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15 JUNE 2001
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it."
-Voltaire
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 V0l., XX N0, 6 15 JUNE 2001
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD United Kingdom Phone: 020 - 8644 0972 Fax: 020 – 8241 4557 Email: prajan(G)gn.apc.org editor(a)tamiltimes.org adminGDtamiltimes.org
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CONTENTS
貂
Probe Black July 1983 O3 People and Politics O4 Confronting Problems 10 Dangers of ethnic hatred 14
Mafia Mayhem in Mawanella 16 JVP: Past, Present & Future 18
The Cautious Jayalalitha 21 Fundamentalism in Pakistan 23 Shootout in the Palace 27 Classified 30
The Government into the island-wide a disturbances had OCC that OCCasion was the irreparable Conseque course of the political ing in the death of te thousands of people,
An attempt was and their property as soldiers by the Tamil the attacks were Car Although the Tamils remarkable similarity The attacking gal cation and Selection W of owners, OCCupiers whether a particular Tamil, fit Was Owned as a tenant of a Sinh there was a property efforts were made to
The Weapons and and WOOden clubS We to facilitate complete ( leum Corporation. In motorcycles and eve The pre-planning dinated manner in Wh They had vehicles pr( tions. Gangs Were tra with amazing speed.
The aim of the of onstrated by the fact Tamils were set on fi widely different and d On 25 July, the v political prisoners det reportedly by fellow S more Tamil detainees Until three days i executive President violence to be Stoppe the violence nor did
The role of the fo was one of Collusion property,
The reason for t July 1983 pogrom w the violent incidents v have since been Writ aSSOciated with the t For 18 years, the properties in July 19 been due to the fact ( the COuntry's history too late fora compre
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 3
robe Black July 1983
is reported to have decided to carry Out an independent investigation nti-Tamil pogrom of July 1983. Though incidents of ethnic violence and urred on previous Occasions, the unprecedented violence unleashed on } Worst and the most widespread leading to long-lasting, damaging and nces in regard to ethnic relations in Sri Lanka. It drastically changed history of the island leading to an intractable violent ethnic conflict result2ns of thousands, and the displacement and dispersal of hundreds of
Thade by the then government leaders to portray the attacks on Tamils reflecting the "justified anger of the Sinhala people to the killing of 13 Tigers on 23 July 1983 in northern Jaffna. However, the manner in which ried out manifested a high degree of premeditation and Organisation. and their property were targeted throughout the Country, there was a in the methods Used. ngs knew exactly where to go and what properties to attack. The identifias done with remarkable precision. The gang leaders had lists of names and addresses of properties they targeted for attack. They knew exactly property, shop, factory or a house was OCCupied, owned or rented by a by a Tamil, it was looted and set onfire. If a Tamil Occupied the property ala landlord, care was taken to assemble and burn only its contents. If Owned by a Sinhalese adjoining a property earmarked for destruction, ensure that the former was not affected. j implements the gangs used were also remarkably similar. The iron rods re Surprisingly similar. They all Carried with them white plastic petrol cans destruction of properties. The petrol and the cans came from State Petroevery Case, the gangs saw to it that all vehicles - lorries, vans, cars, n bicycles - in the vicinity of properties were also destroyed. and Organisation behind the violence were also apparent from the coorich the various gangs moved from place to place with remarkable ease. vided for them and many of the vehicles belonged to the State Corporansported from Colombo and its suburbs to distant places and vice versa
eration was to destroy the economic base of the Tamils. This was demthat most of the important and larger business and factories Owned by 'e and destroyed within the first few hours, though they were located at istant places. ery first day of the pogrom, in an unparalleled orgy of brutality, 35 Tamil ained without trial in the high security prison in Colombo were massacred inhala Condemned prisoners. Two days later in repeat performance, 18
were similarly massacred. nto the pogrom, no One from the Government, including the all-powerful | R Jayawardene did appear in public or on television to appeal for the d. When he eventually appeared, he neither expressed Condemnation of e Convey any sympathy to the victims of the violence. rCes of law and Order including the police and the army, to say the least, and Collaboration with those who carried Out attacks on Tamils and Tamil
Ie then government's refusal to carry out a formal investigation into the IS quite apparent the primary Culprits for masterminding and executing Iere elements within the government itself. Many books and documents en and published giving details of those individuals and Organisations len government who organised and carried out the pogrom.
perpetrators of the violent attacks upon the Tamil community and their 33 have remained officially unidentified and unpunished, and this has f the State's Complicity in the pogrom of July 1983. This black chapter in must not be allowed to remain unexplored and uninvestigated. It is not hensive impartial investigation to be instituted.

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4 TAMILTIMES
O The Peace Process
The demand by the LTTE to lift the ban imposed on it and its rejection by the Government have brought about a stalemate in the peace process.
During discussions between Erik Solheim and S P Tamil Chelvam, the leader of the political wing of the Tigers, on l 7 May and in subsequent statements the LTTE made it clear that it would not enter peace talks until its “pre-requisite” of its proscription by the Sri Lankan government was lifted. It said that it would not negotiate as an "outlawed outfit'.
The government on May 26 rejected the LTTE's call to lift the ban on it to facilitate the Norwegian mediated political negotiations pointing out that lifting or suspending the ban could only be an outcome of the negotiations. "The lifting or the suspension of the proscription of the LTTE cannot be accepted as a "pre-requisite' or "precondition' for the commencement of negotiations; it can, if at all, only be an outcome of the negotiation process. "The LTTE's demand for the removal of the proscription prior to the commencement of negotiations is unreasonable and is intended to delay and, if possible, prevent the commencement of the negotiation process,” the government statement said.
It called upon the LTTE to desist from placing one obstacle after another in the way of the peace process, and requested it to honour the statement of its leader in his speech of 27 May, 2000: "We are not imposing any preconditions for peace talks.” The government statement also called upon all the communities of Sri Lanka and the international community “to persuade the LTTE to enter the peace process with sincerity of purpose, to facilitate and not to hinder the commencement of that process and to pursue it honestly to the successful conclusion that so many millions earnestly desire."
Two parties in the governing Peoples Alliance coalition, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party(LSSP) and the Communist Party(CP), issued a statement in support of the government's position sating that: "The pressure resulting from the ban is one of the factors that has led to the LTTE agreeing to having peace talks facilitated by Norway. It is clear that the request for the lifting of
the ban in Sri Lank undermining simi The Sri Lankan Go for the sake of talk Sue. The ban on th by the UNP govern: islation in Parliams cult process than \ day, but this did ni ful talks with the likely to occur here would loose the ad erated internationa ing into the hands c ics in the South.”
The statement ( added that “the LT its word and come talks with the gove imposition of three fire, the lifting of r reaching the LTTE the lifting of the t not essential forth talks. These are al be resolved in the themselves. We ag ment decision tc LTTE on the first also to refuse to g
The LTTE's ernment's refusa) quick and hard-hi In a statement is headquarters, call ment to reconside sake of peace and the LTTE warnec adopts a hard-lin to review its dec then it should bea sibility for the c efforts and the that might arise
The LTTE St: for lifting of the with the purpose ticipate in the pe
 

s directed towards ir moves abroad. rnment should not give in on this isLTTE was lifted ent in 1988 by leght, a far more diffihat is required tot lead to any fruit(TTE. The same is and the government vantage it has genly while also playfits exteremist crit
f the LSSP and CP TE should keep to into unconditional rnment. The sudden conditions - a cease2strictions on goods controlled areas and van on the LTTE is 2 commencement of matters that could course of the talks ree with the governaccommodate the two conditions and ve in on the third.' ’sponse to the govof its demand was ting to say the least. ued from its Vanni ng upon the Governits position for the thnic reconciliation, "If the Government position and refuses ion on proscription, full and total responllapse of the peace rious consequences pm its decision." ement said, "Our call proscription is made fenabling us to par:e talks as legitimate
15 JUNE 2001
representatives of our people, as copartners in constructive engagement, The LTTE has on several occasions raised the question of de-proscription with the Norwegian peace envoy Mr. Solheim when he met our chief negotiator Mr. Anton Balasingham in London. Mr. Balasingham has also made statements on public forums as well as in the media to the effect that the lifting of the ban is urgent and crucial for peace negotiations. We cannot participate in the peace talks as an illegal and criminal entity with a "terrorist' label. We are the sole legitimate representatives of the people of Tamil Eelam. In the past, we have engaged in peace talks with Sri Lanka, in Thimpu, in Colombo and in Jaffna without the "terrorist' label. Therefore, it is fair and reasonable on our part to seek recognition of our legitimate status as the representative political organisation of our people before the commencement of political talks. The talks, as well as the product of the talks, will have no credibility or validity if they are held between incompatible, unequal actors; between the socalled legal government and a condemned illegal entity. It is wrong to assume that we are imposing impossible demands to prevent the commencement of peace talks. On the contrary we have suggested these proposals as necessary and urgent steps to help to facilitate and promote the peace process."
"Our armed resistance campaign is primarily aimed at protecting our land and our people from Sinhala state terrorist oppression and aggression. Our armed resistance is none other than reactive violence to state terrorism. The Tamil struggle cannot be categorised as a phenomenon of terrorism. It is a struggle for self-preservation based on the inalienable right to existence. The Sri Lankan state has been conducting a global disinformation campaign branding the Tamil resistance as "international terrorism' in an effort to cover-up its own crimes of state terror. It is precisely for this reason that the Kumaratunga Government refuses to remove the label of "terrorism' on our liberation organisation", the LTTE's statement added.
O Divided Opinion
As the peace process remains without any further progress, opinion in the

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15 JUNE 2001
island is divided on the issue of the deproscription of the LTTE. Most of the Tamil political parties favour the lifting of the ban on the LTTE to enable the peace process to be taken forward. However, a well known leader of another Tamil political group, the Peoples Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), who wanted to remain unidentified for security reasons, said that the "Tigers should forthwith refrain from suppressing other Tamil political parties before asking the Government to lift the ban imposed on them before the talks.' He made the statement following the assassination of the Vavuniya district PLOTE’s political wing leader, Tamil Vasan. Two gunmen arrived at his residence in Mannar on Tuesday night (29 May). and shot him dead. The PLOTE leader pointed out that, before asking for its ban to be lifted, the LTTE should lift the ban it had imposed on all other Tamil parties since 1989 which has continued to this day.
The Sinhala ultra-nationalist Sections violently oppose any move at deproscription. To them, relentless war against the LTTE and a military solution is the only option.
The main opposition United National Party(UNP) and its leader Ranil Wickremasinghe, who are otherwise engaged in a feverish effort at bringing down the government through a noconfidence motion in parliament, have conveniently evaded making their position clear on the issue.
Then there are those, including editors and leading commentators primarily from the privately-owned media, who are not only totally opposed to the lifting the ban on the LTTE, but also regard the effort at negotiating peace with the LTTE as a foolish and a futile enterprise.
There are some peace activists whose overriding objective is to bring about an end to the ongoing war who say that the government should take whatever risks there may be in lifting the ban on the LTTE if that would enable peace talks at least to begin. There are others who advocate that the ban on the LTTE should at least be suspended until the duration of peace negotiations if the issue of the ban remains the only obstacle for peace talks to beglin.
Then there are the ban be lifted ( Government signs Understanding on affecting the Nor which much agre standing has alrea both sides.
Still there are c cal and foreign pc conflict resolution yet another sugge: for the lifting of should undertake of violence or the til nce in general, anc resort to acts of t political assassinat vilians, civilian an gets.
O Upgrading N. President's pre( peace talks that h government's rejec demand for its depi companied by Fore man Kadirgamar, h Norwegian Foreign Jagland, who had along with Eric Sol over dinner on 7 Jul kept out of the conf following which an made that the Nor role in the peace pi graded to senior o pation which provic culation in the me special envoy Erik sidelined.
It is learnt that t by the Norwegian F the result of a rec him by Minister I mar, which sought standing between way on the particip the peace process a between two sover
Following the release from the F Colombo said it meeting that "Nory participate at a hig the peace process ir The state-owne (10 June), quoting said that the decis level of Norwegian

others who say that ince the LTTE and he Memorandum of Humanitarian issues h and East, about ement and underly been reached by
thers, including lolitical analysts and experts, who have tion: that in return he ban, the LTTE o renounce the use reat of use of violespecifically not to errorism including ions, attacks on cid non-military tar
orway's Role
)ccupation was with ad stalled with the tion of the LTTE's oscription. She, acign Minister Lakshad discussions with Minister Thorbjorn flown to Colombo heim, for four hours ne. But Solheim was idential discussions announcement Was wegian facilitatory ocess would be upfficial level particiked inevitable spedia that Norway’s Solheim was being
he visit to Colombo oreign Minister was ent letter written to akshman Kadirgato place the underSri Lanka and Noration of the latter in is an understanding sign states.
discussions, a press oreign Ministry in was decided at the vay will henceforth h-level to advance volving the LTTE.” d Sunday Observer diplomatic sources ion to upgrade the facilitation was due
TAMILTIMES 5
to the fact that "the present facilitator, Special Envoy Erik Solheim, is only an Opposition politician in Norway and was not closely linked to the government in Oslo. There was a concern that if Mr. Solheim personally decided to withdraw, the entire peace process may be derailed or delayed. What the Government had sought, and Norway has now agreed to, was the formal and of ficial involvement of the Norwegian government itself so that Oslo's role would continue at an official level whichever party came to power there."
In Oslo, returning from his talks in Colombo, Foreign Minister Jagland told reporters on 9 June that it was now time for stronger political engagement by Norway, in order to make headway in the stalled peace negotiations adding that his talks with President Kumaratunga reviewed the status of the peace efforts, in order to decide how to move forward. He also said that he would now schedule meetings with the LTTE, but that no venue or dates had been set. Contacted in Oslo, Mr. Solheim told reporters that this possibly means that the (Norwegian) Foreign Minister will continue to involve himself with the peace process" while denying that his role had been downgraded.
President Kumaratunga and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar were said to have been unhappy with Solheim since his May 17 Vanni trip when he met with LTTE Political Wing leader S. P. Thamilchelvan who spelt out LTTE's firm position that it would not talk to the Sri Lankan Government asa proscribed organisation.
Solheim, on his return to Colombo, conveyed to President Kumaratunga and Kadirgamar the LTTE position and told them to consider lifting the ban against the LTTE at least temporarily, a suggestion that was unacceptable to the government.
Sources close to the Sri Lankan foreign ministry say that what upset the government most was that Solheim was "talking too much' engaging in giving high profile much publicised media interviews about the peace process and his role in it instead of engaging in behind-the-scene diplomatic efforts to narrow the gap between the two sides to enable peace talks to commence at the earliest opportunity. In some of his statements he appeared to want the in

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6 TAMILTIMES
ternational community to bring pressure on the government to lift the ban on the LTTE. What became critical was that Solheim, who had accompanied Jagland to Washington, during discussions with US Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage, had urged the American government to exert pressure on Colombo to temporarily lift the ban. Kadirgamar is reported to have told Jagland during the June 7 dinner meeting the embarrassment Solheim's Washington visit and his media statements had caused them and suggested Jagland's official and direct involvement thus diminishing Solheim's role. Jagland had agreed.
LTTE read more in this move than the mere sidelining of Solheim. The angry reaction of the LTTE for the move to sideline Solheim and upgrade Norway's role was contained in a statement issued by the LTTE on 10 June which "expressed its displeasure over the unilateral initiative taken by the Sri Lankan government to effect a change in the role and function of the Norwegian peace envoy Mr. Erik Solheim. This initiative was undertaken to downgrade and marginalise Mr. Solheim from his active, impartial facilitatory role under the guise of upgrading the level of Norwegian involvement.”
"The hasty manner in which the Norwegian Foreign Minister Mr.Jagland was summoned to Colombo for a closed door secret meeting with President Kumaratunga and the Foreign Minister Mr. Kadirgamar, where a critical decision was made to up-grade the status of facilitation without the consultation of the LTTE, the other party in the conflict, is, in our view, improper. The facilitatory process in peace making is not an exercise in inter-governmental relations; it involves tripartite relations between the facilitator and the parties in conflict. As a facilitator, the Government of Norway is under obligation to consult both protagonists before making crucial decisions with regards to its level of involvement or engagement. Making a bi-lateral decision with the government of Sri Lanka, circumventing the other party in conflict entails a breach of protocol and neutrality', the LTTE's statement said.
“We are well aware that powerful elements in the Kumaratunga Government, including Mr. Kadirgamar, were
unhappy with Mr. tory role. Mr. Solhei versy and criticism in the conflict and 1 cable neutrality, a ra viewed with suspic sion in Sri Lankan p In our view Mr. Sol defatigable endeav two years, facing in ficulties to achieve c ess in the peace effo sad to note that the ment has deliberatel diplomatic ruse to marginalise Mr. Sol up-grading the fac ment”, the LTTE’s
The question tha swered is whether th been advanced by t Norway's role a Solheim particularl such a response fro
O National Gove
The Suggestion tional Government' prising the governin and the opposition Party, attributed to P ister Ratnasiri Wick topic of much discu mbo media. But wh Chandrika Kumara discussions had be Head of Governme the SLFP and Chair Alliance with regar a National Govern ing that the sugges her Prime Minister was absolute demo ment, the SLFP a members were ent personal views kne
With the UNP of the proposal, clearly drawn. The ment issued by U man Dr. Karunase June 13 called the mooted by the Gov itself from the ab cal and judicial pr It reiterated UNP proceed with its pl ernment in Parlian rule'.
The UNP's at
y

