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15 DECEMBER 2001
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.”
-Voltaire
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XX N0, 11 15 NOVEMBER 2001
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD United Kingdom Phone: 020 - 8644 0972 Fax: 020 - 824. 4557 Email: prajan(agn.apc.org editor(a)tamiltimes.org adminGDtamiltimes.org
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O CONTENTS
Politics of Cohabitation 03
News Track O4 "Vacuum Bombs' to Lanka 05 Election Results O9 LTTE's Terms for Talks 13
UNA-TNA-LTTE - Peace Talks 16 Defeating Pessimism & Peace 17
Consensual Politics 18 Peace Hopes Rise 21 JVP Projects New Image 23 The Right to Franchise 25 Appreciation 26 Xenophobic Mind 27 Hare and Tortoise in Race 28 Classified Plus 29
Cover Page: 1 - The new cabinet; 2 - President congratulates Ranil Wickremesinghe after being sworn as Prime Minister; 3- Rev Dr Baddegam Samitha, the first Buddhist monk to enter Parliament; 4 - 'Flame-thrower' weapons sold to Sri Lanka; 5- R Sampanthan, leader of TULF/TNA
The parliamentary thousands of recorded as many as 52 person fews in many areas. W tices have also been re incidents and allegatic election was "free and The Outcome repr prehensive victory fort The Comprehensive na Oral districts Outside t tially more votes than
Neithersecuringp of economic mismanac lim Congress(SLMC) a tion of Some leading f forceduponitby the lo ConCentration On the S stoking up nationalist
On the Other han parties representing th Contesting as a COmm Alliance(TNA), a coalit not openly Call upon t TNA was demonstrabi which promised resum Sri Lanka's Constit and parliamentary cha State is vested and a F ing and immediately fo Constitutional Crisis b Wickremesinghe who tantly and perhaps wit by the Constitution. Sh did not stand in his Wa of the Constitutional Cri belonging to the party Parliament would app Consenting parties, bu certainly is not be apo One that has been COn
The formation of securing 15 seats in Country, is perceived LTTE as the sole repr lifted as a preconditio parliamentary wing of period the TNA in Par ment to fulfil TNA's ma The UNFanditSl stalled Norwegian pea manifesto also propOS east though the Comp. set up, whether the Seen,
While there are ol there can be no doub question that has plag deal with this issue an question of war and pe
 
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 3
iCS Of (HohabitatOn
election held in Sri Lanka On 5 December has been the most violent - incidents of violence in which several hundreds have been injured and skilled. Post-election violence Compelled the authorities to impose Curidespread incidents of vote-rigging and other forms of electoral malpracported by independent election monitoring organisations. Despite these ons, foreign election observers have concluded that by and large the fair", sented a Crushing defeat for the ruling Peoples Alliance(PA) and acomhe United National Front(UNF) headed by the United National Party(UNP). ature of the UNF's victory is demonstrated by the fact that in all 17 eleche Tamil dominated northern and eastern provinces, it secured substanthe PA. eace nor winning the war with its "war for peace" strategy, facing charges gement and Corruption, deserted by its former allies - the Sri Lanka Musand the Ceylon Workers Congress(CWC) - and debilitated by the defecigures from its Own ranks, the PA went into a premature election fray SS of its parliamentary majority with electoral defeat staring in its face. Its single issue of an alleged secret pact between the UNP and the LTTE Sentiments did not Cut much ice with the electors. d, the UNP was strengthened by its alliance with the CWC and other e Up-Country Tamils, SLMC and the group of defectors from the PA, all hon alliance under the banner of the UNF. Though the Tamil National ion of four Tamil parties, formed with the encouragement of the LTTE did he Tamils to vote for the UNP, the message given by the LTTE and the y clear enough for the overwhelming majority of them to vote for the UNF ption of peace negotiations with the LTTE. utional setup is described as "Gaullist" because of its hybrid presidential aracter with an elected President in whom the executive power of the arliament with elected Members who exercise legislative power. Precedflowing the election, many Commentators made Ominous predictions of a etween President Chandrika Kumaratunga who led the PA and Ranil headed the UNF into the election, but this has not transpired. Relucsaner Counseling, the President did not assert the powers wested in her e bowed to the popular mandate obtained by the new Prime Minister and y of appointing the Cabinet of his own choosing thus sparing the Country sis that had been predicted, Political cohabitation between the President in Opposition and the Prime Minister belonging to the party Controlling ear to have begun Working, it may not be a relationship Created between t One imposed upon them by the vagaries of the democratic process. It litical marriage made in heaven, but One hopes it does not turn Out to be Ceived in hel. the TNA in the run-up to the election and its impressive performance Parliament, primarily representing the Tamils of the north and east of by many as a significant development. Its manifesto that proclaimed the esentative of the Tamil people and demanded the ban imposed on it be in for peace talks has given the TNA the image of being the politicall the LTTE and its public political proxy. It is certain that in the Coming liament and the LTTE outside will bring pressure upon the new governanifesto Commitment. eader Ranil Wickremesinghe for their part promised to kick-start the now ce initiative thereby commencing negotiations with the LTTE. The UNF's led the setting-up of an interim Council to administer the war-torn northOsition of such a Council was not spelt Out. If and when such a Council is TTE will agree to join it before its preconditions are met remains to be
her major economic and political problems facing the new government, t the most important single problem that it has to address is the ethnic ued the country for decades. How the new government will approach and d to what extent the LTTE will respond and reciprocate will determine the eace in Sri Lanka.

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4 TAMILTIMES
O The New Cabinet
The Cabinet of the newly elected United National Party (UNP) lead United National Front government was sworn in before President Chandrika Kumaratunga late afternoon on 12 December. The leader of the UNP, Ranil Wickremasinghe who led the UNF to victory in the election had already been sworn in as Prime Minister on Sunday 9 December.
The Cabinet consists of 25 Ministers including the Prime Minister Another 28 Project Ministers were appointed who are not of cabinet rank but who would act independently with eight Deputy Ministers.
Before the Cabinet portfolios were allocated, it was reported that President Kumaratunga wanted to retain for herself the portfolios of Defence and Finance, but had reluctantly given way in the face of Ranil Wickremasinghe's persistence that he and his Front which had been given a popular mandate should be given a free hand to decide on the formation of the Cabinet.
Under the Constitution, the President will continue to remain the Executive President and will be entitled to chair Cabinet meetings. Whatever may be her constitutional position, in reality she will be compelled to play a diminished role.
The important portfolios of Finance and Defence went to two leading lawyers K. N. Choksy and Tilak Marapana respectively. Ranil Wickremesinghe in addition to being Prime Minister is the Minister of Policy Development and Implementation.
The Cabinet consists of the following: Ranil Wickremasinghe - Prime Minister and Minister of Policy Development and Implementation; K. N. Choksy - Finance, Tyronne Fernando - Foreign Affairs; Tilak Marapana — Defence; Karu Jayasuriya - Power & Energy; Gamini Atukorale - Transport, Highways & Aviation; Alick Aluvihare - Home Affairs, Provincial Councils and Local Government; M. H. Mohamed - Western Region Development; W.J. M. Lokubandara - Justice, Law Reform & National Integration and Buddha Sasana; Gamini Jayawickreme Perera - Irrigation and Water Management; P. Dayaratne - Health, Nutrition & Wel
fare; John Amarati ini Lokuge - Toul yake - Agricultul Samurdhi; G. L. P. velopment, Indus vestment Promotio Affairs; Rauf Hakı ment & Shipping, opment & Muslin Amara Piyaseeli R Affairs; Ananda K Regional Develop anayake - Enviro Resources; Arum Housing & Planta Mahinda Wijesek Ocean Resources; Plantation Industri - Central Region D Gunawardene — Ru M. A. Cader - Co
O New Prime
Calls for Ur Ranill Wickreml being sworn in as December called to the divisive pol plagued the coun hold talks with all ers in the next twic we can work toget where we agree. I only after that' thi after attending rel the Gangarama te The PM Sai( small step but a b to change the polit ntry." It may not practices immed make a start' he (
He called on the police to ma "Keep peace. An the law must be political party he said. “A few inci violence have bee demned such ac December 5" wa
 

15 DECEMBER 2001
racy. People died, lost their property and faced violence. But they came and voted for democracy. I pledge to uphold democracy and my government will work in accordance with the Constitution and laws of the country,” the
nga - Interior; Gamsm; S. B. Dissana2 & Livestock, and iris - Enterprise Derial Policy and Inl, and Constitutional 'em - Port Developand Eastern DevelReligious Affairs; atnayake - Women's ularatne - Southern ment; Rukman Sennment and Natural 1gam. Thondaman - tion Infrastructure; era - Fisheries & Lakshman Kiriella - es; Tissa Attanayake evelopment; Bandula ıral Economy; A. R. operatives.
Minister
ity lesinghe shortly after Prime Minister on 9 for unity and an end tical culture that had ry. " I am going to political party lead
days to discuss how
her, to find out areas will form the cabinet ; PM told a gathering igious ceremonies at mple in Hunupitiya.
that this may be a ginning of a journey calculture in the coue easy to change past ately. But we must eclared. he armed forces and ntain law and order. 1 person who breaks ealt with which ever pelonged to,” the PM ents of post election reported and he conon.” The victory on a victory for democ
Prime Minister said.
O Protest Over PA National List
A controversy has arisen within the People's Alliance over the manner in which the National List of MPs for the Alliance was prepared. Several leaders of political parties in the Alliance have expressed their serious concern over the omission of the leader of the Lanka Samasamaja Party.
Minister of Justice in the outgoing Cabinet, Batty Weerakoon hit out at those who were responsible for finalising the People's Alliance(PA) National List of MPs saying that they had not followed the proper procedure.
Perplexed and angered by his omission from the National List, Weerakoon, who is also the General Secretary of the LSSP which is a constituent party in the PA, said that he was astonished that such an arbitrary decision had been taken in leaving out the LSSP from the National List.
"There is always a procedure in doing things. The proper manner would have been for the People's Alliance Executive Committee to discuss the matter before the list was finalised. I have brought this to the notice of those concerned.”
Weerakoon said he was not complaining that the LSSP had been left out but it should not be forgotten that they also threw their weight behind the People's Alliance campaign at the December 5 parliamentary election.
“How come Ajantha de Soysa who has hardly spoken a word while in the Southern Provincial Council has been accommodated in National List while a constituent party of the alliance has been left out?” he queried.
The veteran SLFP politician Alavi Moulana who was also dropped from PA National List refused to accept the post of being the Governor of the Western Provincial Council as an alternative.
o TNA Victory in North-East
The electoral performance of the

Page 5
15 DECEMBER 2001
Tamil National Alliance(TNA), a four party coalition comprised of the TULF, ACTC, TELOand EPRLF(Premaachaindran Group), securing 15 parliamentary seats has been hailed as a reflection of the Tamil people's support for the LTTE and the cause of self-determination. The TNA contested the election under the TULF's banner with its "Rising Sun' symbol.
The TNA won in the Jaffna, Vanni and Batticaloa electoral districts. It came second in the Trincomalee district.
The TNA has named the veteran Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) leader, Mr. M. Sivasithamparam, as its National List MP. Mr. Sivasithamparam lives in Chennai and is reported to be unwell, but TULF officials said they hoped he would return and accept the nomination.
Of the elected TNA candidates, six belong to the TULF. They are: Joseph Parajasingham, V. Anandasangaree and Mavai Senathirajah, who were in the last Parliament as well, the Mayor of Jaffna, Mr. Raviraj, from the peninsula, Mr. R. Sampanthan from Trincomalee and Mr. Chandra Nehru from Ampara. Together with Mr. Sivasithamaparam’s nomination, the TULF has a total of seven seats in this Parliament.
The Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) has four members. They are M. K. Shivajilingam from Jaffna and Thangavadivel from Batticaloa and Selvam Adaikalnathan and Rajakukaneswaran from the Vanni district.
Three of the TNA winners are from the All-Ceylon Tamil Congress: Mr. Vinayagamoorthy and Gajendran Ponnambalam from Jaffna and Vallimalai from Batticaloa.
The Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF)-Suresh group, managed one seat from the Vanni, which has gone to Sivasakthi Shanmugham.
The TNA's arch rival, the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) leader, Mr. Douglas Devananda, has also been re-elected from Jaffna. The party has won only one other seat in Jaffna and none elsewhere in the north
east.
Dharmalingam Sithadthan, leader of the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) has also scraped through to Parliament fron Vanni with One Seat.
“The electionsh all reasonable doubt ple are solidly behin gers. The results are nt that the Tamils a and that they have termination. The Ta that the Liberation representatives,” Mı ngham TNA MP fo
Following the said that it had no ir tion of the new gov do nothing to derog of the Sinhalese in will not allow ourse lated in anyway, Bt no interest in the fo government,” said Sampanthan, MP f a senior leader of th Mr. Sampanthar of the Tamil Unite warned “If the poli doesn't take on the urgency and resolv make ourselves un areas. We will usep we will do that to th plete backing of ou “We expect th parties to negotiate eration Tigers of T basis of a Sinhala c party international n be no resolution to question without a Mr. Sampanthan sa “Both major pol come with a soluti tional question ins they are prepared f cerned. We shallma in and out parliam sue the goals that the Tamil National he added.
Sampanthan re pointed Prime Min mesinghe that "the first declare ceasefi LTTE enabling it to talks as the sole repr and such peace talks with the LTTE th third party mediatio manifesto.' O Ratnasiri Op The defeated Pé group meeting. ha,

TAMILTMES5
ave proved beyond that the Tamilpeod the Liberation Tialso an endorsemere a distinct nation he right to self-demils have endorsed Tigers are their sole '. Joseph Pararajasir Batticaloa said. election, the TNA terest in the forma'ernment. "We will ate from the verdict the south. But we lves to be manipuayond this we have rmation of the new Mr. Rajavarothiam r Trincomalee and e TNA. l, who is also leader d Liberation Front, tical establishment Tamil problem with 2 it, we are going to governable in our eaceful means. And e hilt with the comr people.” e Sinhala political only with the Libamil Eelam on the onsensus with third nediation. There can the Tamil national Sinhala consensus,' id. itical parties should bn to the Tamil natead of saying that rtalks with all conke every effort both ent to actively purwe have defined in Alliance manifesto,”
minded newly apister Ranil Wickregovernment should re, lift the ban on the participate in peace esentative of Tamils should be held only rough international n, according to TNA
position Leader :oples Alliance at its s unanimously de
cided to appoint former Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake as the Opposition Leader. Previously it was reported that Mr Anura Bandaranaike and Mr Mahinda Rajapakse were to contest for the post.
At the gorup meeting, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in her capacity as PA leader had said that Anura Bandaranaike and Mahinda Rajapakse were suitable for the post of Opposition Leader. However, she had proposed the name of former Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, saying he was the most suitable person to be the Opposition Leader at this moment. Thereafter, nobody had objected to Wickremanayke's appointment.
The Group also resolved to support the decision not to accept the invitation of the UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to the PA to be a partner in a Government of National Reconciliation. However some reports indicated that Some of the PA Members of Parliament were in support of joining such a government and critical of the decision to reject the UNP leader's invitation.
O Nine Women MPs
Nine women MPs have been elected to the 12th Parliament of Sri Lanka. Four of them are from the UNF while another four are from the PA. The JVP also has a woman representative."
Seven of the nine women MPs have gained re-election after being in the eleventh Parliament. Two new faces have also been elected for the 12th Parliament. Two of the nine women MPs are Muslims.
Out of a total of about 4000 candidates who contested the recent general election l l 5 were women candidates. The highest number of preferential votes have been won by Ms. Pavithra Devi Vanniarachchi of the (PA).
The newly appointed women MPs from the UNF are Chandrani Bandara (Anuradhapura), Amara Piyaseeli Ratnayake (Kurunegala), Larine Perera (Puttalam) and Chitra Manthilake (Kandy). The women MPs from the PA are Pavithra Devi Vanniarachchi (Ratnapura), Sumedha G. Jayasena (Moneragala), Soma Kumari Tennakoon (Kurunegala) and Mallika De Mel Lakshmi (Matara). Anjan Umma from JVP.
However, Centre for Monitoring Election Violence said the number of

Page 6
6 TAMLTMES
women MPs elected is insufficient to represent women in Sri Lanka who constitute 51 percent of the total population. Women representation in Parliament has not exceeded 5 percent yet.
O First Ever Buddhist Monk
Enters Parliament The first ever Buddhist monk, in the history of Sri Lanka's over fifty years of parliamentary democracy, has been elected to the twelfth parliament.
Entering the record books, Ven. Dr. Baddegama Samitha a Buddhist monk was elected as a Member of parliament from the Baddegama electorate in the Galle District when he obtained 42,120 preferential votes on the PA ticket causing a "poser” in the code of attire within the august House.
While democracy dictates that no one can be barred from entering parliament if the people have chosen to elect him or her, there are two other questions however that could be asked.
How will he dress himself? The rules of parliament demand that members be properly clad and a precedent was created when Srimani Athulathmudali had undergone an operation when she was a minister in the first PA Cabinet and could not wear a saree to the House.
She sought permission from Speaker K.B.Ratnayake to enter the House clad in a western styled dress which was normally regarded as "wanting.' The then Speaker allowed her request. In the case of the Buddhist religious orders many are the times that their members sit in the gallery and listen to proceedings respectfully covering their arms that are otherwise bare. Parliament's former Secretary General Sam Wijesinghe, an expert on these matters of protocol and dress said, "Parliamentary procedure dictates that all members stand to honour the Speaker or members who replace the Speaker when they enter or leave the well of the House.
This could be contrary to the rules of the Maha Sangha where monks do not rise from their seats in respect to anyone else. He had a solution to the problem: "Ven. Baddegama Samitha Thera will either enter the well of the House after the Speaker sits in his chair or leave the well before he does so thus avoiding having to stand like other members.'
O Elections Ba: and Fair, say In spite of allegal violence and elector Eurpoean Union ele the US State Depal that the elections he was “basically free : The United Stat condemned the viol Lankan elections, an petrators to be brou State Department sa sult of the polls was fair.’ The head of th servation Mission t Cushnahan in a sta demned the violen blocking by the arm of Tamils from votin the overall election
"Based on what reports we have, the have been basically parts of Sri Lanka,' s Reeker when asked Sri Lankan elections ment’s daily press t ber.
"We do understa I indicated, and som have undermined t election in some lo pears that the major ing the election resu Sri Lankan people.” “We want to col cidents of violence, ing of 10 Sri Lanka supporters in Kanc and we call for the p acts to be brought Reeker.
John Cushnaha mented the “murde violence experienc the country” and S some people were vote either becaus checkpoints or the or they were denie ing station becaust armed thugs.”
"Despite the p faced it would see flects the political y clearly wanted ch ernment of Sri Lan in accord with thi pressed wishes of

