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- WOLXXl No.6 ISSN 0266-4488 15 MAW
We regret that the May 2002 issue of Tamil Times could not be brought out in time because our printers moved premises that caused unexpected delay. As a consequence, a combined May-June 2002 issue appears With inCreased pages
 
 

ΝΕ 2002 90ρ
nited Nations team engaged in demining operations in the Jaffna peninsula, June 2002 (top)
eran Tamil politician and president of the Tami United
Liberation Front who died at the age of 79 left
Queen Elizabeth visited the Hindu Murugan temple in Highgate in London as part of her Golden Jubilee celebrations below)

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2 TAMILTIMES
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15 MAY - JUNE 2002
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.”
-Voltaire
ISSN 0266 - 44 88
Vol. XXI No. 5 & 6 15 MAY - JUNE 2002
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD United Kingdom Phone: 020 - 8644 0972 Fax: 020 - 8241 4557
Email: prajan(a)gn.apc.org editor(a)tamiltimes.org adminGltamiltimes.org
Website: http://www.tamiltimes.org
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Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers. The publishers assume no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or artwork.
Choosing the path of peace 03 Talking to the LTTE - Ranil 04 lmpasse in Talks-Anton 05 The Death of TULF Leader 06 News Review 07 Federalism: Myths
and Realities 17 Confronting the issues 20 "liberal" peace? 26 Human rights after ceasefire 28 Neither war mor peace 31 Rights of Muslims
and the Peace Process 32 Arise Jaffna, A New Sunrise 34 The Odyssey of a Tamil Giant 36 News in Brief 38 Classified 45
There are those who process in Sri Lanka. Thei attitudes to the issue of W. harbour almost a patholog They do not have any faith ence of an ethnic Conflict thought to the fact such ac knees without producing a Then, there are those tion, but have a particular believe that with its unshak far failed to abandon Or CC virtually out of the question ment's and LTTE's position in Thailand are only the be Then there are the ot about an end to the Warar negotiations among the CO oncilable positions to whic spective of contradictory v them, there are no two opt option is banished out of C Despite the purveyors that the people have begur unofficial Cessation of hosti and the LTTE. Given that a being killed daily, an estim without interruption. The de on the ground and suicide areas, the barricades, che laxed atmosphere of safet of the supply and transpor control, have broughtgrea With the opening up resumption of air services tween the north and the S their time and apply their without having in addition state of non-war lasting ( achieved through lasting
As for the LTTE, it ha into the open political aren the leader of the LTTE, We istsata media COnferenC agreement, the LTTE has Work and setup its offices LTTE leadership has bee the Tamil National Alliar Thondaman, and Sri Lan eration with these parties the LTTE remains prosc ineffective in a de facto functioning in governmen Jaffna, the government til negotiations with the LT expected to commence it Fixing of the date for delayed, and this is attrib ties under the agreement through negotiations anc problems are and Comm popular support for the p must not be allowed to b
 

AMITMES 3
ng the Path of Peace
Ive already begun to gleefully predicta breakdown of the ongoing peace doom and gloom scenario is based on their own political positions and and peace. Among them, falling into the first category, are those who cal hatred to any negotiations between the government and the LTTE. in a peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict. They even deny the existthe island. They ardently advocate a military Solution without giving a urse attempted during the last twenty years has brought the country to its solution any nearer, falling into the second category, who honestly desire a negotiated soluerspective in the context of the LTTE's declared political objective. They able commitment to the establishment of a separate state, which it has so mpromise On, arriving at a negotiated political solution with the LTTE is To them, the recently publicly articulated differences between the governOn Certain issues Concerning the ceasefire and the proposed peace talks ginnings of the eventual breakdown which they devoutly predict. hers who are Committed to the belief that there is Only one way to bring d usher in peace to Sri Lanka and all its people, and that is only through ncerned parties. To them, reconciliation has to be sought in spite of irrecparties may be committed. Compromise can and must be reached irreiews the parties may hold on what they consider as vital questions. To ons, peace or War. There is only one option, that is peace, and war as an hoice and deep Conviction gained through experience. of doom and gloom about the peace process, there is already evidence to immensely benefit from the state of non-war brought aboutfirstly by the lities followed by the formal ceasefire agreement between the government in average of 15 to 20 persons, including combatants on both sides, were ated 2000 persons would have by now been dead had the war continued 2ath and destruction brought about by aerial bombardments, fierce fighting bomb attacks have all COme to an end. In Colombo and its sub-urban ckpoints and sandbag emplacements have disappeared producing a re1 and Security. The economic blockade has been lifted and the resumption tof goods to the war-torn areas of the island, including those under LTTE trelief to the long suffering people. of the highway that Connects Jaffna peninsula to the mainland and the , tens of thousands of people have begun to freely travel and move beOuth. The government and its leaders have got the opportunity to spend nergies to the real task of governance and management of the economy to finance and manage an ongoing self-destructive war. If the effects of a nly for a few months are so beneficial, the dividends that remain to be eace are immense. s been presented with an opportunity to emerge from its military bunkers a. Signaling this emergence from the "underground' was the appearance of lupillai Pirabaharan, before an audience of over 300 intemational journalin April this year. For the first time in its history, pursuant to the ceasefire been allowed and has now got the opportunity to carry out open political throughout the north and east including government controlled areas. The engaged in negotiations with the other Tamil political parties Comprising e. Its discussions with Ceylon Workers Congress leader, Arumugam a Muslim Congress leader, Rauf Hakeem, and the promise of future Coophave been described as signifying the "opening up" of the LTTE. Though bed in a strict legal sense, the proscription has already been rendered ense. In addition to the fact that the LTTE's political offices are openly controlled areas, including Batticaloa, Tricomalee, Vavuniya, Mannar and ough some its cabinet Ministers and officials has been engaged in direct E at the level of its leadership even before formal political negotiations Bangkok in the near future. he Bangkok talks between the Government and the LTTE has been unduly ted to certain problems relating to compliance with obligations of the parficeasefire. Subscribing to an irrevocable commitment to the path of peace schewing the use of violence, the parties should iron Out whatever these ince negotiations at the earliest. The favourable climate and the fund of ace process among all communities that presently prevails in the Country Squandered or dissipated by the passage of time.

Page 4
4 TAMITES
Talking to the LT India has not stopp
COLOMBO June 8. Ever since assuming office last December, the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has made it clear that India is vital to his policies, both for the country's ongoing peace process and for the development of its economy. On Sunday, Mr. Wickremesinghe begins a three-day official visit to India. Prior to his departure, he spoke exclusively to Nirupama Subramanian of The Hindu' on a range of issues. Following are excerpts from the interview:
Nirupama Subramanian: Prime Minister, you are going to India within six months of your last visit. What takes you there at this point? Ranil Wickremesinghe: I had told Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee that I would brief him again on the situation in Sri Lanka when we had finished implementing the ceasefire agreement provisions after three months, and before talks started. Since I planned to visit Bangalore, this was a good opportunity to visit Delhi and meet him. NS: You are in the midst of a peace process with the LTTE. How do you see India's views on the LTTE and the status of it leader as a wanted man in India impacting on your peace process? RW: That has always been there. At the same time, the Indian Government and political parties have encouraged the peace process in Sri Lanka. It is for us to make headway first in Sri Lanka. India has already given us its support. NS: But don't you think the two are contradictory: on the one hand, encouraging your peace process with the LTTE, on the other, not relenting on the LTTE or Prabakaran? RW: If they encourage the peace process, India is encouraging a process that involves talking to the LTTE. But the reality of Indian politics is that the LTTE has been a subject of litigation in their courts, and the question of extradition of Prabakaran keeps coming up. In politics, there is always an element of contradiction.
But all this is on the situation. Letus see we make progress. not to make progre; talk to the LTTE. A make progress, we will not discourage There is also the scene, parties takel domestic reasons. NS: Do you think Ir ive ofyour proposa ministration in the r LTTE? RW: The idea oft tration has been arc and India has accept has to be an interim composition of the tion is a matter for 1 ernment to discuss litical parties and th interim administrati of the major items talks with the LTT NS: The LTTE has at your statement ir liament that you wa on the interim admi political issues. RW: I don't think I political issues', b administration will discussion on the a will crop up during NS: It does seem as ging its feet on tall firm dates yet. You talks at the end of J posed to be mid-M be before July. RW: I don't think v. ment on such issues come back to us. They are hoping it have asked us to k able. We are ready ever it begins. NS: How about th lifting the ban on mencement oftalks RW: Once the dat

15 MAY - JUNE 2002
TE: pedus
- Ranil
: basis of the present what happens when India has not told us SS, not told us not to ind I think, when we will find that India
S.
domestic political up their positions for
dia will be supporttl for an interim adnorth-east run by the
he interim adminisund for a long time ted the fact that there administration. The interim administrahe Sri Lankan Govwith Sri Lankan pole LTTE. In fact, the on is going to be one on the agenda for E.
expressed concern 1 the European Parnt to link discussions inistration with core
used the word “core ut while the interim be the main item for genda, other issues ; discussions.
if the LTTE is dragis by not giving you | were saying peace une, firstit was supsay, now it may not
we should pass judg. Let the Norwegians
will be in July, and eep ourselves availy to come in when
e LTTE demand for
it before the com2
e for the talks is an
nounced, we can lift the ban, may be 10 days before. NS: Your strategy seems to be to put pressure on the LTTE to agree to a date for talks by holding out the reward of deproscription. RW: I think for the first time, we have built up a consensus in the country in favour of deproscription. We have to build on that. In any case, we have to fix dates for the talks first, I think. That seems to be the most sensible way to do it. As someone said, I have to sell this to the south. NS: The LTTE has said the peace process is at an impasse because you have not lified the ban on it yet, and it has complained about the non-implementation of certain provisions in the ceaaefire agreement. Would you agree with its assessment? RW: That view has not been conveyed to me through the facilitators. If I keep replying to what is there in the papers, this process would have broken down long ago. The MoU (ceasefire agreement) has been implemented to the D+90 level (90 days from the start of the truce). All the issues raised by the LTTE are being looked at by the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission. For the first time, you have got a big change in the life of the people not only in the north and east, but in the south as well. And the whole process is moving forward, it has not got stuck anywhere. NS: Coming back to India, one of your Ministers said recently that your Government's decision to lease the Trincomalee oil tanks to the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) would serve Sri Lankas security interests. Is there a security dimension to this decision? RW: There are two reasons: why we decided to give it to IOC. One, Sri Lanka is removing the monopoly on oil distribution and since IOC was interested, it was good to have a source of oil nearby. Second, the rupee fluctuates under the pressure of oil prices, so when we have Indian Oil or one or two others here, that burden will not be borne by the Government. NS: But there is speculation that this has been done to present LTTE with a fait accompli on Trincomalee, to establish the Government's hold over Trincomalee.
(continued on next page)

Page 5
is MAY. JUNE 2002
lmpasse
in...Tal
Govt, td Bla
June 5 - The London-based political advisor and chief negotiator of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Mr Anton Balasingham, has blamed the Sri Lankan government for what he described as the present “impasse' in the Sri Lankan peace process accusing Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe's government of dragging its feet on the issue of d-eproscription of the LTTE and backtracking on the issue of setting up an interim administration for the northeast of the island. He also alleged that President Chandrika Kumaratunga had a "hawkish attitude” and a "pathological hatred for the LTTE”.
The following are extracts from Mr. Balasingham's interview with the Tamil Guardian published from London:
"As a party to the cease-fire agreement, we are unhappy that some of the terms and conditions as well as Some measures aimed at creating normalcy in Tamil areas are not fully implemented. The military personnel are still occupying temples, schools, colleges and public buildings in defiance of the timeframes stipulated in the truce.”
"The reluctan Sinhala armed for places of worship ha people and is dest dence in the peace "The cease-fire that unarmed LTT permitted freedom northeast for politic Sri Lanka govern stringent condition movement of our ca Jaffna where 35,0 Similarly the Sri La ing to remove all 1 ing even after the ti has lapsed which seriously the condit our fishermen.'
"The non-imp terms and conditio is causing delay ir peace negotiations tematic de-escalatic the restoration of r affected Tamil regi tial pre-requisites tions, can only t smooth implemen agreement.”
"We are disapp
(Continued from page 4) RW: The lease to Indian Oil has to be looked at in the context of the overall Indo-Lanka relations. It is essential for the development of Trincomalee as a port, and under the Indo-Lanka agreement, we had a commitment to develop the oil tank farm jointly. This is meant to develop Trincomalee as an economic and a commercial base, not a military base. And the LTTE wants it. NS: How do you see the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Jayalalithaa's standon the LTTE and are you going to meet her during this visit? RW: Her stand is not new. I would like to meet her and briefher on what is happening on Sri Lanka. We are also going to discuss with the Indian Government the feasibility of the land bridge (between Thalaimannar and Rameswaram) and that affects Tamil Nadu.
There are many i about. I think I kn to exchange views and freely. I hope NS: You are going time of great tensic Pakistan. Doyous own country in an RW: My trip to Musharraf's visith end of July) were t of this took place. cerned, the reason exist now are bilat mindful of the fact of the conflict wil the northern plain that we will all be like to see the tensi hasto bedone byť are both very clos (Сои
 

TAM TIMES 5
Balasingham
ce shown by the es to vacate these sangered the Tamil roying their confiprocess.”
locument stipulates E members will be of movement in the al activities. But the ment has imposed for the freedom of dres in the islets off 00 Tamils live..... unkan navy is refusestrictions on fishmeframe of 90 days continues to affect ions of existence of
lementation of the ns of the cease-fire the resumption of . A proper and syson of the conflict and ormalcy in the war on which are essenfor peace negotiabe realised by the tation of the truce
ointed over the lack
ssues to talk to her ow her well enough on any matterfrankly o meet her.
to India again at a in between India and 2e this affecting your
way? )elhi, and President 're (scheduled for the oth fixed before any As far as we are confor the tensions that 2ral. But we are also that the consequence not be restricted to of the subcontinent, affected. We would ons reducing, but that e two countries, they : tO uS. tesy of "The Hindu )
of concern and inclination on the part of the Sri Lankan government in the process of de-escalation and stabilisation of peace, which is seriously undermining the confidence of our people in the peace process.”
“We are well aware that President Kumaratunga is deadly opposed to the terms and conditions of the cease-fire as well as for confidence building measures aimed at de-escalation and restoration of normalcy..... She has a pathological hatred for the LTTE and is opposed to a negotiated political settlement with the LTTE. ... In view of her ultra-nationalist and hawkish attitude on the Tamil national question, one can safely assume that President Kumaratunga is capable of creating difficulties for the current peace process. But as far as we are concerned this is a problem of co-habitation between Ranil's administration and the Presidency.”
"We are deeply disappointed to note that Mr Ranil Wickramasinghe is backtracking on the crucial issues of de-proscription and interim administration. President Kumaratunga may have prevailed upon Ranil to take a hard-line attitude towards the LTTE. ... The intervention of Kumaratunga and her misguided strategy of imposing unacceptable pre-conditions have definitely slowed down the peace process and generated a state of impasse.”
"We anticipated that Ranil's administration would take a bold step to deproscribe our organisation to satisfy the aspirations of the Tamils and to promote the peace process. But we are disappointed to note that the government has imposed a pre-condition linking the date for the commencement of talks with the possible de-proscription."
"Ranil's government has also shifted its original position with regard to the proposal to establish an interim administration in the northeast to facilitate the LTTE to enter into the democratic political mainstream. Chandrika seems to have successfully impressed upon Ranil to consider the interim administration only after finding a permanent resolution to the contentious core issues underlying the ethnic conflict, a theme that she persistently adopted and miserably failed.”
"Mr Wickramasinghe, who openly campaigned for the establishment of the interim administration and got the mandate from the people in the parliamentary elections, has reneged from his position. He now proposes that core

Page 6
8 FAMILTIMES
issues should be taken up for discussion in search of a permanent solution.” “Resolution of the core issueS or rather the fundamentals underlying the Tamil national question requires fundamental constitutional reforms leading to a radical restructuring of the state System..... Furthermore, Ranil's administration, with limited political authority subordinated to an all-powerful presidential rule cannot undertake this monumental task involving a fundamental structural transformation of the state. ... Ranil's administration was favourably disposed to the idea of an interim solution realising the practical logic behind the proposal. Unfortunately he has now shifted from his original position on the advice of the President. This is going to create serious difficulties for Ranil since his government is incapable of addressing and redressing the core issues behind the Tamil question.”
"A concrete and objective analysis of the evolutionary history of the Tamil political struggle would reveal that the demand for the recognition of the Tamil homeland, the quest for Tamil national identity and the right to self-determination are the substantive core issues or rather, the fundamentals behind the Tamil national question. These are not abstract theoretical constructs of political science or vague legal principles in international law as some Sinhalese intellectuals posit, but rather concrete political demands evolved through historical political struggles to secure the inalienable rights of the Tamil people.” “We have already clarified our position with regard to the Tamil right to self-determination. We hold the view that the Tamils have the right to both internal and external aspects of selfdetermination. The Tamils would examine a proposal for a fully autonomous Tamil homeland with a system of self-government in realisation of their inalienable right to internal selfdetermination. But if Sri Lanka denies the right to internal self-determination and continues to subject the Tamils to genocidal oppression they will certainly attempt to realise it externally by struggling for secession, political independence and statehood.”
“We do not think that Mr Ranil Wickramasinghe has the necessary political authority to deal with the core issues as perceived by the Tamils underlying the Tamil national question. His theory of one nation, one country
amil United L (TULF) leader : politician, Muru param, born on 20 Ju June at the age of 79 destiny of the main (TULF) for the past
In his younger ur Siva, as he was popul ately called, he was at nism and joined the but later he joined the Congress. His rema tary career began W contested the Point F the Jaffna peninsula candidate in 1956 ar
Sivavas returne the first time in Ma the Udupiddy seat o gress ticket and repe ance in 1960 July to sole representative Parliament of 157 M Sivasithampara 1965 March and th with three seats joi government of Dudl was also the time Party led by SJV Ch became partner in th tion government. W vam of the FP becam ter in that governmen Deputy Speaker of P.
capacity he functio
and one people is th the core demands o homeland, national right to self-determ practical approach a is to work out an ir ministrative set-up ( tunity for the LTTE t economic developm east; to create adequ to explore the feasil concrete constitutio core demands of the internal self-determi address the core issu ognition of the basi Tamils, will end up happened in Thimpl
 

15 MAY JUNE 2002
liberation Front and veteran Tamil gesu. Sivasithamly 1923, died on 5 ) after guiding the Oolitical party, the 15 years. ldergraduate days, arly and affectiontracted to commuCommunist Party, All-Ceylon Tamil rkable parliamenith a defeat when Pedro electorate in as an independent ld lost.
to Parliament for rch 1960 winning in the Tamil Conlated his perform). He was then the of the party in a PS. m won again in 2 Tamil Congress ned the coalition ey Senanayake. It when the Federal elvanayakam also he UNP led coalihile M Tiruchelle a cabinet minist, Siva was elected arliament in which hed from 1967 to
e very negation of f the Tamils for a identity and the ination. The only |ccessible to Ranil terim politico-adoffering an opporo participate in the lent of the northate space and time pility of providing inal forms for the Tamils in terms of nation. Any rush to es, without the recc demands of the in disaster as has .'
ath of TULF Leader, Sivasithamparam
1970. He lost his seat to the Federal Party in the 1970 parliamentary election.
As the ethnic conflict escalated, the mid-seventies first witnessed the Federal Party, ACTC and the CWC combining to form the Tamil United Front (TUF). With the adoption of the Vaddukoddai resolution calling for a campaign to setup a separate state of Eelam, the TUF became defunct with the CWC distancing itself from the separatist platform, and when the TULF was formed with the FP as its main party, Siva joined it leaving behind his ACTC colleagues. Contesting under the TULF ticket in the Nallur electorate in Jaffna in the July 1977 general election, Siva created history by recording the largest majority of 28, 137 votes in the entire country in that election. The TULF with 18 seats was the largest Opposition party in 1977.
Appapillai Amirthalingam and Murugesu Sivasithamparam became Leader and Deputy Leader of the Opposition respectively. Sivasithamparam became president and Amirthalingam secretary-general of the TULF in 1978. The 1983 July violence resulted in a tragic upheaval for the Tamil minority. Thousands of families were affected and uprooted. Sivasithamparam's house and vehicle in Colombo too were burnt and his family members escaped death miraculously. They, along with many others, relocated to Tamil Nadu. The TULF forfeited its Parliamentary seats by refusing to take the mandatory oath of allegiance to a unitary state as provided for by the hastily passed Sixth Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution. It, however, welcomed the good offices of India and cooperated fully in the mediatory ef. forts undertaken by New Delhi. Sivasithamparam, along with his TULF colleagues, participated in all forms of India-sponsored negotiations, including the aborted talks in Bhutan in 1985. In 1987, the TULF accepted the IndoLanka accord and re-entered the political mainstream of the island.
Siva survived with serious injuries (continued on next page)

Page 7
1s AY. JUNE 2002
O SLFP Urges Bigger
Role for President
May 3 - After months of deliberation, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) came out with a
policy statement on the ongoing peace process, demanding a bigger role for its leader and the President, Chandrika Kumaratunga.
The SLFP, which is the main constituent of the opposition People's Alliance (PA), also made it clear that it was against an interim administration in the northeast before a final solution to the ethnic conflict was arrived at.
The 12-page document, signed by Maithripala Sirisena, general secretary of the SLFP, said that the party supported a negotiated settlement and would not sabotagethe peace process in the "destructive” way the now-ruling United National Party (UNP) had opposed its peace efforts.
But the SLFP listed conditions that it wanted met in return for its continued cooperation. Chief among these was that the Government must give the President Kumaratunga a bigger role in the process by recognising that she was the "head of state, head of the executive and the Government, head of the Cabinet, Commainder-in-Chief of the armed forces and the leader of the SLFP and the PA.”
Proposing that a Standing Committee under the joint leadership of the President and the Prime Minister to guide the ongoing peace process, the statement said, “We strongly urge the UNF to enter into a meaningful dialogue with the main opposition party (the SLFP) and other parties, if it is truly concerned with establishing lasting peace and resolving the ethnic con
flict.'
The statement cat ister, Ranil Wickrem a function to mark th dom Day, appealed f confrontational politi building a pluralist si The SLFP asked practice what it prea united approach to th the LTTE has pronou for a sustainable sol the ethnic problem it should be agreemei main parties andat le other parties,” the st "It warned again one-party rule by the east, saying this cou separate state. On th that the proscription before talks are com that the Government sidering - the SLFP done only after talks gressed satisfactorily of insisting that the b The Interim Adm sure that all ethnic gr tion and enjoyed in nised democratic an SLFP did not recog sole representative of therefore, the admi monopolised by it, ti
(Continued from page 7) an assassination attempt by the LTTE in 1989 in Colombo. TULF Secretary General A. Amirthalingam and parliamentarian V Yogesvaram. Siva vas shot in the chest and underwent a long stint in hospital.
Siva contested the Jaffna and Wanni electoral districts in 1989 and 1994 but failed win. The TULF was actively involved in the peacemaking efforts of President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Siva himself played a commendable role in it. Ill health in 1998 compelled him to return and stay continuously in Chennai till early this year. He did not contest the elections of 2000 and 2001. During the last quarter of 2001, four Tamil political parties, including the TULF, came together to form the Tamil
National Alliance general election he year the TNA wo became one of its ' Siva vas incor gon of virtue in phrase with not aw him ever. Few of Lankan politics would be sorely fe Like many Tar vintage, Siva belie Gandhian non-vio pated in many pro over the years. It co with his demise an tation of Tamil po leaves his wife, sc their families. His dian national.
 

TAMMES 7
O Monitors Under Fire
Colombo, May 5 Barely three months after the truce began, the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) has come under crtic
he as the Prime Min'singhe, speaking at e World Press Freera move away from cs in the interests of ociety.
the Government to ched by adopting a 2 peace process. "As nced time and again, ution to be found to is essential that there it between the two ast consultation with itement pointed out. st the setting up of a : LTTE in the north.ld create a de facto e LTTE's insistence on it should be lifted menced - a demand is believed to be consaid this should be commenced and pro. But it stopped short an must not be lifted. inistration should enoups had representaternationally recogd human rights. The lise the LTTE as the the Tamil people and histration cannot be he statement said.
(TNA) and in the d in December that 14 seats and Siva National List MPs. uptible and a paravery sense of the liff of scandal about his ilk are in Sri oday and his loss
t. il politicians of his ved in the creed of lence and particiest demonstrations uld be truly said that xemplary manifestics is no more. He h and daughter and on-in-law is an In
ism from newspapers, opposition parties, human rights groups and aroused the ire of President Chandrika Kumaratunga over its handling of incidents threatening the truce.
The 23 monitors from Norway, Sweden and Finland, led by retired Norwėgian general Trond Furuhovde, were picked by Oslo monitor the truce between the Tamil Tigers and the government.
In the face of such criticism the SLMM, poorly manned in terms of numbers comprising only 23 foreign members in its team, has urgently requested Norway to send at least 25 additional monitors to help oversee the ceasefire.
Hagrup Haukland, the deputy head of the monitoring mission said they had called for reinforcements to deal with hundreds of complaints pouring in.
“We need more people badly to handle the complaints we are receiving and we have requested them to show up sometime this month,” said Haukland. “We actually needed them yesterday." Haukland said the new monitors are likely to include personnel from Denmark and Iceland, besides Norway, Finland and Sweden.
The present team is battling to process numerous complaints, which are swamping the SLMM’s six offices in the island's north and east. "Not all the complaints turn out to be ceasefire violations. But we have to listen to all of them. We cannot turn anyone away.' Haukland refused to categorise the complaints the monitoring mission had received but local officials said they ranged from accidental shooting incidents to extortion and abduction.
Norway brokered a ceasefire agreement between Colombo and the LTTE, and both sides agreed to have the monitoring mission, headed by retired Norwegian general Trond Furuhovde, as the final arbiter on interpreting the terms of the truce agreement.
The Scandinavians are helped by groups of local monitors nominated by the government and the LTTE. The mission has been called on to rule on several serious incidents that threatened the ceasefire in the north and east.
Haukland admitted to the mission having made at least one mistake. It almost resulted in a hostile confrontation between the navy and a flotilla of boats carrying

Page 8
8 TAMITIMES
some 40 Tamil Tigers off the north-eastern port ofTrincomalee.
"That was a tricky case. We were notified in the correct way by the LTTE of the movement of their cadres, but we did not notify the government. We hope that kind of mistake will not happen again,” Haukland said.
The mission has also come under criticism from foreign and local human rights organisations for failing to stop the harassment of civilians.
"We are trying our utmost to do a good job. It is not possible to satisfy everybody.” said Haukland, adding that more personnel would help the monritoring mission implement the truce properly, and then "we can be more accessible and process complaints faster.”
O The Peace that People Seek
May 5 - Rev. C. Jayakumar, the Director of the Jaffna-based Human Development Centre (HUDEC), has said that the peace that the people seek was not any cost or at the expense of “our value and traditions' in an interview with “The Sunday Leader” (5.5.2002).
Asked as to whether moves by the government would pave the way for the opening up of the economy in Jaffna and develop it, he said, "While attaining peace and stability in Jaffna in particular and in the country in general, we should also retain the old charm of the Jaffna city.”
In regard to promoting an open economy, Rev. Jeyakumar said, "We only ask for checks and balances for the open economy. You see, the poverty line in Jaffna is very low. Nobody even knows about it. The people who come from the south always interact with the elite of society and return. They fail to understand there is a huge crisis over poverty. So I am not saying that such an opening will not help Jaffna. But at the same time we do not want to see an erosion of values and traditions.' Asked as to how the people of Jaffna are continuing to survive with smiles on their faces even after a protracted war, the Reverend said, "It is because of the extended family system that has been cherished here from the inception. Our family systems are very strong. This is why we even survived with an embargo imposed on us. For instance, once a person is living abroad, he/she sends money and that is being shared here. So we survive.”
Asked as to why most men in Jaffna are addicted to liquor, he said, "I think most men are under severe stress. They have no place to run to and they try to
drown their sorrows must say that this is challenges. Now the gone away from the men think they cann tion. This is the negat But if you take Japa the war, all the educ intellectuals stuck on here it is not happer men have gone abroa been killed. So Jaffna to take on the challi whetherthe people of an interim administra trol of the Tigers espé being accused of exto people, Rev. Jeyaku this. If the LTTE com to change for the bett tinue to extort money the way it did in the the mass support.”
O India offers “expe May 7 - India ha at talks between the ment and the LTTE next month in Thailan Affairs Minister, G. I "The External A want Singh, assured other interest than th Sri Lanka. India's on nal peace of Sri Lank is also the Cabinet sp New Delhi last month ference.
The Governmen equivocaly” declare peace process, he sai to place at the dispos. nical and constitutio Government's discus that are to be held course,” Mr. Peiris sa Sri Lanka wanted for the talks, and the seek assistance from I experts on aspects of to the Constitution, Indo-Lanka Accord, of the powers that co der it, and the unit of But the Minister cabinet members in ing peace process, dis that a proposed LTTE istration, which is li focus of the Thaila based on the model p Amendment.
Mr. Peiris also

15 MAY - JUNE 2002
by drinking. But I not the way to face cream of society is peninsula and these ot handle the situaive aspect of the war. n for instance, after ated people and the to rebuild Japan. But ling. Most educated ld while others have lacks educated men nges.” Asked as to Jaffna would prefer ation under the con:cially when they are rting money from the mar said, "It is like is back, it might have er. If the Tigers conand conduct affairs past, they will lose
rtise' at talks: is offered assistance Sri Lankan Governexpected to be held Id, the Constitutional L. Peiris. ffairs Minister, Jasme that India has no
e return of peace to
ly desire is the intera,” the Minister, who okesman and was in I, saidata news con
t of India had “undits support for the il. "India has offered al of Sri Lanka techhal expertise for the sions with the LTTE in Thailand in due lid.
to be fully prepared Government would ndian Constitutional he 13th Amendment result of the 1987 for a clear definition uld be devolved undevolution, he said. who is one of two charge of the ongomissed the inference -run interim adminkely to be the main nd talks, would be rovided by the 13th
asserted that talks
would be held in June as planned and not in July, as speculation has it after the London-based Tamil Guardian, said that talks might not be possible before mid-July.
In the last two weeks, the detente in Sri Lanka was threatened by two encounters at sea between the Sri Lankan Navy and the LTTE.
In one incident, the Navy blockaded a Tiger flotilla near Trincomalee, which was found to be transporting arms and cadres but was let off at the intervention of the monitors.
The monitors later said the LTTE had asked them to inform the Government of the flotilla's movement, and that they had omitted to do so due to an "oversight'.
In the second incident, the Navy clashed with boats that it said were carrying arms and ammunition. According to the Navy, one boat self-destructed, while another blew up when its patrol returned fire from it. But in a statement from Killinochchi, the LTTE accused the Navy offiring on fishing boats, killing fishermen and "breaching' the truce agreement. It said the version that the boats were carrying arms was a "ludicrous lie fabricated by the naval authorities to justify their atrocities against innocent fishermen'.
Referring to these incidents, Mr. Peiris said no ceasefire in the world was perfect and said the monitoring mission was investigating them in a "even-handed' man
mer.
Commenting that there was a "vast reservoir" of international goodwill for the Sri Lankan Government's efforts to resolve the ethnic conflict, he said besides India, the U.S. was also fully supportive of the Sri Lankan Government's efforts to find peace.
OAI on Continuing Recruitment
of Children
May 7 - The London-based international human rights organisation, Amnesty International, has accused the Tigers of continuing to forcibly recruit children as combatants. In a report, AI has named 13 children from the ages of 12 to 16 who have been forced to join the LTTE in the last few months.
They are: Duncy Mary (f) aged 15, Sudharshini Tharmalingam (f) aged 12, Gunasekaram Kananayagam (m) aged 16, Kathiresan Ruban (m)aged, 16 Ravindran Sanjiv (m) aged 13, Anantharasa Gunaseelan (m)aged 14, Baba Thambirasa (m) aged 12, Mahendran Kapilan (m) aged 16, Mathurauveeran Selvarasa (m) aged 15, Thiyagarajah Suthaharan (m) aged 12, Selvaraji Suthahar (m) aged 13, Vellai

