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15 NOVEMBER 2000
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it."
-Voltaire
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XIX No. 11 15 NOVEMBER 2000
Published by:
TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton,
Surrey SM13TD
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contents
Prospects for peace talks O3 News Roundup O4 Peace through Change 12 International pressure mounts 16 A Historic EnCOUnter 20 National or Nationalist Govt 25 Letter from Jaffna 27 Srima Bandaranaike 28 Classified 30
Pros
The prospects fo gers of Tamil Eelam ( The Current peac and the LTTE of Norw the warring parties. It Norwegian special en the Course of which th{ government,
In recent months munity to set the peac ment and the LTTE t0 Norway is not aloi pean Countries includ neighbour whose spec of by other countries. Expressing its su pean Countries said," must take Substantial aspirations of the Lanka and not underm Country."
The extent of inter Settlement in Sri Lank British Deputy Foreign We Can, and remains fu the Government and th territorial sovereignty O Cured. But for that to ha It is in this Context speech to be delivered flurry of diplomatic effor ing their interestina ne leader's speech. It can signal from the LTTEth The opportunity pr Community must be se with a view to bringing a political landscape duri Fields of Asia".
it should be realise On the Contrary, it has drained of its material battlefields.
Particularly the per and destruction have be displaced in their hundr as between governmen pushed from pillar top
hardship. There has be
other parts of the World strategy of War WOuld n
One hopes that the table Succeeds and the fully negotiating until a forces representing eth paigns of protest to dis the forces that have brc be resisted, Overwhelm multiculturalism, divers political and civic leade
As the British Dep paralysed by dogma, choices will be needed, The Sri Lankan people
 
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 3
pects for Peace Talks
peace talks resuming between the government and the Liberation TiTE) have Certainly brightened in recent weeks.
process was kicked of following the acceptance by the government y assuming the role of a facilitator for the resumption of talks between thered momentum after the meeting between the LTTE leader and the by Erik Solheim and their two-hour preliminary talks on 1 November in LTTE leader had indicated his willingness resume negotiations with the
ere has been unprecedented interest shown by the international comprocess back on track, The pressure on both the Sri Lankan governesume negotiations has also been considerable,
2 in its difficult and demanding role. It has the total support of all Eurog Britain, the USA and above all India, Sri Lanka's closest northern al interest in the developments in the island has been taken full account
port the European Union which represents most of the western Eurohe European Union is strongly in favour of these negotiations, which CCOUnt of the
amil minority while respecting the cultural and religious diversity of Sri ning the inalienable principle of the territorial integrity and unity of the
st shown by the British government in a peaceful negotiated political was reiterated with force during the recent visit to Colombo by the Secretary Peter Hain:"Britainstands ready to help Sri Lanka in any way |ly supportive of Norwegian peace facilitation efforts in its dialogue with LTTE. I am convinced that both the Government's insistence upon the f the whole island, and the LTTE's objective of autonomy, can be seppen the shooting must stop and the talking must start." that so much interest is placed on the traditional annual "Heroes Day" by VPirabaharan, the leader of the LTTE, On 27 November. The recent ts with representatives of foreign governments visiting Colombo declargotiated political settlement has certainly raised the profile of the LTTE not be doubted that the international community is looking for a clear at they are Committed to peaceful resolution of the Conflict. sented now by the unprecedented interest shown by the international zed by all those who claim to have the interest of the people at heart nend to the bloodletting that has characterised Sri Lanka'physical and ng the last two decades earning it the notoriety of being the "Killing
} that the strategy war pursued to achieve the political goals has failed. rought disaster to the Country and all its people. The country has been and human resources. Tens of thousands have died on and of the
ple of the north and east of the island have suffered the most. Death en the order of the day during the last twenty years. People have been ds of thousands. The frequent shifts and twists in the military balance forces and the LTTE have meant whole communities of people being st and forced to live in primitive conditions undergoing unendurable na mass exodus of people, particularly from the Tamil Community, to eaving it weakened, depleted and dismembered. Continuation of the anfurther death, destruction, depletion and dismemberment. urrent efforts to bring the government and the LTTE to the negotiating parties have the courage to commit themselves to the task of peaceOolitical settlement is reached. To be expected are the reactionary cchauvinism, extremism and exclusivist sectarianism mounting campt any move to a negotiated peaceful political settlement. These are ght the island and its people to their present predicament. They must d and marginalised by progressive forces dedicated to the ideals of , Constitutionalism and democracy actively assisted by responsible
peace groups and human rights Organisations. Foreign Minister Peter Hainput it, "There is no future for a Sri Lanka ansigence and Cruelty. Compromises, difficult decisions and tough ome painful. This is a time for boldness, vision and strong leadership. serve no less from their leaders, both Sinhalese and Tamil."

Page 4
TANTIMES
o PROSPECTS FOR
PEACE BRIGHTEN
The prospects of a ceasefire and a negotiated settlement in the civil war in Sri Lanka may brighten if the warring parties seize the moment now to implement measures that will build mutual confidence, according to the Norwegian special envoy, Mr. Erik Solheim.
In an exclusive conversation with "The Hindu' on 22 November, Mr. Solheim said "simultaneous and reciprocal actions by the two parties' could help to bring about the necessary environment for a cessation of hostilities and a dialogue. Given the deep distrust between the two sides, Mr. Solheim said even small steps could be considered "substantive'.
While conceding the extraordinary complexity of the conflict, Mr. Solheim told a press conference later, that he remained hopeful of his on-going efforts to bring the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to the negotiating table. The cautious diplomat that he is, Mr. Solheim was reluctant to go into any details of his talks with Colombo and the LTTE and the prospect of bridging the differences.
Mr. Solheim's optimism may be based on the reality of a military stalemate on the ground and the success of the President, Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga, in the recent elections. A recognition of the futility of a military solution and the inability of either side to gain a comprehensive victory over the other, it is believed, might now encourage both sides to consider a negotiated settlement.
Mr. Solheim briefed the External Af. fairs Minister, Mr. Jaswant Singh, on his recent contacts with the Sri Lankan parties, including his meeting with leader of LTTE, Mr. Velupillai Prabhakaran.
Questioned on the prospects of a ceasefire, Mr. Solheim said "any kind of a cessation of hostilities or de- escalation of the conflict” may be linked to some form of discussion between the two parties. Indian analysts of the Sri Lankan situation here say the LTTE may now be favourably inclined to begin a dialogue af. ter a formal ceasefire. Colombo, on the other hand, may be ready for a cessation of hostilities only when a modicum of political understanding is reached
O EU SUPPORTSNORWEGAN
PEACE EFFORT The European Union has reiterated its support for Norwegian efforts to bring peace to Sri Lanka.
“The European Un portance ofthe meeting ber 2000 between Mr. Mr. Velupilai Prabhal LTTE, the first such r way took on the role o' dialogue between the S ment and the LTTE in this connection, the Eu erates its support for t tiative,' a statementiss ber on behalf of the Eu The statement add Union would urge the ment and the LTTE to nity offered today of could bring about a r and put an end to an etl has been the cause of the Sri Lankan people years.
“The European U favour of these negoti take substantial accoui of the Tamil minority v cultural and religious d ka and not undermin principle of the territ unity of the country."
The central and countries associated Union, the associated Malta and Turkey, Ice stein members of the area, align themselve tion, the press release
O BRITAN BA PEACE MO
The Sri Lankan g ing for a signal fron possible talks on way conflict, the British D ister Peter Hain who island said on 23 Nov
"They are waitir Prabhakaran's nation ment says,” Hain tolc at the end of two day cal leaders. "They ar. from the LTTE.'
Hain, one ofman visiting Sri Lanka to a nascent peace pro talking with governn ing Prime Minister F nayake. He felt Sri L

15 NOVEMBER 20)
on stressestheimheld on l NovemEric Solheim and aran, leader of the eeting since Nor"facilitator in the ri Lankan governFebruary 2000. In ropean Union reithe Norwegian iniued on 13 Novemopean Union said. ed, “The European Sri Lankan governtake the opportua dialogue which egotiated solution hnic conflict which much suffering for for nearly twenty
nion is strongly in ations, which must it of the aspirations while respecting the liversity of Sri Laning the inalienable orial integrity and
eastern European with the Euopean
countries Cyprus, land and LiechtenEuropean economic ; with this declarastated.
CKS /ES
overnment is lookthe LTTE on for s to end the ethnic sputy Foreign Minis on a visit to the ember. g to see what Mr. l Heroes Day statea news conference of meeting politiwaiting for signals
western politicians ry to push forward ess, said that after bnt leaders, includatnasiri Wickremanka had no precon
ditions to any talks on ways to end the fighting which has killed more than 61,000 in the last 17 years.
"I was told that there are no preconditions... I don't think it is helpful to set preconditions if you are genuine about making peace,” he said. "Everybody has to turn their backs on terrorism, on war and on the belief that there can be a military solution to this conflict,” the UK Minister said.
Hain reiterated that he believed the LTTE realised that a military solution would not work. "All the messages we have received from the Norwegians and through other channels have been to the effect that the LTTE understands that," he said.
Mr Hain told reporters that the Sri Lankan government had asked them to proscribe the LTTE. “We are considering it very seriously," Hain said, cautioning that the outcome would depend on interpretation of new anti-terrorism laws that would go into effect next year in Britain where the LTTE has its International Secretariat.
At the same time, Hain said he was asking both the Tamil Tigers and the Colombo government to begin a dialogue in line with an initiative by Norway to bring the two parties to the negotiating table. "It is in everybody's interest to end the military conflict,” Hain said. “We have given a strong message to the LTTE that there is no alternative to peace talks. And that has been my advise to the government too.”
Hain said it was not realistic to expect the LTTE to abandon their main objective of a separate state called Eelam, but its leadership appeared convinced that there was no international support for a such a move. Sri Lanka's Tamils were in a better position to win a greater degree of autonomy with the right of self-determination in all most all aspects of their day to day life through talks, he said.
“Tamil people don't want a fancy constitutional structure,” Hain said. “They want jobs... to go about their business in peace... The interests of all parties can be reconciled if the parties are willing to sit down and talk.”
He said LTTE leaders should also take advantage of the latest peace bid as the setting up of a international court under the United nations could leave rebel leaders open to prosecution. The LTTE, he said, had committed "brutal acts of war.” "If the LTTE turns its back on brutal acts of war and come to the negotiating table, they will be spared being brought to the

Page 5
15 NOVEMBER 2000
international court...", he said.
Hain said adding that they were in consultation with the US and neighbouring India over the developments in Sri Lanka.
Hain's visit comes just before Karl Inderfurth, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian affairs, arrives on 27 November for two days of talks with senior government officials and non-governmental organizations.
The President Chandrika Kumaratunga is reportedly not scheduled to meet the visiting British Minister and the US Assistant Secretary of State. The British High Commission and the American Embassy in Colombo have been informed by the President Secretariat of the President's inability to meet the two foreign envoys as she would not be in the island.
Mr. Hain however met the Constitutional Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris and the Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. He aiso met with opposition leader Ranil Wickremasinghe, SLMC leader Rauf Hakheem and TULF General Secretary R Sambanthan. During these meetings Mr. Hain had reportedly told the ministers and the other leaders that the only solution for the ethnic conflict was apolitical one and stressed that the problem couldn't be solved through war. He has also intimated the willingness of the British government to offer assistance on the same lines of the recent Oslo initiative.
While, Minister Hain's visit has been welcomed by many political parties, the Sihala Urumaya and the Jantha Vimukthi Peramuna have criticised his and government's intervention in what they describe as the country's internal affairs. The Sihala Urumaya picketed outside the British Council where Mr. Hain delivered a speech on the British experiences in addressing the problems relating to Northern Ireland.
The JVP also declined to participate in the discussion with Mr. Hain. JVP Parliamentarian Wijitha Herath told the press that they were opposed to any third party mediation. “Whether it is Norway or Britain, we consider them all one foreign force with one agenda. They all want to fulfill their ends,” he alleged. "As a policy the JVP was opposed to this process and we won’t participate in today’s discussions with Mr. Hain,” he said.
O JVP'S OPPOSITION
TO PEACE MOVES The Janatha Vimukthi Peramu na (JVP) has commenced a virulent campaign
against Norway's tive in Sri Lanka. projected a striden to bolster its “pat might be recalled dian intervention conflict in Sri Lank Lanka Agreement induction of Indi: Lankan governme mentation that the J paign of violence years 1987-1989. A then leadership oft the security forces r counter-terror oper in the killing often Now after a de liamentary party h; in the recently he changed context, th is whether the JVP of opposition to the tiative to demonstr; lies, or will it again lent and terror tacti to now it has confin ments and protests. The Norwegiar vince the JVP of th vited the leadership Not only has the JV tion, but also has many see as a diatri its letter dated 8 NC the Ambassador for the JVP has stated, ber of the Janatha Vi accept an invitation to visit your country LTTE to engage in country, Sri Lanka. that you ...... hav some where in Sri ) country called Tami we should emphasi a reality. It will net come a reality by tl Sinhala, Tamil and Lanka. We hope yo “Tamil Eelam” is nic speaking Muslims absurd to even ment the Sinhala people do not know wheth ernment have alrea called Tamil Ealam is not giving publici the time being unti of whitewashing th the separatists.....
"Our stand on t is very clear. Our

le in the peace initiaThe JVP has always anti-foreigner image iotic' credentials. It hat it was against Ino resolve the ethnic through the Indo-Sri of July 1987 and the in troops by the Sri t to ensure its impleVP unleashed its camund terror during the most the entire known e JVP perished when taliated with massive tions which resulted s of thousands.
ade, the JVPis a parving secured 8 seats ld elections. In this e question many ask vill limit its campaign Norwegian peace initions and protest ralresort to similar vio:s as it did earlier. Up 2d itself to press state
s have tried to coneir bona fides and into visit their country. "Prejected the invitaresponded with what be of gross abuse. In vember addressed to Norway in Sri Lanka, “No leader ora memmukthi Peramuna will of your government as long as you allow activities against our ... We are now aware 2 met LTTE leaders anka, not in another Eelam. Tamil Eelam, e will never become "er be allowed to bee joint efforts of the Muslim people of Sri u are well aware that ta place where Tamil vill be tolerated. It is on about the place of in Tamil Ealam. We r you and your govy recognised the sois a separate state and y to that decision for you fulfil your task : tarnished image of
e “national question” policy declaration,
TAM TIMES 5
which was published in thousands since 1977, very clearly elaborates our policy. We have pronounced our unequivocal opposition to racism, communalism and separatism. We are the only political party in Sri Lanka that advocates national unity and equality amongst the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim nationalities. We would like to reiterate what we have explained to you, when we met on your invitation at your embassy. Let us add the following facts too. Norway is a country with warm and hospitable people. In her short history, she has fought for her integrity and sovereignty. She has fought for freedom from being a colony of Sweden and against the aggression of Nazis in World War 2. During the cold war from what it perceived as a threat from the Soviet Union, when countries nearer to the Soviet Union remained neutral, in Norway's own search for independence and sovereignty, it became an ally of NATO.
"We refer to the constitution of Norway that declares its "official religion" the "Evangelical - Lutheran religion". This constitution requires that in your country inhabitants professing it (this religion) be bound to bring up their children in the same". Your country's Executive Power is the King, who the constitution says must be a member of the official religion. He is also required to "uphold and protect' this religion. Further more, the Chief Executive, the King should have in his council, a majority from this religion. Your Constitution demands that your senior government officials should speak Norwegian and also severely limits the role of international bodies on your internal affairs, specifically forbids foreigners from having the "power to alter the constitution". "We differ with some of these chauvinist Norwegian attitudes but recognise Norway's right to control its own destiny. Norway has a past and laws that we do not agree with, that are racist and discriminatory. Your country was one of the worst offenders in racial attitudes, putting into practice Nazi ideas of racial breeding. One of your Nazidisciples, Quisling was your leader for some time. Norwegian racism still persists in denying equal rights to the country's original inhabitants, the Saami. They were depicted, as racially inferior and Saami children were not allowed to learn their own language until recently. Although there is a national Question existing in Sri Lanka, such a disgraceful denial of fundamental human rights had never been practised in Sri Lanka. Your official church bans the Saami language and you control in detail their means of

Page 6
6 TAMILTIMES
livelihood, namely the rearing of reindeer. "For several years, your country has been a headquarters of the LTTE that has declared war on our country's sovereignty and provided space and resources for this organisation. Recently your government put pressure on a journalist to be sacked from an agency because she described LTTE activities in your country. You celebrate the short history of your country. Sri Lankans, with 2500 years of history, are also proud of our country and the aim of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) is to improve and add value to that 2500year-old heritage.
"....... We condemn your racism and chauvinism. Your racism condones LTTE racism and has become an ally to dismember our beloved country. As we respect your sovereign right to govern your own internal affairs, we have the same rights to determine our country's internal affairs. We consider you a colonialist. Sri Lanka has a five hundred-year history of experience in resisting colonialism. We are weathered by 2500 years of external aggression. We have fought for liberation in 1818 and 1848. That is our proud history. We request you to immediately close down LTTE offices in your country and force them to stop their war. We denounce your interference in Sri Lanka's affairs. If you choose to continue, we the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the people of Sri Lanka will resist your interference in our own internal affairs through every peaceful means possible.
“You have become a mouthpiece of the LTTE. This is clear from what you have said after meeting with LTTE leaders. Your credentials as a peace broker have been tarnished as a result. But your credentials as a peace broker was already damaged beyond repair in front of the whole world, when the so called peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians failed miserably and led to the killing of hundreds of Palestinians by Zionist fanatics. The whole world is watching vigilantly what the so-called peacemakers are doing to stop this bloodshed.
"Your interference in this crisis resulted in the division of Palestine. You created an enormous gap between Palestinians and Jews. In the same manner, your interference will create a separation that will plunge Sri
Lanka into more bloodshed, not only amongst Sinhala and Tamil people in the separated areas but also among Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people in unseparated Sri Lanka.
“Have you asked the LTTE leaders,
as well as other Tamil living in exile to save LTTE, , that if a separ Lanka in the future, wh of more than 60% of population now live than the North and the traditional hospitality a Sinhala, Muslim and a people? What is the gua process of ethnic clear sciously launched by th (not only LTTE) will reverse as racial tensio separatism becoming sions will put pressure them to the Northern inces. Tamil separat themselves as liberato are short-sighted in f sions. They are the r Tamil people.
"You advocate sep lead to more bloodshe vocate national unity peace and prosperity.
“Give Saami thehu traditional homelands. religion to those born L guage rights to non-N citizens of Norway.
"Ugly Norwegian, much for you to do th
o THREE-PHASE
TO NORTH-E
EPDP leader and opment, Rehabilitatio tion of the North an North and EastDougle November spelt out a tion to the ethnic pro placed before the PA
He wanted the sta North East Provincia exercise whatever max able in the constitutic leadership.
Under phase one litical leadership for cial Council with rep people at an election to dent Chandrika Kum interim council for th sent taking into consi situation, Devananda news conference on
In the second pha obtain the necessary immediately, our p Chapter 17A of the all the Provincial (

