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15 MAY 2001
“I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.”
-Voltaire
Taniil
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XX No. 5 15 MAY 2001
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box l 21, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD United Kingdom Phone: 020 - 8644 0972 FaX: 020 - 8241 4557 Email: prajanG)gn.apc.org editor(a)tamiltimes.org
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Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers. The publishers assume no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or artwork.
CONTENTS
Politics & Crime - the nexus 03
People and Politics 04 NeWS Review 08 Peace Prospects 13
Creating Climate for Peace 18 Nutrition - Women & Children 21 Religious Sentiment and
National Sovereignty 22 Pockets of Peace 25 Jayalalitha Returns 26 Tamil Nationalism in TN 28 Flowers will always bloom 29
T P
The recent viol had their fallout in t nature of ethnic ré Volved relations b the third largest m The original inc religion. It was a manding “kapan' (p. violently attacked
The question is ethnic-religious din and destruction of
The incidents r the law enforceme that they are in lea fest the linkage th Criminal elements sinister when crim, tion and as a con criminality, but in their Crimes. The C Cumstances bring this linkage.
On 30 April, tw local politicians, in from a bake-house of the shop, Ameer and he was Cut with at the Scene the th victim if they dared tion, and on the Wa incident. Hisham u to take action agai police station to m gered at the police lims gathered in th Tension mounted attack on the picke purpose. In fact the the attack. The ge the police would n tion of the politicial
In the wake of Such other action a mal Violence to oth are Commendable. ers who failed to removal from offic identified as the pa incidents would ha' to good governanc bly lacking is the re those politicians wil known. Permitting ity in criminal con other leading posit Courage the nexus
 
 
 

TAMILMES 3
le Nexus Between olitics and Crime
ent incidents in the rural town of Mawenella that quickly e capital in Maradana powerfully demonstrated the volatile lations in Sri Lanka. This time round, the incidents intween the country's majority Sinhalese community and nority, the Muslims. ident at Mawanella did not involve issues of ethnicity or case of some persons belonging to the local mafia derotection money) from a Muslim trader being brutally and or refusing to give the demanded sum.
as to how and why that such an incident assumed an hension sparking off violent incidents including loss of life property. eflect a pattern of inaction and complicity on the part of nt agencies, particularly the police, leading to the belief gue with criminal gangs. At another level, they also maniat has sadly developed over the years between known and local politicians. This linkage becomes all the more inals are known to enjoy political patronage and protecsequence the police not only turn a blind eye to their some cases develop a tendency to become partners in letails of the Mawanella incident and its surrounding cirnto sharp focus the sinister and the dangerous nature of
o local thugs, known to enjoy the patronage of powerful cluding a Minister, attempted to extort 'protction money' owned by a Muslim. Upon non-compliance, an employee , was forcibly dragged into the town centre, tied to a post a razor in his face and chest. With two policemen present ugs challenged the people who had gathered to free the Ameer's employer, Hisham proceeded to the police staly he saw a police jeep and directed it to the scene of the htied Ameer and took him to the hospital. The police failed nst the gang of thugs. Next morning, Hisham went to the ake a complaint but the police declined to record it. Aninaction and refusal to entertain any complaint, the Muse town and picketed demanding the arrest of the culprits. and the police did not even an attempt to prevent the t by a mob that had descended on the town for this very -re are reliable allegations that the police too had joined in neral impression that is left behind is that the thugs and ot have acted so outrageously if they had not the protec
S. the incidents, the Government imposing curfews, taking is necessary to prevent the further spreading of commuer parts of the country and ordering an impartial inquiry
Prompt action was called for against errant police officperform their duty to uphold law and order. Immediate of the local politicians and the Minister who have been rons of the thugs who were responsible for the Mawanella ve reassured the public of the Government's commitment e and the adherence to the rule of law. What is lamentasolve on the part of the Government to take action against nose link with criminal elements is commonly and publicly politicians against whom serious accusations of complicluct have been made to continue to hold ministerial Or ons in the administration would only serve to further enbetween politics and crime.

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4 TAMILTIMES
O Whither Peace Talks?
The hopes that were rising of an early date for peace talks to begin between the Government and the LTTE have yet to be realised.
The outcome of the five hours of talks on 16-17 May between Norway's special peace envoy Erik Solheim, Jon Westborg the Norwegian Ambassador in Sri Lanka, and an Executive Officer of the Norwegian Foreign Ministry with the leader of the political wing of the LTTE, S P Tamil Chelvam and his colleagues did not produce the expected results as the LTTE remained firm on their three 'pre-requisites' as preconditions for the start of peace talks. The pre-requisites are, the lifting of what the LTTE calls "removing the economic blockade of the Tamil areas of the north-east, the declaration of a formal ceasefire, and the lifting of the ban imposed on the LTTE by the Government. Of these "pre-requisites”, the Government's response appears to be amenable to the first two. Having denied that there ever was an "economic embargo', the Government lifted the restriction on the transport of 24 items to the north. But the LTTE wants a total lifting of restrictions, including items such as fuel and cement. However, there are indications that the dispute on this issue is not insuperable. Even on the issue of a formal cessation of hostilities, the Government having initially proposed a time-bound bilateral cessation of hostilities, the signs are that it is ready to give in.
The major hurdle appears to be the insistence on lifting the ban on the LTTE on which the Government appears not prepared to give in. There are those who urge the LTTE not to insist on its demand for de-proscription as a precondition for talks, and there are others who want the Government to suspend the ban for a temporary period, a course action which may not be acceptable to the LTTE.
A statement issued by a group of well known human rights and peace activists said in a recent statement, "As peace initiatives relating to internal armed conflicts elsewhere have shown us, the de-proscription of an anti-State movement inevitably takes place with advances made at the negotiation table. In this, the LTTE has the primary responsibility to ensure that the issue of the ban is treated as a negotiable de
mand, along wit humanitarian del non-negotiable pl mencement of pe tories to this stater sekera, Sunanda Edirisinha, Paikia and Javid Yusuf.
It is becomin that the insistence demand can turn obstacle to the p process. The th LTTE's strategy c demand is made issued followin meeting with thi May: "...... We W negotiations with thentic, legitima our people for W on our organisati The internationa understand that in peace talks a entity with a distic rorists' .... It is tion of our peop liberation organi If Sri Lanka war nent resolution c should not hesit as the Tamil pe( The differen this one deman gards as absoluti pation in peace as follows: (a) LTTE is the representative c fore recognised (b) The Sri Lan lift the ban imp (c) The deman ban on the LT piration of the (d) If Sri Lank lution of the e treat the demar
 

15 MAY 2001
other political and ands, and not as a :-condition for comce talks."The signaentare Sunila AbeyDeshapriya, Rohan othy Saravanamuttu
g increasingly clear
by the LTTE on this out to be the biggest "ogress of the peace inking behind the fputting forward this lear by its statement g Tamil Chelvan's 2 Norwegians on 16 vish to enter political Sri Lanka as the aute representatives of hich the proscription on should be lifted.... community should we cannot participate an illegal, criminal rted false labelas “terthe colective aspirae that the ban on our ation should be lifted. speace and a permathe ethnic conflict, it te to remove the ban ple’s demand.” elements contained in which the LTTE rey essential for particialks can be dissected
thentic and legitimate
the Tamils, and there
ind treated as such; un government should sed on the LTTE; for the lifting of the , is the "collective asmil people; Wants peace and resonic conflict, it should for lifting the ban as a
demand by the Tamil people as a whole, and should therefore not hesitate to remove the ban;
The international community should understand that the LTTE would not participate in peace talks as an illegal, criminal entity falsely labelled as "terrorists', and hence the ban imposed in countries such as India, USA and the United Kingdom should also be lifted. The Tamil Guardian published from London in its editorial (16 May) made the LTTE's position perfectly clear on this issue: "The LTTE is unequivocal, as it has been for years: Sri
Lanka's ban precludes the movement's
legal recognition as the representative of the Tamils. But whilst on one hand, the matter is a technical one - an agreement with an illegal entity isn't worth the paper it is written on - the matter has assumed different dimensions amongst the Tamil people..... The bans on the movement by India, the United States and particularly the United Kingdom were therefore humiliating and offensive.... Those disparate elements that are now urging the LTTE not to make the ban "a condition for talks display a profound lack of understanding on the fundamentals of the Tamil question. So do those who suggest this is a matter that can be resolved in the fullness of time. The Tamil cause is fundamentally a demand for recognition. Addressing their grievances can thus only begin with the lifting of the ban on their representatives.”
It seems clear the LTTE strategy is that at the same time as pressing the demand for the lifting the ban in Sri Lanka as a precondition for participation in peace talks, the LTTE is also linking the issue of lifting its proscription in countries like India, USA and the UK. It is this linkage that has prompted certain sections in the media, including editors and commentators, to claim that the LTTE is trying to use the peace talks as a ploy to secure its proscription lifted in the USA and United Kingdom.
While the debate about the pros and cons of lifting the ban on the LTTE is continuing, it would seem that the Norwegian shuttle diplomacy had made some progress. It also became evident that the Government has recognised an enhanced role for Norway in the peace process. A Government press release issued on 9 May said, "Foreign Minis

Page 5
15 MAY 2001 a narrow
ter Lakshman Kadirgamar in a letterto Norwegian Foreign Minister Thorbjorn Jagland recalls that the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE have stated that "they share the overall objective offinding a negotiated political solution to the ongoing armed conflict that has plagued Sri Lanka for almost two decades”, and that "The Norwegian Government is requested to take such new initiatives as might be required for this purpose to which end the Government of Sri Lanka will extend its fullest support,” Recalling that the Norwegian Government accepted this responsibility and designated Mr.Erik Solheim and Ambassador Jon Westborg to assist the parties to come together to commence negotiations, the Foreign Minister stated that “the indefatigable endeavours of these two gentlemen and
their associated efforts towards that end
have earned the deep appreciation of the Government of Sri Lanka'.
The Minister's letter stated that "in pursuance of the said objective” the parties had decided to take measures to alleviate any hardships and dangers to civilians affected by the ongoing conflict, and contribute to building understanding and a foundation on which negotiations can take place.
These measures are to be embodied in a document, which will contain certain humanitarian measures, which have been the subject of much discussion between the representatives of the Norwegian Government and the parties. The letter outlines the matters on which agreement has been reached."
“In view of the fruitful work done by all concerned towards getting the process of direct political negotiations moving, Foreign Minister Kadirgamar, on behalf of the Government of Sri Lanka, requests the Norwegian Government to renew urgently the most commendable efforts that have already been made by its representatives to keep the peace process moving.
Accordingly, the Norwegian Government is requested to take such new initiatives as might required for this purpose to which end the Government of Sri Lanka will extend its fullest support.”
The LTTE in a statement issued on 11 May, denying the Foreign Minister's claim that an agreement had been reached between the parties said, “We are still discussing several issues but
these discussions h malised and finalist between the parties mature and irrespo the Sri Lankan F falsely project to til an agreement has b
However, the progress made, thi wish to state that has been made on posal of the “Mem standing after into a considerable time facilitators. This which calls for go mutual reciprocity tion of the conflict a congenial atmos talks. We hope ar reached soon on t posal after furtherd fications on certair The Royal Nor Colombo confirmi sition said "there ment between the Lankan conflict, til istry of Foreign A response to medi Lanka.'
What prompted in diplomatic and the request by the the Norwegian go such new initiativ quired for this pu Government of Sr. its fullest support', as up-grading of N peace process.
Asked about t ence to "new initia the Norwegians, K of the Centre for (CPA) and a memb port Group (PSG) ing: “This could v knowledgement by the inevitable up-g role from that of a pro-active role app mediator. In any ( initiatives' indicate Government of the able flexibility by play an effective r that is what was in release of the Fore could also serve to perceptions by the

ave not yet been for:d into an agreement in conflict. It is prensible on the part of oreign Ministry to he world media that een reached. acknowledging the LTTE said, “We substantial progress the Norwegian proorandum of Under.nse discussions for with the Norwegian Norwegian project, odwill measures of aims at de-escalaand the creation of phere conducive for agreement can be he Norwegian proiscussions and clari
matters.' wegian Embassy in ng the LTTE's pois no overall agreeparties in the Sri he Norwegian Minffairs has stated in a reports from Sri
intense speculation political circles was Foreign Minister to vernment "to take es as might be rerpose to which the Lanka will extend which was regarded forway's role in the
he Minister's referives' to be taken by .ethesh Loganathan Policy Alternatives er ofthe Peace Supwas quoted as sayvell be a public acthe Government of rading of, Norway's facilitator to a more roximating that of a ase the term 'fresh is recognition by the need for considerNorway, if it is to ple,” adding that “If tended in the press ign Ministry, then it reconcile the gap in Government and the
TANIML, TIMES 5
LTTE as regards Norway's future role in the peace process'.
The indications are that if the peace process is to be taken forward, the Norwegians have to take new and many more initiatives.
O No Confidence Motion
The UNP leadership, under pressure from its "Reformist Group" led by the party's deputy leader, Karu Jayasuriya, has now decided to move motions of no confidence against the Government and the Chief Justice. As for the impeachment motion against the Chief Justice, which is spearheaded by the Sinhala weekly “Ravaya' Editor, Victor Ivan, who appears to be playing an increasingly significant role in the internal factional fighting within the party, the UNP as a political party stands little to gain politically. It would seem that many senior UNP lawyers have advised against this move. The Bar Association(BA) itself has already voiced strong opposition to the continuing campaign against the Chief Justice in the Ravaya. Dragging the head of the judiciary into the quagmire of partisan political vulgar and vindictive debate in parliament is not what the BA does want to take place.
As for the no confidence motion against the Government, there appears little chance of success if the constituent parties of the Peoples Alliance stand together. Even if all MPs presently constituting the opposition belonging to the UNP, JVP and all MP belonging to the Tamil parties like TULF, TELO and Tamil Congress combine together, it would not produce the numbers required to get the no confidence motion through parliament. The ruling PA coalition enjoys the support of only 116 members in the Parliament of 225 MPs, while the combined opposition can only muster the support of 108 MPs (UNP87 (excluding the Speaker, Anura Bandaranaike); JVP-10; TULF-5; TELO - 3; ACTC - 1; SU(Sihala Urumaya)- 1. That is why the UNP leadership has been and is trying hard to instigate defections from within the PA ranks. With all sort of promises being offered, particular pressure is being applied on the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress(SLMC) and the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) led by cabinet minister Arumugam Thondaman to defect and vote against the Government when the no

Page 6
6 TAMILTIMES
confidence motion is presented to parliament. Even if these parties defect, the numbers would not be sufficient, and therefore if the motion is to succeed, some more MPs from the governing party should be bought over
What is to happen if the no confidence against the Government succeeds? Mrs Kumaratunga will continue in of fice as the elected President. But will the UNP be in a position to mobilise a majority in parliament to form a Government? It is one thing to combinetogether on a no confidence motion against the “common enemy' - the Government and bring it down. But will the JVP, TULF and other Tamil parties now in parliament join the UNP in forming a coalition Government? It is unlikely that the 'Marxist JVP help to form a 'capitalist UNP-led government? What is it in for the Tamil parties to help the UNP to form a Government? What is the price that the UNP leadership will be prepared to pay for securing the support of these parties? These questions may fall into the realm of speculation, but they will turn out to be real if, as fondly hoped by the UNP, the no confidence motion succeeds.
More significantly, what will happen to the ongoing Norwegian facilitated peace process? The UNP leadership is on record as promising to the TULF, in return for its support for the no confidence motion against the Government that it would continue with the Norwegian effort. But the fact is that, not only many leading members of the UNP's Reformist Group have expressed reservations about the peace proc
ess, but also the JVP has publicly and
continuously denounced Norway's role as facilitator. Its leaders rejected an invitation from Erik Solheim for meeting questioning Norway's and his impartiality. The latest issue of the 'Lakbima" quoted JVP General Secretary Mr. Tilvin Silva as saying: "The manner in which Erik Solheim is running all over the world to get the proscription on LTTE lifted, after misleading the Sri Lankan government initially that the LTTE is willing to have peace talks without any conditions, clearly indicate that Solheim is nothing but a stooge of the LTTE. Mr. Silva also added that even Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake and the likes who spear headed the campaign to get the LTTE internationally proscribed, is now wor
king hard to get it de ing beyond doubt th ning the governmer people. He also said nce the LTTE were c Lanka, the Tigers w appeal against pros on them internationa ground the role playe the beginning expos is, a pawn sent by th ngthen the hand of being the position ( help to sustain a UN ifit were keep its pri to continue with the tated peace proces question must be pl
O Caretaker G It is reported th parties comprising t LF and ACTC have their combined prop the constitution to month. The propos provision for the ap independent commi ciary, Police, Civil ion proposed by th sion for the setting government to hold dential elections a Commission propos parties agreed that th the necessary legisl cussion before pre ment in early June. It has to be note the proposal for t "caretaker governn one coming from t lowing the Indo-Sr of July 1987, the c ernment of the day by the unmitigated innumerable assass leaders, trade unio ists, and academic sity vice chancellc called that the JVP. ership of Rohana its then mediator Rev. Maduluweva veyed the messag meeting with the til dasa that a caretak type it is propos formed as a preits campaign terr course Premadasa