Page 9
15 AY. JUNE 2002
samy John (m) aged 13, Selvarasa Vishaharan (m) aged 15.
AI has voiced serious concern about the above named children who are believed to have been recruited as combatants by the LTTE.
Duncy Mary was last seen on February ll, 2002 as she returned from a tuition class near a bus stand north of Batticaloatown. Kathiresan Ruban, RaviIndran Sanjiv and Anantharasa Gunaseelan were reportedly among a group of seven boys who were recruited by the LTTE on January 2, this year at Chettikulam in the Vavuniya district. Thiyagarajah Suthaharan, Selvaraji Suthahar and Vellaisamy John told their parents on December 10, 2001, that they were going to play at the playground in Sivapuram, in the Vavuniya district but they never returned home af. terwards.
AI has conveyed in a communication to the LTTE details of the above abductions. Two youths resident at Weerapuram in Vavuniya, namely Raj Francis and Edward Kennedy were abducted by the LTTE to be given a military training. They were able to escape from the LTTE camp and surrendered to the Thalladi army camp in Mannar on 26.02.2002.
Two LTTE cadres have also been taken into custody when they were detected forcibly taking children to be recruited to the LTTE.The police later released these LTTE members.
A seventeen years old Tamil student, who was abducted by the LTTE, escaped from the LTTE camp and surrendered to the China Bay police station in Trincomalee. A Government news releases reported that a group of LTTE members who arrived at Korakallarmadu area in Batticaloa on 25th March 2002 had demanded that each household in the area had to give one youth or child to be recruited to the LTTE or if they are not agreeable they would have to vacate the
area.
On March 30th, a large group of about 300 armed LTTE cadres had crossed over to Wakarai, Kadiraveli area without informing the army from the Polonnaruwa - Batticaloa main road. The majority of cadres were child soldiers aged between 12 years and 16 years and had been trained after joining the LTTE recently.
On 27th March morning three youngsters who had been forcibly taken into the LTTE had fled to Kiran army camp at Batticaloa after which they had been handed over to Palam mena Police, Valachchenai.
Apart from recruiting children as com
batants, Amnesty I serted that it strong mentsandarmed op ing or deploying chil roles as messengers
OWrangle over hij May 10 - A moi connecting the Jaf mainland reopened, ternational monitors fire are still engage pute between the Ll ment over bus rights The LTTE want the stretch of the A in its territory, a dem has refused on the g attempt by the Tiger gitimise a separatej under their control. As with all othe conflict, the victims stead of the promist from northern Sri Li the other way after th the journey is a nigh of through transport Government-ru Board (CTB) buses 70-km stretch of the thai and Muhamalai, control of the LTTE choice but to change to travel from Vavu The first stop is final army checkpoi fence Line (FDL), registered and sent b bus flying an Intern the Red Cross (ICRC land to the LTTE ch After being sc here, the passenger cle to travel northu final LTTE checkp could cost from Rs pending upon the t Once again, tl change into a spec them across no m FDL at Muhamala hop off one more bus that can take t parts of the penins bies, children anc whole trip is a dau The head oft Lanka Monitoring to be holding disc leadership to find When the dispute had ruled that the

TAMILTIMES 9
ernational has asobjects to governsition groups trainren even, in support rporters.
hway continues h after the highway a peninsula to the e Norwegian-led in)f Sri Lanka's ceasein resolving a disTE and the Governon the route.
exclusive rights on 9 highway that falls and the Government round that this is an sto establish and lerisdiction in the area
aspects of the ethnic are the civilians. In'd relief to travellers Inka to the south and e opening of the road, itmare in the absence
n Ceylon Tranpsort cannot operate on the A-9 between Omanwhich falls under the ... Passengers have no as many as five buses niya to Jaffna.
at Thandikulam, the hton the Forward Dewhere passengers are y a specially arranged ational Committee of ) flag across no man's :ckpoint at Omanthai. 'eened by the LTTE need to hire a vehi) to Muhalamalai, the int on the A-9. This 150 to Rs 6,000, depe of the vehicle. ey must disembark, al bus that will take n's land to the army There, they need to me and on to a CTB em to Jaffna or other la. Add luggage, baold people, and the ting ordeal. e Norwegian-led Sri Vission was reported isions with the LTTE solution to the issue. st arose, the monitors TE was violating the
ceasefire by restricting free movement of passengers, and gave both sides a month to sort out the dispute. The deadline passed without any resolution of the dispute.
The Government has said that it is willing to consider an LTTE-run bus service on the stretch provided it is operated under motor vehicle rules prevalent in other parts of the country. “We have indicated our flexibility on an arrangement for an LTTE-sponsored bus company, but they will have to comply with the gazetted rules of the country," said an official.
At the moment, vehicles in LTTE territory carry “Tamileelam" license plates and are not registered with Sri Lanka's road traffic authorities.
Officials said at the heart of the dispute was the LTTE's desire to assert the separateness ofthe territoryunder its control. For civilians, the sheer logistical difficulties of the journey are compounded by the LTTE "tax collectors", who are reported to be charging a 25 per cent levy on goods people are taking into area under its control, especially on bicycles and essential commodities. Tamil sources said those travelling south are discovering that they have to give financial guarantees of their return and must obtain permits from the LTTE to leave. As a result many are now turning back to the air and sea routes, which are also procedurally daunting, but now seem more attractive given the complications of the land route.
O Threat to Peace Process
14 May - The National Peace Council of Sri Lanka in a statement states, “Political and media attention at this time appears to be focusing more on the shortcomings of the peace process rather than its strengths. This is creating a negative climate of opinion in which the benefits of the ceasefire agreement, such as the savings of life (of about 1500 persons based on a average death toll of 10 per day), are being taken for granted or downplayed. Any erosion in public confidence in the peace process will make it more difficult for the next steps forward to be taken, such as the lifting of the ban on the LTTE and commencement of direct negotiations.
An important confidence-building measure could be an increased emphasis on human rights issues. Several civic organisations have pointed out that the human rights situation in the north and east is poor and has to be improved. The NPC believes that the government and LTTE should sign a human rights agreement to accompany the ceasefire agreement and thereby restore public confidence in their

Page 10
10 TAMITMES
bona fides vis-à-vis the public welfare. At the same time we call for an independent human rights monitoring body with Sri Lankan and international participation to be set up in terms of this agreement.
The NPC is also concerned that partisan political considerations are contributing to a one-sided and overly adverse assessment of the ceasefire agreement. The high degree of political polarisation in the country that permeates institutions in general, including the mass media, must not become an obstacle to the peace process. In particular, we view the inability or unwillingness of the government to get the opposition on board the peace process as a major contributory factor to the rise in anti-peace propaganda. A key reason for the mainstream opposition's refusal to cooperate with the government at this time is its sense of political grievance rather than a fundamental antipathy to the peace process. Senior opposition leaders complain of both political harassment and of exclusion by the government. Accordingly, the NPC calls on the government to enter into a memorandum of understanding with the opposition that takes their mutual concerns into account. A bipartisan approach is crucial to sustaining the peace process in the longer term and in upholding the national interest over partiS3 OCS.
O Ranil to sign several deals
with India
May 19-Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe may sign several important Memoranda of Understanding (MOU) with India when he visits New Delhi in the second week of June,official sources said in Colombo.
From the politico-strategic point of view, the most important could be the deal to lease out to India some of the 100 giant World War II vintage oil tanks in Trincomalee.The Sri Lankans say that the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) is to take fifteen of the tanks. But the Indians say that though an IOC delegation had visited the site some time ago, nothing is certain given the lack of a real demand for the facility. But, having failed to get New Delhi directly involved in the peace process between his government and the LTTE, some observers are of the view that the Prime Minister is keen on drawing India into the north-east to give it a stake in that politically sensitive part of the island. They say that an Indian stake will mean an Indian interest in keeping the LTTE in check if and when this becomes necessary.Though at this point of time, the
Indians may be hes the Sri Lankan offer have a long term int. other power gets ho strategically key faci a prior claim to the 1 Sri Lanka Accord ( says that the tanks w used by India and Sr ture.
However, from point of view the n will be on giving sc retail outlets of th Corporation (CPC) ! poration (IOC) whe IOC will be selling island. This is expec oil a major headsta over the operations privatised.Colombo dians coming into o in a major way beca off undue pressures
The signing of dian expertise forth Ceylon General certain.The Indian R wing RITES will do privatisation of the Discussions on Colombo and Ban place.Sri Lankan Ai ing the service, buttl very soon because t spoke in the whee Lankan Arilines sho pilgrimage centre India, if Bangalore i the Colombo - Bod be very profitable f because most Sri L. middle class shoest will prefer to fly t train to Gaya.
O UNP sweeps loc:
May 21 - Sri I National Party, whi try its best chance f istered a near sweep 20 May. The party o Wickremesinghe wi Councils. One Cou Liberal Party and ar ent group...Howeve ing in was marred b
The main opp ance, which lost las vote, and the Marx Front (JVP), whic against the peace defeated.

SMAY.JUNE 2002
itating to respond to enthusiastically,they rest in seeing that no ld of the gigantic and lilty. In fact, India has anks as per the Indoof 1987. The Accord ill be refurbished and i Lanka as ajoint ven
the purely economic nost important MOU me 25 to 30% of the e Ceylon Petroleum to the Indian Oil Corn it is privatised.The its oil products in the ted to give the Indian rt in the race to take of the CPC when it is is very keen on the Inil sector in Sri Lanka use it will help it fend
from the MNCs. a MOU on getting Inhe privatisation of the Railways (CGR) is ailways” consultancy a feasibility study on CGR. an air service between galore will also take rlines is keen on startnis may not materialse he Indians have put a l.They insist that Sri uld fly to the Buddhist Bodh Gaya in North s to be opened up.But h Gaya route may not or Sri Lankan Airlines ankan pilgrims, being ing budget travellers, Chennai and take a
al polls anka's ruling United zh has given the counor peace in years, regin local polls held on fPrime Minister Ranil on 15 of 17 Municipal İncil was won by the other by an independr in several areas, votby violence. osition People’s Allityear's parliamentary ist Peoples Liberation h has staged protests process, were heavily
The victories continue a streak for Wickremesinghe, who won parliamentary elections in December on a pro-peace platform and also saw his party take all but five of 222 village and city councils that were contested in March. As in December and March, the United National Party campaigned on its peace plan, while the other parties attacked the plan and criticised the cost of living.
Wickremesinghe has seen his party's popularity go up after he signed a ceasefire with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in February, and as he moves quickly towards talks with the Tamil Tigers, now expected late next month. The talks would be the first faceto-face peace negotiations in seven years.
Violence is common in Sri Lankan elections .The independent Centre for Monitoring Election Violence said it had received more than 100 complaints of election-related violence, including one murder. The worst violence was in southern Tangalle, won by the ruling party, which had "rendered the results meaningless', the centre said. Voter turnout was about 65 percent, with about 1.1 million of Sri Lanka's 19 million people eligible to vote. The elections in the 17 municipalities, including the capital Colombo, were to have been held in March but were delayed by legal challenges. Elections for another 71 local government bodies in the war zone in the north and east are expected to be held in September.
O“Peace process:
Optimism has not waned”
CHENNAI, May 23 - As the fragile Sri Lankan peace process enters a significant phase, the island's Shipping Minister, Rauf Hakeem, sees no reason for panic and asserts that recent misgivings are "usual teething problems.'
"Optimism has not waned. It has had some temporary setbacks since both sides are trying to prove to the people that we dominate the process, that we call the shots,' Mr. Hakeem, who is on an official visit to India told The Hindu on 23 May. "I don't see any necessity for both parties or any party to panic. Whatever has happened or has not happened are usual teeth
ing problems that have got to be resolved
by mutual dialogue, he said.
Mr. Hakeem, who is also the leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, said the Tigers had “realised their folly,” and was of the opinion that the build-up of peace will force the Government and the Tigers to a solution.
According to a memorandum ofun

Page 11
15 AY. JUNE 2002
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derstanding entered into by the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) with Norway on February 21, "all unarmed LTTE members shall be permitted freedom of movement in the North and the East” 90 days after the MoU. With the passing of this deadline, Mr. Hakeem said, "it will be very interesting to see how the LTTE will present itself to the people as a party that is willing to transform itself from a politico-military organisation which had a somewhat hegemonistic attitude towards the others. It is imperative that Mr. Prabakaran's assurance to permit pluralism is put into practice and they respect the sentiments of the people in its true sense. What is important is for them to realise that they should not upset the dovecote in the south by getting into unnecessary emotional roller coasters anymore.'
Mr. Hakeem termed the sharp reactions in southern Sri Lankato his meeting with the LTTE leader, Vellupillai Prabakaran, in April, as "typical” of the Left radical Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, and that it resorted to it "out of desperation.”. What, however was "unfortunate' was that the People's Alliance had also for some time "jumped into the bandwagon.” The important issue, he said, was to deal
with the southern p manner, forgetting
Mr. Hakeem’s r came at a time wil nouncements were ern Tiger leadersh drop, the SLMClea to point fingers,” si good start” for the l was very positive restive. Certain a were sending the w vious that things v pen in such a way wouldend up in tot ess, The meeting were given by Mr. as a very magnan the magnanimity c Tamil-Muslin Lanka had hit a lo dered the eviction North a decade ag. Mr. Hakeem said. tainly realised the Muslims from the tant for the Tigers dominance gaine Muslims are angr. happened in the p imperative need
 
 
 
 

AMLTIMES 11
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olitics in a "bipartisan vindictive politics." meeting with the Tigers men anti-Muslim proattributed to the eastp. Against that backder, who “did notwant lid the meeting "was a Muslim community. "It People were getting tions by individuals rong signal. It was ob'ere beginning to haphat those convulsions ally derailing the procnd the assurance that Prabakaran were seen mous gesture, though ame somewhat late.”
relationship in Sri w when the LTTE orfthe Muslims from the . In a reference to this, "the Tigers have cerr folly by evicting the north. It is now imporot to rely solely on the by the gun. Though and bitter at what had st, we also realise the co-exist and live as
brothers in the north and east with the Tamils. We need to regain our neutrality. If we can sit down and talk we could find innovative ways of sharing power.”
Asked about the sensitive issue of merger of the north and east, he said, “the eastern people must have a say in deciding whether they will continue to coexist. That will also act as a bulwark against totalitarianism.”
On how he read the Tigers' moves in the peace process, he said "they have never changed their stance" and have kept all options open while insisting that "they will consider a viable alternative.” The hope for peace, as Mr. Hakeem sees it, is in ensuring that the dividends of peace reach the people.
“The emerging scenario is such that the Tigers need to contend with the sentiments of the people. It is important for the peace dividends to filter down to the people. That has started. That is what gives the confidence. They will act as a massive pressure group. Once peace dividends are enjoyed by all sections of the Sri Lankan polity, they will act as a massive pressure group both against the Government and the LTTE in order to force them into a solution.” (Report by V.S. Sambandan, The Hindu)

Page 12
12 TAMIL TİMES
O UNHCR on Return
of Displaced Persons
May 23 - Despite the voluntary return of 71,000 internally displaced people IDP) to their homes this year, the United Nations' leading refugee agency maintains that "conditions in Sri Lanka are not yet conducive to promote or facilitate largescale, organised displaced people's return or repatriation of refugees,' a UN working group said this week. The report said that major concerns remain regarding the risk of landmines and unexploded ordinance in both actual and potential areas of return. UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) “is monitoring closely the situation of spontaneous returns to ensure that they occur voluntarily, with safety and dignity," the UN's IDP working group said in its weekly bulletin. More than 71,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs), or roughly 14,200 families, have returned to their homes since the beginning of the year in Jaffnaa, Kilinochchii, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Vavuniya, Trincomalee and Batticaloa districts, the report said. More than 35,000 returnees in Jaffna District account for nearly half the total. “Precise week-by-week figures are not available, but indications are that the magnitude of return has clearly increased since the Feb. 23 cease-fire agreement,” the report said.
Despite the UNHCR having “reservations about promotion or facilitation of large-scale, organized repatriation at this stage' the agency has agreed to assist in the return of 16 extremely vulnerable refugees from south Indian camps for pressing humanitarian reasons, the report added.
Modalities of repatriation, as well as the level of assistance the government can provide, are two of the topics to be discussed at a meeting on voluntary repatriation that UNHCR is scheduling with the relevant government authorities.
More than 50 refugees crossed the Palk Straits in fishing boats from India to Mannar in April, the report said, adding that such spontaneous returns appear to be continuing. The report says that the UNHCR's "primary responsibility with relation to mine-action issues within the current context is to identify priority areas of potential IDP and refugee return where de-mining and mine awareness activities are required.” UNICEF is said to be the lead UN agency on mine-risk education (MRE) and is to work closely in that capacity with UNHCR in areas where large numbers of people have returned, are returning or could potentially return, the
report added.
The estimated 1. live ammunition, inc personnel mines, ren formerly controlled by are taking a long time lack of equipment ar ing to the official in ch unexploded ordnance
The landmine cle controlled areas is cur solely by the Tamil Re sation, Mr Yogan, coc manitarian Landmine told reporters last w elsewhere in the worl ceived support from U cies.
O India to get Trinci
May 24- The Sri met on 24 May decid tank installation in th of Trincomalee to Ir giant Indian Oil Col long-term lease.
The decision is to all the 99 giant oil ta to India to be run by a pany comprising the tion (IOC), and a SriL net spokesman and C. Minister said. The IC jority stake in the nev Significantly, th covers the entire Chin comprising 99 storag IOC to use as many and lease out the rest combined capacity c tOnneS.
Originally, it wa tanks would be given the view of the mini in the final analysis, Minister Ranill Wickr nomic Reforms Mini goda prevailed. They vour of a full Indian t joint venture as per Accord of 1987.
Peiris said that t Fortune 500 compan the right either to keep out some to other part the offer, IOC will ha new joint venture co local partner to opera IOC would have majc entity.” Peiris said.
Peiris did notdivi the lease proposal, es posed security arrang

MAY.J2002
4 million pieces of luding 86,700 antimaining in territory the Sri Lanka Army to clear due to the ld funding, accordharge of clearing the
aring work in LTTE rently being funded habilitation Organiordinator of the Hu: Clearance Section eek. He noted that |d, such projects reUnited Nations agen
O oil tanks
Lanka cabinet which ed to offer a key oil e eastern port town dia’s public sector poration (IOC) on
) give on long lease nks in Trincomalee a joint venture comIndian Oil Corporaankan partner, Cabionstitutional Affairs DC would have mav company, he said. e Cabinet decision a Bay foil tank farm, e tanks, and allows of them as it wants, t. The facility has a f over one million
s said that only 15 to India as that was ster concerned. But the view of Prime emesinghe and Ecoster Milinda Morawere strongly in faake over, albeit as a the Indo-Sri Lanka
he IOC, one of the ies, would be given all the tanks or lease ies. “If India accepts ave to incorporate a mpany along with a te the oil tanks. The rity stake in the new
ulge more details on pecially on the proements for the instal
lation. The Cabinet was taking advantage of the fact that the Indian government had shown a "strategic interest” in the oil tank farm, while making the offer of a longterm lease, he said.
He added that the offer to give the facility to India in its entireity had "national security and economic security implications' about which he refused to elabo
rate.
Trincomalee, with its natural harbour, is considered to be of enormous strategic importance not only for the island but also for the entire south Asia region. In the LTTE's scheme of things, the city and the harbour falls within the area it claims as the homeland of the Tamils where it has been battling to set up a separate state. Some of those who want to thwart any unwelcome designs on the part of the LTTE think that a strong Indian presence in Trincomalee would be a countervailing factor. It has also been commented that the Sri Lankan government took what is described as a pre-emitive decision to offer the facilities to India at this time to avoid being confronted with any obstacles from the LTTE present it with a fait accompli on the status of Trincomalee during the forthcoming talks in Thailand.
ONorway sets questionnaire
May 27 - The Norwegian government brokering the peace deal between the Sri Lankan government and Tamil Tigers has sent out a questionnaire to both sides to make preparations for direct talks in Thailand, according to reports from Colombo. The objective of the questionnaire is to ascertain how the talks between the two sides should be conducted and the composition of the teams taking part in the proposed negotiations. “The Sunday Times” said it had obtained a copy of the Norwegian questionnaire and published some of the highlights in its column. The questionnaire was part of the preparations being made by the Norwegian government to open direct talks between the two sides, the first in seven years, after the previous round of peace talks collapsed in April 1995.
"Like in the case of the ceasefire agreement (Memorandum of Understanding) between the government and the LTTE, the Norwegians have called for position papers from both sides on the upcoming talks,' the newspaper said.
"A significant question in the questionnaire is whether the facilitators should sit in during talks, should they take part in the discussions, make proposals, Suggestions etc.,' the paper said.
How and by whom the questionnair

Page 13
15 MAY-JUNE 2002
was leaked to the press remains a mystery. But the Norwegian ambassador in Colombo, Jon Westborg, confirmed that Norway had sent out the questionnaire to the LTTE and the government, but declined to go into details of the questions. But the responses are expected to have a direct bearing on fixing dates for the talks and working out other modalities.
Among the clarifications sought by Norway are how often both sides should meet, how many days they should sit for talks at a time, the preferred size of the delegation, whether advisors are allowed to take part in the talks and whether advisors are permitted a place at the table or only when their inputs are required.
Should committees/sub-committees be used to deal with issues of a more technical nature, should detailed minutes be maintained or only minutes of decisions, and should all meetings be finalised by an agreement, minutes or a statement, are few of the other questions.
Norway has said that experience has shown the advantage of the parties agreeing on guidelines concerning how to deal with the media and what would be the most important elements in such guidelines. Who will chair the meetings and what should be the role of the chairperson is also another question posed to both sides. O Constitutional
Amendments Proposed
May 28 - The government has published details of proposed constitutional amendments that it says will bring about "a new political culture.” The main feature, according to the government, is the creation of an executive committee system which will comprise the elected representatives of both the ruling and the opposition parties. But the amendments are clearly designed to strengthen the Parliament’s position vis-à-vis Sri Lanka’s powerful Executive Presidency.
A new Article 44A will provide for the establishment of 20 Executive Committees, the Department of Information (Dol) said. Each will consist of a Chairman (appointed by the Prime Minister from amongst Cabinet Ministers) and at least 10 other MPs.
A new Article 44B provides for the establishment of a "Social, Economic and Cultural Council' which will consist of the Prime Minister or his nominee, a representative from each of the 20 Executive Committees and up to 40 persons (appointed by the Prime Minister in consultation with the Chairmen of the Executive Committees) representing, Professions,
Universities, Busine In the context of gle between Parliam the President, a key a amendment of Artic is vested in the latter upon the expiration c from the general ele to be amended to en exercise this power ( of the Prime Minist the Members of Par the Government col confidence of the m bers of Parliament, d possible,” the Info pointed out.
In another chang the context of the ti dent Chandrika Kur and Prime Minister of the UNF, Article "to enable an MP wh in accordance with h tinue as member not pulsion or any other taken against him by group to which he b The present pow appoint Special Presi also is to be abolish The UNIF plans of Parliament over anomalous exceptio ment from exercisin of particular funds w and Parliamentary nance will be estab. fied principle,” the
O Muslims return
to find themselv May 28 - Jaffna to his hometown Ja in 12 years since t Muslims in the area is left here to call a "I can't control this, all that is left stones. I can't expla After the gover tered into a perma months ago rebelle: karan agreed to pe sands of Muslims w the northern provi homes.
But most of th without anything í poorest conditions a years have come down homes and a thanks to years off

TAM TIMES 13
s Chambers, etc.
ngoing power strugnt and the Office of pect is the proposed 270, through power ) dissolve the former fa period ofone year tion. The Article is ble the President to nly with the consent ir or the majority of iament. "So long as tinues to enjoy the ajority of the Memissolution will not be mation department
e being instigated in ussle between Presinaratunga of the PA tanill Wickremesinge 90 is to be amended o votes in Parliament is conscienceto conwithstanding his exdisciplinary measure the political party or elongs.” er of the President to idential Commissions ed. to strengthen power public finance. “The in preventing Parliag its power in respect ill be done away with, control of public filished as an unqualiDoI said.
es homeless
Nifahir has returned ffna for the first time he LTTE ordered all to leave, but all that home is rubble. my tears as I look at f my home are these n how I feel," he says. inment and LTTE enment cease-fire three der Velupillai Prabhamit the tens of thouho were kicked out of ce to return to their
ese people who left nd have lived in the s refugees for all these back only to broken badly destroyed city 2rce fighting between
the army and LTTE.
Jaffna has just begun enjoying the fruits of peace but as the guns are silenced the city administrators are facing a whole heap of new problems including re-settlement and rehabilitation.
"Resettlement of people is our biggest problem. 70 per cent of the houses of the Muslim returnees are already occupied by locally displaced people and the military is also occupying several buildings," says Mr Shamuganadhan, Government Agent of Jaffna. Occasionally you find a family living in a house with no roof and half broken walls just so they can claim the ownership to their property.
Thousands of Muslims have been pouring into Jaffna to get a glimpse of their homes but hardly any of them have any intention of returning unless the government compensates them sufficiently to be able to rebuild their homes.
Many of the public buildings in Jaffna are occupied by the Sri Lankan army and though the cease-fire agreement stipulates that all buildings have to be vacated in about a month it is almost unlikely that the military could meet that target.
The LTTE have said the cease-fire has to be implemented in full before they meet the government for peace talks in June and one of the conditions the rebels want met is for the army to start moving out of buildings.
"Security is of primary concern. In areas which are high security zones even if we vacate buildings people cant come and resettle,” says Commanding officer of Jaffna General Sarath Fonseka. (Report by Farah Mihlar Ahamed, Times of India)
O President and PM closing ranks
for talks
May 29 - For the first time since a co-habitation Government came into being last December in Sri Lanka, a meeting of minds is now evident between the President, Chandrika Kumaratunga, and the Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, on the issue of the peace process.
Addressing the European Parliament in Brussels on Tuesday, Mr. Wickremesinghe said his Government was looking at devolution modelled on the Indian or British pattern as a solution to the country's ethnic conflict.
Reiterating that a united Sri Lanka was non-negotiable, Mr. Wickremesinghe told MEPs (members of the European Parliament), “Even though the LTTE wanted the settingup ofan interim administration (for the north-east) to be given priority at the direct talks in Thailand late next month,

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
the Government will ask that all core issues also be taken up at the top,” answering questions from MEPs
This is the first time that Mr. Wickremesinghe has clearly articulated the view that an interim administration should be linked to core political issues. Echoing another view held by the President, the Prime Minister also said the LTTE must agree to respect human rights and democratic norms.
It had been earlier the perception that the Government was agreeable to the LTTE demand for an interim administration in the north-east and not averse to putting off discussion on substantive issues till a more convenient time.
As a result, whenever the President brought up these issues, she was described as opposing the peace process. But now, the Prime Minister and she appear to be expressing identical views.
For the LTTE, which was preparing to soon take over the administration of the north-east, is a bit of a let-down. At his press conference last month, LTTE leader V Prabhakaran had claimed that the modalities for an interim administration alone would be the focus of the Thailand talks. A stinging editorial in the Tamil Guardian, an accurate barometer of LTTE thinking, accuses the Government of "buckling" to the hardline pressure exerted by Ms. Kumaratunga and her People’s Alliance.
"Hitherto, the UNF's positions on
matters related to the p been starkly distinct fi tra-hawkish People's A sident Chandrika Kur apparent adoption by some of the very posi maintains and which { Norwegian peace initi heightened concern,” weekly said in its late: It argued that the C to be back-pedalling ( ment with the LTTE o ity for an “interim” per on the whole process, posed peace talks in B "Yet suddenly, th Norwegian peace initi turned about. Presiden instructed Wickremes idea of an interim adm sue “core issues' inste Government appare Kumara-tunga's pressl facilitat-ors will no dol a way forward now, stated.
O Jaffna: Most affec May 31 - Jaffna: F ades Jaffna has been pi tre of fighting between and the LTTE. And th more than destroy buil homes; it has hurt the of thousands of people
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15 MAY. JUNE 2002
ace initiative have pm those of the ulIliance (PA) of Prelaratunga. But the the UNIF now of ions which the PA arlier thwarted the tive has justifiably the London-based t issue. overnment seemed n its initial agreerestoring normaliod and cast doubts including the proangkok.
dynamics of the ative seem to have i Kumaratunga has nghe to ditch the nistration and purad. With the UNF ntly buckling to ire, the Norwegian ubt struggle to find ” the publication
ted are women
or nearly two dec"etty much the cengovernment forces e war has done far dings and damage minds of hundreds
all the people go
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about living normal lives, more than 40 percent of the people in Jaffna are believed to be psychologically affected by the war and the most affected are women.
If the direct effects of the war were not enough, women in Jaffna are now suffering from a new phenomenon - exorbitant dowry demands. Parents in Jaffna are finding it increasingly difficult to get their young girls married offbecause the dearth of eligible men has resulted in the few available bachelors demanding handsome dowries. Even if the girl is educated, the men are demanding 2 million rupees for dowry. "When my daughter gets older I will have to pay about 5 million rupees,” says a schoolteacher in Jaffna town.
There are an estimated 15,000 widows in Jaffna alone: most of them have lost their husbands either to military attacks or because they have been killed fighting for the LTTE. "When the Indian forces were here, their attacks, particularly on the coastal areas, resulted in a lot of young men getting killed, so there were many young widows,' says Saroja Sivachandran of the Centre for Women and Development. Women suffer both due to the LTTE and the army. While they are militarised and used as combatant by the Tamil Tigers, they also become sex tools for the soldiers who are present in Jaffna.
“While a large number of women living close to the army camps are being exploited by the army, only a few cases are reported to us. Besides, we can't eventerm all such cases as rape because, mostly, there is some consent by the women,” says a human rights activist.
Since a lot of people in Jaffna live in broken down, bombed out houses there is also a huge problem of security facing women and chil
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Even a next-door neighbour can take advantage of her,” says Sivachandran,
Prof. Daya Somasundaram of the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Jaffna says that most people, worn out by years of fighting, need psychological help. And this is evident from the fact that they often turn up at the hospital complaining of ailments they don't really have. For some, even the peace
talks are a disaster in disguise

Page 15
15 MAY. UNE 2002
as they now have the time to stop and remember the horrifying experiences they underwent all these years. (Report by Farah Mihlar Ahamed, Times of India)
O US-Lanka Agreement
May 31 - Sri Lanka will enter into an agreement to allow U.S. military aircraft and ships to refuel and be serviced in its territory, a U.S. embassy official said today. The agreement comes amid U.S. support for a Norwegian-brokered ceasefire between the South-Asian government and Tamil Tigers to end a nearly two-decade conflict, but the embassy official downplayed the level of cooperation the pact will en tail.
"Planes and ships of each nation can go to the other nation for refuelling, minor servicing and repairs at cost or a payment in kind,” Stephen Holgate, the public-affairs officer of the United States embassy in Colombo said.
"Clearly when you sign an agreement that implies a certain level of cooperation and closeness, but this is not a quantum leap,” he said, denying local newspaper reports that the deal called the Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement would allow America to build bases in this island nation.
In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks on New York and Washington, the United States has been leading a global war on terrorism and has deployed troops in Afghanistan and the Philippines.
"This is the sort of agreement we have with scores of countries around the world,' Holgate said.
The United States has absolutely no intention of setting up a military base in Trincomalee harbour or anywhere else in Sri Lanka,' he added.
U.S. warships rarely make refuelling stops in Sri Lanka. USS Hopper, which is providing logistical support for the operation in Afghanistan.and which stopped at the island last month, was the first U.S. ship to port there in eight years in a visit that was seen more as a sign of U.S. support for the government's peace process.
A defence analyst in Colombo said that for the Sri Lankan Government, more than the military assistance, the value of the new agreement is in the signals that it can send to the LTTE at a time when the two sides are engaged in a Norwegian-facilitated process to begin peace talks.
Mr. Joseph Pararajasingham, senior Tamil National Alliance MP for Batticaloa told a US official that a proposed defence treaty between Washington and Colombo would support the majority Sinhalese
"continue the discrimi tion of the Tamil peop “The Tamil people cerned and suspicious "Acquisition and Cros ment” between the Un rica and Sri Lankan ( past experience they fel as a tool to support th tary's war against the agreement would mea the majority commur continue the discrimin tion of the Tamil peo singham told Mr. Jos head of the political se bassy in Colombo. Th cial: "The embassy Stephen Holgate dowi co-operation the pact w Tamil people look at t concern and appreh would eventually com vide logistic support, t. supplies to the Sri Lan The Tamil people feel is meant as a warningt it fall in line with the
The TNA MP Sai cial had assured him t never do anything det terests of the Tamil pe The Tamil Guard also noted the Goverr lease the Trincomalee dian Oil Corporation signing of a military U.S. as developments on the peace process.
Refuting “broad, a accurate, press covera tes in a statement issu 31 May denied that it ter into defence pact Lanka and said the pri and Cross Servicing A "does not ally the tw formal way."
Stating that the t been engaged in disc this proposed agreeme been concluded,” the "low-level agreement address modest needs ient to both parties.”
“The ACSA is, a an agreement that allc ices of each party to th itself of servicing, rep equipment of the oth payment or through th tical goods or goodso the statement said.