15 NOVEMBER 2000
separatist leaders heir lives from the tion occurs in Sri it will be the plight the whole Tamil provinces other East enjoying the ind tolerance of the ti-separatist Tamil rantee that the ugly sing that was cone Tamil separatists not be repeated in is are increased by a fact. These tenon Tamils pushing and Eastern provsts who describe 's of Tamil people uelling racial ten:al enemies of the
aratism which will d, whereas we adthat will lead to
Inting rights to their
Allow freedom of utherans. Give lanorwegian speaking
go home, There is ere'.
EDSOLUTION AST CRISIS
Minister of Develn and Reconstruci Tamil Affairs of sDevananda on 20 three phased solublem that had been government. e to ensure that the Council is able to imum powers availin under a political
while we favour poNorth East Provinesentation from the beheldsoon, Presiratunga favours an : North East at preleration the ground told journalists at a 0 November.
eas it is difficult to wo-thirds majority oposal is to table Constitution before ouncils and get it
passed with a simple majority to amend this chapter so that powers can be increased to the councils.
Once this amendment is passed by a simple majority it could be implemented in practical terms without delay. Under this system you do away with concurrent list and grant more powers to the provinces adding certain things in the package, he said.
Through this process all provinces can enjoy more powers and the people will have confidence in the political process. This would lead to confidence building among all communities as people will have faith in the government in devolving powers which would not lead to separation, he explained.
In the third ofthephases, once the confidence had been built one could decide on character of unit where majority of people, the UNP, PA can be brought into obtain their support for the necessary twothird majority. If the LTTE likes they could enter this process at that time, the minister noted.
Mr. Devananda said that he had discussed this position of his proposal with President Chandrika Kumaratunga many times and it has been agreed to introduce these measures.
So now we call upon the government to set up an interim council for the North East to give political leadership and powers where all parties having representation from the North East being included in the interim council.
On the issue of government's peace negotiations with the LTTE at the initiative of the Norwegian Government's Special Envoy Mr. Eric Solheim, the EPDP will not stand in the way of the LTTE wanting to enter democratic political process, Devananda said adding, "But one should be cautious, wait and see if the LTTE is really serious and sincere in negotiations. We believe that today the LTTE has been pressurised by the international community to enter negotiations."
Along with EPDP leader and Minister Douglas Devanandaat the press briefing were advisor Dr. K. Vigneswaran, MP S. Thavarajah, Ex-MP S. Sivadasan, MP Kugendran, Ex-MP Rasamanikkam, MP Gunasekeram, Mrs. Maheswari Velautham, Co-ordinating Secretary to the Minister (Hindu Affairs and Human Rights).
O NDAS
"FLUCTUATING POLICY Questions are being raised in military and diplomatic circles about what they de

Page 7
15 NOVEMBER 2000
scribe as the "fluctuating Indian policy" towards Sri Lanka in the context of the continuing fighting between the LTTE and government forces and the latest developments concerning the Norwegian peace initiative.
It should be noted that, not very long ago, only in April this year, when the Colombo government ran into panic about the fate of 40,000 soldiers in the Jaffna peninsula in the wake of an offensive by the Tamil Tigers and called for help, India firmly said that there would be no Indian military involvement.
Now India has become one of Sri Lanka's main military suppliers following the decision to sell two Sukanya class Offshore Patrol Vessels (OPVs) to Sri Lanka. India is also reported to have decided to share intelligence and carry out joint naval patrol in regard to certain "sensitive areas'.
Sri Lanka Navy Commander ViceAdmiral Cecil Tissera who made an official visitto India on November 2 had met several Indian Defence officials, including Indian Defence Secretary Yogendra Narain, Navy Chief Admiral Sushil Kumar, Deputy Army Chief Lt. Gen. Vijay Oberoi and Deputy Air Force Chief Vinod Patney. He could not meet the Chief of the Army and of the Air Force since they were away in Kargil in Jammu-Kashmir.
India's naval assistance had been sought by Sri Lanka Navy in countering the LTTE's arms trafficking operations specially in the high seas. The Indian navy agreed to sell two war ships to the Sri Lankan navy from its Naval Aviation Wing to expand and strengthen the basic infrastructure of the Sri Lanka Navy.
These ships are capable of staging helicopters such as Chetak. This is in fact the special feature of these ships. One of the purchased ships at a cost of US$ 20 million is due to touch the Lankan waters within a month. This Korean-built ship was commissioned in 1989 at Masan and later was purchased by India where the armaments were equipped.
According to a highly-placed Naval source, since the ship's potential role is changeable, the fire calibre could be modernised and according to the need of the operation more weapons could be affixed when it arrives in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lanka navy is also expected to get weaponry like surface-to-surface guns fitted in the OPV from India.
The one which is being built at an Indian dockyard is expected to arrive in Sri Lanka by 2002. According to the agree
ment the latest re Lankan navy could ship while being ( to reliable sources. The Indian Nav Sri Lankan naval lowing the Sri Lar deal to purchase S July, About 100 sa the last week of Ju 120 sailors were se of August to India ships. The visit of turned out to be a Chetak helicopter \ ment while an agre Chetak helicopters ing the week-long ( these Chetaks cant missions but could ing purposes
Indian sources velopments in re weapons related tra lombo and Delhi ir dian involvementi the Sri Lankan gov Tigers. They point got its fingers burr the IPKF intervent only to be asked to and the Sri Lanka up together in an a Any assistance to the Colombo go and denounced by ises that India has the developments c island-neighbour, is averse to the div the creation of a se the Tamil Tigers a remained a banned since the assassinat ister Rajiv Gandh According to LTT Anton Balasinghai ment cannot play a ing a mediatory ra conflict until the b maintained.
In the meantim amidst continuing ernment forces anc ports suggest that t more modern soph tem.S.
A report in a (The Weekend Ex said, quoting "hi sources', that the gunship helicopte down by

TAM TIMES 7
quirements of the Sri be amalgamated in this onstructed, according
y has been training the pilots and sailors folkan Navy signing the ukanya class OPVs in ilors were sent during y and another team of ht during the first week to be trained on these the Navy Commander successful one when a was given as a compleament to buy two more was entered into durfficial visit. However, lot be used for assault well be used for spy
ieny that the recent degard to military and nsactions between Coepresent a sign of Inn the conflict between ernment and the Tamil to the fact that India it during the period of ion in Sri Lanka later get out when the LTTE n government ganged nti-Indian crusade.
given by New Delhi overnment is resented the LTTE. LTTE reala legitimate interest in oncerning its southern out also knows that it rision of the island by parate state for which refighting. LTTE has organisation in India ion former Prime Minin September 1991. E's main spokesman, n, the Indian governny active role in playble in the Sri Lankan an on the LTTE was
2, on the military front, fighting between govthe Tamil Tigers, rehe LTTE has acquired isticated weapon sys
Colombo newspaper press, 19 November) ghly placed defence Russian built MI-24 which was brought
LTTE's Radha Anti-Aircraft Wing during an assault mission in Marble Beach, in Trincomalee on October 23 was confirmed to have been hit by Russianbuilt SA-14 short-range missile. The illfated gunship which was salvaged by Naval divers was inspected by a special Russian expert, Colonel Alexander who established the fact that it was hit by an SA-14 missile. These SA-14 and SA-16 heat-seeking missiles are portable and could be launched from the shoulder.
The question troubling the minds of the military brass in Colombo is as to how theLTTE was able to buy these high-tech missiles which were not available in the open market. If one wants to buy it, one has to prove his bona fide. Therefore, they suggest it would have been impossible for a movement like the LTTE to buy it unless a third party with "acknowledged credentials' was involved in the transaction. Now the probe centres around the issue as to whether the LTTE has any bona fide partners at international level.
O EPDPACCUSESFMM
OF JOURNALISTIC LAWLESSNESS"
The Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) has denounced the Free Media Movement's (FMM) statements casting suspicion on the Party for the killing of journalist Nimalarajan and accused it of journalistic lawlessness.
The EPDP, which is a constituent of the governing coalition and the leader of which is a cabinet minister, in a press release issued recently stated that FMM has overstepped the limits of journalistic ethics and misused the journalistic freedom and has become politically biased.
The press release added: “The EPDP has not only condemned in strong terms the murder of journalist Nimalarajan, but has also made it clear that it has nothing to do with his killing. But forces that cannot come to terms with the mandate received by us from the people have begun a serious campaign to tarnish our image. These forces are politically motivated and are intent on misleading the ongoing investigations. We wish to make a few points regarding these efforts to implicate the names of the EPDP and Minister Douglas Devananda with the incident.
"Right at the beginning we issued a statement condemning the killing of Nimalarajan. The FMM has chosen not to understand our statement and with mischievous intent has proceeded to distort its contents to the effect that we were jus

Page 8
8 TAMITMES
tifying the murder of Nimalarajan. It may be recalled that on several occasions before, we were wrongfully accused by the media of similar deeds, but time had proved our innocence.
For instance, some years back, fingers were pointed at us of being involved in the killing of Major General Denzil Kobbekaduwa and Lalith Athulathmudali. "In our statement, while condemning the killing of Nimalarajan, we expressed our concern over the dangers that a journalist faced when he stepped beyond the limits of journalistic ethics and got involved with activities of an armed group and surmised that Nimalarajan could have met with his death due to such an involve
ent.
"If the FMM could issue statements which cast suspicion of the EPDP for the killing, then it is nothing but journalistic lawlessness' on the part of the FMM to challenge our right to express our suspicions regarding the killing of Nimalarajan. We also note at the same time that the FMM's actions are such that they overstep the limits of journalistic ethics and the misuse of journalistic freedom, and that they are becoming politically biased. This is clearly proved by the deliberate silence that the FMM adopted when jour
nalist
Cheliyan Perinpa ist of more than thir the Editor of Thinam Nadarajah, Radio B Mariyadas, two Ma more that ten membe ties in the Jaffna Penin in cold blood.
“We wish to emp would be worthy of would give the same i: ings and all violatio) and conduct its activit As long as the wa non-combatant lives; But only the names o quainted would both society would not, ar ate deliberate acts of reasons. While conde are responsible for t untimely deaths, we tion that everyone in work together to pre the future.'
O MORE ARRES IN CAMP MAS Prime Minister R nayake told parliame
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15 NOVEMBER 2000
ayagam, a journalyears experience, lurusu Atputharajah oadcaster Antony 'ors of Jaffna and rs of local authorisula, were murdered
asise that the FMM its name only if it nportance to allkillis of human rights, es without any bias. r continues, several ure bound to be lost. the famous and ac:r us. But a civilised d should not, tolermurder for whatever mning all those who he unjustifiable and nurture the expectathis country would sent such killings in
STS PROMISED SSACRE atnasiri Wickremant 23 November that
the government would make more arrests in connection with last month's massacre of Tamil detainees at the Bindunuwewa rehabilitation camp. He said, "Our investigations show that around 30 more suspects in the massacre are still at large and need to be arrested." He did not say how many suspects were already in custody, but said they included soldiers, policemen and "people who belong to neither of those two forces.'
A machete-wielding mob rampaged through the Bindunuwewa camp near Bandarawela in the country's central highlands on October 25, killing 27 detainees including surrendered Tamil Tiger cadre and child soldiers.
Protests against the carnage by sections of Tamils from the plantation areas turned violent, sparking Sri Lanka's worst inter-communal violence since 1983.
"The government has nothing to hide," said Wickremanayake, promising a "full, fair and impartial inquiry."
Opposition Tamil MPs earlier called for the probe to be conducted by the United Nations or the Commonwealth. Police initially blamed local residents for the massacre but President Chandrika Kumaratunga accused "outside forces' of being responsible. The country's inde
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15 NOVEMBER 2000
pendent Human Rights Commission said the killings appears to have been premeditated while other human rights groups accused the authorities of a cover-up.
Investigations have revealed that the massacre was conducted with support from the police. This massacre took place when 70 police officers were on duty that also included STF officers. The day before the incident a team of 25 army officers were also stationed there for security, but at about 1.30 am the police had said that they were not needed and therefore the Army officers had left.
Though there are many stories of inmates attacking first, so far no evidence have been unearthed about any inmate attacking the police, though they were indications of unrest and dissent. There were eight Sinhalese persons working in the camp and none of them had been attacked by the Tamil inmates. The officer in charge had gone inside the day before the attack and he was not harmed in any way by the inmates, who had even sung the national anthem in Sinhala that morning as usual.
Most of the bodies of the victims were found chopped and killed under their own beds and it was obvious that the inmates had run to their rooms and locked the door to escape death, but the assailants had forcibly entered the rooms and done the killing. According to the officer in charge, when he went to the Camp at 8.30 am the attack had already taken place, but investigations suggest that the killing had taken place at 9.30 am. A blue unmarked Van was seen outside the camp on the previous night when the OIC went in, but so far no identification of it had been established.
o AMNESTYURGES FULL
JUDICIAL INQUIRY
The London-based Amnesty International in a letter dated 27 October sent to the Sri Lankan President said, "Amnesty International is calling for a full and impartial inquiry into the killing of at least 26 inmates of the Bindunuwewa rehabilitation camp near Bandarawela on 25 October 2000. We also urge you to institute a thorough review of the detention regime affecting people held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and emergency regulations (ERs) to prevent the recurrence of such incidents. Such a review should include a thorough examination of the detention provisions under the ERs, including those for rehabilitation and surrender which we believe were key con
tributing factors for incident.
"According to i at least 26 inmates, aged between 14 ar, habilitation after th surrendered as susp Liberation Tigers of died as a result of ir vicious attack by a people from nearby ers, all of whom w Sinhalese communi clubs, machetes an nnentS.
"Apparently, the the context of the ir their early release al after posters had appé earlier urging for the bilitation camp. Wel previous day a guard taken hostage by the i had been tension in th as a result. Accordin when the mob arriv, police officers in cha edly to call for assist talawa army camp. duty to protect the in
"We have noted government, “extern violence. However, personnel deployed camp were at the ve their duty to protect of concern that there some of these polici been involved in inc may have assisted t camp.
“We welcome y( the attack and the si sending two police this incident. Howev is a further need for investigation to ens to be responsible are that compensation is and the relatives ofth "We also seeanu prehensive review of affecting people det and ERs, including t habilitation and surr the provisions for t prisoners (ËR20) pe detained indefinitely habilitation, on the b tion Order issued by tary. ER20A(1) pro held in preventive di tigation under the en

this latest gruesome
formation received, ll young Tamil men il 23 undergoing rey were arrested or cted members of the famil Eelam (LTTE), juries sustained in a mob of hundreds of villages. The villagare members of the y, were armed with other such imple
clash took place in mates' agitation for ld unrest in the area ared a couple of days closure of the rehanderstand that on the had temporarily been nmates and that there e rehabilitation camp g to reports received ed at the centre, the urge ran away, allegance from the DiyaThey failed in their lmateS. that according to the al forces' incited the it is clear that police at the rehabilitation ry least negligent in he inmates. It is also are allegations that 2 officers may have iting the villagers or hem in entering the
fur condemnation of wift action taken by teams to investigate er, in our view, there a full and impartial ire that those found rought to justice and paid to the victims ose who were killed. gent need for a comthe detention regime ined under the PTA he provisions for render. As you know, he rehabilitation of mit a person to be for the purpose ofreasis of a Rehabilitathe Defence Secrevides that prisoners tention or for inves2rgency regulations,
TAM TIMES 9
or who are detained under Section 9 of the PTA, can be the subject of such orders, which are issued 'in the interest of the welfare of such person'. While the Rehabilitation Order must contain a time period, there is no maximum time limit for the period of rehabilitation specified in ER20A. It appears possible, therefore, for people who were originally detained for preventive or investigative reasons to find themselves subject to lengthy detention under Rehabilitation Orders. Reports of agitation among the inmates of the Bindunuwewa rehabilitation centre about delays in their release, despite the time periods of the
Rehabilitation Orders having expired, confirm this.
“Under ER20, people who surrender to the police or armed forces in connection with a range of offences should be handed over within ten days of the surrender to the care of the Commissioner General of Rehabilitation. They should be assigned to a "Protective Accommodation and Rehabilitation
Centre' and given appropriate training. Such people can be held for rehabilitation for up to two years. People who "surrender" because they fear they will be attacked by terrorists, may also be detained for rehabilitation themselves.
“Article 9(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Sri Lanka is a party, requires that all people arrested shall be promptly notified of the reasons for their arrest and promptly informed of any charges against them. Article 9(3) of the ICCPR specifies that "anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be promptly brought before a judge ... and shall be entitled to trial within a reasonable time or to release'. The provisions for rehabilitation and surrender as set out in ER20 are clearly in violation of both standards.
“In December 1997 and January 2000 we appealed to the then Minister of Justice for a full and impartial inquiry after respectively three and two detainees had been killed at Kalutara prison. We were pleased to hear that a presidential commission of inquiry under High Court Justice A. RajaNihal Fernando was appointed after the killings in December 1997 with a mandate to investigate the killings and the conduct of prison guards and others involved in the first incident. The commission was also mandated to make recommendations for measures to prevent the recurrence of such incidents and any remedial measures to be taken. It reportedly concluded its investigations on 23 April