15 ΜΑΥ 2001
yroscribed, provfrom the begin
too have fooled nat if by any cha-proscribed in Sri uld immediately riptions imposed y. In such a back| by Solheim from s him for what he capitalists to strethe LTTE. This f the JVP, will it P-led government mise to the TULF Norwegian facili? The answer to inly obvious.
Overnment? at the opposition ne UNP, JVP, TUdecided to present osals for amending Parliament next als would include pointment of four ssions for the JudiService and Electe UNP and proviup of a caretaker general and presind a State Media ed by the JVP. The le UNP would draft tion fora final disentation to parlia
i for the record that he setting up of a ent' is not a novel e JVP. When, folLanka Agreement untry and the govwas held to ransom iolence, terror and nations of political ists, student activincluding univers, it should be rehen under the lead
Vijeweera, through
surprise surprise, obitha Thero, confrom the JVP at a on President Premagovernment of the ng now should be ndition for ending and violence. Of id not accede to the
JVP's demand and unleashed his own counter-terror that resulted in the virtual annihilation of the then leadership of the JVP. Let it not be forgotten that the present UNP leader, Ranil Wickremasinghe, was a leading and powerful figure in Premadasa's government during those dark and violent days.
The caretaker government as now proposed by the JVP would be headed by the Chief Justice, as Chairman, with seven others nominated by a Constitutional Council, and both the Presidential and General elections should be held on the same day.
There is no provision under the present constitution (spearheaded by former President J R Jayawardene and adopted in 1978) for the setting up of a caretaker government as proposed by the JVP and agreed by the other parties. However it is possible under the constitution for a caretaker cabinet to be appointed from amongst persons elected to parliament by the exercise of the franchise of the people. If the proposal of the JVP as agreed by the other parties is to have constitutional force, the constitution itself must be amended which should be approved in a popular referendum.
In the context of the fact that the opposition parties do not control even a simple majority in parliament, for their proposals to be adopted with the required majority, it would require the support of a substantial section of the governing party too. This is likely to be an unlikely prospect, accordingpolitical analysts in Colombo. If the governing party does not play ball with the opposition, what then? Recourse to extra-constitutional means? One has to wait for the unfolding of events?
O TULF Taken to Task
The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) was the target of sharp criticism from LTTE circles for its stand on the no confidence motion proposed by the UNP. In explaining statement issued by the party, the TULF's senior vice president V Anadansanagari said on l l May that his party would not support the opposition's move to bring a no-confidence motion against the government at this juncture. "After years of waiting, finally we are seeing some rays of hope of peace talks. We do not want to be blamed for scuttling the peace talks by upsetting the set-up. It

Page 7
15 MAY 2001
seems that the government has finally realised the importance of a negotiated settlement. Though there is some confusion over the stand taken by the LTTE on the matter, we hope that the clouds will be cleared soon, adding that he had serious doubts about the no-confidence motion coming into effect as "it is foolish for the United National Party as a responsible opposition to bring such a motion to coincide with the peace talks'.
However, he did not rule out possibilities of the TULF reconsidering the decision if things became gloomy gain. "As for now, we have no idea of supporting the motion, but if the government suddenly changes its stance and focuses only on the war again, then that is another matter,' he said.
The TULF has five members in
Parliament without which it would be
difficult for the UNP to muster the required votes to defeat the government.
The TULF statement issued by its Secretary-General, R Sampanthan, said, "The present is the most opportune time for the evolution of a just durable and peaceful solution to the Tamil National question. The vast majority of all people in the country (in particular, the Tamil people in the North-East who have borne the brunt of the war) are yearning for peace, and very much desire that they should not continue to be subjected to the suffering and hardship inflicted on them by a continuing war. The Norwegian government at the invitation of the Sri Lankan Government, with the consent of the L.T.T.E. continues to play an effective role towards the negotiation of an acceptable political settlement. The search for peace has the fullest support of the International Community, which has greatly contributed towards the strengthening of the peace process. This is the first time since the Indian initiative in the 1980's, that a historic opportunity has presented itself for a just and durable peaceful resolution of the Tamil National Question through negotiations. he TULF considers it most regrettable that smooth progress towards the commencement of negotiations has been impeded by certain events. The TULF states that the launching of the "Agni Kheela I'military offensive by the Government Forces on the 25th April, in the Jaffna peninsula, was a monumental military
misadventure whic loss of over 600 p grievous to many m of young persons o tragic military exer only disrupt the me a peaceful solution tional question and fering and hardship ian populace.
“The TULFStrO that the conduct ofs while continuing to is an unrealistic pr not end in success." appeals to both sic conflict, to bring all to an end, and cor them in the negoti durable peaceful res National question.
“The TULF app tion of the continu both the Governmer the pursuit of the N The TULF appeals ment and the LTTE est support to the N so that early constr could commence.
“The TULF cal ment and the main ( United National Pa nise that the Sri Lal rily responsible for current violent con flicted immense suf on the Tamil people the Sri Lankan G main opposition pa every possible step 1 mencement of a co that would end the framework upon th Norwegian initiativ No sooner the TI published, it came Tamil Congress an its refusal to suppo no-confidence mot ernment amid sug had urged Britai LTTE earlier this y "There is no c the no confidence in drika government: Liberation Tigers. that there is a link protect Chandrika g Ceylon Tamil Con and Jaffna District

h only entailed the recious lives, and ore other hundreds n both sides. Such cises in futility can aningful search for ' to the Tamil Nacause greater sufto the Tamil civil
ngly holds the view erious negotiations fight a fierce war, oposition and canThe TULF strongly les to the military military operations structively engage ation of a just and olution to the Tamil
reciates the reiteraed commitment of ht and the LTTE. To orwegian initiative. to both the Governto extend their fullorwegian initiative uctive negotiations
ls upon the Governopposition party the rty (UNP) to recognkan State is primathe outbreak of the flict, which has infering and hardship and that it behoves overnment and the rty the UNP to take to facilitate the cominstructive dialogue conflict within the e basis of which the re has commenced.' ULF statement was under fire from the ld LTTE circles for rt the UNP-initiated ion against the govgestions the TULF n to proscribe the
fear, :onnection between notion against Chanand peace talks with By trying to show , TULF is trying to government,” the All gress (ACTC) leader Member of Parlia
TAM TIMES 7
ment, Appapillai Vinayagamoorthy told reporters.
“So far TULF has been covertly supporting the Chandrika government, now they have shown it publicly," he charged.
In an editorial comment, the 'Tamil Guardian' (l6 May) was more scathing in its attack on the TULF: "The TULF has, quite rightly, come under strong criticism from the other Tamil parties for yet again demonstrating a mercenary trait. Fear of losing its handful of seats in Jaffna has reportedly motivated the party leadership to shirk from challenging the government. ....
"The core of its voter support is primarily in the eastern province, where its activists and leaders have consistently adopted a pro-armed struggle line. Therefore, if the party fears loss of its seats in Jaffna, its refusal to oppose the government alongside the UNP at this juncture, will inevitably result in a selffulfilling prophecy.
"The revival of the TULF's fortunes in recent times had reflected the faith amongst its disillusioned supporters that the party had turned the page on its past characterised by cringing before Sinhala-dominated governments.
“The TULF has a less than honourable past, marked from the late seventies by the betrayal of Tamil political aspirations for the personal betterment of its leaders.
“The ascendancy of the Tamil armed movements was also matched by the TULF's fall from grace not only as a result of popular Tamil anger Colombo's refusal to accommodate their political aspirations but also the party's readiness to collaborate with the government's politico-military strategies. The party had drifted so far from its founding ideals, its name had become wholly inappropriate.
"The TULF's hypocritical justification for its stance this week was that this was “an opportune moment for peace, and that unity between the UNP and the ruling People's Alliance (PA) should be the order of the day. ....
“The party's prevarication on the no-confidence motion has demonstrated yet again, the yawning gap between its activists, who campaign amongst the Tamil people, and its ageing leadership, which is more concerned with its craving for inclusion in governing circles.

Page 8
03 TAM TIMES
"Whilst the TULF's refusal last year to back President Kumaratunge's devolution proposals bolstered the party's stock amongst the Tamils, it also earned its leadership the President's ire. The TULF's cowardice this weekend will inevitably damage the former without assuaging the latter.
“The TULF's leadership is at a crossroads. It can stand and face the government with popular Tamil sentiment behind it, or it can continue the party’s ignominious tradition of placing self-interests before those the Tamil people. An opportune moment indeed. The Tamil people watch with considerable interest.'
These harsh criticisms of the TULF provoked reports in the Colombo media alleging that the LTTE was putting pressure on the TULF to vote in support of the UNP-sponsored no confidence motion to bring down the present government. They said that at present the TULF was in a dilemma caught between its own betterjudgement and the LTTE which somehow wants to bring down President Kumaratunga's government. One report said, "The party is stuck in a political quagmire unable to devise a strategy to face the situation. If it supports the UNP, then it will be accused of scuttling the peace moves and if it backs the government, it will earn the wrath of the LTTE.'
Following this blistering attack, the TULF leadership would appear to have undergone a abrupt change of heart and issued a statement which said, "The TULF therefore earnestly calls upon the Government in consultation with the Norwegian special envoy to take a favourable decision early in regard to terminating the proscription of the LTTE, thereby removing a major hurdle to the commencement of negotiations."
MP V. Ananda Sangari, acting leader of the party, said that the TULF had always insisted on lifting the ban on the LTTE, adding "We had even suggested that if the government had any difficulty in view of the fact that it had gone around the world asking every country to proscribe the LTTE, in such an event we suggested lifting of the ban in a limited way if necessary and persuade the LTTE to accept it by giving in to some of the other demands of the LTTE.” O
O BAN, A MA HURDLE'S May 18- The Lil in a statement from Sri Lanka's ban on "has become the m initiation of peace factors as pre-requis the other two being nomic blockade in th and "declaring of a fire". Giving details between the Norwe members of the LTT ittee, the movement from the Vanni Se international comm stand that we cannot talks as an illegal, c a distorted false lab The LTTE's pre the “Norwegian dele Mr. Erik Solheim, for Sri Lanka, Mr. Norwegian Ambas Ms. Kjersti Tromsd ficer of the Norweg try met the LTTE d yesterday. The talks from 3p.m to 8p.m. ates consisted of Mr head of the politica Central Committee san and Tamilenthi litical administratic two other officials Mr. Pulithevan and
Explaining the with regard to pea Chelvan said that th Liberation Tigers i come the major hul of peace talks an never take part in t illegal, terrorist or "It is wrong to deliberately procr talks. We always r kan State to create conducive for talk ently pleaded for blockade on food essential items in ate a condition of
 

15 ΜΑΥ 2001
EWS REVIEW
JOR AYS LTTE eration Tigers said Friday 18 May that their organisation jor hurdle for the alks' out of three te necessary steps, removing the ecoe Tamil homeland' n indefinite ceaseof the discussions ian delegation and E’s Central commsaid in a statement areterait that "The unity should underparticipate in peace riminal entity with el as “terrorists”.” :ss release said that gates comprising of the Special Envoy Jon Westborg, the sador in Colombo, al, an executive of giam Foreign Miniselegates in Mallawi lasted for five hours The LTTE delegTamil Chelvan, the l section, two other members Mr. Nadethe head of the pon Mr. Thangan, and of the political wing Mr. George." osition of the LTTE ce talks Mr. Tamil e proscription of the n Sri Lanka has bedle for the initiation the LTTE would le talksasa banned, anisation. assume the LTTE is stinating the peace quested the Sri Lana congenial climate ... We have consistthe removal of the medicine and other amil areas and crenormalcy. We have
always insisted that we cannot participate in peace negotiations while engaging in a bloody war. Furthermore, we wish to enter political negotiations with Sri Lanka as the authentic, legitimate representatives of our people for which the proscription on our organisation should be lifted. These are not demands or preconditions for talks but rather prerequisite necessary steps to create the very foundation for political negotiations. The international community should understand that we cannot participate in peace talks as an illegal, criminal entity with a distorted false label as "terrorists’. Our liberation movement cannot be equated with other rebel groups who participated in peace talks as proscribed organisations. We have fought a liberation war for more than two decades and have a standard conventional army and a mass of territory under our administrative control. The historical conditions of our struggle are unique and cannot be compared to IRA, PLO and other rebel groups in northeast India. It is the collective aspiration ofour people that the banon our liberation organisation should be lifted. If Sri Lanka wants peace and a permanent resolution of the ethnic conflict, it should not hesitate to remove the ban as the Tamil people's demand', Mr. Tamil Chelvan explained to the Norwegian delegates.
The Norwegian proposal of the "Memorandum of Understanding' was also discussed. The LTTE delegates suggested certain alterations in the document. The Tamil Tigers also emphasised the importance of cease-fire for theimplementation of the MOU and for the commencement of talks. No agreement was reached at this discussion. Both parties agreed to continue the deliberations at a later date. The Norwegian delegates left for Colombo early in this morning," the press release said.
O THE BUG WITH
A POLITICAL MESSAGE May 18 - Hundreds of companies worldwide have fallen prey to another mass-mailing computer-bug called

Page 9
15 MAY 2001
"Mawanella', named after the Sri Lankan village where clashes between the majority Sinhalese and minority Muslims recently occurred. The bug carried a message protesting the attacks on Muslims, but did no real damage besides clogging networks with e-mail, the report by CNET News.com said.
The bug had mainly affected companies in Australia and Europe, Vincent Gullotto, director of the antivirus emergency response team at security company Network Associates, was quoted by CNET as saying.
“We got lots of reports coming in throughout Europe within a two or three-hour period,” he said. “While it's blasted Europe, it's been spotty in the U.S.'
In total, Network Associates receivedmorethan 100 reportsofvirus infections from companies worldwide. Clients of Network Associates rival Symaintec, the antivirus software maker, submitted a similar number of reports, Symantec said.
The bug comes attached to an e-mail message disguised as anote from a friend or colleague. When opened on a system with Microsoft Outlook installed, the attachment-Mawanella. Vbssends a copy of itself to every entry in the address book.
After the mass mailing, the virus will bring up a dialog box with the message: "Mawanella is one of the Sri Lanka’s Muslim Village. This brutal incident happened here 2 Moslem Mosques & 100 Shops are burnt. I hate this incident, What about you? I can destroy your computer. I didn't do that because I am a peace-loving citizen."
The message appears on every Windows 9x, NT and 2000 machine infected by the virus, even if Outlook is not installed.
"It's one of the ones that is sociopolitical; I'm not sure if there has ever been one from Sri Lanka, but it's typical,” said Vincent Weafer, director of Symantec's antivirus research center. "It is someone who wants to get a message out.” “I do expect that this one will have a fairly short life,” he said.
O ADDRESSING LITTE
PRE-REQUISITES A group of peace activists have urged the Government and the LTTE to
commence peace ta stacle being permi rail them. They hav ernment to address uisites' as part of measures to enable In their statem peace process is r impasse with the L. pre-requisites to be ment prior to the peace talks. These lifting of the gove the lifting of the ec territories controlle declaration of a per the government. V organisations, have tional peace talks b with third party as dence-building mea to hold that the com talks between the LTTE should be gi ority with no obsta to delay or derail th We regret that th to reciprocate the L ture of an unilatera months. We see it a for a mutually satis ess to have develop sassination attempt LTTE's political w lvan, demonstrates confidence-building the LTTE that the bringtangible bene Accordingly we ment to address the of the LTTE in th dence-building exe peace talks are unl at all. In particular ment’s ban on the relevant, when it is at the negotiating equality and give a this context that t encouraged religio nitaries to meet wi further confirms th ban. We urge the t nise each other’s le pose of getting the ground.
We also call o' pare their proposed tions and principle:

lks without any obted to delay or dealso asked the Govhe LTTE's "pre-req'onfidence building talks. ent they say: “The ported to be at an TE setting out three met by the governcommencement of re-requisites are the nment's ban on it, pnomic embargo on d by it and a formal manent ceasefire by We, the undersigned advocated unconditween the two sides sistance and confisures. We continue mencement ofpeace government and ven the highest pricle being permitted
C. le government failed TTE’s goodwill gesil ceasefire for four is a lost opportunity factory peace procped. The recent ason the leader of the ing, S P Thamilchethe urgent need for g measures to assure peace process will fits. : call on the governthree pre-requisites e spirit of a confircise without which ikely to commence we see the governLTTE as no longer hoping to sit with it table in a spirit of nd take. We note in he government has ls and foreign digh the LTTE which irrelevancy of the vo parties to recogitimacy for the purpeace talks off the
the LTTE to preframework of posiwhich can be used
AMILTIMES 9
by the Norwegian peace envoys to facilitate a negotiated settlement. By their very nature the political negotiations that both sides are preparing for imply a willingness to be flexible. For the peace process to be ultimately successful, each side needs to see it as a shared project in which flexibility and compromise are of the essence."
The signatories to this statement are: E.P. Nanayakkara, Association of Relatives of Servicemen Missing in Action, Kelaniya; Visaka Dharmadasa, Association of War Affected Women, Kandy; Shyama Ratnayake, Children and Nature, Kandy; Shanthi Sachitanandam, National Peace Council, Colombo; B.A.S. Sufyan, Northern Muslims Rights Organisation, Puttalam; Samson Jayasinghe, Sama Sevaya, Anuradhapura;D.D.N.C. Wimalaratne, Rural and Community Development Cooperation, Wadduwa.
O BATTLE LOST TO AD TALKS In preparing for a demonstration and picket outside the Sri Lanka High Commission in London, the UK branch of the ultra-nationalist Sihala Urumaya (SU) distributed a documentworld-wide which alleged that the recent military operation, "Agni Kheela', undertaken by the army in Jaffna was deliberately lost sacrificing the life of 300 soldiers so that the defeat could be used as an excuse by the Government to begin talks with the LTTE.
"There is a strong suspicion that the Agni keela operation was purposely lost with the connivance of the top army officials, so that it could be used as an excuse to begin the talks. 300 soldiers were killed, 1800 wounded, most lost limbs. None of the sophisticated and stand off weapons such as MBRLS were used during the operation' alleged the document prepared and distributed by UK branch of SU.
Having been apprised of the allegations against the “top generals” contained in the document, it is learnt that, in a confidential internal letter, the SU leader and Secretary General Thilak Karunaratne asked the UK branch to make, before distribution, corrections to the document removing all references of accusations against the 'top generals' and substituting them with allega