TAMILTIMES f5
nation and subjugale.” are very much conabout the proposed s Servicing Agreeited States of Amegovernment. From el that it can be used e Sri Lankan miliLTTE. Signing the in that you support ity (Sinhalese) to lation and subjugaple,” Mr. Pararajaeph L. Novak, the ction of the US Eme MP told the offispokesman Mr. played the level of ould entail. But the his agreement with ension because it mit the US to proraining and military kan security forces. that the agreement the LTTE, to make peace process.” d that the US offihat America would trimental to the inople. dian from London ment’s decision to oil tank farm to Inand the imminent agreement with the that would impact
nd occasionally inge,”the United Staled in Colombo on was planning to en
or treaty with Sri oposed Acquisition greement (ACSA), 'o countries in any
wo countries “have ussions concerning ‘nt, but it has not yet Embassy said such s are designed to In a manner conven
s its name implies, ws the armed serve agreement to avail airs, spare parts and er in exchange for e exchange of idenfequivalent value,'
The statement added,"ACSA is not a means to acquire major arms,” adding, "It is not a means to acquire bases. ACSA has nothing to do with access to Sri Lanka's airspace or waters." The statement also made it clear, "The United States has no interest in acquiring military bases anywhere in Sri Lanka.'
"United States and Sri Lanka have enjoyed a modest but appropriate level of military cooperation for a number of years. The ACSA is not a departure from the nature of this long-standing relationship, but a further confirmation of it,” the statement said, adding the US has similar agreements with 56 countries.
O LTTE's confidence
in Ranil's government
02 - The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have expressed confidence in the government led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe of pursuing the Norwegian backed peace process, but they are sticking to their demands for de-proscription and setting up of an interim administration for the strife-torn north and eastern provinces, before the proposed direct talks with the Sri Lankan government.
The Political Secretary of the LTTE, S.P..Thamil Chelvam, in an interview with "The Sunday Times" in Colombo, said they believe that Wickremesinghe "is a person who has the strength, political will and courage to go ahead with this peace initiative, come what may”.“Wehave confidence he (the Prime Minister) will overcome the hurdles placed by war mongering and chauvinistic groups," Chelvam was quoted as saying.
Refering to recent comments made by Wickremesinghe that the proposed interim administration would need parliamentary approval, Chelvam said they have confidence in Wickremesinghe and that statements may have been made to satisfy various constituencies in the south. "However, it is very unfortunate if Mr Wickremesinghe has changed his position. That definitely is not going to be contributory towards the resolution of the problem,” he said.
Chelvam explained why they want the ban on their organisation lifted and the need for the interim administration in the north and east. Hesaid the de-proscription “is for legitimacy” of the LTTE, and the Interim Administration "is to establish a means to alleviatethe problemsofthe people who are suffering for nearly two decades." He said it was essential before they get into meaningful negotiations towards

Page 16
16 TAMILTMES
a lasting political solution to have an administration carried out by theirown administrators, the LTTE. “The Tamil people consider the LTTE their political masters or rather their political representatives," Chelvam said.
Responding to questions about allegations made by the LTTE's chiefnegotiator now in London, Anton Balasingham, about the government not fulfilling the Memorandum of Understanding with the LTTE, Chelvam said some of the areas which the military should have vacated have not been done so far; there have been fears of harassment; and fishing restrictions have yet to be lifted. The issue of not granting permission for the LTTE cadres to enter into islands off the northern Jaffna peninsula for political activities has been another one, he pointed out.
On allegations about the LTTE bringing in weapons during the ceasefire agreement, Chelvam said it was the usual practice of the military to level such allegations. He also denied the allegations that they were 'recruiting cadres to the movement, but said people were "volunteering themselves to be enlisted for the freedom struggle'.
O Lanka urged to move faster:
June 6 - Sri Lanka should move faster in securing peace and implementing economic reforms, the Vice President of the World Bank's South Asia region, Mieko Nishimizu, said in her concluding statement to the Sri Lanka Development Forum meeting in Colombo. "Speed is of essence," she said adding "It is important to begin actions in places where strategic priority, tactical advantage, enabling opportunities... exist." Ms. Nishimizu said Sri Lanka needs "a leadership team whose consistency of words and actions, individually and collectively, earns the trust and confidence of the people over time." Promising the support of the Development Forum to the United National Front (UNF) government if it was prepared to effect moves towards peace and economic reform, the World Bank official also delivered a low-key warning if it was not. “We engage with champions and leaders of change) as our counterparts, facilitate their work, and promote them with our corporate reputation, our global knowledge, and if necessary our financing. We also disengage, consciously and explicitly, when such leaders cease to exist,o she said.
"As such, as long as the process of change keeps moving forward, our assistance to the nation building of Sri Lanka
can be much, much amount of financing Nishimizu said.
The 2-day meeti nearly 80 delegates fi multilateral donors al pants representing th vate enterprise and c partment of Informat Ms. Nishimizu sa the discussions, she h sense of urgency for ernment to keep actin tum, and keep movin peace and implement “Sri Lanka stand ofdestiny,” Ms. Nish a historic moment o people anywhere neec of their government a their government w team.'
During the discus ongovernment's Pov egy (PRS), but also c tation, Reconstructio (“Triple R”) delegat benefits for the people and east. “We do ho non-war that has bee vide an opportunity to the path outlined in t clude, in particular, North and the East ernment delegation sa “Peace, relief, re onciliation are the hig Lanka today,” the Ge "Striving for a balan the whole country sv based on broad genu efficient coordinatio to prevent the North being left behind in ess.”
The German gov the Government of S tion in Parliament, an der their shared re peace process,” addi ports the ongoing N process which shoul solution of the confl of Sri Lanka's territc Sri Lanka’s Fin Choksy, told journa meeting that the G pressed upon donors see the benefits of ment’s hand in the be strengthened. "I peace dividend straig that large psychologi

15AY, JUNE 2002.
l, bigger than any we can bring,” Ms.
ng brought together 'om 39 bilateral and nd over 100 particie Government, priivil society, the Deon said. id that having heard iad an “even greater action for the govg, gain the momeng faster in securing ing the reforms.” s at the cross roads imizu said. "At such fgreat opportunity, la visible leadership group of leaders in ho works as a true
isions which centred arty Reduction Stratovered its Rehabilin and Reconciliation es queried planned of the island's north ope that the state of in reached will pro) progress further on he papers and to in, the people of the ,' the German govlid in their statement. habilitation and rechest priorities for Sri rman statement said. ced development of wift action, however ine participation and n, is needed in order and Northeast from the economic proc
:rnment called "upon ri Lanka, its opposid the LTTE to shoulsponsibility for the ng it “strongly suporwegian facilitated d lead to a peaceful ict in the framework rial integrity.” ance Minister, K.N. sits after a two-day overnment had imthat if people could peace, the Governbeace process would people can reap the htaway, there will be cal pressure on LTTE
and the dissenting factions to arrive at a settlement," The forum had accepted the government's case, and as a result, aid to the tune of $150 million that was lying to the credit of Sri Lanka and had not been utilised so far, would be immediately pressed into service for development of the north-east. Priority would be given to the development of infrastructure such as rebuilding roads, hospitals, schools and community centres and services like water supply, Mr. Choksy said.
O Rani’s Visit to Delhi
NEW DELHI June 9. As the Sri Lankan Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, arrives here for consultations with the Indian leaders, there is a danger that the Government might not measure up to the new vision in Colombo for a transformation of bilateral relations, diplomatic observers here say.
At the heart of the fresh approach that Mr. Wickremesinghe brings to ties with New Delhi is an agenda for an accelerated economic integration between the two countries. But is India ready? Besides briefing the Indian Government on Colombo's efforts to end the tragic civil war with the Tamil minority, he would be looking for immediate action from New Delhi that could radically restructure economic relations between the two nations.
Mr. Wickremesinghe, who has made bold to push the peace process in Sri Lanka, will also communicate to the Indian political establishment his conviction that the future growth of the island nation is tied to the Indian economy.
Unlike the other neighbours of India, who are either reluctant or embarrassed about pursuing their own 'enlightened self-interest through cooperation with New Delhi, Sri Lanka is pushing for economic engagement with India through unilateral action wherever it can.
He has taken the domestically risky political decision to lease the oil tanks at the Trincomalee port to Indian Oil Corporation. He wants India and Sri Lankato fully develop the commercial potential of the strategic port. India has promised to respond within a month to a full range of economic proposals, including greater access to ports, more air links, and facilitation of bilateral trade in services. But will the Indian response be positive?
The Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, diplomatic observers here say, must impress upon the commerce and finance ministries, notorious for their tunnel vision, about the strategic imperative (continued on next page)

Page 17
15 MAY - JUNE 2002
Federalism Myths and Real
Dr. Rohan Edirisinha
he evolution of Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict can be likened to a snowball rolling down a hill. At the beginning it is small, but as time passes, it develops a momentum of its own, becomes larger and more complex, absorbs other elements, thereby making it more difficult to respond to. Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict has evolved from one based on questions of representation, grievances based on discrimination and language to a demand for decentralisation to autonomy to devolution.
More recently the focus has been on Tamil aspirations including nationhood, self-determination and confederation. The response of Sri Lankan governments has often been too little too late. If the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact had been implemented in 1957 we might have averted the bloody and traumatic civil war that has plagued this country for many years. The Draft Constitution of August 2000 might have actually constituted the basis for a political solution to the conflict if it were introduced in the early 1990s. Furthermore every initiative that fails or is
(Continued from page 28) of rapid economic integration with Sri Lanka. Otherwise minor procedural issues will hold back the unprecedented opportunity to reorder ties, they add. If Mr. Vajpayee endorses Mr. Wickremesinghe's vision of Indo-Sri Lankan relations, it could set the tone for similar arrangements in future between New Delhi and its other neighbours, they say.
During his two-day working visit to the capital, the Sri Lankan Prime Minister will meet the entire spectrum of the Indian leadership, including Mr. Vajpayee, and his key Cabinet colleagues as well as the President, K.R. Narayanan.
Colombo also hopes the tricky legal issues relating to the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, V. Prabakaran, who is wanted in Indian courts in connection with the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, will be sorted out. The subject will naturally come up in Mr. Wickremesinghe's talks with the leader ofthe Opposition, Sonia Gandhi, whose cooperation would be crucial.
(By C. Raja Mohan, The Hindu)
reneged upon, eve gotiations that col dynamic of betray cion that makes th of talks that much of process, the ne: gotiations will, the with the failed neg terms of substance teenth Amendment inevitably provoke guarantees to pre’ ment on devolved package of const seems likely that t beyond the frontie
Attaching label One ofthe con faced in the constit 1995-2000 was th of the drafters to ( bel in the constitu unitary state. The conceptions about "federal'. The term often used intercha the Sinhala lang who advocate a di tary model are pe: division and sece campaign for fed closely with Tami exacerbates the p to note that long leaders advocatec S.W.R.D. Bandar the Kandyan Sir before the Donou the late 1920s we Sri Lanka.
The decision bel into the First seems almost per rect affront to Tan The Tamil politic to address the Ta through the Bar kam and Senan Pacts of which in lution of power. main Tamil party at the 1970 gene offederalism. Its Tamil-speaking believe that the

AMILTIMES 17
ities
y set of talks and neapses, creates its own al, distrust and suspinext venture or round nore difficult. In terms t round of serious neefore, have to contend otiations of 1994-5. In the failure of the Thirto the Constitution will a demand for cast-iron rent central encroachpowers in any future tutional proposals. It his will require moving rs of a unitary state.
tentious issues that surution reform project of e courageous decision lelete the provision/lation that Sri Lanka is a re are widespread misthe terms "unitary' and is united and unitary are angeably particularly in lage. Therefore, those eparture from the uniceived as advocates of ision. The fact that the eralism is identified so political demands also oblem. It is significant before Tamil political federalism, the young inaike in the 1920s and halese representatives ghmore Commission in e advocates of a federal
o insert the unitary laepublican Constitution erse in that it was a dilaspirations at the time. al leadership attempted nil people's grievances laranaike-Chelvanayayake-Chelvanayakam luded substantial devoThe Federal Party, the ut the time, campaigned election on a platform manifesto declared, The people of Ceylon also deral-type of Constitu
tion that would enable them to look after their own affairs alone would safeguard them from total extinction. Only under such a Constitution could the Tamil-speaking people of this country live in dignity and with our birthright to independence as equals with our Sinhalabrethren. Significantly the manifesto included a categorical assertion against separation. It is our firm conviction that division of the country in any form would be beneficial neither to the country northe Tamil-speaking people. Hence we appeal to the Tamilspeaking people not to lend their support to any political movement that advocates the bifurcation of the country.
There was no overwhelming need to introduce the unitary label. The Soulbury Constitution contained no label, which is the practice in most constitutions in the democratic world, as will be demonstrated later. It amounted to a slap in the face of the Tamil political leadership. To make matters worse, it was introduced as Basic Resolution No. 2, very early in the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly. Basic Resolution No.2 was introduced by Dr. Colvin R. de Silva who stated that "from the time that we can remember' Sri Lanka had been a unitary state. He defended the introduction of the unitary label on the grounds that it was essential for the well-being of the country as a whole.
The main criticism of the proposal was madeby V. Dharmalingam, MP for Uduvil. He highlighted the importance of a constitution being an agreement among the people of the country and warned against the Sinhala people imposing aconstitution on the Tamil people. He then presented the classic defence ofa federal constitution; that it was more appropriate for a multi-ethnic, plural society. Dharmalingam argued that the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi wanted the establishment of a federal state in Ceylon, not to divide Ceylon, but to achieve unity in diversity. He predicted that ultimately Ceylon will have to be a federal state.
The unitary postulate was reinforced by Section 45 (l) of the Constitution which stated that: "The National State Assembly may not abdicate, delegate or in any manner alienate its legislative power, nor may it set up an authority with any legislative power other than the power to make subordinate laws.’
It is important to understand what these terms, unitary and federal mean. Definition is not easy as the term embrace a spectrum of meaning. However, an attempt can be made to understand the basic ideas involved, the essence of the two terms.

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18 TAMLTMES
Unitary form of government
A unitary form of government is one in which all legislative and executive authority is vested in a single legislature and a single government. It has also been described as one in which the habitual exercise of supreme legislative authority is carried out by one central power. The single, central law making authority may, if it so desires, delegate
powers to subsidiary, subordinate bodies. If this is done it is done from the plenitude of its own powers. Since the central law making authority gives powers to the subsidiary bodies, it can also withdraw, curtail or change these powers unilaterally. As C. F. Strong has observed in "Modern Political Constitutions', it does not mean the absence of subsidiary lawmaking bodies, but it does mean that they exist and can be abolished at the discretion of the central authority.
Federal form of government
A system for decision-making is federalist if it is an entity composed of territorially defined groups, each of which enjoys relatively high autonomy and which together, participate in an ordered and permanent way in the formation of the central entity's will. Max Frenkel's definition cited above highlights the importance of several key features of a federal form of government: autonomy; a division of powers between the centre and provinces/regions/states; the Supremacy of the Constitution (for the ordered way) and provincial/regional representation at the centre. There are several characteristics which can be identified as the basic features of a federal form of government. Ronald Watts, Professor of Politics at Queen's University, Canada, has surveyed several scholarly writings on Federation and identified the following attributes as the basic features of federalism:
1. Two orders of government each acting directly on their citizens, a formal distribution of legislative and executive authority and allocation of revenue resources between the two orders of government, including some areas of autonomy for each order; in short, a clear cut division of powers;
2. Provision for the representation of regional views within the federal (central) policy making institutions; this could be in the form of provinces/regions electing a certain number of members to a second chamber of Parliament.
3. A written supreme constitution not unilaterally amendable and requiring the consent of all or a majority of the constituent units; since a federal constitution is deemed to be a compact or covenant
between the centre ar inces, amendments re both.
4. An umpire to tween the centre an gions; the umpire is il
5. Processes to fa tweenthe centre and t where responsibilitie:
These five essent eral form of governm is substantial devolut vincial/regional unit volved power canno unilaterally reduced (
13th Amendment t The main defici teenth Amendment to (a) Provincial Cc complete control ove Soever;
(b) The Province influence at the centr (c) Partly due to ( has taken devolved p to the centre;
(d) The Constitu not supreme. There there are) numerous the Constitution, incl provisions on devolu (e) Provincial Cc ished, or their powe
central parliament ac
The way to over ficiencies in the pres cil system is to intr devolution of power five features describ sence of Federalism. tion of power which i which provides for a where such powers dermined, and which cial/regional interest the centre and that t inces/regions do not relationship with eac
incorporation of the
federalism.
After the failur Amendment, it is tot expect the minority system of devolutio units by Parliament a tution, a System of di unilaterally withdra which does not eve chamber to represer Those who want the the unitary label mus implications of w| They should also ren

is AYRE 2002
Id the regions/provquire the consent of
ule on disputes beil the provinces/revariably the judici
cilitate relations behe provinces/regions
are shared.
tal features of a fedent ensure that there ion of power to proand that such debe undermined or yr abolished.
Constitution
encies of the Thirthe Constitution are: buncils do not have r any subject what
's have no political
e; b) above, the centre olitical powers back
tion of Sri Lanka is can be (and indeed laws which violate uding constitutional tion of power. ouncils can be abolrs curtailed, by the ting unilaterally.
come the glaring deent Provincial Counoduce a scheme of which includes the ed above as the esSubstantial devoluS secure, guaranteed, remedy in situations are exceeded or unensure that provins are represented at he centre and provhave an adversarial h other, requires the se basic features of
e of the Thirteenth ally unreasonable to parties to accept a
given to devolved
nd not by the consti:volution that can be wn by a Parliament n include a second t regional concerns. constitution to retain trealise the practical hat they advocate. emberthat the unity
of the country was perhaps best protected when the constitution did not expressly provide for a unitary form of government and that paradoxically the seeds for a separatist movement were sown soon after the introduction of the 1972 Constitution which expressly declared that Sri Lanka is a unitary state.
Opponents offederalism must explain why they are so opposed to the concept of Federalism. What is so objectionable in the five features outlined above? Or have they created their own definition of the term, a strawman, which they then proceed to attack?
Under a federal system, sovereignty vests in the people. The people’s sovereignty is exercised by Parliament and by regional/provincial councils. Under a federal form of government, Parliament can be given wide, sweeping powers to respond in situations which pose a threat to the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country.
Parliament does not have to be sovereign. The sovereignty of Parliament is an obsolete British constitutional doctrine which has been incorporated in a handful of countries and today rejected in most of them, including the
country of its origin! It is somewhat quaint that the Sinhala nationalist forces are so besotted by this British doctrine, which, incidentally, was not a feature of our constitutional jurisprudence either from 1948-1972 or from 1978 to date. In Sri Lanka the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty existed, and that too by implication, only between 1972 and 1978.
Myth about Federalism s
Another myth about federalism is that a federal form of government is always established by previously independent or sovereign states comingtogetherto constitute a new state. This myth, coupled with the provision that Sri Lankashall be a Union of Regions has unfortunately created the impression that under the Legal Draft of January 1996 or the Draft Constitution of 2000, Sri Lanka will be divided into quasi-independent regions which will thereafter enter into a federal arrangement. There is therefore an implicit division of the country or at least an implied recognition of independent regions.
Constitutional scholars recognise that there are two methods by which a federal form of government may be established. The more common method known as integrative federalism is where previously independentstates integrate to forma new politicalentity. The second method known as devolutionary federalism is where a country with a previously unitary form of government opts to change to a federal

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15 MAY - JUNE 2002
system. As Patrick Peeters of the University of Leuven, Belgium, has explained, integrative federalism refers to a constitutional order that strives at unity in diversity among previously independent or confederally related component entities. Devolutionary federalism, on the contrary, refers to a constitutional order that redistributes the powers of a previously unitary state among its component entities; these entities obtain an autonomous status within their fields ofresponsibility. The principal goal is to organise diversity within unity.
Belgium, Spain and Nigeria are examples of countries which have adopted Devolutionary federalism and moved from unitary to federal forms of government. The South African Constitution of 1996 has moved in that direction too.
The argument that Sri Lanka has to be first divided into autonomous regions which then amalgamate in order to adopt a federal form of government is therefore incorrect. The problem, however, is that there is an erroneous perception that this has to be done. Therefore the phrase “union of regions” has created as many problems as the term "federal" might have done. The preambleto the Australian Constitution describes the federation as "indissoluble'. After the American Civil War, the Supreme Court declared that. "The constitution, in all its provisions, looks to an indestructible union composed of indestructible states'.
While the Canadian Constitution like the American, is silent on the issue of secession, constitutional scholars are ingeneral agreement that unilateral secession of a province would not be constitutionally valid. This position has been confirmed by the Canadian Supreme Court in its determination on the “Reference on the Secession ofQuebec".
The constitutions of some former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe which had a nominal commitment to a federal form of government, did contain a nominal commitment to the right to secede. Federal constitutions may or may not include the right of a state to secede. Delegation of power from either the centre to the states or the states to the centre, is incompatible with basic principles of federalism. Federal forms of government require power sharing which cannot be amended or withdrawn unilaterally; in short, power sharing with greater security and guarantees. From the discussion above it is clear that:
(a) A State with a unitary form of government can through the introduction of devolution of power change to a state with a federal form of government.
b) Though the draft constitution of August 2000 abandoned the label "unitary", it did not introduce a federal form of government as a number of basic federal features have not been incorporated
in the document.
The issues of fed tion of power feature South African constit preceded the adoptio stitution in May 1996 federalism was a dirt ferent reasons.
Lessons from Sol The African Nat concerned that the at in South Africa shoul the capture of a form power. It believed th be real and substant power to transform : radical change. Sinct the division of power autonomy to provinci a federal form of gov pose unacceptable li government thereby tion of measures to years of apartheid.
The Nationalist Klerk, the Inkatha Mangosuthu Buthel Democratic Party lot vour of a federal fo The final version of to steadfast ANC opp eralism, but introduc lution of power whic eral features than the om devolution.
The constitution ther ofthe labels, fede provide, however, fo powers between the inces. The supremac is unequivocally re. value of the docume duct inconsistent wit The principle of ment is recognised in several mechanisms operation have been i have the power to a vincial constitutions
Provincial repres tre is guaranteed by provinces which pro inces to be represent central Parliament, a to be consulted be amendments are intr The national cour sists of 10 member di of the 9 provinces, l premier (chief minis ber delegation cons delegates nominated ties in the relevant p and 4 floating deleg: lected by the provi pending on the subj consideration in the provinces. Each pro entitled to one voti

AMILTIMES 19
eralism and devolui prominently in the utional debate which n of the Final Con... Like in Sri Lanka, y word”, but for dif.
Ith Africa
ional Congress was lvent of democracy d not merely include al, nominal kind of at the power should ial, and include the society by effecting Federalism entails and the granting of es, the ANC felt that ernment would immits on the central preventing the adoperase the legacy of
Party of F.W. de Freedom Party of ezi and the liberal, bbied strongly in farm of government. the constitution, due bosition, rejects Fedes substantial devoh includes more fedSri Lankan legal draft
does not refer to ei'ral or unitary. It does Ir a clear division of centre and the provy of the constitution :ognised as a basic nt. All law and conhit is void. cooperative governthe constitution and to facilitate such controduced. Provinces dopt their own Proas well. sentation at the cena national council of vides for the 9 proved in the bi-cameral nd for the provinces fore constitutional oduced. ncil ofprovincesconelegations from each ed by the provincial ster). Each 10 memists of 6 permanent by the political parrovincial legislature ates who shall be sencial legislature deect/legislation under national council of vincial delegation is e. Therefore the 10
members delegation will have to reach consensus on any issue in the Council.
The myth about labels
Another myth promoted by the opponents of the provisions of devolution in the Draft Constitution is that a constitution must bear either the label "unitary" or "federal' and that most countries bear the unitary label. This is completely false. Many countries which have unitary and federal forms of government do not refer to these words in their constitutions. Sri Lanka did not have either label until 1972. The following countries do not use either label: South Africa, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Brunei, the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Korea, Japan, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, Norway, Spain, India, Nepal, the United States of America.
The Indonesian Constitution contains a provision that the "state shall be unitarian". Australia, Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Canada, Pakistan, Russia and Malaysia have provisions in their constitutions which refer to the words "federal' or “federation”. It is clear, therefore, that labels are not necessary.
Most countries do not use either label in their constitutions. What is more important is the nature of the State and the extent of the autonomy and powers devolved to the units.
In the Sri Lankan context, the deletion of the unitary label does not necessarily meanthat the constitution is converted automatically into a federal constitution. The insertion of a federal label does not necessarily mean that the constitution is ipso facto federal. Labels do not matter; division of power does.
Whether a country is unitary or federal depends on how power is divided or shared. The need for a new initiative Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict has evolved and snowballed into a complex political challenge that requires an imaginative and creative solution. A political solution must include fundamental constitutional reform. This, in turn, should include the adoption of a federal constitution. This need not require the insertion of a federal label, but should include the basic features of federalism described above.
A federal constitution recognises unity in diversity, pluralism and autonomy within a framework of a united country. It also avoids a concentration of power in a single political institution, thereby acting as a check on authoritarianism.
While it is obviously a more complex system of government, it may, in the Sri Lankan context, if it is not too little too late, offer the only basis for a political solution to the ethnic conflict; a solution based on justice, peace and dignity. O
(The writer is Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo)

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20 TAMILTIMES
THE PEAOC E PRO O Confronting the Ils
Dr. Jehan Perera
he saving of lives alone in the past five months of ceasefire would amount to about 1500 lives, given an average death toll of 10 per day. The fear of sudden bomb blasts does not disrupt day-to-day life. But with the passage of time the benefits of peace appear to be slipping out of the public debate and the focus of both political and media attention has been the shortcomings in the peace process. A commonly voiced complaint is that the government is giving in to the LTTE without getting back anything in return. There is a feeling that the LTTE is getting the better part of the deal. The question at the bottom line is whether the country is prepared for a return to war as the price for extracting more concessions from the LTTE than the government has so far.
Certainly there are also major problems that persist and have even got aggravated in this time of ceasefire. For instance, the international monitors have issued a ruling critical of the LTTE's refusal to open the A-9 highway to Jaffna to uninterrupted passenger traffic. Human rights organisations have challenged the main actors in the peace process for not doing enough to put a halt to continuing human rights abuses, including the recruitment of children by the LTTE. Further there has been the failure of the international monitors to give advance notice of the movements of the LTTE and Sri Lankan armed forces. These are all matters that can threaten the long term sustainability of the ceasefire.
One-sided Focus
On the other hand, the benefits of the ceasefire are being taken more or less for granted, and even being dismissed as unworthy. However, one ofthe most important benefits is that the polarisation that was growing between the ethnic communities has been halted. In addition, thanks to the ceasefire agreement, most roads in the north and east have been opened to passenger traffic and the markets are beginning to function. The eco
nomic embargo tha controlled Wanni to sistence has been l there are able to enj of modern life.
It is worth noting one-sided focus on the ceasefire coinc domestic and interr velopments. The politicisation in Sri considerations ofpa every nook and cra dia or civic organis or unwillingness oft the mainstream opp peace process is a r leads those pro-oppo might otherwise b peace process tol fi it on behalf of their Up to the prese ment’s strategy app ting its own way in ing through the 18 now there are signs ( sage of this constitu nota certainty with as the SLMC and C it their backing. A parties is that the p cross-over would e ties to woo their pa from them ata futur if the requisite num be found from the tion, this by itself w sition from sharp against the ceasefi therefore be anticip the media and civil opposition will cont campaign to discred is being taken forw formed by a rival p
Need for Opposi
It is said that "m It might seem to be the government tot ing the peace proci
 
 
 

15 MAY - JUNE 2002
t reduced the LTTE a low level of subifted and the people oy some of the fruits
that the increasingly the shortcomings of ide with significant lational political dehigh degree of Lanka ensures that rty politics enter into nny, be it in the meations. The inability he government to get Iosition on board the major impediment. It isition sections which e supportive of the nd reasons to oppose political party. nt time the governears to be one of getParliament by pushth Amendment. But merging that the pastional amendment is minority parties such WC hesitant to give concern of the small rovision for MPs to nable the larger parrliamentarians away e time. Further, even bers of defectors can ranks of the opposiill not stop the oppo2ning its campaign e agreement. It can lated that sections of society that are proinue their aggressive ita peace process that ard by a government olitical party.
tion Support
ore haste, less speed." easier and faster for ake decisions regardess by itself without
having to get the concurrence or participation of the opposition. However, deciding is one thing, being able to implement the decisions taken is another. It will be easier for the government to be able to implement the decisions taken regarding the peace process if it has the bipartisan cooperation of the opposition. For instance, it can be expected that decisions taken by the government unilaterally visa-vis the setting up of an interim administration will be more contested if they are taken unilaterally than with the participation of the opposition.
Obtaining the cooperation of the opposition in the peace process may not be as difficult as anticipated by the government. It must not be forgotten that the former PA government took strenuous efforts to convince the people about the need for a political settlement of the ethnic conflict. PA stalwarts like Mangala Samaraweera and Dilan Perera frontally confronted nationalist sections of the Sinhalese population who opposed the devolution package the PA government put forward as the base of its solution to the ethnic conflict. They were vilified and even cursed by their opponents which included religious prelates. But undeterred the PA government launched massive propaganda campaigns to promote constitutional reform that sought to abolish the unitary constitution and take the polity in the direction of a more suitable federal one.
It appears that the main reason for the opposition's refusal to cooperate with the governmentis its sense of political grievance rather than a fundamental antipathy towards the peace process. This becomes clearer in statements by leading members of the opposition, such as Anura Bandaranaike, who complain bitterly about the governmental harassment of opposition members. Certainly the ongoing investigation into Mangala Samaraweera's alleged misuse of a credit card and Dilan Perera's alleged misuse of state vehicles for election purposes smacks of politically motivated harassment. This is tragic because these two opposition politicians are amongst the most liberal and progressive parliamentarians, especially when it concerns meeting the just aspirations of the Tamils and other minority communities. It is also tragic that politics in Sri Lanka is such that they will put their party's good before the national interest and continue to turn the vicious cycle.

