna. Nevertheless, the government (no sensible person can expect it to oblige and wait for such a time) indicated that it would present the constitutional reforms to the LTTE after

Page 16
16 TAMILMES
these have been approved by the Parliament, which required the support of the UNP and other parties. It is significant to note here that the reforms have sought to broaden the democratic foundations ofthe State and democratic pluralism has been the cornerstone. In urging the politicians and the people to support the constitutional reform process initiated by the government, leading academics attached to the University of Colombo and prominent members of the Social Scientists’ Association in a joint statement issued on August 7 hoped the reform process would continue to enhance the provisions "that have a direct bearing on democratization and devolution.'
The UNP had dragged the discussions on constitutional reforms in the Parliamentary Select Committee for nearly two years raising various objections and asking for extended time at each stage to consider the revisions to different parts of the proposed reforms. The UNP in the end refused to endorse the 1997 draft too and it remained in limbo until February, several weeks after the December 1999 Presidential election. Earlier, the business leaders
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anxious to settle the war also devot mediating to brin consensus on the they too failed. called Fox initiati red by Dr. Liam F retary in the Briti ernment (presentl Secretary) and agr dent and the oppo, thrown to the wir The LTTE and lar among other ʻ ued to insist that sus on the reform a negotiated settle sensus reached by cal parties on July toric by the lead post-independe Lanka. According per cent of the U. incorporated in th eleventh hour, th saying that even not been submitte and the LTTE fo and response.
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15 AUGUST 200
he conflict and end d their valuable time , about a bipartisan ational question but y this time the sofe which was brokex, former undersech Conservative gov7 the Shadow Health edby both the Presiition leader had been ds. the TULF in particuamil parties contina bipartisan consenNas a prerequisite for ment. The broad con
the two main politi7 was hailed as his ers in the annals of hce politics in Sri to the President "90 NP proposals” were e revised draft. At the e UNP jettisoned it what was agreed had d to the Maha Sangha r their consideration
oposals cited by the
opposition leader in the statement he read in Parliament on August 7 as being contrary to what was agreed in the joint draft is the period of the temporary merger of the North and the East. He charged that the waiting time allowed for conducting the referendum had been increased from five to ten years. This was done after the minority parties had conveyed their views. There were strong objections by the Tamil parties to the temporary merger.
The two provinces have remained as one provincial unit for the past 12 years and what the UNP wants is the abrogation of the underlying concept in the 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord. As for the TULF which had earlier accepted the temporary merger under the 1987 Accord limited to just a year to be followed by a referendum, its Batticaloa MP Joseph Pararajasingham considered even the increased ten-year period of fered by the government as unacceptable suggesting insincerity on the part of the President instead of suggesting amendments! (Interview, Sunday Leader August 6, 2000).
The newly formed ultra-nationalist Sihala Urumaya Party, supported by
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15 AUGUST 2000
a powerful section of the Buddhist clergy, JVP and Sinhala nationalist organisations such as the National Joint Committee, National Movement Against Terrorism, National Sangha Council and Sinhala Veera Vidahana rejected the draft proposals outright. Some even found the joint proposals of the PA government and the UNP opposition conforming to the Thimpu principles!
As in the saying, beauty is in the eyes of the beholder, the same is true in the case of the rights of the Tamils. The Sinhala extremists seem to think that the aspirations of the Tamils articulated by their leaders focus on the destruction of Buddhism and the annihilation of the Sinhalese. This perceived fear is so intense that even mentioning the word, devolution, drives them crazy as it is considered synonymous with federalism, which itself is a dirty word for them, leading to the inevitable division of the country. On the other hand, Tamil nationalist position is that the proposals contained the draft do not meet Tamil aspirations, although for example the Tamil language has been given parity of status as an official language along with Sinhala throughout the island.
Once the orchestrated opposition from a powerful section of the Maha Sangha became manifest, the UNP quite opportunistically distanced itself from the draft Constitution. The tragedy of Sri Lankan politics is that the political leaders have established the practice of consulting the Buddhist prelates on worldly matters on which they are not competent and should not get involved in the first place. This was done not from a principled conviction but to use them for their narrow political benefit. The priests exploited the influential status given to them by the political leaders fully and have now even become advisers on military matters as to assert who should be in charge of military operations in the Jaffna sector. The Jathika Sangha Sabha had even sought the Speaker's permission for a Mahanayake to address Parliament although there is no constitutional provision for such an exercise.
At first the protest campaign began with the allegation that Buddhism had not been given the foremost place in the draft Constitution. Not only this status is enshrined in the draft Constitution, but also the State has been assigned the responsibility to protect and
foster the Buddha It is the belief an the principles by serve a religion r else. The preach knowledge on the have the duty to sp also extol the virt ing to these princi by giving Buddhis their tasks would it. It is rather odd first century the Bu Lanka need legals Buddhism that no racial, wants to de
The attempt to lishing an accept framework for se through negotiatio hard-liners and opp sides. The victims the people and the
To give extra paign of the vocif Maha Sangha, Siha JVP against the nev Ven. Hadigalle Wi years) began his front ofa Bo tree. W in the August 8 de indefinitely the pa and the vote on the portant but the fac ready to die so that ordinary fellow bei die through a prot distress all conscie
The concerns civil and legal orga Centre for Policy A for Human Rights Civil Rights Mover Inter-Racial Justic the Law and Societ Bar Association to tion to possible im provisions concern view of legislation cern to the legal pri Slandering the C leader Ranil Wickr cial time for his alle, a LTTE supporter v withstanding the fo battle. At the heart been the pride of e stood in the way to sake of reconciliati of the country. The ple as a whole was ary in the power useful lessons for

Sasana at all times. the observance of he people that preore than any thing is with their deep Buddhist precepts ad the message and e of living accordes. Nevertheless, if h the foremost place e made easy so be that in the twentyddhist leaders in Sri feguards to protect group, religious or troy or weaken it. nove towards estabble constitutional ttling the conflict 1s was wrecked by ortunists from both of this setback are country. ervour to the camrous section of the la Urumaya and the v draft constitution, malasara Thero (30 fast-unto-death' in What part he played :cision to postpone rliamentary debate : reforms is not imt that a priest was many thousands of ngs must suffer and racted war should ntious leaders. of the members of isations such as the ternatives, Institute , Marga Institute, ent, Movement for and Equality and Trust are real. The ) has drawn attenprovements in the ng the judicial reand others of confession. NP and Opposition mesinghe at a crued connection with as imprudent, not. thcoming electoral of the problem has ch leader that has ompromise for the n, peace and unity nterest of the peoonsidered secondruggle. There are nose interested in
TAMILTIMES 17
pursuing the constitutional reform process initiated by the PA government.
The turmoil during the first week in August this year has revealed clearly the legal and other practical difficulties that exist in reforming the 1978 constitution, especially in accommodating the aspirations and interests of minority groups. As matters are the future is bleak for the majority of Sri Lankans unless some outside help as in 1987 comes early.
In his statement announcing the decision not to participate in the parliamentary debate and in the vote on the new constitution bill, the UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe suggested restarting the endeavour again to reach a national consensus which can then be enshrined in the new constitution. He also said that this process would take time but surely in the interim, people need some arrangement, at least, to hope for lasting peace and better future for their children.
President Kumaratunga has declared that she is determined to bring back the constitutional reform proposals before parliament. It may be her wish, but the prospects are bleak. But what is clear is that another opportunity has been lost.
In his memorial to commemorate the first death anniversary (July 29) of Neelan Tiruchelvam, L. Perera quite aptly describes the present situation as one where rationality, logic and common sense has failed to prevail. "The commemoration of Neelan's death is also a stark reminder of a hopeless situation marked by what seems to be a non-ending war, widespread human suffering, misguided policies, and in general, a country at war with itself with the only sure possibility of burying its future even before it is born.”
Mr. Perera is quite right in that the tragedy in Sri Lanka can no longer be defined simply as inter-ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils. "It has become a power play between armed actors where issues of human rights, liberation and democracy are mere buzz words with no credibility or essence.” Looking at the developments that have taken place after Neelan was assassinated cruelly, his loss becomes all the more immense and grievous. Those who are aware of his ability to handle contentious constitutional issues and find feasible solutions will understand how badly his absence is missed now.O

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15 AUGUST 2000
Dear Periya Annah,
Thank you very much
for your telephone call.
Ammah relished it and sis
Aete
ter is busy broadcasting her thrill to everyone. I was thrilled too to hear your voice after about six months. Sri Lanka Telecom had reconnected Jaffna to the world via digital microwave radio links directly from Colombo. Now it is possible for us to dial anywhere in Sri Lanka through the 2500 telephones available here and to any part of the globe with the IDD facility available in about 500 of them. Telephone service was disrupted in April when the telecommunication tower at the Elephant Pass Repeater Station was damaged during LTTE's onslaught.
Travelling to Colombo too has become possible and is relatively comfortable. The Commissioner General of Essential Services had hired City of Trinco, a passenger ship with seating capacity for 350 persons. Weekly service is now available with Red Cross protection. The security forces and the LTTE have agreed not to attack the ship.
These are the brighter side of things. But generally life here is becoming more and more difficult as the security forces and the Tigers are bracing themselves for a fresh bout. It may start anytime after the GCE Advanced Level exam now on is over in August third week. We thought that President Chandrika Kumaratunga's effort to enact the new constitution would bring us solace. But it is not to be. We are destined to suffer. The suffering we may have to undergo during the next round of fighting would be cruel. With Ukrainebuilt Mig 27s streaking across Jaffna’s clear blue sky and Multi Barrel Rocket Launchers spewing rockets now and then we shudder to think of the next round.
Tension is already in the air. A new wave of displacement has commenced as artillery and mortar pelting at each other's positions has grown more frequent and intense. We discern some fun in these displacements. Our neighbours in Nallur moved further north and those living closer to the war theatre moved into their houses. We intend sticking to where we are.
Essential goods are becoming scarce. My friends joke at the speed with
which they havi seems faster thal travel twice thes specially so with sene. The G.A a Jaffna Branch of Corporation (CPC three month-stoc is and a black mai rent going in the sene - RS. 75 a li litre and diesel R. The issue oft per week throug Stores is totally in blames the shorta difficulty to distri CPC possessed 13,500-litre capac litre capacity. In Elephant Pass, ar. four big ones and to manage with "Whom are we to the Jaffna CPC m Jaffna GA and officials have no c Yet there is a bla flour. Bread and 1 the cheapest anc items in Jaffna. T fore high and sup demand. Added t ated black market situation to theirb weight and bad qu
Besides these ing sense of inseci lic, especially am events that occur disturbed the min teaching communi July 13 shooting lege student Sanjel The 18-year-old C student was retur cer practice when stopped him and a ness account says and the body hanc by the military say cadre and was ask body to the paren a statement that th ger cadre.
 