Page 10
10 TAMTIMES
tions against a "Political General' as he was responsible for the debacle of"Agni Kheela' which resulted with a death of 300 government soldiers.
Mr. Karunaratne, writing from Colombo, also blasted the government for the whole debacle, in the letter addressed to Mr. Dhammika Mawella of the UK branch. “We certainly do not think that our heroic armed forces will deliberately lose any battle sacrificing invaluable lives, disabling many more and expending valuable military hardware. The reference to top army officials including General Anton Wijendra is unfair to say the least. We blame the government and "the Political General' for this debacle but not the professional soldiers who are doing their utmost to save the motherland from the cancer of LTTE terrorism,' SU leader said in his letter.
O TIME TO TRANSLATE CRY FOR PEACE INTO REALITY A peace group comprising some of Sri Lanka's intellectuals has called for an immediate ceasefire on the war front and talks between the Government and the LTTE.
The peace support group of the Centre for Policy Alternatives said the disastrous consequences of the recent operation Agni Khiela provided yet another indication that a military solution would only lead to a bloody stalemate. “In this context, we regret the decision of the Government to allow the truce to lapse at the end of the 5-day period and to launch an all out ground offensive. We also regret the LTTE's decision to allow its unilateral cease-fire to lapse on April 24. The present situation can easily lead to an intractable impasse and the de-railing of peace initiatives on which peace-loving peoples on both sides of the ethnic divide have pinned their hopes.
“We strongly feel that the Government has the primary responsibility now, in initiating a process leading to a full-fledged ceasefire and cessation of hostilities with the good offices of Norwegian facilitation. Since the LTTE has already stipulated the need for a ceasefire, the prospects for a mutually reciprocated cessation of hostilities could be put in place immediately. The draft pro
posals for the nece mechanisms of the c sation of hostilities, a wegian facilitation, vated by mutual cons "As peace initiati ternal armed conflic shown us, the de-pros State movement inev with advances made table. In this, the LT responsibility to ensu the ban is treated as mand, along with o humanitarian dema non-negotiable pre- ( mencement of peace to translate the angui of the Peoples of this ality,” said the stat Sunila Abeysekera, riya, Rohan Edirisi Saravanamuttu and J
O MAWANE CALLS FC The LSSP has cal ment to appoint a C quiry into the Mawal terms of reference wi the allegation that a been in league with initiated the events.
The LSSP, a con the government, sai steps promptly take to ensure that the eve place in Mawanella to the 2nd of May d munal tension in th try. The events at following Friday W ested parties were e tunate events in Ma create disorder in th try.
The LSSP had headed by Professo an on the spot stud We are surprised th oping friction in thi taken no steps to ( Part of the vehem created by the loca of commission anc What is equally politician had inte der and peace des the District of se

15 MAY 2001
ary monitoring sesfire and cessing out of Noran then be acti
nt. es relating to inelsewhere have ription ofan antitably takes place it the negotiation E has the primary e that the issue of a negotiable deher political and ds, and not as a ondition for comtalks. "It is time hed cry for peace country into a re2ment signed by Sunanda Deshapnha, Paikiasothy avid Yusuf.
LLA: LSSP
DR PROBE
led on the governommission of Innella incident with de enough to cover rea politicians had the hoodlums who
stituent member of it appreciates the n by the President hts which had taken rom the 30th April d not spread comrest of the counMaradana on the is proof that interploiting the unforwanella in order to rest of the coun
fact finding team Tissa Vitharane on of the happenings. t despite the develarea the police had fuse the situation. nce offeeling was police by their acts Dmission. urprising is that no ened to restore orte the presence in ral PA politicians
who had been chosen as representatives of the people in various political bod16Տ.
The Report to the LSSP is that when Provincial Counsellor Sirisena Rajapakse who resides in the Kegalle town alerted the Chief Minister on the dangerous situation that had developed on the 2nd of May these were denied by the political authorities in the Mawanella Pradesiya Sabha when they were consulted. It is this kind of deliberate indifference by political representatives to the plight of the people of Mawanella that has made them cast suspicion on the politicians themselves.
The LSSP is aware that both Muslims and Sinhalese have suffered from these events and it extends to all of them its sympathies. But the LSSP which has had a long enduring political presence in the Kegalle district will be failing in its responsibility to the people if it does not mention the clear fact that it is the Muslim people that had suffered most as the events unfolded.
It is from the Muslim owned "Bake House' that the hoodlums who started the events on the 30th April attempted to extort money. It was a Muslim person that the hoodlums punished for non compliance. Amir who was this victim was taken to the center of the town and tied to a post there and cut with a razor in his face and chest. With two policemen too present there the hoodlums challenged the people to free the victim if they dared to think that they could. Most of the business premises that were damaged were of Muslims. The dead person and those who were injured were Muslims.
In the failure of the police to arrest and produce in Court the miscreants of the 30th April the Muslim population that suffered the indignity and humiliation of the previous day were helpless. They had no alternative but to picket for justice.
The police did not attempt to prevent the attack on the picket by a mob that had descended on the town for this very purpose. In fact the Muslim perception is that the police too had joined in the attack. The LSSP urges that the officers seen to be at fault at the various stages of these events be transferred out in order to restore normalcy in the area. As it is reported that the police have

Page 11
15 MAY 2001
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already arrested some persons on their alleged involvement in the damage caused to the mosques we do not want to comment on this. We are glad that the President has taken action to repair the damage and compensate the dead and the injured.
The widely prevalent impression is that the hoodlums and the police would not have acted so outrageously if they had not the protection of the politicians. This feeling has to be met not by ignoring the charge but by due inquiry into what is alleged.
O STOP FIGHTING
AND ENTER PEACE PROCESS - US May 6 - US Secretary of State General Colin Powell, has reaffirmed the US Government's commitment to Sri Lanka's unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity and urged the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to stop fighting and enter the peace process.
General Colin Powell warmly received the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister
Lakshman Kadirga partment in Washin During their 45 the Foreign Ministe tary of State on the Sri Lanka and the G to seek a negotiated to the ongoing col Minister stated the Government towarc lution of power, se nic issue and the ( towards this end. T facilitation process way, with the aim ties to the negotiatil sised.
Secretary Powe ciation of Sri Lanka the ethnic question democratic framew ing the US Governi separate state and of support for the te sovereignty of Sri I of State expressed of hostilities would for its part, the Gov.
 
 
 
 

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mar at the State Degton DC on 4 May. minutes discussion, rbriefed the Secrecurrent situation in overnment's resolve political settlement nflict. The Foreign commitment of the lsan effective devottlement of the ethletailed steps taken he relevance of the undertaken by Norpf bringing the parng table was empha
ll expressed apprel's efforts to resolve within the country's ork. While reaffirmnent's rejection of a ts consistent policy ritorial integrity and anka, the Secretary Lope that a cessation pe arranged and that, rnment of Sri Lanka
would do all it could to assure that the conflict would be brought to a close.
O CANADAN HC
MEETS THAMIL CHELVAM May 2The Canadian High Commission in a press release confirmed that High Commissioner Ruth Archibald had a meeting with LTTE political wing leader Thamil Chelvam during her visit to the Wanni on 1 May.
The press release stated that the meeting between High Commissioner Archibald and Thamil Chelvam and other representatives of the local authority provided an opportunity to communicate directly to al parties to the conflict in Sri Lanka, Canada's desire for peace and the belief that the fighting must stop.
"Canadian High Commissioner Ruth Archibald completed along scheduled visit to the Wanni area of Sri Lanka on Tuesday, May 1. The principal purpose of the visit, which was organised through the appropriate authorities of the Government of Sri Lanka, was to visit programs funded by the Canadian

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12 TAM TIMES
government through the Canadian International Development Agency CIDA and implemented through International Non-Government Agencies,
Ms Archibald visited projects implemented by the Canadian Red Cross, CANCROSS delegated by the ICRC. The project aims at strengthening the capacity of the Sri Lankan Red Cross and enables it to provide five mobile health teams and 26 Primary Health Centres that supplement the reduced capacity of the government health care system in that region. Ms. Archibald met project workers in Puthukudiyiruppi and with a project doctor and health care workers at one of the centres.
The High Commissioner also toured the medical unitat Mallawi, which, with programming provided by Medecins Sans Frontiers (Holland), funded up to 40% by the Canadian International Development Agency, now provides three additional units for surgical, obstetric/ gynecologys and paediatric cases, to the two managed by the government. This medical unit provides the only referral point in the entire region functions as a de facto hospital.
The High Commissioner was also able to visit projects implemented by CARE, also funded by CIDA, which demonstrated the success of CARE's Food Security Project in providing training and extension services for small farmergroups as well as savings and credit programs for small community groups of women that enabled them to increase their food security as well as to generate additional income.
The tour enabled the Canadian mission to discuss the current humanitarian situation with international agencies working in the Wanni, including the International Committee of the Red Cross which also receives financial support from Canada.
The visit was one of a series of periodic visits undertaken by representatives of the Canadian government to evaluate the effectiveness of the humanitarian assistance provided through Canadian support as well as allowing Canadian diplomats to gain a first hand assessment of the conflict and current prospects for peace.
The High Commissioner met with Mr. Thamil Chelvam and other representatives of the local authority. The
meeting provided : communicate directl to the conflict in Sr desire for peace and ing must stop.
The Government strongly that the co brought to an end t settlement and is ful forts of the Governir encourage this proce
O SURESH A
A CANADA ON DEPOR Manickavasag against the judgem Court of Appeal is Supreme Court of C on May 22, 2001. Th the judgement of th Appeal which uphel deportation to Sri La based on the groun tortured and his life i to Sri Lanka.
Suresh”s case is case of Mansour Aha also has been accus government of invo ism. Ahani had adr officials that he hac member of the Iran and government ac ing plotted to kill a in Italy on behalfo rity services.Sures October 18, 1995 o cate signed by the gration and the Sc Canada under Sect migration Act. He ated in Toronto months not by a C anadministrative fi Ministers concerne The Canadian S Service (CSIS) cl been sent to Canad cial Canadian arm global fundraising his security cleara gaining landed imm not been accused crimes in Canada, where.
On August 29 Teitelbaum of the Division rendered

15 MAY 2001
n opportunity to ', and to all parties Lanka, Canada's elief that the fight
of Canada believes nflict can only be rough a political y supportive of efent of Norway to ss'.
PPEAL:
N TEST CASE ΤΑΤΙΟΝ
m Suresh appeal ent of the Federal oming before the 'anada for hearing Le appeal is against e Federal Court of orders for Suresh inka. The appeal is that he would be sat risk if deported
twinned with the ni, an Iranian, who 2d by the Canadian lvement in terrormitted to Canadian l been trained as a ian secret service, cused him of havn Iranian dissident f the Iranian secuh was arrested on n a security certifiMinister of Immilicitor General of on 40.l of the Imwas then incarcerDon) Jail for 27 purt of law, but by at by the above two d. 2curity Intelligence aimed Suresh had to oversee the cruf the Tamil Tigers' etwork. It withheld ce preventing him grant status. He has of committing any Sri Lanka or else
1997 Mr. Justice ederal Court, Trial judgement against
Manickavasagam Suresh, a Tamil activist and Co-ordinator of the World Tamil Movement. After 52 days of hearing in 1997 the Federal Court Judge merely endorsed the decision of the Ministers by stating " The role of the Court is not to substitute its decision for that of the Minister and the Solicitor General of Canada, nor is it to find that they were correct in their assessment of the evidence presented to them.... I am here to determine whether there exists sufficient evidence for me to conclude as to the reasonableness of the Certificate signed by the Ministers. It is not to determine the Ministers were correct in their assessment of the evidence. From the evidence presented to me both in camera and in public, it was reasonable for the Ministers to conclude that Mr.Suresh is a person inadmissible into Canada.”
The Federal Court Judge agreed Suresh was "a dedicated and trusted member in a leadership position with" the LTTE.
A deportation order was issued in 1997, but Suresh remained in the country as legal appeals were launched. The Supreme Court ruled that Manickavasagam Suresh, a recognized convention refugee from Sri Lanka, could proceed with his appeal against the Federal Court of Appeal judgement before it.
In upholding orders for his deportation, the Federal Court of Appeal said last January that those who raise money for terrorism are as culpable as those who actually plant a bomb. It said that Suresh should be returned to Sri Lanka irrespective of the consequences. Justice Joseph Robertson in his judgement citing evidence that Canada is home to more international terrorist groups than any other country in the world said, "I cannot accept the ... argument that the right under international law to be secure against torture is absolute and binding on Canada...... To the extent that Canada is not already a haven for terrorists, the government has a legitimate right to ensure that it does not become such.'
Canada signed a 1987 convention forbidding deportation to a country where there were "substantial grounds' for believing a person would be in danger of torture. Robertson ruled that this

Page 13
15 MAY 2001
right was not absolute and did not bind Canada if it conflicted with domestic law.
The Supreme Court, hearing the cases on May 22, will consider claims from the refugees' lawyer that the Immigration Act violates the country's 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The issues coming up for argument before the Supreme Court are fundamental to the protection of human rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and UN Conventions Against Torture. The issues are:
(a) Whether the principles of a free and democratic society allow sending a Convention refugee to a country which may torture him;
(b) Whether the procedural protection in place for a determination under section 53 of the Immigration Act bars constitutional scrutiny;
(c) Whether a person can be deported solely on the basis of a lawful political activity in support of a national liberation movement is protected expression; and
(d) Whether the right to freedom of association in this context can be claimed by a non-citizen.
No less than eight interests groups, including Amnesty International, Bar Association of Canada, Canadian Council for Refugees, Federation of Association of Canadian Tamils (FACT) and the Canadian Arab Federation are challenging the ruling of the Federal Court Appeal. Suresh's lawyers plan to argue that Manickavasagam Suresh, alleged to be a member of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, cannot be deported because the country is bound by international conventions against torture. David Matas, the Winnipeg immigration lawyer representing the bar association, said the government must protect people from torture regardless of whether they are terrorists, war criminals or even torturers themselves. "Our position is the obligation not to return is absolute and there is no exception.” The position is similar to that being taken by other interveners in the case, all of which oppose Suresh deportation. This will be the first time that the Supreme Court of Canada has been asked to consider these issues and rule on them. Whether Suresh will get deported to Sri Lanka now depends on Supreme Court's ruling.
nfocussingatte process in Sri easy to put asid opposition UNP si ally the call for pe the government an local civic organis governments. The the US governmei hostilities and peac addressed to thes One reason is that attention on two v three. Another rea opposition has so obstructing facto process is concern The period afte has been markedly period that came b ethnic conflict. Ith leadership that has its analysis that thi nic conflict in the political solution. I position UNP lead consistent in not w nal passions for the litical advantage. ' flective of the imp sciousness of the leadership with r. conflict. It also refl have taken place w ness of the masses seen the ill effect nationalism and te those who continu Despite these t tive features, how dent truth that the from the ethnic co wated since 1994. publicly accepted a sition that there is the country. But it it on its own terms a genuine process ( promise with those tist rebellion.
On the other h;
 

TAMITES 3
Dr Jehan Perera
ntion upon the peace Lanka, it has been e the need to obtain upport for it. Generace is addressed to d LTTE, whether by ations or by foreign most recent call by it for a cessation of 'e talks was likewise : two main parties. it is easier to focus ariables rather than son is that the UNP far not been a major r where the peace ed. r the 1994 elections different from the efore in terms of the as had a government s been consistent in ere is indeed an ethcountry that needs a thas also hadan opership that has been hipping up commu2 sake of narrow poThis is not only reproved state of concountry's political 2gard to the ethnic ects the changes that 'ithin the consciousof people who have s of the politics of ld to shy away from e to advocate it. wo immensely posiver, it is a self evicivil war stemming nflict has got aggraChe government has nd reiterated the poan ethnic conflict in has sought to resolve rather than through fdialogue and com| leading the separa
und, the mainstream
opposition leadership has refrained from mobilising communal sentiment to its side. But it has also held back from actively supporting the government to resolve the ethnic conflict, for instance, in its reluctance to support the government-led constitutional reform process. Certainly, both of these negative features above are understandable when viewed from the perspective of the government and UNP respectively. It is the nature of those who head an elected government to resist negotiating with their rivals for power within the country on a basis of equality and respect. So long as the elected heads of government see themselves as rulers and not as servants of the people it is inevitable that they will seek to unilaterally impose their will on their opponents.
In tandem with this perception among ruling politicians is the perception of opposition politicians. So long as opposition politicians sees themselves as the government-in-waiting in a competitive political system, they will hesitate at taking measures that might help the government in power to solve the problems it faces. Instead they will tend to undermine the government in power and make its task of governing the country more difficult. But should it not be country before political party? This is the dilemma that the current UNP leadership faces.
Commitment to National interest
It is to the credit of the UNP's present leadership that it has held back those sections of the party that would use the ethnic conflict to mobilise nationalist sentiment against the government's peace initiatives. As the recent anti-Muslim violence in Mawanella and subsequent Muslim violence in Colombo demonstrated, the country is a potential powderkeg of tension that can be sparked off in an uncontrollable manner. The UNP has been extremely responsible in mobilising the people in