15 JUNE 2001
ఒశాసw?? -
lheim's facilitanavoided controfboth the parties aintained impec2 quality that was In and apprehenolitical discourse. eim has made inurs over the last urmountable dif }nsiderable progrt. Therefore, it is Sri Lanka governeffected a crafty down-grade and heim by a ploy of ilitatory engagetatement added. tremains to be an: peace process has he "upgrading' of ld sidelining of in the context of n the LTTE.
'rnment
of forming a "Na, presumably comg Peoples Alliance United National rime Minister Minramanayake was a ission in the Coloen asked, President tunga said that no en held by her as nt, as President of man of the People's d to the forming of
lent. But not deny
ion had come from she said that there racy in the Governd the IPA and the tled to make their
W.
summary rejection he battle line was 2-paragraph stateP's media spokesa Kodituwakku on proposal "a hoax' rnment to extricate Idant social, politidicaments it faced. determination to to defeat the Govnt and end its "mis
mpt to bring down
the PA Government is targeted for late July, the period picked by its Opposition Whip V.J.M. Lokkubandara, a firm believer in astrology, as it is a period favourable to his leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and adverse to President Kumaratunga. The draft of the no-confidence motion against the Government was finalised on June 8 and Wickremesinghe signed it amidst the roar of Jayawewa meaning victory. Seventy-seven other MPs who were present at the UNP parliamentary group meeting signed the motion. Kodituwakku told newsmen on June 14that All Ceylon Tamil Congress leader A. Vinayagamoorthy had signed the motion and some Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) too had signed it. Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) too would sign.
"The entire opposition is backing the no-confidence motion,” Wickremesinghe told the meeting and added that 13 ruling People's Alliance (PA) MPs had met him and assured their support for the attempt to defeat the government. He instructed his party-men to bring to him only the government members who are willing to support the no confidence move unconditionally.
This announcement caused ripples in the Government ranks. Minister S. B. Dissanayake, secretary general of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the main constituent of the PA, was also upset. He had also learnt about the meeting some Government M. Ps had with UNP stalwarts. He telephoned and told President Kumaratunga the information he had gathered. The President told him not to worry and that she would handle the matter. The Presidentis confident that the UNP threat could be overcome. Dissanayake was not that confident.
O Cost of Living
There was also concern about the spiralling cost of living which the opposition, particularly the JVP, was using with telling effect to cause disaffection with the Government. The fact that the JVP is growing rapidly was revealed by the second survey Colombo University's Centre for Anthropology conducted in April this year. In the first survey done last October, two weeks before the parliamentary election respondents were asked, firstly, to iden

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15 JUNE 2001
tify the most pressing problem the country faced and, secondly, to state which of the two major parties had the capability to solve that problem. Seventy percent of the people identified war as the most pressing problem and 47% of them felt that the PA possessed the capacity to solve it against 33% who trusted the UNP. Though unasked 12% expressed their conviction that the JVP was best suited to end the debilitating W3.
In April the second question was repeated and the percentages, 45% for the PA, 32% for the UNP and 17% for the JVP reflected people's disenchantment with the major parties. Prof. S. T. Hettige, who heads the Centre for Anthropology, interpreted JVP's surge in popularity, a 5% rise in 6 months, as protest against the two major parties than the people's belief in its capacity to end the war. The fact that JVP is enjoying increased influence is became visible with the strikes it engineered in some industrial establishments and its infiltration into the armed forces and the farming community. It is currently exploiting the mounting cost of living to strengthen itself,
S B Dissanayake voiced his worry about the climbing cost of living and
the ascending popularity of the JVP.
when he called on the Prime Minister on June 8 who, in turn, shared his concern about the increasing pressure from two of the coalition parties, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC), are exerting on President Kumaratunga. They evolved two solutions to these problems: the need to appoint a separate minister to handle finance and the requirement of a National Government to unite the Sinhalese and safeguard their interests.
Finance Ministry is now held by the President and is virtually run by the officials who, the Prime Minister and Dissanayake, one of the two deputy ministers of finance, felt were yielding to the dictates of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, paying scant concern to the interests of the common man. They decided to meet the President together with the other deputy Finance Minister, Prof. G. L. Peiris.
Peiris is equally concerned with rising prices, especially that of essential goods: rice, bread, vegetables, fish, gas,
electricity and wat almost doubled v making travel and fare was raised by another similar ir Lorry hire charge prices of almost vegetables. Farm i ticides and tractor Fishermen, who re motorised vessels, catch.
For Kusuma C of five children, t erable. She wailed twice a week. Ima with eggs, cook ch and dried fish the ( had halved the we chicken she cooks etable to one. "I al dren,” she said. K agovernment serva pay is Rs. 6500. " husband brings I bl month,” she Said el the fact that the ru ing its purchasing
The IMF had ( of government ser zed till the end of dent Kumaratung this condition to e. draw a standby crec depleting foreign The total foreign ex 18%, from USS 2. 2126 million and o ped massive 36% million to USS 1 ( 2000. The decline ( first 3 months ofth exchange reserves 2040 and official r USS 942 million. been arrested in A Added to this large trade defici Lanka to borrow fr stitutions. Though declined by 17% i this year compare of last year the am lion is considerabl tinues the country I cit similar to the US
year.
Added to these deficit, rupee dep tion, all continues

r. Diesel prices were ithin the past year ransport costly. Bus 15% in January and crease is due soon. hike has upped the 'll goods including nputs, fertiliser, peshire now cost more. y on diesel-powered harge more for their
oonetilleke, mother le situation is intoll: "I cook fish only nage two more days icken every Sunday ther two days." She ight of the fish and and limited the vegn sorry for my chilusuma's husband is nt and his take home With the salary my ly less and less every fectively conveying pee is gradually lospower. lecreed that salaries fants should be freethis year and Presia had consented to ntitle the country to litto manage the fast exchange reserves. change reserves fell 352 million to USS fficial reserves slip, from US% 1639 (43 during the year 'ontinued during the is year, total foreign decreasing to US% eserves dropping to The drop had not )ril and May.
is the problem of t that compels Sri om international inoverall trade deficit 1 the first quarter of to the first quarter ount, USS 328 mile.. If this trend conlay suffer trade defiS 1500 endured last
lls are those of trade eciation and inflato grow. The com
TALTTMES 7
bined effect of all these is that locally produced and imported goods are becoming costly and Kusuma Goonetilleke buys less and less goods with her husband's earning.
Thanikasalam's plight is worse. An employee in a security firm he takes home less than Rs. 4000 a month and his wife struggles to keep the home fire burning. Over half of Sri Lanka's 2.5 million families are worse off than Thanikasalam and they eke a pitiable existence. Middle-aged Terrance Perera of Hambantota speaks for them: "It's extremely difficult to live." Terrance sees JVP as his deliverer.
Dissanayake and Peiris who meet the people of their electorates every week are aware of the economic hardship the people face. They briefed the President about the plight of the people and were preparing the ground for the Prime Minister to talk about their mission when the President is learnt to have suddenly asked: "Would you agree if we temporarily de-proscribe the LTTE and talk to them?' The Prime Minister voiced his firm opposition and the other two kept silent.
O Parliament v the Judiciary
A virtual constitutional crisis seems to have resulted from the attempt by the UNP-led opposition to present a motion in Parliament to impeach the holder of the highest judicial office in the island, Chief Justice Sarath Nanda Silva. Even as the motion was being presented to the Speaker of Parliament, on 6 June, the Supreme Court, comprising three senior judges, made an interim injunction restraining the Speaker from appointing a Parliamentary Select Committee to investigate the allegations against the Chief Justice until the final determination of three Fundamental Rights applications.
The order restrained the Speaker Anura Bandaranaike from appointing a Parliamentary select Committee in terms of Standing Order 78A of the Standing Orders of the Parliament to investigate and report to the parliament on allegations against the Chief Justice that may be set out in a resolution for the presentation of an address of Parliament for the removal of the Chief Justice from office, until the final determination of the application.
In three actions filed by three law

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8 TAMILTIMES
yers, D.P. Mendis PC, M.M. Zuhair PC and H.K. Chandrasiri, they petitioned the Court for a court declaration that there was an infringement of their fundamental rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution.
President's Counsel, Faiz Musthapha submitted that the appointment of a Parliamentary Select Committee to investigate allegations against the high officials of the judiciary was a severe encroachment of the independence of the judiciary. In such instance the MPs will be the complainants, prosecutors and the judges which constituted a clear violation of the principles of natural justice. He further submitted that such inquiries should be made by persons who are competent and experienced and not by parliamentary select committees.
In granting the restraining order and fixing the next date of hearing of the full case for 3 September, the Court said, "We have given our careful consideration to the submissions of counsel for the petitioners and the pleadings filed by the petitioners in these three applications. Upon a consideration of the material placed before this Court and the submissions of the learned counsel it would appear that the matter raised by counsel for the petitioners involved the purported exercise of judicial power by the legislature. This question in our view is of paramount importance which is fit and proper for review by the Supreme Court.”
The Court order incensed the promoters of the motion to impeach the Chief Justice. MPs belonging mainly to the opposition UNP raised the issue in Parliament denouncing the Court's action as an attack on the supremacy of Parliament. Citing the relevant Articles from the Constitution, Opposition Leader, Mr. Wickremesinghe stated that judicial power of the people shall be exercised by Parliament through Courts, tribunals and institutions created and established or recognised by the Constitution or created and established by law, except in regard to matters relating to the privileges, immunities and powers of Parliament and of its members, wherein the judicial power of the people may be exercised directly by Parliament according to law.
The motion backed by the support of 77 opposition legislators and pre
sented to the Speak moval of the Chief on fourteen ground power and persona Leader of the F chard Pathirana sa could not take an a this matter but shol preme Court order. ate a precedent wh disregard all the Col against the Chie: Ravaya Editor Vict ding which preclu ing debated, he sai The Speaker A said that he was cor ous situation, which in the history of Pa give his ruling on abide by the court course. It is specula will announce his rejecting the orde Court staying him Select Committee against the ChiefJu ports from Colomb ker may make sor order to the fact that the Standing Orde presently constitut with the supremacy the Judiciary in the own business, he w ments to the Stani vent members of investigated and t The Speaker's ruli that he would be handed over to him MPs requesting hi opposition imp against the Chief.
O Protest Agai Janaka Pere The appointm Gen. Janaka Perer Commissioner in oped into a major oversy. Expatriat belonging to the A of Tamil Associa launched a campa eras appointme committing hum while he was serv army, Hundreds Australia have pro

15 JUNE 2001
r called for the reustice Sarath Silva including abuse of misconduct. ouse Minister, Rii that the Speaker bitrary decision on ld abide by the SuIf not this will crere the Speaker can rt orders. The cases Justice filed by ir Ivan are still penles the motion bel. nura Bandaranaike fronted with a seriwas unprecedented liament. He would whether he would order or not in due ted that the Speaker ruling on 20 June, :r of the Supreme from appointing a o probe the motion stice. However, re) state that the Speane reference in his tas much as the way is of Parliament are 2d binds him to hold 7 of Parliament over way it conducts its ould prefer amendding Orders to prethe judiciary being ried by legislators. ng would also mean rejecting a motion by l l l Government m not to accept the eachment motion ustice.
st
2 ent of retired Maj. as Sri Lanka's High Australia has develcampaigning contrSri Lankan Tamils ustralian Federation tions (AFTA) have gn against Gen.. Pert accusing him of n rights violations ng in the Sri Lankan f Tamil residents in ested outside the Sri
Lankan embassy in Canberra and outside the Federal Parliament building demanding that the General's appointment be withdrawn. However, Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer has told the Federal Parliament that Australia had investigated the allegations but found no incriminating evidence against the ex-Army officer. "As a senior commander in the Sri Lankan army, his nomination was bound to attract criticism from those on the other side of the conflict,” a spokesman from the Australian Foreign Ministry said on customary condition of anonymity. But Tamil groups said that Downer's approval of the new High Commissioner was tantamount to endorsing atrocities committed by the Sri Lankan security forces.
It is learnt that Amnesty International had, on hearing about Janaka Perera's potential appointment as High Commissioner in Australia, had warned the Sri Lankan government about complaints of human rights violations it had received against Janaka Perera. Commentators in Colombo consider his appointment as a "grave mistake". on the part of the government.
While he was serving in the army, Janaka Perera had a reputation of being an “efficient General' with a "hawkish approach' in combating the Tamil Tig ers on the battle front. But he was also suspected of having his own agenda, political ambitions and of being an ally of the opposition United National Party, and therefore seen as posing a major threat. Hence he was forced into a situation in which he secured premature retirement from the army. His appointment abroad in a diplomatic post is seen by discerning observers in Colombo as a measure to satisfy him and at the same time keep him out of the island.
"If the government wanted to ensure that he was out of the country, the best place for him would have been Islamabad where he would have been more comfortable in the company of the Pakistani military ruler, General Musheraff than in Canberra,' one observer said.
ONo Confidence Motion
Whatever the Speaker's ruling on
the tussle between the Supreme Court
and the Parliament it would only add

Page 9
15 JUNE 2001
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to the constitutional confusion and whip up the opposition to topple the Government. The Opposition's main charges against the Government are: Incapacity to wage the war effectively or to conduct the peace talks properly; inability to contain the cost of living by managing the economy prudently, and failure to raise the salary of government ServantS.
Opposition is united except for the lone Sihala Urumaya vote. It is thus assured of 107 votes (UNP88, JVP 10, TULF 5, TELO 3 and Tamil Congress l) in the 225-member parliament. Opposition needs 6 MPs to defeat the Government. The Government should keep its entire flock with it for it to survive. UNP leadership is concentrating on drawing to its side the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) which has 4 members, and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) which has 11 MPs and the disgruntled section of the Government.
President Kumaratunga has managed the CWC by writing off part of the interest and rescheduling the payment of the Rs. 32 million Bank of
Ceylon loan it obta plete its headquart trying to manage leader, Rauf Hake velopeda habit oft at the same time. T his himself leaves r ther he understand lective responsibili ile being in the cab have had negotiati tion as to whether on what terms, vot government by vo tion inspired noRecently at a pres quoted as saying til suaded on the ma dence motion "by ( that he might side or even the UNP.
But at the same ugh the SLMC is made it clear to th party will not be a ment. Certain Cab trying to create pr People's Alliance
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 9
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ined in 1994 to comers. She is currently
the SLMC whose 'em, has of late deblowing hot and cold he way he conducts oom to wonder whes the concept of colty as a Minister. Whinet, he is known to ons with the opposiis party should, and e to bring down the ting for the opposi'onfidence motion. s conference, he is at he could be “pertter of the no-confiither side' implying
with either the PA
time he says, “Thodisillusioned, I had e President that the hreat to her governinet colleagues are oblems between the and the SLMC, but
we would like to see the President as an astute and a minority-friendly leader.'
There is an ongoing factional fight with in the SILMC between Rauf Hakeem and Mrs Ferial Ashraff, the widow of the late leader of the party. While Hakeem give indications that he has fallen for the inducements offered by the UNP leader and wants the SLMC to sever its links with the government and join the opposition in bringing down the government, Mrs Ferial's faction has decided to stay with the Government. Though Ferial has only two MPs on her side many of the seven MPs on Hakeem's side too are reluctant to quit the Government. Specially so are the three deputy ministers. Last week Hakeem summoned them to his residence and suggested that they resign en bloc. The deputy ministers asked for time and have not replied so far.
SLMC politbureau met onJune 14 but adjourned without taking any decision. At that meeting the members who are not in parliament pressed for a de
(continued on next page)

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
Confronting the Pro in the Peace Proc
Dr Jehan Perera
he insistence by the LTTE that its Tog in Sri Lanka should be lifted as a "pre-requisite' to enter peace talks, and the government's refusal to accede to this demand have no doubt stalled the peace process, at least hopefully, for the time being. In refusing the LTTE's demand, the government's response has been to say that the lifting of the ban would be an outcome of the peace talks, and not something that can happen prior to the talks. Whether the government should have issued a public statement on the matter is debatable. It might have been better if the government had pursued the matter more discreetly through the Norwegian facilitators and other foreign governments.
It is unlikely that the international community, among others, would condone pre-conditions being imposed on what were believed to be unconditional talks. Nevertheless, the phrasing of the government's statement does not close the door to a package deal that might yet be put together to break the deadlock. There was, after all, a time when the government insisted that the LTTE should give up its Eelam demand and
surrender arms for pt commence. The gov puts these forward as "pre-requisites' to us ulary.
Sections of them groups are urging the introduce those two tions of its own to I LTTE. The governm Parliament, the EPDF highway to Jaffna LTTE prior to peace equivalent and a tit might seem to eve would do little or not peace process. It is u stance would hastent LTTE to the negotiat most urgently need a mutually agreed cea: the ominous possibi tary action by either the relatively cong that exists at presen COmence.
In thinking of h in the peace process is worth contrasting
(Continued from page 9) cision to quit the Government while the deputy ministers and MPs want to continue in Government. President Kumaratunga announced that Kalmunai would be upgraded to an Urban Council, a sop sufficient to help the SLMC to stick to the Government. SLMC's main demand, the creation of Kalmunai district would not be granted, mainly due to Sinhalese agitation against it. But Tamil opposition would be cited as the reason for the Government's inability to grant the SLMC demand.
The President had also reprimanded S. B. Dissanayake for his June 12 outburst at Kurunegala against the SLMC. He said: We cannot create separate districts on the basis of race, religion, caste and other considerations. We must push aside such fundamentalist elements and form a national government with the aid of patriotic sections
of the country.
President Kuma in the presence of to be more responsi That was after UNF tional Government The situation is ernment and the co process remains alı are rumours in C about an impendi the Jaffna peninsul Tigers announced i on June 13 that acc air force practice f in the Palaly mili reports that the LT sophisticated mil prospect of a rent clash cannot be ru ment’s primary would be its survi no-confidence mc
 