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
1998. To date, however, to our knowledge, the findings of the commission have notbeen madepublic, noris it knownwhat its recommendations were and whether they have been or are being implemented. "We also learned that the investigations into the killings at Kalutara prison in January 2000 have stalled after the police in April sent the dossier to the Attorney General's department for procedural adviceinrelation to theholding ofan identification parade of the alleged perpetratOrS.
“This apparent lack of decisive action to bring to justice those responsible for the killings and generally remedy the situation of detainees may have been factors contributing to the recent killings.
"We request that you give these issues your urgent consideration."
O BINDUNUWEWA MASSACRE CRM CALLS FOR PROBE
Once again persons held in a place of detention authorised by the state have been brutally put to death. The victims are some 28 inmates of the Youth Rehabilitation Centreat Bindunuwewa. The Civil Rights Movement (CRM) expresses its shock and deep concern at this appalling event. It
urges the governmer facts will be properly vealed to the public : sponsible are identil book.
At the present sta unclear. CRM nevert lowing observations.
1) It is clear that the the custody of the sta titled to its special pr
2) An immediate pri ing the safety of thes 13 in number who ar. pital. There is reason second massacre at til 27 July 1983) was a the survivors of the f July 1983) thus elim witnesses.
3) It is a shocking f only were Tamil polit ered in quick success occasions in the san not a single prosec against anyone in this a public inquiry h brought in a verdict
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to ensure that the ascertained and reld that all those reed and brought to
e many aspects are eless makes the fol
ictims were held in e and therefore entection.
rity must be ensururvivors, reportedly injured and in hos
to believe that the le Welikade jail (on attempt to destroy rst massacre (on 25 inating crucial eye
act that in 1983 not ical prisoners butchion on two separate he jail, but also that ution was instituted connection, nor was eld. (The inquests of homicide and the
police were ordered to make further investigations.) Subsequently there have been other attacks on prisoners - at Welikade, at Mahara, at Kalutara. A relevant factor to be considered in examining the horrific events at Bindunuwewa must be the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of custodial killings in particular, and the general climate of impunity that has characterised human rights violations in Sri Lanka.
4) In the present instance the victims were being held in a camp established by the Commissioner General of Rehabilitation and inquests were held under the normal law. If, however, they had been in police or military custody, then the normal law would be by-passed and a much less satisfactory inquiry held. This is due to a change in the emergency regulations in May this year. It is essential that the normal law relating to inquests be restored in respect of all deaths that occur while in the custody of the state or its agencies.
5) The Bindunuwewa Centre in Bandarawela is one of the Centres established under emergency regulations. These regulations provide for rehabilitation of detainees and persons who surrender. Most if
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Page 11
15 NOVEMBER 2000
not all persons under rehabilitation are neither convicted nor under trial for any offence. Some may not be even suspected. For this reason being held in such a centre constitutes a form of detention without trial. These emergency regulations, which have several other unsatisfactory features, need to be reviewed and amended in the light of international human rights standards as a matter of urgency. 6) It is essential that this crime be inquired into thoroughly and efficiently by an independent body. Justice must not only be done but must manifestly be seen to be done. In this regard, it is crucial that the investigation be such as to command the confidence ofthe public, with special consideration to the ethnic dimensions involved.
O OBJECTION TONORTH-EAST
INTERIM. COUNCIL
Some of the Tamil parties represented in Parliament have condemned the government's move as indicated in President Kumaratunga's recent address to the Parliament to set up an interim Council for the North and East.
The views of the Tamil parties are based on the premise that the LTTE remained a major force to be reckoned with and it would be impossible to establish an interim council without its participation or concurrence, the permission or support of the Tigers.
The TULF asserted that the party will continue to take the same stand as before and will not support the establishment of an interim council for the North and East. Giving reasons, the TULF's Vice President Anandasangari reiterated that without the support of the LTTE no administration is possible in the North and East. In this context he said that it would be an absolute farce to establish a body that cannot function.
Furthermore he added that since it is a foregone conclusion that the council would be dominated by the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP), the TULF would under no circumstances support such a council since the EPDP he said are guilty of large scale election malpractices and violence.
The TULF however would fully support peace talks between the government and the LTTE. This is the only way to end the war, he said, adding that the TULF has always been misunderstood for taking this stand and been accused of supporting the Tamil Tigers.
Appathurai Vinayagamoorthy, Presi
dent, All Ceylon Tal ated the TULF view thereisnopointinhav cil without first holdir the Tigers. "It is the L regarded as the soler North and East,' hea ACTC will not suppc tablish such a count ended.
The ACTC leade knowledge of the grc northeast is proof tha pation of the LTTE it tablish an administ northeast.
Shipping Ministe co-leader of the Sri L gress was less hostile terim Council. His vi establishing an interit portant to first consul represented in parlian sensus on the issue.
Hakeem maintain an interim councilint rived from the fact tha vincial council has no ate and as a result the being done by officia direction. He said the council had been wor upon by both the PA draft constitution was ment.
Hakeempointed o terim council could b. cessation of hostilities erwise the lives of the council will be in peril was of the view thath would tolerate other T in such a council in group was invited to the government.
O RADHKAWIN HUMAN RIGHTSA
Dr. Radhika Coon the Human Rights pr sity of Oslo Lisl and for her contribution
WOTlen.
The awards will at a special ceremon held at the universitet old festival hall, on TI ber.
Commenting on Coomaraswamy said, given not to me bl cause is the moveme

mil Congress reiterIoint, asserting that ing an interim coung consultations with TTE who should be
presentatives of the
ded, saying that the rt any moves to esil until the war is
pointed out that a und situation in the t minus the particiis impossible to esative body in the
r. Rauf Hakeem, the anka Muslim Conto the idea of an inew was that before ncouncil it was im: all political parties lent and seek a con
ed that the need for he northeast was deut the northeast prot been able to operadministration was ls with no political terms for an interim ked out and agreed and UNP before the presented to parlia
ut that ideally an inestablished after a was in effect. “Othmembers of such a ”he noted. Hakeem doubted the LTTE amil party members the event the rebel join the council by
S OSLO WARD
laraswamy has won ze of the UniverLeo Eitingers prize in violence against
pe presented to her , scheduled to be gamle festival, the uesday 28 Novem
he award, Radihka "These awards are c, for a cause. The tto eradicate vio
TAMILTIMES 1
lence against women."
This is the second such award Dr. Coomaraswamy has won this year. In October she received the Bruno Kreisky Foundation Award for Human Rights from Austria which she dedicated to the late Dr. Neelan.
Thiruchelvam who was assassinated in July last year. She is also the recipient of the International Human Rights law award presented by the International Human Rights Law group for outstanding contribution to international human rights, in 1997, Prominent Women in International Law from the American Society of International law in 1996 and the International Law Award of the American Bar Association in l995.
Radhika is the director of the International Center for Ethnic studies in Colombo and United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence againstwomen.
O . REMEMBERING
RAMANUJAM
The Sri Lankan government issued a postage stamp to commemorate life and contribution of the late D. Ramanujam recently
The late Mr. Ramanujam was an exMP and former Deputy Mayor of the central highland city of Kandy. More importantly, he was also a well known trade unionist both in national and international trade union movement. 4
Ramanujam, hailing from the teaplantation areas known as the Hill Country died 32 years ago. It is said that it took so long to remember his services to the country by the issue of a commemorative postage stamp in his honour.
It is of significance to note that even before the formation of the Ceylon Indian Congress (later to become Ceylon Workers Congress), Ramanujampioneered the establishment of a "Sangam", meaning a union, to sponsor the rights of the workers of Indian origin in the Hill country. He then became a Founder member of the CIC.
His services however were not confined to the members of his own community. His wider contribution to society on a non-sectarian basis promoting harmony amidst ethnic diversity resulted in him being elected for many terms to the Kandy Municipal Council. It was his unique contribution that enabled Ramanujam to be elected Deputy Mayor of the Kandy Municipal Council when all other members of the Council, except him belonged to (continued on next page)

Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
(Continued from page 28)
the Sinhala community. He crowned his political career by being elected as a Member of Parliament for Aluthnuwara in 1947 from a predominantly Sinhala speaking constituency, an achievement unique in Sri Lanka's political history.
What was dearest to Mr. Ramanujam's heart was his abiding commitment to the workers/trade union movement. With his intellectual attainments, his value and worth were automatically recognized in many an international forums. He was a delegate of the CWC to the International Labour Organisation(ILO), an official of the International Confederation of Free Trade Union (ICFTU) for many years culminating in the prestigious appointment as Regional Director, South East Asia of ICFTU, representing ICFTU at most of the meetings of the UN body, ECAFE.
o MISSING PANTINGS:
PREMADASASSON-N-LAW IN CUSTODY
The son-in-law of Sri Lanka's assassinated President Ranasinghe Premadasa has been arrested following a probe into the disappearance of a valuable painting from the official presidential house. A magistrate ordered the detention of Rohan Jayakody, married to Premadasa's daughter, until December 6 after the police held him in connection with the theft of a more than 100-year-old painting.
Police said Jayakody was admitted to a state hospital under tight security after he complained of chest pains and high blood pressure.
Since the assassination of Premadasa on 1 May 1993, there have been allegations ofvaluables missing from the presidential residence. Two years after Premadasa's death, the new government of President Chandrika Kumaratunga ordered a probe into any such thefts.
The government tableda reportin parliament in 1995 saying that a gem placed near the bedroom of widow Premadasa was missing after she vacated the government bungalow following the slaying of her husband.
While the former president's widow Mrs Hema Premadasa has been keeping low profile in recent times, his son Sajith Premadasa has emerged as a powerful politician in southern Sri Lanka and is presently a Member of Parliament belonging to the opposition United National
Party.
(Text of the speech Britain's Deputy F livered at the Bri lombo on 23 Nove
It is a great pl. here today. This is Lanka and it is a g me to get to know and to learn about Everyone I speak t priority on the pol agenda is to find the ethnic conflic events in Sri Lank interest and sadnes shared history and a fellow member of family. It is a trag lives being lost ar portunities missed destructive conflic The UK is keen for a peaceful sett plex problem if we But the solution m Sri Lanka if it is to is no magic wandt side can wave to So I have not com conceived ideas ol ment might take; t Government and Lanka.
But others ha internal conflict a ways of giving di a greater say in th own affairs with would like to sha the experiences th UK, particularly Northern Ireland. I want to suggest have developed must necessarily the Sri Lankan co have encountered that you face anc thing of value in you can draw up Since our L came to power i volved power to
 

15 NOVEMBER 2000
by Hon. Peter Hain, 'reign Minister, desh Council in Conber2000) asure for me to be my first visit to Sri Jod opportunity for ey opinion formers he issues of the day. agrees that the top tical and economic lasting solution to t. I have followed a with considerable s, as a friend with a :ommon values, and the Commonwealth edy to see so many d development opI as a result of this
t. to help in the search lement to this com2 are asked to do so. st come from within be sustainable. There hat people from outmake things better. e here with any prewhat form a settlehat is a matter for the the people of Sri
ve also experienced ld have searched for fferent communities governance of their n a unitary state. I e with you some of at we have had in the in the context of do this, not because that the formula we n Northern Ireland pe the right one for text; but because we ome of the problems there may be someat experience which
bour Government 1997, we have deScotland and Wales
ce through changen SliEI[IlliDIE)[EriEIGE
and, as part of a Peace Process to Northern Ireland as well. Each has a different model of devolution. The Scottish Parliament has fully-fledged legislative powers over most things, excluding foreign and defence policy and social security. The Welsh Assembly has more limited control over key areas like education, health and economic development. The powers of the Northern Ireland Assembly fall midway between those of Scotland and Wales.
Conflicts around the world - for example, in the Middle East, Kashmir, Western Sahara, the Balkans, South Africa, Indonesia and Spain - have some similarities. But each has its own unique history demanding its own unique solution.
Nevertheless we can learn lessons and draw from each others experiences. I would like today to concentrate on how the United Kingdom has worked towards a negotiated settlement in Northern Ireland, following centuries of bitter conflict, horrendous violence. terrorism, discrimination and injustice. We have not yet secured a genuinely lasting peace embraced by all. But we are making significant progress which just a few years ago would have been regarded as impossible. And if Sri Lankans continue to despair about the prospects for peace in their own beautiful island, they can take courage from the fact that the conflict in Northern Ireland goes back much longer and has been at least as bitter and entrenched.
The Principle of Devolution
But first, the principle, of devolution itself. Some ask: will it not ultimately lead to the break up of the nation state?
I firmly believe that it will not. Our devolution arrangements respect the history, culture and tradition of different parts of the United Kingdom. The strengthen not weaken our Union. The arrangement which we have put in place seek to devolve to the constituent parts of the UK the power to manage their own affairs in the areas which

Page 13
15 NOVEMBER 2000
are of most concern to the local populations. At the same time, they reserve for the national government the tasks which are best performed at the national level.
The Prime Minister, Tony Blair, recently commented: "Devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, alongside changes under way at regional and local levels in England, have all strengthened the ability of each part of the United Kingdom to find solutions which meet their particular needs while maintaining the integrity of the United Kingdom and respecting the common interest and traditions which bind us all together, wherever we live."
Devolution has required courage, but it is the forging of a new, modern Britain - a strong, multinational, multicultural and multiethnic country, where our strength comes not from uniformity but from diversity; not from a flattening process of programmed assimilation, but from a democratic renewal through mutual tolerance and respect. I believe that devolution, rather than undermining the UK, will actually strengthen it.
I fought apartheid in the old South Africa because I hated racism and I believed in equality, justice, pluralism and the dignity of all ethnic and religious groups. I know that the Sri Lankan people share these beliefs and care deeply about their diverse cultures, languages and traditions. Nelson Mand-ela's "rainbow nation' vision for South Af. rica is a vision the British Government shares and we are proud to be a multicultural, multiethnic, multifaith and indeed multinational state. Devolution is one example of how that vision is put into practice.
I hope devolution will awaken a greater civic interest and encourage people to participate in determining their own local affairs. By recognising and accommodating the diversity that exists in the UK, by allowing its various parts to do things differently, I believe we strengthen the UK. It is this ability to adapt and adjust, to evolve and improve in response to changing circumstances, that has been the hallmark of democracy in Britain. I hope it will be a model, which your island will share.
The Irish Expel
So how did Northern Ireland? of Great Britain a United Kingdom Ireland. Britain's I and oppressive. B the 19th Century," lution) for Ireland the major issues From 1886 onwar ernment made sev tempts to legislate In the aftermat War, the British legislated for Hom then the pressure dependent Irish St ing and in 1921 the to become the Rep. established in the six counties of the cluded; they were United Kingdomar own devolved parl ment.
These six count land were dominat Protestant commun the population).
Historically, the closely with Britai Unionists, as they f tween Northern Ire the United Kingdor man Catholic popu tify with the indep Ireland to the soutil Nationalists. After ists were effectiv power by a Union ruled with intoler blatant discriminal lics.
A distinguishin Ireland is its long t for political ends. background of grc the devolved gov pended in 1972 al London put in its man rights were als tor 30 years ago at called Troubles. U. the 1970s Roman C larly the victims of example in gainin housing and to job. and public sectors. Throughout the

Ce evolution come to n 1801 the marriage Ireland created the f Great Britain and le was often violent the second half of omne rule” (or devohad become one of of British politics. ls the Liberal Govral unsuccessful ator Irish Home Rule. of the First World government finally Rule. However, by or a completely inte was overwhelmrish Free State, later blic of Ireland, was outh. However, the North were not inleft as part of the d were granted their iament and govern
lies of Northern Ireed by the majority ity (roughly 60% of
Protestants identify n and are known as avour the union beland and the rest of n. The minority Rolation tend to idenendent Republic of and are known as 1921 the National:ly excluded from ist majority which nce, injustice and on against Catho
factor of Northern adition of violence (t was against this wing violence that ernment WaS Su Sd direct rule from lace. Civil and huo an important facthe start of the socil reform began in htholics were regudiscrimination, for access to public in both the private
insuing years, suc
ALTMES 13
cessive British governments, both Labour and Conservative, and the main political parties in Northern Ireland have looked for a way to restore a measure of self rule which would ensure the interests and rights of the minority community were fully represented. The history of the negotiations which led to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement is long and complex.
But it is marked by a recognition by successive British - and Irish - Governments, of whatever party, that an enduring solution can only come about if institutions are established which are accepted as legitimate across the whole community. This essentially bipartisan approach over many years, both within the UK and Ireland, and between our two Governments, has been important in achieving success. The Agreement now offers Northern Ireland the best chance of peace in a generation.
The Good Friday Agreement
So what is the Good Friday Agreement?
It deals not only with the political relationships within Northern Ireland, but with Northern Ireland's relationships with the Republic of Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom. This took the form of the so-called Three Strand Approach, which is at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement, and as a concept had been around in talks going back at least as far as 1991.
Strand One has produced the involvement of both communities in the devolved Government of Northern Ireland: the sharing of power. The Agreement established an Assembly elected by proportional representation capable of exercising executive and legislative authority with safeguards to protect the rights and interests of all parties within the community.
Strand Two has established structured co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The form agreed includes a Council made up of Ministers from the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Republic of Ireland, plus cross border bodies handling specific subjects with all-Ireland implications.
Strand Three establishes new institutions to handle both bilateral relations between London and Dublin and also a British Irish Council, bringing to