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14 AMILTIMES
this context so as not to destabilise the entire country.
The UNP should commit itself to not putting its partisan political agendas above the national interest. The spirit of an overriding commitment to the national interest above all else must permeate all statements issued by the party leadership. But this was not the public message that came out of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s statement in Oslo a few weeks ago.
The UNP leader was invited there obviously to obtain his support for the Norwegian-brokered peace process. However, while in Oslo, Ranil Wickremasinghe made a bald statement that the UNP would not give its support to the government's efforts to take forward the peace process unless the government agreed to the setting up of the four independent commissions. There is no question that setting up independent commissions for police, public service, elections and the judiciary are essential for the good governance of the country. For instance, the recent outbreak of anti-Muslim violence in Mawanella and its implications, including the loss of life and property, were
of serious concern ernance in the cou appears to have bee Muslim traders in nella by mafia ass ranking ruling poli including a minister The mafia had appa ing to extort money It has been alle officers on the scent to halt the mafia foi cal connections. Tł fully demonstrates dependent police c other necessary nc tions, so that the ins can act promptly a favour to ensure th tions of the people Lanka, people have justice will be done trust building that i peace process.
UNP leader singhe's concern pendent commissic peace package is ur context of practical in Sri Lanka. There
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) democratic govtry. The violence unleashed against le town of Mawaociated with high icians in the area, of the government. 2ntly been attemptfrom the traders. ged that the police failed in their duty fear of their politiis incident powerhe need for an inommission, among n-partisan instituitutions of the state nd without fear or e rights of all sec. For peace in Sri : to be assured that to them. This is the s demanded of any
Ranill Wickremehat the four indeons are part of any lderstandable in the realities prevailing must be justice and
good governance not only for the Tamil people but for all people if Sri Lanka is to be one country. But the careless manner in which he appeared to hold the fragile Norwegian-facilitated peace process hostage to the four independent commissions in Oslo was not befitting of a national leader. The UNP needs to find a new language and spirit to ensure that it is able to coordinate its own interests as an opposition party with the larger interests of the country.
Factors Aiding Peace Process
It was ironical that the LTTE felt it necessary to upbraid the government recently for making overly optimistic pronouncements about the peace process and the Norwegian role in it. Until last month, the government was circumspect about the forward movement of the peace process, and about the possibility of reaching even preliminary agreements with the LTTE. But suddenly the dynamics supportive of the peace process appear to have changed for the better, at least from the government’s side.
It is nonetheless a great pity that this change should have taken place after
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Page 15
15 MAY 2001
over 300 government troops have been killed, some 2000 injured and billions of rupees expended in one more effort at military victory. It is little consolation that the LTTE suffered serious losses as well in the battle that took place last April. The peace process could have commenced in earnest several months ago in December last year when the LTTE first declared its unilateral ceasefire or even as late as February this year after the British government banned them as a terrorist organisation. But the endless pursuit of the elusive position of strength put paid to such hopes. The contrast between the present British leadership and that of Sri Lanka is instructive in this regard. British Prime Minister Tony Blair is expected to lead his government to a landslide election victory, even bigger than the previous one. What is notable about his leadership is that instead of waiting for problems to grow until they get too big to handle effectively, he has moved forward to nip them in the bud. An example relevant to Sri Lanka would be the manner in which he anticipated the rise of nationalist forces in the United Kingdom. Instead of waiting for the people of Scotland and Wales to rise up and demand autonomy from the central government, he positively urged them to take on more powers of self-government.
When it concerns the ethnic conflict, Sri Lanka has had the misfortune of not having such a visionary leadership. Successive governments have procrastinated in addressing the problem, coming up with too little too late that would satisfy the ethnic minorities. The ethnic conflict being one that evokes powerful sentiments and fears among all sections of people, has induced governments to cater to those of the ethnic majority which deliver the bulk of the vote.
However, there are occasions when events line up in a way that makes accommodation and compromise with the ethnic minorities essential for a government’s survival. The present moment appears to be one such. The government’s recent statements applauding the Norwegian role in the peace process, and calling for it to be hastened, has much to do with the imperatives of political survival. The generality of politicians are in it for the power. Their sincerity in addressing any national issue is bound up with the prospects of
their survival bye InOt.
Tremendous Pr It is evident th: the government i. pressure from three Each of these pres the government t process as the bes adverse consequel these pressures.
The first is th ward spiral of the creasingly harsh co ternational donor a on the governmen their aid. These inc ing the widely im services tax and fre the public sector c tial rise in the gen the absence of a pea special flows of fic surely accompany a government has no to the harsh condit by foreign technoc tral Bank in its mo: port has come out an end to the war if recover. This staten Bank is an unprece Central Bank usuall controversy in whic what the governme: The second sou the government is military action, both the north-east, nov unilateral ceasefire the four month ceas the people, and als cians, an inkling ol companies a lifting from both terrorist a No one wants to go where they feel thre lives.
The third, and p tant factor, that is ernment towards p LTTE is the prosp confidence motion UNIP. Sections w. keeping with the na are clearly impatie appear to have wor of some members But for the no-cor succeed, the suppo ties in Parliament v

mer addressing it or
SSUTE at the present time under tremendous lifferent directions. ures would induce hasten the peace way to reduce the ces that arise from
continuing downonomy and the inhditions that the ingencies are placing as conditions for ude further increasbacting goods and zing the salaries of espite the substanral price level. In ce dividend and the reign aid that will return to peace, the choice but to agree ions imposed on it 'ats. Even the Censt recent annual restrongly calling for the economy is to ment by the Central 'dented one, as the y steers clear of any n it cannot side with it has been doing. rce of pressure on he threat of LTTE within and outside I that the LTTE'S is at an end. What fire did was to give ) the ruling politithe relief that acof the risk to life ld military actions. back to a situation tened in their daily
rhaps most imporopelling the govace talks with the it of facing a noom the opposition hin the UNP, in ure of politicians, for power. They he covert support the ruling party. dence motion to of the Tamil parl be necessary.
TAMILES 15
It appears that some of the Tamil parties are sympathetic to the notion of defeating the PA government in Parliament and replacing it with a new one in which they can hope to play a part. This would cater to their own self-interest in wielding positions of governmental authority. Further it would satisfy their desire to punish a governmental leadership that has been extraordinarily callous in prosecuting the war against the LTTE without compunction to the people whose lives are destroyed in the process.
Balanced Consideration
But now the Tamil parties have to take cognisance of the fact that the government appears keen on speedily commencing peace talks and de-escalating the war even to the point of going in for a ceasefire. The Tamil parties have also to take into the balance another important consideration. Some of the key individuals in the UNP who are pressing for an early toppling of the government via a no-confidence motion are those who have, on public forums, challenged the Tamil people to prove that they have any genuine grievances. Some of the key rebels against UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe are those who have said there is no ethnic conflict, only a terrorist problem. It is these rebels who are the driving force, in pushing the UNP towards trying to pass the no-confidence motion at this crucial juncture when peace talks between the government and LTTE seem to be a handshake away. It is unlikely that their intention is to deliberately scuttle the Norwegian-facilitated peace process. But any serious political embarrassment to the government at this time, and destabilisation of parliamentary politics, would probably have that result.
The TULF position appears to be reasonable in saying that this is the first time since the Indian mediatory efforts in the 1980s that an opportunity for peace has presented itself. The TULF has threatened that if the government did not pursue the path of peace through dialogue, it would consider supporting the UNP's no-confidence motion. The TULF also stated that it was unreasonable to have peace talks while continuing to fight a fierce war. The fighting that took place in April of this year in the Jaffna peninsula following the government's military offensive evoked a

Page 16
16 TAMILTIMES
strong negative response even from countries that have banned the LTTE. Both the Indian and US governments expressed their concern at the fighting and reiterated their belief that there was no military solution.
The US statement also mentioned that the fighting needed to cease along with the commencement of the peace talks. While the immediate step that will need to be taken by government and LTTE would be to use to services of the Norwegian facilitator to enter into peace talks, this would require that the two parties should de-escalate the fighting as a first step. The LTTE's position that there should be a formal declaration of a ceasefire, rather than an informal one is reasonable. This is not the time to be reticent about the need for a ceasefire, and preferably a permanent one, after which the struggle for power between the present day belligerents will be by political means and without military killings and terrorist assassinations. Coping With LTTE's positions
The Norwegian peace envoys five day visit to Sri Lanka, including a stay
in the LTTE-contri without any signif The peace proces stalled with the LT three "pre-requisit met by the gover commencement of pre-requisites have prise to the governr been repeating for
it wants the gover engage in a ceasefi embargo on LTTElift the ban on it. hoped that the LT mise on these pre came to the actual the dates, venue
peace talks. This of the ambiguity i messages regardi Norwegian peace meeting face-to-fe leadership in the W that the LTTE wa conditions for the ta other hand, the ove the LTTE took an contradicting whi
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led Wanni, ended ant breakthrough. is reported to be TE’s insistence on s' that need to be ment prior to the peace talks. These nOt COme aS a Surent. The LTTE has everal months that ment to officially e, lift the economic controlled areas and It was, however, TE would comprorequisites when it issue of finalising und agenda of the ope arose because n the LTTE's own g the matter. The envoys who were ce with the LTTE 'anni reported back not imposing any lks to begin. On the seas spokesman for hore hardline stance at the Norwegians
15 MAY2001
were reporting. There was also another ambiguity in the LTTE's statements that provided an occasion for hope that the LTTE would not be uncompromising on the issue of what they considered to be pre-requisites for peace talks to commence. This was the imprecise nature of the terminology used by the LTTE to describe what they really wanted. Softer terms such as "pre-requisites” and "requests' were earnestly counter-posed to that of "pre-conditions' to describe the LTTE's position. But whatever the terms that the LTTE may use, the LTTE does not seem prepared to come for peace talks unless the government accommodates their demands.
It is obvious that the government would have difficulties and concerns about satisfying these LTTE demands prior to the commencement of peace talks. But from a positive perspective the government can approach this problem as providing an opportunity for confidence-building with the Tamil people and the international community regarding its pursuit of peace through negotiations. It must be kept in mind
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Page 17
15 MAY 2001
that the LTTE is not the only other party involved in the peace process whose confidence needs to be gained. There are other parties involved whose pressure on the LTTE could help to moderate its more extreme positions in the future. There are indications that the government is prepared to concede on two of the pre-requisites, but not on the third pertaining to lifting the ban on the LTTE.
There are those who may feel that lifting the economic embargo on LTTE-controlled areas would be a major concession to the LTTE. But in reality, it is probably not an important concession that would boost the LTTE's military capacity anymore than it already is. Reports from those who have been to the LTTE-controlled Wanni indicate that it already has all the cement bunkers it needs. Both the cement and fuel that the government is reluctant to release would greatly assist civilian life in the Wanni, but would not significantly add to the LTTE's military capacity. Relaxing the economic embargo could gain the government a measure of goodwill from the Tamil people.
LTTE Pre-requisites
With regard to the LTTE's pre-requisite for an official and permanent ceasefire, it appears that the government is prepared to accept an unofficial and time-bound one. If so, the government's position is not too far off from that of the LTTE. Whether or not a ceasefire agreement is declared to be permanent, such a ceasefire would turn out to be a time-bound one if either of the two parties decides to end it or violates the agreement.
With both the economic embargo and ceasefire, a problem that the government faces is in facing up to its own past statements. The government criticised the opposition UNP's election time pledges on these two counts. In particular, the government took the position that it would only enter into peace talks with the LTTE while waging war against it. This impractical proposition has now come back to embarrass the government. It is the LTTE's position that military operations and peace talks cannot go hand in hand that has prevailed. Recently even the United States took the position that the hostilities must cease and talks begin. The third pre-requisite of the LTTE that the gov
ernment's ban on it goes to the heart c previous strategy to flict by marginalis the LTTE. The ban ment’s most form marginalise and w ternationally. The g to use the growing thy to terrorist and tions to put the LT in many countries dated it. It was pr ment’s success in banned in the Unit this year that force think its own overa The governmer fied that its earlier LTTE bore fruit by put pressure on the join the peace proce ernment's decision on the LTTE is un countries such as th United Kingdom a ately revoke their These countries ba reasons of their ow the Sri Lankan gov ing with them to d the United States ar dom, the bans on t of a systematic ap large number of o were also banned a is unlikely that eithe tries, pre-occupiec many other proble ture, will wish to m ments to swiftly ac way or the other. does lift the ban or no doubt that its ca LTTE banned in O have to be curtaile is likely to see this its bargaining posit But the governmen expect to continue l tries to ban the LTT gaged in peace talks the government'ss to the LTTE has to partner in the peace to exclude it.
Highest Priority
From the poin committed to the commencement of the government an

be lifted is one that f the government's end the ethnic conng and weakening became the governidable weapon to aken the LTTE in)vernment was able nternational antipaseparatist organisaTE on the defensive hat had accommoobably the governgetting the LTTE 2d Kingdom earlier 'd the LTTE to rell strategy. t needs to be satisstrategy to ban the the very fact that it LTTE to agree to ss. Further, the govto revoke the ban likely to lead other e United States, the ld India to immedipans on the LTTE. nned the LTTE for 'n, and not because ernment was pleado it. In the case of ld the United Kinghe LTTE were part proach in which a ther organisations s being terrorist. It r of these two counas they are with ms of a global naobilise their parliat on the LTTE one If the government the LTTE there is mpaign to have the ther countries will i. The government as a weakening of on with the LTTE. cannot reasonably bbying other counE at a time it is enwith it. Henceforth rategy with regard pe to include it as a process rather than
of view of those peace process the eace talks between LTTE would be a
TAMILTIMSS 17
matter of the highest priority, and no obstacle should be permitted to provide an excuse or reason not to engage in them. Given the LTTE's apparently, fixed position, it will be necessary for the government to find the way to address the three pre-requisites of the LTTE without which the peace talks may not commence at all.
The LTTE's uncompromising attitude possibly reflects the military nature of the organisation, which has up to now endeavored to physically eliminate all opposition to it. The LTTE's negotiation strategy of making demands and refusing to budge from them is not likely to be conducive to the long term viability of the peace process. By their very nature political negotiations imply flexibility and compromise. They are based on the premise that neither side has the whole of justice and truth with it. The problem for the LTTE is that it has bred a generation of cadre who believe that they have the whole of justice and truth behind them. The recent assassination attempt against the head of the LTTE's political wing, S. P. Thamilchelvan, when he was on his way to meet with the Norwegian peace envoys points to the possible cracks and divisions in the LTTE's own command structure regarding the peace process.
Unless and until the peace process is seen as bringing the LTTE some substantial tangible benefits, its is unlikely that the LTTE and even its supreme leader Velupillai Prabakaran can be seen to be comfortable with the peace talks. The constraints on the LTTE leadership that has sacrificed a generation if not more to the concept of an independent Tamil state cannot be under-estimated. They will be under pressure to demonstrate gains without compromises from the peace process to their rank and file. Both sides need to be aware of each other's constraints and limitations. To the extent that the peace process is a shared project of the government and LTTE, they need to assist the other out of those problems rather than seek to exploit them. Undoubtedly the government has many problems of its own in meeting the three pre-requisites of the LTTE for peace talks to commence. But as the democratically elected and internationally recognised government of the whole of Sri Lanka, the government has a position of strength from which it can make the first major concessions to peace. O

Page 18
18 TAMITMEs
Creating a Clim for Peacemakir
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
he present confused situation in Sri Lanka concerning peace prospects is obvious to anyone who has been following the various comments and reports in the web-sites, email-based news bulletins and local newspapers on the country's ethnic question and the ongoing war between the LTTE and the security forces. These also show that some are still in the fighting mood, some are anxiously waiting for peace talks to begin and for the Government and the main opposition party the politics of power is the usual business. The media too has not been contributing to peace-making.
Lakshman Gunasekara in the Sunday Observer of 1 April has pointed out that it is in the privately-owned newspapers and not in the Government controlled ones that articles explicitly espousing a militarist solution are frequently published. He says: "In fact such articles appear by the dozen in many of these newspapers collectively, not just weekly but daily. This is not to say that Government-controlled newspapers do not carry articles or even editorials espousing or supporting the militarist line. Even under this enlightened, generally non-racist regime of Chandrika Kumaratunga, there are times when such articles appear - although it is rare that such articles would espouse a military solution on explicitly Sinhala ultra-nationalist grounds.'
He is also absolutely correct in saying that "the PA seems to adopt a two track strategy with some political front men and some sections of the Government media pushing the jingoistic line while another even more formidable phalanx continues with the peace line'. Although there are many who talk up peace, they seem to have not considered this hostile environment that would make it difficult to secure lasting peace. At present, it is the international community that is anxious to see the end of hostilities in Sri Lanka sooner than later. But it cannot do much to create the congenial climate needed
for peace-making. T all peace-loving Sri that we are not any ciling our differenc nised. When and ho mate for peace-m achieved should be the present uncertair The collapse of p. and the resumption ( creasing intensity ha gravating the mutu warring sides. Certai different from peac going to be difficult many unpleasant d have taken place sin
Excesses Security F Despite the Pres that human rights a tainees should be sa of detainees and rap tody by service pers ued daringly. There incidents of sexual women in parts of der army control. T such horrible acts w government and sha the country cannotb as this war lasts. Th dent that received v in the local and fo rape and torture of women by several r sonnel. They were a on March 19 on S links with the LT acts by members of navy will only poi
peace-making.
The protracted agonizing problem of the gun culture \ the sharp escalat criminal behaviou ting murders, armé timidation. The breakdown of law a eral the decline in values are the by

15 MAY 2001
te 19
nis is the duty of
Lankans. The fact there near recons must be recogv a congenial cliaking could be considered given
situation. evious peace talks if the war with ind the effect of agal distrust of the nly peace-making, e-talking, is also
as a result of the evelopments that ce then.
Forces
idential directives nd welfare of defeguarded, torture e of women in cusonnel have continhave been many violence on Tamil he North-East unthese indicate that nich undermine the me the society and e prevented as long e most recent incivide publicity both eign media is the two young Tamil avy and police perrested by the Navy spicion of having E. Such shameful he police, army and on the climate for
var has led to many through the spread hich is reflected in on of widespread including commitrobberies and inse in corruption, ıd order and in genethics and human oducts of the pro
tracted war. The most compelling reason why the fighting must stop first is the imperative to arrest all these inhuman and anti-social acts that cannot be stopped otherwise. It is meaningless even to talk about a congenial climate for peace, while the people are unlawfully arrested, tortured, raped and harassed by government forces.
Costly Mistakes
Blaming solely the other community for the present predicament is not the way to seek lasting peace. The truth is both the Sinhalese and Tamil leaders have failed to maintain a healthy relationship between the two communities. They ignored the long-term consequences of their communalist rhetoric and divisive actions to inter-ethnic relations and national unity. On the government side one such miscalculation was the anti-Tamil pogrom which it orchestrated in 1983 hoping to intimidate the Tamils into submission. Even later the succeeding governments failed to implement earnestly the approved laws and policies claimed to guarantee equal rights and address the main grievances of the Tamils. Some important bills prepared to prevent discrimination like the Equal Opportunities Bill (this was withdrawn on 20 October 1999) even failed to enter the statute book.
What is relevant and important for ethnic harmony is that the majority in various ethnic groups must feel they have equal rights and opportunities. This can only come from appropriate actions consistent with the principle of equality of all citizens, regardless of their ethnic and religious affiliations. Assurances and even laws without the necessary practical steps are meaningless. Herein lies the root of our ethnic problem that has become a national crisis. The Tamils had until the early 1980s been willing to settle for some satisfactory decentralised arrangement, provided the governments implemented it fully in good faith. But this did not happen and what changed this mood after 1983 had been told many times since then.
After the ethnic conflict escalated to a bloody war, the Tamil Tigers have missed several opportunities to reach a compromise and settle for a semi-autonomous provincial system believing that they could force succeeding Sri Lankan governments to accede to their demand for a separate autonomous state in North-East Sri Lanka. World opinion and especially that of India totally