gone hiding. That the Mig 27s which eed of sound. This is wheat flour and kerond Manager of the he Ceylon Petroleum ) aver that they have is. But scarcity there Ket flourish. The curlack market is: kerore, petrol- Rs. 50 a ... 60 a litre. wo litres of kerosene h the co-operative dequate but the CPC ge of bowsers for its bute adequate stocks. six bowers, four of ity and two of 5,500April, after the fall of my had snatched the told civil authorities the two small ones. ) complain?” moans anager. his Food Department listribution problem. ck market in wheat cothambai roddy are | popular breakfast he demand is thereply fail to meet the o this officially crebakers too exploit the enefit. They sell short |ality bread. roblems is the creepurity among the pubong students. Three red in mid-July had is of the student and ties. The first was the of Jaffna Hindu Colvan Somasundaram. CEAdvanced Level ing home after soca motorcycle patrol saulted him, eyewit. Then he was shot ed over to the police ing he was an LTTE ed not to release the s without obtaining at the boy was a Ti
TAMEL TMIES 19
The ruffled student community boycotted school and organized a massive funeral procession on July 17. The military stopped the funeral procession while on its way to Jaffna Hindu College and diverted it through a by-lane to the Thikkam cemetery where the body was buried on the order of the Jaffna Magistrate. The school boycott continued the rest of that week and Jaffna Commander Major General Sarath Fonsela summoned a meeting of school principals and army and police officers of the area. Education Director Dr. N, Thanigasalampillai, Jaffna District Principal’s Association S. Rajadurai, Hindu College principal A. Srikumar and Jaffna Hindu College Old Boys Association representative Vidyatharan participated. Sarath Fonseka read out the report submitted to him by army officers. It stated that Sanjeevan was with two LTTE leaders and when they tried to arrest them Sanjeevan tried to escape and was shot. A grenade was found in his possession. Srikumar vehemently contested the military report and said he stood by the eyewitness account, Sarath Fonseka promised an impartial inquiry but that was the end of the matter. Fonseka had been transferred out of Jaffna and now in Vanni.
The second incident occurred on July 16 at Nelliyadi in Vadamarachchi where two soldiers at a checkpoint forcibly detained a 16-year old girl on her way to her school and raped her. The offenders had been arrested by the police and the Point Pedro Magistrate has remanded them. The other was the shooting of St; Patrick's College student Niroshan.
With reports of increased infiltration by the LTTE in the Jaffna peninsula, army's cordon and search operations have multiplied. Fortunately, schools are now closed for August holidays but parents are scared to permit their children to go out. Yet I find a lot of youngsters at the Nallur Kandasamy Temple festival which is attracting a large number of devotees.
Expecting another telephone call SOO.
Younger brother Anthony 10 August 2000

Page 20
20 TAM TIMES
Remembering Neelan Tirucl
The Sanctity of I
Cat's Eye
S aturday, July 29, 2000, marked the one year death anniversary of Neelan Tiruchelvam. Neelan was killed by a suicide bomber on the corner of Kynsey Road and Rosmead Place, just metres from his office. The site of the tragedy has been transformed throughout the year as a public space for mourning and remembrance.
Immediately after Neelan was killed untold numbers of the public came to the corner to leave flowers, candles, religious icons, and other remembrances.
Throughout the past year, flowers have been kept at the spot on the 29th of each month. The corner of Kynsey Road/Rosmead Place/Kynsey Terrace has become an important site in the quest for peace, non-violence, healing and reconciliation. It was only appropriate that it once again was a site that brought friends, family and colleagues of Neelan's together on Saturday morning to remember Neelan.
Artists for Peace made the occasion particularly moving with the opening of their new flag exhibition. This exhibition was a joint effort by 22 Sri Lankan artists. The exhibition was comprised of almost 50 original flags and were displayed along Kynsey Road. The exhibition highlighted Neelan's vision of and commitment to a vibrant civil society in which the arts play a prominent role, not only as a means of expression, but also in the quest for peace, justice and reconciliation.
The International Centre for Ethnic Studies, the Law and Society Trust and Tiruchelvam Associates, with support from the Neelan Tiruchelvam Trust, organized a series of events to mark July 29th and to commemorate Neelan.
National Reconciliation: What Kids are Saying
The Law and Society Trust, with the support of the Neelan Tiruchelvam Trust, organized an island-wide essay
competition for the commemorate the niversary of Neelar tition was held in English, with prize essay in language,
The organizers were encouraged b response was trul some coming from In fact the winning language was by T Bhanu of Kinniya M vidyalaya, Kinniya winning essay in S by Gaya Dinushi ' Joseph's Balika Vi The winning essay ten by Gayathri Da lege, Colombo, A were won by girls say will be publis pers and additiona hope to make the t cluded so many m top three, widely a While politicia tracked by petty pa tionary communal agendas, the stude tical and uncomp peace and reconcil all seemed to agre begin at school, wl lieve should be Schools are the b reconciliation and children should h to mix with and b dren from other should have the op languages of the and they should b compelled as some This, the students der reconciliation cultures in Sri Lal The awards c ebration of divers ists from the dif including Ms. N

15 AUGUST 2000
elvam
life
age group 15-19 to one-year death an. The essay compeSinhala, Tamil and s given for the top
of the competition y the response. The f islandwide, with the conflict areas. essay in the Tamil houfeek Thasneem Muslim Girls” Maha, Trincomalee. The inhala was written Wijesuriya of Saint dyalaya, Nugegoda. in English was writniel of Ladies Colll three top prizes . Each winning eshed in the newspailly, the organizers }p essays, which inore than merely the vailable. ns seem to get sidertisan politics, reacism and competing its have a very pracicated approach to iation. The students e that peace should ich the students bele-communalized. est places to foster 2thnic harmony. All lve the opportunity e friends with chil‘ommunities. They bortunity to learn the other communities, encouraged, if not suggested, to do so. greed, would engenbetween and across ka. remony was a celty and featured art2rent communities, lukshi Jayaveera
singham, the renowned dancer, Khema, the young and talented Taji Dias and the popular theatre group "Malithi Batithi Lama Vedasatahan Ekakaya”. The keynote speech was given by the Chief Guest, the Minister of Justice, Constitutional Affairs and National Integration, Prof. G. L. Pieris who spoke about Neelan Tiruchelvam's important contributions to the promotion of peace and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Prizes were given by the four Guests of Honour, former cricketer Sidath Wettimuny; Head of UNHCR Janet Limm; former Secretary-General of Amnesty International and the former head of UN transitional operations in East Timor, Ian Martin, and Country Director of the winner of last year's Nobel Peace Prize, Medicines Sans Frontieres, Isabelle Simpson. The awards ceremony was attended by students from all over the country.
Memorial Lecture
The International Centre for Ethnic Studies hosted the Neelan Tiruchelvam Memorial Lecture, which was delivered by Ian Martin, a long time human rights practitioner. Martin has a distinguished background working in post-conflict situations. He has most recently served as the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for the East Timor Popular Consultation and Head of the UN Mission in East Timor in 1999.
The lecture was entitled "Human Rights, Political Conflict and Compromise". Mr. Martin made no pretentions about offering easy solutions to Sri Lanka's ongoing political conflict. Instead, he drew from his many years of experience in East Timor, Rwanda, Haiti and Bosnia and Herzogovina and provided examples of strategies of compromise that have been utilized - and in some cases abused - in seeking peace and reconciliation. Although the message for Sri Lanka was not overt, it was nonetheless clear - peace building is long and arduous process. Peace has not come easily to any of these countries. It will not come easy to Sri Lanka.
According to Mr. Martin, "human rights violations are rarely gratuitous." They arise out of specific and very real conflicts over resources and power. These conflicts and contestations, as well as the violations of human rights, must be addressed through processes