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15 MAY-JUNE 2002
Need for Bipartisan Approach
The other major political grievance of the opposition appears to be the governmental effort to marginalise President Chandrika Kumaratunga from the governance of the country. It was evident in her interview recent on CNN that the President repeatedly insisted that she was apart of the government and was its head, even though it is composed of members of a rival political party. In the recent speech she delivered at the United Nations last on the rights and problems of children in the world, the President took care not to criticise the peace process or even attack the LTTE. She made just one reference to the problem of child soldiers. As a popularly elected President who has not even completed half of her term of office, President Kumaratunga is theoretically entitled to share power with the UNP government and have it reflected in practice. The President appears to be getting important international backing for her position. In particular, the President's recent visit to India and the welcome she received suggests that the Indian government would like her to play a more participative role in the governance of the country. This Indian expectation becomes more relevant in the light of the government's announcement that the Indians are offering some form of technical assistance to Sri Lanka in the fashioning of the political arrangements pertaining to the peace process, such as the interim administration for the north and east.
It is entirely plausible that the imminent appointment of an interim administration for the north and east headed by the LTTE is causing concern to the Indian authorities. It is reasonable to believe that India will be concerned about the demonstration effect that an interim arrangement in Sri Lanka might have on Indian separatist groups. Further they may be concerned that the government headed by Ranil Wickremesinghe will be less inclined to resist LTTE demands for a maximum ofautonomy. An Indian concern might be that Sri Lanka should not offer its Tamil separatists a degree of autonemy that far exceeds anything that India is prepared to give its own Sates within the Indian union. In this regard, ensuring that President Kumaratunga gets back to the centre Stage as a co-partner in the peace process who will be more prepared to strike a harder bargain with the LTTE may seem to be an attractive
option.
Certainly them progress of the pea five months needs ter Ranil Wickrem government. But th ing the peace proce especially amongst lation, will be treme the participati Kumaratunga and government-oppos understanding that with mutual guara necessary if the pe ceed in the longert proach would not ( negotiating positio polity and provide the Sinhalese popu help to get the part dia critics of the pe
Pressures on th The centre stag over the past sever, deficiencies of the and the violations and because of it. media reports of a clashes at sea, foi child soldiers and e On the other side, protesting that the to remain in Schoo stitutions. One of lighting the LTTE to set up counter would put a stop t to induce the go tougher stance visries of statements n Minister Ranil Wi that these pressure their toll on him.
He has made : will find hard to k peace process wit These statements could have the eff out the governme negotiations with to the substantiv would more fittin negotiating table media. Three su statements are th: accept the conce that the governm interim administr

AML TTIMES 21
incredit for the rapid 2 process in the past go to Prime Minissinghe and the UNP prospects of sustains in the longer term, the Sinhalese populdously boosted with n of President he PA opposition. A ion memorandum of provides both sides htees is inescapably ce process is to sucrm. A bipartisan apnly help to unify the n of the mainstream a sense of security to lation; it would also san political and meace process on board.
e PM ge of public attention al weeks has been the ceasefire agreement taking place despite These have included rms smuggling, near cible recruitment of xtortion by the LTTE. the LTTE have been armed forces continue is and other public inthe motives in highs violations would be 'ailing pressures that O Such violations and vernment to take a a-vis the LTTE. A Selade recently by Prime kremesinghe suggest are beginning to take
ome promises that he 'ep if he is to keep the l the LTTE on track. by the Prime Minister ct of publicly staking it's position at future he LTTE. They relate
political issues that ly be dealt with at the han through the mass h Prime Ministerial government will not of Tamil homelands; nt will not set up an tion for the north-east
without the approval of the people; and that the government will advocate that the international bans placed on the LTTE should be continued. Each of the three issues dealt with unilaterally by the Prime Minister is of great importance to the LTTE.
At a time when the peace process is getting itself built up to become a negotiation process, it might have been better for the government to discuss such positions with the LTTE. The value of negotiations is that they often permit mutually acceptable formulations to be arrived at, even in highly contentious situations. Possible reformulations of the homelands concept could be to designate the north and east as areas of traditional habitation or historical habitation of the Tamil people or a variant on the lines as already exists in the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. It could specifically address the fears of the Tamil people of Sinhalese colonisation and address the Sinhalese (and Muslim) fears that the homeland would give special privileges to Tamils. It is also possible that when the Prime Minister spoke of the interim administration being approved by the people, that it means the approval of Parliament, where the people's representatives will give it their assent.
The question is why the Prime Minister felt he needed to make public statements on these contentious issues at this time. Nevertheless, it is significant that the LTTE has not responded publicly to the Prime Minister's statements or contradicted him. While they use various channels of communication to get across their side of the picture, it is also noticeable that the leadership on both sides has not publicly questioned the bona fides of the other side. It is possible that the LTTE leadership is aware of the politics of the south, and realises that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has to protect his political base among the Sinhalese majority. The LTTE may believe that the Prime Minister is directing the statements not at them but at his party's voter base. If so, the LTTE is displaying a commendable degree of political maturity.
People's view
Accompanying the ceasefire agreement is an ongoing attempt to erode the confidence of the Sinhalese people in the peace process not only by sections of the media but also by the combining of op

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22 TAMILTIMES
position parties who are finding fault with the ceasefire agreement. However, field investigations at the village level reveal little or no visible opposition to the ongoing peace process. Instead it reveals that the people are quite aware of the futility of war and do not want it to resume. In the village of Danture in the Kandy district, for instance, a soldier on leave said he fully supported the peace process and so did his colleagues in the army. His views reflected the general trend. After 19 years of war, and promises of military victory, people no longer believe that a return to the path of war is a positive one. Observations that the Sinhalese majority is supportive of the peace process are often made only at an individual level. They are not reflected at the larger macro level. At the macro level what is evident is the criticism of the peace process by sections of the media and opposition political parties. This imbalance between publicly expressed opposition to the peace process and privately expressed support for it may be putting the government under pressure. A consequence of such pressure may be Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's strong public
statements that woulc for the negotiating ta categories who are op ceasefire agreement. small group of die ha believe that a military pursued against the negotiations should ta The second category ers of the oppositior support their party li it may turn.
Thus, PA support in favour of the de would today be regist ment with the ceasefi reason that their party to be taking that sta either for or against t a politically motivat change when their change its stance.
Civic engagement
The missing dime peace process is the of those organised se ety that could potenti numbers of people to
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15 MAY - JUNE 2002
be better reserved ble. There are two posed to the present One is a relatively "d nationalists who solution should be LTTE, and that no ke place with them. }onsists of supportparties, who will ne, whichever way
ers who once were volution package ring their disagreee agreement for the leadership appears hd. But their stand he peace process is ed one, that could party decides to
nsion in the present ack of involvement ctors of civil sociially mobilise large give visible expres
il Mew Mear from SILKEMPORIUM
sion to their support of the peace process. An example would be the Sarvodaya Movement, which mobilised hundreds and thousands of people in support of peace. But the movement has received little or no recognition from either the government or the LTTE for its contribution to strengthening the foundation of the peace process.
Certainly the LTTE's reluctance to encourage civil society activism on behalf of the peace process may stem from its unfamiliarity in dealing with social institutions in a non-military way. In seeking to claim the mantle of sole representative of the Tamil people the LTTE has been unable to encourage independent civic activism, which is what organisations like Sarvodaya aim to do. But a democratic government should have no similar inhibitions. While the government is not trying to control civic organisations in any way, it needs to do more than allow them to do their own thing. The government needs to consciously give civil society a more prominent place in the ongoing peace process. Peace is more than an end to the fighting and destruction of war. It also involves people understand
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Page 23
15 MAY - JUNE 2002
ing and supporting what is happening and feeling that they are contributing to the birth of a new society. However, the manner in which the government is proceeding with the peace process suggests that its conception of peace is a minimalistic one of striking a no-war pact with the LTTE. Perhaps the government hopes that the reintegration and reinvigoration of a divided society will take place through the opening of markets and roads. This is not enough. The government needs to do more to bring civil society into the picture and encourage the media to reflect their aspiration for peace.
Victory at Local Elections
The overwhelming victory by the government at the local government elections on May 20 was another public vindication of the ongoing peace process. This was the second time that the voting public gave its vote of confidence to the new government that was elected in December 2001. The first round of local government elections two months ago in March saw the ruling party win 217 out of 222 local government bodies. The second round in May has seen the UNP make a clean sweep of all 17 local government bodies at stake, including Colombo with an unprecedented majority.
Opponents of the peace process might claim that the government's mandate is not only for peace or even primarily for peace. They would point to other issues such as the reviving of the economy. There was also violence unleashed on the opposition by government politicians in search of victory, But none of these additional factors can detract from the widespread public support for the peace process. The opposition will need to take public opinion into account if it is to redeem itself in the future. The people want the peace process to continue and that is their first priority.
Most certainly the government's string of victories cannot be attributed to its economic performance. The past six months have seen no economic miracles. The cost of living has continued to rise. There has been no significant increases in either foreign aid or foreign investment. Similarly, the government's victoriescannot beattributedtoelectoralmalpractices. In Colombo city, the elections were as free and fair as they could be, and yet the opposition performed extremely poorly.
Preliminary ob survey being carrie Peace Council in co Yoshiko Ashiwa of sity, Japan, confirm people at the grassr in support of the ol The data obtained terviews in the Ka tricts show that th levels of society a that the ceasefire ag tinued. Being locat country and in the tively, Kandy and N shot of Sinhalese st the ethnic conflict.
Popular Suppor A small sampl tained is provided interviewed were \ ceasefire. Buddhi Matara: “The pe Minister who has of our children wen they can live." St elawa, Kandy: “I ( tics in my village. family is happy Farmer cum astro ra: “How many te diers would have ceasefire. The leac ment will have mc They will not per divided.' Mother burupitiya, Matar stopped so that mol The mothers of di also be suffering. A fer the loss of thei Others intervi strategic advanta; brought. Soldiero Kandy: “My colle not against the cea be? This ceasefire the people of the cocoon. Otherwis ing them confine Ullala, Matar: “I friend who is a wo in Jaffna also likes to enter the demo I don't like devolu Puhulwella, Mata secure that the cea of American invo Even those w

TAMILTIMES 23
servations of a social d out by the National laboration with Prof. Hitotsubashi Univerthe interpretation that pots level are strongly going peace process. by means of field inndy and Matara dise people at different reunited in the view reement must be coned in the centre of the 2xtreme south respecMatara provide a snap2ntiment pertaining to
for Ceasefire ing of the views obbelow. Most of those sery supportive of the st monk, Masmulla, pple bless the Prime brought peace. Many tto war and died. Now chool teacher, Pussdo not talk about poliAll I know is that my with the ceasefire.” loger; Kirinde, Matacars of parents of solbeen saved by this lership of the governre patriotism than us. mit the country to be ofdead soldier, Kama: "The war should be re children will not die. oad LTTE cadre must Any mother would sufr children.' ewed appreciated the ges that the ceasefire n leave, Walgampaya, agues in the army are sefire. How could they is good because it gets north-east out of their : the LTTE was keepd.' Woman student, like the ceasefire. My nanofficer in the army it. We want the LTTE ratic mainstream. But tion.' School teacher; ra: “People feel more sefire will last because vement.” Io were not enthusias
tic about the ceasefire could not bring themselves to oppose it. Mother of dead soldier, Walgampaya, Kandy: "f what the Norwegian facilitators are doing is good for the country we will not be against it. If it is bad we will not be for it." Opposition local politician, Kamburupitiya, Matara: “This ceasefire is better than the previous one because of Norwegian involvement. They don't seem to be neutral, but it is good to have them, as they prevent clashes from worsening." Wage labourer with in-laws in the east, Lalpe, Matara: “The Sinhalese people in the east are afraid that if the ceasefire ends they will be killed. The ceasefire has been advantageous to the LTTE who can now show the world that the north-east is theirs.'
Apart from supplementing the evidence that the vast majority of people are supportive of the present peace process, three other observations flow out of the research conducted so far. The first is the general absence of overt anger or hatred against the Tamil people or even the LTTE. There appeared to be an acknowledgement of another group (or nation) of people who had their own cause and their own valid reasons for fighting, dying and killing. There would surely be private pain, suffering and anger of those who had lost their loved ones due to the war, but this was a private matter. There was no evidence of community-based anger or hatred towards the other.
The second observation was that the people interviewed were by and large very well informed about political affairs in Colombo. They knew, for instance, of President Chandrika Kumaratunga's forays abroad where she had spoken in favour of the peace process, and the contrasting words and behaviour in Sri Lanka. They were also aware of the issues surrounding the proposed 18th Amendment to the constitution, especially its main objective of curtailing the Presidential power to unilaterally dissolve Parliament after a year. It was evident that the mass media, in particular radio and television had the capacity of penetrating into the farthest reaches of the country, taking the debates in the capital to the countryside.
The third observation is that where the debate in the capital was itself weak or non-existent, the people elsewhere would be equally in the dark. This was the case with issues pertaining to the shar

Page 24
24 AMILTIMES
ing of power and the form of the possible political solution in a multi-religious and bi-national society where Sinhala nationalism has been confronting Tamil nationalism for the past five decades. These are issues that are not systematically or rigorously discussed either in the mass media or even academia in the capital. It is therefore inevitable that the people at the grassroots should also be not conversant with those issues. However, at the present time, what is necessary is that the people should understand the need for the ceasefire agreement to continue. It is only at a subsequent stage that the issues pertaining to power sharing will become important for people to understand. Civil society organisations have to take the lead in this controversial educational process. It is unrealistic to expect the government to take this challenge at a time when it has to take up the greater challenge to keeping the LTTE in the peace process. Given the strongly positive sentiments of the people the government is well positioned to take the decisive steps necessary to take the peace process forward.
Lifting the Ban
For its part, the L. to make it easier for take the decisive next portant of which is th on the LTTE. First ol to the ceasefire, the LT potent weapon, which ability to wage war. Til the governmentis con the LTTE without get turn need to reflect LTTE, as a military or given up a lot, and en of politics that it is strength. This point w. retired school teach Matara who said that, media conference was Sinhalese. They saidtl at war, but not at polit Recently the LTTE portant concession tc when its political head met with the head of Peace Secretariat Mr B in the LTTE-controlle issues pertaining to til
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15 MAY (JUNEkoi:2
TE has done much he government to zteps, the most im: lifting of the ban all, by consenting TE gave upits most is its unparalleled ose who claim that stantly giving in to Ing anything in rein this point. The anisation, has also ered into an arena not its arena of is brought out by a er in Ovitigama, "Mr Prabakaran's reassuring to many at he may be good cs.' made anotherimthe government, , Mr Tamilchelvan the government's ernard Gunatilleke id Wanni to discuss he non-implemen
tation of the ceasefire agreement. The LTTE had been taking the position that the non-implementation ofcertain aspects of the ceasefire agreement was going to delay the start of direct negotiations in Bangkok with the government. But in agreeing to talks with even a non-ministerial government delegation the LTTE appears to have compromised significantly on its earlier insistence that the government's ban on it should be lifted prior to any direct talks with it.
If the results of the local government elections and surveys of public opinion are to be believed, there is unlikely to be any substantial mass-based opposition from the people at the grassroots level. Accordingly with the spirit of compromise taking pride of place, the time appears to be ripe for the two sides to publicly announce the dates for peace talks to begin in Bangkok and for the government to lift the ban on the LTTE.
Today the LTTE's insistence that the ban on it should be lifted prior to peace talks has become more compelling. This is so especially following its indirect mandate from the majority of Tamil peo
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Page 25
15 MAY, JUNE 2002
ple to be their representative at the negotiating table at the last general election, and the acceptance by most Tamil political parties of this position. At a time when there are no significant obstacles from the level of the people to the forward movement of the peace process, it would be unconscionable that legal (and partisan political) obstacles should block the way to peace.
From a comparative international perspective, getting a successful guerilla movement away from the battlefield and to the negotiating table is a rare occurrence. With the ceasefire the war has been stopped, but a lasting peace has yet to come. Getting the LTTE to commit itself to political negotiations and to a date at which it will sit with the government to talk about an interim political solution will help to consolidate the foundations of peace in Sri Lanka. .
A Highway of Peace
For a two and half year period during 1997-99 the former government tried to re-open the A-9 highway that connects the last government held town of Vavuniya in the south with the city of Jaffna in the north. The military operation conducted under the name of Jayasikuru was one of the longest military offensives in modern history. Despite periodic announcements by government leaders that a percentage of the military operation had been successfully concluded, going upto 96 percent by mid1998, the end came unexpectedly. In a matter of five days at the close of 1999 the LTTE re-took virtually the whole of the territory secured at great cost by the Sri Lankan army. In addition, they launched a counter-offensive that took them to the very outskirts of Jaffna.
During the years of operation Jayasikuru the A-9 highway came to be known as the "highway of death'. The signs of distraction are there to be seen everywhere on the road - in the burnt out hulks of military vehicles, in rusty barbed wire that once secured military camps, in the gutted and shell pocked buildings of people, schools and commercial establishments and in the stumps of thousands of coconut and palmyrah palms whose crowns were shorn of by artillery shells. The re-opening of the A-9 highway has been one of the visible accomplishments of the ceasefire agreement signed by the government and LTTE. Several
thousands of Sri La diers lost their lives trol the road. But it v without a single life in the process ofbei places by the side of of red gravel to be Sections are being n bumps the road is g According to a commanding one of on the road about at now using the road positive assessme agreement saying, " yesterday, and is b would have been' ceasefire period wit asked about the arm the LTTE, he said t provoking the other, controlled areas the follow the regulati ceasefire agreement
A Boon to Pilgrir The re-opening been a boon to Bud who are able to go ( ancient Buddhist te peninsula. Several b all ages could be checkpoints. It ofte longer delays were nts, which needs to the journey a less ti Despite the mas bering destruction o that is so visible t become one of pea Indeed, at one of th points are painted ing people to the A and amity. Children the road wave at p haps to children the the present, and th the present there dresses and new ve greeting is not only It is not only c strated warmth to the evening after rea which is about 17k city, we went to the tre in the villageto to Colombo. The c was located in a sm consisted of only While waiting for

TAM TIMES 25
inkan and LTTE solntheattemptto conas finally re-opened being lost and is now ng repaired. In some the road are mounds used in repairing it. ewly tarred. Despite enerally motorable.
senior army officer the few checkpoints housand vehicles are every day. He had a nt of the ceasefire Today is better than etter than tomorrow comparing the preh the present. When y's relationship with hat neither side was When in government : LTTE cadre would ons imposed by the
S of the highway has dhists from the south )n pilgrimages to the amples in the Jaffna uses with pilgrims of seen stopped at the n appeared that the at the army checkpoipe addressed, to make me consuming one. sive, shocking and sofwealth and property he A-9 highway has ce and amity today. le main army checksign boards welcom-9 highway of peace living by the side of assing vehicles. Perpast matters less than ey are joyful that in are new faces, new hicles. But the warm limited to children. hildren who demonvisitors from afar. In ching Pandertharippu m away from Jaffna communication cenmake telephone calls bmmunication centre all bakery outlet and a single telephone. a connection which
took about 10-15 minutes for each telephone call, we decided to taste some of the “home made' biscuits. But when we asked how much they cost, to pay for them, the owner declined. They were for free, he said. He only charged us Rs. 50 for three phone calls to Colombo even though he had to spend over half an hour trying to get us the connections. Clearly the people of Jaffna are happy to be connected to the larger world of non-military Sri Lanka from which they were disconnected for the past 15 years.
The North-South Connection
But the terms on which the northsouth connection will be made remains to be negotiated. It is not likely to be easy and will not be done either by those Buddhist pilgrims or by the Pandertharippu shop owners. Some of the civic leaders in Jaffna were very open and firm in their conviction that the borders of Tamil Eelam and its legalization are all that remain to be negotiated. After the pulverization of their cities, towns and villages they do not wish to have anything to do with the Sri Lank state under whose governments such destruction occurred.
On the other hand is the aspiration of the Sinhalese, whose sense of identity is based on the consciousness of an undivided island that was called "Dhammadipa' in the past, and to which those busloads of Buddhist pilgrims were paying homage with their arduous journey. And also the aspirations of the Muslims who were expelled from Jaffna without even being allowed to take their movable possessions with them. They were expelled by a Tamil nationalism that could see no more than its own interests and aspirations. Perhaps mirroring these seemingly irreconcilable aspirations, in certain parts of Jaffna the army was to be seen cutting down coconut trees to prepare new bunkers and to strengthen old ones.
The future political negotiations, when they come, are bound to be difficult. The struggle for power and there are also other powerful forces involved, such as international actors. The recent agreement regarding the leasing out of the Trincomalee oil tanks to India is one example. The defence agreement to be signed with the United States is another. The implication of all these will most probably go beyond the self-determination of all Sri Lankans, not only the Tamils.

Page 26
26 TAM TIMES
Iiberal pea
Jayadeva Uyangoda
particularly complex problem of AS Lanka's present peace process has now entered the center of political debate. It concerns the fate of the people of the North-East when the province is sooner or later subjected to the LTTE control under the proposed interim administration.
Many human rights groups have expressed serious doubts about the wisdom of the very idea of an interim administration under LTTE hegemony because of its likely disastrous consequences for human rights, democracy, pluralism, accountability and the rights of the regional minorities. The UTHR in its latest report has once again dramatically highlighted these concerns by branding this negative trajectory as "totalitarian peace'.
At the heart of this debate is a profoundly complex issue: how should the Sri Lankan state in search of peace handle the militaristic LTTE, which has also joined the peace process on its own terms? In the current debate on the peace process, many critics continue to characterize the LTTE as a "fascist' entity with its own uniquely unreformable qualities. They do it with good reasons. The enduring commitment to the goal of a separate state, the unwavering belief in the efficacy of the military path to achieving that goal, subjugation of political options to military objectives, ruthlessness in the deployment of violence, terror and deception as means to power, and the calculated disregard for even elementary norms of democracy, human rights and pluralism are often posited to be some key characteristics of this unique movement called the LTTE. These certainly are also some of the key features that have distinguished the LTTE from all other militant Tamil groups.
The question with which the Sri Lankan state is confronted at present concerns making peace with an illiberal oppositional entity.
The "totalitarian peace' thesis describes the outcome of that peace for
the people in the No once the LTTE gain gion under the propo. istrative body. The w human rights activist peace dilemma seer, totalitarian peace col ble outcome of an exchange between state' and a "fascist that the weak liberal to capitulate beforet force and that that c. mean the state abdic responsibilities for ti in the region.
A slightly differ also be mapped out to come between the pr gagement between th the LTTE. In that rea exchange between the the LTTE can be in between a "relatively an “essentially illibera Its worst outcome is some form of "illibel may well be a transit Lanka's emerging pr mation.
It also appears tha ternatives to this tran less there emerges an in Tamil society that cratic and pluralistic. fectively replace the is hardly any space f to occur in Sri Lank as long as the continues to be cru weight of war and while, the LTTE”s es character has been la under social and polit protracted war. The \ the social foundations ity and they cannot b In class terms, the S society in the Northomized and torn asul nomic collapse, pop ment, out-migration
 

th-East provinces control of the reed interim adminay in which many problematize this s to assume that ld be the inevitaunequal political a "weak liberal entity. It posits tate is on the way Le regional fascist pitulation would ating its political he citizens living
:nt trajectory can theorize the outesent political ene government and lding, the present 2 government and terpreted as one
lliberal state” and
l' regional entity. most likely to be al peace', which onal phase in Sri ocess of state for
it there are no alitional phase un2w political force s not only demobut can also efTTE. But, there r such a change n Tamil politics Tamil society shed under the iolence. Meanentially illiberal gely concretized cal conditions of ar has destroyed of the Tamil poleasily repaired. i Lankan Tamil ast has been atler. A total ecolation displacend the absolute
15 MAY. JUNE 2002
destruction of commerce, trade and manufacture have ravaged its class structure. At present, there is no class center of gravity in that society.
Nor is there a civil society as such. Ifatall, it exits underground, or abroad. As some anthropological studies on the Eastern province indicate, the only pockets of community autonomy remaining in the North-Eastern society, even with a limited political space to function, are linked to the church, the kovil and the mosque. In my own visits to these areas, I have also found how the religious community has survived as the only functional form of civil society. The impact of all this on the political society of Sri Lankan Tamil community has been quite harsh. Indeed, the Sri Lankan and Indian states as well as the LTTE have directly contributed to the collapse of the Tamil political society in the island's NorthEast. Parallel with this continuing process of social dislocation for about two decades has also been an acute political crisis, as characterized by the collapse of the Sri Lankan state in the Northern and Eastern provinces. When the state there collapsed, the LTTE and a few other Tamil paramilitary groups began to run the bare, coercive functions of the state primarily though open violence.
Professor Charles Tilly's classic characterization of the early state as a protection racket has a remarkable application to these contemporary conditions of Sri Lanka's North-East. As many recent examples from Africa, the ex-Soviet Union and Yugoslavia demonstrate, in the absence of the formal state as well as in the conditions of civil war and the collapsed state, predatory networks for taxation, extortion and protection come to replace the agencies of the state. It is quite interesting to note that the agencies of the state as well as guerilla groups, the latter claiming to represent the interests of the people, have been sharing these predatory func
tions, with a great deal of rivalry and
competition for many years.
The UTHR situation reports have extensively documented this phenomenon of “state as a protection racket' under conditions of protracted civil war. The above indeed presents a formidable challenge which any project of peace in Sri Lanka's Tamil society is

Page 27
15 MAY JUNE 2002
certain to confront. Indeed, one infinitely complex task involved in a comprehensive peace project is the restoration of the formal Sri Lankan state in the two provinces while re-introducing liberal political institutions as well as practices.
Such a journey from the collapsed state to a “liberal state' is a profoundly difficult one. It requires the incorporation into the formal state structures of a range of competing agencies of power, violence, extortion and protection rackets. At one level, there already exist rudimentary structures of two competing states that are not "liberal' by any means - the military-administrative structures of the collapsed Sri Lankan state in the region and the military-administrative structures of the LTTE-led quasi state.
In a social sense, both are quasi states in the North-East and their anticipated negotiations for co-existence and mutual accommodation would carry immense risks for both sides. At another level, there exists the less dif ficult task of dealing with the agencies run by the local and international donor NGOs as service delivery networks. They constitute a quasi civil society in the North-East. The fear among many is that the LTTE would try to incorporate this quasi civil society too into its political structures, leaving no room for social autonomy. These apprehensions clearly indicate that the post-MoU state formation process in Sri Lanka's NorthEast is quite serious than many of supporters as well as critics of it might want to acknowledge. Thirdly, the new political structures in a post-settlement process, if they are to be sustained as integral entities of the Sri Lankan state, need to locate themselves in some social-class foundations. Arrangements
for post-civil war po out a class supporti may run the risk of
- transitory.
For a post-confl cal order in the No! itself, it will need the regional bourgeoisie linked to the Sinhale the Sri Lankan state. a historical agendatl
in the short run for
emerging from a pr Indeed, historical co created overnight. Ti tutes a key dilemma agenda in post-civil should the people in Sri Lanka endorse a liberal' peace? Answ appear to divide mal tivist groups in Col tive approach would ize the post-civil w; formation in transfo idea of transformati fera creative way ou debate on “liberal pe ian peace'.
A transformatory focus on a broad po re-constituting the S the sense of restori North-East, but also Lankan state in ge couldbe easily anch that a further democ Lanka would provi tus for post-conflic formation in the No Indeed, the pre: interim administrati rather thin in qualit when it is linked to transformatory pea state formation. Res
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TAMILTIMES 27
itical power withng the new order eing tenuous and
ct “liberal’ politith-East to sustain packing of a Tamil that is organically e bourgeoisie and All these represent at is hard to fulfill uny society that is tracted civil war. hditions cannot be is problem constifthe liberal peace war societies. But, he North-East and nd tolerate an "ilers to this question y civil society acombo. A construcbe to conceptualar peace and state matory terms. The ve peace could of. it from the divisive ace” vs. “totalitar
peace agenda can litical program for tate not merely in ng the state in the reforming the Sri neral. This view жed on the premise ratized state in Sri de a greater impet democratic state rth-East.
ent debate on the on, which remains y, can be widened a broad process of xe and democratic
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in the post - MoU North-East immediately requires the setting up of non-coercive state structures that are to perform the so-called normal functions of the state-taxation, service delivery, law and order and so forth. In this sense, the interim administration should be seen as a major step towards creating civilian institutions in Sri Lanka's postcivil war North-East.
But, there is the negative possibility of the LTTE subjecting it to its military-coercive apparatus and transforming it to suit its own long-term political objectives. This is a point being made in Colombo by many critics of the MoU. If the LTTE is to perform civilian functions of the state through an interim council, that transition could ideally be effected through a series of negotiated treaties between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE, if necessary supervised by the international community.
Actually, there is no need for mediation-negotiation process to produce new results only at the big Bangkok meeting. In meaningful conflict resolution, mediation, negotiation and accord-making are continuing processes that can occur at multiple levels.
In fact, the Sri Lanka's ethnic politics has once again entered a phase of consultation, negotiation and deal-making - a period of multi-track negotiations. Ethnic political leaders, international bankers, bus operators, labor contractors and investors - they all go Vanni to negotiate their interests. The government must utilize this opening to consolidate its political engagement with the LTTE through a series of multi-level negotiated accords.
As the National Peace Council has already proposed, human rights protection arrangements should be integral to such treaties with the LTTE. If the present MoU can survive the emerging challenges for some time to come, accords with the LTTE, with greater international supervision and monitoring, could provide democratic and political safeguards of considerable value.
Meanwhile, in the absence of immediate and effective domestic options to check the LTTE's totalitarian politics while facilitating the democratic state formation in the North-East, further internationalization of the political solution might not be a bad idea. O