Page 19
15 MAY 2001
against separation was considered unimportant by the Tigers and their ardent supporters, many of whom were the victims of discrimination and oppression. Settled in foreign countries their support to the Tigers is largely influenced by their previous bitter experiences in Sri Lanka and resurgent Tamil nationalistic feelings.
Some gains achieved by the Tigers in the 18-year war reinforced their confidence in achieving their political goal single-handedly, despite the disapproval of the international community to their violent methods. They pursued this strategy without realising its consequences to the future of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, let alone the problems it would create for an amicable settlement of the conflict. If they had thought by aggravating the division and enmity between the Sinhala and Tamil communities, which was what the Sinhala ultra-nationalists were doing, separation would follow, they were wrong. This has been confirmed by the popular reactions within Sri Lanka and the international community. Paradoxically, the nationalists on either side of the ethnic divide were impulsively striving towards the same goal.
Wishful Thinking
It was wishful thinking that made the Eelamists to assume that the BJPled Indian government with Tamil nationalist parties as partners in the ruling coalition would be supportive of their wish to set up a separate state of Eelam. These parties sympathize and support the legitimate rights of the Sri Lankan Tamils while some have at convenient times articulated their support to the LTTE. But even such opportunistic expressions of support have hardly helped to foster a climate free of suspicions and anxiety among the Sinhalese who have been reminded constantly and continuously of south Indian invasions of the island in the distant past.
Now the Sri Lankan Tamil journal 'Sudar Oli” has discovered through its reporter who sought the views of Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) general secretary V. Gopalaswami (Vaiko), Pattali Makkal Katchi founder S Ramadoss and Tamils National Movement leader P Nedumaran that they are "opportunistic' leaders. Because they have sidelined Llanka's ethnic crisis during their campaign for the upcoming Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu. The weekly has claimed that all three known in the past for their
eloquent support t Tamils in Sri Lank to avoid the subject support publicly e. electorally disadva clear from the repo called pro-LTTE T ers in Tamil Nadu, electoral prospects more important tha
Hindering the Pea The paramoun ested in settling th serious dialogue be the parties comm settlement is to exel rhetoric and actions civilians by securit Mannar incident is should happen nov cidents may not be of the military. Ne very sensitive and ways and specific to prevent them re not the time to win of the people, one the minds of the au Speculatingult expected peace tal evident obstacles to are clearly meant Chandrika Kumar settle the ethnic issu Tamil collaboratio President is seen in If only this kind of ing for reconciliati ing, the hopes oft in the war-torn cou very soon. It is ur when a congenial promote national U kan newspapers ar prominence to ext views of academic tion and to unproc feed the ethnic div
The rancorous in the comments Tamils circulated ing list) cannot hel genial atmosphere' the peace process. sonal satisfaction i in offensive langui causing problems f in Sri Lanka who the Sinhalese and ties. If the journals pousing the LTTE moderation, it do sense for others t

TAMILTIMES 19
o the cause of the a have been careful : now because such xpressed would be intageous. What is rt is that for the soamil political leadtheir image and the of their parties are in the LTTE.
ce Initiative t duty of all interhe conflict through tween the leaders of itted to a political cise caution in their ... The harassment of y personnel as in the not the action that v. Such isolated inhe deliberate policy vertheless, these are damaging in many steps must be taken occurring. If this is he hearts and minds wonders what is in thorities. arior motives for the ks and raising nonNorway's initiative to belittle President atunga's efforts to le. The fine Sinhalan in discrediting the one Sunday weekly. alliance is forthcomon and peace-makhe anxious millions ntry will be fulfilled lfortunate at a time climate is needed to Inity, some Sri Lane also giving undue eme and prejudiced S on the ethnic quesluctive debates that ision. and racist tone seen of some expatriate via the email (mailp to create the “conneeded to facilitate They may get perin airing their views age but they are also or the fellow Tamils have to coexist with Muslim communiwhich have been es: are now observing es not make much o continue their ag
gressive attitude.
International Community
The LTTE, in one of its press releases expressed serious reservations over the foreign policy stances of the international community, particularly those of the United States, Britain, other European nations and India towards the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict. It states, "by supporting Sri Lanka with financial and military assistance and by condemning and criminalising the Tamil struggle as a phenomenon of "international terrorism' these governments are not in anyway contributing to the promotion of peace and ethnic reconciliation in the island but encourage the hard-line militaristic approach of a repressive racist regime against the aggrieved and oppressed Tamil nation."
Condemning the international community for its common stand against the division of Sri Lanka and violent methods to achieve political goals is counter-productive. One has only to notice the response of the international community to the struggle for secession by various ethnic groups in different parts of the world. Interestingly, there are some similarities between the causes of the ethnic conflicts in Sri Lanka and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. The main grievance of the ethnic Albanians, who account for about one third of the 2 million population is the withdrawal of the rights and opportunities they had when Macedonia was part of the socialist republic of Yugoslavia. After independence in 1991, the ethnic Albanians were marginalised by the Macedonian government dominated by the majority Slavs.
Compared with the direct approach and determined efforts made by the Western bloc to stop the fighting in Macedonia and coax the Slavs and the ethnic Albanians to negotiate for a political settlement, Norway's facilitatory role in Sri Lanka would seem relatively powerless. Some EU countries supported by NATO assisted the Macedonian government militarily to defeat the rebels. In Sri Lanka's case, the fact is that the Norwegian peace initiative in Sri Lanka is backed strongly by the EU and the donor community and in effect Norway can be considered as their accredited agent. India too is supporting the Norwegian initiative. Foreign aid is crucial not only for overall economic development and growth but also for the much needed reconstruction and rehabilitation work in the northeast.

Page 20
20 AMILTIMES
Both the Sinhalese and Tamil leaders can only ignore them by sacrificing peace and the well-being of their people. Europe and America have not been consistent in their judgements and actions when defending democracy and human rights in all circumstances and in all places for various reasons. An analysis of this inconsistency is outside the scope of this article. Instead of challenging Europe or America, other persuasive ways to win their sympathy would have been useful for the Tamils. The arrogance and rashness that prevented the Tamil leadership to use these options led to the erosion of the sympathy that sprung after the 1983 antiTamil pogrom.
The campaign of the expatriate Tamils should have focused on persuading the international community to urge the Sri Lankan government to suspend the military operations. Instead, the main focus was on fighting and quarrelling as well as challenging the views such as those expressed recently by Ashley Wills, the US Ambassador to Sri Lanka in the frank speech he delivered in Jaffna on 7 March 2001. What the Jaffna Mayor hoped to achieve by his motion to censure the US Ambassador's speech is only known to him. Fortunately, good sense prevailed in the end and the motion was withdrawn.
The Tamils cannot complain that foreign countries showed no interest in playing any direct role to end the conflict, particularly after the manner the 1987 Indian intervention was rejected. Recognising India's interest in the region, the international community allowed India to take the initiative to persuade both parties to accept a reasonable solution. But the Sinhala and Tamil nationalists and opportunist political leaders in the south deprived India of this role. Like the religious fundamentalists our ultra-nationalists too see others through their jaundiced eyes. Their concept of nation and its formation/development are inimical to human advancement in the modern world.
Immediate Challenges and Beyond
The Eelam war that intensified after the collapse of the last peace talks in 1995 took a different turn by the end of last year when the LTTE leader indicated his readiness for a negotiated settlement. This was confirmed by Erik Solheim, the Norwegian special envoy who talked face-to-face with the leader on 1 November, 2000 in Wanni. He
announced afterwar ing in Colombo that of the leader's sinc negotiated political vember 27, the LTT some conciliatory st before in his annual sage. This was foll imposed truce ment LTTE urged the ciprocate by suspe operations and liftin the transportation o under their control fused saying that a c considered only afte seen in the peace ta Government in ea Some 25 previously cluding medicines i tory. The release of both sides also sign ing sign.
The delegation ligious Alliance fo who held talks recei near Madhu on the group was willing to for a separate state gotiated and just pe leadersseemed to ha the genuineness of tiate a settlement wi This has also been opposition Tamil pa the Parliament.
Based on past ex that LTTE's unilat ploy to buy time to ganise and at the sal soft image as seriol the international c among the Sinhales other hand, the Tam "the Chandrika reg adhering to its came covertly pushing fo paying lip service t The Governme. the firepower of the be overlooked. The of tanks, tank trar military vehicles f public that arrived have been ordered irrelevant to the L budget allocation million (Rs.63 billi fence must also be Despite the co, slaught against the the campaign to h. ded worldwide as tion, the LTTE hac

15 ΜΑΥ 2001
s at a press briefhe was convinced :rity in seeking a ettlement. On Noleader also made tements not heard Heroes Day) mesowed by the selfoned earlier. Government to reding its military g the embargo on goods into areas
Government reease-fire would be r some progress is ks. However, the ly April allowed banned items ininto the rebel terrisome prisoners by alled an encourag
from the Inter-Rer National Unity, tly with the LTTE ir return said the give up its demand in return for a ne:ace. The religious ve no qualms about the LTTE to negoth the Government. vouched by all the rties represented in
periences, the view eral cease-fire is a regroup and reorme time to project a is peace seekers to ommunity prevails e hardliners. On the l sections think that ime is consistently Iuflaged strategy of r war while overtly o peace.” t’s moves to boost military should not $2.5 million worth sporters and other om the Czech Rein mid April might last year but this is TE right now. The f US Dollars 725 )n) this year for decause for concern. tinued military onTTE positions and ve the LTTE branterrorist organisanot resumed major
offensive operations against the State and maintained its ceasefire for four months. In this context, the military offensive launched by the armed forces barely few hours following the expiry of the LTTE ceasefire turned out not only a disaster for the army, but also has produceda climate ofrenewed confrontation which certainly does not assist the current peace process.
Up until the second week in April, the LTTE's preconditions for taking the Norwegian facilitated process forward were that the Government should reciprocate with a formal cessation of hostilities and the lifting of the economic embargo. For the first time, it was during the discussions between the Norwegian Ambassador Ron Westborg and the LTTE's political wing leader, SPTamil Chelvam added an additional condition that the Government must lift the proscription of the LTTE imposed in 1998 following the bomb attack on Dalada Maligawa (the sacred Temple of the Tooth) in Kandy.
The reasons for the Government and the LTTE to move in different directions can in the final analysis be assigned to their concerns to be seen entering the negotiations with their power and pride intact. It is understandable that the Government, particularly with the Sinhala hardliners waiting to accuse it for giving in easily to the Tamils is anxious to talk with the LTTE as the triumphant side. It is also understand able that the LTTE wants to be seen as a true and lawful representative of the Tamils participating in talks with the Government on an equal footing. Both sides are also obliged not to let down their soldiers and the families of the thousands who died fighting. If these compulsions are recognised, then the reluctance of each side to accept the other side's conditions can be understood.
In this complex situation, the prospect of creating a congenial climate for peace-making is quite unpromising now. It is obvious that to start the decisive peace talks, Norway's peace efforts must be augmented by diplomatic persuasion and inducements from the international community. The indications are that for observing the ceasefire and also for finalising a political settlement their assistance with the concurrence of India will be needed. Importantly, both sides must have the courage to take some risks for the sake of achieving peace desired by the vast majority of the citizens of the island. O

Page 21
15 MAY 2001
introduction
The Jaffna district has a population of 502,000. As at December 2000, 42.2% were internally displaced. 89% of the population of Jaffna had experienced displacement at least once since 1987.
Some of the major displacements that had occurred since 1987 were: o In May-July 1987, following the “Operation Libera
tion' O In October-December, 1987, following the “IPKF
operation' O In June-December, 1995, following "operation sun
shine' O In May-December, 2000, following "Operation
ceaseless waves' The reports of the Government Agent, Jaffna classifies the present population as given in table 1. 202,000 persons were presently displaced.
Head, Department of cony
able: 1. Population in Jaffna District
t 「2000)
Population Number % Internally displaced 202,000 40.2 ReSettled 245,000 48.8 Not displaced 55,000 11.0 Total 502,000 100.0
Source: Government Agent, Jaffna
In November 2000, there were, 19,507 of them in 154 refugee camps in the Jaffna District, under the supervision of the Government agent. The balance was on their own, living with friends and relations or in rented out annexes or broken down houses of those who had left the district.
A study was carried out recently in the refugee camps in the Jaffna District. The study revealed some interesting facts
The major problem was Undernutrition among children and women.
Children of Jaffna
According to the nutrition survey carried out in 1975/76 (Department of Census & Statistics-1977), 6.6% of the children of Sri Lanka were wasted. Among the 24 districts in Sri Lanka at that time, Jaffna District had the lowest prevalence
le: 2. P rnutriti no childr
Type of Undernutrition Percent Wasted 22.6
Stunted 36.2
LOW Weight forage 47.7
Source: Sivarajah N. Nutritional Survey of Welfare Centres in Jaffna District. WFP.
 

TAMIL TIMES 21
of wasting of 3.7%. It was
TS o ||0|ill almost half of that of the
Sri Lankan average.
The recent survey car
C o ana ried out in the refugee
camps in Jaffna District in
February/March 2001
showed that 22.6% of children under 5 years
varajah ly Medicine, University of Jafna
were wasted and 36.2% were stunted. The findings of the study are given in table 2. A survey carried out in Jaffna in August 2000 (David Becker & Michele Kelly) showed almost similar results (18.9 % were wasted). In this study it was found that among the children 6-17 months old, 30.7% were wasted.
Almost 80% of the mental development of a child takes place during the first two years of a child and Undernutrition during this period could lead to severe impairment of mental development leading to a generation of children with poor mental capacity.
Although 87.3% of the children were born in a hospital, there were 12.7% children born at home and refugee camps. A trained person did not attend at the time of delivery. In a situation such as this more infants are likely to die around the time of delivery, and more women are likely to have long-term physical effects of the poor management of the delivery
30.3% of the mothers of these children had been displaced from their homes for over 5 years. V
Pregnant and lactating mothers
Anaemia is a major nutritional pro-blem among all women. The prevalence of anaemia among pregnant, lactating women and adolescent girls is given in table 3.
56.2% of the adolescent girls between 15 and 19 years of age were anaemic. 26.5% needed active intervention to prevent the development of any severe complications following pregnancy and childbirth. Around 60% of the pregnant and lactating mothers were anaemic.
e: r reval n i m r tatind mother
t qir
Degree Pregnant Lactating Adolescent of anaemia mothers mothers girls
Mild 28.8 14.6 29.7
Moderate 28.8 41.8 20.3
Sθνθrθ 3.4 3.6 6.2
Total 610 60.0 56.2
Source: Sivarajah N. Nutritional Survey of Welfare Centres in Jaffna District. WFP.
The number of teenage mothers has increased during the past few decades. It was found that among the pregnant mothers, 15.3% were under 20 years. 3.4% of the husbands
too were under 20 years. Single mothers were not found.
Teenage pregnancies have become a common feature in the refugee camps. Some of the factors contributing to teen(continued on page 26)

Page 22
22 TAM TIMES
Religious Sentimen and National Sovereig The Case of the Bamiyan B
Rohini Hensman
he worldwide dismay and outrage caused by Taliban's edict of February 26 ordering the demolition of the Bamiyan Buddhas raise a host of questions of a very fundamental nature. While such extreme defiance of world opinion is characteristic of Taliban, this kind of behaviour-and the reasoning which justifies it-is by no means unique. Indeed, it has been extremely common in South Asia. I would therefore like to take two specific issues raised by this episode and look at the wider questions they pose. The first is that of religious sentiment and what it can or cannot justify; the second is that of national sovereignty.
The justification offered for what most of us would see as an act of religious intolerance and pure vandalism is that these graven images' offend the religious sentiments of Taliban. Their supreme leader Mullah Mohammad Omar dismissed criticisms of the plan, saying that Afghan Muslims should be proud of smashing the statues. It is a shame for those Afghans who criticise this decrce, he was quoted as saying; “I ask Afghans and the world’s Muslims to use their sound wisdomS Do you prefer to be a breaker of idols or a seller of idols? Is it appropriate to bi influenced by the propaganda of the infidels?
South Asian Atrocities
Unfortunately, their action is not in a class by itself, but in a class all too familiar to us in South Asia. The demolition of the Babri Mosque in 1992, the threat of demolishing other mosques and the burning of the Kuran in India, the torching of Christian churches in India and Sri Lanka, attacks on Uindu temples in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, attacks on Buddhist, Muslim and Christian religious sites by the LTTF.: such acts of vandalism have been common in our countries. Worse still, pogroms and massacres of people
belonging to mino routinely been carı anti-Muslim pogro: demic since the pari pendence, and mor tians have become th and murder, as they years in Pakistan. attacked in Pakistal Repeated pogroms
been directed agair The LTTE has ma and Muslims. There ous attacks through historians and arche for the truth about a and the buming of its rare manuscripts ample of the attempt evidence of such a survey is ever carri that all or even the following the suppo ligion approvc of t ried out in their na thosc who engage
take it for granted gious sensibilities pl tor physical attacks people of other reli,
Obnoxious Fanatc So what-apart f has received and th tistic value of the the attack on the Bal different from inn saults on religiou places of worship in answer is that in pi difference. The van a Christian church were, by the same li that act, justifying til Bamiyan Buddhas. Taliban clerics, by in retrospect the der Masjid by Hindu aware that the hat their actions can e