Page 14
4 TAMITMES
gether representatives of the British and Irish Governments and the devolved administrations in Scotland, Wales and Nor-thern Ireland.
Underlying the Agreement is the acceptance by all that the people of Northern Ireland are free to choose whether to remain part of the United Kingdom, as a majority clearly want at present, or to become part of an independent united Ireland. Also an acceptance that all parts of the community are free to pursue their differing aspirations, as long as they do so by exclusively peaceful and democratic means. But the Agreement goes further than simply issues of national identity, the constitutional status of Northern Ireland and political representation, vital though they are.
It is also about Northern Ireland's future being one of fairness, justice and opportunity for all. These elements are particularly important to ordinary people in Northern Ireland, particularly those from the minority nationalist community, who in the past have been denied agreed rights.
The Agreement ensures that the human rights of all sections of the community in Northern Ireland are fully recognised and protected. It is about creating new and inclusive social structures in Northern Ireland to ensure justice, fairness and equality for all sections of the community.
The Main Challenge
So how did we achieve a process which produced this Agreement? How did we manage to negotiate with those speaking for paramilitary groups, most notably the IRA, which had only recently been responsible for horrendous acts of terrorism and assassination? A question perhaps of special interest to Sri Lankans.
The main challenge confronting all the democratic participants in the negotiations was how to involve parties closely associated with terrorist organisations. There was a natural concern about engaging in direct negotiation with political representatives associated with organisations responsible for terrorist campaigns. Some of those who ended up talking across the negotiating table had relatives or neighbours who had died in terrorist attacks.
The approach that we took as a
Government was th to affirm their total mitment to exclusiv peaceful means. Ce their paramilitary w to be genuine and sions from ceasefir sion of participant two occasions,
Deciding whe group's ceasefire i ing, rather than sim tic, is probably the confronting any go ing a negotiating ! we have seen in No paramilitary orga very nature operati ture difficult to u1 outside. They natu cretive, authorita cratic. Nonetheless ern Ireland, the p views were a refle treme one, of the views and tensions society.
There is almost ment of ambiguity violence. But it is e who want to give position where it i ble for them to go
They need to b litical process wh opportunity to ach their objectives. A ernments need to b own minds about t ciples and what t With this firm fran can then try to be up with initiatives moving forward, ple, over such is meet with the par representatives, ta OI.
Two particula to come up in any kind seen in North military prisoner missioning ofwe The early rel prisoners is alway versial. But it ca part of the proce terrorists into the This was a key pa Agreement. With

tthose parties had und absolute com:ly democratic and sefires declared by ngs had to be seen asting. Transgresled to the suspenfrom the talks on
n a paramilitary
genuine and lastly a short term tachardest judgement ternment in initiatrocess of the type thern Ireland. Such Iisations, by their } in a political culderstand from the tally tend to be seian and undemon the case of Northramilitary groups' ction, albeit an expassionately held of a deeply divided
bound to be an elleabout any halt to issential to tie those up violence into a s virtually impossiback.
e locked into a poich gives them the ieve at least part of the same time govevery clear in their heir own basic prinheir bottom line is. lework in place, one nventive in coming to keep the process ncluding for examues as agreeing to militaries' political ks about talks and so
issues almost certain peace process of the ern Ireland are pararelease and decom
pons. ase of paramilitary likely to be controform an important of binding former democratic process. t of the Good Friday ut it, it is unlikely a
15 NOVEMBER
broad-based, sustainable settlement could have been achieved.
Decommissioning of weapons is also an integral part of the Good Friday Agreement. The people of Northern Ireland want and deserve reassurance that there is an end to violence for good. Decommissioning has not yet happened, but as a first step the IRA opened some of their arms dumps in June 2000, to two eminent independent, international inspectors, who carried out a second inspection of these dumps in October.
Finally a few thoughts on the actual talks process itself and some of the elements that helped achieve Agreement. Conflict weariness on the part c: the paramilitaries after 30 years ofconflict, and the acceptance that they could not achieve their aims by violence, was undoubtedly a factor. The strong public yearning for peace has also beer. crucial, both in encouraging the polit:- cians in their search for a solution anc in underpinning the Agreement once reached. This has manifested itself both in the findings of opinion polls but als, in the establishment and growth ci many non-Governmental voluntary and self-help groups that have worked ti bring about reconciliation between the communities, in many cases by devoting their efforts to practical, grassroots projects.
international involvement
An integral part of the process was the involvement of the internation2" community. A major role was player by various distinguished internationa. figures. Centralto success was the participation of former US Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell, as Chairman of the Good Friday Agreement negotiations; his co Chairman, ex-head C the Canadian Armed Forces Geners. John de Chastelain; and former Prime Minister of Finland, Harri Holkeri. Al! played an important, manifestly neutral role in facilitating the negotiations.
Patience, patience, and yet more patience were perhaps the most important of the many qualities Senator Mitchell and his colleagues brought to the process. Senator Mitchell returned to Northern Ireland yet again in the autumn of 1999 to conduct a review of the implementation of the Agreement. which produced the breakthrough al

Page 15
15 NOVEMBER 2000
lowing for the establishment to the Agreement's various institutions.
General de Chastelain has continued his involvement as Chairman of the Independent International Decommissioning commission, where his two colleagues are a former US diplomat and a senior Finnish army officer with past experience of decommissioning in the Balkans. The Patten Commission on police reform also included 3 international members, each with specific expertise on policing issues, two from the US and one from Canada.
Similarly the Tribunal set up to look into the events of Bloody Sunday in 1972, when 13 civilians were killed during a demonstration in Londonderry, is being conducted by three senior judges, one British one Canadian and one Australian.
This international involvement has helped reassure members of both communities: being seen as having the necessary expertise for the task; and as clearly free of any bias towards one community or the other.
But the commitment and determination of the political leaders of Northern Ireland was probably most important in achieving an Agreement in the end. They showed an extraordinary courage in setting aside the hatreds and violence of 30 years, in which some had been directly involved, to hammer out an agreement. The actual talks process leading to the Good Friday Agreement lasted on and off for over 2 years, although many of the ingredients in the final Agreement had been the subject of negotiations going back several years before this. In the end setting a firm and realistic deadline, in this case Easter 1998, also helped concentrate minds. The high level personal involve
ment of both the B1 Ministers in the fi the intervention of crucial moments, v
CCSS.
Compromise an
It was also ess a lesson learned tempts, that all par nothing was agre was agreed. This dence to explore a eement with less fe on their fundame other words they k not be left at the having made conc eas without getting
In the end no p they wanted in thi promise was essen be achieved. Com tion, commitment qualities that will b institutions estal Agreement are to \
The Good Fric Northern Ireland di business. Society mal. Positive chan the economic clim and hopes of the p still problems to be is needed on all sid gains that have be long run I believe N prove that force ( democracy as the ferences.
Territorial integi
Devolution is r is in its infancy. V and radical change
Tani
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itish and Irish Prime al stages, as well as President Clinton at "as also a key to suc
d Commitment ential, and reflected from previous atties understood that ed until everything gave parties confireas of possible agrar of compromising ntal objectives. In new that they would end of the process, essions in some arsomething in return. arty got everything : Agreement. Comtial in order for it to promise, co-operaand courage are all be needed if the new olished under the work. lay Agreement and 2volution are now in is returning to norges can be seen in ate and in the spirit eople. But there are solved. More work es to consolidate the en made. But in the Northern Ireland will an never supplant solution to our dif
ity & Autonomy ew to the UK and it We have made bold s to the way the UK
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TAM TIMES 15
is governed. The establishment of devolution has required much effort and continues to challenge us as we adapt to changing circumstances.
lf our experience is useful to you, we are more than happy to share it. Sri Lanka has suffered enough from a long and destructive conflict, which has drained the island's material, emotional and moral resources for the past 18 years. No two conflicts are the same: Sri Lanka must find its own solution to its own problem. But I cannot emphasise strongly enough the need for patience and a properly thought out process, which gives all section of the community an opportunity to contribute to the search for peace.
Britain stands ready to help Sri Lanka in any way we can, and remains fully supportive of Norwegian peace facilitation efforts in its dialogue with the Government and the LTTE. I am convinced that both the Government's insistence upon the territorial sovereignty of the whole island, and the LTTE's objective of autonomy, can be secured. But for that to happen the shooting must stop and the talking must Start.
This is a war neither side can win militarily. It is a conflict that cannot be resolved without elected leaders being prepared to sit down with people who may well be responsible for barbarous assassinations, but who do have a legitimate political programme which needs to be engaged, not shunned. It took far too long for us to learn that lesson in Britain, and far too many lives were lost as a consequence,
Equally, the LTTE, like the IRA, need to acknowledge that, whilst a Tamil Kingdom constitutionally split from the rest of the island will not receive recognition by Europe, the USA or indeed India, the principle of selfdetermination and control over most if not all the key policies affecting daily life would be supported by the international community. There is no future for a Sri Lanka paralysed by dogma, intransigence and cruelty. Compromises difficult decisions and tough choices will be needed, some painful.
This is a time for boldness, vision and strong leadership. The Sri Lankan people deserve no less from their leaders, both Sinhaliese and Tamil. O

Page 16
16 AMILTIMES
International Pres Mounts in Peace E
Colombo Correspondent
he European Union urged the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE to talk and work out a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict in a statement issued on November 13. The statement added that all countries associated with the European Union and the European Economic Area had aligned themselves with the European Union's declaration. Britain and Australia too had hitched themselves to the band that supports Norwegian facilitation.
Britain is sending its junior foreign minister Peter Hain to Colombo on November 22 to impress on the Sri Lankan government and representatives of all communities the need to settle the ethnic conflict through dialogue. Hain told the London media when he announced his Colombo visit that Britain continues to urge both sides to cease hostilities and seek a long term solution through dialogue in a peaceful climate.
The European Union statement had laid down clearly the parameters within which the negotiated settlement had to be worked out It said: "The European Union is strongly in favour of these negotiations, which must take substantial account of the aspirations of the Tamil minority while respecting the cultural and religious diversity of Sri Lanka and not undermining the inalienable principle of the territorial integrity and unity of the country.'
Hain too told the media that the solution to Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict lies in "addressing the hopes and concerns of all the Tamil people within a united Sri Lanka.' While in Colombo he would explain Britain's experience in dealing the Northern Irish problem and launch a programme on community-building and conflict resolution.
Australian envoy in Colombo who visited Batticoloa on November 15 also repeated the same formula to a cross
section of the Tam expressed his confic cess of the Norweg
Safeguarding th rial integrity of Sri ing substantially th Tamils had emerge the international co
Norwegian fac voy Erik Solheim, h same phraseology d ference in Colomb the day after his his LTTE supremo Vel at Malavi, Vanni. H told Pirabhaharan ti to be within the un added that he had 1 LTTE chief who is the Sri Lankan sta years for a separate Eelam that the inter| would never accep Lanka. Solheim tol the solution would count of the aspira people.
Tamil Aspiratior The Norwegiar told President Char Kumaratunga that reacted positively t community's posi that the LTTE had its claim for a sepal ated settlement is the President that take substantial ac rations.
Neither Solhei Union spelt out ev the shape and con should take. They out by the warring gotiations. The ma sorted out had be in the long drawn
 
 

1 people there and ence about the sucan endeavour. e unity and territoLanka and satisfyaspirations of the d as the refrain of mmunity. ilitator, special enad used exactly the uring his press cono on November 2, storic meeting with upillai Pirabhaharan He said that he had hat the solution has ited Sri Lanka. He made it clear to the waging war against te for the past 17 state called Tamil national community t the division of Sri di Pirabhaharan that take substantial actions of the Tamil
S
special envoy had drika Bandaranaike Pirabhaharan had o the internationally tion, which meant agreed to abandon ate state if a negotiworked out. He told the solution should count of Tamil aspi
m nor the European en in general terms tent of the solution
parties through netters that need to be in clearly identified process of finding a
15 NOWEBER
solution - the nature of the state, the unit of devolution and the extent of the powers to be devolved. They were first recognized in the famously aborted Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact of 1957. In that pact the basic ingredients for the solution were incorporated-elements of federalism, the merged northeast region and devolving powers to it. The Tamil aspiration since the founding of the Federal Party in 1949 by S. J. V; Chelvanayakam was a federal Sri Lankan state which would ensure the autonomy of the Tamil majority north-eastern region of the country Tamils had voted overwhelmingly for such a solution in five elections during 1956 to 1970. It was after a definite denial ofthat aspiration by the 1972 constitution which declared the Sri Lankar. state to be unitary Tamils opted to the other alternative of a separate state called Tamil Eelam.
President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga announced on 3 August 1995 that Sri Lanka shall be a free, sovereign and independent Republic, being a Union of Regions, and shall be known the Republic of Sri Lanka.
Tamils welcomed it as it tried to meet Tamil aspiration which was to replace the unitary state with a federa. structure which would enable them to manage their own affairs.
Tamils were aggrieved with Article 1 of the current 1978 constitution which had declared Sri Lanka a unitary state thus denying their demand for autonomy for the Tamil majority northern and eastern parts of the country. The concerned constitutional provision reads: "Sri Lanka is a Free, Sovereign, Independent and Democratic Socialist Republic and shall be known as the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sn Lanka.” Article 2 declares: The Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State.”
Article 1 of the First Working Draft presented to the Parliamentary Select
bodied President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga's August 3 proposals stated: Sri Lanka is a united and sovereign Republic and shall be known as the Republic of Sri Lanka, The Republic of Sri Lanka shall be an indissoluble Union of Regions. The word "indissoluble' was introduced to satisfy Sinhala opposition. The Sinhala criticism was then focused on the use

Page 17
15 NOVEMBER 2000
of the word "united'. In response the government in its 1997 October proposals replaced the word "united" with the word "one'. Then the proposal read: Sri Lanka is one, Sovereign and Independent Republic, being an indissoluble Union of Regions, and shall be known as the Republic of Sri Lanka.
In these two formulations the federal character of the state was maintained though it was circumscribed in such a way to deny the Tamils their inalienable right of self determination, This was amended further at the behest of the UNP to reintroduce the unitary character. Article 1 of the draft constitutional reform bill presented to Parliament by President Kumaratunga reads: The Republic of Sri Lanka is one, free, sovereign and independent State consisting of the institutions of the Centre
cise power as laid down in the Constitution.
Though it had been argued by constitutional experts that the federal ellement that the Tamils wanted had been enshrined into the constitution through the recognition of the institutions of the Regions the fact remains that the Sinhala leaders are reluctant to accept an open federal system.
The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) is currently meeting the Colombo-based foreign envoys to brief them about Tamil aspirations; federal structure of the state, merged north - eastern region and extensive powers devolved to the region to enable the people there to govern themselves. TULF leaders R. Sampanthan and Joseph Pararajasingham told the American ambassador that the draft constitution President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga placed before Parliament on October 3 fell far short of meeting Tamil aspirations. The President's August 3, 1995 proposals, they argued, came close to satisfying substantially Tamil aspirations. Those proposals had been progressively whittled down due to the pressures of the Sinhala fundamentalists, the TULF leaders told the American and European envoys.
Two other Tamil groups represented in Parliament, Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC)
able because it acc "foremost place" religions practiced inferior status. In a ates the Ministry o makes it mandator to consult the Su Maha Sabgha on th protect and foste Eelam People’s (EPDP), which had wants substantial made to the consti In a newspaper than posed the que erates have rejecte tion and do you s LTTE to accept it?” the political soluti draft constitution question in its reve had rejected the dr. do you think that W
The Three Alterr But the Preside ber 9 Policy State reviving the constit sented to Parliamen appealed to the Men specially that of the the question. She in ness to discuss it ful Sangha and other si ety.
Credit should be dent for diagnosing afflict the Sri Lanka November Policy S tified the real cause sis as the failure of Sri Lanka to build a able for a pluralisti "The real cause of that the minority co had a fair or reason share in the politic nomic power struct This is now the pro of government no country. When we nial state structure designing alternati would fit a pluralist failed to carry out sponsibility that fil has thrust upon us, strong and united S She argued for solution to the prese

orded Buddhism the hus relegating the by the minorities to idition the Bill creBuddha Sasana and for the government preme Council of e measures taken to ' Buddha Sasana. Democratic Party joined the cabinet, mprovements to be ution. interview Sampantion: We the modthe draft constitu:riously expect the LTTE had rejected In embodied in the and had posed the rse: The moderates aft constitution and te will accept it?
latives
nt, in her Novemment, spoke about utional bill she pret on 3 October. She hbers of Parliament, UNP, to reconsider dicated her willingther with the Maha ections of the soci
given to the Presicorrectly the ill that un society. In her 9 tatement she idenfor the ethnic cripost independence state structure suit, society. She said: the ethnic crisis is mmunities have not ble opportunity to ul, social and ecoure in this country. blem of the system v in place in our uilt the post colove did not think of
structures which society. We have uccessfully the rey years of history o establish a new, i Lankan nation:' he need to find a It predicament and
TAMILTMES 7
promised to look into three aspects- a new constitutional framework, rebuilding the country on the basis of national unity and military action against terrorism.
Theoretically, her identification of the first two facets of the solution to the ethnic problem is admirable. The new constitutional framework should recognize the plurality of the population and create a political structure that would make all citizens genuine shareholders political, social and economic power. Power sharing through, the mechanism of the devolution of power is the only pathway that would lead to such a state structure. The power sharing has to be done with the minority communities, especially the Tamils. The LTTE has to be brought in to make power sharing to work.
"We have by no means closed the door to the LTTE to enter the democratic process of this country. We are ready to have discussions with that organization,” President Kumaratunga said.
She Said that the JVP that conducted two insurrections had entered the democratic mainstream and some who were involved in the l971 revolt were in her cabinet. Similarly, a Tamil militant who had entered the democratic mainstream was in her cabinet. LTTE too could do so, the President said.
She said Norway, which is acting as a facilitator, had informed her that certain conditions will have to be met before discussions begin but had not informed her what those conditions are. She said that once those conditions are known she would consult all concerned parties and decide about entering the dialogue with the LTTE. Until then the government would continue the policy of replying terrorism with military action.
The Pitfalls
The President said these three alternatives should be implemented concurrently, together and in co-ordination with each other. But the road to peace is strewn with treacherous potholes and traps. Take for instance the constitutional aspect As mentioned earlier the LTTE would not accept the political structure rejected by the moderate Tamil political parties. It will have to