15 DECEMBER 2001
cally Free JS & EU ons of widespread malpractices, the tion monitors and ment have stated d on 5 December ld fair.' S on 7 December nce during the Sri called for the perght to justice. The d however, the re"basically free and : EU Electoral Ob» Sri Lanka, John ement also conce as well as the of large numbers , but also endorsed esult. we know now, the election appears to ree and fair in most aid spokesman Mr. to comment on the at the State Departoriefing 7 Decem
ind that violence, as e irregularities may he conduct of the calities... But it ap
parties are acceptlts as the will of the
demn the manyinespecially the killMuslim Congress y on election day, erpetrators of those o justice,” said Mr.
in a statement la's, intimidation and 'd in some parts of lid, "Unfortunately denied the right to e the army closed r votes were stolen access to the pollof the existence of
oblems that voters n that the result reill of the people who nge. The next gova must be appointed democratically exle voters. To ignore
this principle would be to undermine democracy itself.”
With regards to the disruption of the results in the Tamil north and East, the EU observed: "The decision of the army to close checkpoints at Vavuniya and Batticaloa prevented many thousands of people from exercising their right to vote. It would seem that there is no justification for this action and serious questions have to be raised about the political motivation behind it.”
The EU also said: "We intend to monitor the progress of investigations into the many incidents of violence that occurred.”
O Challenge Against Being
Shut Out of Ceremony Some media organisations have reacted strongly against being shut out from covering the swearing-in ceremony of Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister at President's House on Sunday 9 December.
In addition to the letter of demand sent by the Chairman TNL, a TV company owned by family members of the new Prime Minister, to K. Balapatabendi, the Secretary to President for not permitting some media personnel to attend the ceremony, three media institutions TNL, Ravaya, Sunday Leader concerned had decided to file a fundamental rights case in the Supreme Court.
The Chairman of the TNL Shan Wickremesinghe that this decision was taken by the three media organisations as their reporters and photographers were not given permission to proceed beyond the President's House gate which they alleged was made on the directives of the Secretary to the President and the head of the Presidential Security Division (PSD) Nihal Karunaratne. TNL through its lawyers has sent a letter of demand stating that the 'act is illegal, unlawful and with express malice and ultra vires the function of your office and therefore have been done in your personal capacity. Thereby you have caused loss and damages to our client's reputation and goodwill'.
It further states that "We are instructed to demand from you and hereby demand from you a sum of Rs. one hundred million as damage to our clients, loss of reputation and goodwill and the same should be paid within 30 days from receipt of the letter. Failure of

Page 7
15 DECEMBER 2001
which we are instructed to institute action to recover the same'.
O Astrologers Go
Underground Sri Lankan seers who predicted a victory for President Chandrika Kumaratunga's party were in hiding as the election results as the man they wrote off as a loser was sworn in as the country's new Prime Minister.
A panel of astrologers had gone on state-television just before the elections to announce a resounding return to power by the People's Alliance (PA).
But the figures predicted by the astrologers were astronomically wrong. The astrologer who led the panel, Priyantha Ratnayake, was unavailable for comment and his whereabouts became unknown after attackers smashed windows of his office as vote results were announced.
The astrologers were accused of rigging their forecasts to favour the political parties they supported. With opinion polling still in its infancy in Sri Lanka, seers reap cosmic sums, especially during election time when they are in great demand and their predictions are believed to influence undecided voters. However, and perhaps predictably, astrologers hardly agreed on the outcome of elections and this year their battles were out in the open amid allegations of bribe-taking and forecast fixing.
Astrologer Vijayasri Jayasinghe, quit his job with Ratnayake's Ira Handa (Sun and Moon) publication saying he could not play with planetary positions and make forecasts against his "science”.
"The publisher (Priyantha Ratnayake) is making predictions in favour of the government,”Jayasinghe said, claiming his predictions favoured the main opposition UNP. “My credibility is at stake,”Jayasinghe said before pro-government thugs hounded him underground. Ratnayake dismissed the dissenting editor as a "casual contributor” who had been bribed by the now ascendant UNP, but it was later revealed Ratnayake had accepted a job from the People's Alliance government to head a lucrative state corporation. O Body Count Sets Record
in bloodiest ballot Sri Lanka's recently concluded par
liamentary electio bloodiest, claimin, five-week campaig edented violence election chief sai Chief Election Cor nda Dissanayake some 2,233 comp related violence in and on voting day, The main opp tional Party (UNP) and was set to forn that the violence a duced its margin o “I have never si paign so violent," urging political pal ate action to end th in politics.
Sixty-five peo ing last year’s elec included 35 who bombattacks carri Tigers. All 46 dea nayake in this yea clashes among pol Dissanayake al government of P Kumaratunga had ti bring pressure on h a free and fair elle edented move, the charged that Dissal support the UNP, ir tions chief said we without any founc receiving support, obstacles,' Dissan vious reference to chief Lucky Kodit to cooperate with t Violent incide after the elections: days in some parts ing the authorities hours of curfew in feated Peoples Allia its supporters and being subjected vio ers of the victoriou
O Lohan RatW Flees Sri La Lohan Ratwa Deputy Defence N Ratwatte reportedl Emirates Airlines f departing from Cc SLT bound for Ma

TAM TIMES 7
n was the country's g 46 lives during a gn and with unprecon polling day, the d on 8 December. mmissioner Dayanasaid police received laints of campaignthe past five weeks 5 December. osition United Nawhich won the vote in a government said and vote rigging ref victory. een an election camDissanayake said, ties to take immedie culture of violence
ple were killed durtions, but that figure died in the suicide ed out by the Tamil ths cited by Dissaur’s vote were from itical rivals. So lamented that the resident Chandrika ried to intimidate and imas hetried to hold ction. In an unprecgovernment publicly nayake was trying to allegations the elec're “totally false and lation.” “Instead of I had to face several ayake said in an obhis battle with police wakku who refused he polls chief. nts continued even and in the following of the country forcs to impose several many areas. The deance complained that their property were lence by the supportIS UNP.
ate
nika tte, son of former vinister Anuruddha y left Sri Lanka on light number EK815 blombo at 0045 hrs le on 7 December.
Reports from Colombo said Lohan fled the Island after it was confirmed that a new government led by the United National Party had won the December 5th election and his father Anuruddha Ratwatte was to lose his ministerial position.
Lohan reportedly left with his wife and two children. Many charges of thuggery, voter intimidation, ballot rigging and murder have been levelled against Lohan Ratwatte by residents of the Kandy district. Rauf Hazeer, brother of Rauf Hakeem and Leader for the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress has alleged that Lohan Ratwatte's gang shot dead at point blank range ten supporters of the SLMC on December 5 evening at Udathalawila - Kandy, an hour after polling had concluded.
Angered by the murders, Muslim protesters in Wattegama, Kandy, demanded the arrest of the Lohan Ratwatte for the alleged killing of 10 Muslims. They came in procession and demanded police make the arrest for the murders. The victims were killed inside the van in which they traveling, giving protection to ballot boxes after the poll was closed.
O LITTE Resumes
Attacks in the East As those in Colombo were busy in connection with the swearing in of the new UNP-led government, LTTE fighters launched surprise attacks on two main security points in the Eastern region, killing at least 12 people and wounding more than 25 from both sides on l l December night.
The Defence Ministry said the first incident, an attempt by a group of about 30-40 LTTE cadres to overrun the Army detachment at Pahala Thoppur, south of Muttur in the Trincomalee district, was thwarted by security forces. In the confrontation three soldiers were killed and twelve more soldiers were wounded.
Initially, the rebels captured one of the nearby Army bunkers but laterit was cleared by security forces. Security Forces directed artillery and mortar fire towards the fleeing fighters while they were withdrawing towards the jungle area to the southeast of Pahala Thoppur. Initial Tiger transmissions confirmed six rebels killed and more than ten cadres injured in the incident.
(continued on next page)

Page 8
8 TAMLTMES
- UK Dealers Sel Vacuum Bombs to Sri
Jamie Wilson and Bob Crew
ritish arms dealers have used a loophole in British law secretly to sell fuel-air weapons for use against Tamil Tiger insurgents in Sri Lanka, the Guardian can reveal. Human rights groups have called for such weapons, which are also known as vacuum bombs, to be banned. The force of fuelair blasts can burst eyeballs out of their sockets and crush other internal organs. Brokering arms sales from Britain in this way without a UK export licence is not illegal but is due to become so under laws first promised by Labour in 1996. The export control bill has still not been passed and Britain continues to be one of the arms dealing centres of the world. The sale, which took place in June, was of 1,000 shoulder-launched rockets with fuel-air warheads, a unique Russian design built for use by Soviet forces against mojahedin fighters hiding in caves in Afghanistan. The fuelair weapons were also reported to have been fired by Russian soldiers in an assault on Grozny, Chechnya, in 1999. In the recent past the British government has refused export licences for weapons to the Sri Lankan government. According to the latest Amnesty International report both sides in the conflict have bombed and shelled indiscriminately and taken too little care to avoid civilian casualties. Menzies Campbell, the Liberal Democrat foreign affairs spokesman, said yesterday: "This emphasises the need for the early passing
(Continued from page 7)
In the Batticaloa district the Police Station at Valachchenai came under LTTE attack yesterday, destroying the telecommunication equipment installed at the police station.
Following this attack on vital equipment, all communication connections to and from Valachchenai areas were disrupted and disconnected, causing inconvenience to civilians, who are largely Muslims. Reports confirmed that three policemen were killed and six others badly injured following this attack. Three women police constables were among the casualties.
into law of the export would almost certair these sales from tak ture of these weapon they ought to be gov national convention which outlawed the bullets and banned la Lankan military hav two secret shipmer Schmel Bumblebee
The facts emer parties to the latest over sharing the pri tions of bribery and documents supplied government, the Brit itselfGladstone Indu and has a London conceals an app shopfront in Catfor occupied by Rober who owns a small pany, Premier Dist Europe) Ltd., and liv in Orpington, Kent. willing to comment, more than a front. British company - it Caribbean island of tive offshore tax ha the intergovernment Task Force. The trai back to two men. O garment company Marks & Spencer, dealer in north Lonc of old Soviet and m tary stock for sale.
Rapierbase Ltd. ship - is controlled t Ameer Temour, W house in Chase Sid London, with a Rol the forecourt. In t gained contracts to Soviet-era weapon lics of Belarus an working with the Alliant Technosyst arms for sale rangin assault rifles to T9 vertises consignm Kazakhstan and c;
 
 
 

5 DECEMBER 2001
controls bill which ly have prevented ng place. The nais so dreadful that erned by an intersuch as the kind use of soft-nosed ndimines.” The Sri e received at least ts of the RPO-A "ockets. ged only because shipment fell out ofits, amid allegasharp practice. In to the Sri Lankan ish arms firm calls strial Holdings Ltd. address. This title arently derelict d, south London, t Kweku Hanson, 2ommodities comribution (UK and es in a modest semi Hanson, who is not appears to be little Nor is Gladstone a is registered in the Grenada, a secreven blacklisted by al Financial Action of ownership goes he is a director of a which supplies the other an arms on with a selection dern Russian mili
- the arms dealery a British subject, to lives in a large 2, Southgate, north ls-Royce parked in he early 1990s he dismantle rusting y in the new repub| Ukraine, briefly big US arms firm -ms. He now offers g from Kalashnikov tanks. He also adnts of wheat from rtons of cigarettes
from Pakistan. Hispartner, whose connections clinched the deal with Sri Lanka, was a former army officer there, Lieutenant-Colonel Upali Gajanayake. He is a director of a company which assembles garments for Marks & Spencer. The consignment of fuel-air rocket launchers they obtained was old Ukrainian military stock, flown directly to Sri Lanka by cargo plane.
Documents seen by The Guardian show that the Sri Lankan army was originally promised up to date 1999 weapons from the manufacturers in Tula, Russia, and not the 1989-91 Ukrainian models they received. But the Sri Lankan government said this week the weapons had been 'refurbished.' Sri Lankan army officers demanded bribes to authorise the deal, according to Temour, who fell out with his colleague over money and was eventually thrown off the Gladstone board. Such bribery would be illegal under the anti-terrorism proposals announced but also not yet enacted by the British government. The Sri Lankan government said it was investigating these claims, which were denied by three army officers, including the army commander himself, Lieutenant-General Lionel Balagalle, who called them "wild allegations.' The Gladstone board in a statement issued through another director, a South African based in Capetown, Mahendrun Munsamy, also denied paying bribes "whether to officers in Sri Lanka or Ukrainian officials.'
The Sri Lanka government handed over $3.6m to Gladstone for the shipment of rockets, via the Bank of Ceylon in London, paid into a Liechtenstein account at Vervaltung bank, Liechtenstein, like Grenada, is a well known "black hole' for secretive funds. Temour's solicitor, Michael Lawson, said: "No British export licence would have been required.” However, the bill will outlaw such unlicensed sales. It was promised after the 1996 Scott report on arms sales to Iraq, and the 1994 scandal in which arms for Rwanda were brokered by London dealers, through an Isle of Man offshore company, Miltech. Sarath de Silva, deputy chairman of Tristar Apparel, the Marks & Spencer sub-contractors in Sri Lanka, said the company was engaged in legal action to remove Col. Gajanayake from his post on the Tristar board for bringing the firm into disrepute. The colonel denies any wrongdoing..
(November 23, 2001, The Guardian)

Page 9
15 DECEMBER 2001
GENERALE
Key to political party names : United National Party (UNP); People's Alliance (PA); Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP); Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF); Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC); Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP); Sihala Urumaya (SU); New Left Front(NLF); Democratic People's Liberation Front (DPLF-PLOTE); United Socialist party (USP); National Democratic Party (NDP); Democratic Left Front (DLF); United Lalith Front (ULF); Eksath Sinhala Maha Sabha (ESMS);
Total Registered Voters: Total Polled:
12,428,762
9 ,449,813 (76.03%)
Votes and seats obtain
Party
UNP PA JVP TULF
· SLMC
EPDP SU NLF DPLF-PLOT USP NDP DLF ULF ESMS MULF SMBP JSP PFF LP RJP DUNF SLPF SLMK SLNF SEP ELPP
Total Seata
Votes
4,086,026 3,330,815
815,353 348, 164 105,346 72.783 50,665 45,901 16,669 9,455 6,952 6,214 3,851 2,771 2,644 l,630 l,624 1,361 1, 152 1,089 978 854
802 719 243
56
Percenta
of Votes
45.62%
37.19% 9.10% 3.89% 1.8% 0.81% 0.57% 0.51% 0.19% 0.11% 0.08% 0.07% 0.04% 0.03% 0.03% 0.02% 0.02% 0.02% 0.01% 0.01% 0.01% 0.01% 0.01% 0.01% 0.00% 0.00%
Those Most Preferred Candidates who polled over 100,000 preferential votes
Ranill Wickremesinghe Anura Bandaranaike
Karu Jayasuriya
Keheliya Rambukwella Gamini Jayawickreme Perera Gamini Athukorala
Milinda Moragoda
Ravi Karunanayake Arumugam Thondaman
415,686 265,160 250,912 143,235 141,702 140,045 134,132 129,893 121,542
 
 

TAMILTIMES 9
CTION 2001 :
Muslim United Liberation Front (MULF); Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Bhoomiputra Pakshaya (SMBP); Jathika Sangwardhena Peramuna (JSP); People's Freedom Front (PFF); Liberal Party (LP); Ruhunu Janatha Party (RJP); Democratic United National Front (DUNF); Sri Lanka Progressive Front (SLPF); Sri Lanka Muslim Katchi (SLMK); Sri Lanka National Front (SLNF); Socialist Equality Party (SEP); Eksath Lanka Podhujana Pakshaya (ELPP); Independent Groups (Ind.Grp. 1-7)
Valid Votes: 8,955,869 (94.77%) Rejected Votes: 493,944 ( 5.22%)
ed bV political partieS
ge District National Total Seats List Seats 96 13 09 66 ll 77 13 3 16 14 15 4 l 5 2 --- 2
l
196 29 225
P. Chandrasekaran 121,421 Ratnasiri Wickremanayake 120,432 Dr. Jayalath Jayawardane 116,737 Johnston Fernando 114,845 Vajira Abeywardane 110,055 Mahinda Samarasinghe 108,583 Muttu Sivalingam 107,338 Mangala Samaraweera 105,992 A.H.M. FowZie 103,817 Dr. Rajitha Senaratne - 102.919 Anuruddha Ratwatte w 102,906
Susantha Punchinilame 101,033

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
How they performed in the Jaffna District
Five former parliamentarians have won their seats while four have failed to retain their seats from the Jaffna district.TULF candidates V. Anandasangaree and Mavai Senathirajah as well as All Ceylon Tamil Congress candidate A. Vinayagamoorthy, EPDP candidate Douglas Devananda and UNP candidate T. Maheswaran have been re-elected while S. Sivathasan, S. Thavarajah and K. V. Guhendran of EPDP as well as S. Sivamaharajah of TULF have failed to garner enough votes to be re-elected. G. G. Gajendrakumar, the son ofslain ACTC leader Kumar Ponnampalam, and N. Mathanarajah of EPDP have been newly elected. The preferential votes the elected candidates secured are as follows:- V. Anandasangaree (TULF) - 36,217; Mavai Senathirajah
ELECTION 20
Elected and National LiS
The following is the list of National List MPs nominated by the p 196 members elected at the general elections held on 5 December votes they received. It is reported that the JVP is likely to replace
members with new nominees.
National list MPs
UNP - 13 seats 1.K.N. Choksy 2.Thilak Marapone 3. G.L. Peiris 4. S.B. Dissanayake 5. A.R.M.A. Cadar 6. A.H.M. AZwer 7. Jayasundera Wijekoon 8. M.S.M. Salman 9. A.L.M. Hajrath 10. M.S. Tahwfeeque 1 l. R. Yogarajan 12. P.P. Radhakrishnan i3.M.M.M. Musthapa
PA - 11 seats 14. D.M. Jayaratne 15. Lakshman Kadirgamar 16. Ronnie de Mel 17. M.H. Segu Izzadeen 18. S. Sathasivam 19. Raja Collure 20. Dilan Perera 21.Vadivel Puthrasigamanee 22. Athula N Jayasinghe 23. Mahinda Amaraweera 24. Ajantha de Soyza
JVP - 3 seats 15. Anura Dissanayake 26. Ramalingam Chandrashekar 27. S.K. Subasinghe
SLMC-1 seat 28. A.A.M. Bawa
TULF - 1 Seat 29. M. Sivasithambar
Western Province Colombo District
UNP: (12)
30 Ranill Wickremesi 31 Milinda Moragoda 32 Ravi Karunanayak 33 Mohomed Mahar( 34 Karunasena Kodit 35 Gamini Lokuge ({ 36 Bandula Gunawar 37 M.H. Mohamed ( 38 Mano Ganeshan ( 39 Jayantha Ketagod 40 Tyronne Fernand 41 Lilantha Perera (4
PA: (7)
42 A.H.M. Fowzie ( 43 Arjuna Ranatung 44 Susil Premajayan 45 Dinesh Gunawarc 46 Jeevan Kumaratu 47 Lakshman Prema 48 Chandana Kathria
JVP:(2) 49 Sunil Handunnet 50 Wimal Weerawal
Kalutara District
UNP: (5) 5l Mahinda Samara