15 MAY2001
t nty: uddhas
ity religions have ied out. In India, ms have been enition riots at Indee recently, Chrise target of violence have been for many Hindus have been and Bangladesh. in Sri Lanka have ist non-Buddhists. ssacred Buddhists have been slanderout South Asia on blogists standing up multicultural past, Jaffna library with in 1981 is one exEs made to erase the past. Of course, no ed out to aicertain majority of those sedly offendcd rehe brutal acts carmc. Nonetheless, in them implicitly hat their own rcliovide ajustification on structures and gions.
ism "om the publicity it e historical and armonuments-makes miyan Buddhas any merable other asmonuments and our countries? The inciple, there is no dals who set fire to in Hingurakgoda gic which inspired e destruction of the And conversely, the heir action, justify olition of the Babri vandals. Are they ed which inspires ually well be used
against their own religion? Probably not, because those who appeal to religious sentiment generally believe that theirown religion and theirownsentiments are the only valid ones. They even dismiss other versions of thcir own religion which are more humanistic and tolerant as being inauthentic.
For those of us who believe in human rights, equality and democracy, what would a logical, consistent position on such questions be? At one extreme is the belief, usually characterised as Marxist though not all Marxists agree with it, that religious belief is ideology or superstition, to be discouraged and discounted. While this is perfectly aceeptable as one belief (among others), wherever it results in similar actions to those inspired by religious fanaticism-destruction of religious places of worship and monuments, persccution of followers of a religion or religions, ctc.-it is equally obnoxious. Like religious intolerance, this amounts to a denial of fundamental human rights to freedom of conscience and freedom of expression.
Liberal Dilemma
At the other extreme is a libera position, embodied in various differen forms. One is the Gandhian-inspire conception of secularism commonly accepted in India, which preaches equal tolerance and respect to all religions, but therc are also more recent, even post-modem, forms of the same outlook. Before looking at this position more closely, a small digression on what we mean by 'religion'. A recent issue of Pravada (Vol.6 Nos.9 & 10) carries an interesting debate between Qadri Ismail, who alleges that in Michael Ondaalje's novel Anil's Ghost, "Buddhism is denied a role the politics of Sri Lanka, in the Sinhala oppression of the Minoritics... its criminal record in Sri Lanka (is) denied' (p.29), and Radhika Coomaraswamy, who alleges that Ismail “collapses Buddhist humanism and Buddhist chauvinism into one category’ (p.29). In a sense, both are right-or, if they feel their positions are mutually exclusive, both are wrong. Questions about the actual teachings of the founder of a religion, and the extent to which the practiccs of followers conform to those teachings, are important lo pursue. But religion as a social

Page 23
15 MAY 2001
institution includes the practices of all those who profess a certain faith, regardless of whether they conform to or deviate from the teachings of the founder. In this sense, Buddhism as practised in Sri Lanka is both a religion of peace and compassion as well as a religion of bloodthirsty violence, and it is true that the latter dimension is absent from Ondaatje's novel, making the entire action inexplicable, since there is no way of accounting for the honrific violence of a state avowedly committed to Buddhism. I Seen from this perspective, a liberal position of according equal tolerance and respect to all religious beliefs and practices shows itself to be self-contradictory and unviable. It would mean respecting the right of Buddhists to venerate the Bamiyan statues as well as the right of Taliban to demolish them. Supposedly safeguarding freedom of conscience, it would actually do the opposite in many cases. The dominant version of most religions usually involves some degree of violation of the rights of women and girls, ranging from exclusion, discrimination and patriarchal control to sadistic violence such as female gcnital mutilation, institutionalised sexual abuse of minors (in devadasi and other cults) and the buming alive of “witches' and widows. Why should anyone -whether followers of those religions or not-tolerate, much less respect, such beliefs and practices? Freedom of conscience in such cases must surely include the right to denounce and campaign against them! Heroic examples of such defiance are provided in Afghanistan itself, where AFN (the Afghan Women's Network) and RAWA (the Revolutionary Associalion of the Women of Afghanistan) have been putting up a courageous and inspiring resistance to Taliban's horrific oppression of women We cannot accord equal respect to these women's organisalions and Taliban. We have to choose.
Secular States
Where innocuous beliefs and practices are concerned, toleration is certainly desirable, but not necessarily respect. We might desist from expressing certain opinions in public, but we cannot so easily convince ourselves that such opinions are wrong. If certain religious beliefs or practices appear to
someone as superst that person issurely even express such it offends someone { sibilities. Thus if the confined themselve or theological critiq no one could have dom of exprcssion { press such opinion freedom of expressi Rushdie to criticis some of their own b tices do not harm a requires both that th freely, and that the freely, while practi damage on others sl This is why a dcmc be secular, and no S ciated with a parti ever be considered The human rights ab matched by those c which was establisl itself through gel against Palestinians this case cannot be ugh the establishm democratic Palestin tion has to include and democratisation too.
So our attitude to by religious sentime ferent from our att activities. Where th destructive, they sho condemned, and, if religious sentiment criminal actions, alth temporary insanity mitigating circumsta ing. Where they are tioners should have gage in them while S have thc freedom to where they promote solidarity, we shoul
National Sovereig
The second fu raised by this case sovereignty. Die-hai principle would ha the Buddhas are loc Afghanistan, the de nation-namelly Talil do as they wish witl from outside the na

tious or irrational, antitled to hold and n opinion, even if lse's religious senTaliban clerics had to a philosophical ue of idol-worship, aulted them. Freentitles them to ex, just as the same on entitles Salman or even ridicule liefs. Where pracnyone, democracy ey can be practised y can be criticised ces that do inflict hould be punished. }cratic state has to tate which is assocular religion can to be democratic. uses of Taliban are if the Israeli state, led and maintains nocidal violence . The problem in solved purely throment of a secular, ian state; the soluthe secularisation of thc Israeli state
) practices inspired int need not be diftude to any other ey are violent and uld be opposed and bossible, punished; is no excuse for Lough it might, like , be considered a nce while sentencinnocuous, practithe freedom to enceptics should also criticise them. And Justice, peace and d support them.
ty
ndamental issue is that of national d supporters of this e.to argue that as ated on the soil of facto rulers of that an- are entitled to them, and no one tion has any right
TAM TIMES 23
to interfere. This, indeed, is the stand taken by Taliban Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmed Mutawakel, who said that he would meet United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan in Pakistan in order to "tell him that what we are doing is an intemal religious issue.
lt is clear, however, that most of the rest of thc world does not agree with him. A UN General Assembly resolution sponsored by over 100 nations and approved by consensus on March 9 urged Taliban to take immediate action to prevent further destruction of these and other monuments. Evidently the intemational community is very much concerned about what happens on Afghan soil, and the implicit message is that the Taliban clerics do not have the right to destroy these statues which happen to be located in their country. This in turn implies limits to national sovereignty, understood as the right of a state to do as it wishes within its national borders.
Universal Declaration
The first hint of a challenge to the doctrine of national sovereignty came in the wake of the Second World War and in the shadow of the Holocaust. Article 1 of the UN Charter, signed in June 1945, affirms that "promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction' would be one of the UN’s principle purposes, but this recognition of rights and freedoms that cut across national borders is tempered, even contradicted, by the affirmation of national sovereignty as a principle. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the UN (ieneral Assembly on December 10, 1945 goes further, explicitly linking respect for human rights with the maintenance of international peace. What we see here is the beginnings of international law as a system over-riding national sovereignty. While in practice a state may be able to violate the fundamental rights of its own citizens-as, indeed, it can violate the rights of citizens of other nations if it is powerful enough-in principle, these actions are subject to intemational scrutiny and condemnation. Nation-states continue to be the constitutive units of today's world, but they are understood to be part of a wider international community. Human rights

Page 24
24 TAMILTIMES
NGOs like Amnesty Intemational and Human Rights Watch, aswell as smaller local organisations, act as watchdogs and whistle-blowers, alerting us to violations in every comer of the world. And a plethora of human rights conventions- on the rights of refugees, women, ethnic minoritics, children, and so forth-have further developed intemational law.
Cultural Heritage
Other concems have also increasingly come to be recognised as universal. The environment, for example. lt is now-well known that the destruction of forests in one country and emission of greenhouse gases in a second can cause the partial or even complete submersion of a third. The earth and its atmosphere did not come into being predivided into nations, nor has it yet learned to respect national borders. The environment is by its very nature global, and given that what goes on in one country can have devastating consequences for another, it makes sense to work towards global regulation. Another area where global regulation has come to be seen as desirable is basic workers' rights. In a globalised world economy where the denial of such rights in some countries can erode thcm in others, it has been argued, at least the fundamental rights embodied in the ILO Core conventions should be implemented in all countries. Finally, the outrage felt by many non-Buddhists all over the world at the fate of the Bamiyan Buddhas implies a belief that these monulments are part of the cultural heritage ofhumankind as a whole. The awareness is growing that whether we like it or not, we are all part of one human family, sharing the earth as our common home. The major problem faced by all these UN and ILO Conventions on human rights, workers', women's and children's rights, the environment, and so forth, is of course the lack of any machinery for enforcement, Recently, however, some progress has been made on this front, with the with the Intemational Criminal Tribunal for ex-Yugoslavia (set up in 1993) and lnternational Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (set up in 1994) trying and prosecuting several individuals for war crimcs, including rape. The agreement by the UN in July 1998 to sctup a per
manent Intemationa take up cnmcs aga erimes and genoeid plemented, take this ther. Since 22 Dece can complain direc discrimination, sex other violations of the Elimination of crimination Agains of intemational bo promote respect fo inhabitants of the e the power to punish these rights, is gain Should the noti ereignty be abandon In a world which tion-states, such al seems premature. I stead, a notion of n that is analogous There was a time v inside the family w no business of anyc thanks to the femir notion is no longe there are still prob protection of child because children, e. are not capable of own interests. In th rights can be seen ents to love, protec children, and to be facilities which en (paid parental leav born or fall sick, et rights over their cl dependent persons own. Thus parents to exploit, abuse, S dren, and society vene if any of thes ing.
By analogy, v tional sovereignty of a state to prote zens from foreig care for residents ( as well as plant an cal and cultural ar ronment, within means, of course, have the right to things outside its not imply that it h and destroy them ders. For exampl criteria, the Iraqi

15 MAY2001
Criminal Court to lst humanity, war would, if it is improeess a step furhber 2000, women y to the UN about al exploitation, or he Convention on all forms of DisWomen. The idea dies that not only basie rights of all arth, but also have those who violate ng ground. yn of national soved altogether, then? till consists of naextreme neaSure would suggest, inational sovereignty to parental rights. when what went on as considered to be ne outside. Today, ist movement, this so common. But lems regarding the ren's rights, partly specially little ones, safeguarding their is context, parental as the right of par:t and care for their : provided with the able them to do so 2 when children are ..). But these are not ildren, who are inwith rights of their io not have the right ell or kill their chillnas a duty to inter: things are happen
e can think ot naas the right and duty :t itself and its citi
aggression and to ncluding foreigners) animal life, historiifacts, and the enviits borders. This hat a state does not attack any of these borders; but it does is the right to attack even within its boraccording to these state should legiti
mately protect its own air space from intrusion by foreign military aircraft, and the US and UK bombing of Iraq as recently as February 16th would betotally illegitimate. But attacks by the Iraqi state against religious and ethnic minorities and dissidents within its own borders would be equally illegitimate. Setting up international institutions and devising procedures that can enforce compliance with such principles is the challenge facing us today. Protecting religious sites and humankind's cultural heritage from the kind of vandalism which has received so much publicity in Afghanistan, but is also evident in Sri Lanka and the rest of South Asia, would be part of that agenda.
End Note
l. I am not going to enter the debate about this novel, but cannot refrain from
saying that while I am sure Radhika is right about Ondaatje's humanist credentials, I share Qadri Ismail's discomfort at the treatment of Tamils in it. I cannot agree with either, however, that Gamini Diyasena is a sympathetic character. I find him a good example of the staggering failure of imagination, ignorance of what is happening in one's own country, and ingrained prejudice that is largely responsible for starting the war and keeping it going by refusing to ackowledge the legitimate grievances of Tamils. While reflecting on the damage caused by terroist bombs (pp. 132-3), it did not occur to him that far greater camage had been caused by government bombing and shelling and STF massacres in the North and East-in fact, he asks "And you want to investigate the government?' as though there is something perverse about this! When treating young boys who were members of the LTTE, “He had to keep reminding himself who these people were,' namely, people who put "bombs on crowded streets, in bus stations, paddy fields, schools' (p.220), but never even tried to imagine the trauma suffered at the hands of Sri Lankan security forces that might have pushed these children into the arms of the Tigers. In the absenee of such an attempt, we are forced to conclude that "these people' are like this by nature, because they were born this way: a racist conclusion if ever there was one! With such an outlook, he is incapable of combatting the violence; his medical work can at best alleviate the symptoms without ever curing the disease.
* Rohini Hensman is a researcher and writer, Pravada (Sri Lanka) Vol. 7, No. 1, 2001

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15 MAY 2001
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26 TAMILTIMES
Jayalalitha Retu With Massive Ma
T.N. Gopalan
t is a come-back with a vengeance. 53-year-old Jayalalitha Jayaram stunned friends and foes like as the AIADMK coasted to an awesome triumph, bagging as many as 132 seats in the 234-member Assembly. Her allies notched up another 64 seats, leaving a pitiful 36 for the DMK-led front.
It is a massive majority. The Tamil voters have lived up to their reputation of handing down a decisive mandate for any one party or another, leaving no ambiguity or hung assembly in their trail.
She is grinning, perhaps licking her chops as well at the sweet thought of whatever she could do to her bete noire Karunanidhi. Hardly a year ago she had vowed to destroy his clan, root, branch and tree, if she came to power.
There was some lingering doubt as to whether she would be sworn in as the Chier Minister because of her conviction in cases involving corruption which led to her disqualification from contesting in the election. But she is now Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, and
there is no questic forgiven by the pe It is now clea go behind the bars she has been cha victed for.
For Karunanic as a Machiavelian formidable craftin ter swan song. Th chief had made it would be the last tively campaignir enough hints that son M.K.Stalin to Neither would guns blazing nor satisfaction of see throned.
It was virtuall DMK, many of it ing by the wayside scrape through. casteist formatio took into its front While Karuna rather comfortabl
(Continued from page 21) age pregnancies are the overcrowding and increased opportunities for young people to meet each other.
The parents are also keen to get their daughters married early because of the uncertainty that prevails. Most of the girls are married after it is realized that they are pregnant. They are in most instances married to their boy friends who are also immature and without any source of income. The parents have to support them. Most of these marriages are likely to break up.
Most of the girls who are married have been school dropouts.
The future
The future of these children and women is bleak. They are liable to succumb to illnesses and die. The anaemic girls will be anaemic mothers very
soon, who would c birth. When they they will be low who will succum physically or me Already the mate fant mortality in til is higher than the The long-tern trition and anaen with poor physic opment. Teacher of children freq classrooms. Mo school without b not sure of the lu If a catastro immediate and necessary. Thes The war ag must start imme We cannot wait
 
 
 
 

15 MAY 2001
in that she has been ople's court.
that she would not for any of the crimes rged with and con
hi, generally hailed in recognition of his ess, it is indeed a bite 77-year old DMK amply clear that this polls he would be acg in and thrown in he was grooming his
succeed him. he bow out of office would he have the :ing his dear son en
y a massacre for the s leading lights fall2, others managing to The leaders of the ns whom the DMK came to grief too.
nidhi and Stalin won y from city constitu
ie as a result of childdeliver their babies, birth weight babies p to infections or be ntally handicapped. nal mortality and inLe war-torn Northeast rest of the country.
effects of Undernuia will be disastrous al and mental develin schools complain ently fainting in the it of them come to eakfast and they are |ch. he is to be averted, ctive intervention is uation is urgent. inst undernutrition iately and continue. Peace arrives. O
encies, party general secretary nominal number 2 K.Anbazhagan squeaked past his rivals by a razor thin margin of 300odd votes. Deputy Speaker of the Assembly Parithi Ilamvazhudhi was declared winner by a much narrower margin of 85 votes in another city constituency which has been a DMK bastion for long, a seatbagged by Ilamvazhudhi even during the more humiliating rout of 1991.
The man who made him huff and puff was John Pandian, a Dalit leader, known for his strong-arm tactics. Hailing from the south, he has no base worth speaking of in the city and was rewarded with a seat by Jayalalitha only because he is seen as a Pallar caste leader who could take on the more formidable Dr.Krishnaswamy of the Pudhiya Thamizhakam.
The DMK lost four of the 14 seats in the capital, that itself some indication of the agonizing times the DMK is going through. Most of the cabinet ministers including the well-respected Speaker P.T.R.Palanivel Rajan have bitten the dust.
Dalit leader Krishnaswamy has lost in both the constituencies he contested from, A former cabinet colleague of Jayalalitha, S.Kannappan leading the Makkal Thamizh Desam (MTD) which seeks to mobilize the Yadavas, A.C.Shanmugam of the New Justice Party, touted as a party of the forward caste Mudaliars, J.M.Haroon of the Muslim Jamaath have all been defeated. Only person to escape the wrath of the people was Thirumavalavan of the Dalit Panthers of India who won narrowly from Mangalur in northern Tamil Nadu. The suave former finance minister P.Chidambaram who broke away from the TMC protesting the alliance with the AIADMK and campaigned energetically for the DMK-front had the satisfaction of seeing two of his handpicked men emerging victorious.
The DMK's final tally was less than thirty seats. What a fall from its whopping 173 seat triumph last time.
In the AIADMK front, the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) made handsome gains. Against the four seats it had won in the last elections, contesting independently, it has bagged seats, this time as a key ally of the AIADMK.
Though Dr.Ramadoss has been able to help Jaya Amma win a number of