 
 

15 JUNE 2001
ce talks with it to inment no longer pre-conditions, or the LTTE vocab
dia and Sinhalese government to reriginal pre-condilatch those of the ent's Tamil ally in , has asked that the pe opened by the talks. While such -for-tat responses the scales, they ling to promote the nlikely that such a he government and ing table that is the it this time. Until a sefire is arrived at, lity exists of miliside that can ruin 2nial environment for peace talks to
ow a breakthrough may take place, it the government's
atunga warned him he Prime Minister ble in what he said. shot down the Naproposal.
dicey for the Govintry. As the peace lost in limbo, there lombo and Jaffna g military clash in ... LTTE's Voice of its news broadcast nbined army, navy, r the attack was on ry complex. With E has received fresh lary supplies, the ved fierce military dout. The Governoncern at present al by defeating the OI. O
present reactive and negative stance towards the peace process with that of India in relation to its Kashmir problem. Six months ago the Indian government sought to break the deadlock in its fight against the Kashmiri militant organisations by declaring an unilateral ceasefire. This was a positive action which, it was hoped, would lead to an improvement in the possibility of a negotiated peace. However, when its unilateral ceasefire went by and large unreciprocated, the Indian government did not go back to its original position and its implication of endless war. Instead it took yet another positive action. It recently offered direct talks with the Pakistani government. Now the Kashmiri militant organisations that spurned the Indian government's unilateral ceasefire are complaining that they might get marginalised in the government to government negotiations that will take place.
Pragmatic Reasons
The Sri Lankan government should consider emulating the Indian government when it comes to taking positive political intiatives, instead of merely reacting to its opponent's demands and getting stuck in one place. The future of peace talks will continue to be bleak if both the government and LTTE continue to stick to their positions or revert to old pre-conditions. But there remain strong pressures on them to be more flexible, not least from the war weary population that no longer wishes to be embroiled in a seemingly endless war, the benefit of which does not accrue to them. Ultimately, it is likely that the government will be more responsive to the pressures that are being brought to bear on it. Unlike the LTTE, the government is a democratic entity fettered by politics and has to act accordingly.
There are two very pragmatic reasons why the government should not remain stuck with its position that it will not lift the ban on the LTTE prior to the commencement of the talks. First is the fact that the talks have already commenced, even though they are not face to face. The two sides are indisputably talking to each other through the Norwegian facilitator. It is due to these talks that the Norwegians have come very close to formulating a mutually agreeable Memorandum of Understanding on various important matters. Therefore there is no principled need for the government to delay its lifting of the ban

Page 11
15 JUNE 2001
until face to face talks commence.
Besides, there is reason to believe that the LTTE's refusal to be flexible on its pre-requisites has a larger political motivation behind it. There is no denying the present PA government has been the most formidable foe of the LTTE. In its six years in office it turned the tables on the LTTE.
The PA government greatly escalated the costs of war to both the Tamil people and the entire country. But it also succeeded in effectively ousting the LTTE from the Jaffna peninsula. The government also succeeded in turning around international opinion that was once strongly sympathetic to the Tamil cause and to the LTTE that was seen as leading its just struggle. Instead the governmenthas been ableto project the difficulties of a democratic government struggling against political odds to satisfy the aspirations of a powerful ethnic minority.
Seeking a compromise formula
Due to these two major military and political defeats at the hands of the PA government, it seems that the LTTE would prefer to deal with a non-PA government. This may partly account for the LTTE's decision to delay the peace process through its three pre-requisites. The perception of a deadlock could be used by political opponents of the government to promote the impending parliamentary vote of no-confidence against the government. For the mo-confidence motion to be successful the support of the Tamil parties in Parliament will be necessary. One effective way for the government to take counter-measures against this plan would be to ensure that the peace talks commence as speedily as possible. Those who are sponsoring the no-confidence motion against the government are promising that they will form a government of national reconciliation. But there are several problems with this plan. The government will still be under President Chandrika Kumaratunga who will continue to wield the enormous powers of the executive presidency and continue to be a formidable political opponent.
Further, the new government will presumably comprise parties as divergent as the UNP and JVP who have little ornothing in common on eithereconomic policy or the ethnic conflict. It can be expected that such a heterogeneous government will not be able to act deci
sively or prepare : ciples by which tl be solved.
Even if peace government and they are likely to to the inability to a ciples that would cal order. Despite the PA still remail dominated politic onstrated a fundan enhanced politic north-east over a exists on paper to prepared to front Sinhalese national political autonom, other party of sub great strength tha this crucial stage V the commenceme the LTTE are so I needs to find a col which the LTTE' are satisfactorily own commitment lution is put to the table.
Now that the is LTTE appears to h of place in the ca parties it is necessa should be reached sations in the cour to suggest obvious two positions, bu cused more on th it to concede to t They are acutely c. ernment curtly di earlier four mont gave it nothing in it is now the turn give the LTTE son proposal is that th agree in advance LTTE for the durat
Peace Process and No-confiden There still app pect for a quick b to-face peace talks ment and LTTE. S content to keep t going for some mo been raised whetl prepared for the nt government has proposals, inclu package, the LTT

coherent set of prine ethnic conflict can
alks between the new TTE do commence oon run aground due gree on political pringuide the new politiall its shortcomings, s the only SinhaleseIl party that has demental commitment to l autonomy for the ld above that which lay. The PA has been ally challenge those ists who oppose such 1 in a manner that no tance has. This is the must not be lost at vhen the posibility of ut of peace talks with eal. The government mpromise formula by s three pre-requisites met, and the LTTE’s to a just political sotest at the negotiating
ssue of the ban on the lave been given pride lculations of the two iry that a compromise . on it. Peace organitry have been trying compromises to these t have generally fo2 government urging he LTTE's position. onscious that the govsmissed the LTTE's 1 long ceasefire and return. They feel that pf the government to ething. A reasonable 2 government should o lift the ban on the ion of the peace talks.
'e Motion
ears to be little prosreakthrough to facebetween the governofar both sides seem he present stalemate retime. Queries have er either of them is gotiations. While the ts draft constitution ing the devolution E has completely re
TAMITES
jected them in the past. Nor has it come up with a framework proposal of its own. In such a situation, it makes sense that the two parties should not be overly hasty in meeting face to face.
A second reason for the two sides to be unwilling to take firm steps to break the present deadlock is the impending no-confidence motion against the government in Parliament. The LTTE's conduct, especially at election time over the past few years, has revealed that it would prefer to deal with a non-PA new government. A few weeks ago the proLTTE Tamil Guardian newspaper published in London berated the TULF for not being enthusiastic in supporting the no-confidence motion against the government. Therefore, it is unlikely that the LTTE would engage in any actions that might help the government ward off the opposition's no-confidence threat to it. In this situation, it makes little sense for the government to make any politically significant concessions to the LTTE until the issue of the no-confidence motion has been resolved one way or the other. The government might suspect that the LTTE is likely to make some other demand of the government to delay the peace process until the noconfidence motion is approved. It is also aware that the international community is getting impatient with the delay in the peace process. This may account for the government's surprise lifting of the censorship on war reporting which can only be seen as a goodwill gesture. While this action reflected well on the government’s willingness to follow democratic norms, and make itself more internationally acceptable, it gave nothing away to the LTTE.
Accordingly, one of the causes for the present stalemate in the peace process would be the no-confidence motion proposed by the opposition. It is a singularly ill-timed venture to those interested in promoting the peace process, especially as it seems to have the ability to extend in time to several months. This is not surprising as many of those in the forefront of activism concerning the noconfidence motion are those with a Sinhalese nationalist orientation. Those sections of the UNP and JVP who are the driving force behind the no-confidence motion have never been proponents of devolution, inter-ethnic powersharing or Tamil rights.
The no-confidence motion also appears to be ill-timed in relation to its like

Page 12
12 TAMILTIMES
lihood of success. Constitutional coups have a better chance for success if there is a popular groundswell of support for them and opposition to the government. But of this there is little evidence. On the contrary, a recent opinion poll conducted by the University of Colombo's Centre for Social and Anthropological Studies under the supervision of Prof. S.T. Hettige has revealed that the government still retains the confidence of a majority of the people as being the best suited to end the ethnic conflict.
Delivering Promises
Whatever may be the larger politics of the peace process, however, it is necessary that the government and LTTE should be thinking beyond the present impasse. It is likely that once the problem of the no-confidence motion is resolved, a way out of the present stalemate can be worked out. The LTTE will have a major role to play in breaking the stalemate. It needs to think pragmatically about the political process in the longer term in order to best ensure that devolution, inter-ethnic power-sharing and Tamil rights are to be secured in the country.
In a situation of bargaining in the marketplace, where only a one time transaction with the other is envisaged, it is preferable to bargain with a weaker opponent. It is then possible to beat down the other to get a good deal for oneself and walk away with personal satisfaction. But where ongoing relationships are concerned, sustaining the agreement also is a matter of concern. The objective of such negotiations is generally not to come out on top, but to reach a balanced agreement that seems fair to both parties.
In the short term the LTTE's interests might be met ifa new UNP-JVP led coalition government replaces the present PA government. But the new government would necessarily be a weak one, torn between opposing ideological tendencies. It is unlikely that the opposition coalition would be able to form a government that is able to deliver on its promises that are presently made by the UNP to entice the Tamil parties to vote for the no-confidence motion. Negotiating a solution to the ethnic conflict is not simply a matter of bartering this for that. It is also a matter of carrying the majority of people in the country along with the solution.
It is only a strong government with
a strong leadership promises made and and ensure that the The same logic app ment and its own ef LTTE prior to the peace talks. It is only can convince its ran their military strugg a political solution compromises that w along the way.
Overcoming the pi The LTTE appe happy about the atti tional community at From the LTTE's p been they who hav ing commitment ar sake of the peace ing with the LTTE ! Heroes' day speech LTTE's four mon ceasefire, it has bee: shown a decisive st all of this has been avail. It is noticeab diplomatic commur not seem very sy LTTE's position on The overwhelm LTTE, and one that to overcome, is the LTTE's ability to r war machine to a pi is a suspicion that it may not reflect a r especially when it i. that has been in ch The LTTE leaders that assassinated th 1975, that shot ove pilgrims in 1985, th political leaders, th Gandhi and former and many others, t Central Bank in 1 the international hu Neelan Tiruchelva By way of col state has the treme its leadership is a one. The Sri Lanl ership that fanned Tamil pogrom of tally crushed the 1988-89 is no mol ries die hard can | ties that the rema UNP governmen to forget that past

15 JUNE 2001
at can deliver on reements reached are implemented. es to the governrts to weaken the ommencement of strong LTTE that and file to give up and go along with und the necessary l have to be made
t rs to be deeply unude of the internanepresentjuncture. bint of view it has ; been demonstratd sacrifice for the rocess. Commenceader Prabakaran’s ast November to the h long unilateral the LTTE that has lift of strategy. But too little or of no le that many in the ity in Sri Lanka do impathetic to the its pre-requisites. ing problem for the is difficult for them lack of faith in the eally change from a blitical entity. There s change of strategy al change of heart, the same leadership arge all these years. hip is the same one 2 Mayor of Jaffna in a hundred Buddhist at killed many Tamil ut assassinated Rajiv President Premadasa at brought down the 96 and assassinated nan rights activist Dr n in 1999. rast, the Sri Lankan dous advantage that onstantly changing n government leadle flames of the anti983 and which bruVP insurrection of The fact that memoseen in the difficulng leadership of the as in getting people Ince a leadership has
got tarnished it is difficult to remove the tarnish. But with every change of government there is a change of faces and new hope arises and old prejudices are put aside.
To make matters more difficult for the LTTE some of its continuing actions re-invoke its past practices. The continuous LTTE killings of impoverished Sinhalese villagers in the contested areas adjoining the northern and eastern provinces is a notable example. It has been argued that the settlement of Sinhalese in these areas by successive governments has been a part of the war. But when the LTTE cadre just walk in and cold bloodedly kills Sinhalese villagers whenever they feel like it, the abiding image of the LTTE as essentially terrorist is reinforced.
The killing of two middle aged women in Arantalawa a few days ago by the LTTE for no reason other than they were Sinhalese will surely terrify the rest of the Sinhalese villagers and motivate them to flee their settlements. But it will also reinforce the belief that the LTTE is indeed an organisation that the Sri Lankan government could legitimately ban until the LTTE renounces such practices at the negotiating table. In this time of stalemate on the peace process, it would be more pragmatic for the LTTE to find ways to impress upon the general public and international community that it is serious about charting a new path to peace.
In this interim period, and until faceto-face talks commence, perhaps the LTTE should find a way to match the government's unexpected goodwill generating action of lifting the censorship on war-related news.
Norwegian Role
The upgrading of Norwegian representation in the peace process at the request of the Sri Lankan government and the apparent downgrading of the role of its present peace envoy Erik Solheim could become a setback to the peace process. Anti-government propagandists could attempt to make out that Sinhalese nationalist elements within the government and society have gained the upper hand in their efforts to scuttle the peace process. Almost from the inception of the Norwegian facilitated peace process, the Norwegian peace envoy was one of the main targets of Sinhalese nationalist wrath. Even his personal life and character were not spared, with unkind ref

Page 13
15 JUNE 2001
erences made even in Parliament. But whatever may be the reason that kept him out of the discussion that President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar had with the visiting Norwegian Foreign Minister Thorbjoern Jagland, the loss of Mr Solheim's 15 months of experience of shuttle diplomacy would constitute yet another delay to the peace process.
During the heyday of his facilitation effort, Mr Solheim shuttled between Oslo, Colombo, London, Delhi and the Wanni on a regular basis meeting with all the key actors to the conflict. Relation-building is a time consuming matter. Besides Mr Solheim took risks with his life, especially on the journeys to the Wanni. On his last journey to the Wanni a landmine was discovered on the route that he was about to travel a few hours before he passed that point.
While the erstwhile peace envoy was often criticised for his readiness to speak his mind on the latest developments in the peace process, especially to the local and international media, there was a positive aspect to it. By his readiness to answer questions put to him in public by his supporters and detractors alike he helped to entrench the conviction that an international third party was necessary for the Sri Lankan parties in conflict to resolve the ethnic conflict.
The zero profile facilitative role that Norway played in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process has been contrasted with the more high profile Norwegian role in Sri Lanka. The difference is that in the Israeli-Palestinian case, the Norwegians began their facilitative role in secret. This was not the case in Sri Lanka. President Kumaratunga's public invitation to the Norwegian government to facilitate in the Sri Lankan peace process ended the longstanding opposition of the Sri Lankan government to foreign facilitation.
Again, in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there was no objection to foreign facilitation on the part of either of the two the parties to the conflict. This was unlike in Sri Lanka, where foreign facilitation was rejected by the Sri Lankan government for many years.
Therefore, the acceptance of the need for an external third party to help resolve the conflict needed to percolate through society. By his high profile facilitation, Erik Solheim paved the way for the generality of Sri Lankan society to accept the need for foreign facilitation. Government Objections
It is believed that the Sri Lankan gov
ernment was unha comments followi assault on LTTE peninsula in April issue of the LTT peace talks to com. stacle to the peac the United States v have lobbied with pressurise the Sri I lift its ban on the l From the view government, these exceeded the scope ertheless it is a pi' with the energy an Solheim should be
peace process.
The LTTE has possibility of Mr ing and have expre to the Norwegial claiming that the p verge of breakdow Solheim’s apparent he has denied, as a cision making rega ess by the Sri La which the Norwegi However, it should ernment's agreemé should play the fac Mr Solheim. It cal the government sho him, for whatever for someone else ir is so, the same lo LTTE as well. Th too will start to obj volved in the facili On the one har importance that t LTTE should retai the impartiality o' party. On the other ties have to be reas they give the third judgements as to W peace process for appears that though have problems wit tains faith in Norw; its faith in Norw Solheim. The decis government to upg in the peace proces which both governi eStS aire met.
The need for trust
For any peace there has to be trus cannot be an agreer

by with Mr Solheim’s g its abortive military ositions in the Jaffna Thereafter, when the 's pre-requisites for nence became an obprocess, he went to here he is believed to he US government to ankan government to ΤTE. oint of the Sri Lankan actions seem to have of his mandate. Nevy that a peace envoy commitment of Erik downgraded from the
eacted strongly to the Solheim’s downgradsed their unhappiness government, even ace process is on the h. They have seen Mr displacement, which sign of unilateral derding the peace procnkan government in ans have acquiesced. be noted that the gov2nt was that Norway ilitative role, and not n be expected that if ould have lost faith in reason, it should ask his place. But if that gic will apply to the 2 danger is that they ect to individuals ination process. d, it is of the utmost he government and 1 their confidence in Norway as a third hand, both these paronable in the leeway party to form its own hat is best to take the vard. Fortunately, it the government may 1 Mr Solheim, it rey. The LTTE retains ay and also in Mr on of the Norwegian ade its representation may be a means by nent and LTTE inter
rocess to take effe. t ... Without trust there ent. This is true even
AMIL TIMES 13
of agreements between individuals. It is well known that there is no trust between the government and LTTE, nor is it likely that there will be any trust in the foreseeable future. The only way in which trust can enter into the peace process is via the third party. In the context of the Sri Lankan peace process, this means that the government and LTTE who do not trust each other, need to trust the Norwegians. By the government and LTTE separately trusting the Norwegian third party, trust can enter the system of negotiations. In an interview with the internet news service, Lanka Academic, Erik Solheim strongly rejected allegations by Sri Lankan and foreign media that he had been sidelined. "I can confirm that while the Foreign Minister and the deputy Minister will be involved at a high-level, myself and Sri Lanka's Norway envoy Mr. Westborg will continue to act as the facilitating team', he is reported to have said. However, it is likely that a new peace envoy will be coming to Sri Lanka to buildup trust with the Sri Lankan government. Most Sri Lankans will probably see the announcement by the Norwegian Foreign Minister of the upgrading of peace efforts as a positive feature.
The tough stance taken by the government with regard to Mr Solheim may also motivate it to offer a concession elsewhere. At present the primary stumbling block to the commencement of peace talks appears to be the LTTE's insistence on being de-proscribed by the Sri Lankan government. Last week a group of 31 NGOs and civic organisations which have received government funds for peace work met with the media at a media conference. The invitation for the event was sent out by the government's information department. The main message to emerge from the media conference was that the civic groups were in favour of the government lifting the ban on the LTTE in order for peace talks to commence without delay.
Given the government hand behind the organisation of this media conference, it can be believed that the government, or at least a powerful section within it, are either in favour of lifting the ban or are using the civic groups to test the waters. Despite the vicissitudes of the facilitator, on the government side there appears to be an impetus for peace talks to begin. Erik Soheim may have an important role to play in persuading the LTTE not to dig in its heels if and when the government makes its concession to the peace process. O