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15 AUGUST 2000
of peace building and reconciliation. In so doing, he highlighted three common dilemmas. The first dilemma occurs at the point of conflict resolution. In order to end conflict, it may be necessary and/or desirable to compromise principles of accountability in order to end conflict. The question, though, becomes to what extent can principles of accountability be sacrificed? In some cases, such as in Haiti, amnesties have been instituted that are in clear violation of international law. In addressing accountability, it is imperative that principles of international humanitarian and human rights law be upheld.
The second dilemma arises once the conflict has ended. During this postconflict era, the question must be asked, to what extent may it be necessary and/ or desirable to compromise accountability for the sake of reconciliation. The South African example is perhaps, the most illustrative. South Africa carefully crafted an arrangement that encourage reconciliation through the truth, telling process without fully compromising justice. Thus, amnesty was given to human right violators who voluntarily came forward and fully disclosed the abuses they were involved in. However, prosecutions are underway for those who refused to reveal the abuses.
The third dilemma also may arise during the period of transition to peace. What happens if, in the aftermath of conflict, certain human rights are found to be in conflict with each other. After the genocide was allowed to occur in Rwanda, for example, the application of human rights principles became virtually impossible due to the magnitude of the violations and the number of violators. In crafting a solution and bal
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ancing the need for the rights of the acc unacceptable compr sought.
In raising these ( tin sought to highl ties of conflict res building. In seeki moral and practical play a role. Althou sume to come witl Lanka's conflict, in tions Mr. Martin rais ing signals. Peace i is justice. Nor reco amples of Haiti, R Sierra Leone raise i that need to be addr building exercise, Lanka.
Ian Martin is c fellow of the Interna emy, New York. He prestigious career w tions. In addition tc UNMission in East was Deputy High Human Rights in thi Representative in govina
Road Painting Mo
Unbeknown to ers, August 29, 19 mark the beginnin movement for peac that has grown in then. On that day, a ent kind bloomed b Road. In the middle five petalled flowel each petal containi Peace. Human Rig Hope. These were th On October 29th,
UK/India/Sri Lanka: E15.00/US$ Australia. Aus.$45.00 (Australian | Canada; Can$40,00
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accountability with used, it is the "least omise' that must be
lilemmas, Mr. Maright the complexiolution and peace lig solutions legal, considerations must gh he did not pren solutions for Sri posing these quesied important warns not easy. Neither nciliation. The exwanda, Chile, and mportant questions essed in any peace
including in Sri
urrently a visiting tional Peace Acadhas had a long and with the United Nabeing Head of the Timor in 1999, he Representative for 2 Office of the High Bosnia and Herze
Vement the original paint99 would come to g of a quiet little e and non-violence (measurably since flower of a differbrightly on Kynsey of the road a huge had been painted; ng a different word hts. Justice. Love. Le simple messages. 1999 - the three
TAMILTEMES 21
month death anniversary- a more elaborate design and message appeared.
The message, "secure the sanctity of life" reportedly comes from Neelan Tiruchelvam's final speech in parliament. The message is written in all three languages, surrounded by elaborate images of peace doves, flowers, and butterflies. The mural has been there ever since.
In March of this year, one week af. ter the tragedy at Aruveydic Junction during which more than 20 innocent civilians who were trapped in rush hour traffic were caught in the cross fire of a reportedly botched LTTE attack, another mural appeared. The symbols and the message was the same. "Secure the sanctity of life.' "Jeevithaye Shreshtathvaya Rakaganimu.” “Vaalvin Punithathai Urithipaduththuka." In the last.few months, paintings have continued to appear - in Ratmalana, Wattala, Town Hall, and Flower Road.
No one organization has taken credit for the painting. When asked by the press, the response has been that they are a group of "peace loving people” and some “peace loving artists”. The group is constantly growing and includes people from the areas where the bombings took place. The painters admit that their objectives are simple. The painting is to protest against the violent loss of life. It is to reclaim public space - space in which people have been killed - in a non-violent way. It is an effort to encourage a non-vindictive memory that allows for grieving and expressions of pain and mourning. In so doing, the group hopes, in some Small way, to encourage reconciliation. An effort which would have had Neelan’s approval and encouragement. O
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22 TAMITMES
Thë
Autonomy
T N Gopalan
"People of Kashmir had made a decision of their own choice to throw in their lot with the people of India in furtherance of their common ideals. This abiding kinship could not subsist merely on territorial links or commercial considerations, but on unswerving faith in the ideal for which we here and the millions of people in India have struggled for over three decades. Our relationship is not that of a master and a slave, but it is a free and voluntary association of partners in the joint stock, which bestows common and equal advantages on both.”
That was Sheikh Abdullah thundering way back in 1952. Twenty eight years later, such sentiments sound as empty rhetoric. The Kashmiris are hopelessly alienated from the rest of the Indian Union. Crushed as they are under the jackboots of the Indian army, there have little love or respect for the government in the far-away New Delhi. Witnesssing the furore raised by the autonomy resolution passed by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in June last and its summary rejection by the Centre followed by the pathetic attempts by Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah to mobilise support for his resolution, one had an uneasy sense of deja vu.
The unfortunate people of Kashmir, trapped as they are between a brutal and insensitive army on the one side and a fanatical and murderous militants on the other, have nothing much to look forward to.
The unilateral cease-fire announced by one of the militant groups, Hizbul Mujahideen, perhaps the only allKashmiri outfit, did come as some pleasant surprise. But other Pakistanbased groups dismissed the gesture as of no consequence and vowed to continue the jihad.
The autonomy resolution itself is a desperate gamble on the part of the discredited Farooq Abdullah. He has been there in power for four years now, but
there is nothing m Endemic corruptic tion, economic st forces running am factors have mad Kashmiris miserat environment, Faro them next year in t
Now elections any rate hardly 2 Kashmiris caring to may not have muc are some signs tha could be throwing ring, and any one C rout Farooq Abdul ference, simply Kashmiriyat (Kas pride).
Hoping to fores ity perhaps, Faroo pass a resolution ir ing the recommen Autonomy Commi port recommended stored all subjects cept defence, forei and communicati media sounded ho audacity. The RS govt. dismissed. T the "anti-national "manoueveres to d his people away fr The other constitu Democratic Alliar silent on the iss Vajpayee at first si ing that there was tional about the r could be given s Home Minister A hard-liner, said b. lution could be t "where of course out...'
But once the reacted angrily, ca of the Farooq regi demand for the sc
 
 
 
 

15 AUGUST 2000
ich to show for it. n, maladministraignation, security k, these and other the lives of the le. In such a bleak q will have to face he Assembly polls. being rigged, or at 0 per cent of the cast their votes, he h to fear. But there t some new outfits their hats into the if them could easily lah’s National Conby invoking the hmiri identity and
stall such a possibilhas got his MLAs the guise of adoptdations of the State ssion. The SAC rethat the state be refor governance exgn affairs, currency on. The "patriotic" rified at Kashmir's S wanted Farooq's he BJP lashed out at Farooq Abdullah's vert the attention of m his own misrule.' 2nts of the National ce preferred to keep e. Prime Minister emed to be suggestnothing unconstitusolution and that it }me consideration. lvani, considered a cezily that the resobled in parliament, it would be thrown
SS high command ing for the dismissal he and reiterating its pping of Art.370 of
the Constitution (which guarantees a large measure of autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir), the NDA government promptly fell in line, and the resolution was rejected by the Union Cabinet.
Farooq initially seemed to make some noise, threatening to make it an issue and mobilise public opinion behind the resolution. There were even speculations that the National Conference (NC) could be pulling out of the NDA government. Even as the Working Committee of the NC was said to be furiously debating the next course of action, Farooq's mother passed away, and the discussions were abruptly suspended.
Vajpayee and others flew in, and "overcome" by their commiseration, the Chief Minister chose not to precipitate matters any further. He followed the caravan to New Delhi avowedly to present his case before them all. Like the Pandavas of yore, he was whittling down his demands by the hour. "No, we are not demanding restoration of pre-1953 status... No we are not insisting on the implementation of the SAC report in full...Why don't you just appoint a ministerial committee to examine our resolution in depth?" Clearly he was looking for a face-saver. But it was all in vain. He could be all too ready to oblige the Centre and go all out to ensure that he does not embarrass the rulers. But the latter are simply not interested in baling him out. "We have our constituency to take care of..." Such was their response.
Still unfazed, Farooq tried a different tack. He started calling on his notional allies and opposition leaders, to mobilise their support for the autonomy resolution. They all gave a patient hearing, but refused to commit themselves. Presently he is back in Sri Nagar, licking his wounds.
He does not seem to be inclined to cross swords with the Centre, not ready to pull out his son, Omar Abdullah, from the union cabinet. "We are not for any confrontation,” he keeps iterating, blissfully indifferent to the possible resentment that could be building up among the Kashmiris consequent on his unashamed supineness.
But this is not the first time that this son of Sheikh Abdullah, the Lion of Kashmir, is compromising so outrageously, to his own peril. Wayback in

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15 AUGUST 2000
1984, his government was toppled by Mrs.Gandhi and the opposition rallied behind him. After a short stint in the opposition camp, Farooq crossed over to the Congress after the sweeping victory scored by it in the General Elections after Mrs.Gandhi's assassination. “We can't afford to antogonise the Centre. The people's own sentiments do not matter too very much,” he has been quoted as saying. According to many observers, Kashmir's remorseless march towards insurgency could be said to have begun with that cowardly decision of Farooq
And when he chose to join hands with the BJP which has always been strongly opposed to any autonomy for the state, his credibility took another nose-dive. With the present rejection of the resolution and his unwillingness to force the issue, the emperor stands stark naked.
But the greater tragedy is that Indians at large do not seem to be aware of some basic facts. That what the Kash
mir Assembly is demanding is nothing
more than the restoration of the rights and privileges promised to Kashmir at the time of the province's accession to India way back in 1947, as guaranteed by Art,370 of the Constitution - the rights the state was denuded of steadily since the arrest of Sheikh Abdullah in 1953.
The Kashmir Maharaja might have dithered at the time of India's partition, not knowing which of the two new entities, India or Pakistan, would allow him to have a grand time of it even after accession. But the people themselves, led by the charismatic Sheikh Abdullah, seemed disinclined to become part of Pakistan - despite the fact the overwhelming proportion of the Kashmir valley population were Muslims. They had been weaned on the Sufi tradition which drew from various other faiths even while retaining the Islamic COC.
We belong to the same parents. Then why this difference? Let Hindus and Muslims (together) Worship God alone. We came to this world like partners. We should have shared our joys and sorrows together."
When Sheikh Nooruddin, a famous Sufi saint of the 14th century wrote
those lines, the some provocatio Muslim divide ha ages, true. But the passionate pleas as a saint, and th both Hindu and his tomb at Chara from Srinagar. Ti ing testimony to H If the Kashmir gering doubts as til lot with Pakistan, when an impatien sent in the Pathal soldiers to captul mir by force.
As Sheikh Ab anguish, "Invader ening. They scorc our homes, destri hundreds of villag honour of wome Muzaffarabad, U Pattan centres of c way to our Capit smoking rubble wi are traitors of Isla. Like the very who welcomed t with unbounded e. embittered in the on the LTTE, ti greeted with gen warmth the Indiar ved to repel the ma are now so cheese do anything to h backs, even if it Pakistan's lap.
When the Paki. ies blasted the Cl during the Nara many Kashmiris W been upset. But f open to protest th perhaps a water-sh between the two Kashmir valley. A Kashmir pandits a perhaps another.
Since then wit ments in New De the Kashmiriyat, t ever more alienate here that it was th of the previous Sangh Parivaar w the overthrow oftl llah government,

should have been after all. The Hindubeen there down the man who made such ame to be venerated usands of pilgrims, Auslim used to visit -e-Sharif, only 15 km e tomb was a standindu-Muslim amity. Muslims had any linwhether to cast their he issue was decided t Jinnha government tribals and its own e Jammu and Kash
lullah recounted it in s struck us like lighthed our land, ruined byed and devastated es and despoiled the n. Busy towns like Jri, Baramulla and ur trade on the highl, are only heaps of ith nothing left. They m.'
Sri Lankan Tamils he IPKF personnel nthusiasm only to be aftermath of the war he Kashmiris who uine affection and soldiers "who arrirauding Pak forces,” i off that they would ave them off their neans landing up in
tan-based mercenararar-e-Shariff tomb imha Rao regime, ere believed to have w came out in the outrage. That was d in the relationship ommunities in the ld the exodus of the ew years earlier was
successive governni failing to respect e people have been l. It may be recalled mindless agitations ncarnations of the ich had resulted in first Sheikh Abduetting in motion a
TAMLTIMES 23
never-ending chain of disaster. And hence it would be ridiculous on the part of any one to expect the present government led by the BJP to be any better and negotiate its way to lasting peace.
It was this very same government which had exploded nuclear bombs, prompting Pakistan to do the same, thus making the mad mullahs and their collaborators even more intractable,
Incidentally the Ladakh region in the state has rejected the autonomy resolution. The predominant Buddhist population would not trust the Kashmir Muslims to be fair to them. The killing of a monk who made some irreverent remarks against Prophet Mohammed has added to the tensions in the area.
The large Hindu population of Jammu, egged on by the BJP, is also against autonomy. There are now some suggestions for trifurcation of the state and even further subdivision of districts along religious lines, raising fears of another partition-type holocaust.
Well, the people themselves might be resigned to their lot, as the Lankan Tamils seem to be in the face of the forbidding power of the gun.
Both when the Hizbul Mujahideen announced cease-fire and when the All Party Hurriyat Conference, an avowed co-ordination committee of pro-Pakistan militant groups rejected the call as "hasty," the people seemed indifferent. Farooqs and Vajpayees of this world are not a solution to their decades-long ordeal, they know.
A word on the attitude of the socalled Tamil nationalist parties would be in order. None of them cared to come out in support of the autonomy demand. Vai. Ko. invited Farooq Abdullah to his party meet in Erode, flew to Srinagar to participate in a seminar on autonomy, but would not endorse the Jammu & Kashmir Assembly resolution. “Well I'm for autonomy. But the Kashmir case is different. They should not insist on the restoration of the pre-1953 status...," he said.
The other fire-spouting politician, Dr.Ramadas, has little time for Kashmir, he is busy taking on Vazhapadi Ramamurthy. While generally welcoming the Centre's decision to reject the autonomy resolution, he has not offered any specific comments so far.