Page 28
28 AMILTIMES
Protection and MOni of Human Righ after the Ceasefi
Ian Martin
(Text of the Report commissioned by the London-based Int Group (IWG), by Ian Martin, former secretary general of Am who headed human rights missions to conflict zones across the Bosnia and Haiti among others - was in Sri Lanka from Mar
he Agreement on a ceasefire be
tween the Government of Sri Lanka
and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) which came into effect on 23 February 2002 provides (Article.2.1) that “The parties shall in accordance with international law abstain from hostile acts against the civilian population, including such acts as torture, intimidation, abduction, extortion and harassment'. While warmly welcoming this Agreement, some civil society actors in Sri Lanka have noted that other internationally accepted human rights standards are not reflected in the Agreement, and have argued that further human rights commitments and arrangements formonitoring their implementation should be matters of priority. The International Working Group on Sri Lanka (IWG), as part of its work to support efforts for a peaceful settlement to the conflict in Sri Lanka, has long urged both sides to respect "fundamental standards of humanity” as a peace-building measure. Following the Agreement, the IWGasked me to undertake a visit to Sri Lanka to explore the scope for further commitments on human rights and humanitarian law and provisions for appropriate monitoring.
Visit and Discussions
I visited Sri Lanka from 26 March to 3 April. As regards the parties and facilitators of the peace negotiations, I met Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe and Professor G.L.Peiris, Minister and Government Spokesman on the Peace Process; Karikalan, deputy leader of the political wing of the LTTE; Norwegian Ambassador Jon Westerborg; and the head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, Trond Furuhovde. Among members of other political parties, I met Mahinda
Rajapakse, Leader former Foreign M Kadirgamar and ot dent Chandrika K peace process, Ral of the Sri Lanka M.Tilvin Silva, G the JVP; represent components of the lliance (TNA) and o to Vavuniya and met local governin and civil society r from the latter vis led territory. In Col Gen. Ballegalle, Ar frey Gunatilleke, I tional Human Rig met with the head c ion delegation and Canada, Japan, Swi and with the Actin ordinator (who is til UNICEF), the UNHCR, other UN tives and the head ICRC. My visit wa ried out in close ci Lanka civil society I had discussions, vidually, with me Support Group, th Alternatives (wh visit), the Centre fo Development (who companied me on 1 lombo), the Nationa Civil Rights Mov tional Centre for Consortium of Hun and others.
Peace Process an
I found a stron importance ofensu man rights, not onl

5-MAY. JUNE 2002
toring ES
te
2rnational Working nesty International, globe - East Timor, ch 26 to April 3)
of the Opposition; finister Lakshman hers advising Presiumaratunge on the ff Hakeem, Leader Muslim Congress; eneral Secretary of tives of each of the Tamil National AlFPLOTE. I travelled Batticaloa, where I ment parliamentary epresentatives, and ited LTTE-controlombo, I also met Lt. my Chief, and Godmember of the Nahts Commission. I if the European Unheads of mission of den, UK and USA; gUN Resident Cohe representative of epresentative of agency representaof delegation of the Sarranged and carooperation with Sri representatives, and collectively or indimbers of the Peace ; Centre for Policy ch facilitated my Human Rights and se Coordinator acny visits out of CoPeace Council, the ment, the InternaEthnic Studies, the anitarian Agencies,
Human Rights
consensus on the ing respect for huas a matter of prin
ciple, but also as a matter of urgency at this stage of the peace process, in order to contribute to its further success. The legacy of the past two decades includes the massive human rights violations suffered by thousands of people of almost every ethnic, social and religious group in Sri Lanka. If the hopes which are now so strong for lasting peace are to be fulfilled, that peace must be rooted in a universal and unshakeable commitment that the fundamental human rights of everyone living in Sri Lanka will be respected. This is a commitment which must be made by all parties and by all those involved in negotiating and sustaining the peace.
I expected that some might suggest that the peace process should be consolidated before human rights issues are pressed, lest the latter in some way disturb the former. However the view expressed on behalf of the Norwegian facilitators, by members of the government, and by all but a very few civil society voices was the opposite: that attention now to human rights issues was entirely supportive of the peace process, and that any early tolerance of human rights abuses would threaten the process. My own conviction that this is the case was strengthened by my visit to the east, in particular, which made . me aware of the potentially volatile situation in so-called "cleared areas' - Tamil areas which border on territory controlled by the LTTE (so-called “uncleared areas”). Here government security forces with a record of past human rights abuses remain present, in a state of some uncertainty regarding their current role; the Muslim community is fearful of its place in the new dispensation; the formerly armed cadres of other Tamil groups suddenly find themselves without means of support and uncertain of their future political role; and these and Tamils who had chosen to move out of "uncleared' areas are apprehensive of growing LTTE control as its cadres are allowed under the Agreement to enter and become politically active. Allegations of human rights abuses, perhaps surrounded by accusation and counter-accusation as to the perpetrators, will need prompt and objective investigation to keep them in proportion and to ensure action by the relevant chain of command to prevent their escalation. If there are reports of

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15 MAY. JUNE 2002
escalating abuses from these areas or from the areas already fully controlled by the LTTE, these will enter the political debate in the South in a manner which will both give rise to legitimate concerns and also provide those who are fundamentally opposed to the current direction of the peace process with a means of discrediting it.
Some reluctance to support further human rights guarantees and monitoring comes from those who are most sympathetic to the LTTE and suspect that some of those who advocate them are seeking to undermine the LTTE's future administrative control of the north and east. It is true that there are currently few allegations of fresh abuses by government security forces, and attention is thus focussed on allegations of child conscription and extortion by the LTTE. First, however, it is important (and consistent with the government's commitment and recognition that the road to peace will be a difficult one) that measures should be in place to check any possible re-emergence of abuses on the government side. Second, commitments expected of the government should extend to addressing the continuing consequences of past human rights violations, in particular an urgent review of the cases of persons detained (whether convicted or unconvicted) under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), and compensation to victims or the families of victims. The heavy burden ofpasthuman rights violations will also soon require a reflection on the manner in which truth and justice can be established - a reflection which has already commenced within civil society - but this was beyond the scope of my visit.
Logical Corollary
Moreover the expectation that the LTTE will make further commitments to human rights guarantees and accept appropriate monitoring arrangements should not be seen as antagonistic to the LTTE, any more than the equivalent expectation of the government is antagonistic to it. It is the logical corollary to the recognition of LTTE control, present and future, over territory and population. The LTTE has long stated its acceptance of norms of international humanitarian law, but with the suspension and intended termination of
armed conflict, it norms of internati law which becom LTTE leadership that it is concerned anti-Muslim activi tion, extortion and a to take action if an found guilty of th with a senior LTT observed conside such allegations, a fulness of objecti rangements to a le to prevent them.
A ceasefire agr essarily be expecte sive human rights though civil society have been inspire human rights agre tween the parties t Salvador: this pre there, and its impl ternational verifici have contributed : eventual success c negotiations. The Lanka Agreement c above, is to be w. however major hu tees of immediate I ation in Sri Lanka ess which it does include freedom of the specific provis Agreement in rela bers); freedom of a arrest for exercise rights; freedom of press; and guarar placed persons to 1 and carry on their
Human Rights C
It is highly desi man rights comm. plicit as soon as has made clear tha ernment to lift its talks begin; the m enment ceaseS to a terrorist organisa propriate momen make further con its respect for hum government to re rights commitme: to measures such detained under th

TAMIL TIMES 29
s increasingly the onal human rights applicable. The as stated publicly bout allegations of y, child conscripoduction, and wants LTTE member is se. In my meeting E representative I able sensitivity to nd argued the useve monitoring aridership committed
eement cannot necd to contain exten
commitments, alactors in Sri Lanka il by the extensive ement reached beo the conflict in El eded the ceasefire ementation and ination are judged to significantly to the if the overall peace inclusion in the Sri fArticle 2.1, quoted alcomed. There are man rights guaranelevance to the situand the peace procnot address. These movement (beyond ions included in the tion to LTTE memssociation, and from
of lawful political xpression and of the tees to enable diseturn to their homes economic activities.
bmmitments rable that further hutments be made expossible. The LTTE tit requires the govproscription before ment when the govregard the LTTE as tion would be an apt for the LTTE to mitments regarding an rights, and for the new its own human ts and pledge itself s the review of those PTA. (The govern
ment has already indicated willingness to review some categories of PTA detainees, and this needs to be developed into a clear and comprehensive policy remedying past injustices.)
It is expected that a key aspect of the forthcoming negotiations will be the establishment of an interim administration for the north and east controlled by the LTTE, perhaps for a period of two years. This will present the essential moment for substantial human rights guarantees. It remains to be seen what arrangements can be made in this context for policing and the functioning of the justice system, not only to assure basic law and order but also to provide the protection of constitutional guarantees of fundamental rights. It seems inevitable that during a period of de facto administration these will fall short of the full human rights protection to be expected of ultimate constitutional arrangements guaranteeing respect of Sri Lanka’s international human rights obligations. A detailed agreement on human rights commitments and effective arrangements for their monitoring would be essential in this context.
Such guarantees and arrangements can be expected to be of particular concern to donors. As it becomes possible to move beyond immediate humanitarian aid to longer-term development assistance in the north and east, donors will need - while recognizing a situation that will for some time remain exceptional - to ensure that there is broad respect for the governance and human rights criteria they now regard as normal in an aid relationship. This will apply to norms of democratic functioning on the part of the interim administration itself, in order to ensure accountability in the disbursement of development aid, and to its respect for the independent functioning of non-governmental organisations.
Human Rights Monitoring
Human rights commitments will be rapidly discredited unless they are respected in practice. Especially in the special circumstances of the peace process this requires effective monitoring arrangements. Under the ceasefire Agreement, the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), composed of representatives from Nordic countries (with

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30 TAM TIMES
a head appointed by the Norwegian government), is responsible for verifying onsite the fulfillment of the commitments in the Agreement. This of course includes the human rights commitments in Article 2.1. The role of the SLMM is of central importance to the peace process, but it has a number of limitations as regards human rights monitoring. First, its mandate is limited, in that (as noted above) the Article 2.1 commitments do not extend to some key human rights issues. Second, its geographical scope is limited to six named districts, excluding Kilinochchi and Mullaittivu. Third, its personnel resources are limited, both in numbers and as regards their orientation to human rights monitoring rather than military or other aspects of ceasefire monitoring. Moreover, the monitoring structure of committees comprising government and LTTE nominees together with an international monitor may discourage individuals from bringing complaints of human rights violations if they feel they risk identifying themselves to the party complained against.
It is of course desirable that the SLMM play as full a role in human rights monitoring as is possible. While I was in Sri Lanka there was some confusion in the minds of civil society actors regarding the extent to which the SLMM would be open to complaints from individuals on human rights matters. Article 3.13 of the Agreement, providing that "Guidelines for the operations of the SLMM shall be established in a separate document”, has created the expectation that its procedures would be known publicly. Standard Operating Procedures have been issued to members of the SLMM, but these are internal, and it is not known to what extent and in what manner they address the issues most relevant to human rights monitoring. It would be desirable for such Guidelines to be made public, and to ensure that training as well as guidance appropriate to this function is available to monitors. Consideration should be given to increasing their numbers and including personnel with particular experience in human rights monitoring.
However the SLMM has a broad responsibility in relation to the ceasefire, and too much should not be expected of it as regards human rights monitoring. It is also recognised that there are problems inherent in monitoring so closely
linked through the
ment to the on-goir negotiations. Thus bassador expressed
parallel, compleme monitoring would would in no way co of the SLMM or be to the peace process
International Mon) The Prime Mini ernment representat bers of the People's political parties, all tance of respect for h desirability of furt rangements. The P formed me of the gov to invite all parties i in establishing a col the implementation which it was envisag representatives and civil society organisa Human Rights Comi experienced an incr from the north and ei senting an increased mit complaintsrather increase in violations ganisations which hav toring during electior planning to undert monitoring in the ne I consistently ask ble desirability of inc of international mon beyond those deploy Most of my interloc was highly desirable sonnel have a greate ing a dissuasive effe abuses and may be n than local monitors. of the past experien some time before loc fully confident to op sides of the line of co flict zones. The co monitors and that o tion is likely to be e an international pres There are a numb international huma could be associated visaged arrangem SLMM. An official proposed parliamenta National Human R

15 MAY. JUNE 2002
Norwegian governfacilitation of the he Norwegian Amo me the view that tary human rights be desirable, and nflict with the role therwise unhelpful
Ors
ter and other govves, and the memAlliance and other stressed the imporuman rights and the er monitoring arrime Minister inernment's intention Parliament to join mmittee to monitor of the Agreement, 2d would have local work closely with tions. The National mission has already ease in complaints ast (probably reprewillingness to subthan necessarily an s). Civil society or
te undertaken moni
ls were considering ake human rights W COntext. ed about the possireasing the number tors on the ground ed by the SLMM. utors felt that this . International perpossibility of havit on human rights ore readily trusted Moreover, in view e it is likely to be all monitors can be rate freely on both trol in former connfidence of local the local populanhanced if there is
CCC, :r of ways in which rights monitors with current or ennts, beyond the ody, including the y committee or the hts Commission,
could invite such assistance, which could then be provided through an intergovernmental organisation of which Sri Lanka is a member - the United Nations or the Commonwealth. In view of the reluctance of previous Sri Lankan governments to invite any expanded UN role, I asked about the acceptability of - for example - technical advice on human rights monitoring through the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and/or the use of UN Volunteers as human rights monitors. (UNVs have played such a role effectively elsewhere, and are already deployed in the work of UNICEF and UNHCR in Sri Lanka.) This was explicitly regarded as an acceptable possibility by the Prime Minister, who referred to the very different attitude of his government to the role of the UN, indicated by his request to the Secretary-General to send a UN needs assessment mission to Sri Lanka.
A possible alternative approach would be to associate international monitors within the framework ofa civil society monitoring network. This would build on the precedent set by the work of Sri Lanka civil society groups in election monitoring, where they have invited and organised international participation. In this case the international monitors might be organised through international NGOs - for example Peace Brigades International (PBI), which previously operated in Sri Lanka over many years.
A number of interlocutors expressed the hope that the IWG could play a role in proposing arrangements for international monitors to appropriate international organisations, as soon as the different possibilities outlined above have taken shape, and the role of official bodies and civil society networks have been clarified.
I am convinced from my visit that further human rights guarantees and monitoring arrangements can only be helpful to the peace process; that international participation would be greatly strengthen such monitoring; and that the government and most key actors themselves see this as necessary. The attitude of the LTTE needs further exploration beyond the single meeting I was able to have, but the encouraging statements from its leadership provide a basis for persuasion that they too should regard this as helpful and not antagonistic. (April 2002) O

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15 MAY. JUNE 2002
Neither war nor
RAM MANIKKALINGAM
SRI LANKA is between war and peace. There are three scenarios that can emerge from the ceasefire agreement between the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan government: war, peace, or no warno peace.
War scenario
The war scenario echoes previous failed attempts at turning ceasefires into more long-term settlements. Whether one blames the Tigers or the government, the basic dynamic entails a re-arming, recruiting and re-grouping by both sides. There were signs of this in the run-up to the ceasefire agreement on the Tiger side. As Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe was preparing to travel to Vavuniya to sign the agreement, the Tigers were hurriedly landing armaments. Similarly, Amnesty International reported the aggressive recruitment of child soldiers by the Tigers. Other reports refer to the Tigers raising funds through extortion, particularly from Muslims living in the Eastern Province.
The Sri Lankan government is also planning a recruitment drive and the purchase of new equipment for the armed forces. These measures by themselves do not indicate that the parties are opposed to peace. Preparation for war is inevitable in any ceasefire situation because there is no guarantee that a ceasefire will evolve into a permanent solution. Still, this dynamic may not be stable, particularly if both sides continue preparing for war, without implementing provisions of the ceasefire agreement. One side or the other may sincerely, or slyly, utilise a delay in implementing the ceasefire as a violation of it, to begin fighting.
While the presence of a neutral third party mediator makes this situation different from previous ones, this scenario unfortunately is still very possible. Toget beyond it, the government will engage the Tigers on a series of short-term humani
tarian issues - such mining and medica dium-term develop as the restoration of This will lead to thi
No war-no peaces The TamilTige gotiations over hun opment assistance ti istrative influence areas that have hith by the government government to ce Northeast to them terim council. This Tigers will be comt infusion of rehabilit tion assistance from ernment and the inte It will lead to larg schemes, medium projects and signifi tion of the Northea: country. There will in the difficulties f ing in the Northeast country in general, b of war. These meas ministratively by th through the use ofe will not depend on or even legislative
The basic barg ernment and the Tae follows: The gover control of the Nor along with econom space to begin deve change, the Tigers The Tigers wil scenario in the hope cil will be transfor1 oftime, into a de fa attempt by Preside tunga or Prime Min to thwart this runs 1 war. The Tigers w
75047
EMERGENCYTRAW
 

TAMILTIMES 31
SLLSSLLS
)eaCe
as humanitarian deservices - and me
nental issues - such
roads and irrigation.
second scenario.
cenario is will utilise the neanitarian and devel) extend their adminover Tamil majority erto been controlled . They will ask the le control over the in the form of an inde facto rule by the bined with a massive ation and reconstructhe Sri Lankan govrnational community. 2-scale humanitarian -scale development cant market integrast with the rest of the be a general easing aced by civilians livin particular, and the ecause of the absence ures can be taken ade government, that is, xecutive powers, and constitutional reform Support. ain between the govmil Tigers will be as lment grants de facto theast to the Tigers, ic assistance and the lopment work. In exdesist from fighting. I seek to extend this that the interim counned, with the passage to separate state. Any t Chandrika Kumaraster Wickremasinghe he risk of reverting to ll portray the efforts
to prevent the formation of a de facto separate state as a disruption of the peace process and start fighting. However, if President Kumaratunga and Prime Minister Wickremasinghe cooperate in addressing Tamil political aspirations while thwarting Tiger separatist ambitions, they may help take the process forward to the peace scenario.
Peace scenario
This involves resolving three conflicts: the armed conflict between the Tigers and the armed forces of Sri Lanka; the political power conflict between the three main forces that currently have a stake in political rule in Sri Lanka - the Tamil Tigers, the United National Party (UNP) and the People's Alliance (P.A.); the ethnic conflict among Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims. The current peace strategy of the UNP-led government appears to be based on solving one conflict at a time, beginning with the armed conflict. While it would be preferable, in theory, if each of these solutions could be tackled one step at a time, the reality is more complicated. A solution to the armed conflict may require or be assisted by a breakthrough in the political power conflict. And a solution to the political power conflict may require some progress in resolving the ethnic conflict. Thus these three conflicts, or at least elements of it, will often have to be addressed simultaneously. And the level of uncertainty can be quite high. Still, many elements of a solution already exist - the new ceasefire agreement signed by the current UNP-led government and the political package drafted by the previous P.A.-led government. These elements can be stitched together in a way that may enable Sri Lanka to bootstrap its way to a solution. Sadly, the failure of the two major political parties to collaborate effectively in resolving the conflict makes the peace scenario the least plausible.
Ram Manikkalingam is a Fellow of the Open Society Institute and an Assistant Director at the Rockefeller Foundation based in New York. This article expresses his personal views and not those of either of the institutions. O
LONLY)))) sRILANKA S 676 360
略肇弱
SOUTH INDIA -SINGAPORE

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32 TAM TIMES
Rights of Musli and the Peace Pro
Dr. M. Y. M. Siddeek Council of North-East Muslims of Sri Lanka in Britain (C
hen the Sri Lankan national ethnic issue reached its height, a number of alternative proposals were put forward by various local and foreign interested parties to solve it. One of the proposals was to establish a Council with regional autonomy to the Tamils in a merged North and Eastern region of Sri Lanka.
At the beginning, the Sri Lankan Muslims vehemently opposed to the mer-ger of the two provinces for valid reasons. Later on, when the environmental factors changed, the Muslims accepted the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces conditionally. The condition was that when the two main warring parties agree to a North and East merged solution to the on going ethnic issue, a Muslim Provincial Council should be created within the merged region carving out non-contiguous Muslim majority Paradesa Saba areas with Ampara district as the base. To facilitate this, they also proposed that the Pradesa Saba areas be re-demarcated to create clear Muslim majority Pradesa Saba areas.
When obstacles came from many corners for this proposal, the Muslims proposed creation of South-eastern Regional Council. Now what they demand is that at least a small separate devolved unit, comprising the electorates of Kalmunai, Sammanthurai and Pottuvil, should be created when there is a solution to the ethnic issue, for them to maintain their distinct ethnic identity and safeguard their rights and ensure their security. However, it is a pity that their expectations and aspirations are totally ignored by the Sri Lankan government, LTTE and the Norwegian mediators although the Muslims are the major victims of the nearly two decades old Sri Lankan ethnic conflict.
In fact, the above proposals from the Muslims side reveal the fear the Muslims have when there is a solution for the Sri Lankan ethnic issue and power is devolved to the LTTE and the
Tamilleadership. It pressing the suspic lims have about the Tamils and the LTT this is the way the Ta the Muslims in the p ence in 1948 and th Tamil militant mov Muslims since midleaders and the LT proach the Muslims Although they have ments and made pro time in the past just lims, they have not fectively to allay th lims in any solution What do the Mu What the Muslims when there is an “l tween the Sri Lanka the LTTE is that a c should be created w can trust the Tami LTTE and also the lims have should be There is a fear ps Eastern Province Mu be evacuated from t what happened to t lims if there is a sol issue and the powe) and east is devolved fear has been widel the Eastern Provinct signing of Memor standing by the L Lankan government the LTTE to form a government in the N no any guarantee til murder of Muslims in Kattankudy and kudy more than 100 dead by the Tamilm were praying in the ble environment ha to think that there w of mass murders b Muslim villages like the Muslim village

15 MAY. JUNE 2002
10.SS
DCGSSS
ONEMS)
is also away of exons that the Musrepresentatives of TE. The reason for mil leaderstreated ast since independhe terrorism of the ements against the 1980s. The Tamil PTE failed to apactfully in the past. issued a few statemises from time to to satisfy the Musdone anything efe fear of the Musto the ethnic issue. slims expect now? expect at a time understanding' beun government and onducive situation where the Muslims l leaders and the fear that the Musdispelled. ychosis among the Islims that they will heir homeland like he Northern Musution to the ethnic r to rule the North to the LTTE. This y spreading among 2 Muslims after the andum of UnderTTE and the Sri and the demand of in interim regional orth-East. There is hat there won’t be like what happened Eravur. In KattanMuslims were shot militants while they mosque. A feasis not been created on't be a repetition y Surrounding the 2 what happened in 's of Alinchipoth
thanai and Palliththidal. The armed Tamil militants surrounded these villages and killed even infants and pregnant women. Since the beginning of the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka, the armed Tamil liberation movements have killed more than thousand Muslims and looted and burned their properties, religious places and schools. Why did these terrors occur against the Muslims? Because they started to talk about their ethnic identity, aspirations, rights and security.
Therefore, The Council of NorthEast Muslims of Sri Lanka in Britain (CONEMS) proposes that in order to remove the widespread fear, which prevails among the Muslims today and the suspicion they have about the Tamil leaders and the LTTE, the distinct ethnic identity of the Muslims should be recognised. Although the Muslims happen to speak Tamil, historically they are identified as a separate ethnic minority. Muslims belong to a different religion and culture and also have identified areas of historical habitation in the Northern and the Eastern provinces. The recognition of the ethnic identity of the Muslims should be the first and the foremost item in the agenda to be considered by the Tamil leaders, the LTTE, the Sri Lankan government and the mediators/facilitators now immediately. Then only there will be a possibility to consider the grievances of the Muslims when the representatives of the Sinhalese and the representatives of the ethnic minorities of Tamils and Muslims sit together to start "talking'. The parties should not forget the fact that the Muslims are the second largest ethnic community living in the North and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. Therefore, the reality is that the NorthEastern issue is not the Sinhalese-Tamil issue, but it is primarily an issue between the Tamils and the Muslims. Another reality is that the Muslims of the North-east were more effected than the Sinhalese who live over there. The Sinhalese in the North and Eastern provinces were protected and welllooked after by successive governments. There is no doubt that this will continue in the future too. Unless the distinct ethnic identity of the Muslims are recognised, they will not be in a position to participate in any negotiation, which is expected to commence

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15 MAY. JUNE 2002
in June in Thailand. This is not a language issue; this is an ethnic issue. Therefore, any proposals should bring some solutions to all the three ethnic communities, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims, living in the region and the country. It is meaningless and breach of fundamental rights to totally ignore the Muslims, one of the major ethnic minority communities, in any negotiations to solve the ethnic issue. If the Muslims are ignored from any negotiations, it is not going to bring any reasonable solution to the ethnic issue, justice and lasting peace in the region. Contrary to the expectations, it will worsen the ethnic issue between the Tamils and the Muslims in the future.
The second proposal of the CONEMS, which follows from the above, is that it should be recognised that the North and Eastern part of Sri Lanka is homeland of not only of the Tamils but also of the Muslims as endorsed by the LTTE in the LTTE-Muslims Agreement (1988). The Muslims have been living in the region since the 7th century. This recognition will pave the way for resettlement of evacuated Northern Muslim population that has been living for centuries over there and to dispel the fear that the Muslims living in the East will also be chased out from their homeland and the Northern and the Eastern provinces be made a predominant Tamil area if the power is devolved to the LTTE under the proposed interim regional government.
The third proposal of CONEMS is that the security and the rights of the Muslims should be guaranteed by constitutions of the central government as well as the regional interim government and endorsed by an international third party.
The fourth proposal of CONEMS is that when the interim government is formed, power should be devolved to the Muslims too in a reasonable and positive manner. Fifthly, it is also proposed that the boundaries of the present Pradesa Sabha areas should be re-demarcated and clear Sinhalese majority, Tamil majority and Muslim majority Predesa Sabha areas should be created. When redemarcated, the current ethnic ratios of these areas should not be disturbed. For these re-demarcated Predesa Sabhas, more powers should be devolved in order for them to manage their affairs
themselves indepe such as education, The devolved No. terim government Predesa Sabhas. North-East regiona the ethnic ratios of level, district level regional level shou tinuously in appoi lice, distribution o source allocation.
Because of th Muslims to bring a given up their opp of North and East the merged Northernment, the Easte representation is g about 18% from it (The Muslims com total population of Therefore, it shoul the Muslims' pol would be mainta merged regional go sible to guarantee normal existing el Therefore, when th the political repres lims is less than 33 ernment, the short bring the percentag of nominated mem elect the shortfall representation sys' point proposed by this system should ethnic ratio at Divis district level, the pi percentage should the appointment c political appointm region. The ethnic on 1981 census rei it is also proposed Maha Oya Prades be de-merged from This is because; merged with the A 1960s in order to tios of the Muslim result their econol cal representation As mentioned compromise of th and sacrifice they cal strength of the ern province is lik merged regional g

TAMILTIMES 33
ndently in the areas health, transport etc. th-East regional in
may oversee these Further, within the interim government, Divisional Secretariat
provincial level and dbe maintained contments including polands, and other re
2 willingness of the pout peace, they have osition to the merger rn provinces. But, in Eastern regional govrn Muslims' political ping to be reduced to s present about 33%. brise about 33% of the the Eastern province). d be guaranteed that itical representation ined to 33% in the vernment. It is imposthis 33% under the ectoral arrangement. ere is an election and sentation of the Mus% in the regional govall should be filled to ge to 33% by a system bers or by a system to under a proportional tem. This is the sixth the CONEMS. Even not disturb the present ional Secretariat level, ovincial level etc. The also be maintained in f ministers and other ents in the North-East ratio should be based port. To facilitate this, that Padiyatalawa and a Sabha areas should the Eastern province. the two areas were mpara district in early weaken the ethnic ras and Tamils and as a nic well-being, politiand other rights. above, because of the e Muslims for peace make for it, the politiMuslims in the Eastely to be diluted in the overnment. Therefore,
some arrangements should be made to ensure that every third head of the government in the merged North-East regional government is a Muslim, on rotation. This is the 7th point in the proposals of the CONEMS. This is not new. There are such arrangements in some other countries. اس
In addition to the above proposals, it is also proposed as the 8th point that an Racial Equality Commission should be appointed to see that there is no injustice done to minority ethnic groups such as Muslims and Sinhalese in the merged North-East region.
If the Tamil leaders and the LTTE accept these proposals, it may be possible to remove the widespread fear and suspicion that the Muslims have in their minds today. lt is important at this juncture that the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE understand the growing tension day-by-day among the Muslims after the signing of Memorandum of Understanding. The proposed regional interim government has increased their fear. The Tamil leaders and the LTTE may think about even better and more reasonable proposals than the above, which are acceptable to the Muslims. Such a proposal may encourage the Muslims to give up their current demand for creation of a separate devolved unit within the NorthEast region to safeguard their rights, fullfill their aspirations and ensure their security.
It is disappointing that the government and the LTTE use the words “peace” and 'understanding' without proposing any reasonable solution to the grievances of the Muslim ethnic minority and totally ignoring them. Therefore, until the distinct ethnic identity of the Muslims is recognised, their rights and security are guaranteed, it is impossible to find a reasonable solution to the North-East issue and to bring about lasting peace in the region. Therefore, the Muslims should have effective representation in any negotiation, which attempts to find a longlasting solution to the ethnic issue. The CON-EMS proposes that suitable institutional and constitutional measures that will protect the interests of the Muslim community (in the proposed interim government as well as final government) be thoroughly discussed on the basis of the above-mentioned points and incorporated into any proposed solution to solve the Sri Lankan ethnic issue. O

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34 TAMILTIMES
Arise Jaffna, A New
I vow to thee, my country - all earthly things a Entire and whole and perfect, the service of my The love that asks no questions, the love that stands th That lays upon the altar the dearest and the The love that neversalters, the love that pays the The love that makes undaunted the final sac
- Sir Cecil Spring
Gaston de Rosayro
mong our tropical island's localities which have been suffused for centuries by tranquility and contentment, Jaffna had been the beau ideal. Time was when its old-world charm and equally enchanting cultural traditions could seldom have been encountered anywhere on earth.
The peninsula, with its quaint cadjan-thatched fences, picture-book villages and placid inlets and lagoons, was decidedly a composed macrocosm within our own delightful little universe. It was also a thriving commercial port where barges once plied the shallow Palk Strait between Jaffna and South India, ferrying tourists and tradesmen in addition to a variety of consumer goods. -
From Jaffna they took tobacco, soap, betel-leaf, betel-nut, onions, potatoes and spices, to supply a massive demand in the neighbouring Indian marketplace. Jaffna was also the nation's largest single grower of tobacco, supplying more than 40 per cent of the country's total output of the cured addictive leaf.
But years of civil conflict has illuminated quite another side of its existence. The locale unexpectedly attained a larger than life role and was thrust into becoming a stage for much of the nation's turbulent struggles for the last 20 years. Yarlpaanam - in the recent past, the fateful ring of its name has resounded with a discordant clash of cymbals. Because, mostly during this period it has been a springboard which has ratcheted up an explosive cauldron, leaving in its wake a landscape of rebellion, rubble and ruin. Nearly two decades of war have reduced the oncebustling northern trading post to virtual debris.
From its maint its provincial villa ways the dilapidati For years, comm scarce and prohibiti once lavishly stock an almost forgotte have borne testimo plentiful self-suff impoverished and r secessionist strife.
Jaffna was the Tamil Tigers until ran them out of to ancient Portugues citadel. In the fiery war history its pec masse and the town out power, water, tel basic urban infrastr
Hundreds of th have fled the cour started in 1983. T anti-Tamil riots in C same year in whi killed and their hor looted and destroye at the time had the sickening carnage. almost criminal pa did precious little t caust. Its ministers s sanctums and emer with a sense of em expressions of regri excuses. The sham to mark the nation blot, that went on to ble part of our racis a backlash in world the nation has still from. As a consequ tions against the Co orchestrated by the machine become pr
 
 

15 MAY. JUNE 2002
OVе - love, teSt, best, rice,
ifice.
Rice
wnship avenues, to ge bazaars and byn is all too evident. bdities have been vely expensive. The ed shop shelves in era of tranquility ly to a peninsula of iciency becoming vaged by irrational
stronghold of the government troops wn and retook the e and Dutch-built furnace of its civilople have fled enlies in ruins, withephone lines or any lucture. ousands of Tamils try since the war he trigger was the olombo in July that :h hundreds were nes and businesses i. The government ability to stop the But with stupid and sivity, its Cabinet counter the holoat dithering in their ged days later, not tional outrage nor t, but with farcical ful pogrom served out with a searing become a damnahistory. It caused ondemnation that ot quite recovered nce, the denunciaombo government Tiger propaganda gressively harsher
and more convincing. Besides, the genie of counter-rebellion was already out of the bottle by then.
For many years despite his organisation's many atrocities, the world began to view Velupillai Prabhakaran's demands as not unrealistic and to have a sense of justice behind them. Unfortunately for the northern territory, the beginnings of the Tamil Tiger campaign for their dream homeland in the north and east coincided with the then J. R. Jayewardene government's opening up of the country's economy, which saw foreign investors rushing to place their money in parts of the island not affected by the war. As a result, Jaffna considered one of the most resourceful and potentially brightest sectors that could have cashed in on the boom was left out in the cold. Still, Tamils have always had an emotional, almost sentimental attachment to their motherland. Many see the exoduses as forced transitory sojourns abroad and their guess is that first-generation Tamils at least are likely to return now that a tangible peace has returned to Jaffna. Analysts expect returning Tamils to set up joint ventures in light engineering, electronics, trading services, small and medium industries, tourism development, textiles and finished garments. They could play a big role in bringing the open economy to their home town. Jaffna could also capitalize on its traditional trade and cultural links with south India, which has immense possibilities for expansion. Sadly, the northern territory and its environs have up to now lost the benefit of the open economy. When the economy opened, Jaffna closed. Worse, it had also over this turbulent period suffered the biggest brain-drain in its spirited commercial history. The frustrations and constraints that forced them to leave the country were all too apparent. To say that they left Sri Lanka when conditions.here were not conducive would be the biggest understatement of the century. They were a hounded community forced to flee in fear of their very lives. But the biggest hope now is that its people who fled the fighting will return and that expatriate Tamils, who have made their fortunes overseas while supporting the Tamil Tiger rebel movement financially, will also retrace their footsteps home and invest their money in the new dream.