Page 18
18 TAMLTMES
be something more than what was of fered in the constitutional bill.
Indications are that the LTTE would propose a confederation, a model prepared by a London Solicitors on 10 January 1997, where Sri Lanka would be a Union of two states, Sinhala majority state and a Tamil majority state. The Central Council of the Union would act as the channel of communication and coordination between the two States and have powers and functions to deal with foreign affairs, external defence and security, monetary policy, maintenance of common currency and a Central Bank, maintenance of relationship between the states and the broad coordination of their policies and other matters that arise from time to time.
In the alternative the LTTE would propose a federal arrangement. The least that the LTTE could accept is a quasi-federal arrangement. Is President Chandrika Kumaratunga in a position to climb up to meet the LTTE demand? The question of a ceasefire is more complicated than the devolution question. Pirabhaharan had suggested deescalation of the war, cessation of aggression and the vacation of occupation and the lifting of the economic embargo as the pre-requisites for talks. "By deescalation Mr. Pirabhaharan meant the cessation of armed conflict and the removal of military aggression and occupation, the withdrawal of economic embargo and the creation of meaningful negotiations.conditions of normalcy in the Tamil homeland," the LTTE statement said,
It had termed these three actions as pre-requisites for the commencement of any peace negotiations.
However, President Kumaratunga is trying to link these with the progress of the talks on a political settlement. Army chief Lt. General Lionel Balagalle had stated emphatically that ceasefire would come into effect only at the conclusion of the peace negations.
Unlike in 1995 President Kumaratunga would not be free to announce a ceasefire without the agreement of the armed forces. In 1995 the service chiefs expressed their discontent at not being consulted before the ceasefire agreement. In future heads of the armed forces would be part of the decision making process concerning ceasefire.
With its experience would be extremely the conditions for th
Ceasefire is mai preventing combat other and advancing they already hold. 1995 that a ceasefi to the LTTE, a mil; cadres can move in army held areas thu camps and raising opportunities. The resist all moves for nificant advance is political solution. acquiesce to that pC
The Military Opti The peace route swift and easy. It w and full of perilous continue to rage, p ciously and devas time. Some analysts last till the end of tunga’s six-year te and more sophistic the manpower resc both sides.
Both sides have use some of the m onry. Mig 27’s strea nations's skies at sound to drop radar missiles at ITTE t which had set up a fence Unit, is now face to air missiles aircraft guns that di -built Ml 24 helic month. Air Force f copters are fitted v tems that emit flare seeking missilesbu inst high caliber gu Artillery, multi chers and mortar profusely in the Jaf hand-to-hand battl long range attacks. is heavy. In the b chcheri the entire Intense bombing : out by the armed fo had completely de estate Maniyam Th bothurai jetty. M been broken into t As the war cli

of 1995the army careful in drafting e ceasefire. ly concerned with nts firing at each from the positions he army found in 2 is advantageous 'ant group, whose civilian garb into threatening their their recruitment army would thus a ceasefire till sig
achieved on the Will Pirabhaharan sition?
Orn , thus, will not be ll be long winding pitfalls. War will erhaps more ferotatingly for some predict the war to President Kumaram. They see more ation of the war as ources dwindle on
gone high tech and ost modern weapak across the island wice the speed of guided bombs and argets. The LTTE, new Radha Air Deequipped with surand powerful anti owned two Russian opter gunships last ghterjets and helivith electronic systo mislead the heat are powerless agai
S. barrel rocket launaunchers are used na battle front. The 2 has given way to And the destruction attle for Chavakaown was flattened. nd shelling carried ces in the pastweek astated the coconut oddam near Colomst of the trees had
VO, nb high tech battle
15 NOWER
maneuvers to had been improved.
Since the Elephant Pass battle when the LTTE deprived the army with its fresh water supply by capturing both supply points at Umayalpuram a II. - Palai, LTTE is going for the army's supply routes. They are not attacking directly the military camps which would run the risk of heavy casualty Supply lines to the three camps - Kilaly. Eluthumadduwal and Nagarkovil are under constant attack by the Tigers. A wounded soldier, Harold Perera, receiving treatment at the Colombo National Hospital said: They start firing motors whenever a lorry brings supplies. We starved for three days before we were evacuated.' Perera was a member of the company that manned Eluthumadduwa junction which the rebels wrested a . a deadly firefight. Eluthumaduwal was the distribution point for Kilali and Nagarkovil. After the fall of the junction army is using hazardous routs to supply both camps. Kodikamam to the coast and then to Kilali and the old coastal road from Point Pedro to Adliyavali to supply Nagarkovil. Sea Tiger atter to cut that road north of Nagarkovil on 19 October ended in disaster but they wrested control of Tharavijunction . . forced the forces to use a mud track from Ampan to Nagarkovil.
The daring October 23 attack or Trincomalee harbourand the 4November attack on the naval boats outside the Trinco harbour had enlarged LTTE's maneuver of crippling army's main supply route (MSR). I was a major attack that sent shivers down the spine of the military establishment LTTE suicide boats had penetrated what was considered the impregnable naval guard. Gunners had assembled big guns outside the harbour and attacked with precession. The newly formed Radha Air Defence Unit had sho: down a low flying helicopter Mi 24 gunship. And LTTE had carried away the big guns and the anti-aircraft carnons to safety.
The shaken navy commander Vice Admiral Tissera hurriedlywent to Del: to talk to the Indians and finalize trair. ing arrangements for the staff tha' would man the two Suhanya nava crafts and the helicopters they wou carry. Air Force Commander Jayakc. ddy flew to Islamabad to solicit Pak:-

Page 19
15 NOVEMBER 2000
stan's assistance.
Opposition also to Govern?
While the LTTE through its Trincomalee attack demonstrated its military capacity and capability and through its meeting with the Norwegian facilitator opened the peace front, President Kumaratunga and Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe issued their respective policy statements which revealed their plans to govern the country according to their own priorities and political agenda. President Kumaratunga, refraining from indulging in her usual attacks on the
the members of the UNP to place the country's interest first and to help her carry out her three-pronged programme of action - strengthening and guaranteeing human rights to all sections of the society and proceeding towards greater democratization of the government and society; ending the war and bringing about a political solution to the ethnic problem and developing the economy through a definite programme of action. She unveiled a 3-year short term and a 10-year long term plan of action for economic development.
Wickremesinghe claiming that the
people had not pi party or a groupi: mandate outlined to ber 8 his party's 1 pared statement w The citizens of thi pointed signal to al they expect the po together towards bl In this context, the opposition in Pa merely limited to th of the policies and ernment. Therefore all the parties in t seek to evolve a co offer constructives lems faced by our restrict ourselves ti also seek the activ people."
In keeping wit nounced that the UN to get Parliament ti implement the me Common Programn of Independent El Independent Police pendent Public Ser Independent Judici sion. In addition it
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bvided any political g with a governing the media on Novemew policy. In a preich he read he said: country have sent a political parties that tical parties to work ilding a new culture. role of the national liament cannot be 2 critical examination programs of the gov(, in consultation with he opposition would nsensual approach to olutions to the probpeople. We will not Parliament but will participation of the
h this policy, he anP would initiate steps enact legislation to asures stated in its he - the establishment :ctions Commission, ; Commission, Indefice Commission and al Service Commiswill take steps to en
TAMILTINEs 19
sure the functioning of free media in this country. It declared that the meeting between Pirabhaharan and Solheim as an important step and urged the government to take swift action to work towards a political solution and a negotiated peace involving the LTTE.
Two days later the UNP leader sang a different tune. He said the President should talk to the TULF, TELO and ACTC in his presence about before talking to the LTTE. The three Tamil parties immediately rejected this proposal, as that would delay the negotiating process. ACTC leader Appathurai Vinayagamoorthy told Wickremesinghe that they saw no need for such a procedure. It was the LTTE that mattered. Wickremesinghe then relented and told Vinayagamoorthy that he would not press his proposal if that were the wish of the Tamil parties.
The government, Agriculture Minister D. M. Jayaratne said, had asked Norway to specify the conditions that need
be created for talks to begin. Norway, it
looks, in not in a hurry. It is waiting for the international pressure to build up and for Pirabhaharan’s Maweerar Day oration. O
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Page 20
20 TAM TIMES
PEACE ENVOY MEETS LTTE
A Historic Enco
D B S.Jeyaraj
ecent events in the Middle-East are quite troubling. The Oslo broker
ed, Washington sanctioned accord between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization that earned for its cosignatories Rabin and Arafat the Nobel Peace prize lies in virtual tatters. Tension continues to escalate threatening a major conflagration in the region. A Unilateral Declaration of Independence by the PLO is very much on the cards. If and when that happens the current scenario would transform drastically. The painstaking mediatory efforts of Norway that paved the way for the Israeli-Arab accord would have failed and the entire project confined to the dustheap of history.
Even as the whole world watches with dismay the near-collapse, in IsraelPalestine, of the peace process crafted by Norway, a recent event in Sri Lanka with a Norwegian dimension has buoyed up optimistic expectations. The event took the country by surprise. It was like the shower of rain that pours suddenly without any of the signs that usually precede it like dark clouds, lightning or thunder. The unannounced visit conducted by a three-member Norwegian delegation to the Sri Lankan northern mainland of Wanni, and its crowning highlight, a two hour meeting with Velupillai Prabakharan, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam LTTE), was very much like sudden and unpredicted shower as far as the Sri Lankan public was concerned. Except perhaps for a handful of persons with prior knowledge, the whole exercise was a bolt out of the blue, when the LTTE radio “Puligalin Kural” (Voice of Tigers) blared forth to the world on Wednesday November 1st that a meeting between the Tiger supremo and the Norwegians had taken place on that day.
What made the event so unexpected were the contrary signals being sent out constantly by the Sri Lankan government. President Chandrika Kumara
tunga was as usual cold about peace ar Minister Ratnasiri had been delighting right by consistentl there would be no ta and that terrorism wo ugh war. The pondel eign minister Laks had in a recent interv TV stated that whi peace initiative had there was no possib with the LTTE who were not interested
Replying to a Qu way have a role in th Kadirgamar answere asked Norway to r remain on board. made that clear, an what developments moment there is no such ....... Remem Norway to be availa opportunity arises, arises, for a dialoguk is willing to do that a about that. But at th no negotiations go make that clear'.
Lakshman Kadi view to the Norwe Corporation on Oct reproduced at leng Sunday Times of C All these lofty pron ernment figures and that the last electic Peoples Alliance h on a pro-war platf ple anticipate a for the peace front.
What the Sri perhaps observers scene did not know intense internation ing exerted on Colc structively in the through a negotiat posed to the endle
 

blowing hot and d war. Her Prime Wickramanayake the Sinhala ultra
proclaiming that ks with the Tigers uld be ended throously verbose forman Kadirgamar iew on Norwegian le the Norwegian not been aborted lity of peace talks according to him n peace. estion. "Does Nore peace process?", d... “Well we have main engaged, to The president has td we have to see take place. At the peace process as ber that we want ble if and when the and the necessity on peace. Norway nd I am very happy 2 moment there are ing on. I wish to
gamar's TV intergian Broadcasting ober 17th 2000 was h in the Colombo ictober 22nd 2000. uncements by govthe underlying fact n campaign of the ld been conducted rm made few peovard movement on
ankan people and of the Sri Lankan of course was that l pressure was bemboto engage consearch for peace d settlement as ops war. The angelic
15 NOVEMBER 2
halo of peace around Chandrika that had blinded national and international opinion had lost its lustre over the years. Her so called "war for peace" was now akin to a joke in bad taste. The transnational consortium bankrolling South Asia's longest war was realising that the LTTE could neither be marginalised nor co-opted through this confrontational mode. The need of the hour was a viable and credible peace process. The Norwegian initiative from its inception had had the backing of donor nations. The new relationship emerging between the USA and India was also a crucial factor fuelling the drive for peace in the Island. There was No Way other than Norway for the stalled peace effort to commence again. This pressure was not on the government alone but also on the LTTE. One factor, but not of course the only factor, that influenced the LTTE's decision to suspend its military push towards Jaffna City was the International environment. There was however nothing much that the International community could do in recent times because of intervening Sri Lankan Parliamentary elections. The Kumaratunga government's customary practice of escalating war to engineer victorious voting patterns was followed this time too as Chavakachcheri was battered through "operation Anvil" during elections. 12,000 shells from newly acquired Multi Barrel Rocket Launchers were directed at Chavakachcheri town and its environs over a period of four days. This was reciprocated by the LTTE who launched "Oyatha Alaiga - 4'. (Unceasing Waves - 4) that ruptured the defence line extending from Kilaly to Nagar Kovil through Eluthumattuvaal and placed all three places at perill of being overrun.
After the General elections of October 2000 the International Community came down heavily on both sides. The international effort that is now the Norwegian initiative was revived again. A meeting between the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakharan and the Norwegian Special envoy was set up. The original invitation sent by the LTTE to Norway was before the Elections.
There was no follow up because of the elections. Now Oslo pressurised both Colombo and the LTTE to pursue it. It must be noted that President Chan

Page 21
15 NOVEMBER 2000
drika Kumaratunga knew very well of the planned Norwegian visit before elections itself. Yet she allowed and perhaps deliberately authorised her Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake to mislead the country by announcing during election time that the Norwegian involvement was over and that it was only war with LTTE in the future,
The Wanni visit by Norway was very necessary at this juncture. It was felt that an imaginative and dramatic maneuver was needed to propel the Norwegian peace mission forward. The routine shuttling of the Norwegians between Oslo, London and Colombo had reached its limits. It was now imperative to touch base with the Wanni too. The time was now ripe for the "vikings” to meet LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabakharan in person. Such a meeting would be very beneficial for the peace process. Ever since Norway had begun playing a facilitator role it had been dealing with LTTE Political adviser Anton Balasingham based in London as the chief interlocutor on behalf of the Tigers. The facilitators were yet to meet Prabakharan. Although Balasingham had been entrusted the responsibility and authority to act on behalf of the LTTE in discussions a meeting with Prabakharan was very much desirable.
Firstly it would dispel an erroneous impression that the “elusive” Prabakharan was not prepared for peace talks and demonstrate that he could and would participate in political dialogue when necessary. Secondly Norway or to be exact its special envoy Erik Solheim could clear any doubt about the commitment of Prabakharan towards a negotiated settlement. Thirdly Prabakharan's direct involvement would provide greater credibility to the peace process and also make the LTTE role more visible and accountable.
Fourthly it would create greater symmetry about the level of participants as Kumaratunga had already met the Norwegian delegation several times as opposed to Prabakharan. Now both the De Jure Sri Lankan President as well as the De Facto "National Leader' ofTamil Eelam according to LTTE supporters, would be jointly involved.
The visit took place in a climate of secretive confidentiality for obvious
reasons. The offic tended by the LTTE by Norway was app ised by the Governm rival in Colombo was A three member dele Mr.Erik Soheim, No dor in Colombo Mr. an executive officer Foreign ministry Ms was helicoptered to day October 31st.Th tored to Marudhana The Norwegians me gious dignitaries an resentatives in Madh two refugee camps i The Norwegian d met at Madhu by L took the team to M Illuppaikulam with Committee of Red visitors were accom equipped and comfo run by the LTTE. O delegation held disc with NGO representa and Religious leader ing social work. Th Mallavi visit was o LTTE Supremo.
There were two r with LTTE leader V aran for two hours. travelled from an un in the region for th Political Wing head S also accompanied hi senior Tiger Sornalin was also present to Shankar who has an neering background LTTE's Anti Air Cr ter former Mannar mander Kanagasaba dran alias Radha. Thi in recent times an il consisting of state C craft artillery and wi cluding the radar col - 4, a four barrelled 2 tem that has brought 24 helicopters in the The second me gers was with some LTTE's political div cal Chief Thamilch chief Karikalan alon ers participated in thi: nearly three hours. T

al invitation exand its acceptance oved and authorent. Solheim’s arkept under wraps. gation comprising wegian AmbassaJon Westborg and of the Norwegian Kjersti Tromsdal Vavuniya on Tuesereafter they momadhu or Madhu. t with some Relii community repu and also visited n the area. elegation was then TTE cadres who [allavi via Iranai an International Cross escort. The modated at a well rtable guest house n Wednesday the ussions in Mallavi tives, Community s and persons doe highlight of the f course with the
meetings. One was elupilai PrabakhThe LTTE chief disclosed location e meeting. LTTE P Thamilchelvan s leader. Another gamalias Shankar act as interpreter. aeronautical engiis in charge of the aft unit named afand Jaffna compathy Harischansunit has acquired mpressive arsenal f the art anti airapon systems inutrolled ZSU - 23 3 mm cannon sysdown several MI past few weeks. ting with the Timembers of the ision. The Politilvan and deputy g with a few othmeeting that took e LTTE Supremo
TAMITMES 2.
was not present. This meeting was utilised by the LTTE to present a clear picture to the Norwegians about living conditions in the Wanni. Well compiled dossiers of the trials and tribulations faced by the Tamils of the Wanni because of the embargos and restrictions were presented. This meeting and the other discussions with community, religious and NGO representatives along with first hand observation provided the Norwegians a comprehensive realisation of what life in the Wanni is like in a war situation.
The Meeting with LTTE chief Prabakharan took place at a special venue constructed by the Tigers for meetings and conferences at Mallavi. In recent times Mallavi has been housing many representatives from Non Governmental Organizations including the Red Cross. Mallavi is more or less the administrative capital of the Wanni. The politico-military capital however would be the place where Prabakharan is located as according to the famous saying in the Ramayana “Raman Irukkumidame Ayothi' ( Ayodhya is where Rama is). The Norwegians had to cool their heels for quite a while as Prabakharan made a late entrance as a security precaution. Worried perhaps that the LTTE leader would disappoint, them, the delegates kept on asking Thamilchelvan whether Prabakharan would turn up. Prabakharan however kept his word and turned up in the af. ternoon. The Norwegians were pleasantly surprised to see the legendary freedom fighter dressed in a safari suit. Usually he is clad in military fatigues. The fact that he discarded military for civilian attire was a manifestation of his desire for peace, say his supporters.
The confabulations between the LTTE leader Prabakharan and the Norwegian delegation was important and useful. The last batch of foreigners met by the LTTE chief was the five member ceasefire monitoring panel that went to Jaffna in January 1995. It comprised one Canadian and two nationals each from Norway and Netherlands. The last Sri Lankan Government emissary whom Prabakharan met was former UNP minister A C S Hameed in June 1990. The last Indian civilian representatives met by Prabakharan were former Indian High Commissioner J N Dixit and his Political sec