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24 AMILTIMES
Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi staged yet another of his flip-flops. When Farooq Abdullah called on him, he seemed to be suggesting a conference of state Chief Ministers to discuss the resolution, but the very next day he distanced himself from his reported suggestion, saying he said it was for the Prime Minister to decide on such matters and hence he would leave it to Vajpayee to take the necessary initiative.
When Farooq Abdullah told newspersons, after a meeting with Karunanidhi, that the latter had suggested a conference of state Chief Ministers to deliberate on the autonomy resolution, the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister was not by his side. But in a brief interview to an agency later, he recalled that it was under his stewardship the state Assembly had passed a resolution on autonomy in 1974 itself and hoped that the Centre would take the necessary steps to have the Kashmir Assembly resolution deliberated at length. According to reports when the correspondent concerned asked him whether the steps he was suggesting included a conference of the Chief Ministers, Karunanidhi did say "yes."
But the very next day he was at pains to disassociate himself from even such a mild suggestion. When pressed whether he would take any initiative for a CMs' conference, he snapped, "It's the Prime Minister's responsibility. We'll leave the matter to him.'
Did he at least agree with Farooq on the need for state autonomy? he was asked. “Well, the DMK too has been demanding state autonomy. I'm in agreement with all state Chief Ministers on this issue, particularly with Far-ooq Abdullah. But then Kashmir is a special case...”
Clearly Karunanidhi is particular that he is not seen as creating any kind of problem for the Centre on this issue. On any issue for that matter. He is only too willing to beat a hasty retreat if any of his remarks are found offensive by his detractors or by the "pan-Indian' nationalists.
Like when he suggested a Czechtype peaceful division of Lanka if the two major ethnic groups there could not live together in peace. There was a cho
t began slowly ir seemed isolated; of such a thing. stroyed in one town other. Bibles burnec against Christians i of a systematic, and paign against a m relatively powerles percent of India's p The violence bi accession to power ernment whose ide nings include antiwritings, and theor new and uncharacte among Christians - bled for its toleranc
Today, despite denials and what c and reluctant offici cidents are occurri with Hindu radic gloating in the pre Christian believers ing any part in the against Christian t by the Delhi-base Forum for Human between January a In June, matters 7, a Catholic prie kandam, was killec
rus of protest from tions, and he retra was only a suggest Lankan governme pressurising the C This very sam organised conferen demanding auton openly hailed him man of the South. presented to Farc DMK's initiatives including the Raj on's exhaustive re

15 AUGUST 2.
Pattern of Attacks
Christians in India
Robert Marquand
1998. The attacks no one had heard A church altar de. Nuns raped in an. But today, attacks n India appear part often violent camostly peaceful and s minority - just 2 opulation. gan after the 1998 of an Indian govological underpinminority teachings, ies. The result is a ristic climate of fear in a nation long fa
C. a mixture of official often seem oblique al censures, the inng almost weekly - al groups one day 'ss over killings of , and the next denym. Some 35 attacks argets are recorded d United Christian Rights (UCFHR), nd June.
got worse. On June st, George Kuzhiwhile sleeping in a
the anti-DMK secited saying that his on thrown at the Sri it and not aimed at ntre on the issue.
e Karunanidhi had ces in mid-Seventies my and his cadres as the Mujibur Rehin fact the books he Dq were all on the on state autonomy mannar Commissiorton autonomy. O
church compound in a town called Mathura in Uttar Pradesh. A week later. four churches in different parts of India were bombed. The morning after the bombings, a young evangelical preacher from Punjab, Ashish Prabash. who worked for India Campus Crusade for Christ, was found stabbed to death in his bed, and partially burned. A week later, church grave sites in Andhra Pradesh were desecrated. Three days ago the sanctuary of a church in Maharashtra was ransacked after threats severe enough to cause the terrified head pries: to run away without filing a police report. In areas where attacks take place. Christians describe a pervasive atmosphere of hate against them that is created by Hindu radical groups. They describe a neglector even acquiescence to the crimes by local authorities. In the Mathura killing of Brother George, as he is known, the police brought in ths church cook, Vijay Ekka, for "interrogation.”
Mr. Ekka had slept near the slal: priest and reported the murder. A wee. later, while in police custody, Ekk. died. The police first said he commit. ted suicide; but an autopsy indicatesh. was strangled. Theories about the cus. todial killing of Ekka have circulated . some blaming him for complicity, an others suggesting he knew who conmitted the murder. In any event, th: cook is no longer around to tell h. story, one local Christian points ou The Bharatiya Janata Party-led gover. ment of Indian Prime Minister At. Behari Vajpayee, has largely adopte a position of silence and official per - plexity. Until yesterday(28 June), th government had not explicitly av. - knowledged violence against Christians per se. Mr. Vajpayee's spokesman, Brijesh Mishra, said in Italy th week the attacks are "isolated' and "a errational” and have no pattern. Ofte they are attributed to a law-and-ords

Page 25
15 AUGUST 2000
problem, a local issue like a land dispute or a love triangle.
But yesterday (28 June), in a meeting of state officials, Home Minister L.K. Advani said the Christian attacks need to be addressed, possibly in a meeting of state chief ministers in August. Mr. Advani suggested that terrorists and foreign agents from Pakistan were the chief culprits. Still, a growing chorus of Indian voices say that the attacks have come after the rise of a Hindu nationalist government in New Delhi, whose affiliated organizations of radical foot soldiers now openly speak of "driving Christians from India.
"There is a definite pattern of attacks, and I think it is now clear there is a corollary between these attacks and the election of the BJP,' states social activist C. Rajmohan Gandhi, grandson of Mohandas Gandhi, regarded as the father of India. "The silence is unfortunate. One longs to see the central government clearly oppose these attacks. This is a major development in this country, a dangerous one, and if it is not stopped, it will get worse."
On June 12, a delegation of the United Christians for Human Rights (UCFHR), representing India's 18 million Catholics and 6 million Protestants, requested a meeting with the prime minister. Led by the most popular figure in Indian Christendom, the late Delhi Archbishop Alan de Lastic (who died in a car accident in Poland on June 20), they asked Mr. Vajpayee to condemn the attacks. Vajpayee stated that Christians are safe in India, but did agree to investigate attacks and the hate literature.
Such an investigation might start in the Delhi bookshop of Vajpayee's own BJP party. "Bunch of Thoughts,” a book by M.S. Golwalker, mid-century leader of the RSS, the parent organization of the BJP, is on sale there for about $4. It identifies Muslims, Christians, and communists. as the three Aenemies(a) of India. Mr. Golwalker states that "Wherever Jesus' followers) have gone, they proved to be not blood-givers, but blood suckers.' Another states that if Christians don't "offer their first loyalty to the land of their birth, they will remain here as hostiles and will have to be treated as such.'
Historians poi does have much colonial days. Bu tire social contex changed dramati then. Today, the ( in India is known organizations and Schools.
Other than Sol the Congress Part high-profile Chris cal elite. Christi made some inroa Admiral Sushil Ku dian Navy, a for StaffS. F. Rodrigu mand of the Arm Mukherjee.
Still, pamphlet and other literatur as hostile to India the streets. Exper ideology and a ral be fed to ordina many mid-size cit leaflet dated May Put a stop to the e man Catholic devi The attacks ai overarching Hind civilizations, say them. Rather, the “manufactured hat last interview, the Lastic said, *I w general statement who are attacking fanatics are destro ligious tradition o acteristic of India. Christians pro for growing Hind Unlike the Muslim history of fightin numbers are smal little history of vi (Also, Muslims h percent voting bl object to efforts to Hindus and the 8 munity in India. ( schools often educ to read, save mon better jobs - which "If you attack mileage by being since Christians a

ht out that the church to answer for in its the attitude and enst of Christians has cally in India since hristian community mainly for charitable
rigorous, excellent
nia Gandhi, leader of 7, there are not many ians in India’s politians have, however, ds into the military: umar, head of the Inmer Army Chief of ez; the No. 2 in comy in Kashmir, John
s, handbills, reprints, 2 denoting Christians are easy to find in ts say it is clear an ionale for hate have y Hindu masses in les and rural areas. A 25 states: "Warning: vil deeds of the Rols." e not viewed as an u-Christian clash of those monitoring y are an example of red," says one. In his i late Archbishop de ill never accept the that it is the Hindus g Christians. A few ying the age-old ref peace that is char
vide a “soft target” u nationalist forces. s, Christians have no g back, since their and there has been plence against them. ave an important 15 oc.) Ardent Hindus convert lower-caste percent tribal com2hristian missionary ate tribals who learn y, buy land, and get CreateS resentment. Christians, you get seen as antiforeign, re presented as part
TAMILTIMES 25
of the hated colonial legacy," says Pramod Kumar, a social-science researcher in Chandigargh. Attacks on Christians began systematically after the spring 1998 election of the BJP. Churches in Gujarat were attacked and Bibles burned in the summer; that fall, four nuns in Madhya Pradesh were raped. But not until the January 1999 murder of Australian Protestant Graham Staines, who worked with lepers in a rural eastern state, did the issue receive much attention. Mr. Staines and his two young sons were burned alive in a jeep while sleeping.
"When the government says there is no pattern to these crimes, I feel complete exasperation," says John Dayal, national convener of the UCFHR. "There is not just violence, but there is also a hate campaign. Each hateful statement is signed - so there is no ambiguity about it. The right-wing groups are condemned by their statements."
One such statement made to a Times of India reporter last Thursday is an example. Dharmendra Sharma, a local leader of the Bajrang Dal, one of a network of Hindu radical groups operating near Mathura, where Brother George was killed, stated that Christians were "bigger enemies" than the Muslims, and said, "We are prepared to use violence. There is no limit.'
Speaking of the death of Staines, Mr. Sharma added that,"The two boys should not have been killed, and the way Staines was killed was not good. We should be prepared for any eventuality. But I think a good beating is sufficient to do the job."
This week, following headlines and a letter from the National Human Rights Commission of India, a Bajrang Dal leader denied his group was antiChristian. He admitted that firearm training of Hindu militant groups had started in northern India. But in a qualification, he said the training was being done "with air guns."
In Western societies that have had bitter ethnic and sectarian violence, anti-minority violence is officially condemned - even if incidents continue, experts point out. Today, for example, attacks on Jews in the United States are met with official censure and prosecution.
(continued on next page)