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15 MAY. JUNE 2002
The entire nation stands to profit, now that the possibility of peace has returned to the northern district. The Jaffna of old always had an air of well-being about it. Its people had once been prosperous entrepreneurs, farmers, fisherfolk and traders. Their industriousness and thrift have been as legendary and often likened to the Scottish penchant for those same peculiarities of character. The peninsula has also nurtured and provided the nation with some of its most eminent professionals, bureaucrats, entrepreneurs, clergymen, artistes and academics.
The task of reconstruction will not be easy, but the people do not seem dismayed. They have already set about the rebuilding process with rarely witnessed enthusiasm. Already the cease-fire and prospects of a peace accord have brought about considerable progress. The almost bare shop shelves are being restocked and the earlier outrageous prices of commodities have plummeted. The place is leaping back to life with an astonishing vitality.
Across the nation and indeed parts of Asia people are talking excitedly about the rebirth of this cultural and
commercial urban epicentre of a new tion. Despite they tation and decay it off along a capitali aim of hauling th southern heartland Some might c past for fortune to doorstep. It sound daunting one to ris trict that had been suffocation by a wa around its very ea with this new cap inclined to believe citizens will prevai Tamils - including conglomerates, bar - are already show With a majo1 gramme underway aged peninsula and of thousands of re colossal investmen ous consumption theme in this forme will be re-inhabite largely law-abiding
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TAMILTIMES 35
giant. It could be the national moderniza:ars of death, devasis poised for a blastt trajectory, with the 2 great eastern and along with it. insider the time long "ush back to Jaffnaʼs s a tall order and a k investing in a disioomed to economic r raging precariously S. Yet those familiar tal of ambitions are that its resourceful . Investors other than diversified blue chip lks and industrialists ing their faith. o government proto repair the war-ravplans to resettle tens fugees, Jaffna offers t potential. Conspicuwill be the dominant rTiger bastion which d by a conservative, g society. Yet, despite
its parochial reserve, its enterprising and entrepreneurial spirit has always been evident even during the worst times of adversity.
The impressive achievements of the Tamil community abroad are too well known to be mentioned here. In their own fields they have achieved those levels of competence and honour desired by countries which have offered them a fresh start and a new life. They have always possessed the capacity to adapt to change without losing their cultural identity. Only the blinded bigots will disagree that these Sri Lankans have endeavoured to find ways in which they could share the country of their adoption with inhabitants of diverse races. After all, they did live in admirable coexistence with their own compatriots in the land of their birth, until certain hatemongering nitwits went too far. That is why, all right-thinking citizens of Sri Lanka would prayerfully hope that the mission to revitalize Jaffna will induce Tamil expatriates from diverse parts of the world to return and help rebuild their home and the nation.
|Daily Mirror (Colombo) 27th April 2002)
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Page 36
36 TAMILTIMES
The Odysse
of a Tamil Gia
Ajith Samaranayake
The death of M. Sivasithamparam at the age of 79, even as the national conflict enters upon a period of lull, removes from Tamil politics its last major figure. For Murugesu Sivasithamparam, for long the President of the Tamil United Liberation Front, was the last of the charismatic parliamentarians of the heroic age of democratic Tamil politics which ceased to exist when the TULF MPs were driven out into the cold by the 13th amendment to the Constitution in 1983 and when parliamentary Tamil politics was eclipsed by the rise of militancy in the period which followed.
In his autobiography“Memoirs ofan Unrepentant Communist', the Maoist Communist leader N. Sanmugathasan recalls how he and Siva had entered the University College in 1938-39 as its last batch. Both of them had been in the University Communist cell at the time when the United Socialist Party having broken away from the Troskyist LSSP, was in the process of being transmogrified into the Communist Party of Ceylon.
Siva then began life as a Communist in the time of Stalin but coming from a Vellala Hindu family in Karaveddy he was the victim of contrary pressures from the time of his young adulthood. His family managed the Vigneshwara College and Sanmugathasan recalls the young Siva having a portrait of Goddess
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Saraswathi in his ho no doubt proudly dis The late Nimal was also a Commut before he joined thi UNP) recalled when 1977 Parliament of of the most formida young Siva felt so aboutgoing out in th ers which was, of co prenticeship of any munist.
The young Siv was a typical produc milieu. Although he munism doubtless conviction and not he nevertheless felt ling against his anc deeply-held values c But there was no disl here for this genera alists believed hone ciety before those ( out by the exposu. Failed that the deit In fact Siva Amirthalingam used undergraduate hims Marxism at the feet and indeed when Am led the Opposition f cisms of the UNPB Amrithalingam's fe Ronnie de Mel were socialist perspective After leaving th Siva joined not the All Ceylon Tamil Ponnambalam who: just rights of the Ta unitary state as opp of a federal unit fort might have placed an accommodationi the more militant F. also a measure of ture.
This brought its the time when durin of the National Gov. UNP and the FP and Deputy Speaker (ap cupied with great ac
 

15 MAY. JUNE 2002
stel room when Shan played one of Lenin. Karunatilleke who ist at the time (long ; SLFP and later the he and I covered the vhich Siva vas one ble debaters that the mewhat squeamish e night to paste post»urse, part of the apfoung aspiring Com
asithamparam then it of his times and his had embraced Comthrough intellectual material deprivation helpless about rebel:estral gods and the of his caste and class. nonesty or bogusness tion of youthful idestly in a socialist soreams were blotted re in the 'God that y had feet of clay. 's colleague A. i to recall that as an elf he had learnt his of Dr. N.M. Perera irthalingam and Siva rom 1977 their critiudgets presented by low university mate : from a consistently
e Communist Party Federal Party but the Congress of G.G. se platform was the mil people within a sed to the advocacy he Tamil areas. This nim in something of st position vis-a-vis P but perhaps it was , more practical na
own rewards such as g the 1965-68 period rnment between the ACTG he was made osition which he oceptability) but when
the chips were down and the Tamil struggle took on a militant edge Siva had no doubt in his mind about where he stood. He left the ACTC and joined the TULF at its formation even as the Government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 1970, with both Ponnambalam and Sivasithamparam out of Parliament, put up a caricature of an ACTC for public consumption.
Siva really came into his own in the 1977 Parliament when the TULF led a depleted Opposition. He was the able secondin-command to the Leader ofthe Opposition A. Amirthalingam. With his towering six foot appearance, his barrel chest and parade commander's voice he was perhaps that Parliament's most formidable speaker. He did not go in for flowery oratory and his diction was simple but as a criminal lawyer of long experience he had the forensic skill of going directly to the heart of an argument and destroying it. The speech he made debunking the claims made by the then Industries Minister, an arch TULF-baiter, Cyril Mathew that Tamil examiners were favouring Tamil AL students will remain for a long time as a model of parliamentary oratory. If Amrithalingam had a fiery tongue and a short temper (although this never lasted long and he was most handsome in his apologies) Siva never lost his cool. He was always calm and his most formidable weapon was his irrefutable logic. But this did not mean that he lacked indignation for the cause of his people. When driven to indignation he was an antagonist to be feared and the turning point came when the security forces in one of their many retrospectively futile operations of the time which did so much to rouse Tamil resentment arbitrarily shot and killed a young man sleeping on the verandah of his office.
Having watched the debates of that Parliament I can see it as the long unfolding of a tragedy which could not be avoided. Days before July 22, 1983, the MP for Chavakachcheri V.N. Navaratnam, bearded and sombre, had bid goodbye to the House saying that he had outlived his mandate which had anyway been nullified by the Referendum of 1982. The shadows were lengthening on the playing fields and pleasure gardens of Colombo. Came Black July and Siva was in Mannar attending the annual TULF conference as were other principal Tamil leaders. His home at Norris Canal Road was attacked and his wife and family had to scale a wall to safety before the house was reduced to rubble.
The last years of his life Siva led in

Page 37
5 MAY. JUNE 2002
Chennai and in Colombo fighting along illness but not giving up until last Wednesday morning when he passed away at the National Hospital close to his burnt out former home. His state of ill health was worsened by the injuries he suffered when the LTTE opened fire on three of them killing Messrs. Amirthalingam and V. Yogeswaran in 1989 leaving Siva as the only forlorn survivor. Although not in the best of health by any means he returned from India at the behest of his party to take up its sole National List seat in Parliament after last December's election.
It was perhaps paradoxical that the man the LTTE tried to kill was returning as MP of the Tamil National Alliance which had recognised the LTTE's primacy over Tamil politics but that too is part of the irrefutable logic of contemporary Tamil politics, a paradox which Siva I am sure would have relished.
It is easy to point the finger of accusation at Parliamentarians of the generation of Sivasithamparam as letting down the Tamilyouth but then aren't the Sinhala leadership which offered them the illusion and carrot of a supposedly honourable solution from Independence onwards equally to blame? In his time Siva may have moved from Communism to Tamil nationalism and
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but by their very edu- long and perhaps painful personal and pong this was a liberal litical Odyssey but if the passing of this last ready to come to a towering figure of the democratic moveodation within the ment in Tamil Politics does not strengthen lthough not necessar- our resolve to end this wasteful conflict all
of us are bound to be irrevocably impovmparam it has been a erished.
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a Sports Stadium. had at its last Annual General Meeting re-elected Mr. S. Ratnajothy The other office-bearers are Vice Presidents: Mr. V. Santhalingam, h & Mr. A. Thiruketheeswaran Secretary: Mr. N. Sri Gengatharan Mrs G. Vijayadeva Tresurer: Mr. K.S.Satkunaseelan Asst. Treasakaran Committee Members: Mr. E. Gunaratnam, Mr. K. Kugathas, aran, Mr. S. Mylvaganam, Mrs. S. Thambipillai, Dr. A. L. Vasanthajayaratnam Co-opted Member: Mr. i. Manoharakumar.
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38 AMELTIMES
Ranil Rejects Homeland Concept;May 1 - Sri Lanka's Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe said that a system of devolution of power must be found at the negotiating table without dividing the country and without accepting the concept of a traditional Tamil homeland. He was addressing the first May Day rally of the United National Front (UNF) government held in Colombo Municipal Council grounds. Mr. Wickremasinghe said the UNFhas receivedamassive mandate from the people at the last general election to achieve peace without dividing the country." am committed to achieve peace in this country with the support of all communities," he said.
"Now only a cease-fire agreement is in force. All other matters related to finding a political solution to the ethnic conflict should be discussed at the negotiating table in direct talks with the LTTE,” said the Prime Minister. He further said that the island's ethnic conflict cannot be solved without international support and that his government would seek the advice of the Maha Sangha in this regard.
LTTE Convoy Did Not Breach Truce: May 2 - The Norwegian headed Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission stated that it did not consider the sailing of a Sea Tiger convoy which was intercepted and challenged by Sri Lankan navy gunboats near Trincomalee seas the previous week as a breach of the indefinite ceasefire agreement. The head of the SLMM, General Tronde Furuhovde, in a letter to the LTTEheadquarters in Kilinochchi regretted over the incident, acknowledging it was a mistake by the SLMM for not communicating in writing to the Sri Lankan naval authorities about the planned movement of the Sea Tiger boats in the eastern waters. General Furuhovde revealed that the matter had been passed orally and there had been confusion in communications.
The LTTE leadership had expressed its deep displeasure over the incident since a major confrontation could have resulted from the tense situation created when the Sri Lankan naval flotilla challenged the Sea Tiger convoy in which some of the top LTTE leaders were travelling.
130,000 Sri Lankans in UAE: May 3 - There are about 130,000 Sri Lankan expatriates in the UAE, Susantha Fernando, the Chairman of the Sri Lankan Bureau of Foreign Employment, said speaking at the First Sri Lankan Human Resource Solutions Forum, held at the Hyatt Regency.
Explaining the need to highlight the professionalism and the expertise present in the Sri Lankan manpower, Fernando said, "The subject of labour migration has been widely discussed in the world today. A total of 183,000 Sri Lankan men departed from their country in 2001. The most significant aspect is the percentage of females in this migration, 65 per cent, of which 90 per cent went to the Middle East.
"The new Sri Lankan government is now placing a lot of emphasis on the welfare of the Sri Lankan workers employed overseas. Due recognition is given to the employment policy which has been outlined for the first time. This is because our workers yielded in excess of $1 billion, equivalent to 100 billion Sri Lankan rupees.
Considering this the government is launching a separate lounge at the International airport for migrant workers. We have also outlined an orientation programme which began on May 1,” Mr Fernando said.
Demining Agreement with US: May 3 - The United States and Sri Lanka - signed an agreement on 3 May for U.S. experts to find and destroy land mines in Sri Lanka's war-ravaged northern Jaffna Peninsula.
An American team of 26 specialists and four mine-detecting dogs are already in Jaffna to clear mines. Friday's military cooperation agreement formalizes the United States' mission, and provides for more de-mining experts to come in. It was not immediately known how many more will come, or when. The agreement was signed by U.S Ambassador Ashley Wills and Sri Lankan Defense Secretary Austin Fernando.
Fernando said the peninsula's roads and farmlands are riddled with an estimated 700,000 mines planted by government forces and the Tamil Tigers, who have been fighting since 1983 for a separate state.
Wills offered more U.S. assistance to remove mines from other parts of the northern and eastern war zone. But he added: "For that, we have to be certain that there will be no fighting and no mines will be buried again."
More PSD Men Face Arrest: May 6 - The Criminal Investigations Department (CID) has stepped up its probe against members of the Presidential Security Division (PSD) over their alleged criminal activities during the previous regime of the People's Alliance (PA) government.
Reports said that more than 25 Presidential guards of President Chandrika Kumaratunga are to be arrested in connection with a series of incidents in
 

15 MAY. JUNE 2002
cluding attacks onjournalists, musicians and on opposition supporters.
At least 10 PSD men have already been arrested while other are to be questioned and arrested shortly, CID sources said. Three PSD men were arrested on 3 May for the alleged attack on singing duo Rukantha and Chandraleka who have been actively supporting the ruling United National Front (UNF) government. The three men have been remanded.
An ex-driver of President Kumaratunga was also arrested for his involvement in the attack which had taken place in January 2000.
Former PSD chief's passport impounded: May 8The passport of former heavyweight for the Presidential Security Division, Nihal Karunaratne was impounded today by the Gangodawila Magistrates court. Karunaratne submitted an anticipatory bail application to court in connection with his involvement
in the alleged assault on Editor, Lasantha Wickrematunge and his wife Raine, in 1995. Police have arrested five suspects in connection with this case so far. Two, were identified by Lasantha on April 29, this year.
The evidence so far has implicated SPNihal Karunaratne who according to the confessions made to police had allegedly organized and planned the assault.
The Criminal Investigations Department did not object to the bail application but demanded that Karunaratne report to the CID headquarters on the last Sunday of every month.
UN Condemns Use of Child Combatants: May 9 - United Nations security council yesterday condemned the targeting and use of children in armed conflict, calling for an immediate halt to such practices and for a special measure to protect children and include them, particularly girls, in peace processes.
A press release by the UN on the speech made at a special meeting on the issue by the Secretary General Annan said, "The use of child soldiers is far more than a humanitarian concern. Its impact lasts far beyond the time of actual fighting and the scope of the problem vastly exceeds the number of children directly involved. Annan warned that the physical and psychological effects on the children involved are long term and devastating, calling on parties to conflict demobilize child soldiers. rehabilitate them and reintegrate them.into society. Annan warned warring factions that they will be held responsible for using child combatants, adding that he will draw up a list of parties involved in such practices, to accept the use of child soldiers in conflict is to accept the destruction of our future, one child at a time, he said. We must reclaim them, everyone one of them.
Over 1000 Detainees freed in 2 months: May 9: The United National Front government, following ceasefire truce between it and the LTTE, in the past two months released over 1,000 Tamil Tiger suspects alleged to be connected with terrorist acts. The suspects are those arrested held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act.
The suspects released include those held in connection with the bombing of the Bandaranaike International airport of Sri Lanka, last September which then brought the country's tourism to a total standstill.
According to the ICRC only around 700 more prisoners remain in government custody. ICRC sources in Sri Lanka said that the UNF Government had informed them that more Tamil suspects will be released shortly.
Meanwhile Minister of Muslim Affairs Rauf Hakeem, who had intervened and stopped a hunger strike among prisoners in the Batticaloa prison had appealed to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to look into the expedition of the cases against Tamil suspects. This appeal is a follow up to the "pledge' given by Hakeem to LTTE war supremo, Vellupillai Prabhakaran when he met him in the Wanni.
TNA delegation meet Thamilchelvan: May 11 - The Liberation Tigers requested the Tamil National Alliance to bring sustained pressure the Sri Lankan government for the speedy implementation of the permanent cease-fire which came into effect on February 23. A four-member delegation of the TNA met the head of the LTTE's Political Section, Mr. S. P. Thamilchelvan on 11 May morning at the movement's Killinochchi headquarters.
The TNA delegation comprised parliamentarians Mr.R.Sampanthan (TULF), Mr.A.Vinayagamoorthy (ACTC), Mr.Selvam Adaikalanathan (TELO) and Mr. Sivasakthi Anandan (EPRLF-Suresh wing).
The talks between the LTTE and TNA centered on the shortcomings in implementing the cease-fire agreement, continuous detention of Tamil political prisoners under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and Emergency Regulations (ER) and the poor living conditions of the displaced people returning from the Vanni region to their own villages in other parts of the north

Page 39
T5 AY. JUNE 2002
east due to lack of government financial support, according to a TNA spokes
an
Mr. Thamilchelvan also stressed that the peace talks with the government Aill begin only after the ban on the LTTE is lifted. The LTTE had pointed out at the discussion that the terms of the cease-fire agreement had not been exriained to the Tamil community. The LTTE requested the TNA to undertake he responsibility of informing the Tamil public about the agreement, and explaining to the majority community the problems faced by the Tamils.
LTTE Protests Against Surveillance Flights: May 13 - In the wake of a series of low-level flights over the Vanni by Sri Lanka Air Force surveillance aircraft which have raised fears amongst residents, the Liberation Tigers lodged a formal protest with the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM). The causing of panic amongst civilians by the Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) is "a negation of the confidence building exercise undertaken by the government of Sri Lanka," the LTTE said in letter to the SLMM.
Writing to General Trond Furuhovde, head of the SLMM, Mr. S. P. amilchelvan, Head of the LTTE's Political Section said: "You are aware that :he LTTE has already brought to the attention of the SLMM the flight of inmanned Reconnaissance Aircraft over civilian areas in Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi districts.”
The aircraft are cruising over towns and villages at low altitudes causing anxiety and panic among civilians and school children, the letter said. "During war times these flights were not only confined to surveillance on land but always preceded aerial bombardment. As such the Tamil civilian population is deeply worried over the intention behind this unwarranted action," the letter said. "This aerial surveillance constitutes a violation of the spirit of the truce agreement. Furthermore, such action is tantamount to a negation of the confidence building exercise undertaken by the government of Sri Lanka. We, therefore urge you to use your good offices and prevail upon the government to desist from this provocative action to stabilise the conditions of peace and normalcy in Tamil areas," the letter to the SLMM chief said.
Deal with LTTE only with people's consent: May 13 - Seeking to In an obvious bid to allay Sinhalese fears over a proposed LTTE-run "interim administration" in northeast Sri Lanka, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has said that his Government would first seek Parliament's approval for it. Denying that he had given an assurance to the LTTE that an interim administration under the rebels will be established soon in the island's north and east, the PM said, "We will ask the LTTE to place the topic of an interim administration in its agenda for talks. Other than that, we have not given them promises on anything."
Mr. Wickremesinghe, who was addressing Buddhist monks in the southern town of Matara, said he could not enter into a deal with the LTTE by himself and that it would first have to go through Parliament and have to be ratified by the people.
He made these remarks a day after a protest by hundreds of Buddhist monks in the capital against the proposed interim administration on the grounds that it would lead to division of the country. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) also has been agitating against the proposal.
Mr. Wickremesinghe said that no deal had been struck with the LTTE on the proposal and that it would be discussed only at the peace talks to be held in Bangkok. He reiterated that there was no move by the Government to accept the LTTE demand for a Tamil homeland. "We are only prepared to accept a one homeland concept for everybody in this country," he said.
Stressing that the efforts taken by his Government represented the last chance for peace, he said that the LTTE had finally been brought into the framework of a peace process and that it was crucial to keep it there.
ICRC on Child Soldiers: May 15 - Isabelle Barras, Head of the International Committee of Red Crosssaid that the ICRC have received appeals from parents whose children have been recruited and they have made interventions to the LTTE regarding those appeals and the ICRC had few successes in obtaining the release of few of those children. She added, "The issue of child soldiers is a matter of grave concern to us. Under International Humanitarian Law the recruitment of children below 15 is expressly forbidden. Moreover between 16 and 18, children already recruited should not be sent to the battlefield in priority. Given that the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child came into force last February, the ICRC is currently considering the possibility to change its basis of intervention accordingly."
When informed that the LTTE leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran denied during his press conference in April that the LTTE use child soldiers, Barras said, "Only comment
I can make is that we do have some cases we are dealing with currently. We have submitted some cases to the attention of the LTTE and we follow up on those cases.” LTTE's deadline for adult movies: May 13 - The political wing of the LTTE has announced in Jaffna that the public and owners of video rentals and video

fiMLTIMES 39
theaters should hand over any adult videos they posess tohe LTTE's political offices before the 15th of this month. Last month, the LTTE's political officers, and Mr. Puthuvai Rathinathurai in particular, asked public to voluntarily hand over such material to the LTTE before the beginning of this month.
"These materials pose a threat to our society and should be completely banned," said Mr. Rathinathurai. Now, at a meeting held at the MPCS building in Jaffna, the LTTE has announced that these materials must be handed over to them and "legal action" would be taken against those who do not comply. No specific action has been mentioned however.
India Extends Ban on LTTE extended: May 14 - The Central Government today extended the ban on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam for a further period of two years under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. The earlier ban was scheduled to come to an end today. Announcing the decision, the Government said the LTTE's unlawful activities on the lindian soil as well its contacts and liaison with other extremist groups had been a matter of grave COCC.
Sympathy for the Tamil Eelam concept still remained and forces were still at work to further the cause of a "separate Tamil Nadu", through secession from India and for this they drew inspiration and sustenance from the LTTE.
In view of the sensitivity of the matter and keeping in view that the LTTE had systematically infiltrated into Tamil Nadu, the Centre and the Tamil Nadu Government felt that circumstances existed which rendered it necessary to declare the LTTE as unlawful.
The Tamil Nadu Government had sent a proposal to the Centre for banning the organisation for a further period of two years, an official press release said.
The extension of the ban on the LTTE by India for two more years is a “meaningless and wrong move", S.P. Thamilchelvan, the leader of the LTTE's political wing, told the BBC's Tamiliosai' radio station. "There is no reason for India to ban the Tigers and consider it a wrong move," he said. However, he was confident that India would support their cause some day and "help the Tamil people fulfill their aspirations."
TULF wants ban on LTTE lifted: May 17. The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), main constituent of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), has urged the Sri Lankan Government to lift the ban on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) immediately and pave the way for peace talks.
In a statement on 16 May the TULF president and Member of Parliament, M. Sivasithamparam, said it was the "immediate step” the Government had to take. "The government is making all arrangements for talks with the LTTE. Various Ministers are making statements. The most important matter about the talks is the lifting of the ban on the LTTE."
“The LTTE has made it clear that it will not come for talks unless the ban is lifted. This is a very reasonable request because the LTTE is going to speak on behalf of the Tamil people as the sole representative. The LTTE cannot be expected to participate in the talks except on the basis of equality,' Mr. Sivasithamparam said.
LTTE casts doubts on talks: May 15 - The LTTE has raised doubts over holding peace talks in Thailand after accusing Colombo of succumbing to pressure from Sinhalese ultra nationalists.
The London-based weekly the Tamil Guardian, generally assumed to reflect LTTE's views, accusing Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe of slowing down the incipient peace process has argued against entering early faceto-face negotiations with the Sri Lankan government.
“With direct talks between the Liberation Tigers and the Sri Lankan government dependent on the full implementation of the ceasefire and the deproscription of the LTTE, negotiations are clearly not anticipated in the immediate future,” the paper said prompting doubts whether the talks would commence in June as expected earlier.
The paper also accused the Sri Lankan Army of jeopardising the truce by extending its security network and imposing new restrictions on the movement of civilians in the embattled northern and eastern regions.
"The goodwill the newly elected government (of Wickremesinghe) secured amongst the Tamil community by lifting the embargo and entering into a permanent ceasefire with the LTTE is gradually being eroded by the Sri Lankan military's conduct," said the paper in its editorial.
The navy was also harassing fishermen and had imposed new restrictions on their movement, the paper charged while the air force was adopting "an increasingly hostile attitude to the Norwegian peace initiative” and had began extensive low-level surveillance in the rebel-held Wanni region.
Opposition Protest Campaign: May 16 - More than five thousand protestors this afternoon thronged the Virodhaya (oppose) campaign by Sri Lanka's main opposition alliance against the ruling United National Front's policy on peace talks, the economy and style of governance at Nugegoda Junction, a busy in

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tersection in greater Colombo. The Virodhaya campaign, scheduled to be held in all the Sinhala majority districts of the island in the next hundred days, crticises moves for peace talks between the Premier Wickremesinghe's government and the Liberation Tigers as a "move to divide the country."
Opposition leader, Mr. Mahinda Rajapksha, led the demonstration. Rush hour traffic was jammed for more than an hour at two of the busiest intersections in outer Colombo this afternoon, as the Virodhaya demonstrators marched from Nugegoda Junction to Kohuwela Junction.
People’s Alliance strongmen Mr. Anura Bandaranaike and Mangala Samaraweera and coalition partners Ms. Ferial Asharaf (National United Alliance) and Mr. Dinesh Gunawardena (Mahajana Eksath Peramuna) took part in the demonstrations. Chief Minister of the Western Provincial Council Mr. Reginald Cooray and many opposition trade union leaders too were in the protest. The leftwing coalition members of the PA, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and the Communist party boycotted the protest.
"The United National Front government has not fulfilled its election promises but it has laid down the path to hand over the northeast province to the Liberation Tigers," said a former minister and Kandy district parliamentarian Mr. Sarath Amunugama addressing the rally,
Mr.Mahinda Rajapakse, leader of the opposition said that the demonstration showed that that the PA had the ability to stand on its feet without relying on others, in an obvious reference to the JVP. "The PA has decided to launch this anti-government tampaign throughout the island to muster the support of the masses against government's repression, betrayal of the country, privatization of public properties and retrenchment of workers,” said Mr.Mahinda Rajapakse.
Sea Encounter averted: May 19 - Another deep sea encounter between Tigers and the Sri Lanka navy was averted at the llth hour. This time, it was over a flotilla carrying over 200 armed cadres of the LTTE on boats equipped with heavy guns. The Tigers wanted to move from the Sea Tiger base in Chalai (north of Mullaitivu) to Vakarai (north of Batticaloa).
A navy flotilla which observed preparations for the move radioed the guerrilla boats advising them against it. They were warned of a possible confrontation and the Tigers backed down.
The Norwegian-led monitoring committee, which had on an earlier occasion admitted to committing what they called a "terrible mistake" by not informing Colombo of LTTE requests for troop and supplies movements by sea, this time had passed down the request from the LTTE to the government peace secretariat for permission. The secretariat had informed the Norwegians that the request was a violation of section 1.7 of the MoU and urged the monitors to restrain the LTTE from this exercise.The Tigers informed the Norwegian monitors that they were proceeding nevertheless. The secretariat asked the Norwegians to inform the LTTE that the navy would be instructed to intercept the LTTE movement.
Following this stand-off, the LTTE cancelled its movement of cadres and supplies to avoid a confrontation with the navy.
Ranil wants Global Ban on LTTE to Remain: May 18- Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has said that his government was not in favor of international bans on the LTTE being lifted once the organization was deproscribed in Sri Lanka. Although the Sri Lankan government is likely to lift the ban on the Tigers to enable negotiations between it and the LTTE to commence, the Prime Minister told a local television, "We are concerned that the international bans would also be lifted, we don't want them to be lifted.”
Wickremesinghe said the United States and India had maintained that local deproscription of the LTTE would not have any effect on the bans in their countries. He will seek support from India, Britain and the European Union (EU) in this regard when he meets British Prime Minister Tony Blair, EU President Romano Prodi and Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee during his visits within the next three weeks.
The LTTE remains banned U.S., Britain, Canada, Australia and India,which has recently decided to extend the ban for another two years.
Sri Lankans caught in narcotics bust: May 19- Indian anti-narcotics agents have arrested a Canadian, five lindians and five Sri Lankans in an operation linked to the largest-ever seizure of heroin in Tamil Nadu, the Press Trust of India reported.
The Narcotics Control Bureau said a total of 55 kilograms of refined heroin was seized in the previous three days from the suspects and their local contacts and added the cache was worth 550 million rupees on the international market.
The bureau said a Sri Lankan-born Canadian was held earlier on 19 May as part of the ongoing crackdown in the coastal state. The federal agency did not disclose the Canadian's identity but said he was arrested at the international airport in the state capital Madras while trying to fly out with five kilograms of high-grade heroin.
The drug bust is the largest ever in the state of Tamil Nadu, which is