Page 22
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15 NOVEMBER 2000
retary Hardeep Singh Puri in September 1987.The last Indian military offcials who met Prabakharan were General Harikirat Singh and Brigadier Ferdinandez in October 1987. The very fact that Velupillai Prabakharan was meeting with a foreign delegation was in itself of significance as it illustrated the level of importance attributed to the Norwegian initiative for peace.
Prabakharan’s discussion with the Norwegians was positively refreshing in the sense that he neither ruled out peace talks nor imposed preconditions for resumption of talks. He fully understood and appreciated the Norwegian position that its facilitatory role was within the parameters of ensuring the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka on the one hand and realising legitimate Tamil aspirations on the other. The LTTE leader emphasised that he was not averse to a peaceful settlement if it was possible. The settlement had to satisfy the basic aspirations of the Tamil people. It had to be just, equitable and durable. He pointed out that so far the Sinhala polity had failed to come out with an offer that could meet these requirements. Nevertheless the LTTE was always ready to explore possibilities of seeking a negotiated settlement to the conflict.
Having said this the LTTE leader spoke frankly and openly about his past experiences with the Kumaratunga regime. He spoke of the causes that led to the collapse of previous talks. (Presumably the Norwegians had read the recent book written by Anton Balasingham that outlined and documented from an LTTE perspective the reasons that led to its failure) Prabakharan then pointed out two factors that were obstructing a resumption of peace dialogue. The first was on a personal level the “animus”displayed by President Kumaratunga towards the LTTE and inconsistency and obduracy on issues related to war and peace. The second was the absence of a congenial atmosphere for peace talks. Normalcy in the Tamil regions had to be ushered in, said Prabakharan.
It was necessary to create a climate conducive for talks to resume. Confidence building measures should be enacted and an environment of mutual trust established. For this normalcy should prevail in the North and East.
The war had to d bargo on food, met removed. Restricti culture, transport a Troops had to be r in schools, places o and public buildi Gradually a cessati to occur. Prabakha these as precondit was a prerequisite f to take place.
In spite of the ul ence in this stated leader was flexible usher in this norma gered approach. deescalated throug proach. It was up to extend the hand ( Thereafter each p government would the LTTE. This wi reinforcing confide ure. If this approach ultimately lead to tilities. In that con garding talks could lowed.
Having impress gian delegation th{ ity of his approach discussed a variety the Norwegians tha ate a viable peace p sions hinged abot phases could com measures could be ent parties to build trust that would ma sible in the near fu stated but not stre leader was the nece UNP also at an app peace process. This the context of the cal history he said. pared to co-operate tated peace process staggered phases. T tent of these phases could evolve only a meet with Presiden The Norwegiar no illusions about nent. At the same thused about the L Solheim told a pr could be in weeks years. Nobody can

eescalate. The emicine etc. had to be nson fishing, agrind trade abolished. :located and camps fworship, hospitals ngs closed down. on of hostilities had ran did not impose ons. Yet normalcy or meaningful talks
derlying intransigiposition the LTTE !. He was ready to lcy through a stagThe war could be h a piecemeall apthe government to f friendship first. ositive step of the be reciprocated by ould be a mutually nce building measprogresses it could a cessation of hostext modalities rebe evolved and fol
ed upon the Norwepractical feasibill, the LTTE leader of possibilities with at would help initirocess. The discusut how the initial e about and what taken by the differan atmosphere of ke peace talks posture. Another point ssed by the LTTE ssity to include the opriate stage in the was imperative in sland’s past politiThe LTTE is prein a Norway facilithrough a series of he priority and exwas something that fter the Norwegians t Kumaratunga.
special envoy has peace being immiime he seemed enTTE approach. As ess conference “It or it could be in expect a quick fix
TAMILTIMES 23
or an immediate solution........... We believe that the LTTE are serious and interested in solving the problem through negotiations but we know that it is going to be difficult... This is a confidence-building exercise and no one can expect quick fixes. We have made it clear to the LTTE that we want the problem to be sorted out in a peaceful manner...... We also told them the stand of the International community which is that a solution has to be found by keeping the integrity of Sri Lanka and also keeping in mind the aspirations of the Tamil People..... He did not set any preconditions ....... we consider Mr. Prabakharan as serious and dedicated to a negotiated settlement...."
After staging a press conference Soheim met with President Kumaratunga and Foreign Minister Kadirgamar and briefed them about his meeting with Prabakharan. He also met the new Indian High Commissioner in Colombo, Gopal Gandhi, a grandson of both the Mahatma and Rajaji. Soheim also briefed the UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe by telephone. By weekend the Norwegians were back in Oslo after a stopover in London fora consultative session with Anton Balasingham. Meanwhile Gopal Gandhi rushed to New Delhi for consultations. Thereafter Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee telephoned Kumaratunga to discuss matters including the Norwegian trip and also invited Kumaratunga for a visit to India which she accepted. Political convulsions erupted in Colombo in the aftermath of the visit. The Prime Minister Wickremanayake stated publicly that he was not informed of the visit and insinuated that the Norwegians were acting independent of Colombo. He was corrected by a special press release from the Presidential secretariat that the visit was undertaken with the full knowledge and approval of the President. A furious Wickremanayake sought and obtained an appointment with Kumaratunga where he remonstrated for being kept in the dark and also for looking foolish in the eyes of the nation as he had proclaimed earlier that the Norwegian initiative was over. Kumaratunga was her customary charming self and smoothened Wickeremanayake's ruffled feelings. One does not know what the Prime Minister's position on the issue is now but it

Page 24
24 TAMITMES
was apparent that after the one to one meeting with the President, he had become “silent' for a while.
National and international newspapers commented that the Norwegian visit had placed Colombo in a fix. It was no longer possible to evade the issue of negotiations with the bland assertion that the LTTE was not willing. The implicit position of Norway was that the ball was now in the Government court. A bleeding nation needed peace desperately. The resumption of the Norwegian peace initiative and the boost it received through the visit to the Wanni was considerable. The flexibility displayed by Prabakharan should be appreciated and reciprocated. It was suggested that a meaningful concessionary step like for example the lifting of the food embargo could be taken. This would result in another conciliatory act by the LTTE. Thus a series of confidence building measures could be enacted and the war deescalated. When normalcy prevails a congenial atmosphere conducive to a cessation of hostilities would emerge. Then meaningful negotiations could commence.
All this of course is possible only if a bold and positive step was taken by President Kumaratunga. The United National Party appealed to the Government to act fast and utilise the opportunity. The multi crore rupee question as to whether she would take it was answered in the negative within a few days. Kumaratunga revealed her position when she addressed Parliament on November 9th. After reiterating that her government was not averse to peace talks and that the "door to peace had not been shut' the President then adopted a somewhat negative approach. In spite of her talks with the Norwegian delegation on November 3rd Kumaratunga maintained that she was unclear about the conditions under which talks were to be held. Clarification and amplification had been sought from Oslo. Until it was clear that the conditions were acceptable the war would continue. Also an interim admin
istration would bes ern and Eastern Pri stated that it was th people who had suff of the war.
Even before K Army chief Genera stated openly to the solution for the crisi LTTE militarily. Th military solution wh ple required a pol would be no ceasefir tory had demonstra refurbished itself d The Prime Minister saying that the LT arms andenter the p( like the Janatha Vi and Eelam Peoples All this showed th: talks were not possi The Sinhala net who were routed c polls also began ra Demonstrations incl site the Norwegia staged in protest. Th way to cease its me quit the country if n now plugging a "c also held protests. E are allowed in a cou democratic, it is per onstrations being st of the Norwegian m Government is requ Norway as it is eng efforts only at the proval of the Kuma
In spite of her contrary the curr Kumaratunga is con war platform on reelected in Decen Peoples Alliance a liamentary elections Sinhala neo fasci enough votes was in large numbers f government has
hardliners includi
Wickremanayake,
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5 NOVEMBER 2
t up in the Northvinces. She also majority Sinhala red most because
umaratunga ,the Lionel Balagalle ress that the only was to defeat the 2 Tigers needed a ile the Tamil peotical one. There 2 because past hised that the LTTE uring such times. also went public E had to give up litical mainstream mukthi Peramuna Democratic Party. at a ceasefire and ble immediately.
fascist elements onclusively at the ising their heads. uding some oppon Embassy were ey demanded Nordiatory efforts and ecessary. The JVP :ommunalist' line venthough protests ntry claiming to be blexingtosee demaged in the vicinity ission. After all the ired to stand up for aged in facilitatory invitation and apratunga regime. declarations to the int reality is that strained by the prowhich she was ber 1999 and the lopted during Par. One reason for the ts failing to gain because they voted r the PA. The PA several Sinhala g Prime Minister ind ministers Mah
inda Rajapakse, Anuruddha Ratwatte and Dinesh Gunewardene. The latter and his racist Mahajana Eksath Peramuna are now the prized jewels in the PA crown. Apart from pressures within PA ranks there is the Army factortoo. It would not be amenable to any lull in the military enterprise because it would demoralise the rank and file. Then there is the Sinhala Buddhist Ultra Rght comprising powerful sections of the Clergy along with the neofascist lunatic fringe elements. There is also the well entrenched Arms lobby that is dictating the war effort now. There is also the Indian factor. New Delhi may not approve of talks with the Tigers despite denials to the contrary. Some Indian newspapers said that India was concerned about a face to face meeting between Kumaratunga and Prabakharan.
Even if Kumaratunga is prepared to transcend all these barriers there is also the highly subjective personal factor. After her experiences, Kumaratunga does not trust the LTTE at all. Unless and until she is sure of the Tiger bonafides she would hesitate to move forward on this. Under these circumstances there seems very little likelihood of a sensational breakthrough on the peace front immediately although the historical importance of the Norwegian meeting with LTTE leader Praba-’ kharan cannot be minimised. If any positive forward movement is to occur it can only be if the International Consortium backing Norway's role exerts tremendous pressure again. The British Deputy Foreign ministers trip to Colombo is a pointer in this respect. Meanwhile two other events will be eagerly awaited before the peace process gets moving. One is the annual Great Heroes Day address by LTTE leader Prabakharan where he is expected to outline his position on the talks. The second is the outcome of Kumaratunga's anticipated visit to India. Until then there seems to be no way forward to peace with or without Norway O
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Page 25
15 NOVEMBER 2000
| National (pelji
a Nationalist
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
he idea of a “national government" when a country and its people face a grave crisis is not only a welcome one, but can be said to be absolutely essential for their survival. Sri Lanka has been in turmoil for nearly two decades because of the unresolved ethnic conflict that has led to an internal civil war threatening its territorial integrity in the context of secessionist demand for a separate state of Tamil Eelam.
Over the years, there have been calls by concerned individuals and sections, both within and outside the country, that the political parties and leaders should treat and deal with the ethnic conflict as a "national issue' avoiding partisan or sectarian considerations. However, very rarely has there been a call to form a "national government” in which the two major political parties in the country have been urged to become partners.
In recent weeks one has witnessed a strident demand from certain quarters urging the formation of a "national government”. It is essential to note and understand the circumstances in which this demand is made, and the motives behind it.
Sri Lanka is a pluralist society in ethnic and religious terms. The Sinhalese constitute the predominant majority comprising over 70 percent of the population, and by and large they are Buddhists. The minority communities are the Tamils, who by and large profess Hinduism, comprising approximately 18 percent and the Muslims approximately 7 percent.
The support base of the two main political formations in the country which have alternatively ruled the country since independence in 1948 have, particularly after the ethnicisation of the political process, been the Sinhalese-Buddhist population. Depending on the numerical Sinhala-Buddhist majority to win elections and assume political power, these parties were tempted to contest each other as to which between them was the more ardent "champions of the Sinhala-Buddhists", and thereby forfeited their right to be regarded as "national parties' representing all the different ethnic communities in the island. The political parties representing the Tamil and Muslim minorities began to regard these main two
parties as "Sinhalap
For a time, the Buddhist' card enab of the main "Sinha an overall majority to assume power. years, the rivalry be the "Sinhala-Buddhi into equal halves lea which both these par support of the politi ing the minority Tal be able to form gove ity of both these pa UNP, to form gover port from parties rep ity communities ha dent in recent years the August 1994 g able to form a reaso istration only with tl nority parties - TUL parliament.
Following the tions in which neith political parties obt jority to be able to both parties sought parties representing nities to forge a ma to be able to form a curing their support minority parties, il cabinet portfolios, the United National number of seats fail the Peoples Allianc obtaining the supp( Muslim Congres: Workers Congress ( Peoples Democrati thereby forge a majo hence form the gov Of necessity th have become accust reality of having to nority parties. How erful and influentia “Sinhala-Buddhist' this developmental terms with it. They and the UNP as hav ence on the support betrayed the cause dhists by succumbi sider as unreasonabl
 

TAM TIMES 25
political parties".
use of the "Sinhalaled one or the other la parties' to obtain
However, in recent tween them, divided st' electorate almost ding to a situation in ties had to obtain the cal parties representmils and Muslims to rnments. The inabilrties, the IPA and the nments without supresenting the minorS become more evi... The PA following eneral election was nably stable adminhe support of the miF, CWC, SLMC - in
recent general elecher of the two major ained an overall maform a government, the support of the the minority commujority in parliament government. For se, the demands of the including a share in had to be met. While Party(UNP) with less led in its endeavour, :e(PA) succeeded in Drt of the Sri Lanka s(SLMC), Ceylon CWC) and the Eelam c Party(EPDP) and rity in parliament and vernment. e UNP and the PA omed to the political depend on the miever, there are powsections within the spectrum that detest nd refuse to come to regard that the PA ing, by their dependof minority parties, of the Sinhala-Budng to what they conle demands of the mi
nority parties. Therefore, these forces entered the last election fray mainly under thebanner ofthenewly formed Sihala Urumaya in the fond hope that they would be supported by the “Sinhala-Buddhist' electorate at least to the extent that they themselves would hold the balance of power to be able to dictate terms to both the PA and the UNP following the election. The results completely shattered their expectations. They just managed to secure only a derisory 1.5 percent of the votes cast in the whole country. They were resoundingly rejected by the Sinhala-Buddhists who constitute the overwhelming majority of the electorate. However, these forces have not given up and have become active in promoting the formation of a "national government" by the two main parties, the PA and the UNP. Their primary motive is the marginalisation of the parties representing the minority communities.
Some sections of the Maha Sangha want a national government to keep out the Muslim and Tamil minority parties being part of the government. Their motive was evident when the Mahanayake of the Asgiriya Chapter Ven. Udugama Buddha Rakittha Thera told the visiting Minister, Lakshman Kiriella, that if the PA and the UNP did not form a national government, both would have to dance to the tune of the minorities
Well meaning intentions
Of course there are other sections in Sri Lankan society that are urging the installation of a national government that are genuinely motivated by well meaning intentions.
The Joint Forum of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, Employers' Organisations and Trade Associations of Sri Lanka carried full-page advertisements in all national newspapers (October 21) calling for "a bipartisan approach to form a government of national unity and reconciliation.” It said: "The focus today must be on building our nation.'
The leaders of the major trade and commerce chambers and the business community are obviously very concerned about the fall in share prices and the loss of confidence in the market, the sharp fall in the country's foreign reserves, the widening trade gap, the loss of confidence of investors and the slow growth of agriculture and manufacturing industries. They are eager to improve quickly the present adverse climate for both foreign and domestic investment and put the country on the market-oriented high growth track.
Anyone following the economic and financial trends in Sri Lanka will natu

Page 26
26 TAMILTIMES
rally be concerned about the country's future, particularly in the context of the developments taking place in the world and the vast opportunities available to improve the well-being of the country. According to published figures, there has been a net outflow of 38 million US Dollars in the first nine months of this year compared to an outflow of only about 6 million Dollars in the corresponding period of last year. The CSE all share index has plummeted to around 500 from 986 in 1994 (year-end). Some Stock Exchange brokers think that a rapprochement between the two main political parties must take place immediately even without any changes to the economic fundamentals to revive the market.
The consumers and housewives think that the formation of a PA-UNP national government will result in the fall in the cost of living, which has risen to unbearable levels particularly for the vulnerable segments of the society living on meagre incomes. "The Island' paper of October 27 reported, "several consumers were of the view that the setting up of a National Government to end the war may be the only way out to arrest the sky rocketing COL (cost of living)." President of the Housewives Association also expressed the hope that "the UNP and the PA will get together and do something, by setting up a national government. Then they may
be able to give the lief' The Stateme ganisation of Prof (OPA) suggesting onal Government a as a way to bypas that in Sri Lanka's jor obstacle to the
It is not so mu leaders by their opp have harmed the over the past sever siderable doubt wł suggestion is usef There is also the ous articles publi national papers, th: strong government come from a PA-U ment. The implied leaders in a nation: more national mir are in opposite sic these views conve ferent sectionsoft ways to escape fï straits that are dist
In an open lette ers, Colombo's A Dr. Nicholas Ma stated: "A coaliti parties only is not solve the country coalition could ea
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ousewives some ret issued by the Orisional Associations e formation of Natipears to be intended the "Party system" case has been a maountry's progress. h the system but the ortunist conduct who country immensely lyears. There is conether this theoretical at the present time. iew seen from varihed recently in the t the country needs a how and this can only NP national governissumption is that the l government will be ded than when they es! Nevertheless, all y the anxiety of difke society looking for om the present dire ressing them. r to the political leadrchbishop Rt. Revd. rcus Fernando has on of the two major what is called for to 's problems. Such a sily forget or ignore
the larger issue of ethnic peace. That would be another big mistake we will be making by opportunistic decisions. All that has been attempted so far to bring about ethnic and national unity through justice in a new Constitution will be lost if we follow that path. What should not be forgotten even for a moment is that it is not a coalition of the two major parties that is going to solve the country's problems but a new system of government that would always be a grand coalition of all parties after every election according to the votes won from the people. It is an extension of the concept of Proportional Representation extended to the Cabinet as well. In a multi-racial, multi-lingual, multi-religious country like ours, while graciously respecting history and tradition and their values, the best form of government would be one of co-operation rather than of contestation'.
Hopefully, the Archbishop's message will influence the political leaders to act wisely and sincerely in the larger interest of all the people and the country. The call for co-operation is also addressed to all leaders including the minorities. Lasting peace cannot be achieved through confrontation and/or violence. This must be clear even to the extremists on both sides of the ethnic divide after the tragic happenings over the past two decades with no early end to the conflict in sight,
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Page 27
15 NOVEMBER 2000
My dear Periya Annah,
You seem to be unnecessarily worried about our safety, We have got used to the war environment. In fact, I
can sleep soundly when the army and the LTTE engage themselves in their regular artillery duel. The distant roar of explosions shakes me to deeper slumber,
Things are unusually quiet since the beginning of this month. Maybe because of the historic talks Norwegian facilitator Erik Solheim had with LTTE leader Velupillai Pirabhaharan in Mallavi on November 1 evening. People here are delighted about that meeting. They are also happy that President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga had responded positively.
That doesn't mean that peace will dawn soon. The JVP and Sinhala chauvinists are bracing themselves to dispute Norway's peace effort JVP had dubbed Norwegians "ugly' and charged them of acting as the spokesman for the LTTE. Sihala Urumaya, the bastion of SinhalaBuddhist fundamentalism - the Taliban of Sri Lanka - had demanded the Norwegians to quit Sri Lanka. I wonder whether the Kumaratunga government has the capacity to withstand the combined pressure of the Marxist militants and SinhalaBuddhist extremists. Some say that the government had already paved the ground to abandon the Norwegians. How else to interpret the leak of the information that it had proposed France to be the facilitator but the LTTE had insisted on Norway?
Here in Jaffna on the same November 1 morning another event of great significance occurred. At 10.30 am a representative cross-section of the people of Jaffna-journalists, religious dignitaries, politicians, social workers, trade unionists, government servants and teachers, among others, gathered at the Jaffna bus stand and observed two minutes silence in memory of the slain journalist Mylvaganam Nimalarajan. They covered their mouths with black cloth and placed their pens on a table before them. And during those two momentous minutes teachers, students, journalists, writers, government servants and all others who use either pens or pencils laid them down on their tables and stood up in silence. This innovative mass protest signified the abhorrence of the public to the growing gun culture and the physical elimination of dissent.
The ground-breaking protest was North Sri Lanka Journalists Association's response to the cold-blooded killing of the popular journalist Nimalarajan, the
lonely voice that bol world the plight of Educated in Colomb Nimalarajan spoke a Tamil and Sinhala an eral newspapers and had evoked widespre and the rest of Sri L.
He was killed on night the cabinet of in Colombo. Nimalar writing an article fo paper. His father M tening to the 9.45p broadcast to which His wife was in anot children to bed. His toilet. Mylvaganamt istrate E.T. Vignaraj, quest, that it was dal assassination. Elec Some outsiders had One went up to hin head, bent him down his neck.
"They are cutting cutting my neck," h person shot Nimalara grenade into the hot, nam described that s trate, “I heard my hu towards the place he gunshots followed b Something struck m Then I got up and rar He was in apool oft
The neighbours the hospital. There, N nounced dead. His vo The finger was p EPDP. Nimalarajan lessly EPDP's activi its election malpract dia Movement and 1 Ravaya went a little EPDP as the perpetra crime.
EPDP leader D answered the accuse the Tamil newspape said the reference to lique and added simil sations had been ma when a former army c Denzil Kobbekadduv explosion.
He then said: Th had forgotten the otl rajan. People know v an LTTE agent in thi
 