Page 27
15 MAY 2001
seats in the northern districts, she has not been able to return the compliment in Pondicherry union territory where the PMK leader has not been able to realize his dream of installing his own nominee as the Chief Minister. In fact the PMK has been routed there, failing to win even a single seat. It is the Congress which could form the govern
ment.
Even the ailing G.Karuppiah Moopanar has managed to infuse some life into what was thought to be a dying party, the Tamil Maanila Congress. The TMC and its mother party, the Congress, won 30 seats in all.
The two communist parties too have notched up eleven seats between them. Overall it has been a very satisfying performance for her allies, though in private conversations, they express their apprehensions as to the possible impact of Jayalalitha's thumping victory.
"Certainly we didn't expect this kind of a sweep...There's no knowing whether she would not be back to her arrogant and autocratic ways, but at the moment we have the satisfaction of worsting Karunanidhi who betrayed the secular cause,” observed a communist leader.
Jayalalitha herself, in her moment of victory, sought to put on an uncharacteristic show of humility, repeating her mentor MGR's mantra, "Makkal theerpei mahesan theerpu..." (People's verdict is god's own.)
She did not talk of wreaking revenge on Karunanidhi during a brief interaction with media. She only promised to "put the state back on the rails.” Though she once again accused the DMK of acting out of vendetta against her, she conceded that the economic difficulties faced by the people might have played a key role in the DMK's defeat.
She avoided a direct response to the inevitable question on her plans to stake her claims to form the government, but in an interview to a TV channel, she observed, "If I opt out, it'd be unfair to the people who voted so massively for my front only in the hope of seeing me as the next Chief Minister.'
Karunanidhi in his rather brief statement sardonically remarked that it was perhaps the reward of the people for his good governance and claimed
that the voters had false propaganda tha to have Jayalalitha ( In the last Asse: anger against the tl gime was widesprea though the scale of h expected.
In 1991 the peop the Rajiv assassin. AIADMK split cl Karunanidhi was sta In 1984 it was a dou - following the Mrs. Gandhi and M one can go on right ushered in the first
ernment.
If in 1991, the Al attributed to the Ra comment she resen is no doubt who is AIADMK victory fielded fresh faces i stituencies, still her eight constituencies It may be useful in the local body ele the AIADMK wash didates and that in chosen fought shy c lalitha's pictures. S come a long Way C in three different ca After all she hac markably even by til polls - if the victo uted to the alliance: the very next year on her own steam a ably decent perform the present situatio runaway winner, it mination of the proc three years ago.
The AIADMK three by-elections attributed to the pub wake of the ghastly burning.
Otherwise she h the opposition spac with the TMC bein player to fight the I Now the questio people look for an the first place when ernment had been re and less corrupt tha The BJP-led N:

been fooled by the at he had conspired isqualified.
mbly elections the hen Jayalalitha red and quite visible, her debacle was not
ple were protesting tion, in 1989 the early meant that ging a come-back. ble sympathy wave assassination of (GR's illness, and back to 1967 which non-Congress gov
(ADMK sweep was jiv assassination, a ted strongly, there the architect of the this time. She had n most of the conparty lost in only
to recall here that ctions held in 1996 ard put to find canmany places those of even using JayaSince then she has lespite convictions
SCS.
bounced back reme 1998 Lok Sabha ry then was attribshe had hitched up, she almost carried nd put up a reasonlance. From then to n wherein she is a is but a logical cul:ess that had started
s defeat in all the last year could be ilic revulsion in the y Dharmapuri bus
ad begun to hog all e for herself, what g seen too weak a DMK.
n is why should the anti-DMK party in Karunanidhi's govlatively responsive n the previous one? ational Democratic
TAMILTIMES 27
Alliance would have to bear the cross for the havoc wrought by the new economic policies of the Vajpayee regime. Coimbatore could be fast turning into a ghost city. The entire textile industry including those who make the machinery and the spare parts is in doldrums. Handloom and powerloom are badly affected. That there are no suicides like in Andhra Pradesh is only some small mercy. The prospect of privatisation has turned the workers of the prestigious Salem steel plant hostile to the NDA government. The prices of farm produce, both cereals and cash crops, are declining, and the agriculturists are agitated.
Thanks to the general economic downturn, money flow is drying up. During the campaign, if you asked anyone on the street what was their major grievance against the government, the invariable answer was, "Aiya...panapuzhakkam illeenga...” (There is no liquidity at all.).
This correspondent tried to impress upon a person that such a phenomenon was nationwide, perhaps worldwide too and that Jayalalitha herself might not be able to set it right. Pat came the response, "Never mind, we'll give her a chance... Am sure she would bring good luck with her...” A sentiment echoed by many in the state, especially in the lower and middle strata.
That for a whole host of reasons she had sewn up the support of the Thevars in the south and Vanniars in the North was another point in her favour. Even the Naadars could have been with her thanks to the TMC's support though there was quite a considerable heartburn over seat allocation. Muslims of course would have votee largely against the NDA,
The alliance with Dalit outfits might have created a new constituency for the DMK, but by the same token possibly the move could be said to have further alienated the Thevar and Vanniar votebanks as well as some other intermedi
ate Castes too.
The point also remains that Jayalalitha has succeeded in a significant measure in whipping up the dormant anti-Karunanidhi feelings among the people and positioning herself as the only leader who could take him on.
Such anti-Karunanidhi feelings had
(continued on next page)

Page 28
28 TAM TIMES
am Natiomas
And Elections nam Nadu
Suresh Nambath
CHENNAI, MAY 6. Although fringe groups in Tamil Nadu took advantage of Tamil chauvinist demands of forest brigand, Veerappan, during the Rajkumar kidnap episode, mainstream political parties have found no use for Tamil nationalism in the Assembly election campaign.
Far from reviving Tamil nationalist sentiments, Veerappan and his extremist friends only made political parties wary of any talk of Tamil nationalism or the issue at its core now: the question of supporting Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka.
Not surprisingly, the biggest voice against Tamil nationalism, the AIADMK general secretary, Ms. Jayalalitha, is not making noise on the subject now.
(Continued from page 26)
been sedulously fostered by MGR for over two and a half decades. Those days he and his minions would parrot from platform after platform that Karunanidhi "is a poisonous force'.
The actor-turned-politician had to make out his rival to be a monstrous villain in order to perpetuate his own hold on power. The message sunk deep in to the psyche of the Tamil masses, never completely obliterated since, despite the statesmanlike persona wornby the DMK chief.
After all the 1969-71 and 1971-76 Karunanidhi regimes were everything a decent government should not be.
What next from here? Will she be a changed person? Has she learnt the right lessons from all the ordeals she has undergone?
While she might have realized the merits in real politik, the need to bend, if ever so slightly, in order to forge a winning combination, there is no sign that the impatient and intolerant megalomaniac in her is anywhere near meta
morphosing into a more pleasant and damocraticperSnahity.
Apart from attacking secessionism', she i to link the DMK wi Tamil nationalist sece DMKitself not enthu: nationalism, Oppos hope to derive only mileage.
As might be ex outfits led by the Movement leader, M have attempted to us opportunity to make But, not even the Sr political parties sy Tamil nationalist ca PMK, are ready to r paign.
Besides the lack alliance politics app pered Tamil national MDMK, as an ally Centre, cannot affor beyond a point. And of the AIADMK, do barrass Ms. Jayalal Tamil nationalism is in Tamil Nadu. Frir MDMK and the PM the LTTE. Tamil nat ent of the LTTE an gles does not seem ti the State. Veerappar
I wish to paylrenew m I am sending you a gift Please send an introdu
enclose a donation of
of................. Name: Address.....................
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 MAY 2001
"extremism and doing very little h Veerappan and isionism. With the iastic about Tamil ition parties can minimal political
lected, the fringe Tamil Nationalist r. P. Nedumaran, : the election as an themselves heard. haller mainstream mpathetic to the use, MDMK and eorient their cam
of public Support, ears to have temist sentiments. The of the BJP at the i to push the issue he PMK, as an ally eS nOt Want tO emitha. In any case, now LTTE-centric ge groups and the Kare supportive of onalism independil the Eelam strug) have any space in did nothing to add
to the already strong links of Tamil nationalist groups with the LTTE. Actually, he gave a "local flavour' to the Tamil nationalist cause raising issues such as the Cauvery dispute during the kidnap drama. With support from the fringe groups, he tried to make Tamil nationalism, which was in danger of being subsumed by the Sri Lankan issue, more “Tamil Naduish'.
Indeed, nothing explains the isolation of the Tamil nationalist groups more than their making use of Veerappan to gain space in the public sphere. However, it is not as if Tamil nationalism was always a dirty word that raised visions of only the LTTE and Veerappan. Not very long ago, during the time of the emergence of the DMK as a major party in the 1950s and 1960s, Tamil nationalism was a rallying point for large sections of Tamil Nadu trying to mobilise themselves againsta minority elite.
In the period immediately after its inception, the DMK began talking of Tamil nationalism and separatism as part of an identity politics against the elite. The anti-north Indian, anti-Brahmin and anti-Hindi rhetoric was intended to unite 95 per cent of the people, the Tamils, againstan identifiable elite.
All the three different strands of the Dravidian movement (anti- north Indian, anti-Brahmin and anti-Hindi) then represented real interests of a vast majority.
But the very success of the movement, the assertion of the intermediate castes and the middle class, meant its losing steam. And now, from a clarion call, Tamil nationalism is reduced to a dirty word. O
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Page 29
15 MAY 2001
Flowers Will Always
Sujeeva Nivunhella
"My father died in a bomb blast and we became refugees. We hated the Sinhalese until Sunethra madam gave us this chance. Now I have both Sinhala and Muslim friends. Earlier, we blamed the Sinhalese army for everything that happened to us. Today I blame both sides." Thangeshwari is one of the players in "Flowers will always bloom,” a Sunera Foundation production. Most of the 45 actors and actresses in this powerful drama are disabled. Some are refugees. For most of them, their flight to London was the first time in an airplane.
The group, which included four professional artistes, arrived in London a month ago and billeted at a hotel in Hammersmith. They quickly adapted to unfamiliar surroundings.
Thangeshwari said she was living in the Thirukkovil refugee camp when she was discovered' by the Sunera Foundation of Ms. Bandaranaike and trained as an actress. She is grateful to Ms. Bandaranaike and the foundation for giving her undreamed of opportunities that had enabled her to meet people of other communities.
One of the curses of Sri Lanka's separatist war that has now dragged on for nearly 20 years is that Tamil children born after 1983 do not know that the three communities inhabiting in our island home - Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslims - are living in amity outside the W3 ZOIC.
Upul Samantilleke, also an actor in the drama, was a soldier in the Sri Lanka Army who lost both his legs in the north. Asked how he felt acting in this play with Tamil refugees, he had this to say: "I joined the army to do a job and that was to safeguard my country. Here we live together like one family and we do not have any differences.”
Liz Philipson, who is coordinating the performances in the UK, got all members of the company down to the hotel lobby and told them how to use
the hot and cold watt bathrooms, how to us they should do in ca of other useful detail ple unfamiliar with t in a London hotel.
They were also and lip balm to prote the cold.
It's not all work a 45 visitors to Londo already to the Lego L enjoyed their day ol and a temperature O grade.
The group attrac ence to their three pe erside Studios and 1 was "unbelievable.' who attended were E who saw the superb pletely forgot that t players are disable longed standing ova each show.
Ms. Sunethra Bau the Sunera Founda about two years ag unite all the people wish is to see all c Lanka living in harn “For the last 18 y no political solution lem in Sri Lanka. I can be done throug about peace in ourh 'We should not l bled. We should sha It was a good idea t into this group. By d started some sort of and they stopped lo ciously.”
She said that the had funded the foul more people and the ers from all parts of to south, west to eas duction was all abou
75047
EMERGENOYTRAVE
 

r taps in their hotel e the elevator, what se of a fire and lots i necessary for peohe accommodation
given body lotions ct themselves from
nd no play for these n. They have been and theme park and it despite light rain f 13 degrees centi
ted a packed audi'rformances at Rivhe general verdict About 90% of those British and all those performance comhe majority of the d. There was protions at the end of
hdaranaike said that cion was launched o with a vision to of Sri Lanka. Her ommunities in Sri
hony. 'ears there has been to the ethnic probthink a great deal h art to help bring omeland,” she said. eave aside the disaethings with them. o include refugees ping that I think we a healing process king at you suspi
British government dation to train 30 y will recruit playthe country - north t. The current prot war and they plan
TAMILTIMES 29
a new production with a new theme next December.
"We are always talking about "the burning issue.” If we can contribute to improve conditions in the country even in a small way, we would be very happy,” she said.
The co-director of the production, Wolfgang Stange of the AMICI Dance Theatre Company of London first visited Sri Lanka in 1974 when he was invited to see children of the Cheshire Home in Negombo perform. He saw some disabled children watching the play but not taking part and that day he thought to himself"I must find a way of bringing such kids into the performing arts.'
Stange felt that the plight of the refugees in Sri Lanka had not been discussed properly and with the help of Sunethra Bandaranaike managed to get some real refugees into "Flowers will always bloom.'
He said it was his dream to bring the production to London. "I wanted to share my experience with my people here and it was possible to do so to celebrate the 21st anniversary of the Integrated Theatre in London.”
"This was a tremendous new experience for everybody concerned. How quickly they adapted was miraculous. The majority of the players had never ever been to Colombo,” he said.
Rohana Deva Perera, the other codirector, said that he had always wanted to do something for the under-privileged and that brought him into this project. He would like to thank his actress wife, Ramani Damayanthi, for giving the fullest support to his endeavour.
Perera said that the players included refugees from the Thirukkovil camp and disabled soldiers from Rana Viru Sevana, Ragama. "When we brought this production to London we had some reservations of how audiences would react. I never expected a standing ovation and was overwhelmed,” he said.
Perera also said there were people who wrongly accused them of using NGO funds for this project. "I admit that some NGOs act only for their well being. But don't forget, art did not survive in the world without the help of donors.”
ONLY) ) -SRI LANKA
SOUTH INDIA -SINGAPORE

Page 30
30 TAMILTIMES
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WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding. Vamini daughter of Mr. & Mrs. N. Vannadevan of 1 Sterry Drive, Thames Ditton, Surrey KT7 0YN and Ramesh Son of Mr. & Mrs. Gunarajali of 33 Bayham Road, Morden, Surrey SM4 5JH on 21st April 2001 at Civic Suite, Wandsworth Town Hall, LOndor SM/18. Kethesh Son of Kandiah & Shamala Thiruchendurnathan of 44 The Warren, Carshalton
Beeches, Surrey SM5 4EH and Seran daughter of Eshref and Emine Mehmet Of 26 East Drive, Carshalton Beeches, Surrey SM54PB on 29th April 2001 at Fairfield Halls, Croy. don, Surrey.
OBTUARIES
Rosebell Packiamalar Mathiaparanam (24.07.1912 - 13.05.2000) Chevi Mathiaparanam (23.02.1943 - 15.09.2000) Mrs. Mathiaparanam and daughter Chelvi came from a distinguished Christian family in Jaffna. Mr. K. E. Mathiaparanam was a greatly respected teacher at Jaffna College for several years. Some years before his death the eldest son Thilakan was 'called home'. From this family the Survivors are Rev. Seelan Mathiaparanam who is a Pasfor in Coimbatore, India. He lives with his wife and young daughter. The younger daughfer Of Mr. & Mrs. Mathiaparanam Arul, who is a teacher lives in Mount La Vinia in Sri Lanka. There is also a young son Chelvan Mathiaparanam in Sri Lanka.
it is possible that many have not yet heard of the death of Mrs Mathiaparanam and her daughter Chelvi. Contact address of Rev. S. Mathiaparanam:- Site 31, Meena Estate, Coimbatore 28, South India.
Dr. Nagalingam Kandasamy, retired General Practitioner,
 
 
 
 
 

15MAY2001
iverpool; dearly beloved husand of Vadivambikai; loving ather of Indraranjan, Anushia ዘገd Krishnamuhunthan; ather-in-law of Kathryn and ndrakumar, brother of N. /elupillai and N. Kumarasamy, brother-in-law of (ethies Thuraisingham, The/akie Karunakaran, Yasothai Sivathondan, Radha Ruthianoorthy Sathiapama, Nandapalan Thuraisingham, Saroa and Swanna, devoted grandfather of Anita, Tanya, Oliver and Lauren passed away on Friday, 16th March 2001. Funeral took place on Saturday 24th March in Sutton, Surrey.
The family are sincerely grateful to friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes, messages of sympathy and assisted in numerous ways during the period of great sorrow.
Born: 21.03.1933 Died: 09.04.2001 Mrs Seethaluxsmy Palasundaram, Trustee, Merton Volunteer Bureau, former Headmistress, St. Angela's Junior School, Brunei; beloved wife of late Mr. Palasundaram (former teacher St. Patrick's College Jaffna, Drieberg College Chavakacheri, Prince of Wales College Moratuwa and Anthomy Abela College Brunei);second daughter of late Mr. & Mrs. Markandu (Malaysia), eldest daughter-in-law of late Dr. A. Suppiah (Tellippalai); sister of late Mahalingam, Mahadeva, Poornam (Sydney), Pushkala and Saroja (Chunnakam); sister-in-law of Dr. Arumainayagam (Epidemiologist), Nadarajah, Rajendram, late Dr. S. Balakrishnan (Perth), late RajaluxSmy, JeyaluxSmy (Sydney) and Saraswathy
passed away on 9th April 2001 and the funeral took place on 19th April attended by the Mayor of Merton and members of the Merton Volunteer Bureau.
The members of the family wish to express their sincere thanks to all those who helped and comforted during the painful period of Seetha's untimely and tragic death. - 47 Springfield Avenue, Merton Park, London SW20 9JR. Tel: O2O8 542 3225.
Mrs Sellam Rattinam beloved wife of the late Mr. Sayambunather Vyramutu Rattinam; daughter of the late Mr. V. Sithanparapilai and Meenatchipillai, daughter-inlaw of the late Mr. S. Vyramuttu and Paruvathipillai all of Pannalai, Tellippalai loving mother of Pathmanathan, Ramanathan and Loganathan; mother-in-law of Vasuki, Vijeyaladchumy and Thanaledchmigrandmother of Vijayalluximi Thevakumar (Australia), Senthooran, Bhavan, Kugan, Asha- Vidthya and Sathian, great grandmother of Krishni and Vishala (both of Australia) passed away peacefully aged 80 in UK on 9th May 2001. Her last rites and final farewell took place on 13th May in the UK according to Hindu rites.
The members of the family extend their grateful thanks to all friends, relatives, members of the Saiva Munnetta Sangam (UK), Temple and other organisations who attended the faneral, sent messages of Sympathy, floral tributes and offered assistance in several ways during the period of great sorrow. - 3 The Orchard, Wickford, Essex SS12 OHB, UK. Tel: (01268) 766624, Fax: (01268) 561805.