15 DECEMBER 2001
TULF) - 33,831; G. G. Gajendrakumar(ACTC) - 29,641; A. Vinayagamoorthy (ACTC) - 19,472; N. Raviraj(TULF) - 19,263; K. Sivajilingam (TELO) - 17,859; T. Maheswaran (UNP) - l 1,598; Douglas Devananda (EPDP)-9,744; N. Mathanarajah (EPDP)-7350. Non-elected candidates preference votes are as follows:- C. V. K. Sivagnanam (ACTC) - 15,513; Suresh Premachandran (EPRLF) - 13,302; S. Aravinthan (TULF) - 12,582; S. Sivamaharajah( former TULF MP) - 11,296; K. Chandrarasa (TULF) - 10,514; G. Thangavel (TULF) - 5,869. Sri Rangeswaran -3,283; Manipallavarajah - 2,786; K.V. Guhendran (former MP) -2,514; N. Thiruloganathan - 1,434, K. Balanadaraja Iyer - 1,286; S. Baskaran - 963; Ms Mahewari Velautham - 861; P. Seevaratnam - 601; S. Thavarajah (former MP) - 542 and S.
Sivathasan (former MP) - 380, all of EPDP candidates.
)1 tMPS
olitical parties and and the preference some of its elected
52 Dr. Rajitha Senaratne (102,919) 53 Imtiaz Bakeer Markar (89,147) 54 P.D. Abeyratne (52,414) 55 Lakshman Wijemanne (45,766)
PA: (4) 56 Ratnasiri Wickremenayke (120,432) 57 Kumara Welgama (81,597) 58 Tudor Dayaratne (55,181) 59 Rohitha Abeygunawardhane (46,571)
JVP: (1) al 60 Nandana Gunathileke (8,312)
Gampaha District
UNP: (9) 61 Karu Jayasuriya (250,912) nghe (415,686) 62 Jayalath Jayawardane (116,737) (134,132) 63Joseph Michael Perera (86,959) e (129,893) 64 John Amaratunga (82,326) of (85,988) 65 Olitha Premathiratne (81,302) uwakku (78,093) 66 Suranimala Rajapakse (70,667) 6,968) 67 Edward Gunasekera (60,861) dhane (66,516) 68 Sarachchandra Rajakaruna (60,776) 54,783) 69 Ravindra Randeniya (56,449) 54,942) a (54.274) PA: (7)
(46,129) 70 Anura Bandaranaike (265,160) 3,887) 71 Jeyaraj Fernandopule (95,561) 72 Pandu Bandaranayake (78,614) 73 Felix Perera (73,029) 03,817) 74 Sarana Gunawardhane (59,420) (97.409) 75 Reggie Ranatunge (52,031) ha (90,170) 76 Neil Rupasinghe (48,162) hane (87,615) ge (70,790) JvР: (2) handra (61,530) 77 Witha Herath rachchi (57,673) 78 Anjan Umma Central Province
thi Kandy District
Sa
inghe (108,583)
UNP:(7) 79 Keheliya Rambukwella (143,235) 80 Tissa Attanayake (99,381) 8l A.H.M. Haleem (75630) 82 Rauff Hakeem (71,094)

Page 11
15 DECEMBER 2001
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83 Lakshman Kiriella (70,241) 100 Sanjeewa Kavi
84 Chitra Manthilake (51,768)
85 Lucky Jayawardene (45,690) PA: (2)
101 Bandara Tennal
PA: (4) 102 Bandula S.B. Y
86 Anuruddha Ratwatte (102,906)
87 Dr. Sarath Amunugama (78, 110) Southern Province
88 Thilina Bandara Tennakoon (51,542) Matara Distriet 89 Mahindananda Aluthgamage
(50,618) UNP: (4)
103 Mahinda Wijes JVP: (1) 104 Lakshman Abe 90 Dimuthu Bandara Abeykoon (5,957) 105 Justin Galappat 106 Sagala Gajendra Nuwara Eliya District
PA: (3) UNP: (5) 107 Mangala Samar 91 Arumugam Thondaman (121,542) 108 Mahinda Abeyw 92 P. Chandrasekaran (121,421) 109 Mallika de Mel 93 Muttu Sivalingam (107,338) 94 Naveen Dissanyake (74,894) JVP: (1) 95 K.K. Piyadasa (54,206) 1 10 Jinadasa Kitule
PA: (2) Galle District 96 C.B. Ratnayake (49,673) 97D.M.S.K. Dassanayake (35,504) UNP: (5)
l l l Vajira Abeywa Matale District 1 12 Hemakumara N 113 Gayantha Karu UNP: (3) il 14 Ananda Abeyw 98 Alick Aluvihare (79,620) . . . 1 15 Jayantha Jayaw
99 Ranjith Aluvihare (72.953)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 11
LEISURE
EO O 25 KG EOIN AKAN AKAD I RR LI I NEOS
ONS-E 515+TAXES (RETURN) (APORE - MAIORIAS
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68 GT. PORTAND ST. OXFORD CIRCUS LONDON WIN 5A
atne (37,226) PA::(4)
1 16 Amarasiri Dodangoda (78,697) 117 Richard Pathirane (72,737)
koon (49,959) l 18 Piyasena Gamage (54,570)
alegama (35,450) 1 19 Ven. Baddegama Samitha (42,120)
JVP: (1) 120. Indika Weerakoon - (2,938)
Hambantota District
ekera (95,378)
ywardhane (81,612) UNP: (4)
hi (60,548) 121 Sajith Premadasa (92,536)
Ratnayaka (57,423) 122 Dilip Wedaarachchi (38,972)
123 Siri Andrahennadi (26,644)
124 Ananda Kullaratne (24,81 l)
aweera (105,992)
vardhane (64,756) PA: (2)
(60,531) 125 Mahinda Rajapakse (81,855)
126 Chamal Rajapakse (48,473)
goda (4,799) JVP: (1)
127 Nihal Galappathi (4,514)
North Western Province Puttalam: District
'dhane (110,055)
anayakkara 78,590) UNP:(4)
hathilleke (64,257) 128 Palitha Range Bandara (69,167)
ickrama (50,772) 129 Neomal Perera (59,805)
eera (49,667) 130 Mary Larine Perera (46,043)
131 Sugath Tissera (36,218)

Page 12
12 TAMILTIMES
PA: (3) 132 D.M. Dasanayake (47,100) 133 Milroy Fernando (35,128) 134 Dayasritha Tissera (32,457)
Kurunegala District
UNP: (8) 135 G. Jayawickrama Perera (141,702) 136 Johnston Fernando (114,845) 137 Indika Bandaranayake (69,513) 138 Rohitha Bogollagama (60,576) 139 D.M. Bandaranayake (52,802) 140 Upali Piyasoma (50,963) 141 A. Piyaseeli Ratnayake (50,963) 142 Anura Gopallawa (48,672)
PA: (6)
143S.B. Nawinna (78,718) 144 Salinda Dissanayake (69,963) 145 A. Priyadarshana Yapa (67,717) 146 Jayaratne Herath (47.471) 147 T.B. Ekanayake (43,994) 148 Somakumari Tennakoon (42,918)
JᏙᏢ: (1)
149 Bimal Ratnayake
North Centra Province: Anuradhapura District
UNP: (4)
150 P. Harrison (69,878) 151 Chandrani Bandara (54.969) 152 W.B. Ekanayake (51,373) 153 Dharmapriya Gamage (36,609)
PA: (3) 154 Duminda Dissanayake (76,088) 155 S.M. Chandrasena (38,090) 156 Tissa Karaliyadda (35,608)
JVP: (1) l57 K.D. Lalkantha (4,304)
Polonnaruwa District
UNP: (3) 158 Earl Gunasekera (57.957) 159 H.G.P. Nelson (41,822) 160 Sidney Jayaratne (28,109)
PA: (2) 161 Maithreepala Sirisena 52,442) 162 A. Sarath Kumara (40,384)
Uva Province: Badulla District:
UNP: (5) 163 W.J.M. Lokubandara (80,543) 164 Lakshman Seneviratne (46,792) 165 Ravindra Samaraweera (44,742) 166 Upali Samaraweera (43,228)
167 K. Velayudan (
PA: (3)
168 Nimal Siripala i l69 S.A.R. Maddun 170 D.D.W. Wickre
Moneragala Disti
UNP: (2) 171 R. Maddumaba 172 Ananda Kumar
PA: (3)
173 Jagath Pushpak 174 Wijith Wijemu 175 Sumedha Jayas
Sabaragamuwa Pr Kegalle District
UNP: (5)
l76 Rukman Senan 177 C. D. Premada 178 Kabeer Hashim 179 Jayathilake Pod 180 R.A.D. Sirisena
PA: (3)
181 Mahipala Herat 182 Athauda Senev 183 R. Siyambalap
JVP: (1) 184 Gamini Ratnay
Ratnapura Distri
UNP: (5)
185 Gamini Athuk 186 Susantha Punc 187 Mahinda Ratna 188 A.A. Wijetung 189 P. Abeynayake,
PA: (4)
190 Pavithra Wamr 191 Premalal Jayas 192 John Seneviral 193 Ashoka Jayaw
JVP: (1) 194 Achala Surang
Eastern Province Trincomalee Dist
UNP: (2) 195. MaharoofM 196. K.M. Thowf
TULF:(1) 197. R. Sampanth

15 OECEMBER 2001
),753)
e Silva (85,273) abandara (36,708) naratne (33,512)
ct
ndara (38,474) siri (37,567)
mara (32,754) i Zoysa (30,724) na (30,239)
»vince
yake (73,594) sa (57,249) (53.406) inilame (46,769)
(44,627)
h (70,934) iratne (56,290) itiya (40,290)
ake (3,631)
Ct
rale 140,054) minilame (101,033) thilake (58.265) 2 (43,081) (38,655)
iarachchi (84,173) ekera (79,742) he (64,685) urdhane (37,442)
a Jagoda (2,617)
ict
nommed (25,264) k (24,847)
n (40,110)
PA: (1) : ، : - . . . . : 198. M.K.S. Gunawardena (14,911)
Batticaloa District
TULF: (3) 199. T. Thangavadivel (24,475) 200. G. Krishnapillai (20,675) 201. J. Pararajasingham (20,279)
SLMC: (1) 202. M. Abdul Cader (17,497)
PA: (1) 203. MLAM. Hisbullah (19787)
Digamadulla District
SLMC:(3) 204 M.H.M. Athaullah (35,523) 205 Habeeb Mohomed (34,798) 206 A I Mohomed Ismail (23,718)
PA: (2) 207 Ferial Ashraff (28,802) 208 A.K. Thewarapperuma (26,361)
UNP: (1) 209 P. Dayaratne (42,301)
TULF:(1) 210 C. Ariyanayagam (26,282)
Northern Province Jaffna District
TULF:(6) 21 1 V. Anandasangaree (36,217) 212 S. M. Senathiraja (33,831) 213 G.G. Ponnambalam (29,614) 214 A. Vinayagamoorthy (19,472) 215 Nadarajah Raviraj (19,472) 216 M. K. Sivajilingam (17,859)
EPDP:(2) 217. Douglas Devananda (9,744) 218 N. Mathanarasa (7,350)
UNP: (1) 219. T.Maheswaran (11,598)
Wanni District
TULF:(3) - 220. S. Adikkalanadan (28,548) 221. Raja Kuganeswaran (15,936) 222. N. S. Anandan (14,023)
UNP: (2) 223. Noordeen Mashoor (12,673) 224. A R Bathiutheen (9,276)
PLOTE: (1) 225. T Siththarthan (4,468)

Page 13
15 ECEMBER 2001
LTTE Leader Spel
Terms for Peace
F or the LTTE, as the legitimate, authentic representatives of the Tamil people, to participate in any peace talks with the Government, lifting of the ban imposed on the organisation by Sri La-nka was a necessary pre-requisite. The Tamil people wanted to live in their traditional lands with peace and dignity, determining their own political and economic life. It is the basic political aspiration of the Tamil people. This is neither separatism nor terrorism. It does not constitute a threat to the Sinhala people. The Tamil people favour a political solution that would enable them to live in their own lands with the right to rule themselves. This is what the Tamils mean when they emphasise that a political solution should be based on the right to self-determination. Mr. Velupillai Pirapaharan, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) said in his annual "Heroes Day” speech delivered on 27 November.
The Tamil Tigers commemorate every year the week during which November 27 falls (incidentally the day after Pirapakaran's birthday which is the 26th of November). Beginning with his much anticipated speech in which the LTTE leader, while recalling their successes on the battlefront, spells out the organisation's political position and concerning issues related to war and peace, within North-East Sri Lanka and many countries in which the LTTE has a support base among expatriate Tamils, the week is marked by commemorative events dedicated to the LTTE's fighters who had laid down their lives for the cause of creating a motherland of Tamil Eelam.
The Tiger leader declared that the LTTE is sincerely committed to a negotiated political settlement. Yet he insisted that lifting of the ban on his organisation is a necessary pre-requisite for the LTTE to participate in the peace talks as the legitimate, authentic representatives of the Tamil people.
In a special appeal made to the majority Sinhala people faced with crucial parliamentary election on 5 December in Sri Lanka, Mr. Pirapaharan urged them to reject racist forces committed
to militarism and w tice to the Tamil pe peace, ethnic reco nomic prosperity to The LTTE leade alese, Tamils and ot the island could co harmony if a poli reached through pea warned that the Ta with no alternative and form an indep Sinhala nation con resolve the conflic means. "If racism co nate as the determin ka's politics, it woul objective conditions of an independent Pirapaharan said.
Expressing regr the decision made governments to incl list of international tions, Mr Pirapahar LTTE is a freedom for the emancipatio people. Branding th ist organisation will fect on the peace pro encourage Sri Lanka militarist approach, The Tiger leader als and comprehensiv concept of terrorism guish between arm gles based on the ri nation and blind ter hatred and fanaticis,
The following are Pirapaharan’s stater
"The Tamil natic has assumed the cha is essentially a poli hold a firm beliefth resolved by peacefu genuine will and de part of the Sinhalest a possibility for pe: Though fifty-three since the independer Sinhalese politicalle ied in the swamp of r is why they have not
 

TAMILTIMES 13
"ar and to offer jusople to bring about nciliation and eco
the island. }r Said that the Sinhher communities in -exist in peace and tical settlement is ceful means. But he mils would be left other than to secede endent state if the tinued to refuse to t through peaceful ntinues to predomiing force in Sri Land certainly create the s for the emergence Tamil state,' Mr
et and dismay over
by some Western ude the LTTE in the
terrorist organisaan asserted that the movement fighting in of his oppressed e LTTE as a terrorhave a negative efocess since it would to adopt a hard-line Vir Pirapaharan said. so called for a clear e definition of the in that would distined liberation strugght to self-determirorist acts based on
.
extracts from Mr
ent: onal question, which racter ofa civil war, tical issue. We still at this issue can be ll means. If there is etermination on the 2 leadership there is ace and settlement. years have passed ce of this island, the adership is still bur
acist ideology. That
: developed the wis
dom and understanding to deal with the Tamil question objectively and realistically. The belief that the Tamil ethnic conflict could be resolved by repressive military means still predominates the Sinhala political system. It is precisely for this reason that none of the major Sinhala political parties have any concrete projects or frameworks for the permanent resolution of the conflict. The international community is fully aware of this fact. These world governments, while insisting that the ethnic conflict should be resolved by peaceful means, have always supported Sri Lanka's political and military efforts to weaken the political struggle of the Tamils. This strange, ambiguous attitude of the world governments has also contributed to the prolongation of the conflict.
We are constantly knocking on the doors of peace but the Kumaratunga government has refused to open the doors. Following the meeting with the Norwegian peace envoys in Vanni in November last year, we declared a unilateral cease-fire for four months to help to facilitate the peace process. The Sri Lanka government responded by ridiculing and rejecting our peace initiative and launched provocative military assaults on our positions. Finally, the government undertook a major offensive operation within hours of the termination of our cease-fire. Our fierce counter-attack repulsed the army's operation and made the government realise the fact that the LTTE is strong and invincible. Though we are strong with considerable manpower and firepower we abstained from launching any major land based offensive operations this year to facilitate the peace process. We co-operated with Norway's peace efforts. It was under these circumstances that Kumaratunga’s government downgraded and marginalised the accredited Norwegian peace envoy, Mr Erik Solheim, accusing him of being biased towards the LTTE. We registered astrong protest against this action. Following this incident the Norwegian peace effort reached a stalemate. Chandrika Kumaratunga is responsible for this issue.
A parliamentary general election is taking place in Sri Lankan at this critical historical turning point. Since we advance our political struggle as an extra-parliamentary liberation organisation we do not attach any significance to parliamentary elections. Yet the LTTE has become the central theme in the current election campaign in Tamil Eelam and in the Sinhala south.