Page 14
14 TAMLTMES
Dangers of ethn and religious hati
Cat's Eye
he UN has declared 2001 the in
ternational year of ACTION for
the elimination of race and related forms of discrimination and intolerance, including ethnic and religious forms of discrimination and intolerance. The UN World Conference against Racism will be held in South Af. rica in the first week of September 2001. At the conference the global community will focus on the causes and consequences of racism and on developing practical strategies to combat forms of discrimination.
Malwanella
It is especially disturbing that the attack on several members of the Muslim minority community in Mawanella and the counter attacks on the Sinhala community happened in this year, and
3 days before Ves Mawanella seem to political complicity nces and the furthe complicity in instal develop out of hate directed at a minori few individuals or : police action and th associated with the are associated wit government (argua police inaction vising practice of a pc taining kappan or | reflects an even m tern. It implies th national governmen els are implicated in incitement of attack at an ethnic minori
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K. The events in eflect a pattern of n ethnic disturbapattern of police ces of riots which speech and action y community by a gang. The lack of fact that the gangs original attackers an MP from the bly the reason for -vis the long standlitician's gang obprotection money), ore disturbing patit segments of the t, at the highest levthe sanctioning and s explicitly targeted y community.
15 JUNE 2001
Pogrom of 1983
The pattern of politicians being complicit in ethnic riots and the incitement to ethnic, racial, and religious hatred goes back to the anti-Tamil riots of July 1983, which marked the beginning ofa full fledged armed conflict in Sri Lanka. A number of social scientists who have studied the violent events of 1983 have concluded that the disturbances amounted to a pogrom (Michael Roberts, Serena Tennekoon, Newton Gunasinghe, Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake). These social scientists have termed the events of l983 a pogrom and not "riots,” in order to point to State involvement and complicity in the organized burning, looting and murder ofTamil minority people and their property.
Social scientists who have studied the political economy of violence in the 1983 riots have noted that the attacks had a pattern of intentional, organized, and systematic destruction of ethnic minority economies and trading practices. The Muslims are historically a trading community in Sri Lanka. The attack seems to have the deliberate purpose of eliminating Muslim businesses
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15 JUNE 200
and trading partnerships and establishing Sinhala ascendance in the local economy. This in turn enables businessmen to fund politicians who further their business interests. Hate speech and violence against minorities has a clear economic agenda accomplished by politics of jealousy and ethnic competition. This agenda is currently being propagated by some Sinhala groups, just as sections of the government did against the Tamils in months before the pogrom of July 1983, and even before, during the Sinhala Muslim riots of 1915. Some Sinhala majoritarian groups have been advocating the boycott of Muslim shops. This pattern of anti-Muslim sentiment found concrete expression in the attacks at Mawanella. - Political economy of riots
Cumulatively the events in Mawanella are part of a wider pattern that social scientists term the political economy of riots. The clear pattern is that petty traders of the majority community of the area benefit from the violence with the tacit support of politicians who act as patrons for gangs, as well as police officers who are remiss in performing their duties. This pattern of patronage politics in the incitement to ethnic and religious hatred must be arrested. The pattern of political peddling of ethnic hate speech by some members of the governing party and indeed the government for short term political gain that is in the long term destructive of the national peace, economy, and the multi-cultural fabric of society in Sri Lanka must be arrested. It is not enough to pay compensation to the victims of both communities given tit-for-tat attacks where both Sinhalas and Muslims lost. The perpetrators of the violence must be identified at the highest levels. We are worried that Muslim youth, like the Tamil youth who joined the LTTE in the wake of the July 1983 attacks, might have recourse to guns, given a sense that the law and order institutions of the country work against them in an ethnically biased manner rather than impartially. We are concerned that the south of Sri Lanka might become another Bosnia with ethnic cleansing of the minorities, as has unfortunately also occurred in Jaffna upon LTTE instigation during the two decades of armed conflict in
the north. This p versed with comp tims. An inquiry ir 1983 which markt the country and trig armed conflict in held. The perpetra were never identi There was ample { rial level support 1983 including UN pattern seems to less of the political lack of punishment edent for this patt cians acting with it and order mechan ing misused. A model Code of The UN draft ( gram for action ol ence on Racism a intolerance includ gious intolerance. gional prep-com n the Pacific noted tl code of conduct t political parties so refrain from pub would encourage r. timent among the in Mawanella clea for such a code of cians and political We suggest that th ment commit itself ommendation. A cc also be necessary & of the religious coI displayed a dism propagate ethnic s sometimes indulge inst members of C munities, rather t peace and commu.
A National Comr In the context national commiss caste, religious di the promotion of culturalism. The Bill aimed at enab and promoting m stymied in 2000. S sion might be a mc ocratic process to similar yet broad nic/caste/religious Moreover after m

rocess must be reensation of the victo the events of July d the worst riots in ggered a full-fledged Sri Lanka was never tors of the violence fied and punished. vidence of ministefor the riots of July IP trade unions. This pe recurrent regardparty in power. The has provided a precern of certain politimpunity and the law sms of the state be
Conduct declaration and prothe World Confernd related forms of ing ethnic and relias well as the reheeting for Asia and he need for "a model o be developed for that their members lic utterances that acism and racist senpublic.” The events rly indicate the need f conduct for politiparties in Sri Lanka. e Sri Lanka governto abide by this recode of conduct might lso for some leaders mmunities who have aying tendency to tereotypes and even : in hate speech agather religious comhan preaching civil nal harmony.
mission
what is needed is a on on race, ethnic, crimination and for equality and multiEqual opportunities ling ethnic equality ulti-culturalism was etting up a commisregradualand demwards achieving the r goals of race/eth/linguistic equality. ore than 20 years of
TAMITMES 15
armed conflict in the island, together with economic restructuring associated with the globalization has generated new forms of exclusion and resulted in complex patterns of discrimination and Americanization experienced by a number of ethnic, religious and caste groups and communities. A commission would deal with the intersection of forms of marginalization and exclusion. Value of Diversity
While it is important that ALL cultures be enabled to flourish, minority communities are especially vulnerable to being colonized by majority cultures Majoritarianism - the principle that might is right has never been a sign of civilization. Civilization is about the protection of the vulnerable, the numerically and politically weak, be they segments of the dominant communities and/or various caste groups. A second argument against majoritarianism is that a majority in one part of this island might be a minority in another part. Sri Lanka is an ancient multi-ethnic, multi-faith and multi-cultural land. As the same UN draft declaration for the World conference against racism notes: "For too long diversity has been treated as a threat rather than a gift and too often that threat has been expressed in racial contempt and conflict, in exclusion, discrimination and intolerance... We must understand that intolerance and racial discrimination breed and fester in inequitable political, economic and social conditions, and that genuine equality of opportunity for development is fundamental to the eradication of racism, racial discrimination, Xenophobia and related intolerance. We therefore call for urgent national, regional and international measures to provide the chance for a decent life for all the peoples of the world in their magnificent diversity.
Suggestions
The immediate areas for action to prevent a further deterioration of the situation would be: Developing and implementing a code of conduct for politicians and political parties; Drafting a bill on the prevention of hate speech, the incitement to race, ethnic, caste and other forms of hatred; and Multi-cultural educational policies including minority history while should be part of national history.

Page 16
16 AMILTIMES
Mafia Mayher in MaWanella
Beware of Manoeuvres to Pass the
Dr. OSWald B. Firth OM||
Director, Centre for Society and Religion
The Aristotelian Legacy
Six centuries into the past, a wise and refined thinker, hailing from the small Greek town of Stagira, made a very incisive and poignant statement when describing human knowledge, that it is a precious commodity that can be garnered only by an assiduous exercise of the mind, that has the power to penetrate the deeper recesses of reality. Knowledge is not a potpourri of information downloaded into a diskette from one's computer through a process of electrosmosis! True knowledge, as the Jesuit jewel Teilhard de Chardin would say, has to do with consciousness, while artificial intelligence could be culled from the internet
Aristotle's penetrating reflections reveal that we know a thing better when we know 'what it is’ (it's 'essential nature'), than when we tinker around with its external appearances that may misleadus into deriving hasty conclusions that may sound oxymoron, or unbelievably true. Aristotle would readily agree that external phenomena do, in fact, have some kind of an existence, which may sometimes tend to cloud the real nature of a thing. But external characteristics may not necessarily reveal the real substance or essential nature of a thing. The true nature of a thing becomes transparent only through a symbiotic relationship with a person's mind. External phenomena can sometimes lead to deceptive judgments. In simple, figurative terms, one should be careful never to loose the Wood for the
trees
Missing the Woo Scrutinizing the "essential nature' of ots in terms of Ari there have been ma lated attempts to lea based on external p dent Chandrika Ku paranoia against her is legendary, rushe screen to proclaim the bogey behind th gutted Mawanella o nominy that preced acme and epitome and non-violence.
The Deputy Def eral Anuruddha Rat tamed scapegoat on to heap all the sins o had been “security of the police', lam ister Ratwatte. The out to appear the \ Ordering the interdi guards and one ju and the transfer o ASP were crude at truth. All this is ren very same Gener covered up his el and thuggery perp eny not, so long ag trict. Fortunately gifted with his pe the entire blame ( alone was guilty (
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15 JUNE 2001
Buck
for the Trees 'substance' or the the Mawanella ritotelian thinking, licious and calcui the public astray henomena. Presimaratunga, whose political opponents l to the television that the UNP was e black fumes that in those days of iged Vesak, the very of loving kindness
ence Minister, Genwatte, found a well which he was ready fMawanella. There lapses on the part nted Deputy Minpolice was singled illain of the piece. ction of three homehior police officer, the area OIC and 2mpts to scuttle the iniscent of how the l unconscionably ction malpractices trated by his prog, in the Kandy Disthe public is not chant to apportion the police as if it any dereliction of
duty. There is a limit beyond which civil society will not succumb to such puerile panjandrums on the part of the General, having once before being deceived into believing that the security forces had successfully won 95 percent of the North-Eat war
The seemingly studied vacillation of Minister Rauf Hakeem, whose “hundred day' challenges thrown at the President are quaint and rib-tickling manoeuvres, combined with his politically motivated manipulations to remain in power at any cost, gave the Mawanella incidents a racist twist with volatile undertones. He was well aware that this form of brinkmanship though dangerous may go down well emotionally with his beleaguered community. Commenting on the nefarious events at Mawanella, Minister Hakeem claimed that a systematic attack was aimed at the Muslims of this country. There is here an unusual twist of logic. On the one hand he belches out accusations of racial persecution against his community, while on the other he soft-pedals these allegations and adroitly dilutes his arguments by saying that whenever the two races flared up these occurrences always ended in amicable settlements. If so, why all the fuss about racial persecution?
Either Minister Hakeem is fully convinced that the true nature of the Mawanella mayhem had its origins in racial hatred, or he is shrewdly concealing the truth for reasons best known to him.
Fuelling the Racist Syndrome
Minister Hakeem could not have been totally oblivious to the fact that by rousing the inflammatory and contentious racial syndrome he was not only creating an unhealthy climate for a manifestation of violence among Muslims in other parts of the country, which is indeed what happened in Maradana and Kalmunai, albeit in a minuscule scale. But in the process he was also exonerating the real culprits
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Page 17
5 JUNE 2001
who burnt down the Hingula mosque and torched the Ziaram in Ganetenna, reducing to ashes copies of the sacred Koran in these holy places. In contrast, the statement issued by the Muslim community of Mawanella, which was more circumspect, bears witness to the fact that the incidents were not really race-related when they asserted that "...The people (the Muslims) were not giving room to their personal feelings which could have resulted in harming any member of the Sinhala community. A Sinhala wedding taking place on the 2nd of May, at the height of the tension, at the Raliya Reception Hall, owned by a Muslim, and located in a Muslim locality, bears witness to this'.
In an attempt to fish in troubled waters, the Sihala Urumaya firebrand and now Member of Parliament, Patali Champika Ranawaka, who perceives every incident in this country with his tinted Sinhala-Buddhist glasses, branded the Mawanella incidents and subsequent events as attempts by the Muslim minority community to persecute the Sinhala majority community. "This is a Sinhala- Buddhist country', ranted Ranawaka; "Other races should learn to live with us” (sic), which when paraphrased means, to submit themselves to a state of abject subservience. He even went on to threaten that more than peaceful agitations would be resorted to in order to establish the will of the majority community. Already there are ominous signs as to what form these "more than peaceful agitations' may take.
Searching for Root Causes
It is time to penetrate the mass of misinformation that surrounds the mischievous events that sent Mawanella up in flames. The destruction that resulted in the debacle saw the burning of 137 shops, the torching of 39 houses and 23 vehicles, reducing to ashes 2 garment stores, 1 factory and 1 filling station and the desecration of 3 mosques and damage to a Buddha statue. One innocent Muslim street vendor lost his life to a bullet fired by a policeman. It is clear that vital elements that would provide a lead to understanding the real substance or "essential nature' of the Mawanella smash-up have been surreptitiously swept under the carpet by of
ficialdom, not by but by one of sh President, speakir incidents blamed the inflammatory ately omitted to m lusion of the und Mafia with her ow provided a protect nity to these anti elements. Repaym political promote order to secure a came in the form derworld felons : their living through intimidation, har shopkeepers and st ation (forcefully dress of Muslim physical injuries a case on the 1st an rested by the polic trons would make proteges have no charges they cann bars of Bogamb Mahara. The politi hind this fracas h; tempts to absolve responsibility wit that he had not bec these incidents occi in distant Male pri his kith and kin a not been in cahoot these lawless elem The "heart-of "essential nature ( tle's terminology) Mawanella on thos other than the grac indiscriminate rul thugs and underg ments and contrac
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an act of omission, eer impunity. The g on the Mawanella er political foes for events, but deliberention the close colrworld's nefarious party members who ve cover and immusocial and criminal ent for helping their s and protectors in seat in Parliament of letting these unund hoodlums earn extortion (kappam), issment of Muslim reet vendors, humiliemoving the headmaidens), and even s was evidently the i 2nd of May. If are, these political paa case that as their recorded criminal ot be kept behind the ara, Welli kada or ico alleged to be beas already made athimself of any such h the specious plea 'n at the scene when urred because he was obably shopping for t home! So, he has or connivance with ents! the-matter" (or the f things” in Aristoof what transpired at a fateful days is none ual take-over of the ; of this country by ound criminal ellemurderers who are
TAMALTINĖS 17
ready to flout every democratic practice and undermine every democratic institution in this country under the protection of their political patrons. Despite compelling evidence to the contrary, acts of criminality committed by political henchmen are outrageously classified as racial riots to whip up racist emotions and to help miscreants dodge punishment for their misdeeds. Legacy of Non-Violence
EX-Parliamentarian Vasudeva Nanayakkara, the stalwart of the Left and Democratic Alliance, summed up today's culture of criminality succinctly when he spoke to a hundred participants at a seminar on Good Governance organized by the Centre for Society and Religion. "It is our unfortunate fate that we cannot entirely eliminate political violence in this country', said Mr. Nanayakkara.
"However, let us work together towards reducing the level and volume of such violence. The State is the institutionalised embodiment of organized violence. Those who act against the vested interests of the State will be subjected to the violence of the law. The police, the prison and physical punishment are symbols of that violence today." Continued Mr. Nanayakkara, "Mahatma Gandhi has clearly, stated that non-violence does not entail submission. The decisive power behind the cumulative refusal to submit to injustice is the strength that will defeat the forces of State intimidation and persecution'. These are the challenges that the aftermath of Mawanella holds out to us. The writer is also the editor of the "Social Justice", the monthly journal published by the Centre for Society and Religion. O
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Page 18
18 TAM TIMES
pJVP : The Pas | Present and Fut
E. M. G. Edirisinghe
nsurrection in 1971 and terrorism in
1989-90 is the known history of the
JVP upto the year 1997. With over 30 years of generally violent politics with much of it underground, the JVP has now entered the mainstreampolitical scene with an impressive show at the last general election thanks to the system of proportional representation. Back door politics which it practised appears to have been shut. It is a good sign. Democracy in this country is thus strengthened and enriched by a new meaning the JVP is adding to the system of Parliamentary democracy.
Now, the JVP seems to be acting with a degree of responsibility which had skipped the minds of the earlier leadership. Even though they are in a position to bring down the provincial administration in some provinces like the WP and the SP they are not inclined politically or morally, to frustrate the will of the majority in the respective provinces. Moreover, they do not want to be accused of toppling an administration elected by the people when they have not been given a mandate to do SO.
Presently the JVP act with restraint
and self-discipline, even if they are confronted with violence. This was evident at the death of two of their colleagues during the run up to the last elections. They gained only political mileage over the incidents which is common among all the Sri Lankans. The funeral processions though excited but not incited to turn violent. The JVP once advocated a policy of murder, intimidation and other acts of violence as a means to their ends. The present leadership learning from the past failures of the then leadership, have dropped (or suspended) armed struggle to embrace peaceful co-existence in democracy.
In general, the p. the JVP assert that th public confession ab party had committed ever, they admit doin self-criticism. The pi nevertheless, is not r atro-cities committe proof of themselves not in the admission c conduct now onwarc to confess is to make and punish them forc have not committed also to give an oppor emies to throw the co their face whenever them. On the other JVP is not the JVP t in violence. Party n and the followers an Everything changes. not escape the opera sal truth of imperma
The JVP is aga Presidency. But the along with ethnic mi sically against it. TI changes keeping wi liamentary democr: soning behind this tion is primarily d centred. Both PA a pable of producing ers with a strongp cal background to election whereas th it. So the JVP star standable except if a pressure group li political minoritie:
Preferential (m tem as practised i in spite of the adva ing the ethnic and to gain some repr the true ideologica
 