Page 26
26 TAMITIMES
Mideast Peace Prosp Before and After Camp
Rajan Philips
ormer Israeli Foreign Minister, Abba Eban, is said to have remarked that the Palestinians "have never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity'. And for both the Americans and the Israelis, Chairman Arafat does not make a decision before its time has come. For Arafat, who was the most reluctant partner in the Camp David negotiation dance, the time for a final agreement had not come. All along he had been hesitant aboutgoing prematurely into a full blooded summit, without doing the necessary groundwork first. At Camp David, he was also bound by the long standing Palestinian position, reaffirmed by the Palestinian Central Council on the eve of the Camp David talks, that the Palestinians will not countenance an interim agreement on what are called the Permanent Status issues: control over East Jerusalem, Palestinian Refugees outside Israel, Jewish Settlers in territories occupied af. ter 1967, and Borders defining Israeli and Palestinian jurisdictions.
The Camp David talks opened up the Permanent Status issues for summit level talks for the first time since the 1993 Oslo Accords. The talks made considerable
(Continued from page 25)
During the spate of black church burnings in the American South in 1997, President Clinton held national seminars. Even in Europe, which largely tolerated a fouryear aggression by Serbs against the multi-ethnic Bosnian state in the mid1990s, elected leaders jointly condemned the pro-Nazi hate rhetoric of Austrian right-wing politician Joerg Haider.
Last week, in an unusually frahk statement to the Foreign Correspondents Club in New Delhi, American ambassador to India Richard Celeste said the attacks on Christians raised a "very discordant note' in the country. Ambassador Celeste praised the newly warm relations between India and the United States. He also admitted the attacks send "a contrary message' regarding "India's com
mitment to secularism and tolerance.'
Christian Science Monitor June 29, 2000
movement on Refug ders, but foundered Jerusalem which Isra Jordan in the 1967 status of Jerusalem : the refugee problem substantive implica ers and peoples oth and the Palestinians, sign away deals as the Israelis wantedh At the end of the tall praised Israeli Pr Barak for making fronts, and stopped Arafat for failing to salem. But Israelic David and earlier ta a distraction that hi raeli power in any ne of the Palestinians to a small part of what ing materially and mr UN partition, throu of 1967, and right u of 1993. Powerless and Hol From the begin raeli problem fifty hapless Palestinian between external fo created nor controll tered the belligere migrant Jews to ci permanent home in lical forefathers. T eventual acceptance state as a continui Jews for the holoca they suffered in G Europe. Never mi ians had nothing tc diaspora or the hol also reduced to be. responding to what tion of their lands by one of total opposit Israel, was organize and spearheaded b states of Egypt, Sy vowed to destroy tl
Israel was born UN partition of wh mandate since the f partition gave 56%

eCtS:
David
des, Settlers and Boron the issue of East el had captured from Six Day War. The and the resolution of have symbolic and tions for Arab leader than Yasir Arafat and Arafat could not
the Americans and im to at Camp David. ks, President Clinton ime Minister Ehud concessions on all short of condemning make a deal on Jeru:oncessions at Camp lks are somewhat of des the reality of Isgotiation and the fate ) accept as gains only : they have been losorally from the 1948 gh the Six Day War p to the Oslo Accords
meless ning of the Arab-Istwo years ago, the s have been caught rces that they neither 2d. First they encounnt determination of eate and preserve a the land of their Bibhen came the West's and support of a new ng reparation to the ust and the pogroms ermany and eastern nd that the Palestin) do with the Jewish caust, but they were ing minor players in was a clear usurpaJews. The response, ion to the creation of d by the Arab League y the front line Arab iria and Jordan who
he new State. in 1948, following the at had been a British 1rst World War. The of the territory to the
15 AUGUST 200
new state of migrant Jews who had numbered just over 100,000 at the turn of the century, and 44% to the indigenous Palestinians. Unjust though the partition was to the Palestinians, they and the Jews never had an opportunity to adjust to the post-partition reality of sharing the old British mandate and living as neighbours. Fighting broke out immediately after the partition, but Israel beat back the Arab armies and annexed large tracts of land designated to the Palestinians. Israel's territory went up from the original 56% to 76%, while the rest of the land was held by Egypt (the Gaza Strip) and Jordan (the West Bank). The western part of Jerusalem fell to Israel and Jordan held on to East Jerusalem. The Arab leaders told the Palestinians to leave their land promising that before long Israel will be defeated and the Palestinians can return home in triumph. 700,000 Palestinians either fled believing the Arab leaders or were forced out of their homes by the conquering Israeli soldiers. After 52 years, the number of Palestinian refugees has swelled to 3.2 million, concentrated mainly in Jordan and scattered in other Arab countries.
In the Six Day War of 1967, Israel doubled its original area by capturing the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, Golan Heights from Syria, and the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan. The Holy City was now under total Israeli control, and an estimated 300,000 Palestinians were displaced from their homes. Following its 1967 victory, the Israelis began to establish Jewish settlements in the newly occupied Palestinian areas. The future of these settlements, now totalling 200,000, is one of the Permanent Status issues.
Powerless and homeless, the Palestinians were also caught up in the 1956 fight over Suez Canal, the ever present politics of oil and Arab nationalism, and the cold war competition between the US and the Soviet Union. They found no alternative but to rely on Soviet and Arab support and target Israel and Jewish interests with guerilla attacks. In 1964,422 Palestinian national figures met in East Jerusalem and founded the Palestinian Liberation Organization as an umbrella organization committed to the destruction of Israel and the liberation Palestine. Five years later, in 1969, Yasser Arafat and his Fatah group took control of the PLO. Driven out of Jerusalem in 1967, and out of Lebanon in 1982, Arafat and the PLO set up headquarters in Tunis and continued their operations against Israel. Arafat established himself as the undisputed

Page 27
15 AUGUST 2000
leader of the Palestinians, while the PLO won UN recognition and a great deal of international sympathy for their cause, carried out violent attacks against Israel, and even ran training camps for liberation guerillas from other parts of the world. But despite all this, there was hardly any movement in resolving any of the problems of Palestinian people scattered all over Middle East.
The prolonged stalemate began to break the solidarity of the front line Arab states and the PLO. The first crack developed when Egypt's Anwar Sadat decided to have bilateral talks with Israel under US auspices. The Israelis too were looking for peaceful alternatives to a national life of constant security alert and its enormous costs. Prominent Israelis who had proved their mettle in defense strategy and war, like Shimon Peres (an early advocate of Jewish settlements in captured territories), Yitzhak Rabin (the winner of the Six Day war) and Ehud Barak (the most decorated soldier in Israeli history), became strong advocates of peace. There were also Israelis of conscience, who were troubled by the plight of the Palestinians in Israel and began to agitate for a peaceful settlement.
The first Camp David talks between Egypt and Israel, now a historic milestone, were held in 1978. As always, it was Israel who negotiated from a position of strength, handing back the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt, agreeing on mutual peace and recognition, and agreeing to establish a format for Palestinian autonomy in Gaza and the West Bank. Ten years later, in Geneva, Arafat declared that the PLO was renouncing violence and recognizing Israel's right to exist as a state. However, Arafat made a costly error in siding with Iraq in the 1991 Gulf war over Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, which alienated the oil rich Gulf states who cut off their funding support to the PLO. Oslo Accords
The Gulf war also enhanced American influence in the Middle East even as he Soviet Union was imploding and losing its super power status in the world. The upshot for the Middle East was the Madrid Peace Conference of 1991, jointly summoned by President Bush and Premier Gorbachev. The conference opened up multiple peace tracks including bilateral talks between Israel and the Arab states, direct talks between Israel and the PLO, and multi-lateral talks on regional issues of Jerusalem and the refugees. The new status as the world's sole superpower also forced the US to play a more neu
tral role in Midd in 1988, followin laration and desp President Reagar ficials to open a After the Gulf W. had few friends a ances. His only o tlement with Israt
These were which Norway c secret diplomatic and Israeli official Oslo Accords of cords, signed by Yitzhak Rabin a Arafat, achieved ( tion Agreement b ognized Israel's r and Israel recogniz representative oft and (2) a Declarat set the frameworks ment on Palestini within Israel and agreement on four sues relating to the ian Self-Rule Terri Occupied Territori gees outside of Isr (East) Jerusalem. of the Declaration tember 13, 1993, an Talks, the two side reached agreement plementing Palesti tinian Self-Rule b Palestinian Count powers in the are Culture, Health, So and Tourism. Th Council was initial the Gaza Strip and of Jericho. A Pal was also establishe ity for law and or areas in parallel wi ment of Israeli troc of a Palestinian A two sides continue panding the territo scope of that Aut West Bank were b thority, and a sepa was created to gent Permanent Status i lowed Palestinians vote in the Palest though the issue ( been resolved.
The peace pro setback when Isr Rabin was killed o Worse, the Laboul