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
Having assumed itself as the most crucial and cardinal issue in Sri Lankan politics, the Tamil national conflict has effectively polarised the political forces towards two contradictory positions: between war and peace. The elections have become a competitive arena between the forces that seek peace and the extremist forces that are opposed to peace. The general public is given the responsibility of choosing as to whether there will be peace in the future or if the war will continue. The Sinhala people should realise that there can be no peace, ethnic harmony and economic prosperity in the island as long as the Tamil people are denied justice and their political aspirations are not fulfilled.
We are not enemies of the Sinhala people, nor is our struggle against them. It is because of the oppressive policy of the racist Sinhala politicians that contradictions arose between the Sinhala and Tamil nations, resulting in a war. We are fighting this war against a state and its armed forces determined to subjugate our people through the force of arms. We are well aware that this war has not only affected the Tamils but also affects the Sinhala people deeply. Thousands of innocent Sinhala youth have perished as a consequence of the repressive policies of the war mongering ruling elites. We are also aware that it is the Sinhala masses who are bearing the economic burden of the war. Therefore, we call upon the Sinhala people to identify and renounce the racist forces committed to militarism and war and to of fer justice to the Tamils in order to put an end to this bloody war and to bring about permanent peace.
The Tamil people want to maintain their national identity and to live in their own lands, in their historically given homeland with peace and dignity. They want to determine their own political and economic life; they want to be on their own. These are the basic political aspirations of the Tamil people. It is neither separatism nor terrorism. These demands do not constitute a threat to the Sinhala people. They do not in any way affect or undermine the political liberties or the social, economic and cultural life of the Sinhala people. The Tamil people favour a political solution that would enable them to live in their own lands with the right to rule themselves. This is what the Tamils mean when they emphasise that a political solution should be based on the right to self-determination.
Our organisation is prepared to negotiate with the Sri Lanka government on a political framework that would sat
isfy the basic politic Tamil people. But in political negotia partners, as the auth with the status of le tives of our people, our movement sho the collective aspi people.
We want the pe in cordial situation understanding. For been emphasising should take place in phere of peace and sence of war and ec We wish to reiteral
OW.
The use of viol struggles to attain Sp is defined as terror governments. This r erased the distinctic struggles for politic terrorist violence. terrorism has pose moral foundation waged by liberatior sic political rights self-determination. regrettable. As a c eration organisatio credited in the intel The world gov war against terror explore the root cal lence. It is only thi into the origins of p one can discern the authentic liberation acts of terror.
In our view, th sions in political vi is the violence of ondly, there is the pressed. In most belongs to the ruli authority and co forces. The oppre ruled, the minority ploited and the poo first category can b violence. The sec termed as the viole lence. Since state repressive violenc is unjust. The real oppressed is justs with the motive o' is within the cont that the violent mo gles of the oppres: Violent forms ple seeking politic as reactive violenc This truth can be

15 DECEMBER 200
all aspirations of the or us to participate ions freely as equal entic political force gitimate representathe ban imposed on uld be lifted. This is ation of the Tamil
ace talks to be held of mutual trust and a long time we have hat the peace talks a conducive atmosnormalcy in the abonomic embargoes. e the same position
2nce in all modes of ecific political goals sm by international arrow definition has ons between genuine al independence and This conception of i a challenge to the of armed struggles 1 movements for baand for the right to This development is onsequence our libn is also being disnational arena.
'ernments waging a should, first of all, uses of political vioough a deep insight olitical violence that differences between struggles and blind
ere are two dimenolence. Firstly, there the oppressor. Secviolence of the opcases the oppressor ng elites, yields state mmand the armed ssed are always the nationalities, the ex. The violence of the e designated as state »nd category can be nce against state vioriolence is a form of of the oppressor, it tive violence of the Ince it is undertaken obtaining justice. It xt of this distinction les of political struged find legitimacy,
of struggles by peoIl rights emerge only e against State terror. discerned if one can
objectivelyanalyse the historical origins of the world liberation organisations. The Tamil Eelam liberation struggle has similar historical origins. The state oppression against the Tamil people originated two decades before the birth of the Tamil Tigers. Fuelled by racist passion, the state repression gradually intensified over time and assumed genocidal proportions.
All forms of peaceful non-violent agitations undertaken by the Tamilpeople against Sinhala state oppression were brutally repressed by state terror. Since the non-violent political struggle became futile and meaningless and at the same time the state oppression intensified in the form of genocide the Tamil people were left with no alternative other than to confront the state violence with violence. In other words, the Tamil people were compelled to take arms to defend themselves against genodical destruction. It was under these objective historical conditions the Liberation Tigers tookbirth and advanced the armed struggle against state terror. With the history of a sustained campaign extending to a period of twenty years our armed resistance has evolved and developed as the political mode of struggle of the Tamil people.
We area national liberation organisation. We are fighting for the emancipation of our people against racist tyranny, against military occupation, against state terror. Our struggle has a concrete, legitimate political objective. Our struggle is based on the right to selfdetermination, a principal endorsed by the United Nations Charter. We are not terrorists. We are not mentally demented as to commit blind acts of violence impelled by racist and religious fanaticism. We are fighting and sacrificing our lives for the love of a noble cause i.e. human freedom. We are freedom fighters. The Sinhala state terrorists, who have failed in their efforts to crush our freedom movement for the last two decades, branded our liberation struggle as terrorism. Misguided by the false and malicious propaganda of the Sri Lanka state some of the world governments have included our liberation movement in their listofinternational terrorist organisations. This is regrettable and disappointing. These decisions have a negative impact. They have been made in haste, without deep insight into the historicity and legitimacy of our struggle for self-determination. It sends a wrong message to the Sinhala racist rulers. It will further harden their hard-line, intransigent attitude. It will encourage their policy of military repression. On

Page 15
15 DECEMBER 2001
the whole, the actions of some of the Western governments will seriously impede a political solution through peaceful means and further complicate the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
All the member countries of the United Nations have joined the alliance in the war against terrorism spearheaded by the Western powers. Some of the repressive states with a notorious history of racist oppression and gross human rights violations have joined this global alliance against terror. In this context we wish to confine our remarks only to the Sri Lanka state. This government, holding one of the highest records of human rights violations amounting to genocide, has now joined the international alliance against terrorism. This is a dangerous trend in the emerging new world order. This new trend is also posing a threat to the legitimate political struggles of the oppressed humanity subjected to state terror. We fully understand the anger, apprehensions, and compulsions of the Western powers engaged in a war against international terrorism. We welcome the counter-terrorist campaign of the international community to identify and punish the real terrorists. In this context it is crucial that the Western democratic nations should provide a clear and comprehensive definition of the concept of terrorism that would distinguish between
freedom struggles self-determination acts based on fan: tional community c nomenon of state t nally by some rep world should seek rorist states and pe
The Liberation am is a people's m extricably integrate a unified single for ely for the liberati In a devious stra marginalise our lil from our people a government of Cha proscribed us as a on. Following this government, partic nister Mr Kadirga tained propaganda rnational arena por the Tamil freedom cal phenomenon of equence the Unite most recently Cana liberation moveme roristorganisation fully aware that we ganisation and thi movement functic whelming support
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TAML TIMES 5
based on the right to ) and blind terrorist aticism. The interna'annot ignore the pheerror practiced interressive regimes. The to identify such ternalise them.
Tigers of Tamil Eellovement. We are in'd with the people into ce fighting collectivon of our homeland. tegy to alienate and peration organisation ind to destroy us the ìndrika Kumaratunga “terrorist” organisatidecision, Chandrika's ularly its Foreign Mimar, launched a suscampaign in the intetraying the LTTE and struggle as a diabolifterrorism. As a cons'd States, Britain and da, have included our nt in their lists ofters. These countries are * are nota terroristorat we are a freedom )ning with the overof our people, repre
senting their political aspirations. Furthermore, these countries have continued to insist that the LTTE and the Sri Lanka government should engage in peace talks to resolve the ethnic conflict. This stand clearly entails the fact that these countries do recognise the Liberation Tigers as the political representatives of the Tamil people. If so, why did the governments brand us as a terrorist organisation? We cannot understand the logic as to how such action could facilitate the peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict. We hold the position that unless the Sri Lanka government lifts the ban on our organisation and accepts us as the authentic, legitimate representatives of the Tamil people we will not participate in the peace negotiations. We are firmly committed to this position. We have also clearly stated our position to the Norwegian government. There is a possibility of peace in the island of Sri Lankan only when the LTTE is de-proscribed.
Under these circumstances, proscribing the LTTE by Western governments giving into diplomatic pressures from Sri Lanka will mot pave the way for the peaceful negotiated settlement of the conflict. Rather, it will further reinforce the collective demand of our people to lift the ban on the LTTE for the resumption of peace talks'.
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Page 16
16 AMIMES
UNA and TN. On Peace TalkS with
he newly elected Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe commenced his search for peace on 12 December, the day after his 25-member cabinet was sworn in. He informed the first meeting of the Parliamentary Group of the UNP that he would visit New Delhi on 22 December to meet the Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and other Indian officials.
Preparations for starting peace negotiations with the LTTE would be a central issue in discussions, the PM told the parliamentary group. He said he would also seek the assistance of the USA and European countries in order to end the ongoing war and bring about a durable peace.
The Parliamentary group resolved unanimously to do the needful to start the peace process soon. Foreign Minister Tyronne Fernando would accompany the Prime Minister. "India will play a constructive role in getting the peace talks started,” Fernando told reporters later.
The UNF parliamentary group also decided to "enlist the support of relevant local political parties and groups.” The Prime Minister commenced that process on 10 December when he met a delegation of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP) and later held talks with a Peoples Alliance delegation. The JVP group led by its parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa pledged its support for the resolution of the ethnic conflict but insisted that any solution should be within the framework of a united Sri Lanka and a unitary structure of the state. The PA group led by Opposition leader Ratnasiri Wickremanayake and accompanied by Lakshman Kadirgamar and Mangala Samaraweera pledged its support for the resolution of the ethnic conflict.
Wickremesinghe assured the PA delegation that it would be kept fully briefed about the negotiations. He gave a similar assurance to the Tamil National Alliance(TNA) leader R Sampanthan who urged Wickremesi-nghe of the need to commence the peace process. He said the people of the North have overwhelmingly endorsed the
TNA manifesto wl LTTE as the sole re Tamil people.
The UNIF in its pledged to restore negotiations with t pledged to set up tration for the nort Sampanthan 1 Tamil National All the resolution of question to be dela longer. It must be concerned that aju tion to the Tamil na not be denied any given the most urg sideration by the Si ership and Sinhala "We appeal t community to im Lankan Governme political parties in unity and territor Lanka can be presa basis of a just and the Tamil national sequences of the fa and durable soluti tional question mu stood by all conce said.
"The elections all reasonable doub ple are solidly be Tigers. The results ment that the Tam tion and that they h determination. Th dorsed that the L. their sole represer Pararajasingham caloa.
The National Lanka(NPC) said, people in the nor ingly mandated a between the LTTE aimed at ending th
LTTE too has the election had d majority of the pe Tamils, want pe peacople have clear want the new gov

15 DECEMBER 2001
A
LTTE
ich proclaimed the presentatives of the
election manifesto peace by starting he LTTE. The party un interim adminish and east. urther said: “The iance will not allow the Tamil national yed indefinitely any understood by all st and durable solutional question canlonger. It must be ent and serious connhala political leadpolitical parties”.
the international press upon the Sri nt and the Sinhala the opposition that ial integrity of Sri 2rved only upon the durable solution to question. The conilure to evolve ajust on to the Tamil nast be clearly underrned," Sampanthan
have proved beyond tthat the Tamil peohind the Liberation are also an endorseils are a distinct nalave the right to self1e Tamils have enberation Tigers are tatives, Mr. Joseph TNA MP for Batti
'eace Council of Sri “Through their vote th-east overwhelmnegotiation process and the government e war.'
indorsed the fact that emonstrated that the ople, Sinhalese and ace. "The Sinhala ly indicated that they 2rnment to solve the
Tamil question,” S P Thamilchelvan, leader of the political wing of the LTTE said, adding "The Tamil and Sinhala people have given the correct verdict at the recent election They have expressed their support to the request made to them by our leader.”
LTTE leader Velupillai Pirabakaran, in his November 27 Hero's Day speech said this election is a contest between the forces that sought peace and those who want the continuance of the war. He appealed to the Sinhala people to decide whether they want war or peace and said his organization is prepared for peace talks if the ban on them was removed.
"If the new government disregards this wish of the people, it will be thrown out,' Thamilchelvan warned.
Actively promoted and encouraged by the LTTE, four Tamil political parties-TULF, TELO. Tamil Congress and EPRLF(Premachandran faction) forged a united front called Tamil National Alliance to voice Tamil aspirations. They sought endorsement from the Tamil voters of their position that the government should commence negotiations with the LTTE being the sole representative of the Tamil people and ban imposed on it by Sri Lanka must be lifted.
LTTE leader Pirapakaran voiced this position in his Hero's Day Speech: We are freedom fighters. We took up arms to resist state terror, which was unleashed to suppress our legitimate opposition to discrimination. We are not mentally demented people who fight for the sake of fighting. We are not terrorists.
TNA has given political legitimacy to LTTE's war. TNA is telling the international community that LTTE is our sole representatives. To solve our problem speak to them. Tamil people have demonstrated by electing 15 TNA representatives that LTTE represents them. The TNA polled 3.89 percent of the total valid votes polled in Sri Lanka at the elections. It got 348,164 votes in the electoral districts of Jaffna, Vanni, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Ampara - the entire North-East- and Colombo. The TNA got 12,696 votes in the Colombo electoral district.
Only four other Tamil IMPs were elected in the North-East, two of the EPDP and one each from UNP and PLOT, T. Makeswaran and D. Sitharthan respectively both of whom had (continued on next page)

Page 17
15 DECEMBER 2001
Defeating Pessimi about Peace Prosp
Dr. Jehan Perera
he mandate of the people at the general election was for economic progress and peace which were the two foremost promises of the UNP in its election campaign. The election of a new government has also presented an opportunity to put the past behind and to face the future with a forthright conflict resolution perspective. The electorate's rejection of the ultra-nationalist propaganda of the PA, and the fear psychosis it was meant to create, is a major encouragement for peace forces in the country.
But optimism needs to be checked by realism. The big yellow banners that marked an election monitoring vehicle enabled it to travel through the curfew in Trincomalee district, though the banners were not really necessary for security. Trincomalee was one of the less troubled districts where free and fair elections were concerned. Unlike in Vavuniya and Batticaloa, voters from the LTTE-controlled areas were permitted into the government-controlled areas to cast their votes, which they did peaceably. However, people in the district live in continuous tension.
The fear they live in was evident when the yellow bannered vehicle stopped by a village. The group of small children who were playing by the roadside looked at it apprehensively and then retreated. Their reaction was not a typical one for Sri Lanka. The natural tendency for children elsewhere is to be curious about outsiders. The policeman who was being dropped off at his home
had asked for a ride Due to the post-elec were hardly any vel During the ride he plaining the voting ple in Hataraskotuw ter Habarana on ther The people had vot said, despite their b had a secret agreem The Strident bar ganda carried by th made its mark on th had still voted for thi haps in lesser numb otherwise have don much feared predatc lages of Trincomalee there of an organisa ple with no compu people of the area, es kidnapped for ranso money is not forthco area would wish the trol, as the PA pro Therefore, those who did so despite their C leged secret agreem Primarily, they v the PA government, solve their problems them with economi ing the war. Second ful that the UNP wo its secret agreement \ was because they h the other parties in P. permit the UNP to ac In short, the people
(Continued from page 16) accepted that the Government should talk to the LTTE about the solution to the Tamil problem. The EPDP too has joined the bandwagon by pledging full support to Government's effort to solve the ethnic problem by talking to the LTTE. Now, every elected Tamil representative, including those from the Central Hills want the Government to talk to the LTTE. That appears to be the Tamil consensus.
Sampanthan says: “We expect the Sinhala political parties to negotiate only with the Liberation Tigers of
Tamil Eelam on the consensus with third mediation. There ca to the Tamil nationa a Sinhala consensus
“Both major poli come with a solutio tional question inst they are prepared fo cerned. We shallma in and out parliame sue the goals that v the Tamil Nationa festo,” he added.
 
 
 
 

Ali TMIES 17
at the checkpoint. tion curfew, there hicles on the road. was helpful in expattern of the peoa, which comes af. oad to Trincomalee. 2d for the UNP, he elief that the UNP ent with the LTTE. rage of IPA propale state media had e people. But they e UNP, though perers than they might le. The LTTE is a or in the border vil. It has a reputation tion that kills peoinction. Wealthier pecially traders, are m and killed if the ming. No one in the LTTE to take conopaganda warned. ) voted for the UNP oncern over the alent with the LTTE. wanted to get rid of which had failed to , neither providing a benefits nor endly, they were hopeould not implement with the LTTE. This ad confidence that arliament would not it in such a manner. were not optimistic
basis of a Sinhala party international un be no resolution il question without
99
itical parties should in to the Tamil naead of saying that rtalks with all conke every effort both int to actively purwe have defined in il Alliance mani
O
about the prospects for peace with the LTTE.
They had voted for the UNP to obtain economic benefits. As for peace talks with the LTTE, they believed that the LTTE would make unreasonable
demands that could not be met.
Parallel Pessimism
Forty kilometers away in Trincomalee town the reasoning was different, but the sense of pessimism was the same. In 1994, the people had seen the PA come to power on a popular mandate similar to that of the UNP's present mandate. As on this occasion, the PA had faced a barrage of propaganda that they too had a secret agreement with the LTTE. Just like the present UNP government, the former PA government had withstood this propaganda and had prevailed at the elections. The Tamil people had voted for the PA in large numbers in 1994. Despite this, the government had gone back to war.
The people were not optimistic that the new UNP government would be any better in the long run. Due to the obstacles presented by the opposition and other forces, no government would do justice by the Tamils, they felt. In its election campaign the UNP promised to lift the economic embargo on LTTEcontrolled areas, to bring about a ceasefire and to recommence the peace process. It is important that the new government moves swiftly to implement its promises. This would serve to increase the confidence of the Tamil people in the new government.
The people can only become a pressure group on behalf of the peace process if they have confidence in it. On the other hand, if they are pessimistic about it, they will not be a pressure group on those who might have a vested interest in continuing with the war. Likewise it is also important that the LTTE make some goodwill gesture to the new government. During the period of the election campaign they desisted from any major military action. They could now pledge to desist from any action that targets civilians.
This would include the kidnapping and extortion of money from the civilian population. For a sustainable peace process, it is essential that the confidence building process should include the civilian population, and not be limited to the conflicting parties. In complex internal conflicts, such as Sri Lanka's, where the ethnic conflict involves many actors and not simply the government and LTTE, peace efforts are required at

Page 18
18 TAMLTMES
many levels. If peacemaking is to take place it has to take place with the consent of the people. For instance, political leaders cannot implement a peace agreement that is not supported by the general population or influential groups in civil society.
Sometimes they cannot even begin to negotiate a peace agreement unless there is popular support for it and a build-up of popular expectations concerning the need for them.
Key Compromises
The past experience of governent negotiations with the LTTE has been one of disengagement once discussions reach substantive issues. This is on account of the wide gap between LTTE demands and what the Sri Lankan government has on offer. The success of the peace talks would also depend on civic pressure that would keep the government and LTTE at the negotiating table, and induce them towards compromise.
Key to a new political culture and to the restoration of ethnic harmony in the country is a government firmly constituted on principles which would permit genuine power-sharing between the ethnic communities. It also calls for an accommodation between the two major political parties with the checks and balances ofishared power between the PA and UNP.
In a multi-ethnic and regionally diverse country in which there is a strong two-party system and a division of power between the presidency and parliament there cannot be a total 100 percent wielding of power by any one side over any part of the country. In this scenario before negotiations can commence with the LTTE, the President and Parliament will have to resolve their own differences. If President Chandrika Kumaratunga with her charisma and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe with his management skills can combine forces Sri Lanka can be on the road to recovery very soon.
But so far the indications are those of a confrontation between the President and the new Parliamentary majority. The President is speaking in partisan tones of "my party people' being victimised after the elections rather than as the President of all Sri Lankans. There are hardliners in the UNP who speak ofimpeaching the President unless she gives way to them. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe's letter to President Kumaratunga prior to election day could be the guiding star of the new government. In this letter the UNP leader pledged to lis
for C(
in 1977, I rememb skist activist wh against the UNP) a foreboding of a dal UNP won that electi on result that has had on the lives of all Sr ing at that time and o generations. In the UNP rule my worstf And halfway through (in the early eighties a friend that I instinct dbath was coming, a I remember, in r gether with my fello predicting to anyone that the very opposi had promised then prices of essentials w ers' and peasants' 1 luted, that the econoi be reversed, that rat shta” society we wou rmishta one.
Our predictions careful assessmento past practice, its poli
ten to the voice of UNP government { president, to put the tics and to end con and create an envir reconciliation. Imr sworn the new Prin to work within the hold the rule of la power with other li parties and to striv The PA led by Pres need to recognise w the changed circum
In particular, H unga needs to over tisanship and conf tions. With her com lution of power, w condition for the ré nic conflict, she cal new government in mism regarding WC solution to the ethn the credit and res shared.