AMILMES 27
He accused Nimalarajan of having a hand in the killing of former Jaffna mayor SarojiniYogeswaran, the Jaffna Traders
ly proclaimed to the the Jaffna people. the young and bold ld wrote fluently in contributed to sevradio. His gunning ad protests in Jaffna nka.
Dctober 19; the very ministers took oath jan was in his room a Colombo newsYlvaganam was lisn BBC Tamil Osai is son contributed. er room putting the mother was in the old the Jaffna Magh, who held the ink at the time of the tricity had failed. entered the house. l, held him by the and started cutting
my neck. They are e shouted. Another ian and flung a hand ise. Mrs. Mylvagacene to the Magis1sband shout, I ran at. Then there were y a loud explosion. e and I fell down. to my son’s room. lood."
ook the victims to imalarajan was proice had been stilled. ointed towards the lad exposed relentties, the latest was ces. The Free Mehe Sinhala weekly urther and accused or of that dastardly
uglas Devananda in an interview to Thinakkural. He the EPDP was obar unfounded accule in the past too; mmander ofJaffna a was killed in an
: newspaper world 2r side of Nimalary well that he was journalist garb.”
Association president Namasivayagam, 10 EPDP local council members and others. It was Nimalarajan, he added, through whom LTTE's former Jaffna District Jaffna Organizer Thuyavan informed an injured Tiger cadre to commit suicide by consuming cyanide. He also referred to the questioning of Nimalarajan by the police about the photographs of the candidates who contested the parliamentary election in the Jaffna district which were found in the parcel abandoned by an LTTE suspect who escaped arrest. The police suspected him of providing the LTTE with those photographs, Devananda charged.
Two unsigned leaflets, one in Tamil and the other in Sinhala, containing all these points, are currently being circulated in Jaffna.
EPDP was also mentioned two other murders. The first was the murder of Arunthavachelvam on October 22 at Inuvil due to a private dispute between an EPDP member and the victim. The other was the gunning down of Thavarajah of Karaveddi who had rented the market against the wishes of a former chairman of Vadamarachchi South Padesha Sabha. The suspect who had been arrested was sacked by the EPDP for irregularities and had contested the recent parliamentary polls from Varatharaja Perumal.s EPRLF. November 1 "Pen and Pencil Protest' was also backed by the Jaffna University Student's Association which aroused the suspicion of the army. Since the 1998 arrest of student leaders Nandaseelan and Sutharsan the army was suspicious of the University Students-LTTE connection. But the army had to release them and work out an arrangement with the university authorities following a peninsulawide student protests. Since then they had honoured the arrangement and had informed the university authorities when they question or arrest any university student.
Of late suspicions of the army had heightened. In April university students led a public agitation when the army prevented civilians from leaving Palai and its environs when the LTTE advanced towards the Elephant Pass. The army was thus forced to permit the migration of civilians to safer areas. This helped the LTTE to step up its attack and capture the Elephant Pass Camp. Army officers charge that the university students acted in collusion with the LTTE and the agitation was intended to help the LTTE to

Page 28
28 TAMILTIMES
capture of the Elephant Pass camp.
Army's suspicion further intensified during the October 10 parliamentary election when the leaflet issued by the Sangilian Padai was prominently pasted inside the university premises and the surrounding areas. The statement issued by the University Student's Association calling for a boycott of the polls also aroused army suspicion.
On October 3 l Women Police raided the Ananda Coomarasamy Women's Hostel and conducted a through search of all the rooms. The search was done in the presence of lecturers and instructors. A senior Arts male student was grilled for over two hours in the presence of the vice chancellor about his connections with the LTTE. Later his room at the Balasingham Hostel was exhaustively searched.
These acts of harassment were intended to scare the university students from organizing and participating in popular human rights agitations. University students are made of sterner stuff. They cannot be frightened away so easily. A disturbing news has come from Amban where the notorious white van had kidnapped three young men a few days ago.
Meanwhile, the armed forces are strengthening the defences to thwart any LTTE onslaught anticipated before the Maweerar Day on November 27. Pirabaharan's Maweerar Day speech is awaited with great anticipation. Now that he is in a position of strength will he launch a Peace Crusade?
We were happy to hear that a peace envoy from Norway had visited Wanni and met Pirabaharan who has agreed to begin talks with the government. Do you think, at least this time round the talks if they take place will lead to peace? We have been disappointed many times before. All say they wish the war to end and for peace to return. They even say that they are concerned about the sufferings of the ordinary people. We here in Jaffna, who have only seen and suffered the ravages of war for many many years now do not believe any one of them. But we all hope and pray for the return of peace. Then at least some of our people who enjoy life abroad in happier surroundings can visit us and see first hand what we have been going through. By the way, thank you very much for the fifty pounds you sent me. Please do not get upset if I say that many of us here feel belittled when we have to depend on handouts from abroad for our survival. But for others who have no relatives resident abroad, survival itself is a big struggle. Your Loving brother Anthony
"What does she k fully asked a Cousin of minister of Ceylon, S. ranaike, when his wido she was taking over 1960.
"In Solla's time, Si ing fiercer than the kitci Pieris Deriyanagala, wł the Bandaranaikes' Wed ing her personal reputa ily name."
Few forecasts ha Thanks to Sirima Banc of a heart attackaged 8 husband, the name of legend. She not only woman prime minister, Country's government the face of Ceylon, in m. made it a republic, and Lanka.
More than that, Mr One of the third World's bing shoulders with Ind Marshal Tito and others aligned movement. Ac the kitchen fire, and, fierCer.
Yasmine Gooneral the vast Bandaranaike cle Paulie's" scathing memoirs, Relative M Sirima" as "the most fo leader the country ha WOrds of Maureen Sel : "If Mr Bandaranaike's leader was built up ov ing, Sirimavo (the suo donned hers like a cle her wardrobe for year been pressed and kep given moment."
Sirima Bandara Ratwatte, the daughte family in the Kandyar perfect match for the ily of her future husba Cal ambition. Like m Bandaranaikes were ! held prominent posit regime then in chargi
Although many also served the gove lish first names, mOS dhist, and preserv Sirima's was just suci
 

15 NOVEMBER 2.
Bamaanake 1915-20)
SVOman me MiniSD
John Rettie
ow of politics?" scornhe assassinated prime OmOn "Solla" BandaSirima announced that is party's leadership in
mapresided over nothen fire," COntinued Paul O had been best man at jing. "She'll end by spoilion and ruining the fam
'e proved so mistaken. aranaike, who has died 4, even more than to her Bandaranalike became a ecame the World's first but went On to head her hree times. She altered anyways controversially, changed its name to Sri
S Bandaranaike became best-known leaderS, rubira Gandhi, Chouen-Lai, intheheyday of the nonauldron far, indeed, from at home at least, much
ne, another Cousin within Clan, WhoreCounted"UnComments in her family erits, describes "Aunt midable and Charismatic ever seen". And in the eviratne, her biographer stature as a politician and r decades of campaignix 'vo' denotes respect) ak that had been lying in unWOrn, but which had ready for wearing at any
laike was b0rn Sirima of a prominent Sinhalese hill Country of Ceylon - a tealthy, low-Country famnd, with his driving politiiny similar families, the loroughly anglicised, and nS in the British Colonial of the Country.
ading Kandyan families ment and adopted Engemained staunchly Bud| Sinhalese traditions. a clan. Her father, Barnes
Ratwatte (named, like her husband-to-be, after a British governor-general), was seen as an excellent match for her mother, herself the daughter of one of the best-known Kandyan chieftain families.
Wanting the best education - which had to be English-for Sirima, the eldest of six children, her parents sent her, at the age of eight, to a Convent boarding school in the capital, Colombo But they ensured that she remained a devout Buddhist, speaking Sinhala as fluently as English. After leaving school, she threw herself into social welfare work, walking miles through jungles and over mountains to distribute food and medicines, organise clinics and develop village industries. She became a great favourite of the Sinhalese peasantry, acquiring a reputation that was to prove invaluable to both her husband and herself.
Her marriage, in 1940, to Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike, then a briliar young, Oxford-educated Colonial government minister, was dubbed "the wedding of the century". Both were from the top goyigama caste of landowners, and their horoscopes were found to match perfectly. And if he did not know the rural Sinhalese as she did, Bandaranaike instinctively sensed their needs and aspirations,
Unfortunately, neither knew anything about the Country's Tamil minority, its language and Culture or needs and aspirations. It was an Omission that often led the couple to ignore the Tamils Or make fatal blunders in dealing with them.
At first, Sirima's public role was that of a dutiful wife. Her eldest child, Sunethra, was born in 1943, followed by Chandrika, and finally a boy. Anura. But in 1948, as the island of Ceylon edged towards independence, the shy, methodical wife andmother found her home invaded at all hours by her mercurial husband's friends, forever discussing politics and demanding refreshment.
Throughout their married life, according to James Manor's biography of Bandaranaike, The Expedient Utopian, her main difficulty was her husband's male chauvinism. Manor cites apOSsibly apocryphal, but indicative, story about a delay in tea being served at apolitical gathering in their Colombo house, to the host's irritation When it appeared at last, and his wife retired to the kitchen, he shouted: "Sirimal These gentlemen drink tea with sugar. For the sugar to get into the Cup, there must be some instrument. You have not put a spoon in the Sugar bowl."
Manor's account Continues: "The dutiful wife went to fetch a spoon, and Mr Bandaranaike quipped: "We have to think for them too." She made no complaint. No wonder the men failed

Page 29
S NOVEMBER 2000
to foresee what a forceful leader She WOuld be - "perhaps too forceful", Manor adds drily.
Nonetheless, Sirima SOOn became Bandaranaike's valued Confidante. It was she who persuaded him to resign from the government and the ruling United National Party (UNP) in 1951. She had long been aware of his exasperation at the social and political immobility since independence. Two months later, he formed the Sri Lankan Freedom Party (SLFP), with democratic socialism and Sinhalese resurgence at its heart, setting the party political battle lines in the Country for the rest of the century.
General elections the following year brought Sirima her first baptism of political fire, as she campaigned On her husband's behalf in his Constituency, while he carried his new party's message to the rest of what was still Ceylon. Her reward was the biggest majority for him of any candidate, though the SLFP won only nine seats. At the next elections, in 1956, Bandaranaike won by a landslide and formed a leftwing Coalition. The key factor in his victory was the "Sinhala only"policy - the promise to replace English with Sinhala as the island's sole official language, and a watershed policy in Ceylonese history. It was aimed at the dominance of the English-speaking elite, but, in fact, sowed the seeds of bitter Conflicts with the Tamils. Bandaranaike used Sinhalese chauvinism to gain power, but found he could not control it. And though the influential Buddhist monk who planned his murder in 1959 was motivated primarily by personal grievances, this chauvinism played a part in it.
For Mrs Bandaranaike, her husband's death was a traumatic tragedy. One morning, she was in thegardenoftherhouse, always opento visitors, when she heard a Commotion inside. She rushed indoors to find him Collapsing, gravely wounded, with a Buddhist monk pointing a gun at him. She Courageously flung herself at the gunman, who was then felled by police fire, but Bandaranaike died in hospital the next day.
Sirima was given little time to grieve in peace. The following year, she suCCumbed to the SLFP's desperate pleas to assume the party leadership, and led it to victory on a wave of public sympathy. The World's first Woman prime minister took office in triumph,
In the next four years, she forged ahead with the socialist reform programme her husband had initiated - and, indeed, went further. The island was thrustfull-tilt into the emerging non-aligned movement; foreign oil companies were nationalised, and all government business was transferred to the state-owned Bank of Ceylon and the new People's Bank, bringing an end to American aid; Soviet aid was sought for industrialisation projects; and education was reformed infaWOur of the Buddhist Sinhalese.
But Mrs Bandaranaike paid a high price. At the end of 1964, under pressure from right-wing Buddhist leaders, some SLFP MPs Crossed the floor, and the government Collapsed. Sirima lost the next year's elections, but was herself elected to parliament for the first time.
Five years on came sweet revenge. In 1970, the United Left Front, led by the SLFP won a two-thirds majority in parliament, and the socialist
bandwagon set of aga not fast enough for the youths of the extreme tion Front, the JVP.
Having benefited educational reforms, th no jobs for them, so, ir insurrection. It was Swif Cost of an estimated than 10,000 were jailed, released.
Deeply shaken, the hurriedly with land refo tea estates and a new which changed Ceylon' made Buddhism the st may of the mainly Hind Mrs Bandaranaike Control Over the econo familiar consequences. ing oil prices, living st welter of rationing, bure As a result, her SLFP elections, winning a de UNP, led by Julius Jaya majority, which he used authoritarian regime hi posed in her second ter. the 1972 Constitution a executive president, se state with the mere tra 1980, he vindictively h suspended for seven ye a Crime of which he him more guilty.
With Mrs Bandaran public role, the SLFP w the difficult years ahead hold the party together to play, to counter Jaya masterly manoeuvres.
Succession to the p a bone of Contention b who was moving to the Chandrika, who eventua her popular film-star ht natunga, formed their C of whose main aims wa ment with the Tamils. E restored in 1985, Mrs E her place as unchallenge fortunes rose again.
After Kumaranatu 1988, Chandrika event and, proving herself a secured the party leade pense of Anura, who h. to the UNP, But, said Mr ingly: "He's my son and
These were years Sri Lanka, more often government pr the rulir wide pogrom against T. to armed resistance with India sent in troops to ment. It failed, but Mrs dia's greatest ally on th the intervention, in the mationalism she had lor

at full Speed - although militant and disaffected ftwing People's Libera
Om Mrs Bandaranaike's y found there were still 1971, they launched an y Crushed, though at the 000 young lives. More although most were later
government pressed on m, nationalisation of the republican Constitution, name to Sri Lanka and te religion - to the dis| Tamils.
also imposed rigid state my, which had the now Jnder the impact of soarandards Collapsed in a aucracy and Corruption. Was routed in the 1977 risory eight seats. The yardene, SeCured a 75% ruthlessly to tighten the s predecessor had imm. Jayawardene revised nd had himself elected tting up an oppressive pings of democracy. In ad Sirima's civic rights ars for abuse of power - Self SOOn became much
aike unable to play any vas riven by discord. In l, her main task was to ind, with very few cards wardene's devious but
arty leadership became etween her Son Anura, right, and her daughter tly broke away and, with sband Vijaya Kumarawn leftwing party - one Sto seek a rapprocheut with her civic rights andaranaike recovered d leader and the SLFP's
ga's assassination in ally rejoined the SLFP Onsummate politician, ship in 1994 at the exd angrily Crossed over Bandaranaike Consol
Ove him." f mounting violence in an not initiated by the UNP. After a nationmils in 1983, they took Uch effect that, in 1987, mpose a peace settlelandaranaike, Once inisland, hotly opposed lame of the Sinhalese | since embraced.
AMILTMES 29
Without influence either in Delhi or among the Tamils, she was powerless to sway events. Nor could she prevent rising violence in the south. In 1989, the JVP, by now more chauvinist than Marxist, was crushed by the UNP government - with vastly greater brutality than in 1971. Estimates of the number slaughtered vary from 30,000 to 70,000; no prisoners were taken and no trials held - a sharp contrast with Mrs Bandaranaike's treatment of the JVP.
Her last bid for power came in the presidential elections of 1988, and the parliamentary polls of the following year. With the cards stacked so heavily against her by Jayawardene and his successor, Ranasinghe Premadasa, she could hardly win, though despite all the violence and electoral manipulation heused, Premadasa seCured only 50.1% of the votes. However, the UNPlost its two-thirds majority in parliament, its chief weapon in manipulating the constitution. What finally broke the government was Premadasa's assassination in 1993.
Reluctant though she was to hand over the reins, age was telling on Mrs Bandaranaike. Impressed by Chandrika's brilliant campaigning, she stepped down just before the parliamentary elections in August 1994. It may have been part of the deal that when Chandrika als0 WOn the presidential elections three months later, sheappointed her mother prime minister - a symbolic act intended to extirpate Jayawardene's injustice over her civic rights.
Real power, however, remained in her daughter's hands. Sirima retired as prime minister last August to allow her daughter to appoint a hardliner, in an attempt to boost the government's fight against Tamil separatists ahead of this Week's elections.
With a more cosmopolitan Outlook than her mother, and influenced by her late husband's ideals, Chandrikamade a genuine effort to come to terms with the Tamils. But her father's miscalculations, her mother's ignorance and neglect of the Tamils, and what can only be described as Jayawardene's cynical viciousness towards them, created a legacy of Sinhalese intransigence and Tamil fanaticism that may have made the task impossible.
The Bandaranaikes - husband and widow - unquestionably broke the stifling Colonial ethos of the English-speaking elite, and restored dignity and a rightful place to the Sinhalese majority. But it was done largely by exploiting their chauvinism, and at the expense of the Tamils, not least because Mrs Bandaranaike, like most Sinhalese, had little Concept of her island as a multi-ethnic whole. If a Country may be judged by how it treats its minorities, the failure to treat them properly in Sri Lanka has carried a fearsome price, which even yet has not been fully paid.
Bandaranaike is survived by her three children.
o Sirima Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike, politician, born April 171916; died October 102000.
(Courtesy of The Guardian (Ondon and Manchester) Wednesday October 11, 2000)