1SNAY. UNE 2002
separated from Sri Lanka by a narrow strip of sea. Last month a Sri Lankan national was arrested after graded heroin worth 500 million rupees was seized in Madras city.
The bureau fears that narcotics trafficking in Tamil Nadu could be aimed at financing terrorist operations in Sri Lanka.
In the past year the federal agency has recovered as much as 185 kilograms of heroin in 12 separate seizures, and in most cases Sri Lankan nationals were involved.
“Last chance for peace": May 20 - "This is the last chance for peace. The Sri Lankan government should firmly grasp this opportunity and make the most of it to settle the conflict. We, the Liberation Tigers, are resolutely committed to peace. But if the peace talks were to be scuttled and fighting breaks out again, it would be the last war. This is why we reiterate that a peaceful negotiated settlement to the conflict can help us all live in peace,” said Mr. S. Karikalan, the first senior leader of the Liberation Tigers to enter a Sri Lanka army held area in the northeast province of the island after the signing of the ceasefire agreement between Colombo and the LTTE on 24 February 2002, addressing a meeting 20 May morning in Chenkalady, 16 kilometres north of Batticaloa.
Mr Karikalan entered the SLA held Chenkalady town through the Black Bridge around 9.30 a.m. accompanied by Ms. Bhanuka, the leader of the Women's section of the LTTE's political division for Batticaloa and Ampara, "Reggie', the military commander of the Aandaankulam Sector (Batticaloa North) and Mr. Nizam, the officer in charge of the LTTE's economic development organisation for Batticaloa and Ampara.
Mr. Karikalan was welcomed by the people of the town, Mr. Gnanamuttu Krishnapillai, Tamil National Alliance MP for Batticaloa, NGO representatives, government officials and local community leaders.
Speaking further Mr.Karikalan said: "Our people have endured immense deprivation, death and destruction in the war waged on us by the Sri Lankan state. But our leader will never compromise our rights for concessions from the Sri Lankan state. He will always remain committed to the struggle for achieving the legitimate rights of the Tamil people, Our national leader is not only adept in the art of war but he is also skilled in the methods democratic struggle. He has clearly shown that it is possible to find a solution to the conflict through peaceful means too. We are calling on all youth over 18 to join us for political work. You stood by us in the liberation struggle. We have come to work among the Tamil people and to serve them politically.”
Govt-LTTE direct discussions: May 22 - The Sri Lankan Prime Minister's office said that the discussions that took place on May 21 between officials from the Peace Secretariat of thje Government and the Liberation Tigers were constructive and held in a cordial atmosphere.
The discussions between the head of the LTTE's Political Section, Mr. S. P. Thamilchelvan, and the government team led by Mr. Bernard Goonatilake, Director General of the Peace Secretariat, centred on issues relating to the operation of A9 Kandy-Jaffna route, repairs to the road with Asian Development Bank (ADB) funds, political activities of LTTE cadres and the freeing of places of worship, public buildings and schools now occupied by the Sri Lanka Army and police, according to a press release issued by the Prime Minister's office on 22 May.
Mr. Thamilchelvan had said during the discussion that the results of the local government elections held on 20 May, in which the governing party obtained a crushing victory over the opposition, were a demonstration of the support of the people in the south for the peace process.
Mr. Goonatilake assured LTTE officials during the discussion that the government would continue to do its utmost to achieve lasting peace. Mr. Thamilchelvan reciprocated by assuring the government of the LTTE's continued support for the peace process, the press release from the PM's office further stated.
The government team was accompanied by Norwegian diplomat Mr. Thomas Strangeland and was flown to the LTTE's political headquarters at Killinochchi Tuesday morning by a Sri Lanka Air Force helicopter.
Return of displaced people: May 23 - More than 71,000 internally displaced persons (IDPS) have returned to their homes since the beginning of the year in Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullativu, Mannar, Vauniya, and Trincomalee and Batticaloa districts. According to information provided by the government and cross-checked by UNHCR field offices, more than 35,000 returnees in Jaffna district account for nearly half the total.
According to an UNHCR report it has clearly increased since the Feb 23 cease-fire agreement. The report says that, although the UNHCR continues to maintain that conditions in Sri Lanka are not yet conducive to promote or facilitate large-scale,
organized IDP return or repatriation of refugees from India the agency is monitoring the situation of spontaneous returns to ensure that they occur voluntarily.

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Further delay in talks likely: May 23 - After having almost three hours of discussions with Norway's Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen, peace envoy Erik Solheim and Kjirste Tromsdal of the Norwegian Foreign Ministry at his home in London on 22 May, Anton Balasingham, LTTE's chief negotiator, indicated that direct peace talks with the government could be delayed due to a cease-fire agreement not being fully implemented. "We are disappointed with the lack of progress in implementing the truce, this could cause delays in holding the Thailand talks," Balasingham was quoted as informing the Norwegians who have been trying to get the government and the LTTE round the negotiating table.
"It's 90 days since the agreement was signed but normalcy has yet to dawn in the northern peninsula,” Balasingham said. His main charge was that Sri Lankan armed forces had not vacated from places of worship and public buildings in line with the Ceasefire Agreement. Balasingham also stressed the need to lift the ban on the Tamil Tigers ahead of talks, a demand the Sri Lankan government has said it is considering.
The government on the same day announced, however, that all but three temples in the northern war zone had been evacuated by the troops. A senior Defence Ministry official attributed the delay to problems of finding alternative accommodation for the troops.
"We are trying to get temporary structures because we have confidence in the peace process. We do not need permanent structures,” Defence Secretary Mr. Austin Fernando said.
Quoting sources in the Defence Ministry, reports say that besides finding accommodation for the troops, the Government was also concerned that the redeployment must not affect its control over Jaffna peninsula.
Thondaman visits Jaffna: May 23 - Estate Infrastructure and Housing Minister Mr.Arumugam Thondaman arrived in Jaffna via the Kandy-Jaffna Road (A9) on a two-day official visit. He held a conference with Government officials at the Jaffna Secretariat and was told that more than five thousandhouses in the Maruthankerni division and Thenmaradchchi area alone had been destroyed and damaged due to military operations by the Sri Lanka Army.
The Jaffna Government Agent appealed to the Minister that the Government should take immediate steps to provide financial assistance to the house owners to rebuild their dwellings. The Additional Government Agent Ms. Pathiniammal Thilakanayagam Paul brought to the notice of the minister that the entire Valikamam area surrounding the Palali main army camp and airbase has become no-man's land with the mass displacement of people since 1986 due to military operations by the SLA. The AGA also stressed that the displaced should be resettled in the villages in the Valikamam area and they should be provided with necessary assistance to rebuild their houses.
Minister Thondaman replied that the government is "dedicated" to the development of the war ravaged Jaffna peninsula. However, "people cannot expect any development within a short period."
The Minister also visited Chavakachcherii, Navatkuli and several other adjoining villages where a large number of houses had been razed to the ground due to military operations by the SLA. He donated roofing materials to poor people who had lost houses in the war,
Fishing restrictions relaxed: May 23 - The Sri Lankan government has issued a gazette notification under the Prevention of Terrorism Act specifying areas in the Northeast that have been restricted for fishing. The government will appoint a Competent Authority in charge of the newly demarcated restricted areas under this gazette notification.
Schedule: Areas of the North and East, which comprise the Restricted Zone The "restricted areas” shall comprise the areas along the coast line of the dministrative districts of Trincomalee, Mullaitivu, Jaffna, Killinochchi, Mannar and the adjacent Territorial sea, as are identified by the Co-ordinates set out below and as depicted in the map attached hereto: - Approaches to Trincomalee harbour; Approaches to Kankesanthurai harbour; From Kokuthoduvaito Elizabeth point; From Manalkadu to Mandaitivu; Talaimannar Island.
According to the ceasefire agreement which came into effect on February 23 (and is referred to as D-day), "a gradual easing of the fishing restrictions shall take place starting from D-day."
According to the agreement, "As of D-day + 90, all restrictions on day and night fishing shall be removed, subject to the following exceptions: (i) fishing will not be permitted, within an area of 1 nautical mile on either side along the coast and 2 nautical miles seawards from all security forces camps on the coast; (ii) fishing will not be permitted in harbours or approaches to harbours, bays and estuaries along the coast."
LTTE gets unrestricted access: May 24- An unlimited number of LTTE mem. bers would be free to enter government-controlled areas of northern and east ern Sri Lanka from today for political work. The move comes under terms of: truce that has completed 90 days of near-successful compliance by both sides
The ceasefire accord signed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesingh

TAMIL TIMES 4
and LTTE leader V Prabhakaran came into effect on February 23, and Tiger cadres have been allowed in restricted numbers to indulge in political activity in government-held towns and villages.
According to defence officials, LTTE members would be allowed without the need for prior permission into government territory. The only condition is that they should not carry arms or wear their military uniforms.
The LTTE has set up political offices in several towns already, and has also been recruiting volunteers for political work, which essentially involves organizing and addressing public meetings and mobilizing the Tamil population for propagana and protest rallies.
Amounting to a de facto removal of the 1998 ban on the LTTE, the extent of its overt political activity has rendered an official decision on de-proscription a mere formality,
Ratwatte released on bail: May 24 - The Court of Appeal ordered the release of the main suspect in the Udathalawinnemassacre case, former Deputy Defense Minister General Anuruddha Ratwatte on conditional bail. General Ratwatte has been banned by the court from travelling abroad. He was asked to surrender his passport at the Teldeniya magistrate's court.
The Court of Appeal made the release order when the Attorney General did not object the bail application filed on behalf of General Ratwatte which came up for inquiry 24 May. General Ratwatte was ordered to furnish cash bail of Rs 25,000 rupees with two sureties. The Court further ordered General Ratwatte to appear before the Criminal Investigation Department every second Saturday of the month.
General Ratwatte and his two sons Lohan and Chanuka were arrested along with several soldiers of the SLA in connection with the massacre often Muslims at Udathalawinne in Kandy district on 5 December during the Parliamentary polls last year. General Ratwatte's two sons are still in remand.
Experts panel to aid talks: May 26 - An international panel of experts, including some from India, will assist participants in the proposed peace talks supposed to take place sometime in late June between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE in Thailand. Peace facilitator Norway is constituting a panel of legal resource persons to function in a consultative capacity during direct talks between the government and the LTTE, The Sunday Leader reported from Colombo.
The legal experts panel will be available to advise the parties decide the structure of the interim regime, its powers, composition and relationship with the Sri Lankan government. A former chief justice from Switzerland and two constitutional experts from Canada have already agreed to serve on the resource persons panel. Three legalluminaries from India specialising in centerstate relations are also expected to be on the assisting panel, the newspaper said.
The panel would be in addition to any team of experts that the parties the government and the LTTE would bring to the talks on their own, it said.
Norway Peace Team in Colombo: May 27- Mr. Vidar Helgessen, the Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister, accompanied by Mr, Eric Solheim arrived in Colombo on May 25 to hold talks with the Sri Lankan leaders including the president Mrs. Chandrika Kuranathunga.
The Norwegian officials met the Sri Lankan Ministers Prof. G. L.Peiris, Milinda Moragoda and Tyronne Fernando. The Norwegians briefed them about their discussions with Mr. Anton Balasingham in London the previous week. The Ministers wanted the Norwegian officials to press LTTE to compromise on certain issues and wanted the LTTE to agree on a firm date for the talks in Thailand.
President Kumaratunga is reported to have told Vidar Helgesen that all core issues relating to the ethnic problem of the country should be included in the agenda for peace talks between the government and the Tamil Tigers. She was quoted as saying that core issues were particularly relevant to the proposed interim administration for the north and east. It should not be implemented until the core issues were finalized.
On the question of the delay in the commencement of talks between the parties, Vidar Helgesen said it could be a mistake to try and rush the two sides to the negotiating table. "Time is clearly important but the most important thing is to agree on an agenda for talks." Helgesen to a local television station. "The aim is to bring the two parties to the table as soon as possible but if you rush it and bring them to the table with no clear agenda, I think that would be detrimental,” he said. “We are most interested in the quality of the agenda than in the actual timing," he added.
Helgesen answering a range of questions said that it was upto both sides to make compromises and sacrifices to find a solution to the ethnic conflict. However, he said he wanted to make it clear that the Norwegians did not want to enforce a solution, but the solution would have to be reached between the parties involved in the conflict and the people of the country.
“We are acting only as facilitators in this process,” he said. Helgesen added that the number of international monitors would be increased to 40 from

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20 members, but made it clear that the monitors were only involved in monitoring the cease-fire agreement and not trying to take action against those violating it.Referring to the ceasefire violations reported so far, Helgesen said that any of these incidents had no serious impact on the peace process and the situation was much better compared to ceasefire violations in other countries.
72 migrants bound for Italy arrested: May 27-The Sri Lankan police today arrested 72 people, including Indian and Pakistani men, as they were trying to leave illegally for Italy on a fishing trawler, police officials said. Some 12 Indian, 42 Pakistani and 18 Sri Lankan men were taken into custody from a house near the southern port of Galle, 115 km south of the capital Colombo. “They were trying to take a fishing trawler to Italy. We are also trying to find out how Indian and Pakistani nationals got here," a police official said.
Security has been intensified from Galle to Chilaw to prevent immigrants from being transported illegally to Italy and other European destinations. The police have increased the number of mobile patrol units in an attempt to prevent smugglers from illegally trafficking human beings along this coastline.
The Sri Lanka Navy have also been placed on high alert following reports that the southern coast from Galle to Chilaw is being regularly used by human smugglers to secretly transport Sri Lankans abroad.
In February, four people died when a boat carrying 90 migrants headed for Italy capsized after hitting a boulder off Sri Lanka's southern coast. And in January, police arrested 179 migrants in Negombo, a coastal town 20 kilometers (12 miles) north of Colombo.
Civilian Flights to Jaffna: May 29 - Private airlines are resuming flights to northern Jaffna peninsula which has been battered and largely cut off from the rest of Sri Lanka by years of warfare. All private flights to Jaffna 300 kilometers (190 miles) north of the capital Colombo, were stopped in September 1995 amid fears Tamil Tigers might target them. A flight to Jaffna carrying 55 passengers and crew disappeared in October 1998 amid that rebels shot it down. Private flights would be a breakthrough for Sri Lankans, mostly Tamils, who must travel to and from Jaffna land access has long been blocked because of the fighting. Passengers traveling to the north had to take a difficult journey by sea, often having to wait for days to get on vessels at the eastern port city of Trincomalee. The only flights available were arranged by Sri Lanka's air force. Under an agreement between the government and the LTTE, the A9 highway to Jaffna was opened for public traffic last month. The government also approved commencement of private flights last month.
The airlines will initially operate only passenger flights, because cargo facilities are inadequate at the Jaffna airport.
PLOTE accuses LTTE: May 29 - The Peoples Liberation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) today lodged a complaint with the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission that many of its office buildings and other belongings have been forcibly taken over by the LTTE in Vavuniya.
I. Mahendran, speaking on behalf of PLOTE says the LTTE have even taken over its office at Vavuniya which housed the student wing of PLOTE. He claims that PLOTE's other offices at Vavuniya have also been taken over by the Tigers by pushing the former Tamil militants out of their office buildlingS.
Banners, posters and other paraphernalia belonging to PLOTE he says, have also been taken by the LTTE. He alleges that as a result the functioning of the organization has been seriously hindered.
UK backs peace initiative: May 29- UK Prime Minister Tony Blair has voiced his fullbacking for the peace process in Sri Lanka in talks with his Sri Lankan counterpart, Ranil Wickramasinghe, at Downing Street on 29 May.
A Downing Street spokesman said, "The Prime Minister stressed his strong support for the peace process in Sri Lanka."
After the meeting, a UK Foreign Office statement, "The United Kingdom welcomes the considerable progress which the Sri Lankan government and theLTTE have made towards a peaceful settlement of the conflict" and urged the LTTE to "renounce terrorism once and for all". "Direct talks between the two parties would be a significant step forward and would have our fullbacking," the Foreign Office said.
"For peace to succeed, there must be respect for the rights of all communities, Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese, and these rights must be protected by law.”
The Foreign Office added: "We hope that the LTTE realises that violence has no part to play in resolving the ethnic conflict and renounce terrorism once and for all.
Before proscription of the LTTE can be reconsidered in the United Kingdom, the LTTE would have to demonstrate a complete and convincing renunciation of terrorism.”
Lifting LTTE ban linked to date for talks: May 30 - Outlining a firm negotiation strategy, Sri Lanka today said it would consider removal of ban on

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LTTE only if the rebel group agreed to a date for commencement of direct talks, and insist on inclusion of core political issues in the peace talks agenda. "The government is prepared to give its mind to the issue (of lifting the ban), but only in the context of a firm date for talks to commence. Some action can be taken when there is a clear date on which talks will begin," Cabinet spokesman G. L. Peiris said.
This is the first time that the government has clearly linked the LTTE's demand for pre-talks legitimisation with a date for talks. Observing that "a long and unexplained delay" in beginning talks would affect the peace process, Mr. Peiris said, "An early commencement of talks is desirable unless there are very strong reasons to the contrar," adding that the Government expected that they would begin in the last week of June or early July.
Canadian HC Meets.Thamilchelvan: May 30 - The High Commissioner of Canada in Sri Lanka, Ms. Ruth Archibald, had discussions with Mr. S. P, Thamilchelvan on the current state of the island's peace process at the headquarters of the political division of the Liberation Tigers in Kilinochchi on 29 May, according to the Voice of Tigers broadcast from the Vanni. The Canadian High Commissioner conferred with Mr. Thamilchelvan also about development priorities in the war ravaged northern region, the radio said.
Health work in the Vanniby ICRC and the Medicins Sans Frontiers (MSF) with assistance provided by the Canadian Red Cross Society was reviewed by Mr.Thamilchelvan and Ms. Ruth Archibald during the talks from 10 a.m. to 12 noon, according to the radio.
The Canadian HC visited the headquarters of the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation (TRO) in the Kilinochchi town after the meeting and had discussions with officials there, the VOT said. The TRO is the main rehabilitation and development NGO in the Vanni. Dispute over access to islands: May 30 - "We will not enter the islands off Jaffna in compliance with the conditions that the Sri Lanka Navy has imposed on us now. The Navy's action is aimed at further subverting the peace process and creating a fear psychosis among the people of the islands," said Mr. Ilamparithi, the head of the political office of the Liberation Tigers in Jaffna, responding to the 12 conditions stipulated by the Sri Lanka Navy for allowing his colleagues to engage in political work in the islands off the northern peninsula.
"Sri Lankan officials were initially agreeable to letting us work in the islands with few conditions. But the stringent rules they have come up with now shows a sinister motive. Some of the conditions are quite plainly meant to humiliate and criminalise us," Mr. Ilampairithi said.
The SLN earlier declared the islands of Pungudutheevu, Nainatheevu, Eluvaitheevu, Analaitheevu, Mandaitheevu and Karainagar as military zones which the Tigers were prohibited from visiting under the terms of the ceasefire accord signed in February this year.
The LTTE raised strong objections to the SLN declaration on the grounds that many thousands of Tamil civilians live on these islands and they need to engage in political work among them.
Violations, not serious says SLMM: May 30 - The Norway-led Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission overseeing the ceasefire agreement between the government and the LTTE declared on 29 May that the ceasefire violations reported so far were not serious enough to jeopardise the agreement.
The SLMM in a five-page statement released the figures of the complaints, but stopped short of naming the parties responsible for the violations and declared that "the parties' compliance with the ceasefire agreement is going extremely well."
"None of the ceasefire violations jeopardise the agreement," it said. Out of 197 complaints received by the mission, only 58 are violations of the ceasefire. Though they did not name the parties responsible for the violations, the nature of the complaints gave an indication as to who was responsible for the incident. The complaints against the LTTE were about collecting tax, extortion of money, illegally crossing the Sri Lanka army's main supply route and carrying weapons while the complaints against the security forces were about occupying schools, temple and other public property.
The highest number of complaints came from the eastern province. The monitors said that there were 30 violations reported from the eastern Batticaloa and 10 of them were abductions. They were yet to inquire inquire into 34 more complaints received from Batticaloa.
“One state, one people and one homeland': May 31 - During his visit to Europe, Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said in Brussels said that negotiations with the LTTE will be in the context of "one state and one people, with one homeland called Sri Lanka.”
Stating that he hoped peace talks will begin by the end of June or early July "at the latest", he said, "I don't say we will come up with solutions overnight, because the final peace settlement should not be rushed."
Praising New Delhi's role in settling the island nation's conflict, he said "India is helping us a lot with our peace process. I am looking forward to

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meeting Prime Minister A BVajpayee when I am in New Delhi from June 9 to 11.'
Repatriation of Tamil Refugees Begins: June 1 - With the ceasefire between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Government holding for five months, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) has begun repatriating the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees from Tamil Nadu, but the agency cautioned that it was yet a tentative process.
Three persons in their seventies were the first to return to Sri Lanka earlier this week. They were provided air tickets by the UNHCR up to Colombo from Chennai, and financial assistance for food, lodging and transport home. The U.N. agency said that it had been approached by 650 of the 66,000 refugees in the Government-run refugee camps in south India for repatriation. It said it was looking at 85 cases on a priority basis for reasons of age, physical or mental disability and lack of family support in the camps. The three who returned were among 15 whose cases had been fast-tracked because of their "vulnerability", the UNHCR said. Both the Indian and Sri Lankan authorities had given the UNHCR permission to proceed with the repatriation.
The agency said it had agreed to assist in the repatriation despite its reservations about promoting or facilitating "large-scale, organised repatriation at this stage." Those who had approached it were being interviewed to ascertain if their desire to go back was voluntary. It had also begun the process of assessing places to which these people want to return for safety, shelter, infrastructure and employment opportunities. Those who are repatriated will have their travel expenses met, and upon arrival in Sri Lanka, will be given Rs. 5,000 an adult and Rs. 2,500 a minor.
The statement noted that 50 refugees had crossed the Palk Straits from India to Mannar on their own, and said that such spontaneous return appeared to be continuing. The UNHCR asked local residents to advise the returnees to report to one of its offices so that they could avail of the assistance the agency was offering. Over 70,000 internally displaced people had also returned to their homes in the northeast since the beginning of this year and the trend had increased after the ceasefire accord was signed, the agency said.
"Although the UNHCR continues to maintain that conditions in Sri Lanka are not yet conducive to promote or facilitate large-scale, organised IDP return or repatriation of refugees from India, the agency is monitoring closely the situation of spontaneous returns to ensure they occur voluntarily, with safety and dignity," the statement said.
UNP keen on national government: June 2- The ruling United National Party has re-approached President Chandrika Kumaratunga about plans for the formation of a National Government, mainly aimed at coming up with a common position on the settling of the etnic conflict and negotions with the LTTE, sources close the UNP leadership said.
UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema has discussed the issue with Kumaratunga. The meeting took place in the wake of Prime Minister Ranil Wickre-mesinghe's meeting with the President on the eve of his departure to Europe where he was drumming up support for his peace initiatives with the LTTE.
Wickremesinghe had given the nod to an earlier suggestion by the People's Alliance in a policy statement on the current peace process, where they had called for a Joint Committee headed by both Kumaratunga and Wickremesinghe to map out a strategy in the Norwegian-brokered peace process.
Samarawickrema had followed up on the Joint Committee proposal, but the arrangement for bi-partisanship on the country's most crucial issue collapsed when the name of Industrial Development Minister, chief Cabinet Spokesman and chief Government negotiator with the LTTE (designate) Prof. G.L. Peiris' name was recommended to be on the Committee.
President Kumaratunga vehemently opposed having Prof. Peiris, who served her as one-time Deputy Finance Minister and held the portfolios of Justice, Constitutional Affairs, Ethnic Affairs, National Integration and industries in her Government, on the Committee.
Political analysts observed a common thread in the approach to the LTTE question, when Wickremesinghe told the Development Committee of the European Union last week that "core issues” will have to be discussed at the negotiating table with the LTTE.
Kumaratunga's spokesman Harim Peris confirmed the meeting between the President and Samarawickrama, but downplaying the issue about the national government said the meeting was regarding the peace process.
World Bank Visits Jaffna: June 3 - The World Bank said today that the situation in Jaffna is still not suitable for starting long term development projects in the northern peninsula. The Vice President of the Bank (South Asia Region) Mr.Mieko Nizhimisu and its Sri Lanka co-ordinator, Marianna Todorova, visited the Kopay College of Education, the destroyed Chavakachcheri town, and the Jaffna District Secretariat. The Bishop of Jaffna, Rt. Rev. Thomas Soundranayagam, told the World Bank team when it called on him later in the day that 60 percent of the houses in the peninsula have been damaged by the

TAMILITMES 43
war. Sri Lanka's Minister for Economic Reforms, Mr. Milinda Moragoda accompanied the World Bank team. He too called on the Bishop. Mr. Moragoda, addressing those gathered at the meeting in the Bishop House said that his government was seeking foreign assistance for development programs.
The Bishop told the World Bank officials that they should assist the redevelopment of education in the northeast province. He drew their attention to the fact that there is a persistent and severe shortage of schoolteachers in the province and that education has been very badly affected by the war in the Vadamaradchi and Thenmaradchi divisions of Jaffna.
The Bank team discussed education related problems with local officials at the Kopay College of Education. Education officials urged the World Bank to provide assistance to reconstruct war-damaged schools in Thenmaradchi, Pachchilaipalli and Vadamaradchi east regions of Jaffna.
President's ex-media Advosor on arson charge:June 4- Film star and former presidential media advisor, Sanath Gunatilleke has been ordered to appear before the Monaragala Magistrate his court on June 14, 2002.
Gunatilleke is being summoned in connection with the incident of arson on film actress Anoja Weerasinghe's home at Monaragala on January 2, 2001. Among the suspects arrested in connection with this case is one police constable attached to the Buttala police and three PA supporters of former PA deputy minister and MP for Monaragala, Jagath Pushpakumara.
In January 2001, actress Anoja Weerasinghe's home at Monaragala was burnt. Her belongings and more importantly valuable irreplaceable reels of film had been pulled out of their boxes and charred beyond redemption.
A driver who was working for Jagath Pushpakumara and now taken into custody in connection with this incident has told police that he received instructions from Sanath Gunatilleke to burn down Anoja Weerasinghe's home and in particular the reels of film she kept at Monaragala.
When asked, Anoja said, Sanath is quite capable of planning and instigating such a despicable act - he was never my friend, even though we have acted in at least 15 films together. I always had deep reservations about him." Her statement is in stark contradiction to what Sanath has confided to senior police officers and friends. Quizzed with regard to the incident, Sanath says, "Anoja is my friend. I would never ever have resorted to such an act that would harm and hurt her."
Anoja says the bitter campaign against her began when she openly canvassed votes for Ranil Wickremasinghe during the presidential election of 1999.
LTTE ban to be lifted 10 days before talks: June 5 - The Sri Lankan Prime Minister Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe today assured the a nine-member delegation of MPs of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) which met him on 5 June that the ban on the would be lifted ten days ahead of the commencement of the peace talks in Thailand.
After briefing about his recent European tour and the outcome of the
talks he had with the European leaders regarding the current peace effort, the Prime Minister advised the delegation that the government was committed to lifting the ban on LTTE in Sri Lanka and it would take place ten days ahead of the commencement of the peace talks, although the TNA delegation insisted the ban should be removed immediately.
Referring to the request made by the TNA to allocate more funds for the rehabilitation and resettlement of displaced people in the war ravaged Northeast province, the Prime Minister said that he canvassed financial assistance from aid agencies and countries during his European tour. But those agencies and countries had intimated to him they were awaiting the commencement of the official peace talks between the government and LTTE to take a final decision in this regard, recalling their earlier experiences in Sri Lanka. However the Prime Minister told the TNA delegation that some financial assistance could be obtained to implement urgent rehabilitation and resettlement projects for the displaced.
Queen visits Hindu temple in UK: June 7 - Britain's Queen Elizabeth II visited a Hindu temple on 6 June taking off her shoes and chatting to worshippers during the stop, as part of her effort to recognize all of Britain's religions during her Golden Jubilee year. The Queen plans to visit a synagogue, mosque and Sikh temple in the next few weeks.
Celebrations of her 50 years on the throne during a four-day national holiday that ended on 4 June were a big success, with an estimated million people coming to London for a pop concert at Buckingham Palace and again to watch the Queen ride through the city in an ornate golden coach. She is touring Britain and the Commonwealth throughout the year.
The Queen removed her shoes to enter the Archway Murugan Temple in Highgate in north London and put on a garland of yellow marigolds and purple chrysanthemums. Four Hindu priests blessed the monarch and her husband, Prince Philip, wishing them peace and long life.
Tigers pay homage to TULF leader: June 7 - The body of Mr. Murugesu Sivasithambaram, the leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front, which was