15 ECEMBER200
A Platform DnSensual Politi CS
Lakshman Gunasekara
er (as a young TrotO campaigned hard feeling of immense k future when the on. It was an electihuge repercussions i Lankans those livf several subsequent following years of ars were confirmed. that 17-year regime ) I remember telling ively felt that a bloond didn't it? my campaigning tow activists in 1977, who listened to us, te to what the UNP would happen: that ould increase, Workrights would be dimic trajectory would her than a "dharmild become an adha
were based on our fnot just the UNP's cies and social class
the people telling a o work with a PA country before polifrontational politics onment for national mediately on being he Minister pledged constitution, to upw for all, to share ke-minded political e for reconciliation. sident Kumaratunga here they failed, and
stances they face. President Kumaratcome her fierce parrontational inclinamitment to the devohich is an essential esolution of the ethn be a partner of the defeating the pessiorking out a durable ic conflict in which ponsibility will be
orientation but also, the calibre of its leadership. It was also based on the balance of power among social classes in accordance with the political system of the time. All of that we predicted happened and worse. The scrapping of an import Substitution economy and the introduction of an export-based one saw the reversal of our external trade balance. The currency was deliberately devalued. Poverty flourished and malnutrition appeared. Thuggery became the norm and, finally, authoritarian rule became constitutionalised.
But things became far worse
I knew that the UNP would renege on its promise to summon an all-party conference within a year of coming to power in order to deal with the ethnic problem (there was no war as such at the time). But I never dreamt that not only would the UNP leadership prevaricate over the ethnic issue (and perhaps toy with it) but that they would actually actively fan the flames of communal hatred and help launch massive racial pogroms And so we are in the horrendous mess that we are in now.
Evaluating the Past
Today, there are whole generations of young Sri Lankan voters who never knew (in an understanding fashion) that era and who have, quite reasonably, voted out of power a PA government which they felt was arrogant, insensitive to many problems of the people, and was becoming authoritarian. Dare I make any predictions of what these young people might get with the arrival only partial in power of the UNP? I say "partial' because the political system is such that a parliamentary victory no longer means the assumption of complete governmental power.
When I assess the prospects today of the return to power of the UNP, I must again evaluate the past practice of the UNP, its policies, the calibre of its leadership and the social balance of power as it is configured by the current political System,
The UNP's past practice in its role as the parliamentary Opposition has been reminiscent of its duplicity of the 1970s

Page 19
15 DECEMBER 2001
and 1980s. They promise one thing and do the opposite. They even sign a written agreement on inter-party collaboration for peace (courtesy of Liam Fox) but fail to observe the spirit of the agreement. The UNP went as far as collaborating with the draft constitution, but reneged on parliamentary support at the last minute. In the early years in the Opposition, post-1994, the UNP seemed to join the rest of the country in rejecting the executive presidency. Today, its leadership is sending mixed signals on this isSC.
This duplicity would be quite alarming if not for the fact that the calibre of the leadership and its general configuration is quite different from that of the JRPremadasa era.
True, our new Prime Minister-elect, Ranil Wickremesinghe did hold office during that dark era. True, certain others who held even higher office and performed the darkest deeds in the shadows yethover in the background in Sirikotha. True, yet others some who now openly advocate 'dictatorship' have also entered
the party.
Learning Lessons from the Past
But it is just possible that Ranil himselfhas learnt some bitter lessons. And it is quite certain that there are today, in the upper rungs of the UNP, many younger generation leaders who have been openly critical of past practice and, who advocate fundamental changes in the political system created by the UNP that would prevent the recurrence of such practices. Furthermore, the UNP leadership is not as cohesive as it was after J. R. Jayawardene imposed his iron control over the party. Nor is it as monolithic in personality power as the People’s Alliance which, to some degree, suffers from the sheer omniscience of Chandrika Kumaratunga's intellect and the lack of anyone even approaching her calibre. In the UNP today, there are several groups with different ideas and there is the possibility that a delicate balance of power will ensure a more reasonable approach to things than the reckless autocracy of the past.
Since the people at leadership level are somewhat different there is hope that, now that the immediate thirst for power is sated, there will be less such reckless
CSS.
It remains to be seen whether Ranil Wickremesinghe can resist the pressures of those who are prepared to risk country and society in (1) seeking political revenge (2) indulging the old practice of pillage on a grand scale and (3) engaging in more political manipulations to
grab even more po the first and secon If the state of th ership makes one le than in 1977, the cu and current balar somewhat reassuri If the UNP in tage of absolute pa well as executive p does not. The very hored as well as th culture generated b ensured this.
Our version of resentation system UNP does not hav mentary majority () it enjoyed in 1977 Ranil and his coll on the support of that are sharply crit performance and a ate much deviation ises.
Furthermore, party founded pro' that is a happy rest tendencies the pa win in parliamenta means absolute go Even if the UN parliamentary majc it cannot be the sa ment as it was un type system in 197 must be shared wit of the PA which i position.
Of course, ifth cumbs to the press less elements in th a confrontation w the political crisis : LTTE, waiting in ably exploit to er macy as well as power.
Two to Tango
But it takes tv may not be entice further power-gr. governance is not out-going PA.
The PA must very political cult helped usher in S in the electoral ou easily tolerate the that UNP lavishly the PA, somewha its tenure. The PA tivity and not a r style politics is es
C6:SS.

TAMILTIMES 19
ver in order to further
objectives.
e UNP's current leadss fearful of prospects Irrent political system ce of power is also l3. 1977 had the advanrliamentary power as ower, today the UNP political system it aute changes in political y the PA's regime has
the proportional rephas ensured that the 'e an absolute parliaet alone the five sixths ), More significantly, eagues are dependent other, smaller parties ical of the UNP's past re not likely to toler| from electoral prom
the constitution this vides a State structure raint on any wayward ity might harbour. A ry elections no longer vernmental power.
P had obtained a large ority (which it has not), me powerful governder the Westminster7. Rather, government h the President who is s now humbly in Op
e UNP leadership sucures of the more reckeparty, there could be hich will only worsen worsening which, the the wings, will probhance its own legitiits politico-military
vo to tango. The UNP d into manoeuvres for abbing if the path of unduly impeded by the
learn its lesson. The ure it has (thankfully) nce 1994, has shown, toome, that it will not kind of depredations indulged in earlier and feebly, resorted to in i must learn that creahere fall back on oldential for political suc
In short, both major political formations face new tests in the post-election scenario.
But most important is the new and unprecedented opportunity opened up for a joint political effort for political reform and peace. And this is something which the majority of Sri Lankans now earnestly desire. A recent opinion survey carried out by INPACT shows clearly that more than sixty per cent of Sri Lankans want political parties, especially the major national formations to actively collaborate for peace and reform. A significant percentage of Sri Lankans even advocate a joining government. This may be exactly what we now have.
The Western-style competitive system of democracy this country has been saddled with by our colonial masters has never encouraged Government and Opposition to genuinely collaborate to resolve the fundamental social, economic and political problems this society faces after halfa millennium of colonial domination and triage. In fact the intensity of the post-colonial social tensions has been such that even genuine attempts at unequivocal collaboration - the best example being Vijaya and Chandrika Kumaratunga's spontaneous support for the UNP’s provincial council system could not be sustained. In the case of the Vijaya-Chandrika initiative in 1987, which actually transcended that dynamic of perennial hostility, it was the UNP government's bloody battle with the JVP that destroyed any hope of further collaboration. In any case it would not have been enough merely for Vijaya and Chandrika to break ranks with the rest of the Opposition. The bulk of the Opposition must perform correctly.
The post-1994 experience of interparty "collaboration' has also indicated this fatal flaw in liberal parliamentary democracy. Even though the PA government refrained (not entirely for altruistic reasons) from seriously investigating the atrocities and abuses of power of the past UNP regime, even if the PA Government's political harassment of the UNP in Opposition never compared with the bloody repression of the Opposition by the past UNP government, the UNP remained naturally reluctant to go the full distance in collaborating with the PA in the reform and peace initiative.
This is because, in the competitive political system, the party in power will always win far more credit from the success of such an initiative than the party in opposition. This is primarily because, by the very fact that it is in power, the ruling party in this case the PA would be (continued on page 21)

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Page 21
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(Continued from page 19)
seen as bearing the responsibility of executive implementation of the reforms and any peace agreement, as well as taking the greater political risk.
The failure of a Government-Opposition political collaboration to overcome the ethnic problem has plagued this country since freedom from colonial rule in 1948 - in effect since the Western-style system of 'democracy' was put in place.
Today, however, there is a twist to this tragic tale of governance. The current, extremely flawed, political system with which we are saddled, has enabled an unique combination of power. The previous binary opposition has now been contained in a singularity (if unstable).
Both major political formations, whose collaboration is crucial for reform and peace, are now in power together. For the first time in our history as a post-colonial State, the major political forces are not structurally differentiated in Government and Opposition. Rather, they are both in power and must structurally - under the current constitution play a joint role in governance.
If only all other sides to this equa
tion are reconcilable, then, we do have a golden opportunity for reform and peace in our time.
Unique Attributes
This historic conjunction of party political power has other unique and valuable attributes. We have an executive head of State who has the best record of commitment to ethnic equality and peace. It is the performance in government of her party, the PA, which won for Sri Lanka the international political credibility that has, at last, enabled the politicomilitary equation vis-...-vis the LTTE to reach some equilibrium in which both the Sri Lankan State as well as the dominant Eelamist separatist leadership are under equal pressure to deal for peace.
Alongside her, we have now in government the other major political party which, has also firmly established its credentials as an advocate of ethnic equality and shared sovereignty as the way to peace. If Chandrika's PA took the giant step forward towards maximum federal devolution, in Ranil's UNP we have a force that has publicly indicated a readiness to go further asymmetrical devolution or confederalism.
In support of both these major political formations, now combined in Government, we have smaller parties that represent substantially the ethnic minorities, including the Tamil movement for selfdetermination. Their political support in and out of parliament will nurture what
in 1994, the P by Mrs. Chan Kumaratunga was country on her assi negotiate with thi war and restore pe time a party had an election platfor ple had genuine g must be addressed tiating talks with t the mandate of the ful settlement oft this basis. In the
Sinhala people rej
ever collaboration 1 the PA Presidentar then, we have tren the widest possible the kind of consen evaded this countr But concrete p taken to provide t genuine inter-party ernment. The Pres to draw into the fol powers, an UNP Ca must take on subs sponsibility. On th leadership will hav ements within the go beyond the man tary election for f sive, State power.
If President K political colleague pushed the country tion towards fur change, Premier-el singhe and many o have done much scheme of shared communities an a majority of Sri Lan this unique conjun is an opportunity tain political credit pen.
Will things ha But I do not hav 1977. Perhaps I hope” as we Sri La
 

TAMILTIMES 2
Ce topes Rise
in as in 1994
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
eople's Alliance led drika Bandaranaike elected to govern the urance that she would e LTTE and end the ace. This was the first leclared publicly on m that the Tamilpeogrievances and these satisfactorily by inihe LTTE. It received 2 people for a peacehe ethnic conflict on same elections the 2cted the ultra nation
that develops between ld UNP Cabinet. Here nendous potential for political consensussus that has, for long,
olitical action must be he foundations for a collaboration in Govidency must be ready d of its vast executive binet of ministers who stantial executive ree other hand, the UNP reto restrain those elUNP that may seek to date of the parliamenrther, perhaps exclu
umaratunga and her 's have courageously forward in the direcldamental political lect Ranill Wickremef his close colleagues to make the grand
sovereignty among cceptable idea to the kans. And now, given ction of power, there for all to equally obin making things hap
open? I am uncertain. 2 the forebodings of am "hoping against Inkans love to say. O
alists, who stood for retaining the dominant position of the Sinhalese throughout the country. The voters did not accept the view that this was necessary for safeguarding the interests and future of the Sinhala-Buddhists.
The elation especially among those people afflicted severely by the war was clearly visible. They thought their miseries would end soon and better times were ahead. The euphoria among the people of all ethnic communities ended soon when the peace talks collapsed prematurely and the war resumed with greater intensity. Different reasons have been given by the warring parties and independent observers for the failure and the tragedy that struck again the country and the peace-loving people. But the fact is that costly mistakes have been made in 1995, which must not be repeated if the people are to realise this time their hopes for lasting peace.
The United National Front contested the December 5 elections with peace as one of its main objectives. The other being the improvement of economic performance, which had for various reasons been poor in the past few years. Negative growth is expected for the current year. Public opinion polls indicated that peace was uppermost in the minds of the vast majority of the people, though the high cost of living was also an irritant. They seemed to have recognised the link between the war that was consuming considerable resources at the expense of their wellbeing and law and order in the country. Violence and corruption were becoming endemic threatening to destroy the traditional values of the peaceful society.
The people this time have given the mandate to the UNP-led national front to end the conflict peacefully as stated in its election manifesto. The victory of the UNF is significant since the then ruling party and the JVP warned strongly of a UNP-LTTE nexus. UNP

Page 22
22 TAMILTIMES
was accused of supporting the demand for the secession of the north-east region. It was alleged to have entered into an agreement with the separatists. The fact that the people did not take this warning seriously is clear from the outcome of the elections. Had the elections been conducted under the first-past-thepost system, the endorsement for a fresh peace initiative would be more striking than seen from the 109 seats won by the UNF. It would have obtained more than two-thirds of the total seats, which was also the case in 1994 when the PA won with a slender majority of only one seat under the present system of proportional representation.
Other aspects that make the December 5 election results striking and crucial for peace making are: (1) Unlike in 1994, this election was marred by violence, misuse of state resources, intimidation and vote rigging; (2) The next Presidential election is not due for another four years; (3) Four Tamil parties contested the election jointly as Tamils National Alliance on a proLTTE platform and secured 15 seats; (4) The Sihala Urumaya and other Sinhala ultra nationalist parties failed to win any seats; (5) The PA government lost the election despite having a Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist Prime Minister who wanted a government without the support of the minor parties; and (5) The JVP won 16 seats, 6 more than it occupied in the last Parliament but this is unlikely for its opposing stand on the approach proposed by the two main parties for resolving the ethnic conflict.
It seems that mainly the Sinhala youth dissatisfied with the ways the two parties had governed and which failed to tackle earnestly the problems of unemployment, low incomes and poverty
among their commu ing opportunities : power and the rich voted for the JVP have won more sea tention drawn durir their campaign to t ted against the peo the time of their se insurgency.
The weekly jou (December 8, 2001) outcome of the De has stated that the may try harder to As for the Tigers, it tion has given the T clout in Colombo. all of them past vic policy of assassil joined forces to fo tional Alliance, w Tamil party backing in the north and ea the Tigers should I negotiations with th the first time, the thing akin to a polit in parliament." Iftl the dual role of a tween the governm as well as peace ma be able to help in c. climate for reconcil settlement of the co
Generally, not ket and the tourist comed the election eign governments W viding financial aic cerned about the ( been depriving Sr sources needed fo and development, tl ing for an early ne of the conflict.
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15 DECEMBER 2001
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The party would ts if not for the atg the final stage in he crimes commitple in the south at cond (1987-1990)
rnal ECONOMIST commenting on the cember 5 elections “new government alk to the Tigers.” says that "the elecigers a new sort of Four Tamil parties tims of the Tigers” nating moderates, rm the Tamil Nahich trounced the g Mrs Kumaratunga st. They agree that epresent Tamils in e government. For Tigers have someical wing with seats the TNA could play n intermediary bement and the LTTE kers, then they will reating a conducive liation and eventual onflict. only the stock marindustry have welresults but also forwhich have been proto Sri Lanka. Conostly war that has i Lanka of the rer sustained growth hey have been wishgotiated settlement
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Given the JVP's highly biased stand on the ethnic issue and ultra-left policies on the development of the economy and the distribution of the benefits, it cannot be expected to support the new government's moves to solve the ethnic and economic problems. Unlike the PA in 1994, the UNP has stated that it would not in a hurry try to introduce constitutional reforms aimed at a final settlement of the protracted conflict. Instead, “the UNP will initiate a dialogue with all political parties, the clergy and civil Society organisations to arrive at a broad-based political solution acceptable to all. The party will also get the LTTE involved in the process.” (Political party manifesto highlights - The Sunday Times of November 18, 2001). The UNP has stated categorically that not until a political solution accepted by the majority of all the communities, it will not introduce constitutional reforms for the final resolution of the conflict.
This can be viewed in more than one way. It can be interpreted as the party's sincere commitment to democracy where the views of all the parties are considered and decision made on the basis of the opinion of the majority. This implies that the accommodation of the views of the minority groups depends on the goodwill and tolerance. of the majority towards the former. A similar approach through an all party conference made by the UNP during J.R. Jayewardene's leadership failed to arrive at a "broad-based political solution'.
The very pertinent question here is what happens if a consensus cannot be reached within a reasonable period? Will any interim arrangement as proposed by the UNP be acceptable to the LTTE and indeed to other parties in the south? Can an acceptable arrangement be found within the existing constitutional provisions? The thirteenth amendment resulting from the 1987 Indo-Lanka Pact was rejected by the LTTE. This led to the war between the LTTE and the Indian army who came initially as a peace-keeping force. It is too early to attempt to find answers to these important questions.
Alternatively, it can be a means to avoid a final settlement through the reform of the unitary constitution (which the UNP had pledged to uphold) and

Page 23
15 DECEMBER 2001
hope that peace will return eventually with the granting of the immediate demands of the TNA endorsed also by the LTTE. These are: (1) The immediate lifting of the economic embargo in parts of the north-east under LTTE's control; (2) The withdrawal of the residential and travel restrictions; (3) The cessation of the war; (4) The commencement of the process of negotiations with the LTTE with international third party involvement; and (5) The de-proscription of the LTTE by the new government.
This will appease the LTTE, if the organisation has been hoping for some extra-constitutional political arrangement that permits the organisation to administer the affairs in the north-east region. A similar offer made by Presi
dent Chandrika Kumaratunga as re
ported in the TIME magazine of February 9, 1998 had not stopped the war. In exchange for stopping the fighting, she had offered the Tigers the right to run the northern province without having to face elections for up to ten years. But the LTTE leader did not respond to her offer.
Any meaningful interim arrangement without some prior understanding of the basics for a final settlement is not as simple as made to appear because of the legal issues involved, particularly if the new government wants to be seen as respecting the country's constitution. It will also have to convince the powerful Buddhist leaders that any such arrangement is not permanent but made only for the near short-term. The rationale for accepting the immediate demands of the TNA/ LTTE could be that the ensuing peace would with time become permanent without major changes to the constitution.
In fact, the UNP might be thinking along this line hoping that the demand for a separate autonomous state in the north-east would dissipate if the Tamil people are convinced that they could enjoy the same rights and privileges as the majority Sinhalese under the existing unitary system. However, the plausibility of this scenario hinges on one crucial factor. The LTTE must be willing to give up its cherished goal of Tamil Eelam in which case it might allow the government to win the hearts and minds of the Tamil people through various conciliatory moves. If the past
JV
2
ome political
JVP (Janatha \
has come of ag to think that it h among the people. meetings its deleg dent Chandrika K cember 9 and new Wickremesinghe
is any indication ( attitude of the LT likely. But the situ eral countries have as a "terrorist" or ent.
This way of ac pends on the deter government to rel trust between the ties a process that able efforts to fac The obstacles will on either side of th are keen to show th ings and stick to th In the past, ma their powers and s people. Religious countries afflicted had been in the fore about reconciliatio fortunately this is Lanka. There are m lie ahead for achiev Sri Lanka and th should not make th the belief that ther tic or devious way Importantly, the fi ness and the effort conflict are essenti must not be overlo the recent electio readiness of the pe ble moves to emd peace and it is up t sides of the ethnic opportunity to wo filling their comm