 

15 JUNE 2001
ties opposed to y should make a ut the crimes the in the past. Howit in the form of sent leadership, sponsible for the in the past. The being changed is fguilt but in their s. To force them them feel guilty rimes which they themselves, and tunity to their enbnfession back on they deem it suits hand, the present hat once engaged neans the leaders d not just a label. Evenpolitics canion of the univer
Ո€ՈC6, nst the executive PA and the UNP norities are not bahey only propose hthe spirit ofParcy. The JVP reaundamental quesfensive and selfd the UNP are cable national leadrsonal and politiand a Presidential JVP is far behind on this is underhey wish to act as the ethnic or and are doing today. nape) voting syshe country today, age it has of helpolitical minorities :ntation reflecting ind politicalthink
ing in the country at various levels, it has certainly dehumanised the electoral process where the elector had been distanced from the elected. The contest had become more intense within one's own party than with the opposing party or parties.
The JVP however, has introduced a more humane face to this vexed pref. erential system of voting as currently in vogue in Sri Lanka. Their appeal is to the intellect and common sense of the people without emphasising the personal factor which is now agonising, egoistic and violent in character. The JVP keeps the voter away from the candidate while every effort is made to get the voter to rally round the party which however much is healthy at the moment, is not beneficial in the long run. The best compromise is to get the voter to mark his preference but to be strict on non-involvement in a "manapa pore” which is the ugliest feature of the elections today.
Rohana Wijeweera still carries weight with the pro-JVP vote with his image and dynamic personality still alive in memory. His strong and charismatic leadership quality is hard to match and what spoilt his future was his destructive politics. The inherent desire of the voter to know the MP of his choice remains undiminished. The leadership as well as the membership of a successfully political party should come from diverse social cultural, religious, class and professional backgrounds. A party becomes more colourful, meaningful and vibrant only when it could provide shelter to various shades of opinion and make them into a coherent unit under strong leadership.
The JVP provides a joint-leadership and there is no individual single leader. This too, could be a setback in the long run unless remedied soon. People do not look upon aparty to lead but they are enamoured only by a leader and only in an individual leader they repose faith and not in the policies of a party. Joint leadership is inconceivable to the people both for inspiration and to hold responsible. Even the religions with millions of unwerving followers are founded by an individual whose teachings and

Page 19
15 JUNE 2001
preachings take a second place to the image of the founder. The political leadership too, is similar.
The current practice of the JVP to request the voters not to mark their preferences may work well for sometime specially when they do not have individually popular leaders at national and regional level. But, later on it could produce a strongly negative effect. If the JVP is to emerge a major party, their present policy of the party deciding who should be the people’s representatives must stop and the people must have the opportunity to choose who should be their leaders. Party substitutes will not hold with the people.
The refusal of the JVP to receive and enjoy many perks available to MPs is something the people would admire as the MPs are well-known not to lose their perks and comforts. It is clearly a populist move but what else the JVP could do when they have got to match their words with deeds. They must show the people that politics is not a business for them. But mostly for everybody actively engaged in politics, politics is certainly business for them whether they are MPs or not.
The Marxist parties generally tend to politicalise every issue whether communal, economic, moral or religious which the people normally do not like. The JVP appears to be following the footsteps of their predecessors. Politics should not enter into every sphere of public life. An overdoze of politics is the bane of this country. People hate it. The more you leave out the religion, culture, arts, health, education etc out of stains of politics the better for the country and the people.
No party working out to gain the confidence of the people should even condemn the rich or the capitalist class. The hatred against the rich once sown by the Marxists will never help a party to win an election because the ambition of everyone today is to become rich one day. If one has no financial or intellectual capacity to become rich, he expects at least to win a sweep ticket or get a job in West Asia to become rich.
Presently the JVP is considered a third force with their eyes on power. For a party to capture power which it
failed for 30 year However, the peo role is to check : main parties fro) cesses and extrem watchful and rest the people havenc for any other role However, as it is government, whic run it will help th majority will shif the UNP, in case the government. T trust and believe alternative govern The JVP has S even the popularly sign their positio fury. It is exempla the country should son - discipline. D lack at personal, tional level. As lon, a strong following this may be possibl a strong people's easy, and ruptures tions need charism without whom a vi Elections arent but on slogans. Nc ever have unwhole policies. So, on th are all alike. So po political party h weight in an electic can have only po leaders. That is wil election manifestic it. Any party could sible policies butt faith only on the policies. If they tr will vote for the knowing specially are. Policies turns the hands of the p ter them. Slogans a ceptable' leaders carry weight (eg.j only, dushanaya b The JVP has peaceful image to o has won the accept of the people. Thi, elevate the party level that the peop

has to work hard. ble think its present nd expose the two n moving into exis which keeps them ained. Beyond that tearmarked the JVP in the near future. being critical of the it has to, in the long e UNP because the the sympathies to they decide against he people are yet to he JVP as a viable ment. ucceeded in getting elected MPs to rens without a fusser ury and everyone in , learn from this lesiscipline is what we social, and institugas they do not have g at personal level, ebut if it grows into party it will not be could surface. Elecatic popular leaders ctory is impossible. aver won on policies political party will some or unpopular at plane the parties olicy statement of a ardly carries any in. Aparty however, pular or unpopular ly nobody reads an , nor they vote for have the best poshe people will have men behind those ust the leaders they party even without what their policies our or sweet only in 'ople who adminisdvanced by the “acand parties always ust society, Sinhala neeshanaya, etc). projected a very he electorate which snce and admiration acceptance should nd the leaders to a e are temperamen
TAMILTIMES 19
tally, emotionally and intellectually prepared to accept and trust the JVP with state power. If it fails the party will continue to remain a third force like the LSSP, CP and the MEP until they join hands with the SLFP or the UNP to share power. How long could it stand neutral between the two main parties? Will not their followers remaining loyal to the party for years like to taste power and enjoy the pride and responsibility of holding power. In that event the JVP will be forced to ally with another party or parties to hold reins of government. Politics is not an spiritual exercise but completely a mundane wish aimed at enjoying material benefits.
How far the JVP is tolerant of the opposition is a question it has to answer. Democracy means acceptance of majority will with the minority entitled to a hearing. The JVP in the past has displayed that it did not tolerate dissension and opposition either among its own ranks or from the outsiders. Even now in certain universities where the students unions sympathetic to the JVP are holding office, are reported to have displayed violence against any opposition. This kind of dark shadows haunting the memory of the people should not be allowed to cast themselves before them. The present day JVP in the body of politics is a healed wound. The scar is still there and it should not do anything that would force open it.
Finally, in an attempt to be different from the rest, the JVP should not promise things which are totally impracticable, and the people would not believe them. For instance, they say that poverty should be alleviated by giving every person an equal opportunity and taking away the privileges enjoyed by a few finally leading to equal distribution of wealth and income among all the people. Can they ever do it? In which country out of the 189 members in the UNO, this goalhad ever been achieved? No two persons are equal either in body or mind. That is the universal truth and it will remain so for ever. And, at most it must be each according to his ability and nothing more and nothing less. O

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Jay
G. Sambedkar, Chennai
J ayalalitha would like to portray herself as a changed personality - no more those cut-outs, no more all that awesome paraphernalia, less of public display of sycophancy from her followers, less hectoring of officials and more courtesy to both allies and the media and so on.
But the revenge spree she has gone on ever since she assumed office as the Chief Minister for the second time in a decade clearly shows that nothing much has changed in her. Whatever has, it is all perhaps cosmetic.
If former Deputy Speaker Parithi Ilam Vazhudhi was the first victim, one after another the opposition bigwigs find themselves behind the bars. As of June 3 speculations centred around the possible arrest of Mayor M.K. Stalin, and of course everything culminating in the detention of Karunanidhi himself,
Events will have come a full circle by then. The lady routed in the elections held only five years ago, sent to prison pending further inquiry in one case and convicted in two other corruption cases, is lording it over all, while the man who sought to eliminate her from public life altogether is now nervously awaiting his turn to go behind the bars. But it could take a while before the climax plotted by Jayalalitha is reached.
That she became the Chief Minister of the state is itself one of the inexplicable mysteries of Indian democracy. Here is a person convicted of corruption charges and disqualified from contesting elections. But herparty wins a massive mandate, and the Governor of the state does not bat an eye-lid before swearing in the leader of the victorious alliance as the Chief Minister.
Tamil Nadu Governor Fathima Beevi is a retired judge of the Supreme Court, and so she was expected to have some strong grasp of the constitutional requirements before deciding on invit
ing anyone to form The AIADMK and its MLAs una Puratchi Thalaivi, warned that they w one else as the Ch because Jayalalith fied.
To them Ele norms mattered vel verdict is what col very own – “Makka Theerpu...”
It is true that si passed, and Jayal: triggering off a cc she was not invite Having said th obliged to accept ultimatum even if her own reservatio ability of Jayalalith union minister P.C doubt that it was tional. How could qualified from eve tion be made the wonders. Besides that office is conti elected to the A. months. How does the very same El which barred her elections only am forward to permit next five months? Noted journali who has suddenly Supporter, argues Governor Beevi as would not manag to contest the elect the annulment oft sion norm which victed to two year. testing elections. stay of her convic prison sentences h but her conviction Cho’s argume
 

n the government.
had won 132 seats nimously elected the their leader, and also 'ould not accept anyhief Minister simply a had been disquali
ction Commission y little. The people's unts, for that is god's al Theerpei Mahesan
uch a resolution was alitha was hinting at onstitutional crisis if d to power. at, was the Governor the majority party's she might have had ns over the verytenna's election? Former hidambaram has no patently unconstitud a person held disn contestingan elecChief Minister? he her continuance in ngent on her getting ssembly within six Beevi figure out that ection Commission from contesting the onthago Would come her to contest in the
st Cho Ramaswamy, turned out to be her in turn how could sume that Jayalalitha e to obtain clearance ions? She could seek he Election Commisprohibits those conSandmore from conShe could also seek a tion. As of now, her lave been suspended,
has not been. nt is that the Gover
TAL TMIES 2
nor has no right to presume that the conviction too would not be stayed. This often times moralist is silent on the ethics of it all. Where is the question of ethics when you are dealing with a bunch of crooks, such seems to be his contention.
Chidambaram further points out that even charge-sheeted ministers have been asked to step down, as in the case of the AIADMK's very own Sedapatti Muthiah three years ago or, more appropriately, in the case of Laloo Prasad Yadav of Bihar. In the circumstances swearing in someone already convicted is indeed strange, to say the least, he points out.
But Fathima Beevi did not seem to be bothered by any such niceties at all. Two days after the results were announced, the AIADMK MLAS met to elect Jayalalitha as their leader, she rushed straight to the Raj Bhavan armed with the resolution, and that very evening she was sworn in by Beevi. There were some reports to the effect that the Governor had consulted the Attorney General of India, Solil Sorabjee, before choosing to invite Jayalalitha to form the government. But in an unusual move, Sorabjee issued a statement, denying that the Governor had consulted him on the issue.
In fact it all happened lightning quick, there could not have been time at all for any serious discussion. Jayalalitha flares up whenever anyone raises the issue - "Nobody needs to teach Beevi the law. She herself has been a Supreme Court judge. She knows best...'
Whatever Beevi's legal acumen, there is a personal reminiscence, and that would put things in perspective. After retiring from the Supreme Court, she was, for a time, a member of the National Human Rights Commission. The Commission paid a visit to Tamil Nadu in 1994 when the harassment of the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees was at its worst. This writer had then taken a delegation of the affected refugees to the Commission. There were quite a few women in the group. The whole idea was to appeal to the woman, the mother in Beevi, by narrating in detail all the sob Stories.
But the 'clever' idea fell flat thanks to Beevi's total callousness. During the hearing, the Commission members did

Page 22
22 TAMLTMES
not seem to be too very impressed by the seriousness of the plight of the refugees. And then the women's brigade took over. They started wailing, just to attract the attention of the members, especially of Beevi who was seated at the right extreme. But nothing seemed to work. She was too busy engrossed in some conversation with a minor of ficial, and a male colleague sitting next to her had to prompt her to the lamentation from the women refugees. Still things did not improve. Beevi did not evince any more interest than the rest or seek to elicit any further information from the refugees. The Commission sitting did not, predictably, come to mean much for the harried refugees. Such is Beevi's concern for people's welfare.
There was another former Supreme Court judge who defended Beevi's action in inviting Jayalalitha to form the government, saying that had she not done so, there would have been bloodbath on the streets of Tamil Nadu and that none would want to be held responsible for such a sorry turn of events. Anyway when the people had voted for a convicted person so massively, what could a poor Governor do? Let the courts decide, was the contention of that fellow judge.
In effect he was saying that giving in to the AIADMK thugs was the only option available before the Tamil Nadu governor. Such is the wonderful state of democracy.
To this day Beevi has not cared to come forward to justify her decision. That by convention Governors keep off the media has proved to be quite convenient for her. But her decision has been challenged in the Madras High court as also in the Supreme Court. She would have to respond to the court notices, when she would have to come out in detail as to the rationale behind her decision.
The position of Jayalalitha is not all that safe, as it might seem. At the centre of the controversy is the Election Commission norm that anyone convicted to a two-year term stands disqualified. Now Jayalalitha has to succeed in getting that norm struck down as unconstitutional or get a quick stay on her conviction itself, enabling her to contest a by-election within the next
five months, one n ready expired since fice.
But some of th Court judgements do that helpful for he judges might be ver way she has succ circuiting the Comn sides the constituti courts against her h may be noted here.
In the circumstar whether she might b as the Chief Min months and believe forced to nominate c as the Chief Ministe state through remot hope lies perhaps in lationship with the ing the Centre to ple the Supreme Court started making som saying she is not for Even during the car breathe a word agai the fact that she w; heading a "secular a BJP has not bothel though they have no aggressive in thei AIADMK.
Prime Minister the moment has the issues in the BJP, ( traumatic times he h the AIADMK was a Democratic Allianc as he is in charge, alliance with the A revived. L.Ganesa Tamil Nadu unit of ally been quite cri and there is no pe his attitude.
What with the BJP allies received cluded Assembly e eral resentmentov policies of the Vajpayee's positi weakened inside hard-core RSS ide out in the open ag him with making mises in order to that liberalization death-knell of til

15 JUNE 2001
onths having alher assuming of
recent Supreme
not seem to be all
If anything the annoyed with the ceded in shortission norms. Ben of the special is been upheld, it
ces, many Wonder e able to continue ster beyond six that she might be ne of her flunkeys r and then rule the : control. Her best rebuilding her reBJP and persuadad her case before Already she has e friendly noises, confrontation, etc. npaign she did not nst the BJP despite as supposed to be lliance'. So far the red to reciprocate, texactly been very r criticism of the
Vajpayee, who at last word on most annot get over the ad to undergo when part of the National 2, it is said. So long here is no way the ADMK. would be l, president of the the BJP, has generical of Jayalalitha, ceptible change in
nattering blows the In the recently conctions and the genthe new economic DA government, l might be getting he BJP. Some of logues have come inst him, charging oo many comproay on in power and ld only sounded the native industry.
“Why should we be in power if we cannot implement our own policies?” they wonder in public.
By the same token, Home Minister L.K. Advani's star is on the ascendant in the party. He might even be made the Deputy Prime Minister by way of satisfying the Sangh Parivaar, some reports say. He might not mind reviving the ties with the AIADMK, it is claimed
Besides it is inconceivable that Govenor Beevi would have dared call up Jayalalitha to form the government without a nod from the Centre, it is argued. MDMK’s Vai. Ko. and the PMK's Dr.Ramadoss too are said to be working overtime to help expedite the process.
The logic seems to be that another round of mid-term parliamentary elections would become inevitable in the near future. As and when they take place, it would be much better to rope in Amma who is on a winning trail. Karunanidhi is eminently expendable as the people have turned against him. Both Vai. Ko. and Ramadoss would do everything in their capacity to destroy Karunanidhi, and they both have continued to maintain a rapport with the BJP high command.
Incidentally what did Vai. Ko. achieve by going it alone in the recent elections? He caused the defeat of the DMK in more than 25 constituencies, that is all. His party could not win a single seat, and his candidates forfeited their security deposit in all the 213 constituencies the MDMK had put up its candidates.
True he continues to make some anti-Jayalalitha noises, but he makes no secret of his glee over the debacle of his former mentor. He had stormed out of the alliance over a minor issue, that the DMK would not allocate to the MDMK just three of the seats it was demanding. Surely going blank in the Assembly yet again and meeting with a massive defeat is not a price worth paying for a mere three seats of one's choice, outsiders might think. But Vai.Ko supporters seem to be still under the delusion that after Karunanidhi he would be able to "capture” the DMK since Stalin lacks Vai.Ko.'s charisma. Only because he did not want strengthen the chances of Stalin's succes