East affairs. Already Arafat's Geneva dec: Israel's displeasure, ad authorized US ofalogue with the PLO. Arafat was isolated, i shrinking bank balion was to seek a set
he circumstances in ened and organized ontacts between PLO that led to the famous 993. The Oslo Acsraeli Prime Minister d PLO leader Yasir ) a Mutual Recogniwhich the PLO recght to exist as a state 2d the PLO as the sole Le Palestinian people; on of Principles that for an Interim Agreean Self-Government to negotiate a future Permanent Status IsBorders of Palestinory, Israeli Settlers in es, Palestinian Refuael and the Status of Between the signing of Principles on Sepd the last Camp David is have had talks and on the details ofimtian Self-Rule... Pales'gan with an elected il having specified is of Education and ial Welfare, Taxation jurisdiction of the y limited to 60% of the West Bank town stinian Police Force | to take responsibiler in the Palestinian 1 a phased redeployis. With the nucleus hority in place, the discussions over exal and jurisdictional ority. Areas in the ught under the Aute negotiation track ate proposals for the ues. Israel also alving in Jerusalem to ian elections, even Jerusalem had not
ss suffered a major li Prime Minister 4 November, 1995. arty was voted out
TAM TIMES 27
in the elections that followed and the Likud Party won power on the slogan of “Peace with Security". The new Prime Minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, representing the most extreme Jewish opinion, virtually sank the peace process with his hawkish stand-offs and niggardly concessions. In the end, the Israelis had enough of him and voted him out of power in the elections of May 1999. The new Prime Minister, Ehud Barak of the Labour Party, won a solid mandate as Rabin's political successor to reactivate the peace process, But Barak, showing himself to be less daring as politician than as a soldier, failed to act decisively when the going was good and let the right wing Israeli opposition regroup itself before anything substantial could be achieved. He delayed too long with the Palestinians, too long with the Syrians on the Golan Heights issue, and achieved no significant agreement on either front. Knowledgeable observers have also blamed the US for not egging Barak on from the outset of his manadate, and for waiting too long before calling a summit. Camp David 2000
More than an year of good time was lost between Barak's election as Prime Minister and his trip to the Camp David summit. His coalition had begun to unravel and Barak had to face a no confidence motion in the Knesset before leaving for Camp David. At Camp David, he was again the brave soldier but fighting for peace rather than a war. He surprised the Palestinians by going farther than any other Jewish leader before him in meeting their demands, but showed poor political judgement in not understanding Arafat's constraints to agreeing to a deal on Jerusalem. He also gambled hoping to reverse his political fortunes at home by taking a comprehensive peace deal from the summit. Although inconclusive, the summit achieved consensus that (1) the area of Palestinian self-rule will cover 90% of the West Bank and all of the Gaza Strip; and (2) the most densely populated Jewish settlements in the West Bank will be annexed by Israel. In regard to refugees, Israel offered to allow lo0,000 Palestinians to return to Israel under a family reunification scheme, and to contribute to international fund that will compensate the nonreturnees. Arafat made it clear that this was an acceptable starting point, while his request for an Israeli apology for creating the refugee problem was turned down by Barak. On the deal breaking issue of Jerusalem, Barak offered, based

Page 28
28 AMTIMES
on a US proposal, Palestinian municipal control over certain parts of East Jerusalem and an underground access to the AlAqsa mosque, the third holiest site in Islam. Arafat insisted, citing longstanding UN resolutions, on Palestinian jurisdiction over the whole of East Jerusalem, except for Jewish holy sites.
After the Summit, Arafat went to a hero's welcome among the Palestinians and Barak took a professional return trip to Tel Aviv. Worse was to follow: First was the shocking loss of (former Prime Minister and Foreign Minister) Shimon Peres to an upstart right-wing opponent, Moshe Katsav, in the Knesset's election of Israel's eighth President, a largely ceremonial post. On 31 July, Barak faced down a second no confidence motion in, but the vote was by means a ringing endorsement of his peace moves. The day after, Barak's Foreign Minister, David Levy, resigned in protest over Barak's concessions on Jerusalem. There have been encouraging signs as well. Yossi Beilin, who, in 1992, first as an opposition Labour MP and then as Deputy Foreign Minister, was the first Israeli contact for the Norwegians and remained a permanent player in the entire Oslo process, is now Barak's Justice Minister.
Beilin is openly p and symbolic so based on the day City and its Jewis tian holy sites. Bar that the hardliners : do not have the su of the Israelis, but ized and more ag the democratic s peace process. N time to show som mobilize the Israt tives.
Arafat's stand ians, continues to the total support fo Hamas has not ext five years. Arafat port among the F entirely due to the tinian Self-Rule a Force in the hither ritories. This h achievement of the credit is due to the and institutional menting the agree rael did not have tc rate process of am Israel has an unbui
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shing for a practical ution on Jerusalem ) day realities of the , Islamic and Chrisk has always believed ld opponents of peace port of the majority hey are better organressive in exploiting stem to disrupt the w he has won more 2 political savvy and |lis behind his initia
among the Palestinbe favourable, while extremist groups like eeded 20% in the last s and the PLO's supalestinians is almost introduction of Palesda Palestinian Police to Israel-occupied teris been the greatest | Oslo peace track, and Israeli administrative machinery in implement. Fortunately, Isgo through any elabo2nding its constitution. ndled approach to con
stitutional governance, having wisely avoided the laboured distraction of enacting a comprehensive constitution, but opting, instead, for the sensible path of enacting a series of Basic Laws on key areas of governance. Since 1958, eleven Basic Laws have been enacted with the expectation that eventually they will be bundled together to be the country’s constitution. The post-Oslo agreements have been simply ratified by the Knesset and passed into law.
What the Palestinians have got so far is a reasonably good foundation to build on. They have for the most part accepted that they cannot regain what they had at the time of the UN partition of the British mandate, if not even earlier. Although the Camp David summit ended inconclusively, it has created a new framework to carry further the Oslo initiatives. America's role will be crucial in the weeks and months to come. As former President Jimmy Carter eloquently argued, in an op-ed page contribution to the Sunday New York Times, America should and should appear to maintain a position of neutrality as a facilitator of future talks. After Camp David, the US was understandably keen to enhance Barak's po
(continued on next pag
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Page 29
15 AUGUST 2000
Lights, Camer
Censorship
Feizal Samaith
in the stillness of the dawn, a hearse carrying the body of a soldier killed by Sri Lankan Tamil Tiger rebels wends its way along a village path toward the home of the slain young man.
A joyful sister runs out of a woodand-mud-wall hut on hearing the toot ofa horn, in the mistaken belief that her brother has returned for a long-awaited vacation from the battle front. She stops in her tracks, stunned on seeing the hearse, and runs away with tears streaming down her face.
This scene is enacted almost everyday in one or more of the thousands of villages across Sri Lanka's north-central region. This part of the Indian Ocean island nation is the home of many of the government troops battling a 17-year-old, violent campaign by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) who are demanding an independent home for Sri Lanka's minority Tamil people.
But late in July, the government thought it fit to stop the screening of a film on this theme by internationally-acclaimed young Sri Lankan filmmaker, Prasanna Vithanage. The government said the film's screening would hamper the ongoing war with the LTTE.
“Purahanda Kaluwara”, which translates as "death on a full moon day, was withdrawn a week before its release as a film suitable for all types of audiences. This was done even though it had earlier
(Continued from page 28)
litical fortunes in Israel, but President Clinton's announcement that he might decide to move the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem was not something that the Palestinians and the Arab world wanted to hear. Relocating the Embassy would be a reversal of the previous stand of the US and other countries not to recognize (West) Jerusalem as the Israeli capital before resolving the status of East Jerusalem. It will also enrage Arab fundamentalist opinion in the region, especially in Saudi Arabia and the Gulfstates.
been cleared by pointed censor bo representatives fr The 75-minut a blind father - b veteran actor Joe refuses to believe died at the war f home in a coffin.
More than 5( diers, rebels and the secessionist vi of soldiers blown are not sent to th receive a symbol ing the name of th max of the film, w near the north-cer chchiya, shows th right when the st opened and foun stumps.
“Purahanda Ka international awar theblind man, wo at the Singapore Also last year, th Prix prize at the Film Festival in F tional Film Critic Frisbourg Internal Switzerland.
Its world pren in Japan. It has si ternational film fi stan, Canada, Jap ain and other nati ded by Japan's N Sri Lanka’s fil media watchdogs state-owned news the decision to sto ‘’Any argument til of some truths re. north and the east country, constitut and a blatant disp tunism,' says the (FMM).
Vithanage, 38. is worse than a bar
YTRA
 
 
 
 

TAL TMIES 29
the government-apird, which also has two »m the army.
film tells the story of illiantly portrayed by Abeywickrema - who hat hissoldier-son had ront and has returned
„000 government solcivilians have died in olence. The body parts to bits by rebel mines parents, who instead c, sealed coffin beardead soldier. The clithich is set in a village tral town of Medawafather's belief proved aled coffin is finally i to contain only tree
luwara' has won many ds. Abeywickrema, as the best actor's award ilm Festival in 1999. e film won the Grand Amiens International rance and the Internais Award at the 3th ional Film Festival in
iere was held in 1997 hce been shown in instivals in India, Pakiun, South Korea, Britns. The film was funHK television agency.
m industry, academics, und evenjournalists in oapers have protested p the film's screening. at justifies the hiding arding the war in the rom the people of this is a violation of rights ay of political opporFree Media Movement
says the 'deferment' ''A ban at least could
be lifted but we have been living with this war for almost the past two decades and I have my doubts about the security situation improving in the real sense,' he says. "'If this is the case, as long as the war lasts, my film might never be released in Sri Lanka.'
The film has been shown in Sri Lanka only on three occasions, all for private viewing. It was banned by government censors in May, when the country was placed on high war alert after a series of Tamil Tiger successes. The ban was lifted when the country's apex court ruled against the movie's censorship in June. However, Sarath Amunugama, the minister in charge of the National Film Corporation (NFC), ordered the NFC to hold the film's release because the country is still on a war footing. ''The producer of the film may be informed that this film will be exhibited as soon as the security situation improves,' Amunugama explained in a letter to NFC Chairman Tissa Abeysekera, who was among those in the industry who praised the film.
According to Sunila Abeysekera, a UN award-winning human rights activist, the film is a sarcastic comment on the war and its destructive nature. 'It would have a devastating impact on the people, showing them the ground realities of the war. It clearly depicts how the war is sapping all our energies, our resources,' she said. ''How can one make a judgement on a film without seeing it?' she asked, responding to the government's view that screening the film may create unrest.
The film has very little dialogue and no songs, but has spectacular shots of the Sri Lankan countryside. "'I have not known any other film that is composed of image and sound so silent and suppressed,' said Vithanage's co-producer, Makoto Ueda of NHK television.
"'It is a stunning film...It gives a totally different perspective of the war from the way it is portrayed by the media and by the politicians,' says Ravindra Randeniya, a veteran actor and president of the Sri Lanka's Film Actors' Guild. He says there is simply no rationale for the government to stop the film from being released. 'If there is no rationale forbanning the movie, then is there a political motive?' he wonders.
(Asia Times,August 10, 2000)
EL ONLY)) ))--SRI LANKA
SOUTH INDIA