AMITMES 23
P: Projecting New Image
Colombo Correspondent
analysts that the say Vimukthi Peramuna) e while others seem as won acceptance Both groups cite the ation had with Presiumaratunga on DePrime Minister Ranil the following day,
pf the likely future TE, this seems unation now after sevbanned the LTTE ganisation is differ
chieving peace, demination of the new ouild the shattered different communiwill need considere many challenges. come from sections e ethnic divide who heir nationalist feeleir racial prejudice. ny leaders had used kills to mislead the s leaders in many by internal conflicts :front trying to bring n and peace but unnot the case in Sri any challenges that ring lasting peace in e new government he same mistakes in 2 are either simplis's to achieve peace. |ct that the willingof all parties to the al for making peace oked. The results of ns have shown the opleto accept sensithe war and restore ) the leaders on both divide to seize this rk together for fullon hope.
both at their request.
At both meetings the JVP leadership appeared to play a constructive, "people friendly' role, an effort at projecting a new image the new generation of JVP leaders assiduously undertake. Apparently in the interest of the country the JVP delegation beseeched President Kumaratunga and former Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake who was also present, constructive cohabitation with the new Prime Minister.
"Confrontation between the executive and legislative arms of the state would imperil the interests of the nation,” JVP's parliamentary leader Wimal Weerawansa who led the 3member delegation is reported to have told the President.
He also appealed to the President to summon Parliament early to enable the government to passa Vote on Account, a measure needed to ensure the smooth functioning of the new Government. The President responded positively by promptly summoning Parliament to meet on December 17, which she rescheduled for the next day when notified that it coincided with the Muslim Festival Ramadan. President Kumaratunga acknowledged JVP's "goodwill-building exercise” by announcing that the summoning of Parliament earlier than previous ly indicated was done at the JVP's request.
With Wickremesinghe the JVP leadership pleaded, again in the national interest, to co-operate with his arch rival President Kumaratunga. It also pledged to act constructively in parliament and help in the solution of the country's urgent problems: activating the peace process, reviving the economy and managing the mounting unemployment. Weerawansa assured support for a solution to the ethnic problem provided it is within the unitary structure of the state. He requested the Prime Minister to take steps to end post-elec

Page 24
24 TAMLTMES
tion violence. Wickremesinghe was pleased with the meeting and told so to the media.
The coming of age of the JVP, which won 16 seats, was aimed at erasing its violent past, the failed 1971 insurrection which disrupted life in Southern Sri Lanka and left thousands killed and the 1988-89 terror period which President Premadasa put down with state terror.
"We've almost succeeded in rubbing away that terror image,” said JVP leader Tilvin Silva. "People now look atus as a responsible set of youngsters. We want to build on that image.”
The terror image was temporarily rekindled with the marathon 3-hour speech of Somawansa Amarasinghe, the only surviving member of the old JVP leadership and who had been in self-imposed exile in France returned to the island just few days before the election in an attempt to bolster JVP's campaign. His speech, in which he justified the taking of arms by the JVP and his denial that JVP attacked the Dalada Maligawa spewed violent controversy and compelled the JVP to call aspecial press conference to reassert that the party had abandoned violence for ever. Rather than helping the JVP, Amarasinghe's arrival and his marathon speech and the resulting controversy brought to the surface the past violent image and made it to lose votes. His arrival had also helped the UNP to unleash a violent anti-JVP campaign.
The picture of responsibility got tagged to the JVP following the shortlived Memorandum of Understanding it signed with Peoples Alliance (PA) in October. It incorporated a strict time frame and got President Chandrika Government to implement some of the promises, the most important being the enactment of the 17th Amendment. which set up the five independent commissions including the Elections Commission.
“It’s unfortunate that Parliament was dissolved before the independent
commissions wer present task is to get Tilvin Silva said.
He was asked w sible to do that sinci remote control. "Y "Our 16 MPs matter ment needs two-thi will use that situatic Weerawansa has Minister that they w lution to the ethnic not violate national i the unitary status, veered away from stand it took earlier peace talks. It first S problem and oppos diation. Later it saic drop it Eelam dema down arms. Now t opted to work out united Sri Lanka i those issues any mc JVP which impr tary representation 1994 to 10 in 2000 cember 5 has begu term view of its "c tion'. It had attrac votes in the course 5 l 8,774 votes co year's elections. It time. It's strength climbed from one t years. In October la percent of the total This rode to 9. 10 nt percent rise.
The JWP has ac wdly exploiting the ses. Itsupswingis m of the PA. Both th appealed largely to during the election tempting to stoke ments among then JVP to attract a po Buddhist votes tha PA. In the Gampal of the Bandaranaik a considerable shif
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15 DECEMBER 2001
activated. Our hem to function,”
hether it was posthey have lost the s' was his reply. when the Governds majority. We n.' told the new Prime ould support a soproblem if it does ntegrity and retains JVP has slowly the chauvinistic his year regarding aid it is an internal d Norwegian methe LTTE should ld and agree to lay hat the LTTE had a solution within t does not talk of
f6. oved its parliamenfrom one seat in I and to 16 on Den to adopt a longlemocratic revoluted 296,579 more of a year. It polled untrywide in last got 815,353 this in Parliament has o 16 MPs in seven tyear it polled 5.99 valid votes polled. )w, a significant 60
hieved this by shrePA’s political criostly at the expense e JVP and the PA Sinhala Buddhists by persistently atp nationalist senti... This enabled the tion of the Sinhala shifted away from a district, the home es, where there was away from the PA,
the JVP colected a considerable portion.
In the Gampaha electorate the JVP which polled 9.7 percent last year it collected 14.2 percent this year. Similarly in Dompe and Mahara JVP made significant gains. Kalutara district is another good example. PA lost nearly 40,000 votes of which UNP gained 10,000, the balance going to the JVP.
The JVP has also widened its vote base. Last year it won seats in eight of the country's 22 electoral districts. This year it had added three more - Anuradhapura, Ratnapura and Kandy.
"It is the PA votes that are coming to us. But you can't say this trend will continue,'says Weerawansa.
If it wants to further widen its vote base, the JVP has to widen the territorial reach. It must go to the Central Hills. It must extend itself to the north and east where it collected a few hundreds of votes this time. To achieve that Tilvin Silva who called his party's growth last year a marvel says the party must build up it a national image. It started that work this year by nominating a Tamil, Ramalingam Chandrasekar as one of its three national list MPs. Last year it nominated a Muslim lady, Anjan Umma, who won for the JVP this year a seat in Gampaha.
The lesson the JVP learnt from December 5 election, its strategists point out, is the rejection of communal parties by the Sinhala people. The JVP needs a fresh image, the image of a party that could wean away the minority communities from Tamil and Muslim extremists. JVP wants to build itself that image.
Sihala Urumaya, which projects itself as the protector of the Sinhala people lost its sole representation it had in the last parliament. Its leader Tilak Karunarate says the JVP had robbed its VOteS.
JVP had also relegated the old left and the new left to the background. The old left- the Lanka Sama Samaja Party
(continued on next page)
LONLY)))) .SRI LANKA
676 360
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Page 25
15 DECEMBER 2001
The Right to Franc Eschewing the Cult of Pe
Kishali Pinto Jayawardene
here are those of us - even in the highest places and occupying the
highest offices in this land - who scoff at the right to franchise. For these personalities, an almost total lack of any ethical sense of what is right and wrong is masked by a thin veneer of what has been referred to as "charismatic appeal', a highly deceptive cult of personality which, unfortunately for this country, numbers not only politicians in its ranks.
The right to franchise and its accompanying guarantees of accountability on the part of our leaders and public officials are therefore to be contemptuously shoved aside and replaced with buffoonery or savagery, as that particular occasion demands.
This has been the tragedy of Sri Lanka in recent times. That accountability, in its manifest forms could have been co-opted by such individuals with nary a whimper by those who should have- and could have - protested. That we failed to see the dangers inherent in this cult of personality and indeed, focus on the many times where the cult has split and shown expedient arrogance beneath. That we failed to look beyond the personal to the system and ultimately to the country and recognise the quick destruction of even the remnants of what once made us proud to call ourselves Sri Lankans.
It is in this sense that Wednesday's
(Continued from page 24) and the Communist Party-failed to win any seat. They banked on getting into Parliament through the backdoor, the National List. The PA had nominated one communist party nominee, Raja Colllure, and left out the LSSP. Batty Weerakoon its leader has now threatening to sue the PA for breach of trust. The old left had grown really old. It has no young members. The New Left too is also getting old. With Vasudeva Nanayakkara' defeat for the second time, there appears to be no one left.
elections is truly s the absence of a c this country, the 2 tions demonstrated translate their prote unprecedented viol tion. In the mann Wednesday's po things, not only to who failed us so pl those who believe franchise of the pe. existed only in the a over, grave lessons thought that the pe had to be led in or government.
For what happe came from the hea people, not so muc It came despite sig the part of public o for the conducting should have acted W This is where the between the electic the many that hav people saw fit to ta their own hands an ens above that, th would work out be mental failures of til a salutary warning to those displaced government but als to the same.
The following Lanka’s 12th Parli being and we hope, ine law making. Its period of the one y - and that too, barel ratherobvious pred an "almost hung' country on the roa treme of happening Representation (PE of the party system tion governments. dynamics.
Writing immed

TAM TIMES 25
hise: 'sonality
ignificant. Despite ulture of protest in 001 General Elechow a people can st to the vote amidst lence and intimidaer of their doing, lls teaches many our erstwhile rulers ofoundly but to all d that the right to pple in this country lir. It teaches, moreto those of us who ople in this country der to overthrow a
ned on Wednesday rts of the common h our intellectuals. nificant failings on fficials responsible of elections, who fith greater courage. real distinction lies ons this month and 2 gone before. The ke their future into d pray to the heavis time at least, it tter than the monuhe past. In so doing, was posed not only
from the seats of o those Succeeding
months will see Sri ament coming into with it, some genupredecessor, for the ear that it remained y- in office, saw the ictions coming true, Parliament and the d to that most exunder Proportional R), a fragmentation and shifting coali
This had its own
ately after the form
ing of the parliamentary assembly last year, this column observed that the 11th Parliament will subject the Peoples Alliance Government and its President to a crucially demanding test of statesmanship which would determine the electoral future of the Peoples Alliance in this country. In observing thus, this column was not talking of Draft Constitutions being brought in haste before confused parliamentarians or a subverted judiciary or of politically opportunistic Bills like the Bill for electoral reform that was attempted to be brought
in before the life of the 10th Parliament
expired.
Opposition withinand without Parliament stymied both pieces of legislation. Instead, what the Peoples Alliance and its leader Chandrika Kumaratunga was called upon to do was establish a new political culture, which, it had become clear, by that time, was imperative before any sustained initiative could have been taken on the North East conflict. Part of this culture was the establishing, on a clear political consensus and as a matter of priority, a strong Constitutional Council controlling appointments to high posts, an Elections Commission with extensive powers and its parallel Public Service Commission and Judicial Service Commission. Laws promoting an independent and responsible media culture were also called for.
Above all, the people needed to see positive moves by the legislature to lift this country out of its deeply frightening environment of election violence and a complete eradication of the “Wayamba” precedent. An essential part of this process was to ensure that the government strip immunity from all those responsible for blatant election malpractices in Kandy.
As the year progressed however, the 11th Parliament turned out to be the most farcical in the legislative history of this country. While the uncomfortable legislative presence of radical minority parties like the JVP resulted in a far less complacent law making, what we had was not a new political culture but political dialogues gradually deteriorating to unprecedented levels of brutality. A disastrously arrogant style of governance by the Kumaratunga administrationsoon propelled the dissolving ofan unruly House scarcely before

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26 TAMILTIMES
its time was up. Events consequently proved that the mouse that was brought out by the JVP called the 17th Amendment, despite the heavy labour preceding its passing, was woefully deficient in all that it professed to achieve, even if it had operated at its peak. We had therefore a December election that far surpassed last year's election in its brutality but a peoples vote that astoundingly gave cause to hope again. For Sri Lanka's 12th Parliament, the composition of which shows the system of Proportional Representation working at its most benign, the priorities that should have been addressed by its predecessor, still remain urgent concerns. They need to be brought about however by a thoughtful legislative process and not by confrontational political reasoning. Additionally, we need to see a complete overhauling of the current electoral system and electoral laws. More than ever, Wednesday's polls saw the emphasis on preferences together with the absence of an obligation to submit statements of expenditure (found in the earlier election laws) all adding up to making financial extravaganza the determinant for capturing the vote.
In the face of these flamboyantly extravagant election campaigns carried out by most candidates, this week's elections demonstrated a clear need to enforce a ceiling on election expenditure. Current election laws in Sri Lanka do not regulate the amounts spent on canvassing and campaign excepting in specified contexts such as where such expenditures are termed an offence or a corrupt or illegal practice. Equally, well thought outamendments to the elections laws are necessary to prohibit the use of both the private and the public electronic media in a manner that favours one party over another. The misuse of the state media in favour of the Peoples Alliance in these elections was blatant and as Some quip, was perhaps largely responsible for the overwhelming defeat that the government suffered.
For now, December, 2001 sees our proving- and in the nick of time - that we are not quite beyond the pale and that there are some shreds of sanity still left in us as a people. We now have a President and a Prime Minister of different political colours. Regardless, the mandate that the people have given to both of them this Wednesday to set right this tortured country is quite clear. We look to them for its fulfilment. O
P.P. Manikam neer and one time the Ceylon Steel away in August, 2 his death reached Canada. I would ciation to the tribu been paid to Mr. M be gratefully rem tributions as an eng less and voluntar sive social causes Along with the late who was the Chair poration when M. eral manager, and the well known Scientist, Manika Council of Mana Scientists' Associ porter of its now odical, Pravada.
I last saw him cember 1999, at yavardhana Feliç To my great regr him when I was in this year to compl the Hector sympc was a good friend have been very ha tion of our festsch erence to Hector some meaning, b tor’s study at 54 ( met Mr. Manika ago, in 1976. I w neer and in my fi gineering Corpo winding down af ful career at the Our subsequenti do with engineeri than professiona tween us, althou from him and otl gineering caree achievements.
Manikam stu neering in Engla to his resourcefi that was able to
 

15 DECEMBER 2001
APPRECATION
Manikam: An Engineer o Made a Difference
Professional EngiGeneral Manager of corporation, passed 101. The sad news of is rather late, here in ke to add my appretes that have already anikam, who should mbered for his conineer and for his tire" pursuit of progresafter his retirement. Charles Abeysekera, man of the Steel Coranikam was its GenKumari Jayawardena, author and Political m was a Member of gement of the Social ation and a keen Supwell established peri
in Colombo, in Dethe Hector Abha'itation Symposium. et I failed to call on Colombo in May of ete the publication of sium. Mr. Manikam of Hector and would ppy with the complerift to Hector. My ref. Abhayavardhana has ecause it was in Hec2hitra Lane that I first m twenty five years as then a young engist job at the State Enation, Manikam was era long and successinistry of Industries. teractions had little to g, for we had far more common ground begh I did get to know ers about his long enand his professional
ied Mechanical Engid in the 1940s, thanks family in Kundasale, send him to England
for professional studies at that time. He once laughingly told me that the, now bulky, Thermodynamics and the Mechanics of Fluids textbooks that he used for his studies were thinner than the normal monitor's exercise books. In England, he did not limit himself to studying engineering but took a keen interest in the political debates and activities of the early postwar years that were charged with anti-colonial exuberance and socialist optimism. This experience, I believe, helped him to secure, early in life, the progressive and compassionate moral compass that would guide him throughout his working life, and the more important life outside work. After his retirement, he was able to find the opportunity to volunteer his time and energy to the cause of improving the life-conditions of the plantation community,
He started his engineering career at Industries when G.G. Ponnambalam
was the Minister of Industries (1948
1953), and became the General Manager of Steel Corporation when Philip Gunawardana was the Minister between 1965 and 1970. According to Manikam, Ponnambalam was the ablest and the most dynamic Minister he had worked with, while, Philip Gunawardana, the most administratively efficient Minister in the first Bandaranaike cabinet, had, by 1965, lost his fire and lava and become a mere memory of the 'old volcano”. During the 1960s, Manikam did pioneering work in the setting up of industrial corporations, and in the creation of DFCC as a source of industrial credit. Industrial corporations became necessary because there were no private sector agencies capable of undertaking such ventures at the required scale and level oftechnology, although short-term political and electoral considerations often determined the location of state factories and interfered in their management. As an engineer, Manikam kept a healthy distance from the ebb and flow of political flavours, and preoccupied himself with the tasks of improving

Page 27
15 DECEMBER 2001
quality and productivity in public sector industries. He tried to internalize for Sri Lanka, the better aspects of the Soviet and the Western systems of industrial production, particularly turning to the West to address the problem of industrial waste, a field that the Soviet Union ignored at its peril. More importantly, he was instrumental in bringing worker participation to the management of State Corporations long before NGO buzzwords, empowerment, participatory management etc, became commonplace as they are now.
He brought an engineering perspective to the complex problems oftea production and its social reproduction, which became his retirement passion. His monograph, Tea Plantations in Crisis: An Overview, is a delightful example of a thoughtful and socio-politically sensitized engineer's approach to public policy. The book blends well an engineer's penchant for brevity, numbers, details and systems, a full understanding of all aspects of the tea industry, and Manikam’s deep insights of plantation life and his compassion for the plantation community. He saw the plight and the future of the plantation community in terms of its inextricable linkages to the current crisis and the future prospects of the tea industry as a whole. True to his profession, he did not stop with open-ended critiques of the plantation universe, but offered practical solutions to many of the problems on the ground, but went further and promoted several initiatives ranging from encouraging action oriented research by experts and scholars, NGO programmes, self-help housing and skills training. He worked with whatever organizations, groups, or individuals, who were active in the plantations, or whose services would be of benefit to the plantation community.
Those of us who knew him well will always remember his pleasant demeanour, quiet charm, deep culture, and enlightened humility. We will remember him for his punctuality and his ability to deliver on his promises. We will also remember him for his resilience and optimism. His beautiful house near Nugegoda, a spacious bungalow in a leafy and well planted garden, was burnt down during the riots of 1983. Even the plants were uprooted and destroyed. An avid collector of records, he had been
PAKISTAN
A Xer
We, the Pakista abroad, have beco logues, despising or of a dialogue among others. We have con prime target ofperse nation by others wit of our infinite prope in our own society a course of time, instea historical and socio-l have started living xenophobic collectiv inadvertently, servin, misplaced state and have consistently un of common citizens
These days, the American abandonm ter the Soviet force Afghanistan. Pakista acting with the US pc a chance to remind th ity. Most of the time raised to prove patr selected peer groups wrong in bringing up the Americans did le out fulfilling their ri
-
collecting and filing of every major nat tional event during h lections went up in the rewards for year ice at the highest le industry and in ungr with the language la wife and their three modated by Hectol until they found a
lombo. When most try after 1983, Mani recuperated, saw l themselves in life, a part of a communi who stood firm, bo mon humanity and : odds. His family an him dearly, and we will cherish our mei
- By Rajan Philip