Page 23
15 UNE 2001
sion, Vai. Ko. cleverly walked out of the alliance at a very crucial moment, they say. But then that could prove self-defeating. He might have antogonised the DMK cadres in a big way by such a gesture, and they might never again accept him.
In fact there are reports that the state BJP leadership is upset over the way he is seeking to flaunt his "proximity” to Vajpayee and is planning to ditch him in the near future. It is in such a context he is reported to be working zealously to revive the BJP's ties with the AIADMK, in such an NDA edition, his place might be more secure than now, he seems to think.
Jayalalitha herself, in the appointment of ministers and officials for key postings, seems to be taking extra care to project a positive image of her government. So far nothing has been done to alienate the public in general. Even in the matter of pursuing her political rivals, she is proceeding with caution. Yes, a few have been arrested and a few more might follow suit. But she is not seen to be running amok, at least not as yet. Even in the matter of Stalin, she has not gone overboard though there were persistent reports that his arrest would be Amma's gift to Aiya's 78th birthday which fell on June 3. But nothing of that sort happened.
She wants first to build a public mood against adversaries and then proceed. She is currently harping on the good old Sarkaria commission which had indicted Karunanidhi and his associates over 30 years ago. The Commission's findings came to nothing, and even the two CBI cases arising from the report were withdrawn, when Karunanidhi struck up an alliance with Mrs.Gandhi in 1980. Even a former CBI official who led the investigations then is skeptical of the possibility of the Supreme Court's assenting to any move to revive those cases, after such a long lapse of time.
But Jayalalitha's strategy seems to be to pursue her adversaries with all the might at her command even while ensuring that the public in general are not disenchanted in any way. One has to wait and see whether such a strategy works. But a lot will hinge upon whether she is able togetherself elected to the Assembly in the next five months. O
Rigi funda come a powe force in Pakis the opportunism o cal leadership that Militant sectarian ri parties, led by half oted mullahs, many the teeth, are holdi and the state to ran the very fabric of P Threats of disrup parties have escalate They have steadily since the time of C They now claim th: custodians of Pakis they, the mullahs, w cessfully for Pakis theocratic state for M tradict such claims. of Ghulam Ahmad stan Tulu-i-Islam, g groups and partie Jamiat-i-Ulama-i-F Ahrar and the Jama bitterly opposed th ment and abused it was secular.
The Muslim Lea led the Pakistan mov of modern educate sionals and goverr (whom, for the sake call the salariat”). It the outlook of bigol free ofany millenari tences about creatir It was a movement than a movement c was a new class of Muslim professiona job seekers that can 19th century. It go cally by the turn of ing a better deal foi vis Hindus who we tively more rapidl When the Muslim L in 1906 at a meet Nawab Salimullah party was immediat Aligarh group led b
 

e Rise of Religious a
eraSPASE
TAMELTIMES 23
Prof. Hamza Alavi
mentalism has beful and dangerous tan, due mainly to successive politihas pandered to it. :ligious groups and educated and bigof them armed to g our civil society om. They threaten akistan's society.
)tion from religious d in recent decades. grown in strength eneral Ziaul Haq. at they are the true tan and that it was ho had fought suctan, to establish a Muslims. Facts conWith the exception Parvez's pro-Pakigroup, all religious :s, including the Hind, the Majli-i- at-i-Islami, had all e Pakistan Moveleadership which
gue, the Party that ement, was a party d Muslim profesment job seekers of brevity, we may nad little to do with ed mullahs. It was an ideological preg an Islamic state. of Muslims rather f Islam. Behind it English educated s and government e into being in the
organised politithe century, seekthemselves vis-a- e advancing relain these fields. ague was founded ng convened by t Dhaka, the new ly hijacked by the
Nawab Viqar ul
Mulk. Aligarh was at the vanguard of the new Northern Indian Muslim salariat class, the sons of the Muslim Ashraf (nobility), who were deeply conscious of the loss of their privileges with the advent of British rule and the relatively more rapid rise of Hindu educated classes. The main base of the Muslim salariat was in UP and Bihar for, at that time, the Muslim salariat was relatively weaker in the Muslim majority provinces.
The Muslim League was focused entirely on its secular demands of western educated Muslim professionals and the salariat. Attempts to place the issue of Islamic ideology on the agenda of the Muslim League were both rare and invariably unsuccessful. Arguably, the earliest of such attempts was one by Shibli Numani to Islamise the Aligarh syllabus. Shibli was explicitly committed to theocratic values and wanted to shift the emphasis of the Aligarh syllabus away from English and modern sciences, towards Islamic learning and the Arabic language. The response of the Muslim salariat class to that attempt is exemplified by the remarks of Sir Raza Ali, who was a close collaborator of Sir Syed’s immediate successors, Muhsin ul-Mulk and Viqar ul-Mulk. With them, Raza Ali was at the centre of the Aligarh establishment. In an article in the daily Statesman opposing Shibli's move, he remarked that the idea of reviving Arabic knowledge was, of course, beguiling for Muslims. But he warned that they should not ignore the demands of our times, for the most urgent need of Indian Muslims was to be offered education that would be beneficial in the affairs of this world; education that would help their coming generations to earn their livelihood. Sir Raza Ali spelt out the principal concern of the educated Muslim middle class at the time. Their concern was not about a hypothetical return to original Islam and the creation of an Islamic State', ruled over by mullahs, that Shibli had dreamt about. Shibli had to leave Aligarh, for

Page 24
24 TAMELTIMES
it was not the place where his theocratic ideas could flourish. Among the rare attempts to bring the issue of "Islamic Ideology' on to the agenda of the Muslim League was one that was planned for the Delhi Session of the AML in April 1943. One Abdul Hameed Kazi (backed by “Maulana” Abdul Sattar Niazi) canvassed support for a resolution, which he intended to table. That would commit the Muslim League to an Islamic ideology and the creation of an Islamic state. But pressure from everyone around him forced Kazi to abandon the idea. The resolution was not even moved. The Pakistan movement remained firmly committed to its secular concerns. In his keynote speech before the inaugural meeting of Pakistan's new Constituent Assembly, on 11th August 1947, Mr. Jinnah spelt out the Pakistan Ideology, namely the secular and tolerant vision of the new state. That speech was not a sudden aberration, as some Islamic ideologists, and General Zia's hacks, were later to allege. It was consistent with what Mr. Jinnah had been saying for decades. The Muslim League had always been committed to a secular society.
Following Mr. Jin successor, Liaquat Al erated the Muslim L. values. When Liaqua jectives Resolution in Assembly in March 1 that “As I have just sai the real recipients of p rally eliminates any c tablishment of a the that clear statement by Objectives Resolutio) ideologues, notably G. hacks, have claimed th Resolution was a cha sition of the “Sharia” interpret it) although does not occur anywh lution. Their argument conventional generali lution, which said tha be enabled to order t individual and collec accord with the teach ments of Islam as set Quran and the Sunn amount to a charter fo a theocratic, "Islamic
Liaquat's positio League's traditional
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Khan, too reitague's secular moved the Obhe Constituent 49 he declared , the people are wer. This natuinger of the esracy. Despite he mover of the later religious neral Zia and his ut the Objectives er for the impo(as they would he word Sharia ere in that Resois based on some ies in the Reso: "Muslims shall heir lives, in the tive spheres, in ngs and requireout in the Holy a'. That did not r the creation of State.
on the Muslim secularism was,
15 JUNE 2001
however, soon to be reversed. Not so very long after the Objectives Resolution was passed, Liaquat began to change his tune for his political base was threatened by splits in the Muslim League in the Punjab, which was the power-base of Pakistan's ruling elite. That was due to factional conflict between Daulatana and Mamdot who left the Muslim League to form a rival Party. Liaquat was now in a panic. He decided to exploit Islamic rhetoric, to hold together his crumbling Party. He began to speak of "Islam in Danger'. He also began to equate loyalty to the Muslim League with loyalty to the state. Those who opposed him or his party were denounced as traitors.
There was, however, a second and a much more important reason why Liaquat decided to abandon his secular stance. Powerful regional movements had arisen in East Bengal, Sindh, Balochistan and the NWFP, whosepeople felt that they were not being given their due in a Punjabi dominated Pakistan. They demanded regional autonomy and fairer shares of resources. The Centre, which was seen as "Punjabi, was in fact dominated by a
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Page 25
15 JUNE 2001
cohesive bureaucracy, under Chaudhri Muhammad Ali as Secretary General to the Government. It was the centralised bureaucracy that ruled Pakistan whilst politicians, including Liaquat, went through the motions. Arguably, it was the challenge to the centre from regional movements which was the more important factor in precipitating Liaquat's ideological volte-face. Abandoning Mr. Jinnah's (and his own) firm stand against pandering to the mullahs, Liaquat sought to negate regional demands by issuing calls for unity' in the name of Pakistan and Islam. We were all Pakistanis and Muslims, it was now argued, and therefore we could not be Bengalis or Sindhis or Baloch.
The bureaucracy, rather than Liaquat, was in effective control, and it was not prepared to make any significant concessions to the mullahs. The mullahs could be given a visible public role, but without any real share in power. For that purpose a Board of Talimaat-i-Islamia, was set up. It provided a few jobs for some senior mullahs, the Ulama. But the Board was to be no more than a facade for the newfound religious rhetoric of politicians. It was not to have any real powers. Its function was purely advisory and that too only on matters that were referred to it. When the Board did make Some suggestions they were unceremoniously ignored. Nevertheless, the Ulama seemed to be content with the arrangement. They remained quiescent for nearly two decades. Recalcitrant Mullahs, such as Maulana Maududi, found themselves in jail. The mullahs were under control. That basically peaceful scene was disturbed only temporarily in 1953, when Islamic militants launched Anti-Ahmadi riots in the Punjab and Martial Law was proclaimed. Although religious zealots of the Majlisi-Ahrar and the Jamaat-i-Islami led the riots, they were in fact being used by cynical political forces, led by Punjab Chief Minister Mumtaz Daulatana. That was done in the context of US attempts to destabilise the Nazimuddin Government at the centre and to counter the Bengal group of MPs in the matter of the proposed Pakistan-US military Alliance which they opposed. That is a long and complicated story.
A decade and a half later, religious rhetoric was indulged in by the illegitimate regime of General Yahya Khan, but without conceding any formal role to the mullahs. General Sher Ali, rede
fined "Pakistan I Ideology'. The Y primary concern the increasingly p tionalism. Yahya Prof. G. W. Chouc him and his cote East Bengali nati to only a handful were in the pay of the vast majority sympathy with th false picture coul rocity and reckle, Yahya tried to su people in 1971. W barkedon that poli the slightest inkl Bengali feelings?
The mullahs w ever, until they we by the foolish p Zulfikar Ali Bhut decided to exploit Thereby Bhutto so own destruction, mullahs became t campaign against scene for Gen. Zia' under General Zia oted religiosity be The General soug port of the mullah gime, for he had no He also sought fin the Reagan regime these objectives, h secured through an he proclaimed aga ence in Afghanistar the task of organis groups in Afghani with Pakistani ager sians left Afghan CIA was withdraw the scene, leaving with the mess tha Foolish Pakistani especially under l her successor Naw stan even more he these once US spol ups'. The presentg little to turn away to extricate Pakista was inherited fr policy.
When he seized badly needed some for his regime. Bei rupt, he decided ti lity of Pakistani M Allah. He claimed

eology' as "Islamic ahya government's as to de-legitimise owerful Bengali nas Bengali adviser, hury, had persuaded e of Generals, that inalism was limited f intellectuals, who the Indians and that of Bengalis had no em. That tragically
account for the feS manner in which ppress the Bengali ould they have em2y if Yahya had even ng of the depth of
ere quiescent, howre stirred into action ppulist rhetoric of o who misguidedly religious ideology. wed the seeds of his for the re-activated he vanguard of the
him. That set the s coup d'etat. It was that narrow and big2came state policy. ht the political supis for his illegal reother political base. ancial support from ; in the US. Both of e thought, could be Islamic Jihad which nst the Soviet pres1. The CIA took over ing armed religious stan, in cooperation cies. When the Russtan, however, the nprecipitately from t to Pakistan to deal they had created. policies since then, Benazir Bhutto and az Sharif, got Pakivily involved with sored “terrorist groovernment has done from these policies from the mess that om Zia’s Afghan
power illegally, Zia source of legitimacy g politically bankexploit the creduuslims by invoking ) have experienced
TAMILTIMES 25
ilham (a divine revelation) in which, he declared, he was enjoined by the Almighty himself to Islamise Pakistan and to transform it into a fortress of Islam. New Islamic Laws' were promulgated that were crude and cruel distortions of Islamic teachings, such as his Hudud Ordinance which, for example, had the effect of punishing a rape victim (for fornication) while the perpetrator of the rape went scot-free because of impossible conditions of proof now needed to prove his guilt! Zia also bequeathed to his successors undemocratic Shariat Courts that are answerable to no one. They issue binding decisions on the state and on the people, in the name of the Sharia. That role, in the name of Islam, is rejected by the philosophy of Sir Syed Ahmad who pointed out that Islam did not decree the office of a Pope with powers to issue binding decrees in the name of the faith. Islam, he said, is a religion of the individual conscience. No person or institution has the right to issue binding fatawa, laying down what Islam is and what it is not. Indeed, no other Muslim country has the equivalent of our Shariat Courts. They were set up by Zia's illegitimate regime and should be dissolved.
The Shariat Courts are manned by persons who hold rigid religious views. Their most damaging decision so far is an order that requires the abolition of interest, "in all its forms', by 30th June, 2001. This threatens to bring Pakistan's already very shaky economy to a complete halt. No enemy of Pakistan could have devised a more potent weapon to destroy the country. In arriving at their decision the judges of the Shariat Bench of the Supreme Court set aside the advice of a very large number of scholars who came before it as witnesses, who resisted this interpretation of the Sharia. Instead, the Court appears to have been misled by bogus claims of "Islamic Banking'. They seem to be ignorant of how a modern economy functions and do not seem to have understood at all the obvious implications of their decision in a modern day capitalist economy such as that of Pakistan. They appear to be ignorant of the dif ference between interest in a modern capitalist economy (Sood) and usury (riba) in pre-capitalist economies to which Quranic strictures apply. What the Shariat Courts have produced is a time bomb which, if allowed to go off, threatens to blow up Pakistan's economy.