Page 30
30 TAMILTIMES
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MATRIMONIAL Jaffna Hindu parents seek professional bride for graduate son, 28, market manager in prestigious firm. Send horoscope, details. M 1181 c/o Tarnil Times. Sri Lankan Hindu Tamil, 31, 5'4", British citizen, Electronic Engineer in US employment seeks graduate bride in her twenties willing to settle down in US. Send horoscope, details to Email: Gymass6aol.com or P.O. Box 190968, Dallas, TX 75219, USA. Jaffna Tamil Hindu parents resident New Zealand, seek groom for good looking daughter, 32, Lawyer in Government Sarvice, Please send hOrOscope, full background. M fi88 C/O Tamil Times.
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WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding. Venugopal son of Mr. & Mrs. Kulasinngam of C25 - 1/1 Soysapura HS, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka and Shanthakumari daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Thambirajah of 19 Bobcat Street, Brampton, Ontario L6R 1C9, Canada on 2.7.2000 at Canons High School Hall, Edgware, Middx., UK. Wanita daughter of Mr. S.P. & Mrs. Uma Moorthy of 36 New Park Avenue, London N13 5NB and Mitesh son of Mr. B.D & Mrs. Bharumati Khakhar of 19 Park Field
Close, Gossops Green, Crawley West Sussex RH11 8RS on 29.7.2000 at The Compton School Hall, SummerS Lane, London N120CRG. Divaharan son of Mr. & Mrs. Kanagarajah of 2584 Rugby Road Apt. 510, Mississauga, Ontario L5B 4B4, Canada and Gnanodini daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Naliah of K 4/2 Govt. Flats, Colombo 4 on 18.8.2000 at New Kathiresan Hall, Colombo 4. Anjana daughter of Dr. & Dr. (Mrs.) N. Sivananthan of 17 The Glade, WelshWOOd Park, Colchester CO4 3JD, UK and Hasita son of Mr. & Mrs. Dudley Fernando of30/62 Longden Place, Colombo 7, Sri Lanka on 19.8.2000 at The Lanka Oberoi, Colombo 3.
Chitra daughter of Mr. & Mrs. M. Arumugam of "Gala Knowe, 8 Ardrossan Road, West Kilbride, Ayrshire KA23 9LR, Scotland and Girison of Mrs. P. Wijayasingam of 183/2 Galli Road, Dehiwela, Sri Lanka and the late Mr T. Hyayasingam on 27.8.2000 at Madurai Meenakshi Amman Temple, India.
OBITUARIES
。彎。
Mrs. Jeyaladchumi Jeyasingham (Rasar), born 27.06.25, beloved wife of Jeyasingham (Retired Administrative Staff, Jaffna College); daughter of the late Mr. Muttiah and Mrs. Theivanaipillai Muttiah; loving mother of Gunasekaram, Gunaseelan and Gunathilahan (UK), Gunathayalan, Gunaratnam
 
 

15 AUGUST2000
(Canada) and Gunasankar (Australia); mother-in-law of Ranjini, Geetha, Suthahari (UK), Ranee, Mathavi (Canada) and Gowri (Australia); sister of late Seevaratnam, Selvaratnam and Pathmavathy, Ponmalar and Sathianathan, sister-in-law of late Balasingham, Sarasvathydevi, Tharmarajah and Shanmuganathan, Mahiladevi and Rajamohan; grandmother of Archana, Thuseelan, Theepi
ga, Sanjana, Lakshana and Brinda passed away on 27th July 2000 and was cremated on 2nd August in London.
The members of the family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted in several ways during the period of great sorrow. - Mr. G. Jeyasingham, 99 Landseer Avenue, London E12 6HS. Tel: 020 8478 3785.
N MEMORAM
In loving memory of Mr. Edward Soma Ponniah on the second anniversary of his
denise On the fifth of August 1998. When the One Great Scor
8 COeS To write against your name He writes not that you won or lost But 'How you played the Garne'
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Nellita (Bubby), loving children and precious grand-children. - Sender Mrs N Ponniah, 79 Sydney Road, Sutton, Surrey SM1 2CQJ, UK.
IN MEMORAM
Mrs. Rohini Wijeyadevendran
June 19, 1925 - August 4, 1999 'God saw you were getting tired And a cure was not to be, So he put his arms around you And whispered, “Come to me”
AV'ith tearful eyes we watched you And saw you pass away. Altbough we loved you dearly We could not make you stay.
A golden heart stopped beating, Hard working hands at rest. God broke our hearts to prove to us, He only takes the best.
Dearly missed and fondly remembered by her loving children, Suren, Subathra, Ravi, Vasundra, Harry and Yaso and their families and all her loving brothers and sisters and in-laws.

Page 31
15 AUGUST2000
Tenth Death Anniversary
in loving memory of Mr. Apputhurai Gunaratnam, formerly Divisional Superintendent of Post Offices, Sri Lanka, of Point Pedro on the Tenth Anniversary of his passing away on 28th August 1990.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his loving wife Rani; children Thirukumaran (Australia), Vasuki (Sri Lanka), Devaki (Australia), Sutharsan (UK), Saratha Devi (Australia), sons-in-law Ravindran, Radhakrishnan and Sashikanth; daughter-in-law Vasanthii grandchildren Ashvini, Yathurshini, Prushoth, Mayurikka and Mayuran. — 67B St Anns Road, London N15 6N.J. Tel: 020 88025601.
Fourth Death Anniversary
Mr. Selvarajab Kiritharan, Engineer, London of "Notary Walawu', Thunnalal North, Karaveddy, Sri Lanka passed away suddenly on 22nd August 1996 and the Fourth anniversary of his passing away falls on 22nd August 2000.
“We miss you Kiri for ever” Affectionately remembered by his loving parents, Mr. Naganather Selvarajah and Mrs Kamalakumari Selvarajah of London; loving brother Muraleedaran and sister-in-law Dr. (Mrs) Sukaniya of 5 Cezamne Crescent, Wheelers Hill, Victoria 3150, Australia, loving sisters and brothers-in-law Dr. (Mrs) Subathini Ramesh and K. Ramesh, University of Jaffna, Mrs. Shanthini Shanmuganathan and S. Shanmuganathan of 1238 Greenford Road, Greenford, Middx., UB6 OHH, UK; loving sister Miss Shamini, Law Faculty, University of Colombo, uncles, aunties, nephews, nieces, other relatives and friends. - 28 Bridgewater Road, Alperton, Wembley, Middx HAO |A.J. Tel: 0208422.4627.
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 31
Mr Mayilvaganam Velummayilum J.P, U.M., Attomeyat-law and former Chairman, Urban Council, Point Pedro, Sri Lanka passed away on
31.8.89 and the ele Venth anniversary of his demise falls On 31.8.2000.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his loving wife, children Thayanandarajah (UK), Nithianandarajah
son-in-law Kamaleswaran (Colombo), daughters-in-law Sumitra (UK), Devi (New Zealand), relatives, friends and a host of grateful constituents. - 'Hillcroft, 14 Howards Wood Drive, Gerrards Cross, Bucks SL97HN.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS Sept. 1 Vinayagar Chathurthi. Sept 2 South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Drop ir... Tel: O2O 8542 3285. Sept 3 Shashti; Feast of Saint George, the Great. Sept 8 Feast of the Birthday of the Blessed Virgin Mary Sept 9 Sukka Eekathasi, SLTWG Women's Front MeetS. Tel 020 85423285. Sept 10 Pirathosam. Sept 13 Full Moon. Sept 14 Feast of the Triumph of the Cross.
(New Zealand), Mayilva- Sept 15 Feast of Our Lady of
ganarajah (UK), Chitra Sorrows.
(9olombo), Anandarajah, sept 16 Feast of St. Cor
Krishnarajah and Jayanthi (ail neius.
of Madras); grandsons
Camercin, Ewan and Atharson, continued on page 32
WaCancies
Assistant Solicitor Non-Contentious solicitor to provide assistance to Principal. Must possess initiative and computer literacy and be capable of working with minimum Supervision. Knowledge of Tamil a definite advantage.
Legal Secretary/Receptionist Must be personable and articulate with initiative and computer literacy. Audio typing using Word for Windows a definite advantage. Must be happy to put hand to any adhoc admin duties.
CV and hand-written letter to:
Theva & Co., Solicitors, Tel: 020 8542 6667 90 High Street, Fax: 020 8542 6691 Colliers Wood,
London SW19 2BT.

Page 32
32 TAMILTIMES
continued from page 31 Sept 17 Chathurthi. Sept 18 Karthigai. Sept 21 Feast of St. Mathew.
Sept 23 Eekathasi; Purattasi Sani (1), SLTWG Drop in. Tel: 020 8542 3285.
Sept 27 Amavasai. Sept 28 Navaraththiri fences. Sept 29 Karthigai. Sept 30 Puratasi Sani (2); Feast of St. Jerome, SLTWG Celebrates Navaraththiri.
COIT)-
Sept 25 Pirathosam.
At Bhavan
Centre, 4A
Anjana's Arangetram Pleases
To a capacity audience of over 700 people, Anjana Pathmarajah's debut performance on July 1st at the Lancaster Performing Arts Centre, was a delightful one. She exbibited confidence and an agility that was remarkable.
The teenager is a student of Kalyani Shanmugarajah and Bhaghavatalu Seeta Rama Sanna. Anjana began her recital with a Ganeshanjali followed by Mahesha Tandava. The piece dwelt on the creation of the basic syllabus on rhythm - that, dhith, thom, nam.
The dancer then performed two keertanams. One was dedicated to Raja Rajeswari and the other to Lord Siva. The central Varnam was focused on the beauty of Lord Muruga. The piece 'Swami nee manamirangi was in ragam Sriranjani Ten out of the 31 verses of the famed composition of Adi Sankara, 'Bhaja Govindam' was then performed. This specially choreographed piece by Seetarama Sarma was done full justice by Anjana. After the dance of the ardhanaris, the next item was an ashtapathi to the popular "Chandana Charchita. The tillana that Concluded the recital showcased the dancer's dexterity and strength with the aspect of nritta.
Swami Ishwarananda of the Chinmaya Mission was the Chief Guest. The decorations on the stage also added to the quality of the program. Temple backdrops on the wings and in the back of the stage were
offset by a beautiful front. Musical accomp ed by Seetarama S Senthilkumar: Shanmugarajah: 1 Vijayaraghavan: Muttukumar: Flute á Violin.
Anjana is the grand Rohini and Mr. Wijeyadevendram anc Canagaratnam of Ka She is the daughter and Vasundra. Nimmie Ragunathar India Journal, Californ
Maha Kumba
Edmonton July 3rd - 7th was period of the Kumba Ganapati Temple in E 1 million dollar proje pleted with Jaffna Aa highlight of the cultura a Classical Bharatha of Nallur, choreogra by Dr. Kanchana Siva Maharishi Yogaswar transformed to Sri Su Hawaii. Sri Subramun ly presided over this scintilating performa, and 3 actors, one of i life of a Sri Lankan been in the hearts ( Hindus.
The PreSjodernt Of Siv Toronto referred to it brought into classi Natyarn. Speaking fu he least expected S presented so beautiful
Above are the three I lefi to right Narmath Kanchana Sivalin Maheswaran. Kan Physician in Alberté Natya Arangetram in
 