TAMILTIMES 27
Iophobic Collective State of Mind
Dr Manzur Ejaz
nis, living home or me maSter-monOignoring the value ourselves and with vinced ourselves of cution and discrimihout any realization lsity to do the same nd to others. In the d of recognizing the bolitical realities we by cliches. Such a fe state of mind is, g the interests of our the ruling elite that dermined the rights for personal gains. prized cliche is the ent of Pakistan afd withdrawal from ni expatriates, interbliticians never miss nem of their infidelsuch questions are iotism among their . There is nothing this subject because ave the region withsponsibility. How
newspaper records ional and internais life. All his colmoke. These were of dedicated servvels of Sri Lankan udging conformity ws. Manikam, his
SOS WCTC a CCOlAbhayavardhana new house in Coof us left the counkam stayed on and is sons establish nd himself became y of progressives und by their comgainst tremendous d friends will miss who are far away hories of him.
Waterloo, Canada
ever, American infidelity has become a cliche that is excessively used to cloak many debacles of our own making. Most Pakistanis believe that Pakistan has always stood by the US in difficult times. A common perception is that despite joining US lead SEATO and CENTO agreements Pakistan was not helped when it needed it the most in its war against India. Fact of the matter is that the US gave Pakistan arms, worth billions of dollars, to fight Communism. Wisely, Pakistan did not actively participate in any antiCommunist war other than jailing a few of its own left leaning activist intellectuals and retired military officials.
The SEATO and CENTO agreements were specifically designed to fight Communism and did not call for members' intervention if they are engaged in wars against non-Communist countries. Therefore, from the American angle, Pakistan misused its resources to fight India. Furthermore, if these were unfair agreements, Pakistani negotiators should have reviewed them closely before signing them. And, after it had been shown that the US is an unreliable ally, Pakistan should have terminated its close links with Americans and devised an alternative foreign policy. But, our governing elite, having vested interests in the US and its auxiliary international institutions, carried on their servile attitude with the richest superpower. Overwhelming majority of Pakistanis also believe that their country fought a proxy war against the Soviet Union for the US. It is an interesting episode. If one argues that the Soviet Union was defeated in Afghanistan with mammoth infusion of American (and Saudis) resources only, Zia-lovers start fuming. Quoting unpublished suspicious classified intelligence reports, they fervently assert that Zia had started anti-Soviet crusade much before the Americans showed any interest in Afghanistan. If this is true then the US helped Pakistan in its war against the Soviets and not the other way around. Nonetheless, it is amazing that the same Zia-lovers are usually in the forefront of accusing the US betraying Pakistan. Many enlightened Pakistanis were warning the Zia government of the pitfalls in its religious crusade in Afghanistan. Many scholars had predicted

Page 28
28 TAMITMES
that Pakistan's indulgence in the Afghan war would result in social anarchy, religious bigotry, and prevalence of drug and Kalashanikov culture. Pakistan's ruling junta was not willing to listen to any dissenting voice. Ziaul Haq and his Islamic comrades-in-arm were determined to drive the pagans out of Afghanistan and cleanse the Pakistani society of impure' Muslims. A record number of enlightened Pakistani activists were forced out of the country during this period. Ziaul Haq and his cronies had a free hand to use Pakistan for their immature ideas. Much before the US abandoned Pakistan after the Soviet withdrew from Afghanistan, Ziaul Haq had successfully subverted Pakistani society. As a result of Zia's Islamization, religious fundamentalists had usurped the entire social space for themselves. Ethnic divisions had hardened because of warlike conditions in Karachi and Sindh. Corruption was rampant and state institutions had become empty shells. Nonetheless, many army men and inventive business people had become millionaires and billionaires during this period. Inflow of huge foreign funds in the name of the Afghan war and billions of dollars transmitted by overseas Pakistanis created an economic boom in Pakistan. Means of their wealth notwithstanding, several hundred Pakistanis were added to the list of notorious thirty richest families. The situation was further exacerbated when the hungry politicians accelerated the process of loot and plunder. The banks were emptied and state-run institutions were robbed mercilessly. The irony is that the rich continued getting richer while the US had allegedly betrayed and abandoned Pakistan. However, common Pakistani citizens got the short shrift in the entire process that benefited the selected ones in the last two decades. One can, and may be should, blame the US for abetting the ruling elite that ruined Pakistani society. Of course the US abandoned Pakistan and Afghanistan like it left its other poor allies after the Cold War ended. Of all, Afghanistan has a very genuine grudge against the US for abandoning it after the devastation of a prolonged war: The US was a party in the war and had a responsibility to rebuild it. Pakistan's economy also suffered because of lamentable penalties imposed by the US. However, most of Pakistan's problems were of its own making and had started much before the US changed its colours. But our evergreen ruling elite has cleverly shifted the entire responsibility to the US betrayal. The elite of many poor countries uses such mischievous techniques to cover its tracks. The colonialists were blamed for every societal ill
in R
COLOMBO, D tortoises, elephants running at Sri Lank, tions after a five we ten ruled by the lav Even though S. literacy rate in Asi pan, parties are ide ensure that eventh to read and write ca X in front of a sym Bull-drawn ca autorickshaws com already marred by the lives of at least 4 more than 700 othe period.
Some of the pi appropriately ident sault rifles, rocket l; rather than the cla ments, and sail shi to them.
There are 26 pc independent group. have entered the hu votes for one of the Most of the in in the running onl and television air candidates irrespe base. Hopping on ti
for a few decades
Now, the US is bli goes wrong. Even electricity breakdc be the misdeeds Americanism has masses, often use for covering sins ( is duplicitous: As enous elite would common citizens engaged. What di ple when the US v them? And, did th ing national weal to remain diseng direct or indirect stopped allotting tural lands to the nations and its pe is the big boy in fair and highhand But, the main res ones who are at t
(The News intern

15 DECEMBER 2001
are and Tortoise ace for Parliament
c 5 (AFP) - Rabbits, and eagles are in the sparliamentary eleck-long campaign of of the jungle. Lanka boasts a high , second only to Jatified by symbols to I few who are unable n vote by marking an pol. rts and three-wheel pete at the elections violence that claimed | people and wounded S during the campaign
rties should be more fied by automatic asunchers and grenades ssical musical instrups and anchors given
litical parties and 120 s in the fray, but some stings only to canvass
two main parties.
dependent groups are to use the free radio time allocated to the ctive of their support he bandwagon is an in
after independence. amed if anything that he road accidents and wns are considered to if Uncle Sam. Antipecome opium of the to delude the people f the ruling elite. This fthis so-called indig'reate a heaven for the had the US remained they do for their peoas throwing money at ruling elite stop lootwhile the US choose ged? No one, having |ccess to state power, sidential and agricullselves or looting the ple. Of course the US e block who uses und tactics to get its way. nsibility lies with the 2 helm of the society.
ional 25 November 2001)
dependent group which has a hare as its symbol. In the south of the island, another independent group is probably banking on slow-and-steady-wins-the-race and is fielding a tortoise.
The Sri Lanka National Front which has a cricket bat as its symbol is actually battling for the ruling party and has asked people to vote the "chair' symbol of President Chandrika Kumaratunga's People's Alliance.
Under election laws the exhibition of party symbols near polling booths on the day of voting is an offence, but most of the things used in a polling station - desks, chairs, tables, pens, clocks - are all party symbols.
Sri Lanka's only hijacker of an international jetliner, Sepala Ekanayake, who seized an Alitalia Boeing with 261 passengers in 1982, joined a party which has a single-engined aeroplane as its symbol. The popular mode of three-wheel taxis is the symbol of the United Socialist Party (USP). The vocal Marxist JVP, or People’s Liberation Front, is symbolised by a bell.
When it comes to a visible symbol with impact, it is hard to beat the elephant of the opposition United National Party (UNP). The party has beenusingdomesticated elephants to get jumbo publicity for its campaign.
When the ruling People's Alliance suffered several defections to the UNP in October, cartoonists had a field day lampooning an elephant with wooden legs of the PA chair.
The back-to-the-basics Sihala Urumaya or Sinhalese Heritage party choose a bow and arrow as their symbol from among several included in an official list of symbols with the election commissioner recently. But the nationalistic SU’s choice had been rather unfortunate because the arrow in the official drawing is pointing towards the person drawing the bow. SU spokesman Thilak Karunaratne said they could not change the symbol, which is officially gazetted. The drawing cannot be altered without parliamentary approval to correct the direction of the 3ITOW.
The hunting down of political opponents reached fever pitch forcing the authorities to deploy the army to maintain law and order. Election monitors have warned that "violence was murdering democracy” in Sri Lanka.

Page 29
15 DECEMBER 2001
CLASSIFIED ADS
st 20 words E10. each word 60p. chargă i No. £3. (Wat: 17 1/2% extra). Prepayment essen The Advertisement Manager,
Tani Times Ltd, PO Box 12
Sutton, surrey SM13TD
20-8644. O972 FAX: 020-8 Email admin Otanilitimes.org:
MATRMONIAL
Jaffna Hindu parents seek professional partner for their daughter, 30, 57-1/2", British born, in good employment in London. Please send details to M 1273 C/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu parents seek professional groom for their attractive daughter, 26, University diploma holder in Mathematics, following diploma Course, British Computer Society in Colombo. Please send horoscope, details. M 1274 C/o Tamil Times, Hindu sister in UK Seeks groom for graduate Sister, 36, teaching in Sri Lanka, willing to emigrate, Mars afflicted. Send horoscope, details. M. 1275 C/o Tannil Tinnes.
OBTUARIES
Jeyakumar (Chief Accountant, Trico International, Colombo); beloved son of Mr. & Mrs S. Maheswaran, loving husband of Saratha, affectionate father of Prasanthan, Senthuran and Shivanthy, brother of Balakumar (Australia); son-in-law of the late R.D. Mylvaganam and of Mrs. Nageswary Mylvaganam passed away on 26th October 2001 and WaS Cremated at the Kanatte Cennetery on 29th October in the presence of a large gathering
of his friends and relatives.
The members of the family thank all friends and relatives Who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes & messages of sympathy and helped them in several ways during the time of great sorrow. The Anthiesty ceremony took place on 10th November 2001 and the family wish to express their gratitude to all those who helped and attended the ceremony - 57, Edmonton Road, Kirillapone, Colonbo 6. Tell. 852301
I 领
Mrs. S. Ponnampalam; daughter of the late Dr. and Mrs. Rajah of Vannapannai and wife of the late Mr. Ponnampalam, formerly Director, North Ceylon Builders, sister of late Maheswary and mother of late Mahendran, Jaffna Hindu College passed away peacefully on 7th November 2001 and was Crennated in London. On 12th November. She is survived by her children Saraswathy, Vimaladewi Dr. Nadarajah and Kandasamy; sons-in-law Kathirgamathamby and Varnakulasingham, daughters-in-law Pakialuxmy, Perinpajothy and Rekha;
Private Tuition 11-19 years Science & Maths by qualified teacher Ms. Latha Te: O208 578 62O1 Greenford
 
 
 
 

TAMELTIMES 29
brothers Manikavasagar (Colombo), Thirugnanasampanthar and Visuvanathan, former Mayor of Jaffna, many grandchildren and great grandchildren.
The family wish to thank all relatives, friends and well wishers for their presence at the funeral, assistance and comfort in many ways during the period of bereavement - 23, Milton Road, London E1 7 4SP
IN MEMORAMS
Mrs Chandra Ragupathy In ever loving memory of my Wife Chandra on the sixth anniversary of her passing away on 26th November 1995.
Sadly missed and fondly
remembered as always by her loving husband Ragupathy - 262 Wrincklemarsh Road, London SE38DMV.
Eighth Death Anniversary
of Mrs. Gnanambikai Permumal Pjai Wife of late Dr. C. Permurma Pilai
(0407. 1924 - Amma
12, 12, 1993)
Eight years have drifted by Since you Were taken from our midst. Your loving care and gentle guidance still strongly missed. In your peace, we find Solace.
Your children Ravi, Usha, Jeeva and Ranjit and families.
Fifth Death Anniversary
"Five years have since gone but you will be remembered' In ever loving and precious memory of Mr. Kanapathipillai Sivagnanam on the Fifth anniversary of his passing away on 18th December 1996. Greatly loved and sadly missed by his wife Navaratnammah (Sri Lanka); loving children Dr. Sasikala (UK), Sasilatha (UK), Arulparam (UK), Dr. Agilan (Sri Lanka), Dr. Kannan (Sri Lanka), Rajanthan (UK) and Rajeev (Medical Faculty, University of Jaffna), son-in-law Nanthakumaran, daughters-in-law Nanda, Dr. Suraby and Dr. Kalyani; grandchildren Arun, Ashwin and Niesha; other relatives and friends. - 24, Brinkworth Road, Clayhall, ESSex lG5 OJS. Tel: 0208 9242929.

Page 30
30 TAMILTIMES
Tenth Anniversary Remembrance
Mr. Sangarapillai Nadarajah (Former Assistant General Manager, Bank of Ceylon) passed away on 16th December 1991.
A decade has passed
Since we saw you last
The loving days of yours
Still remembered by us' Fondly remembered by his wife Lalitha, children Dr. Bhamini and Dr. Aravindhan, son-in-law Mohan, daughterin-law Dr. Sri Ranjini grand children Niroshan, Prasana and Ashwini brothers Selvanayagam (Toronto), PanChacharam (Montreal), Sister Kamaladevi (Colombo), Sister-in-law Dr. Saratha Rajasimman; all friends and relatives - 75, Endsleigh Court, Lexden, Colchester CO33CRW.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS Jan 1 Feast of Solemnity of Mary, Mother of God. Jan 2 S a n k a da k a ra Sathuirthi. Jan 5 South London Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Drop
r... Tel: O2O 8542 3285.
Jan 6 Feast of The Epiphany Jan 7 Feast of St. Raymond.
Jan 9 Krishna Eekathasi. Jan 11 PrathoSam. Jan 12 SLTWG Drop ln. Tel: O2O 8542 3285. Jan 13 Ammavasai; Feast of St, Hilary. Jan 14 Thai-Pongal. Jan 17 Sathurthi; Feast of St. Anthony.
Jan 19 Shashti; SLTWG Ponga Celebrations. Tel: O20 8542 3285. Jan 22 Feast of St. Vincent. Jan 23 Karthigai. Jan 25 Sukkla EekathaSi. Jan 26 Sani Prath0San. Jan 28 Full Moon, Poosan.
Jan 31 San k a da k a ra Sathurthi, Feast of St. John BOSCO.
Thai
Shara Vanan's Karnatic Vocal Arangetram
On Saturday, 27th November 2001 the Lewisham Theatre was bedecked and decorated ready for the Karnatic Vocal Arangetram or first Solo Concert of 17-year-old Sharavanan Jeyanathan. He is the 21st Arangetram student of Smt. Sivasakthi Sivanesan of Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, West Kensington, where she is resident teacher of South Indian Music. She is famous for her dedication and devotion to her Karnatic music and her students.
 
 

15 DECEMBER2001
The pre performance podja to Goddess Saraswathie, Lord Nadaraja and the great Trinity of Karnatic music was followed by seeking the blessings of Bhagawan Sri Sathiya Sai Baba. This set the tone of true devotion to the divine and to the great tradition of Karnatic music. An opening ceremony at which the Chief Guest who had come specially from India, Prof. T.V. Gopalakrishnan and the Guests of Honour lit the lamps - welcomed the thouSand or so audience into the auditorium to face the stage with its striking backdrop of the dancing Lord Nadaraja. As is usual for Bhavan students, Sharavanan Was to be acCOrnpanied by Bhavan's resident teachers, Sri Balu Raghuraman - Violin and Sri M. Balachandar — Mirudangam. The other accompanists were Sri Omkar Rao Gatam, Sri Kandiah Sithamparanathan — Morsing and Selvi Mathini RuthraRajan – Tambura.
The performance began in traditional style, with Varnam, Nera Nammitinaya' in praise of Lord Vishnu. Composed by Ramanad Srinivasa lyangar in Raga Kanada, talam Kanda Ata this piece with its 14 beat tala immediately demonstrated that we were hearing a confident and accomplished young musician, With an excellent breath control, strong sense of rhythm and a melodious flexible voice, that convey the mood of both the raga and the sahitiya the libretto of the piece.
“Ganapathi Niye' in Raga Hamsadhvani, talam Adi by Lalitadasa followed beginning with a beautiful alapana demonstrating the subtleties and elaboration of the raga. Here Sharavanan's singing of Kalpana Svaram was another great pleasure. As Prof. TV Gopalakrishnan said, his voice in depth and quality reminds One of Chittur Subramanian in his youth. Saint Tyagaraja's justly famous Pancharatnam kriti "Entaro Mahanubhavulu" in Sri raga, tala Adi was another joy, the range and depth of Sharavanan's voice conveying both the glories of the raga and the meaning of the Composition very movingly. The charanam was sung most effectively in mandra Sthai and his interaction with his Violinist and percussionist was very
professional.
The first half of the Concert Closed with the main item Anandam Paramanandame by Sri Srinivas in Raga Khambhogi, tala Adi. Beginning with a lovely alapana, Sharavanan went on to elaborate the piece with an apparently effortless niraval, melodic improvisation and very satisfying swaras. His evident enjoyment and the sharing of a lively tanyavartanam with his percussionist brought reminders of his mirdangam Arangetram together with his elder brother Shankara few years ago.
"Ananda nadamaduvar” by Nilakanda Sivan in Raga Purvi Kalyani, tala Rupaka - a very appropriate song with the painting of Lord Nataraja dominating the background - preCeded the Central and the most demanding item in any Karnatic music kachcheri the Ragam Tanam Palawi. The Raga was Shanmukhapriya - a great favourite of Sharavanan's Guru Smt Sivasakthi —, tala Khanda Tripudai. By now we knew that improvisation and melodic fluency are two of Sharavanan's great strengths and both were shown together with his rhythmic virtuosity and range depth and quality of his voice enhanced by his excellent breath control. Shorter pieces completed the programme including Yalppanam Sri Veeramani lyer's 'Katpaga Valli” in Ragamalika and two songs by the famous Tamil poet Sri Subramaniya Bharathiyar. A devotional Bhajan dedicated to Bhagavan Sri Sathiya Sai Baba preceded the lively Thillana in Raga Kadanakutuhalam composed by the Chief Guest Prof. T.V Gopalakrishnan.
Sharavanan's brother Shankar thanked their devoted Guru, his excellent supporting musicians for their beautiful and sympathetic accompaniments, their dear parents, his distinguished Chief Guest and Guests of Honour, his splendid compere Sri Wimal Sockanathan, his friends and helpers and all his guests for their love and support. Sharavanan Closed the Concert With a verse from Thirupugal in Raga Hamsanadam by Swami Arunagirinathar and a Mangalam in Raga Saurashtra by Saint Tyagaraja.
continued on page 31