Page 26
26 TAMLTIMES
The present Government seems to be paralysed in the face of the die-hard religious lobby which seems to be triumphant about this. It has poor advisers. As soon as the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court announced its decision, the Minister of Finance, who is an ex-banker, declared, without pausing to think, that the Court's decision would be implemented in full. But, after months of deliberations by several high powered committees, the Government still has no idea whatever of what is to be done. It speaks with two voices. At a recent meeting, the Federal Minister for Religious Affairs declared that the Government has drafted all required laws and regulations, which are ready to be promulgated and that the Government is ready to implement the Shariat Court's decision in full, and without qualifications. But at the same meeting, the Governor of the State Bank of Pakistan (the country's central Bank) declared that they do not as yet know how the Shariat Court decision can be implemented. He said that the Government needs more time to work out viable solutions and that it has asked for an extension of
time.
The Government understand the grav They should know th low the economy to also appear to be to religious fundament the Shariat Court’s di the top nine religic country have declai launch a mass anti-R the lines of the move down Zulfikar Ali B ernment fails to abol date laid down by th the Supreme Court, June, 2001. They ha nously, that the tim decisive war betweer lar forces in the coul A major factor ir tion is a developmen Zia. That is the prol madaris, religious spread throughout F ceive generous for least from Middle E Saudi Arabia. The d little difficulty in rec liban), who are turi
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15 JUNE 2001
does not seem to ty of this issue. ut they cannot alollapse. But they ) intimidated by lists to overturn cree. Meanwhile, us parties in the 2d that they will ba movement, on ment that brought hutto, if the Govsh interest by the Shariat Bench of amely the end of ve declared, omie has come for a Islamic and secutry the present situat since the time of iferation of deeni chools that have 'akistan. They reign funding, not Eastern states like eeni madaris have ruiting pupils (taned into fanatics,
ready to die for what they are taught to believe are sacred causes. A factor that has greatly helped their recruitment is the creation of a huge number of unemployed families, people without a livelihood and without hope, as a consequence of farm mechanisation, especially in the Punjab. Every tractor displaces at least a dozen families of sharecroppers. Hundreds of thousands of them are now without a source of livelihood. In that context, the appearance of the well financed deenimadaris, who take over their children, give them free "tuition', accommodation and food, cannot appear to be anything other than a great blessing. The enthusiastic young taliban are taught to recite the Quran. They are also indoctrinated, their minds filled with distorted and intolerant ideas about what Islam is and what it prescribes. The taliban are thus turned into fanatics. Most of the "deeni madaris also give them military training for jihad initially ostensibly against the Soviets and now for the liberation of Kashmir. But already Pakistan itself is experiencing the inevitable heavy fallout from this. The armed groups, many
(continued on page 29)
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Page 27
15 UNE 2001
NEPAL
t is rather unlikely that - during the last 150 years of Nepal's history - one would find a parallel to as grave a crisis as has presently come about in the mountain kingdom. The mystery shrouding the palace shootout on the night of June 1-2 can only be unveiled when one among the wounded could possibly be in a condition to come out with a statement as regards what happened at the palace that fateful night and how it happened. As of reports currently available, Prince Dipendra - who has been named as the new King by the ruling council - is virtually on his death-bed in the hospital and the chances of his survival can virtually be ruled out. The shootout victim King Birendra's younger brother Dhirendra and brother-in-law Gorakh Samsher are also counting their last breath at the military hospital in the cantonment aCa.
In this scenario,the people of Nepal and those of the other parts of the world have been left with little choice but to go by the official version that Crown Prince Dipendra - unsuccessful at convincing his parents to marry him to the girl of his choice - fired out bullets indiscriminately from an automatic weapon in an inebriated condition. And that he later shot himself as well. Such a statement was initially made on behalf of top military sources' and was repeated by the country's Home Minister Ramchandra Paundel.
But, looking at the sensitivity of the situation, Paundel amended his statement subsequently by stating that the administration did not have information as regards the matter. Indeed, since the incident happened inside the palace, the truth in the matter has not been ascer
tained. Eight per ily, including K wife, have been nate incident wh been injured.
The latest rep persons have die pal are apparentl themselves to acc as regards the ma Of the version gated, this part is tension in the ro. Prince Dipendra wished to marry. ers for the line t disturbed with hi the girl of his ch wild shooting spr bers of his entire the reason that - a Birendra's body procession to the tions of the crow against Prime M Regent Prince Gy had even started s ister's car near t and the car's win got broken. The tated that the pol to "lathi charge'. Because of th ner in which the place, the people ued to grow. Th that the dead boc and his family m in state for people age, but nothing The usual practic a King or head of stitutional heads arrive to attend
 

ons of the royal famng Birendra and his cilled in this unfortule several others have
orts are that, in all, 14 i. The people of Ney unable to convince ept the official theory cabre palace incident. hat has been propatrue: That there was yal family as regards schoice of the girl he But there are few takhat Prince Dipendrasparents hostility to oice - indulged in a ee to gun down memfamily. And this was t the time when King was being taken in a cremation spot - secd had raised slogans (inister Koirala and anendra. The crowds oning the Prime Mine Swayambhu Gate low screens had also crowds Were so agice had had to resort
fast foreword mandevelopments took s suspicions continhad been expected es of King Birendra mbers would be kept o pay their last homf this sort was done.
- upon the death of tate - is that the Conof different nations he cremation cer
TAMILTIMES 27
emony. In this case, neither was any leader of the outside world invited, nor washe permitted to come. Indian President KR Narayanan and Home Minister LKAdvani, according to a statement made by the External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh, were scheduled to go to Kathmandu to attend King Birendra’s cremation for expressing their grief at the unfortunate incident.
But were asked by Nepal not to come. And this is also true that even the Kathmandu-based Ambassadors of different countries were forbidden from taking part in the cremation ceremony. These are the facts that provide strength to suspicions that there was possibly a grave conspiracy behind the killings and that it is a cooked-up version that is being dished out by the of ficial machinery. In general, the people of Nepal are unable to accept the view that Prince Dipendra would wipe out members of his own family in so random and thoughtless a manner on such a small provocation. Those who knew Prince Dipendra say that he was a highly cultured and charming personality who had a deep interest in literature. And that this was most unexpected of him that he would effect so gruesome and heartless a massacre. Anyhow, even as the ruling council's Chairman Kesarganj Raimajhi has crowned Dipendra as the new King, the man continues to count virtually his last breaths at the intensive care unit of the military hospital - with the curse of ignominy writ large on his forehead.
Nepalese people can - and do - recall still the massacre of parallel dimensions and cruelty that has once happened in the country's history, some 150 years ago. Known in popular jargonas the 'Kot massacre - severalministers, army commanders and relatives of the King had been done to death at that time. The occasion was the community lunch invitation handed out by the then Queen Rajya Lakshmi Devi at Kot (Prangan) of the Basantpur Durbar on 15 September 1846. It was here that Jang Bahadur Rana had indulged in a large-scale massacre. The Rana clan had then ascended to power in Nepal and the reign of this dynasty lasted upto 1950. The first massacre was an out

Page 28
28 TAMLTIMES
come of a political conspiracy. Could there be an element of a political conspi-racy to the present massacre as well? And if there is a political conspiracy to the present killings of royal family members, what could have been the motives? - -
Nepal's politics currently is experiencing a process of assimilation and change: The process of assimilation and change from a monarchy to a democratic system. Quite allright to say that the process of a multi-party democracy did get initiated in 1990. But everybody is aware about the pitiful state in which Nepal's democracy is today poised. For the last one week had Nepal remained virtually "closed and the anger of the people against Prime Minister Koirala's "corrupt regime' had continued to grow. All political parties besides the ruling combine had been continuing to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Koirala. And this was not all: The Government's ineptness at handling the six year-long people's war' by the Maoists had continued to get highlighted day after day. Prime Minister Koirala had continuously been pressurizing King Birendra for permission to deploy the armed forces for dealing with the Maoist activists.
But King Birendra was not agreeable to such suggestions. What he had maintained was that he had refrained from employing the army even on May 3, 1990 when thousands upon thousands of people had marched in a procession on Durbar marg - shouting slogans against the monarchy and posing themselves for an attack on the royal palace.
King Birendra was an able and sensitive ruler who firmly believed that the army was for fighting the external enemy alone - and that it was unfair and unprincipled to deploy the army against the countrymen. Inspite of this - and on account of his inability to withstand so many different sorts of pressures from so many quarters - King Birendra had given permission for the army to remain alert in some areas. Even so, care had been taken to ensure that there was nothing in the administration's conduct to show on the surface that this step had been taken to oppress the Mao
ist groups. Theref had been found out. the army could bes developed and rei developmental worl pered on account of rebels - under what \ plan. The activities initiated in the Kha 26. Under the first plan, it had been d army to the followi Rukum, Kalikot, Piy Salyan. These are t are considered as t Maoists.
What is clear fr is this: That those manding army actic ists were not in the l the attitude of King analysis, Birendra These sections had cret desire of havin would take stern ac
ture.
King Birendra's nations had possibl tated those powers sirous of establishi in South Asia. This That the first reactic massacre came fron ment of the United emphasized that \ pened in the royal be unbelievable, news item publish les Times quotes th ment as stating sources' pointed to ever was being si murders was true. tainly an unbeliev outcome of an un tussle between t Nepalese royal f said in the newsp American official kept secret. But th ment’s official sta the same newspa not clear as to w the massacre. But political conspira ther, the US offic prehensions abo

15 JUNE 200
e, a middle path was decided that it to those underote areas where were being hameactivities of the as called the ISDP of the army were gani area on May hase of the ISDP cided to send the g districts: Rolpa, uthan,Jajarkot and le very areas that Le bastions of the
m the above facts hat had been dein against the Maoast bit happy with
Birendra. In their was a weak King. possibly held a seg such a King who cion at such a junc
nationalistic incliy disturbed or irrialso that were deng their supremacy is no coincidence: on about the current 1 the foreign departStates and this was vhatever had happalace might well ut it was true. A d in the Los Ange: US foreign departhat “all available the fact that whatid about the royal That this was cerple and unfortunate elievable sort of a e members of the mily.This has been per on behalf of an hose name has been US Foreign Department, published in r, states that it is ) is responsible for nere seems to be no behind this. Furl has expressed ap
the possibility of
certain leverages or gains being made by the Maoists in Nepal in the days to come - as a result of the current scenario. About the same things have been said in another US newspaper: The Christian Science Monitor. This newspaper says that the vacuum created out of the inefficiency of the political parties in Nepal was a factor that was assisting the Maoists in gaining stable ground.
It is clear that the growing influence of the Maoists in Nepal has continued to be a factor that apparently has continued to disturb the United States. Given the scenario, it might have been rather difficult for the US to deal with a King such as Birendra. We ought not to forget the fact that - the onset of multi-party democracy in Nepal notwithstanding - there had come about no lack of respect for the Nepal King among the populace. Indeed, King Birendra's stature had got further enhanced because of the manner in which he had facilitated the transition from monarchy to a democratic rule. His image had continued to get augmented day by day as a nationalist and a democrat. Not a surprise if the United States had begun to see in him an image of the Cambodian ruler Prince Sinhanuk. The Maoists had begun to establish such a marked presence on Nepal's political spectrum; the US aims of establishing a hegemony in South Asia was somewhere getting lost. In such a scenario, what is needed is not a strong but a weak ruler - one who is flexible enough to fulfill the interests of the United States. When we look for the motives of the royal murders, we cannot remain oblivious of these sorts of dark shadows that emerge on the political horizons. Time alone will tell this: Whether installing a half-dead Prince Dipendra as the King and Prince Gyanendra as the Regent are events that have come about in the natural course?. Or whether there is a well thought out strategy behind this?
(JANSATTA, June 04, 2001
* Since writing this peace, the crown prince had been confirmed dead, and the King's brother has assumed the throne as King.

Page 29
15 JUNE 2001
(Continued from page 26)
of them with battle-hardened taliban, are in the vanguard of sectarian killings throughout Pakistan, which are on the increase; killings of members of rival sects, Sunnis against the Shi'a, Deobandi Sunnis against Barelvi Sunnis and so on. They have also begun to issue threats against the state itself and the society in Pakistan. Instead of a viable policy designed to disarm and liquidate such groups, successive regimes in Pakistan have pandered to them. The current military government, unlike the military regime of General Zia, has not indulged much in religious rhetoric, except for the occasional utterances of its Federal Minister for Religious Affairs. Indeed, the Government's liberal interior minister, General Moinuddin Haider, has given calls, from time to time, about doing something to bring the so-called deeni madaris under some sort of control, reforming their syllabi to introduce some useful, career related, educational input into their activities. For that he has become the bête noir of the religious parties, who have warned the government, firmly, against meddling in their
affairs.
The governm to be intimidated groups. In Decen one Maulana Mu der of the Tanzim to march on Islar of thousands' of the Governmen Sharia. The Go" was to placate h Punjab Home Sec tor General of F Akram. That v enough, for it the Ghazi, the Fede gious Affairs, as long drawn out t 'graciously agree storm the capital. by the media that "a lot of influence ing officers of th that must surely ing. Could it beth Government's ap face of serious til religious groups? do nothing policy thing. Left to its
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TAM TIMES 29
:nt, for its part, seems y the militant Islamic berlast, for example, nammad Akram, leaul Ikhwan, threatened abad with “hundreds is followers, to force
to promulgate the ernment's response m. It despatched the retary and the Inspecolice to parley with as apparently not In sent Dr. Mahmood al Minister for Relireinforcement. After lks, Maulana Akram d' to defer his plan to It has been suggested Maulana Akram has among middle-rankarmy'. If that is so, be extremely worryat which explains the parent paralysis in the mreats from fanatical
It must know that a y will not solve any2lf, the situation can
only get worse.
Theories of the state, democratic or otherwise, are premised on the state's monopoly of legitimate force. But here we have a situation where the state's monopoly of force is undermined by the numerous armed religious groups (who often work in concert) that have agendas of their own. The Government must realise that the more they try to accommodate religious zealots, the stronger and the more intransigent they become. What the situation demands is a firm and well thought out policy to disarm such groups and bring them under control. It is surprising that Pakistan's professional military does not yet seem to have realised the very serious threat that this situation poses to itself as well as to the State and society as a whole. In the meantime, until something is done, Pakistan will continue to stagger towards an uncertain future, with contradictory state policies. Professor Hamza Alavi is Pakistan’s leading sociologist and educationist. He read this paper at the South Asian Conference on Religious Fundamentalism held in Dhaka on June 1-2, 2001 The Friday Times 15 June 2001
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30 TAit TNES
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WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding. Komathy daughter of Mr. & MrS. NadeSan of f Even WOOd Close, Putney, London SW15 2DA and Wasan son of Mr. & Mrs. Sivagurunathan of 64 Clarence Avenue, New Malden, Surrey KT3 3EB on IOth June 2001 at Guildford Civic Hall, Guildford, Surrey GUI 2AA.
Niranjan son of Dr. & Mrs Kumaranayagan of 16 Blenheim Close, Sawbridgeworth, Herts CM21 OBE and Nirupa daughter of Dr. & Mrs. Canagaratnam, 36 Cranborne Avenue, Eastbourne, East SSS9X BN2O 7 i Or) í Off June 2001 at Oshwal Centre, Coopers Lane North, Northaw, HerfS EN6 4DG.
OBTUARIES
(22.12, 1903 - 16.5.2001) Mr. Sangarapillai Vaithianathan, Retired Mathematics Teacher, St. Henry's College, Ilavalai, Jaffna and Victoria College, Chulipuram, Jafna; beloved husband of the late Selvanayakipillai; brother of the late S. Navaratnam, loving
father of Dr. V. Satkunanayagam, father-in-law of Rasu and grandfather of Kuhan, peacefully passed away on 16th May 2001. The funeral took place at Leatherhead Crenatorium on 26th May 2001.
The family would like to thank all the relatives and friends who helped during the time of bereavement, attended the funeral, paid floral tributes, sent messages of Condolence and shared in their grief. - 10 Kendor Avenue, Epsom, Surrey KTI9 8RH. Tel: 0.1372 813265. Mr. Suppiah Annamuttu, former Accountant in Zambia, Papua New Guinea and Sri Lanka, beloved husband of Balasoundery, loving father of Parimala Vijeyekumar, Dr. Vignesh, Dr. Erajasekeran, late Ragunathan and Sritheran (Accountant, Australia); fatherin-law of late Vijeyekumar (Accountant, Canada), Devaki (Chartered Accountant, Aus
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