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30 TAMITMES
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OBITUARIES
Mr. S. Sivapathasundaram, eldest son of the late Maniagar Sonnasundaran Pillai and Kathirasipillai of Karampon, Jaffna, brother of the late Sivagnananayaki, Thaiyalnayaki, Theagarajahpillai and of Periyanayaki; beloved husband of Gnanatheepam, loving father of Dr. Manjubhachini, Ra Vilochanan and the late Prasannavadhana, father-inlaw of Sivanathan and Manjula; grandfather Of Priyadarsheni and Sivaskandan passed away in London or 8th November 2000 and
 
 
 

15 NOVEMBER2000
was Crennated at the South London Crematorium on 13th November.
The members of the family wish to thank all friends and relatives Who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted them in several ways during the period of bereavement - 55 Rectory Park, Sanderstead, Croydon, Surrey CR99JR. Tel 0208657 6901
Poorani Sujithan departed this life in her 8th year after a bravely fought illness on 1, 11.2000. She was a student
of Jaffna St. John Bosco Vidyalayam.
Her loving memory will forever reside in the hearts of those who survive her. Living with her memory are her beloved
father Devarajan Sujithan (Bank of Ceylon, Jaffna/Colombo), nother Jeyadevi Sujithan (Jafna
Hindu Ladies College), sister Uthami (Jaffna Hindu Ladies College), paternal grandmother Pathmadevi Devarajan (Kantharmadam), maternal grandmother Saraswathy Panchadcharan (Neervely), appu padda Punjaksharam (Teacher of English, Neervely), padda Gananathalingam (Retired Deputy Director, Ceylon Customs), Pooranam Achchi, uncles, aunts and Cousins. Her paternal grandfather Namasivayam Deva Rajan (Licensed Surveyor, Kantharmadam, Yalpanam), and maternal grandfather Panchadcharam (KKS Cement Factory) preceded her in death. - Rengan, Flat 4, 24 Mansfield Road, Ilford, Essex [G1 3AZ: Tel. 020 8553 2632.
passed,
in Memory of Our Father The Late Mr. Richard Jeyarajasingam
Appa, the day is still fresh in our minds When the Lord decided to take you home. it is hard to believe that ten long years have
Nota day went by without your thoughts, You have been a role model of a father,
An earthly father who fits God's plans and purpose. We thank the Lord for your life As our Heavenly Father assures us that "In His presence there is fullness of joy. ... (Psalm 18:11) We will encourage each other with this promise Until we meet again, Fondly remembered and sadly missed Your loving wife Ranee, Children Ranjan, Seelan, Shanthy, Jayanthy and their families,

Page 31
15 NOVEMBER 2000
IN MEMORAM Lovingly Remembered on the 11 Anniversary of the Passing Away of
Daniel Selvarajah Sanders Ph.D., ACSW Sept 28 1928 - Oct 14 1989 The Tenth Annual Daniel S. Sanders Peace and Social Justice Lecture Internationally known as a leader in efforts to achieve world peace, human rights and social justice, Daniel S. Sanders was Dean, Professor and Director of international Program at the University of Hawaii, School of social Work, USA from 19711986. Dan was Dean Professor and Director for the Center for the Study of International Social Welfare Policies and Services, University of Illinois, School of Social Work at Urbana-Champaign fronn 1986-1989. A founder and First President, inter-University Consortium for International Social Development (IUCISD) 1989. The IUCISD membership has grown to about 85 countries. The IUCISD - European Branch had its biennial conference in Riga, Latvia, Sept 26-30, 2000 on Social Work and Social Development - New Trends in a Changing Europe. Dr Piotr Salustowicz, President of the IUCISD-European Branch, mentioned Dan's Writings in his paper presentation, "internationalisation and Academisation in Social Work Education." Professor Julian Bond, President Emeritus of the Southern Law and Poverty Center, former Georgia State Senator and Representative gave the 10th Annual Daniel S. Sanders Lecture on March 28, 2000 at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign campus. Julian Bond is known nationally for his work toward social change and justice. This event is sponsored annually by the School of Social Work and is an important campus and community event. The lecture was supported by the School, the Daniel S. Sanders Peace and Social Justice Lecture Fund which was established by Mrs. Christobel Chelvathy Sanders and by 25 additional units on the University of Illinois campus. The title of Professor Bond's address was 2000: A Race Odyssey. He reviewed the role which race has played in American life and culture from an historical perspective, focusing primarily on the 20th century. His presentation paralleled the founding of the NAACP (National Association of African and Colored People) and its role in the fight for equal justice. Professor Bond spoke about the role of race in American society and the progress for justice and equal rights for all as being a pivotal point in American culture and life during the last century. in considering race relations, he explored what possibilities exist for achieving racial justice and equity in the future. Bond said that racism is still present in America very much. . . . Even though enormous progress has been made, in some ways these are more difficult times. . . it is more difficult to attack now because it does not have legal sanction. A dinner was hosted as usual by Professors Sri and Beth Namachchivaya in their home 'Serendib' with Mrs. Sanders to honor the speaker, With much love to Rajan, Mrs. Christobel Chelvathy Sanders, Sanders/Niles families, Selvaranee, Chandraranee, Chandran and Mangai, Balan and Susila, Ariam and Sushila, Alagan and Thavayogam, Augusta Niles, nieces and nephews. - 1807 Vancouver Place, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822 USA.
 
 

IN MEMORAM First Death Anniversary
In Ever Loving Memory of Viranjani Rajika Malalgoda on the First Anniversary of her passing away under tragic cirCumstances On 7th November
1999.
It's a year since you went away, Time is a great healer they Sау,
No for us daring, Each passing day we miss you more and more. We treasure your last words, "Thank you for everything mum, I've enjoyed my stay' Chooty darling, thank you for being, Our daughter and our friend. To see you smile once more, To hold you close to our heart, To tell you how much we love you, And how proud we are of you. Chooty, we love and miss you so much, Rest in God's special Garden. We will always miss you. Love you forever. Mum and Dad Lonely is the home without you, Life to us is not the same, All the World Would be like heaven, lf we could have you back again. We think of you in silence, We talk about you too, We have lots of lovely memories, But we wish, we still had you With us. Always in our Thoughts, Love you always. Aiya and Saloni Indra & Mahinda Malalgoda Shanthinivasa, 96 Celeborn Street, South Woodham Ferrers, Essex CM37AF
TAMILTIMES 31
ln fond memory of Dr. P. Alageswaran on the eighth anniversary of his passing away on 10th November 1992. Much loved and missed by Ratnes, Krishna, Shyamala, family, friends and relations.
Wiggs<td>op: seet * Z/YA/A7%
Mrs Chandra Ragupathy In ever loving memory of my wife Chandra on the fifth anniversary of her passing away on 26th November 1995.
Sadly missed and foridly remembered as always by her loving husband Ragupathy - 262 MVricklemarsh Road, Lon
o jį in loving memory of Miss Daisy Selvaranee Rasiah on the second anniversary of her passing away on 10th November 1998.
"Love and Remembrance last for ever.'
Greatly loved, Deeply missed and always remembered by all her loved ones. - 64, Jessup Close, London SE18.

Page 32
32 TAM TIMES
25th Anniversary
Renenbrance
Dependable friend, Unfailing Helper of the poor and the needy.
Remembered by family and friends
Mr. & Mrs. J. Singarayer and Children, Dr, & Mrs. N.A.C. Mohanraj and children, Mr. S. Nadarajah and Mr. & Mrs. R. Maruthalingam.
Chinniah Wethanayagam Edward (C.V.E) Navaratnasingam Born: Udupiddy 06/02/1908 Died Pandateruppu 01/12/1975
in loving тетоту of Mr. P. V. Nadarajah on the twelfth anniversary of his passing
Principal and Teacher - Govt. Mahavidyalaya, Delft, Govt. Mahavidyalaya, Erlalai; St.
Joseph's, Mathagal; St. Anthony's, Kayts; St. Joseph's, Bandara wela, St. Henry's, lllavalai; beloved husband of late Sornamma Regina; loving father,
away on 16th November 1988.
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by his beloved wife Thilagavathy, loving children Usha, Varathan, Nalini
Veena Vinotham
Jananee, a Student of Snt SivaSakihi Sivanesan of the Bharathiya Vidya Bhavan ascended the stage with her Veena on 21st October 2000 at the Beck Theatre, Hayes, Middx.
The Concert Started Off With an Ata' thala warnam in the raga Kanada and continued with compositions of Dikshitar, Thyagaraja and Guru Surajananda. The tradition was strictly observed and every composition played to the musical grammar of Carnatic music. After the interval, the first piece was a composition of Mysore Vasudevachari in the raga Sunadavinothini, a rare raga very seldom sung or played. The raga chosen for the main piece was Kalyani. This raga was played well showing the key aspects Of it. The “Thanann” and the "Palla Vi” followed With grace and elegance. The Con
Cert Concluded With in On the Whole the COn ty. The courage an young lady should be The accompanists Sri M. BalaChander Sri R. N. Prakash Orn musicians never fail cert, whether the artis; novice. They seemec Sion and encourage stage without them is The Arangetram wa Chief Guest was a re er, Smt Kalpagan Sw is an exponent in the 1 composition of Diksh speech, she conn artistes potential. No COmmentS. I WaS ren “Vashisdar vayal Bh else can one say of J: talented lady?
Books for Prof. Kopan Mahé hundreds of Eng his personal libral Management, E. Ergonomics, Poe to interested Tai Century House Birminghan Te: O121
 
 
 
 
 

5 NOVEMBER200
and Nanthini, sons-in-law Sivanathan, Rajkumar and Vathsayan; daughter-in-law Savithiri; grandchildren Baira Vi, Luxmi, Uruthiran, Abhirani, Sebestian and Isabel. - 11 Stapleford Close, Southfields, London SW19 6TG. Tel: O2O 8789.4798.
Appreciation on page (33 FORTHCOMING EVENTS
Dec 1 Shashti. Dec 3 Feast of Francis Xavier.
Dec 6 Feast of St. Nicholas.
Dec 7 Sukkla Eekathasi, Feast of St. Ambrose.
Dec 8 Pirathosam, Feast of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Dec 9 Karthigai; Thirukarthigai Theepam, 7.30pm SCOT Christmas Dinner & Dance at Acton Town Hall, Acton High Street, London W3 6NE. Tel: 020 8870.9897, 2.30pm South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Children's Party, at John lnnes Youth Centre, 61 Kingston Road, London SMV19. Tel: O20 85423285.
Dec 10 Full Moon; Sarvaalaya Theepam, 4pm Putney Church Carol Service at Rivercourt Methodist Church,
King Street, Hammersmith,
OrdOr, MV6. Dec 13 Feast of St. Lucy. Dec 14 Sankadakara
Sathurthi, Feast of St. John of the Cross. Dec 16 7pm SLTWG Christmas Dinner at Merton Hall, 76 Kingston Road, London SW19. Tel: O2085423275, Dec 21 Eekathasi; 6.30pm Christmas Celebrations at Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 4A Castletown Road, London VV14 9HG. Tel 020 7381 3086/4608. All cordially invited.
Dec 22 PirathoSam. Dec 25 Annavasai; Christmas Day. Dec 29 Sathurthi. Feast of St. Thomas. Dec. 31 Shashti; Thiruvembavai starts, Feast of St. Sylvester.
iscellaneous pieces. cert Was good qualid conviction of the
Connended. or this Concert Were on Mruthangam and Gatan. These two to enhance the Conte is a professional Or to enjoy the occad the new COmer. A music Without notes. is unique in that the nowned Veena playaminathan. This lady ield and knows every itar by heart. In her ended the young Word Can excel her inded of the saying, ramma rishi." What ananee, a young and
Hindolam.
Donation adeva is donating lish books from y in Engineering, conomics, O.R., try, Fiction, etc., nils in UK fronn , Sutton Road,
B235XA.
382 O109.
மகிழ்ச்சி
Putney Church Carol Service The much celebrated LTCC Choirs accompanied by Western & Eastern instruments would be heard singing modern and traditional carols at Putney Church Carol Service in HammerSmith, London W6. This time 4 short Sketches are included in the Service Within the theme ( LDépéd ); subtitled Beauty for Brokeness.
The sketches open with Moses of Old, depicting the harsh realities of life faced with the Call of God, M.J. Gunaratnam plays this leading role. Andrew Muthukumar complements the supporting role as his eldest son Gershom. This scene captures the emotions of the past and resurrects the memories of contemporary contexts. The Junior Church blends their cute acting skills in sketch 2 by exploring modern innuendoes. Sound effects, lights, background music and prompting are done by Rajan Dharmachandran. Rathika Rajan, Anusha Solomons and Kandiah, the consummate soa5u5606) merchant of the North, canicatured by Sri Haran takes centre stage by tickling the funny-bones in sketches 3 and 4. Gladstone Worthington plucks the best out of Kandiah by playing Thamby, a youthful Oxford student. Thamby skilfully put Kandiah On the spot and takes him on a spiritual journey. The curtain closes with CNN live' - the Nativity reporter Barry Walker interviewing Kandiah a the Crib in Bethlehem ... the rest, as they Say is historyl
LD&Sp&d will be held on Dec. 10th 2000 at 4pm at Rivercourt Methodist Church, King Street, Hammersmith.
continued on page 33

Page 33
15 NOVEMBER2000
continued from page 32
Mr. Rajan, President of LTCC hopes that the 'Heart-felt Appeal" for a free-will offering to be Collected at this well attended Service to send generous funds to provide much needed help for hospitals in the war zones' would be successful, Minister, Putney Church Revd. B.J. Alexander Confirms in the midst of Celebrations, we want to pause to bring practical support to our brethren. The service is something beautiful for brokeness."
Earl Chambers.
Mr. P. V. Nadarajah
- An Appreciation
The passing away of Mr. PV. Nadarajah has plunged all of us in immeasurable grief. We have als lost a good friend, the like of whom is very rare these days. Skanda Varodaya College has lost a loyal old pupil and a former science teacher, par excellence. My family and | have lost One Who was deeply attached to us, one whom I counted as one of my most loyal and trusted old pupils.
Mr. Nadarajah belonged to the first batch of five students who entered the University of Ceylon for Physical Science and Medicine, offering Physics as a subject. Mr. T. Kandasamy, who recently retired from the post of Government Analyst, the first to enter, did not offer Physics, as our Physics laboratory was not adequate then for University entrance work. I advised Nadarajah and others to go to schools with better laboratories if they wished to offer Physics but Nadarajah insisted on staying with us and others also followed him. I was moved by this Confidence in us and wished to help them, I requested the late principal Selliah of Jaffna College to let our boys do practical Work in his College. He readily agreed and also supervised their work and helped them. Nadarajah and two others were admitted for the physical science to the University of Ceylon and the other two for medicine.
When he graduated he joined our staff and served in Skantha for 10 years. He taught Physics in the upper forms and along with Mr. Durairajah produced those excellent University Entrance and Advanced Level results which placed Skantha in a pre-eminent position among Jaffna Schools. He took part in all the activities of the college and performed more work there than what mere duty required. He won the love and regard of both the teachers and pupils. Then he joined Mahajana College and served 7 years. He also worked in the Educational Publications Department from where he went to Nigeria and taught Physics to the University Entrance classes and produced good results. He won the commendations of the Education Department there and his service was extended from time to time, ill health forced him to return to Sri Lanka.
He was well informed on many matters especally in modern Science and technology, had a keen intellect and a lively sense of humour and these made him a pleasant perSon to talk to, He was straight forward and forthright in stating his views and it used to be a pleasurable expenience to me to discuss School matters With hin especially when we disagreed. He was a man of strong Convictions and would not budge
even an inch from apo Vinced that it was the Sessed of abundant those who needed his pass this way.
May he attain Moksh.
Kalaimamal Booshany K
Տ
The State Government nition of Outstanding artistes every year in Music, Art, Drama, Film Kalaimamani. This yea for music went to Bo She is the first Sri Lank: eted award for Carnati presently Professor of C Shetra.
Booshany is a da Booshanan Kulaseger Lanka and former Cal Royal College, Colomb
Mr.A. Q. V - An App
It was with great Sadne, loss that we received Quintin Vivian Philips Quintin had passed awa on 10th August 2000.
CRuintin was born on Jaffna into a well respec his education at St. P Where he passed the LC joined the Ceylon Gc 1942. After serving at v maturely retired in 196 Cantile sector till his r Merlyn and had four ch fied and settled in life, the States. After his wi 1989, he migrated to Uk Children. In the UK he the activities of the Sl Employees Welfare Patrick's College Old B death. He had not for and Visited Sri Lanka at to see his kith and kin.
He WaS a Social Wor total dedication in Servi minated in his being he an All island Justice O
 
 

sition When he Was conright one. He was poshumanity and helped help. Such men rarely
3.
C. Subramaniam. ni Award for alyanaraman
of Tamil Nadu in recogcontributions made by different fields such as is etc awards the title of r the prestigious award oshany Kalyanaraman, an artiste fO Win the COVic Vocal music. She is 2arnatic Music at Kalak
Lughter of Sangeetha ampillai of Velanai, Sri natic Music master at
О
1. Phillips reciation ss and a sense of deep the news that Anthony
, popularly known as ay peacefully in London
31st October 1921 in ted Catholic family, had atricks College, Jafna 2ndon Matriculation and overnment Railway in arious Stations, he pre2, worked in the meretirement. He married ildren, who are all marthree in UK and One in fe predeceased him in in 1990 to live with his took a keen interest in i Lanka Railway Past Association and St. oys Association tili his gotten his motherland. least once in two years
ker, whose ability and ng the community cul}noured and appointed f Peace in Sri Lanka.
TAMILTIMES 33
When working for the Trains Control Office, Maradana he fell foul of his superior officers for his forthrightness in pointing out a wrong decision and standing up for what he thought was right.
Quintin by his actions built in his associates the sense of togetherness, of co-operation and respect for each other's values and traditions and his life was marked by his loving attitude to those around him. He was a devout Catholic, sincere, honest, genuine and down-to-earth With an unblemished character and a self effacing personality of unassuming manners. We have lost a good friend and the large number of mourners of all faiths and races at his funeral bear testimony to the respect and regard they had for hinn,
Our condolences go out to his children Charmaine, Lorraine, Jasmine, Ravi, Sons-in-law, daughter-in-law and grandchildren and pray that the almighty grant them the strength to bear the loss and the courage to face the future with equanimity and fortitude. May his soul rest in peace.
M. Balasandrum,
Middx, UK
Happy 50th Birthday Anniversary
On 4 December 2000
Hey Dolly I still get jealous when they look at you, I may not show it, I do, It's more than what I Can bear, When they start to stare, Cos, they think you're too good to be true.
Twin Flats in Colombo 5 For Sale
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Page 34
34 TAMILTIMES
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