Page 31
15 DECEMBER 2001
HOW YOU HAVE HELPED S.C.O.T.
The kindness and generosity of supporters has enabled The Standing Committee Of The Tamil Speaking People (SCOT) to continue the most needed humanitarian work listed below during the financial year September, 2000 to August, 2001. 1) Assisi Boys' Home, Kurukkalmadam:
Running costs for 50 boys 500 2) Centre For Elders, Onthachimadam: Food, clothing & medicine for 50 elders 纪500 3) Elders Society Union, Kalmunai: Food, clothing and medicine for 58 elders 500
4) Hindu Council Of Sri Lanka, Colombo: immediate relief (dry rations) to Batticaloa flood victims £1000 5) Mangayarkarasyar Mahalir llam, Sengunthar Street:
Educational items, food & clothing for 45 girls 500 6) People's Welfare Association, Kiran: income generation for poor families by goat rearing 500 7) Sri Ramakrishna Mission, Batticaloa: Free medical clinic in remote areas E500
8) Sri Nadarajanandanaji Rehabilitation Institute, Sittandy : Purchase of land to put up "make shift' shelter for 30 children £500 9) WaalVosai School For Hearing impaired Children / YMCA:
Running cost for 40 children 500 10) Vipulananda Children's Home, Akkaraipatru: Running cost for 75 orphans E500 A. Total for Batticaloa Region £5500 11) Annaillam, Kilinichchi: Counselling for the victims and families of the long running war 500 12) Canara Holy Cross Sisters, Vavuniya: Dry rations to the aged 90 in number £1000
13) Centre For Women & Development, Vannarponnai: Nutrition mix for pregnant mothers and pre-school children£600 14) Federation Of Hindu Associations Northern Province, Kokuvil: Dry rations to the displaced victims in Jaffna,
Kilinochchi, Mannar, Mullaitivu & Vavuniya. 1OOO 15) Grace Home For Children, Cheddikulam: Running cost of the home for 10 boys 500
16) Hindu Board Of Education, Thirunelvely: Purchase of beds, tables, chairs, cupboards, books etc for 200 children £3000
£2000 was donated by Mr Sivapalan (SCOT member) & friends 17) Jaffna Diocese Of The Church Of South India, Colombo: Food items, shelter, cooking utensils, clothing etc for people who took refuge in Manipay & Vaddukodai area. 2000 18) Jaffna General Hospital Development Association, Jaffna Purchase "life-saving' drugs 6145
continued from page 30 A Messag This has been a most memorable magi- Tamils cal evening. Here we had seen a young man do immense promise in many fields Plough the fields of ascending the stage. May his God given knowing your roots, gift and his own hard work always bring The battle to retain joyful music to the World. реople Weер
Wendy Marr All that bloodshed w
家畜5] 鯊"9"下 With this issue the Tamil Awakel Be awared Y
Nation. Times completes twenty Sensitised, enricheC years of Service, thanks its set your own goals readers for their patronage nation and support and wishes Consed, at the Crc them a Merry Christmas E.
Caught between and a Prosperous New Year stance.
锣令密令密令锣必密令锣令密必密令 Privileged, with vari
learn

AMIL TIMES 31
(£500 each was donated by Wimbledon Ganapathy Temple, Ealing Sri Durgai Amman Kovil & Mayor of Southwark). 19) Manitha Neyam Home Trust Colombo: Running cost of the Deaf/Blind Children & the aged in
Kilinochchi & Vavuniya. E500 20 Sri Lanka Red Cross Society, Jaffna Branch: to provide Health Education in remote areas 空1000
21) Sri Ramakrishna Sarada Seva Ashrama, Pt. Pedro: School items, bun, milk for poor school children
& free medical clinic.
2673
Fund was raised by MADRAS & ASIA via the coordinator, Mr Ganeson, (SCOT member) and Misses Sinduja Sivanesan & Ramani Rajaratnam (school children)). 22) "Vaazhvaham' Home For The Visually Handicapped, Manipay: Essential adapted equipments (white walking canes, braille, talking watches etc. for 5 boys & 11 girls 2500
e2000 was donated by Mr Kulatungam (SCOT member 23) Yogar Swami Thiruvadi Nilayam, Kilinochchi: Running cost of the home which cares for 89 displaced
elders, including those from Kaithady Elders Home. E500 B.Total for Jaffna Region 21791
24) Hindu Samaya Abhivritti Sabha, Orr's Hill: "Hand Operated Tricycles' for land-mine victims and other disabled 500 (£100 was contributed by Dr Veeravagu (SCOT member)
25). Sri Shanmuga Girls' Home, Vidyalayam Road: Construc
tion of a tank to store the precious resource of water £750 26) Trincomalee District Young Men's Development Aham, Muthur: Running cost of a hostel for 50 students E500
27) Trincomalee District Refugees Welfare Association, Inner Harbour Rd.: School items for 65 destitute children E500
C. Total for Trincomalee Region : £2250 28) High Commission Of India, London: Urgent relief for the earthquake victims 100
29) “Hostel Bernarda' Holy Cross Convent, Colombo: Running cost of the hostel for girls from displaced
families from North & East ፰500 30) Jesuits Refugee Service, Colombo: Support for
remand prisoners and their families 500 D.Total for others E1100
GRAND TOTAL FOR 2000/2001 E30641
I sincerely thank each and every one for the support which pro
vides hope formany.
K PathmaSeni
Project Officer - SCOT, 107 Coleman Court, Kimber Road,
Ondon SW1 8 4 PEB.
le for Young
Abroad
ancestry - dig deep S What matters. a Tamil identity - our
ith Life in tatterS! forward you must ven
Ou are the future Tamil
by foreign cultures. and reach your desti
ssroads, which way to
ultures - take your
2d careers - values to
A rich Tamil culture is your inheritance.
Parents for your security abroad have Strived Despite the shattering of their dreams and Visions Tamils uprooted - families scattered far and wide They've risen to the challenge, made it life's mission. As the settled Tamil community abroad have observed Its easy to sink into the abyss of cultural alienation ldentity and enrichment from a heritage preserved is 'empowerment' through resistance to total annihilation.
Punitham Perinparaja (nee Ambalawaner) Teacher/Equal Opportunities Coordinator

Page 32
32 TAM TIMES
Sundha - The Unofficial
Ambassador Veerasingam Sundharalingam born in Kovil Kudiyiruppu, Chavakachcheri - later known by a multitude of names - Radio Ceylon Sundha, Parliament Sundha, Appolo Sundha and finally BBC Sundha, Signed Off for
his last time recently in Australia.
Stage Dramatist, Broadcaster, Parliament simultaneous interpreter, BBC World Service Acting Producer and later Representative of BBC in Madras had his early education at Driebergs College. He was fascinated by the News reading style of All India Radio's English News reader Melville de Mello. In the early fifties he went to take up a job in Government service as all other Tamils in Jaffna. While in Colombo, he was chosen as a Radio Drama actor by Radio Ceylon and
the then Chief Dr. K.S.
Thus started the illus - Who later dominate Broadcasting in the s decades. If Adayar K ered the Mecca of Bh Radio Ceylon, (later Broadcasting Corpora casting. Those of us stalwarts like Sundha, ingham, VA. Gafoor, under the guidance Nadarajah owe our fa our training under thos Institution.
ldo not propose to di late Sundha - one o career in Broadcasting easier I have reprodu Memorial Souvenir pu,
was later recruited as a Tamil Announcer by in London.
Suncha - A Dear Friend "When I returned to Ceylon in 1956 after my music studies in Kalaksh as assistant music program organizer at Radio Ceylon. It was here th: since he had the same name as my father, even though the spelli became very good friends and worked together as a father and son' he was Sundha and I was Sathy. Sundha has a unique stentorian voice always identified as the voic Radio Ceylon and later the voice of Tamil BBC. With his deep knowle sentations were crisp and creative."
- S. Sathya
Our Dear Sundha Marna "Mama was a man who was gifted with the envious talent of making colleagues remember him with affection and admiration, from all ove, great virtue. that is how we will remember our dear Sundha Mama place in our mind. A place he made sure in his own inimitable way, re yours. It is sad that you have left us forever and traveled to the celest free of pain and free of suffering. But we live with the pain of loss. You row. Our thoughts are always with them and of course with you.'
- Dr. Manjubhashini S
The Sundha of Adayar
"When one reaches the age of seventy (as I have done), one gets scious of that eternal verity of life - the human mortality. Death b, friends one by one leaving you poorer and poorer, sad and shaken-t O. When I sat down to write this piece, I began to take count of his mat on something that Suely was an amazing fact he had a circle of fri ly and collectively, were men of varied talents and outstanding achie right. How did Sundha manage to gather round him such a galaxy latelist who had a collection of rare stamps? What quality was there possible? in Adayar in Madras where he was in his true element, f around whom many of these human STARS revolved, both during f of season. Some of them, alas, are no longer in the land of the li daram, the presiding deity' of broadcasting, SK Pararajasingam, Ai Farewell, dear friend.
- S. S.
Sundha -- A SQuimate
"If one were to illustrate a friendship by example it was mine with sic example of soul mates sharing, caring and giving for each other lasting association and comradeship is beyond any form of des spent or exchanged with him was productive and the years we spe ally beneficial, full of joy. Suntha's exuberant personality always friends. He was enormously human and his capacity for care a placed him a few notches above a lot. His wit and humour were at
- Siva

darajah. lus Career ofa Man the field of Tamil Continent for five kshetra is Considatha Natyam, so is own as Sri Lanka n) in Tamil Broadho were trained by rs. Ponnani Kullasnd Punniyamoorthy men like Dr. K.S. e and reputation to Gurus in that Grand
ell on the qualities of my mentors in my but to make the task ed excepts from a lished by his friends
tra my first job was tl firSt met hirnard g was different we eam. FrOrn then On
e of the then Tamil lge of Tamil his pre
lingam, Singapore
friends. Friends and the world. This is a . He held a special mains well and truly alparadise. You are r family is full of sor
Ivanathan, London
nore and nore Congins to snatch your ɔ, but yet philosoph
y friends, l stumbled nds who, individual'ennents in their own talents? Like a phihirm that rmade this was the SUN(dha) sic season and out ng - Sivapathasunthurai Sivanadam.
anayagam London
ndha. lt was a clasis capacity for everption. Every minute together were mutuacted well-meaning concern for others ssential part of him.' 'ananthan, London
Wimal Sockanathan
5DECEMBER200
Rising Star Wants Asian. Actresses to "break taboo'
Theatre's brightest new British Asian star Sarah Rajeswaram believes she can pave the way for more Asian girls to break into acting, when she stars in this year's funniest pantomime. Student Sarah, 19, whose parents originate from Sri Lanka, will play Aladdin's love interest at the Theatre Royal in Stratford.
"I want to see more Asian actresses on stage, and they need to come forward to break the taboo. By seeing Asian actresses on stage physically, the Asian community will accept them mentally and feel compelled to go to the theatre," says Sarah.
The Theatre Royal has gone on record as saying it is keen to encourage participation from ethnic minorities, especially Asians, and the casting of Sarah Rajeswaran in one of the lead roles is testament to that.
From the age of eight, Sarah began her training in classical Asian dance form, Bharatha Natyam and at 16 completed her Arangetram - a three-hour solo perfornance. Sarah's hard work, drive and ambition means she is often in rehearsals as well as running to lectures and her motto is you don't have to fulfil one role or the other - you can do them all.
Something of a role model for young aspiring actresses out there, she is currently in her second year studying History and Politics at Oxford University and has trained at the Italia Conti Associates School. With a record number of acting and singing performances under her belt, she is particularly proud to be working with the Theatre Royal.
Sarah agrees: "The Theatre Royal has made a bold step in casting two ethnic leads in its pantomime show, which is from 1st December 2001 to 26th January 2002. it caters for its culturally diverse community and the choice of cast reflects that. In this day and age there are so many issues with inter-racial marriages and mixed religion marriages, through theatre, ethical lessons can be learnt and issues of multiCulturalism can be tackled.'
(Asian Xpress, November 30, 2001).

Page 33
15DECEMBER2001
Over 20 Years of Tamil Drama
The Tamil Performing Arts Society appears to be the only remaining dramatic group in England continuing to stage Tamil plays against all odds. Their determination over the past twenty odd years should be congratulated.
Two weeks ago they were invited by an exclusively English Theatre Hall known as the Secombe Theatre, to stage a Festival Of Tanni| Drama. Versatie Actor K. Balendra, who is also a theatre do-it-all (Lights man, Stage craft designer, director), presented 3 plays.
The First Play was a serious story titled "Mazhai' (Storm) scripted by a celebrated South Indian playwright Professor Indra Parthasarthy. The Third one was also a serious play which had the contemporary Jaffna situation as its backdrop where the average Tamils were under Siege by the Sinhala Army. Titled "Kaathiruppu' (The Waiting) - the script was by actor Vasudevan. the play had its maiden run at the Secombe Theatre that night.
Sandwiched between these two Serious plays was an interesting performance by students of the Brent Tanni School - Titled “Vedarai Uchchiya Vellai Purahkkal' (White Doves Which Cheated the Huntsmen'). The title may have been considered as lengthy, boring and unintelligible according to the failing Tamil knowledge of some fans of today's generation. They may have been put off partly because they considered this a Jungle story and partly because they could not bother to check up the meaning of the word 'Uchchiya'l in real fact this was an unforgettable performance by
Past Copies of Tamil Times Tamil Times completes 20 years of uninterrupted circulation with this issue. Past copies of the journal are available now in 20 volumes. To celebrate this event, the price of each volume has been reduced to £20. The price in other Currencies is US$40/CAN$45/AUS$50. Australian dollar cheques must be drawn on Australian banks only. Those interested are requested to send a cheque/draft/money order in favour of Tamil Times Ltd to The Circulation Manager, Tamil Times Ltd., P.O. Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD, UK
the youngsters no years of age. I love mance of the two ti more than 3 or 4 fee in pure white with ! little girls stole my Dance Choreogra well and the Childre, derful script by Pro, melody of the Then Kuru Vihal' was farn memories of the Broadcasting Corp fessor and his Wife temporaries in the I must also mentic Same song Was sur reputed singer M., 1974 when the So, airWaVeS.
Coming back to th was an appropriate inal Story was by adapted in Té Parthasarathy. The a retired Professor his retirement in S medicines and bool cared for by his sp tharrani) who has r bus. Hisson (Balen an argument. The c is Dr. James (Kris physician, who him riage. Mazhai portre among these depr dialogue has been colloquial Tamil to t the majority of th comes out with flyi alacting talent. The ence When he was sarcastic dialogues were mesmerised Anantharani's port mala. This Charac Vousness which W. festations of her in not have been b actress. To the inim actOr, artiste, artist, jack of everything) t feather in his cap.
I am not sure ab Drama in Tamil Nac tal impact of Tamil ( multitude of Tamil but I would confide ber of Tamil Movies ever Tanni TV Chan long as Balendra & keep on staging Europe would be ke
Tamil Tin in C
avail Kalai Mah 566 Pardianne)
Ontari Tel: (41
 
 

TAM TIMES 33
fore than 12 or 15 2d watching the perforny Kunchu Purahs (not t in height and dressed eathers) the two sweet
heart. The Music and phy provided blended n did justice to the wonfessor Mounaguru. The e song 'Chinna Chinna iliar to me and brought period at Sri Lanka's Oration When the Pro
Chithra Were my conTamil Programmes Unit. In that the Professor's gby (now Paris based) A. Kula Seelanathan in ng was a hit on SLBC
e first play, "Mazhai'- it and apt title. The Orig/ Tennessee Willians amil by Professor Story revolves around (Vasudevan) spending sickbed surrounded by ks on Psychology. He is )inster daughter. (Anannissed the matrimonial dra) has left home after only visitor to the house hnarajah) his personal Self had a broken narays the clash of feelings essed Characters. The written in simple Jaffna pe easily assimilated by e audience. Balendra ng colours by his naturlaughter from the audiscaring his sister by his showed the audience by his acting. I liked rayall of spinster Nirer's edginess and nerere the external maniernal frustrations Could ettered by any other itable Krishnarajah (the stage controller and a his Dr. Character Was a
Out the future of Tamil du due fO the detrinen2inema and now by the TV stations in Chennai, ntly say whatever numshown here and Whatnels exist in Europe, as and his untiring Troupe plays, Tamil Drama in apt alive and kicking.
- Wimal Sockanathan.
mes For Sale
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SeVa Activities For Displaced People
The displaced persons in the uncleared area of Wanni and in Vavuniya are leading a miserable life. Due to the conflict Situation in the Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Vavuniya and Mannar districts, several thousands of families have become homeless and are living in refugee camps or with their friends and relatives. Vavuniya has become the focal point in this area as several thousands of displaced persons trickle into Vavuniya mainly from the Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi districts. There are 15 refugee camps in Vavuniya to house around 18,000 refugees. The situation in the uncleared areas is deplorable due to the high cost of living and lack of employment to get the means of livelihood. The Sai Seva centre in Vavuniya has taken the following steps to help these unfortunate people. (a) Supply of leaf porridge (llai Kanchi) to children in refugee camps 6 days a week. (b) Free Mobile Medical Service in two adopted villages. (c) Distribution of milk food to children under two years of age in two adopted villages. (f) Conducting 10 pre schools in backward villages. (g) Academic Scholarships for 18 students in 9 schools. (h) Donation of inter ocular lenses to cataract patients. (i) Application of chlorine to wells. (i) Co-ordination of activities for the fabrication of artificial limbs for amputees in the Wanni area. (k) Footwear protection free service at temples. (I) Shramadana activities in cemetery. (m) Distribution of clothes received from foreign countries to the needy. (n) Supply of meals, a day in a month to the children of Anpaham Annai Thresa Orphanage at Pampaimadu, Vavuniya.
The establishment of an Orphanage (Sai Childrens Centre), primarily for the benefit of children of the uncleared area, affected by the internal war, has been one of the main projects of the Seva Centre at a cost of Rs.2.92 millions for purchase of land, construction of building and provision of furniture and fittings. The building work is in progress on land in Koomankulam in the Vavuniya District. The extensive land adjoining the buildings will be utilised for agricultural training of the students with the added benefit of the food items produced being used by the orphanage. The Seva Centre has with the assistance of the Sai Organisation in Kenton, UK planned a project for the year 2002 to get 1000 cataract operations to be done in Vavuniya with the help of eye surgeons from UK.
The Chairman of the Bhagavan Sai Sathya Sai Seva Centre, Mr. S. Ragunathapillai, Additional Government Agent, Vavuniya, directs all the activities. The centre appeals for assistance from well wishers of this humanitarian project. The address and other details of the Seva Centre office are Prasanthi Street. Vavuniya, Sri Lanka, Tel: 00942422203 Fax: OO9424.22212.

Page 34
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