* 5 JUNË200
Tenth Death Anniversary
In Ever Loving Memory of Balasubramaniam Sivaganananthan
On the tenth anniversary of his passing away on 22nd June 1991. Remembered with love and affection by his step mother Mrs. Rajaletchumy Balasubramaniam (Australia), wife Kamala (Sri Lanka), brothers Dr. Sivaloganathan (UK), Thirunavukkarasu (Australia), Radhakrishnan (Chennai) and Sritharan (Australia); sisters Mrs. Gowri Pathmanathan, Mrs Bhagawathy Mohanadas (both of Sri Lanka), Mrs. Mangayarkkarasi Jetheenndran, Mrs. Jayanthi Kumaranayagam (both of Australia) - 22 Oakwood Drive, St. Albans, Herts. Tel: 01727853331.
Second Anniversary Remembrance
in ever loving and precious memory of Mrs. Rasathy Thirunavukkarasu daughter of the late Dr. and Mrs. Ambalavanar of Suthumalai, Sri Lanka on the second anniversary of her passing away on 4th July 1999. Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her beloved husband Thirunavukkarasu, daughters Vasuki and Dr. Vatsala; sons-in-law Pathmalingam and Suresh; grand children Thusan, Shivi and Suji; brothers Dr. Ponnampalam (Australia) and Sritharan and their families - 28 Foxmead Close, Enfield, Middx EN2 7UG, UK. Tel: 0208 3630922.
tralia), Jayagowrie (Systems Analyst, Australia), Caroline and Shalin passed away in Australia and was Crennated at Rookwood cemetery on 2nd June 2001,
The members of the family wish to thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted them in several ways
during the period of bereavement.
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15 JUNE 2001
in Loving Memory of our
Aiyah Amma Sayambunather Vyramuttu Wyramutu Ratinam
Rattinam Selvanayaki BOrr. 30.03. 1922
04.09. 1920
ReSt. 30.03.1997 09.05.2OOf
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by sons Pathmanathan, Ramanathan and Loganathan, daughters-inlaw Vasuki, Vijeyaladchumi and Thanaledohumi; grandchildren Vijayaluxmi Thevakumar, Senthooran, Bhavan, Kugan, Asha-Vidthya and Sathian, great grandaughters Krishni and Vishala. - 3 The Orchard, Wickford, Essex
SS12OHB, UK Tel:(01268) 766624.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
Juli 1 Eekathasi; Feast of St. Oliver. Jul 2 Pirathosam, Feast of
Our Lady of Madhu. Jul 3 Feast of St. Thomas. Jul 4 Full Moon, Feast of St. Elizabeth of Portugal. Jul 7 Wimbledon Shree Ghanapathy Temple Kodietham (Annual Festival Starts); South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Drop Il Tel: O2O 8542 3285. Jul 9 San k a da k a ra Saihurthi. Jul 11 Feast of St. Benedict. Juli 13 Feast of St. Henry Jul 14 SLTWG Drop ln. Tel: O2O 85.42 3285. Juli 15 SLT WG trip to Walshingham Church. Jul 16 Karthigai, Feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel. Jul 17 Eekathasi. Jul 18 Pirathosan. Jul 20 Aadi Amawasai Jul 21 Feast of St. Laurence of Brindisi.
Jul 23 Sathurthi, Aadi Puram, Feast of St. Bridget. Juli 25 Shashti Feast of St. James. Jul 28 SLTWG Trip to Isle of Wight. Tel: 0208524 3285. Jul 29 Shree Ghanapathy Temple Ther; Feast of St. Martha.
Jul 30 Eekathasi; Shree Ghanapathy Temple Theerththam.
Jul 31 Feast of St. Ignatius
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natyam by Prakash Yadagudde and his students. Jul 27 7.45pm Camatic Vocal by Padma Vibhushana Dr. M. Balamurai Krishna at Oueen Elizabeth Hall.
Yogarajah - A
Tribute
The death of Yogarajah has affected a large number of people. Bright, full of ambition and Verve, he leaves behind his devoted wife Shanti, son Sentheesan, scores of friends and thousands of readers of his column in the papers in Which he addressed Current issues of social Concern.
Yogarajah came to England in the late 70's and walked into South London Tamil School in 1987. Friends remember him as a dark, affectionate, laughing comic, whose gentle man
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 31
ners barely concealed his sense of humour. His style of communication, unassuming manner, infectious smile and his unceasing jokes marked him as Sorneone who Can fulfil himself in several genres. To his friends he was a comic legend, a beguiling raconteur, but that rare being, an egoist, who Was interested in Others histories, a good friend who never talked down. He was a parent and an officer of the school. He nurtured the young and inspired the youth to aspire for higher goals. He loved the children and they responded to him in kind. He gave them responsibility and left them to it. He laughed with them when celebrating their achievements and was there with thern Sharing in their sorrows. When someone had a tricky decision to make, he would help to steer towards the right one, without taking any credit for it. His association with the SChool was continuous and his participation in its activities was total and absolute. Whether he was a member of the governing elite of the school or not, he was always there to promote the Welfare of the school and its children. Hence he Crowned himself with the unofficial but popular title of Minister without Portfolio.
Yogarajah is an artist who can mix it up. He is the scriptwriter, actor director and producer stage designer of his dramatic productions. In his drama the story goes in several directions - into comedy, the bizarre, the screwball. Some people when they go to the theatre, like the director to take them to unexpected places to make them laugh and be thrilled in the same story. Yogarajah's dramatic productions provided this. He traded his gags in his unique style. There are two Yogarajahs, one the knowing and sarcastic clown with sharp wit and the other a serious artist who produces the dramatic effect. He was intentionally funny and an artiste With an attitude and relished every part of this artistic life.
Success and like-ability are said never to go hand in hand. But once in a lifetime you meet someone like Yogarajah, who is both loved and respected by everyone who worked with him.
Yogarajah was a professionall to his fingertips. He was Croydon Community's 'cultural compass'. His quiet authority, born of a lifetime of experience, most of it gained operating directly meant that he was constantly sought out for his advice. His generosity in sharing that knowledge, at least as much as his more visible achievements was the measure of an exceptional man. He was unsparing of his time and wisdom for public causes. He devoted eforIOUS amounts of energy for social and community activities and Causes. How much he had done to support various people in the family and the community is demonstrated in our uncontrollable grief in his demise. The effect of his being on those around him was incalculaby diffusive. His stamina was phenomenal at parties, where he laughed and sang and he would be the last one on his feet at night. Right up to the end, he maintained his faith that love of his people would weld into a community. Sometimes this faith was severely tried.
Yogarajah had a wide circle of friends and a passion for social life. He played with the young and joked with the old. He enjoyed with his friends and welcomed the strangers. In his death, the Tamils in Croydon have lost one of their most influential companions. Their loss is incalculable and cannot be disguised. After he was gone, Shanti found that her widow's home was 'sieged" by grateful friends, well-wishers and admirers wanting to take her in hand and share in her grief.
He was the candle that lighted Our liveS.
May he rest in peacel
W. Kuhanendran
Balendras Honoured
Mr. Kanagaratnam Balendra and Mrs. Anandarani Balendra were honoured for their 25 years of service to Tamil drama by The Tamil Association of Brent at their 22nd Annual New Year Celebrations held at Copland Community School, Wembley on 21st April 2001. The Chief Guest was the Mayor of the London Borough of Brent.
continued on page 32

Page 32
32 TAM TIMES
continued from page 31
Mr. T. Selvaratnam, the Chairman of the Association said that in the midst of Tamil cinema, notorious for its poor taste, Mr. Balendra was dedicated to the building of an audience for Tamil drama even before the days of his university education. He has been a successful producer and director of more than forty plays and staged thern nore han two hundred tines in dif. ferent Countries. While he was still a university student he produced and acted in his first serious Tamil drama 'Ernipadikal' and soon afterwards "Pitchaivendam'along with Miss Anandarani Rajaratnam (presently Mrs. A. Balendra). Anandarani's performance hit the headlines and she became a popular artiste among Tamil drama enthusiasts. She has acted in numerous radio dramas and documentaries of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Cor. poration. She was also a Bharatha Natyam dancer and had given over fifty perfornances in Colombo.
Both Balendra and Anandrani became a well known duo in the Tamil drama World in Sri Lanka. They staged the popular play Malai (Rain) which, in 1978 laid the foundation for the Tamil Performing Arts Society (TPAS). Another popular Tamil drama Kannadi Varpukal' which was the first Tamil drama televised by Sri Lankan National Television Rupa vahini was produced. The TPAS was inaugurated by the establishing of a serious Tamil Theatre Movement through the continuous staging of plays of quality
ln 1984 TPAS regrouped in UK, and the sixteen years of activity in London, since then included new productions, Annual Drama Festivals from 1991 in UK and Drama Festivals in Holland, Switzerland, Norway, France, Canada and Australia. Anandarani is also a popular dancer teacher and broadcaster in Sunrise Radio and Deepam TV.
Ariyalaioor Ampuyam recited a Vaalthyuppa in praise of Mr. and Mrs. Balendra and Mr. Balendra thanked the association for honouring them.
Sri-Lanka Psychiatrists'
Association (UK)
A group of Sri-Lankan Psychiatrists practising in UK have formed an Association. This is a preliminary announcement inviting all UK based Sri-Lankan Psychiatrists, regardless of seniority or grade to join this group as members.
An international Psychiatric Conference (organised by the Sri-Lankan Psychiatric Association in UK, together with the Academic Department of Psychological Medicine in Sri-Lanka headed by Professor Nalaka Mendis and the Psychiatrists of SriLanka) will take place in Colombo from 4 to 7 April 2002. We are proud to say that this is the first international Conference to be held in Sri Lanka.
The following members were elected in the recent meeting held in Heathrow, Lon
don, for the Associat President: Dr. Bob Mobile Tel 07973 5: 76374434 Εχt 122, well 6pnw-tr. Winnids.nh Vice President Dr. Fax 8 HOrne Tel: O2 asokaw @faxvia.net
Secretary: Dr. Jos Tel: 07811 338978 754077
Asst. Secretary: Dr. 8 Home Tel 019232 an 62btinternet.com
Treasurer: Dr. Day Mobile Tel 07899 5789Of
Asst. Treasurer; Home Tel 01522534 lnternational Liais tiaratchy, pearhetoglobalnetic Please contact an Committee members a trететаous opp Lankan Psychiatrists own identity but also spirit of goodwill, to mentioned airns.
Dr. Bobby Somast. Dr. Asoka Wijeyekoot Lanka Psychiatrists'
Eason Croi Musician
The very best of Ma. Young Musicians te MuSician of the Yea stone's Corn Excha 2001. The audience ied programme by Piano, Cello, Sax and vocalists, inclu poser of the year a breaking Grade 8 p. The mystical sou spell over the judge inous decision Kumarasingham, V improvisation on t stone and Mid-Ken Year 2001.
Eason, 17, this school is a Grade Indian drums, the 1
 
 
 
 

15 JUNE 2001
. / Somasunderam, 341, Work Tel: O24 ;-mail: Sarah.treaduk
soka Wijeyekoon, 3 5509037, E-mail:
ph A Pillal, Mobile MVork Tel 01344
Mike Easweran Fax 2078, Email; eswer
manda Rajapakse, 60967. Fax. Of 638
Jr.. D. V. Attapattu,
571 jn: Dr. Pearl HetE-mail:
D.uk f one of the above or enrolment. This is rtunity for all Srito not only have their to band together in a achieve the above
nderarm -- President - Vice President SriAssociation (UK) wned Young
of the Year
stone and Mid-Kent's pk part in the Young competition at Maidnge held on 4th May was treated to a Varsight finalists on the phone, Miruthangam ing the Young Comd the national recordnist. f of the Orient cast a who reached a unannd named Eason lo performed a solo miruthangam, Maidsoung Musician of the
ear's captain of his ianist, but the ancient uthangam is his main
instrument. Eason, a disciple of Guru Muthu Sivarajah had his Arangetram in 1996 and has completed his Teacher's Diploma practical in Miruthangam. It is amazing that he has introduced and excelled in another type of music.
Chief Judge Nicholas Cleobury said that the performance seemed to have a spirituall quality and was rhythmically and technically wonderful.
Annai-Illam, five years on History of Annai-Illam: It is a great pleasure to share with you a brief history of Annai llam' on her fifth birthday of the commencement of the association for counselling and psychological education project in Wanni. Sri Lankan Tamils living in various parts of the world will be familiar with accounts of the tragic plight of the thousands of internally displaced Tamil civilians living in Wanni region and of their suffering through no fault of their own. As you might be aware, these people are affected physically, psychologically, socially and economically. This sudden traumatic experience of being uprooted from their Own Confortable hones caused severe shock to many of our people. This resulted in a kind of collective depression among our people. It was in this situation, many NGOs and INGOs attempted to help these people to meet their basic needs.
However, the numbers of people who are affected emotionally seem to be on the increase. These emotional problems are wide ranging and many are related to suiCida ideation.
To help to alleviate their pain, a counselling project was introduced in Wanni on the 16th February 1996. The counselling programme was initiated by the Kilinochchi association for the rehabilitation of the disabled (KAROD), and was financially aided by Oxfam. Fifteen young men and women were selected as trainee councillors. They were given an intensive two-week training course in counselling skills. Fr. Reginald, a few others and myself conducted this training. Following the initial training, these young men and women started visiting the families of displaced people in and around Kilinochchi. During these visits, the volunteers identified people who needed urgent psychological help, they spent time listening to their traumatic stories and counselled regarding coping skills. This proinnect was gradually extended to other areas of Wanni.
Annai-Illam at present:
Now this counselling project has evolvedinto a well established independent organisation called the 'Annai-llam’an association for counselling and psychological Education. Annai-lam provides a home' for those affected, and for the needy. This home' also serves, like a mother, as a source of strength, and as a sign of hope and purpose in the hearts of those who have suffered so much through the war for
continued on page 33

Page 33
15 JUNE 2001
continued from page 32
no fault of theirs. We serve all those in need without any discrimination of race, religion or political affiliation,
Today, there are nineteen trained counsellors who involve themselves in various activities of Annai-Illam'. The primary objective of Annai-llam is to provide individual, and group counselling to those who are identified as needing such help. Our counselors provide their individual counselling at camps and settlements of displaced people, in hospitals, schools and pre-schools, mental health care institutions, children's homes and homes for the aged.
Our counselling activities help us to see the needs of different groups of people such as adults, youth and children. We have been conducting 'support groups' for young women who had lost the bread winners' of the family. A conducive atmosphere is created in these groups. These women meet other individuals who have gone through similar experiences. They are able to share pent-up feelings and thus find emotional support in the group. AnnaiIllam' is especially concerned with children affected by the ongoing, ravaging war. There are a large number of childen, who have become orphans as a direct result of the war. Counselors have organised children groups' for children such as these. The method of 'Ask and play' is used by our counsellors to help these children to express their feelings, (which they are unable to describe in words). We are also keen in looking for other possible therapeutic means to help these children who will bear the responsibility of shaping the future of our nation.
Whilst providing individual and group counselling services, Annai-Illam also (as previously mentioned), involves itself in group counselling services. Annai-Illam, also involves itself in conducting seminars to various groups of people to create a better psychological awareness annong our people in Wanni. A training programme was conducted for the pre-school teachers in Wanni, with members of Annai-Illam who give talks on child psychological development and facilitated group processes among the pre-school teachers. This progamme also helped these teachers to identify traumatised children in their schools and to find appropriate means of assisting them. Also A/L and O/L Students, have been trained on leadership skills to provide them with more confidence in order to assist them in living a more satisfied and resourceful life. In addition to the above, when the 'Centre for the Protection of Children' in Wanni Conducted live-in' training seminars for the case-givers of children homes in Wanni, Annai-lam was responsible for conducting these training seminars, with talks related to child development that was coupled with group sharing sessions. The participants who were undecided about the programme had uncertain questions answered and at the
end gave very stric
As we are Celeb five years of our Wanni, I thank a neyed along with t. ing the helpless.
Annai-lam and t
We have to take future. There is yel Out, more areas t people to be react Since the start of aware of a persiste in varying fields, ir tors, social worke, nel to meet the help the victims of in whatever way of
We need your ki, tinue Our Service all We plan to provic orphans who atten of them do not ha even their basic ne
We would need a which we could sta therapy in order to ically and mentally to earn a living of th nified life in their hic you would like to c please contact the Tamil Times or dire Annai-lam, 57. Akkarayan, Kilinoch
With all Our Couns governors of Anna extend a very spec and SCOT - UK bi funding our counse est thanks go to a board of governors tribution and for the
Sister C Annai-Illam, K
D.D.N. Sel
Lanka's Te Those who excel activity, whether it t matics, Music, De acquired their spe down to them by t genetic compositior famous voice from 1 in the local choir Lloyd-Webber who some scintillating tu cal ability from his fessor of Music. SC also knoWr as De illustrious grandfath rai, the first Princip lege, Who Was also Cricketer and tennis
Deva received Thomas College, M his four brothers, W tennis and Cricket. and he would Som

ng positive feedback.
ating the completion of 9rvice to our people in those Who have jourin this venture of help
e future:
pur Annai-Illarn'into the more work to be Carried be served, and more ed in this respect. Ever he project, I have been nt demand from leaders cluding educators, pass and medical personquirements needed to war, we need your help form you can.
ldhearted help to conld build on Our Success. e a meal to all those four services, as many ve any money to meet eds.
permanent building in t practical occupational rain our orphans, physdisabled victims of war heir own and lead a digneland in the future. If Ontribute fo Annaj-llam MIOT or SCOT through atly with Fr. Reginald, at 2 Emmas Nagar,
chi, Sri Lanka.
fellors and the board of i-Illam, I would like to ial thank you to MIOT, anches, for generously 'ling projects. My deepll the members of the
for their financial Conir support.
risrabell, Co-Director, ilinochchi, Sri Lanka.
Vadurai - Sri
nnis Legend n any form of human e Art, Science, Mathence or Sports, have cific qualities passed heir ancestors, in their Pavarotti inherited his is father who still sings at 85 years. Andrew has given the world les inherited his musiather, who was a Prodid D.D. N. Selvadurai a, from his father and 2r Mr. NeVinSSelvaduIl of Jaffna Hindu Colan outstanding athlete, player in his youth. is education at St. Lavinia, together with ich he representedat annis WaS his first loVe fines miss his Cricket
TAMILTIMES33
practice, because he preferred to be on the tennis courts with colleagues like the future tennis champion Rupert Ferdinands and his older brother Timothy with whom he won the Public Schools Doubles Championship. When summoned by Warden De Saram he said that he would like to play both games but preferred tennis. The Warden was taken aback by his forthrightness and said that he would like him to play both games. The college team did not like to play without his batting and bowling abilities and the late Percy Cooke and coach Shelton Gauder also wanted him to play.
Deva won his first Tennis Tournament when he was 14 years old at Carlton Club, Moratuwa where his father was the Medical Officer of Health. During his tennis days at St. Thomas's the school held sway in inter School tennis and his team mates were G.N. Perera, PS. Kumara, Raja Praesody and Rupert Ferdinands who all went on to play Davis Cup tennis for the country He represented the country in many tournaments in Sri Lanka and abroad. In 1958 partnering Rajah Praesody they won the South India doubles title and played in two Davis Cup ties against Japan and India. He also represented the country in the two Ganefo Games in Cambodia and Indonesia. The other members of the squads were Bernard Pointo, Ranjan Wattegedara and K. Arichnandran. In 1964 he was the first Asian who qualified as a professional coach. During that time he met the great Harry Hopman who later invited him to Work With Nick Bollettierie Who later coached Agassi and Jimmy Connors. Among the pupils that he has coached are, Arjun Fernando, Suresh Sivaraman and Shalini Karunaratne. From 1971-76, he worked with Harry Hopman in Port Washington, New York, as his senior professionall coach. In 1974 he opened the first School of tennis in Sri Lanka which was in existence til 1984 when he decided to migrate to Canada and coach during the spring and summer months. As a dual citizen he spends the autumn and winter months conducting coaching classes in Sri Lanka at the D.D. N. Selvadurai Tennis Academy,
Deva says that there is a difference between a coach and a trainer. The coach produces good players up to a certain level. But for a higher level of tennis one needs a trainer. It is the trainer Who fashions a champion. He says that in Sri Lanka there are no high level coaches and no trainers. As a result there is stagnation.
Some say they are waiting for the war to be over so that they could concentrate on Sports, although cricket and athletics are going from strength to strength. One hopes there would be more politicians interested in Tennis
There is no-one in Sri Lanka who has remained in the tennis scene for so long and continues to coach. At the age of 67 years he's truly a Tennis Legend and a source of pride to the Tamils of Sri Lanka.
A.J.N. Selvadurai.

Page 34
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