 

15 AUGUST 2000
Castletown Road, London
W14 9HQ. Te: O20 7381 3086/4608
Sept 1 6.30 p.m. Sri Ganesh Puja. Bhajans, Puja and
Prasad. All Welcome.
Sept 3 5 p.m. Lecture on Diseases - A new Concept by
Prof. B. M. Hedge. All welCOne. Sept 23 5p.m. Lecture on Indian Theatre by Tarla Mehta. All Welcone Sept 30 & Oct 1 2 to 4p.m. Vedanta Discourses by Swami Veda Bharati. All Welcome
altar to the gods in animent was providarma+and Sankari ocal, Kalyani lattu vangam, G. Mirdangam, B. nd T. Mithradeva.
laughter of late Mrs. Chelvadurai
late Mr. & Mrs. C. 'ndermadam, Jafna. of Dr. Pathmarajah
- Staff Reporter, fa
bishekam in , Canada
the COmnernoration bishekam of Maha dmonton, Canada. A 2t temple was comgama tradition. The | day on 7th July was Natya Ballet, "Vision phed and presented tlingam on the life of ni and his divinity bramuniya Swami of iya Swami personalprogramme. It was a nce by 12 dancers s kind to present the Maharishi, who has of many Sri Lankan
athonda Nilayam of as a beauty of a task al Pure Bharatha ther he said that that wami's songs to be tly in a dance form.
Duke
students, prior to migrating to Edmonton, Canada, where she runs her Shivalaya Performing Arts School in Dance.
Jeyavaney's Bharatha Natya Arangetram
The Bharatha Natya Arangetram of Jeyavaney, daughter of Mr. & Mrs. K. Jeyapalan, disciple of Mrs. Rajini Shuresh Kumar of "Institute of Kalabharath', Hounslow, UK and student of Lampton School under the distinguished patronage of Hon. D. M. Swaminathan, Attorney-atlaw and former Governor of Western Province, Sri Lanka took place at the Elphinstone Theatre, Maradana, Colombo 10, Sri Lanka on 20th August 2000. The Arangetram was organised by Kalasuri Mrs. Gowreeswari Rajappan, Principal of the Music Society of Sri Lanka.
Australian NeWSletter
Radiothon by Tamil Radio in Sydneylnpa Tami Oli under the leadership of Mr. Bala Prabhaharan launched a Radiothon
after the Elephant Pass victory to collect
rincipal dancers from Thanigasalam, Dr. am and Nalayini hana, a practising had the Bharatha London of two of her
money for the Emergency Tamil Medical
Fund. Hundreds of listeners rang in to offer donations and after a few days the grand
sum of $265,000 was collected. During the
Radiothon there was a link up with the Tamil Radio Station in Toronto, Canada and listeners from there were highly emotional.
The first of a series of workshops on the future needs of the Tamil Diaspora was conducted on 27th May 2000 at the Lidcombe Community Centre in Sydney. The Australian Federation of Tamil
continued on page 33

Page 33
15 AUGUST 2000
continued from page 32
Associations and other Tamil organisations initiated the workshops. The main topics discussed were (a) The plight of the civilians in the Tamil areas (b) The role of India and Tamil Nadu in particular. (c) Lobbying the international community. (d) The inevitable emergence of a Tamil state.
The meeting was advised that the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation and Tamil Medical Aid were active in helping to overcome the hardships faced by the Tamil people in the North and East of Sri Lanka.
The second workshop was held on 10th June at the Auburn Community Centre in Sydney. There was a detailed discussion of the current situation in the Tamil areas and the role of India, Norway and the US. The workshop ended with group discusSions and Dinner.
Chinnannal nabbed by
Kandy costhas
When One travels from north Sri Lanka to Kandy via Polgahawela Junction taking the Yal Devi that leaves Kankesanturai just after midday, arrival in a connecting train fron Colombo at the hill station would be midnight. Chinnannai, the lovable singing saint from the Christa Seva Ashram in Maruthanamadan, who counts on friends in every nook and corner of the island and even beyond, normally took this train whenever he had to go to the University of Peredeniya. Apart from many friends there, he also had a relative, a dean.
But as is typical of Chinnannai he never caused any inconvenience to anybody, even to his relative by expecting to be met at the Kandy station or even reaching any doorstep at an ungodly hour. Dedicated to a frugal lifestyle and willing to adjust to Circumstances beyond most mortals, Chinnannai found a place to pass the night in supine slumber and in exceptional company. He found the chapel in the town's graveyard quite apt to meet his nocturnal need.
On one such occasion there happened to be a child-kidnapping scare in the hill town. The police were on the lookout for the loathsome culprit, their nightly vigils were most intense. Unfortunately for the ashram padre, a past midnight patrol or police posse passing by the graveyard noticed a saffron-robed man preparing himself to sleep on a concrete slab near the entrance to the chapel.
The excited police duo, known as costhas in slang dialect, alerted nearby night patrols and together Swooped on Chinnannai who spoke no Sinhalese and arrested him as the billo' (childnapper). The costhas hardly spoke Tamil and virtually no English. Despite protests, he was taken to the Kandy Police Station where the Officer in Charge was able to communicate with him in some English.
But he did not believe his story. When
Chinnannai said th lecturers and even hardly three miles Cluded that he was but also an all-craz
Amidst this Chinnannai's typica him. Haughty an grabbed the degra and pitiless to the f victim, the police be stark staring screw ed they telephone gave then the tele It was an hour affe
Making cynical re simple saffron-clad in his insensitive OC dialed the ri answered, he stoo Salutations and sa that he was sorry ti tinne With his terrible
When the dean as was it about, the C guy here says he, he sleeping in Kan this guy catching C. we charge him for i
The Shocked dea description of the su he said that he W. grins and looked a him he would be in utes. He said nothir
The five minutes li the town's policem he sat on a stool sang a hymn of pra,
When the dean a aside for fWo minu back to the duty roc his knees and paid derful man from Ja Suit. He was none O Sevak Yesusagaya ately Chinnannai to him and the aShrarr
Nirvana can be a Cunnstances even i station and the enlig Tamil. ASIk the KanC
When he said Chinnannai thankeC dean on the telephC doing their job and v catch the real culpri Wonders whether th
As they left the po walls away, Rajah ti Sacred Temple of his sleep gave a lo men thought, it was day. Kandy's prestig of Buddhist Culture to the truth; that mc at Kandy, Chinna Bodhisavattva who
R

TAM TIMES 33
the knew a number of dean at the university away, the police connot only a childnapper id-up-cuckoo.
narrowing situation, | Smile never deserted confident they had 'ed demon of the dark, elings of the evening's gan to ridicule him as a Dail. Chinnannai insisthis dean relative and hone number; by now midnight.
marks and jabbing the priest with verbal jeers Singlish' vulgarity, the unber. When it was d up all attention and id very apologetically ) disturb him at such a
dilemma.
:ked him why and what IC said: “Sir, this Tamil 'our relative sir, but Sir, dy cemetery. I think sir hildren. Kidnapping sir,
Sir.’
n asked the OlC for a Ispect and the moment as dressed in Saffron, Crackpot, the dean told the Station in five minng more.
poked like five days for en. As for Chinnannai and happily but softly ise.
rrived he took the OIC es and when they got m, the officer Went on Obeisance to this WOnffna, his staff followed ther than the inimitable m WhO Was affectioneverybody who knew сотunity.
tained in strange cira Sri Lankan police htened one could be a y police!
goodbye to them, the OlC for calling the ne and the Costhas for lished they would soon of the hill capital. One y ever did
ce station, a couple of e lead elephant of the ooth, awakened from y trumpet. The policea good omen for a new OuS StafuSaS a Centre S all about a Wakening ning to the policemen nai, was perhaps a ame among them.
chards Karunairajan
NEWS IN BRIEF
Lanka to Raise $319 mil
lion Additional Loan
Sri Lanka raised the government's limit on borrowings on 17 August by another 25 billion rupees (319 million dollars) as the defence budget shot up unexpectedly by over 50 percent.
The parliament voted to hurriedly amend the annual budget to accommodate the additional defence expenditure, triggered by a ferocious offensive launched by Tamil Tiger guerrillas in April.
The government's loan limit was raised from 189,023 to 214,023 million rupees, a bill approved in parliament showed.
in the previous Week, parliament voted for an additional $356 million for the War effort. The legislature approved the supplementary estimates without a debate one week ago, as the money was urgently needed to pay for military hardware, aircraft, naval craft and increased wages.
The money balloons the country's defence budget, which was originally estimated at 52.43 billion rupees - about the same amount spent last year - but Shattered by the ferocious Tamil offensive.
The government has substantially raised taxes on tobacco and alcohol and increased the national defence levy from 5.5 percent 6.5 percent to raise revenue for its war effort,
Aid Agreement With US
The United States of America has entered into two aid agreements with Sri Lanka, according to officials in Colombo. Under the first agreement the U.S. will make available five million U.S. dollars this year in very low interest loans to allow Sri Lanka to import nearly 40,000 tons of high quality U.S. wheat. According to a U.S. Embassy press release the interest rate is only 3 to 4 percent which is far below commercial rates.
Under the second agreement, the United States, through its Agency for International Development, will grant two million dollars for a program to benefit the industrial sectors of Sri Lanka with increased productivity and improved strategies and business models.
EU to Report on Lanka
Polis
A four-member, high-level team of officials from the European Commission headquarters in Brussels is presently preparing a fact-finding report on the need for election monitors in the forthcoming Parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka. Organised in collaboration with the European Union office in Colombo, the team has conducted detailed talks with members of all political parties including the opposition, UNP and various non-governmental organisations to prepare a detailed report on the impending general elections.

Page 34
34 TAM TIMES
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