Page 31
15 MAY2001
IN MEMORAM
Mrs Ranjini Geetanjali Thirunavukarasu on the fifth anniversary of her passing away on 24th May 1996.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her husband Thiruna VukaraSul, Children Poornima and Pradeep; father Mahalingam; mother-in-law Mrs. P. Ponnuthurai; sisters Mrs Lalitha Dilkushi Karunakaran and Priyadarshini Damayanthy; brothers Prenkumar, Mohanakumar, Ranjitikumar, Nimalkumar and Tilakurmar, brothers-in-law Karunakaran and Balanathan; sisters-in-law Kamalarani, Vijayalaxmi, Nirmala, Yasothara, Nalini, Kamaladevi and Sugirthadevi - M. Ranjitkumar, 12 Chase Lane, BarkingSide, Essex /G6 1BH. Tel: 020 8554.2095.
in ever loving memory of Dr. Parameswaran Kandiah On the eleventh anniversary of his passing away on 12th May
1990. Eleven years have rolled by since the passing away of a much dedicated doctor, a loving husband and father. To have lived and known a man such as him is surely an inspiration to bring out the goodness and the kindness in us all. God bless you,
Sorrowfully remembered by his beloved wife Pathmaseni and loving children Thayalan and Anjali. - 29 Mounstan
Close, Hartside Hartlepool TS26 OLR.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS Jun 1st, 4th, 5th & 8th 11am to 1pm Religious Discourses by Swami Yogeswarananda at London Tamil Centre, 253 East Lane, Wembley, Middx HA03NN. Tel 02089082646. Jun 1 Feast of St. Justin. Jun 2 Eekathasi; South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Trip to Worthing. Tel: 020 8542 3285. Jun 3 PirathoSarn, Jun 4 Vaikasi Visakam.
Jun 5 Full Moon Day, Feast of St. Bonifice. Jun 6 Feast of St. Norbert. Jun 7 Feast of the Most Holy Trinity Jun 9 San k a da h a ra Chathurthi SLTWG Drop In. Tel 02085423285. Jun 10 Chariot Festival (Ther) of Sri Rajarajeeswary Amman Temple, Stoneleigh, Surrey, UK. Tel: O2O 8393 8147. Jun 11 Feast of St. Barnabas. Jun 13 Feast of St. Padua. Jun 14 Feast of the Sacred Heart of Lord Jesus. Jun 17 EekathaSi. Jun 18 Pirathosam; Karthigai. Jun 20 Annavasai; Feast of St. Alban. Jun 23 SLTWG Founder's Day Celebrations. Tel: 020 8542 3285. Jun 24 Chathurthi, Feast of Nativity of St. John, the BaptiSt.
Jun 26 Shashti. Jun 27 Aani Uththaram; SLTWG. Refugee Week CelebrationS. Tel: O20 85423285. Jun 30 SLTWG Trip to Clacton Beach. At the Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HG. TEL: O2O 7381 3O86/4608. Jun 7 to Jun 11 7.30pm Lecture on Kriya Yoga by Swami Shuddhananda. All Welcome. Jun 16 & Jun 17 11am fo 1.00pm Lecture/Workshop on Indian Music & Dancing by Geeta Ramanujam. All WesCOe. Jun 25 to Jun 28 7 to 8.30pm Srimad Bhagavad Gita Lecture by Swami Parthasarathy. All Welcorne.
Grange,
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 31
Australian NeWSletter
The Tamil Senior Citizens' Association held their Annual Cricket Match. On 22nd March 2001. The two teams drawn from Senior Citizens played with great enthusiasm, watched by an enthusiastic crowd for a Challenge Trophy donated by Dr. & Mrs. A. Balasubramaniam in memory of Mrs. Balasubramanian's late father, Senator S.R. Kanaganayagam. Mr. Samy Pasupati, President of the Association paid a tribute to the life and Work of the late S. R. Kanaganayagam and Dr. Balasubramaniam presented the Challenge Trophy to the winning team.
A concert in aid of Eelam Tamil Association was held in Sydney on 14th April 2001. Two stars from South India - brothers Mohan and Rajesh Vaidya - presented a show which was a mix of film music and carnatic ragas. Rajesh Vaidya played the Veena and both of them thrilled the audience with their Tamil Cinema songs. They were accompanied by an excellent band of local musicians. Local Singers also took part giving the show a great variety. The hall was packed with all the tickets sold Out and the Concert raised a very large sum for the Eelam Tamil ASSOCiation.
The Revered Swami Dayananda Saraswati paid a visit to Sydney in April 2001 much to the delight of his disciples and admirers. He gave a series of talks from April 23rd to 28th which Was Well attended. On 28th April, the Sydney branch of an organisation called AlMS (All India Movement for Seva) was launched. The movement headed by Swami Dayananda is supported by most of the Peetams and Mutts in India. This organisation aims to reach people in remote areas of India, especially the tribal people and bring them better health care, education, drinking water etc. Swami Dayananda feels that these people have been neglected by the Hindu organisations and as a result their poverty is driving them into the arms of alien faiths. The Chief Guest was Dr. Balasubramaniann, Chairman of the Hindu Council of Australia. He spoke on the aims and objectives of
the Hindu Council of Australia, welcomed the formation of AIMS and called upon the Hindus in Sydney to support the movement financially. Swami Dayananda in his speech said that AIMS was already active in Tamil Nadu, Andhra and Central states in North India. Members of the large audience were called upon to donate generously and they readily responded and thouSands of dollars was collected on that day itself.
An organisation called Anantha Nilayam was formed a few years ago with the aim of setting up an international Memorial Cultural Centre by the Tamils of Sydney to encompass Tamils all over the world irrespective of religion, place of birth or nationality. It is envisaged that the centre would include a Conference hall, a mini theatre and administrative office facilities. The centre would primarily be a "Ninaivalayam' to honour and remember Tamils who had devoted their lives to promote and safeguard their land, language and culture. They could be categorised under such headings as Martyrs, Scholars, Journalists, Poets, Creative people, Spiritual leaders etc. Anantha Nilayam held a concert last year to raise funds and a meeting of interested people was held on 21st April. The live wire behind the project is Mrs. Meena Parameswaran. The office of Anantha Nilayam is functioning from her residence at 18 Rochester Street, Homebush, NSW 2140, Australia. She Welcomes Support, Suggestions and COntributions from Well-wishers around the World.
The Sydney Murugan Temple Second Maha Utsavam (Annual Festival) was celebrated in a grand manner. The festival Commenced On 28th March 2001 with the hoisting of the Holy Flag (Kodiaetram) and after the Chariot Or Ther festival on 5th April concluded With Theertham and the lower
continued on page 32
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Page 32
32 TAM TIMES
continued from page 31 ing of the flag on 6th April. The Poonkavanam festival was celebrated on 7th April and drew a throng of devotees estimated to be Well Over 5000.
Unlike in our notherland, the festivals during the intervening period were allocated each day to different groups of suburbs of Sydney to enable all the devotees to participate in the festivals. The important flag hoisting, Chariot and Theertham festivals were conducted by the temple to make then Connon festivals for all.
One of the highlights of the festival was the Nathaswaram (Clarinet) and Thavil (Drums) music provided during the entire duration of the festival. Highly respected artistes were flown from India for this purpose.
Nunnerous devotees took time off from work for the entire festival period to ensure that the festivals were Conducted successfully.
Kanaganayagams - A Reverential Reminiscence
Twelve years ago when a message from Sydney, Australia announced the peaceful passing away of Suppiah Kanaganayagam, District Judge Vigneswaran said: "We have lost a very rare person, one in thousands'. It was only four days earlier, this great son of Sri Lanka who was in good health celebrated his 85th birthday. The Kanaganayagams were visiting their daughter and family Down Under following the destruction of the Jaffna Court House and its surroundings where Mr. Kanaganayagam held forte as a brilliant lawyer for over half a century. His wife Sakthiamma and he, a model couple in the best traditions of our culture, lived in this neighbourhood and raised their three children as responsible parents and civic conscious Citizens.
Mr. Kanaganayagam was actively involved with the Jaffna Bar Association, Ramanathan Trust, Ramanathan Academy of Music, Hindu Board Orphanage, University of Jaffna and Tamil Congress. Endeared by friends, relatives and colleagues, the couple were sought after as genuine well-wishing elders at family and auspices events. Variously addressed as 'SR', 'Senator" and ‘Ayah' he had his community's interest close to his heart. True to the name her parents blessed her with, his wife was his inspirational strength
Mr. Kanaganayagam's knowledge of law
and of due process was his Supreme we Cult situation he woulc spiced with humour le learned Counsel in dis the Court on such ocC. ous. He had a Shavia ing home truths wrap the funniest conveyir message. Paying h; Ourable Justice Siv ready wit often enliv ings. He added: "He seniority, mature ex involvement in the Col the court was very mu administration of law Jaffna Peninsula. In Was a human touch, in of Clients, was kind an and encouraged your op their court craft. It Sult with him in his c) be in court concen tentions, the ease Wit. thern and the incisive Crush and chore out C ceedings. He had the obscure rulings incl and Columns with e. mastery of the civil la on the Laws of Thes Trust. Some of his Ca tWO Such Were the Ma ple Case, which br understanding of ter Other the Vaddukodic Church Case on the C SR began his legal formal education at Vi College and a teach College while training the Law College. A keen sportsman, he upbringing in the Val of Sangarathai, Hind to Buddhist and Chris many friends he hac munity his close ass erated guru and Vi panayagam and the ment in the Jaffna Y him a Creative think who harboured no pr peoples and Commut He spent some ti Smith-Mundt Schola ings of the Ameri served as a United N from 1949 to 1957, b promising on its natic ly on the language Tamil Congress, pos sion of his oppositio, that had bedevilled drawn to children, W. orphanage warmth neously flowed from ed in kind and woult The needs of Childr changed despite orphanage often su wholehearted suppo
 

15 MAY2001
as renmarkable. MVit pon; often in a diffido a coup de maitre aving witnesses and irray. The chuckle of Sions Would be obviattribute of delivered in Witty ripostes, , the most poignant tribute, the HonCheliah said his ned court proceedwas by reason of perience and daily duct of Cases before ch part and parcel of and justice in the his interaction, there aver hurt the feelings d generous to juniors g attorneys to develwasa delight to conanbers and then to rating on his conwhich he presented humour that took the fdry and dreary proknack of referring to iding books, pages ase. Apart fron his W, SR was an expert awalarnai and Hindu Ses Were landmarkS; ruthady Pilayar Temought about a new nple trusts and the fai JDCSI Cathedral ivil rights of worship.
Career in 1933 after ctoria College, Jafna ling stint at Ananda for his legal career at good academic and shone at SOCCer. His gamam West village u faith and exposure fian traditionS and the in the Muslin COmociation With the Vensionary Handy Peripioneering involveputh Congress made r and natura leader ajudices that plagued ities. ne in the US as a studying the workan democracy. He lational Party senator ut with the party comnalist ideals especial
issue, he joined the
sibly more in expresto forces of division the country. Deeply enever he visited the ind affection spontaim the kids respondswamp all over him. n were never shortrancial Straits the ered for he had the of his wife. As much
as they were to their own, they were the grandparents of the orphaned children as well. He was a pioneer in setting up the Ramanathan Music Academy, which today is on par with the best of its kind in India. Some of the Academy's graduates are pioneering gurus in countries the Tamils have made their homes during the last two decades.
Love, compassion and wisdom rooted in our souls sourced from the Supreme Being harmonised with the personal attributes of Ayah and Amma, and as the good judge said, they were rare gems and a blessing to many. Two years ago, Amma, the quintessence of the spirit of Sakthi, took her final bow leaving behind a lovely memory. She was a worthy example of a truly devoted wife to an equally devoted husband; together, they were great parents, kind kith and kin and good citizens.
Victor Kaunairajan, Canada.
Congratulations to Dr. Arianayagam
Dr. Sakthiyakeerthy Arianayagam J.P., Hony. Secretary of the Medical Institute of Tamils and Chairman of the East London County Division of the Hospital Consultants and Specialists Association has been appointed to the General Medical Council as a member of the Professional Conduct Committee and to the Commission for Health impovement as an Assessor in Clinical Governance in the NHS. Our CongratulationS!
Book Review of 'Hindu Heritage'
The above book review appeared in the last issue in April. Copies of the book are available at £15 from Western Jewellers, 230 Upper Tooting Road, London SW17 7EVV. TEL: O2O87673445 FAX: O208767 3753.
The reviewer was Mr. S. Sriskandarajah, Solicitor. The omissions are regretted.

Page 33
15 MAY 2001
RUPIN’S BHARATHA NATYA ARANGETRAM
The Bharatha Natya Arangetram of Rupini daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Peripanathan of Lennard Road, London SE20 and disciple of Smt. Malathy Jayanayagam took place On 31st March 2001 at the Ashcroft Theatre, Croydon, which has witnessed many eastern cultural progammes by local students and eminent artistes from overseas. Nirupan Perinpanathan welcomed the audience. The artistically produced programme carried the blessings of Yalpanam MahaWidvan Veeramani lyer and his appeal to Goddess Vani Thai to help Rupini to dance along the sacred path was a solemn prayer. The repertoire was balanced and assured the audience of a reverent performance.
Rupini was fortunate to be assisted by two blending voices of Smt Sivasakthi Sivanesan and Selvi Yasoda Mithradas. The orchestra supported the blending 'Saareerams' ushering in musical upholds. Mirudangam was a great support to Rupini. Balachander produced the admirable intricate cholkattus' ushering the dancer's body movements and 'thalas' of feet. The mirudangam brought out vibrating encouragement of Rupini's performance. A sure boostill The Veena Ghanam and Venu Ghanam was a rare but magnificent sober contribution. Smit Malini Thanabalasingamon on the Veena and Sri Pitchaiappah Gnanavaradan on the flute thrilled the audience and contributed to the Success of the programme. Special mention must be made about Selvan Kumar Ragunathan on the violin - a promising young artiste who rendered a height to the title he embraces – Sangeeta Kala Jothi'.
Reverence filled the performance - Thodaya Mangalams was homage to "Parampurisha' - Lord Krishna - His many incarnations (Avatharas). Jatheeswaram, in Ragamalika, choreographed by Rupini's Guru was a real treat. Varnam gave plenty of scope to the dancer to exhibit her sense of Sanchari Bhava, and Thala Pinnal.
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‘Ganam lisaithu N production of the G After the interva Easann' Consisted of Lord Nadaraj: which brought the ing evils. The d Nadarajah's "Urth formed in Kailaas a in Chidambaran. 7 edge of these ex trayed by Rupini.
The Keerthanan graphed by Rupini of the mother tong parents and the School Who are res edge have reaped School has added Nirupan, tutored Mrs. Malini Thana a musical interlude product of the Coll Madras and a seni KP Sivanandan c many credits to her was portrayed in N. The Patham - Nava by Veeramani lyer, lower of Ambal ha ground to exhibit th of Goddess Parvat of her religious kno Thilana, the vigor toire crowned the pi Lord Krishna follow gratitude to the Go ing artistes and the
Kumari Pramila T the South London performed her Arar items in English. S dra's easy clear revealed her sound language. Her mal the recital and ad gramme. 'Aum - Namaha” ushered Saraswathi Pakiraj. with her presence a blessings will surely Ward in this divine a Manjubashini Sivan gramme with the speech on the art of knowledge.
Salutations to de disciple and the mu A deep knowledg Thala and cultured dation in mother to rable security to all.
Sincere blessings
S. K. Gar Appre
it is a year since
great Soul, generou nobler abode, lit is Ganesh, so full of
 

drayo' was a master Iru and disciple.
ʻVadakayilayil Vaalum of Thandava exhibition h's Wondrous dance world salvation destroyancer exhibited Lord ava Thandavas” pernd “Ananda Thandavas” he Guru's deep knowlibitions was well por
in Ragamalika choreowas a true contribution le she possesses. The South London Tamil Donsible for this knowlthe harvest. The Tamil a feather to its cap'. by an eminent teacher balasingam contributed on the Veena. She is a 2ge of Carnatic Music, or disciple of Professor if Tanjavoor. She has veena playing and that rupan's Veena playing! rasa Nayaki composed a true meritorious folgiven Rupini a backe nine events in the life hi and shone the glory wledge. ous finish in the reperrogramme dedicated to 9d by Mangalam was a ds, Gити, асcотратуaudience. havaraja, a product of Tamil School, who has getram elucidated the nnt Anandarani Balenintroduction in Tamil knowledge of art and ure ushering adorned ded glory to the proMaha – Ganapathaya the Arangetram. Smt. a graced the evening S Guest of Honour. Her help Rupini to go forrt. The Chief Guest Dr. athan crowned the prodeep and cultured which she had precise
voted parents, Guru, Sicians from art lovers. 2 of religion, bhava, pisodes with the foungue reveals a memo
frorn
Damayanthi.
leshwaran - Ciation S. K.Ganeshwaran, a to a fault left us for a hard to imagine that pirit and good cheer,
AMILTIMES33
had left us so suddenly. To his large circle of friends, relatives, colleagues and neighbours, his demise was shocking as it was sudden. The crowds that thronged his home bore testimony to the esteem and reverence with which he was held by so many people from all walks of life.
My association began over forty years ago, when he entered the portals of Peradeniya University as a freshman in 1960. His batch mates would vouch for the fact that he had no foes, in fact he had qualities that were so sterling that he couldn't have made enemies: he was sincere, genuine in hard times, full of bonhomie in good times, supportive during examinations, concerned during ill health and over all honest in his dealings with fellowmen.
After his degree he joined Burah, Hathy and Co. as a trainee, passed out as a Chartered Accountant and subsequently became a partner in the same firm. He also had his own indenting firm Escaygee Syndicates, in addition to holding a management qualification. He also started the firm's Kurunegala Branch which he ran successfully. His colleagues would confirm that he was not only an intelligent and persevering officer but that he had sharp business acumen as well as an alert perception for innovative ventures.
He was very successful in life. However he was never ostentatious, he could have been flamboyant, for he was magnanimous in his gestures, to those who sought his assistance he was more than large hearted. He was simple and humble, never envious nor selfish - the hallmark of a true Hindu. He was trustee of the Kaliko vil at Mutwal and he discharged his religious duties with integrity. He was a Foster Parent and donated funds to schools, temples and other Charities. He looked after his wife and children with great commitment, and he spent two much deserved holidays in Australia with his only daughter who is happily married in Melbourne. All of us, who have been very close to him miss his fellowship dearly. Indeed if he made friends, his dedication to their cause was deep and honest. I am sure the good Lord has reserved a nobler place for him in his next birth.
Sivakurunathan. Sadly missed and fondly remembered by wife and children, brothers, sisters and their families - S. K. Parameswaran, 12 More Close, Purley, Surrey CR82JN. Tel: O2O 866O7747.
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