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44 TAMILTIMES
on its way to Jaffna was taken to Kilinochchi on June 7 afternoon. The head of the LTTE's political division Mr.S.P..Thamilchelvan and other members of the organisation paid their last respects to the departed TULF leader at the Thooyavan College for Political Studies where the cortege lay this for homage by the public.
Mr. Thamilchelvan read out a message of condolence on behalf of the Liberation Tigers. The cortege arrived in Jaffna later in the evening.
Earlier the body of the TULF leader was kept on a specially erected dais in the Vavuniya Urban Council grounds. Local leaders of Tamil political parties and leading citizens of Vavuniya including the Government Agent Mr. K. Ganesh, Vavuniya Magistrate Mr. M.Illancheliyan and High Court Judge Mr.N. Ramachandran paid their last respects to the late TULF leader. A condolence meeting followed.
Referring to the LTTE paying homage to the TULF leader, a jounalist commented that it is an irony that late Mr Sivasithamparam had narrowly survived death with injuries in his chest and shoulder when the then secretarygeneral of TULFA Amithalinham was shot and killed by the LTTE along with another member of parliament, V Yogeswaaran in 1989 in Colombo.
Extradition of LTTE leader Urged: June 8 - The Rajiv Congress Welfare Trust president, Vazhappadi K.Ramamurthi, has appealed to the President, K.R.Narayanan, the Prime Minister, A.B.Vajpayee and the Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, to press for the extradition of Prabakaran to stand trial in India, in connection with the Rajiv Gandhi assassination.
In telegrams sent to them, he urged the leaders to impress upon the visiting Sri Lankan Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremasinghe, to expedite the extradition request.
Limited Role for Norway: June 9 - The government is expected to ask the Norwegian backers of the peace process with the LTTE to limit their role to that of facilitator or moderator, and not play the role of mediator in upcoming talks with the rebels, reports from Colombo say.
The move comes in the wake of a questionnaire given by the Norwegians to both the Sri Lanka government and the LTTE a fortnight ago where they asked the two sides what role the Scandinavian peace brokers must play during the negotiations.
It is said that what is ruled out is for the Norwegians playing the role of arbitrator - giving rulings and decisions - in the tough negotiations expected, once they begin, to end two decades of virtual civil war in the country.
The broad question asked in writing by the Norwegians from both sides was whether they should play the role of a "facilitator" - only providing the logistics for the meeting but keeping away from direct-talks; a "moderator"- sitting at the table but not participating at the discussions; or playing the role of the speaker in parliament; and "mediator" - actively participating in the discussions and influencing its proceedings. The Norwegians appear to be a clear in their willingness to play any one of these roles.
The United National Front (UNF) government has already communicated this decision to the People's Alliance (PA) saying that the Norwegian role will be limited to that of "moderator", a position the PA is reported to be going along with.
The LTTE's official position has not yet been made known, but its website said that the LTTE wanted a third-party to be involved in the negotiations. They, however, did not mention any names.
The Norwegians who were brought into the Sri Lankan conflict by the PA
Specialist Off Licence Holloway, London N7 (Established 1978)
TakingsÈ5,500 per Week, Annual Rates E3200, Rent £13,500 per year fixed for 5 years. 3 Bedflat, Rent potential £200 per Week. £ 48,000 plus stock.
Contact: Mr. Haider on 020 - 72721729
 

15 MAY.JUNE 2002
government, with the acceptance of the LTTE, following international pressure, especially by the donor countries and lending institutions, were first to play the role of a mere facilitator. In Oslo's Parliament, Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Patersen announced earlier this year in a statement on foreign policy, that his government was playing the role of "mediator" in Sri Lanka's peace process. SLMCwants to 'share' power with LTTE: June 9-The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), an important constituent of the ruling United National Front (UNF) government, has said it wished to "share" the proposed Interim Administration in the LTTE-dominated North-East with the Tamil Tigers.
“We will participate in the talks in Thailand on behalf of the UNF government. Being the authentic representatives of Sri Lankan Muslims, we would carefully handle the ethnic issue concerning the peaceful future of the Muslims in the North-East and in Sri Lanka as a whole," SLMC leader and Minister of Ports and Shipping Rauf Hakeem said.
"We would like to 'share' the Interim Administration with the LTTE on the basis that the North-East is the "traditional homeland' for the Tamil speaking Muslims too," the SLMC leader told reporters at Muhammthiya Mosque in Jaffna on 8 June.
The minister was in Jaffna to attend the funeral of late leader of Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) M Sivasithamparam, which is to be held this afternoon at Karaveddy in Vadamaradchchi, Jaffna.
On way to Jaffna, he met LTTE's political wing leader SP Thamilselvan in Kilinochchi and discussed the implementation of the Memorandum ofUnderstanding (MoU) between him and LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in April.
The SLMC leader said during their deliberations, they decided to set up a "special LTTE-SLMC joint committee" to monitor the full implementation of the MoU and to look into the violations, if any.
However, he would once again meet Prabhakaran after the date of commencement of talks in Thailand was fixed, he added.
Don't Lift ban on LTTE, says Monk: June 9 - The Ven. Rambukwelle Sri Vipassi Mahanayake Thero of Malwatte Chpater has warned the government not to de-proscribe the LTTE before a permanent solution is achieved. "Do not hastily de-ban the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and get caught in a trap", the Buddhist prelate warned the Power & Energy Minister and Deputy Leader of the United National Party (UNP) Karu Jayasuriya on June 8.
The prelate told Mr. Karu Jayasuriya that we need peace and we are for peace. But we do not wish to see that everything is given for the sake of peace. He urged the UNP Deputy Leader and the UNP leadership not to give away everything like letting out the cattle from a shed. Peace talks can be held while the ban on the LTTE continues. Lifting of the ban could be done after talks. Ban should not be a barrier.The UNP Deputy Leader promised the Buddhist prelate that Prime Minister Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe was taking a genuine interest in the restoration of peace in Sri Lanka and he would listen to the Buddhist monks too. The PM acts with commitment to return peace to the island devastated by protracted war for nearly two decades, he said. TULF leader's remains cremated: June 9 - The final funeral rites of late TULF leader M. Sivasithamparam was held today at his hometown in the presence of politicians from all parts of the country and religious leaders. Music groups played somber music, and the songs were played constantly in addition to the recalling speeches of late leader M. Sivasithamparam throughout Yaazhppaanam during the last two days.
Mr. Karu Jayasuriya, the Minister of Power and Energy and the Deputy Leader of UNP, Dr. Jayalath Jayawardene, the Minister of Rehabilitation, Resettlement & Refugees, Mr. T. Maheswaran, the Hindu Affairs Minister, Mr. Rahuff Hakeem, the Minister of Port Development & Shipping and Mr. H. M. AZwer, the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, represented the government. Mr. R. Yogarajan, the parliamentarian from Plantation region represented the Plantation Taamils.
The LTTE political wing members also participated in the final rites where Mr. Ilamparuthy read the LTTE's condolence message. At around 2:30 p.m., the coffin was taken to the Karaveddy Sonappu Crematorium where the cremation took place. Mr. Sujenthiran Sivasithamparam.
Mr. Karu Jayasuriya said the death of late Sivasithamparam was a great loss for the country as a whole. He was a noble politician who fought for the Justice of Thamils where he fought politically and he was the moderate face of the Tamil struggle in Sri Lanka. But it's sorry to hear his death now since the both parties to the conflict come to a negotiated settlement,
Mrs. Mangayakkarasi, the widow of TULF leader late Amirthalingam Appapillai, participated the funeral rites. She sobbed uncontrolably as she sopke. O

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15 JUNE 2002
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About People & Events
Wedding Bells
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding.
Lambotharan, son of Mr & Mrs Kanagaratnam of 83, Cul 3, Unit 2 (2), Mafikeng, South Africa and Dr. Janaki, daughter of Dr. & Mrs Kamalanathan of 21, Oakmont, Diascia Street, Northvilla 1501, Johannesburg, South Africa on 9th February 2002 at Melrose Sivasubraswami Temple,
Johannesburg, South Africa.
Obituaries
Mrs Mani Sivasubramaniam; the dearly loved wife of the late Sivasubramaniam, sister of the late Wijayapashkaran and Dharmapalan (Sydney); sisterin-law of late Sivabaladevi and Sarojini (Sydney); much loved
 
 

TAMILTIMES 45
mother of Ranji (London), Pathu (Sri Lanka) and Ravi (Melbourne), mother-in-law of Sivasundran (London), Raghu (Sri Lanka) and Rani (Melbourne); grandmother of Meera & Jehan (London), Dinesh & Brintha (Sri Lanka) and PraSanth & Sharunj (Melbourne) passed away peacefully on April 3rd 2002 at her home in Manipay, Sri Lanka, aged 80 years. The cremation took place in Manipay on 7th April.
The members of her family Wish to thank all relatives and friends who sent messages of condolences.- 9 Fallow Close, Retford, Notts DN22 75P UK. Tel. (01777) 708076.
Benedict, Anton Jayanathan (Retired Civil Engineer, British Rail), Dearly loved husband of Dr. Marina Benedict and father of two loving sons, Adrian and Anselm, Dearly beloved son of the late Mr. & Mrs. S.M. Benedict, Negombo, Sri Lanka passed away in London on 9th May 2002.
The family would like to take this opportunity to thank all those who attended the funeral on 16tb May and also the many who sent their Condolences.
In Memoriams
In loving memory of Ward & Davy Mr. Vythialingam Anandanadarajah on the second anniversary of his passing away on 12th May 2000.
Sadly missed and fondly
remembered by his children Skandamalar, Sivanandan, Sivakumari, Gayathri, Ravindran and Bhahirathan; sons
in-law lindrakumar, Santhirakunnar and Shan Navaratnam; daughters-in-law Bhama, Vasundra and
Vathsala, Sisters Kanalanayaki Param Thillairajah and Pathmavathy Balasingam; grandchildren Pradeep, Prasanna, Sharmatha, Murali, Brindan, Thayanuji, Sivanuji, Mayruja, Aarani, Luxmy, Kannan, Vibushini, Kailesh, Lalithayini, Sanjutha and Shivanthi. - 4a Ringwood
Road, LutoN, Beds. Tel: 01582
In loving memory of Mr. S i v a p r a g a s a m Thirunavukkarasu on the second anniversary of his passing away on 15th April 2OOO.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Thurairathinam, loving daughters, sons, sons-in-law, daughters - in - la w, grandchildren, brothers, Sisters, brothers-in-law and Sisters-in-law. - S. Ananthamoorthy, Canada.
ళ జha X.8 In loving memory of Mrs Ranjini Geetanjali Thirunavukarasu On the Sixth anniversary of her passing away on 24th May 1996.
Sadly missed and lovingly remembered by her husband Thiruna vulkarasu; children Poornima and Pradeep; father Mahalingam; mother-in-law Mrs P Ponnuthurai; sisters Mrs. Lalitha Dilkushi Karun

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46 AMELTIMES
akaran and Priyadarshini Damayanthy, brothers Premkumar, Mohanakumar, Ranjitkumar, Nimalkumar and Tilakumar, brothers-in-law Karunakaran and Balanathan; s is t e r s - in - a w Kamalarani, Vijaya laxmi, Nirmala, Yasothara, Nalini, Kamaladevi and Sugirthadevi. - M. Ranjitkumar, 12 Chase Lane, Barkingside, Essex 1 G6 1BH. Tel O2O 8554 2095.
Fifteenth Death Anniversary
綜
Mr. S. Sivasambo, Retired Post Master
(15/05/1909 - 23/05/1987)
Always fondly remembered by his wife Sivakolunthu; children Sridas, Sriharan, Gowri and Sriskanthan and their families.
8& In ever loving memory of Dr. Parameswaran Kandiah on the twelfth anniversary of his passing away on 12th May
1990.
Twelve years have rolled by since the passing away of a much dedicated doctor, loving husband and father. To have lived and known a man such as him is surely an inspiration to bring out the goodness and kindness in us all. God bless you.
Sorrowfully remembered by his beloved wife Pathnaseni and loving children Thayalan and Anjali - 29 Mounstan Close, Hartside Grange, Hartlepool TS26 0LR
Third Anniversar
ln eV of M daug Amb, Lank, her p
Sadl rerne husb daug SOS Sure, Shiv Ponnampalam (Australia) and
Foxmead Close, Enfield, Middx
Eleventh Death
In ever loving memory
- | Sivag anniv 22nd
Renn affect alletc. (Aust Lank natha (Aust and
Mrs
Bhagawathy Mohanadas (t Mangayarkkarasi Jetheendi Kumaranayagam (both of Aust, Albans, Herts. Tel: 017278533,
Forthcomi
Jul 3 Feast of St. Thomas Jul 4 Feast of St. Elizabeth Jul 6 Karthigai; Eekathasi Jul 7 PirathoSam Ju 9 Anawasai Jul 11 Feast of St. Benedict Jul 13 Sathurthi; Manickavasagar Guru Poojah; Feast of St. Henry, South Tamil Welfare Group (SLTWG) Trip to Wales Temple. Tel: 02085423285. Jul 14 5p.m. London Tamil Centre Annual Prize Giving at Wembley High School Hall, East Lane, Wembley, UK. All VVeloOrne Juli 15 Shashti; Aani Uthiram Jul 20 Sukkla ECkathaSi Juli 21 PirathoSam Jul 23 Full Moon, Feast of St. Bridget Jul 25 Feast of St. James Jul 27 Sankadakara Sathurti Jul 29 Feast of St. James At the Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 911 G. Tel: O20 7381 308.6/4608. July 20 Bhavan's Summer School of Music & Dance with Dr. M. Balamurali Krishna, Saswati Sen, Dr. Saraswati
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 JUNE 2002
Remembrance
'r loving and precious memory s Rasathy Thirunavukkarasu, ter of the late Dr. and Mrs. la vanar of Suthumalai, Sri on the third anniversary of assing away on 4th July 1999.
missed and fondly mbered by her beloved and Thirunavukkarasu;
ters Vasuki and Dr. Vatsala, in-law Pathmalingam and h; grandchildren Thusan,
and Suji; brothers Dr. Sritharan and their families. 28 EN27fGTel: O208363 O922.
Anniversary
Of Mr Balasubramaniam anananthan on the eleventh ersary of his passing away on June 1991.
2mbered with love and ion by his stepmother Mrs Raj титу Balasubramaniam ralia); wife Kamala (Sri a); brothers Dr. Sivalogan (UK), Thirunavukkarasu raia), Radakrishnan (Chennai) Sritharan (Australia);sisters Gowri Pathmanathan, Mrs both of Sri Lanka), Mrs an and Mrs Jayanthi ralia)- 22 Oakwood Drive, St.
3f
ng Events
Sundareshan, Madhav Gudi, Somasundaram Govindasamy and Bhavan' 5 own teachers. Contact Bhavan for details. July 28 6p.m. & Aug 3 6.30p.m. Karnatic Vocal by Padma VibhuShan Dr. M. Balamurai Krishna
Drama Review Kaathirupu
A driven leaf in an awe
inspiring storm and no resting place where the orgy of violence leaves the oppressor and the oppressed unidentified and the human mind disenfranchised from its heart, is given expression
in the explosive half-an-hour play KAATHIRUPU presented by the Tamil Performing Arts Society with delicate refined direction by veteran Mr. K. Balendra and subtly scripted by S. Vasudevan with Tennessee William sensitivity of aggressive impulses of hope intermingled with despondency played with distinction by Anandarani Balendra as mother and Krishnarajah as father of the missing son, brother of Vasudevan acting as their living son. Sivasuthan and Sanjeevaraj take the soldiers' role.
The message is universal in its present global context of violence. From beginning to end, this powerful political drama brings the Jack Lemmon seriousness of the American film "Missing" in which as father he travels to Chile to find his son, who disappeared in the 1973 military coup. He returned without his son but with hope of his return. To a Tamil audience this play presented late in the evening after feasting their eyes on a full day of traditional festivity at Sivayogam, the cultural centre at Tooting Amman Temple, KAATHIRUPU burst through the clouds as thunder and shook their conscience. One could feel that, in the wrapt up silence that descended almost immediately as the play opened with sombre background music and lighting, foreboding an impending crisis in the family. The spell-bound Tamil audience was visibly transformed by the powerful portrayals of the players and the psychological anxiety of eventual inevitability of the absence and return of the SΟΙΩ.
The defining moment of the play is the intensity with which they expressed the psychology of disappearance, the feeling that the son is somewhere there and to a great measure bringing out the futility of a state of afterdisappearance.
The Tamil audiences abroad are in for future inspirational plays from the Tamil Performing Arts Society. We wish them all success.
- S. Maharasingam

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15 MAY 2002
Appreciation: Mr. Suppiah Kanagalingam (1922-2002)
Mr. S. Kanagalingam was born in Malaya, but had his schooling in St. John's College, Jaffna. From an early age, he demonstrated an interest in new technology, in particular the then emerging science of sound. He was relentless for his search for excellence in this highly specialised field, travelling to Bombay and acquitting in Radio Communications and Radio Engineering. Upon his return he joined the Ceylon armed forces and specialised in communications as here was, potentially, the most complex utilisation of his learning for that time. When he left a few years later, his discharge note stated that not only was he "capable' but also 'excellent' and in particular of excellent character'.
This was to become his hallmark, of very good character, always capable and excellent at what he did. Soon he became the sound engineer to the Ceylon Film Unit, where he was talent spotted. He then joined the Association of the British Institute of Radio Engineers which led him, in his thirst for knowledge to the United Kingdom. He underwent training with the Westrex Company, Rank Precision Industries and the J Arthur Rank Productions Ltd in Pinewood Studios. He made many friends including cinema legends such as Michael Caine for whom he had a very high personal regard. He became an expert in sound editing, location and newsreel recording, dubbing and working in advertising with well known
personages such and Drake. While special interes production. Unu himself at acco during this time Association of Accountants.
Lester James producer directo admirer of Kanag citation he con success' of the rec exaggeration' for complex and diff wrote of his "high sharp sensitive e credited were th Unit's 'Be Safe ol James Peiris's “Rekawa”.
Through all th indelible feature
was his quiet mo married Pavalar Mr. Ramanathan Chelvarayan. The of whom there wa was, in his very { The nine of them and the children
kindness and yet values. To ensu growing family ha he took up ap Government ofE as the senior helped Nigeria di cinematography
returned to Ceylo of Chief Enginee
Sri Raja Rajeswary Amman Temple - Annual Festival Programme
The Annual Festival of the Sri Raja Rajeswary Amman Temple, 4 Dell Lane, Stoneleigh, Surrey commenced on Monday, 13th May 2002 with the Flag Hoisting Ceremony (Koddietram), continued for 14 days till the Chariot (Ther) festival on Sunday, 26th May, followed by the Water Cutting (Theertham) ceremony on 27th May, Poongavanam on 28th May and concluded with the Vairavar Madai on 29th May.
m
s 攤義 The above is the Ther, which left the Temple at 10a.m., drawn by the
devotees, travers the Temple in a returned to the T
During the Saraswathy Rar Lecturer from religious discour 7 & 8 p.m. from 1 temple. Devote festival and a discourses in lar!
Valli’s Landm Re
Researching UK late 1990's for
 
 
 

47 TAMILMES
Keating, Crowhurst here, he developed a
in 35mm film ually, he acquitted nting examinations fith the Incorporated ost and Industrial
Peiris, the famous r of films, was an alingam's talent. In a mended the "great order in what was no film that "had a most ult sound track'. He degree of skill and a ar'. Among the films e Government Film Be Sorry' and Lester -arly classic feature
s, the single most of Mr. Kanagalingam lesty. By then he had n, granddaughter of J.P. and daughter of y had seven children is a set of triplets. He issence a family man. was a close knit unit were brought up with with a strong sense of re that his rapidly ad great expectations, pointment with the astern Nigeria in 1962 Sound Engineer. He 2velop its potential in and subsequently on to take up the post r at Ceylon Theatres.
In a tribute, Mr. Sellamuttu, the Chairman, wrote glowingly, thanking him for his "loyal and devoted services'. Mr. Kanagalingam was a quiet, efficient, highly competent, completely focussed and loyal person. He inculcated those traits in all his children without ever having raised his voice or wielded a rod. To bring up seven children, three boys and four girls, in such a genteel manner and witnessing every one of them to become a model citizen in which ever country they settled down in, is a tribute to his exceptional parenting ability. It was an art of succeeding, without seeming to try, just as all his jobs were, with the various organisations he worked for.
So gentle was he that he left as few disturbances as he could. He upset no one, supported with subtlety and was not to be seen when the credits were shared. Yet, his delivery of his duty to his employers, to his family and to all who came into contact with him was always the same. It was without fear or favour and as the Gita stated, all to him was 'Sukha dhuke same' (Chapter II, v:38). Reading the tributes his many grandchildren wrote at his demise simply reinforces the essence of the
a.
We who knew him well will all miss him. But he would not appreciate that for he would have liked to move on into the afterlife without casting his shadow. This is just as the philosophy of our ancients had preached. r
R. Raja Rayan
ed the roads around procession and Ambal emple at 2 p.m.
estival Dr. (Mrs) hanathan, Renowned India conducted ses everyday between 2th to 27th May in the es partook in the ttended the above e numbers.
ark Money Market search
money markets in the Gartmore Investment
Management, Valli Niththyananthan was able to appreciate the power of broad macroeconomic forces. When she joined Alliance Capital which manages $7.6 billion in European assets in October 2000 to cover luxury goods, she was able to research into the strengths and weaknesses of particular brands. She says "If you look back at the impact of the Gulf War and the Asian crisis on the sector, it's clear that top brands like Guci tend to bounce back and gain ground after a crisis, while second-tier names like Versace suffer”
The London School of Economics and Political Science graduate says that she favoured the premier names in the weeks after the terrorist attacks in the U.S. "September 11 creates a buying opportunity", she thought at the time. Amidst widespread anxiety about the global economy, consumption of luxury goods fell for several weeks but gradually improved between January 1 and mid April. Her researches revealed that the top brands had an edge over second-tier names in an economic cnsis,

Page 48
48 TAMILTIMES
To determine which researchers most distinguished themselves, the American magazine Institutional Investor polled brokerage analysts who received votes in the All-Europe Research Team. Using these figures they selected 25 of the most accomplished researchers and Valli Niththyananthan was selected as the Best of the Buy Side for Luxury Goods. She is the daughter of Dr. & Mrs Niththyananthan of Norval Road, Wembley, UK.
Hindu College Colombo Celebrates Golden Jubilee
The 12th of February 1951 is a red letter day in the annals of the Hindus in Colombo. On this day, the seeds were sown by the Hindu Educational Society to realise the long cherished dream of several Tamil Hindus living in Colombo, of the establishment of an educational institution there, that could impart education which integrates the essence of Hinduism and the nobility of Tamil tradition. It was on this day that the foundation was laid for the birth of the first ever Hindu school, now known as Hindu College Colombo - the precursor to two schools in the same mould and traditionHindu College Ratmalana and Ramanathan College, Colombo.
Men of prominence and distinction of that time from the Hindu Educational Society which included Mr Justice C Nagalingam, Sir Kandiah Vaithianathan, Senator S Nadeson, Mr. S. Mahadevan, Mr. K.C. Thangarajah organised the land and buildings for the purpose of starting the school. It was at the "madam', which was a part of the Kathireson temple complex at Wellawatte, that the school was started with the auspicious name of "Pillayar Padasalai' with 48 children on its roll. Soon after its establishment and progress, the school was registered as a senior secondary school under the name Colombo Hindu College. With the school gaining prominence with its various educational activities, the number of students increased rapidly and there was a need for its expansion. It was at this juncture, that the trustees of Kathireson Temple generously provided the land on which the present building stands. Through the patronage extended by many residents of Colombo, sufficient funds were raised for the construction of the Saraswathy Hall.
George's Lodge
Two bedroom Luxury Self Contained Apartment with Cook available on request, available at Aruthusa Lane, Wellawatte, Colombo 6. £15 per night. Telephone 0208 689 0236 or O7931587168 (UK)
To provide for furt school, there was a for the constructi Funds were mobili land were acquire of which 30 acres free for the school residential house stone for the Ratmalana was Kotelewala the th Even before the building, the pos from Bambalapit, Ratmalana with Bampalapitya fu primary school. M was the first prin head of both the in N Satiyandra took as the principal capacity. Following were Mr T Subram S Ambalavanar.
During the pe Ambalavanar, the Hindu College Colo Hindu College Rat In 1967, under the Nalliah, the ther school, the primary at Bambalapitya status of a junior the institutions at Ratmalana, whic functioning as or function as two se the retirement of N Sangaralingem principal. In Janua desire of the paren to admit girls as we as there was r available, it was de at which, Mr J R then president o present that new purpose should be was made by t Sangaralingem an Palaniappa Chetti adjacent land to p purpose of establis Following this, the acquired and the foi November 1980. Wi rendered by many a building was co was born the Ri Ladies College in ( now around 1250 st
During the tragic e the School provide who flocked it se Sangaralingem, th school at that time ran the refugee ca funding or help fr for the first two wee a visit by Mr. Ra: the Minister of Ec assistance was rece

er expansion of the need to acquire land n of new premises. ed and 100 acres of in Ratmalana, out vere made available and the balance for s. The foundation new building in laid by Sir John en Prime Minister. completion of the primary students a were shifted to the school at nctioning as the r K Padmanabhan ipal serving as the stitutions. Later, Mr over and functioned in an honorary him the principals aniam and then Mr
riod of Mr S dea of bringing the mbo in par with the malana took shape. stewardship of Mr P principal of the section of the school was raised to the school. Thereafter, Bambalapitya and h were hitherto e body, began to parate entities. On Mr P Nalliah, Mr.T. WES appointed ry 1979, it was the ts and well wishers ll to this school and o accommodation cided at a function Jayawardene, the f Sri Lanka was buildings for this put up. An appeal he principal Mr. d his staff to Mr ur who owned the art with it, for the hing a girls school. necessary land was Lndation was laid in h the untiring help n mobilising funds, structed and thus manathan Hindu olombo, which has udents.
vents of July 1983, shelter to many king refuge. Mr. Principal of the and his colleagues mp. There was no m the government is. It was only after il Wickramsinghe, ucation then, that ved.
15 JUNE 2002
Over the years, with the help in the form of donations from philanthropists, well wishers, past students and the assistance provided by the Ministries of Education and Religious Affairs of successive governments, many blocks of buildings, including a Vinayagar temple, were added. The latest is the Golden Jubilee Block, which was donated by the old boys of the school resident in London, Canada, and America. The foundation stone of this building was laid by the former principal Mr. Sangaralingam as desired by the old boys and teachers and the present principal Mr. T. Muthukumarasamy declared it open in February 2002. The school which has been accorded recognition as the first Tamil National School in 1991, has now about 4000 students and enjoys a unique position in the country producing thousands of students excelling in various fields of education in Sri Lanka and elsewhere worldwide. It also plays a significant role in the life of our community in Colombo and neighbouring areas.
The commemoration of the Golden Jubilee of the Hindu college, Colombo is a matter of great pride and satisfaction as it continues to serve the purpose envisaged by the founding fathers 50 years ago. Our thanks are due to all those who helped in accomplishing this mission. May God bless them all.
Mridanga Arangetram of Thivyan
The Mridanga Arangetram of my fourteen year old grandson Thivyan, son of Mr. & Mrs Thayaparan of Twickenham, London and pupil of Sri K.S. Bhavani Shankar and later of Sri M. Balachandar, resident Mridangam
teacher at the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, took place at Beck Theatre, Hayes on 12th May 2002 before a large gathering of relatives, friends and music lovers. It was to the credit of Sri Balachandar that Thivyan was the ninth student presented by him from the Bhavan.
The vocalists were the melodious Sangeetha Widwan Smt Saraswathi Packiyarasa (Thivyan's grandma) and Sangeetha Vidwan Smt Jayanthi Sivanandan who had come all the way

Page 49
15 JUNE 2002
from Kuwait to sing for her nephew. The other artistes of the orchestra were Sri Balu Raguraman - Violin, Sri M. Balachandar - Kanjira, Sri R.N. Prakash - Ghatam, Sri K. Sithamparanathan - Muharsing and Selvi Kavitha Parameswara - Thambura. A welcome feature of the arangetram was the Kanjira accompaniment of Guru Balachandar with his captivating smile which gave added confidence to his student. The very competent compering was done by the versatile Sri Wimal Sockanathan.
The performance commenced with the welcome address by eleven year old Dhanusha, sister of Thivyan. He played confidently and the Varnam, Pancharatnam, Ragam Tanam Palawi and Thillana were outstanding.
The Chief Guest Sri Karaikkudi Krishnamoorthy in his witty and humorous speech praised Thivyan for performing with dedication, devotion and discipline and at the same time complimented his Guru for nurturing and producing a young prodigy with his unwavering patience and encouragement in teaching this divine art. He spoke very highly of Thivyan's grandma and said that she was the driving force in the success of the Arangetram. He also spoke highly of the accompanying artistes, who had contributed in no small measure towards the success of the event. The Guest of Honour, Dr. M.N. Nandakumara, Executive Director of the Bharata Vidya Bhavan complimented Thivyan on his performance and wished him all success in the future.
The evening's programme would have not been possible without the hard work and encouragement of his parents who had to labour hard to enable him to attend lessons regularly and make frantic efforts to have a successful function. My grandson's performance exceeded all my expectations as he went through the Arangetram with confidence, enthusiasm and without any stage fright. It is my earnest hope and prayer that while devoting a major part of his time for his studies and sports- he plays rugger, cricket and soccer for his school- he would devote a part of his time to learn more of the intricacies of playing the Mridangam and give performances as well, without giving it up under the mistaken notion that his Arangetam had brought an end to all his interest in music. I am confident that if he takes my genuine advice, he can one day turn out to be a Mridangan Vidwan like his Guru.
The vote of thanks by Thivyan brought the proceedings came to a happy close.
M. Balasundram (Paternal Paatta)
Bharatanatya Νίνι
On 21st April 20( Theatre, Hayes M decorated with fl. the Bharatanatya Nivethitha Thay has studied Bhara Vocal and Vina a Bhavan since she with dedication a audience was pre culmination of he her “ascending til teachers Smt. Siv Vocal, her Gu Yadagudde - l M. Balachandar -
Ballu FRaghuramar Bhavan Sri. P. Gn were her accompa
The programme o ah, an offering Nataraja in Raga Adi seeking the E her Guru and the by a Sloka in pr whose majestic, s beautifully evoke pure dance Alar. Tala Tisva Eka, tiniest movement neck and shoul extending to th suggest the grac petals of a flower Ragamalika and varied rhythmi Nivethitha's very footwork and rhythm.
The Sabdam in Chapu Tala descr young Krishna. T were delightfully Nivethitha showe tip-toeing or jump or tease the gopi the flute- and
haunting notes
abhinaya expres exasperation ar. which the divine
 

49 TAMILTIMES
Arangetram of hitha
2 the stage of Beck iddlesex, charmingly wers was ready for Arangetram of Miss akaran. Nivethitha tanatiyam, Karnatic ; the Bharata Vidya was young, always nd devotion. A large sent to witness the r hard work in this he stage'. Bhavan's asakthi Sivanesan - ru Sri. Prakash Nattuvangam, Sri. Miridangam and Sri. and a friend of the anavarathan - Flute nists.
pened with Pushpanj of flowers to Lord Gambhiranata, Tala issential blessings of musicians, followed ise of Lord Ganesa, waying presence was by the dancer. The ppu in Raga Nata, beginning with the s of the face, head, iers and gradually e body did indeed ual opening of the The Jathisvaram in Talamalika with its patterns showed neat and accurate excellent sense of
Ragamalika, Misra bed the pranks of the nese favourite stories brought to life as d us the mischievous ing to steal the butter beguilingly playing we could hear its her large eyes and ing the fascination, tender love with hild is surrounded.
The main piece of the evening was the Navarasa Varnam “Angayakanni” composed in Ragamalika and Adi Tala by Sri Lalgudi G.Jayaraman. The composition demands tremendous power and stamina as the dancer portrays all the nine emotions, rasas, of the goddess Minakshi from her miraculous childhood and her warrior days to her transformation, through her love of Lord Siva, to her full compassionate beauty and passionless power. Nivethitha's understanding and portrayal of the emotions and of the beauty, compassion and terrifying aspect of this great goddess were outstanding. The setting in Ragamalika, unusual for a. Padavarnam was particularly moving affectively sung by Smt Sivasakthi Sivanesan
After the interval Nivethitha presented the Patham “Enna Thavam” in Raga Kapi, Tala Adi. This lyrical description of Yasodha, foster mother of baby Krishna was beautifully, expressively and tenderly performed, emphasising the lightness and grace of the dancer's movements and the skill of her abhinaya. A second Padam” Mattu Nagar” in Raga Desh, Tala Adi by Sri Yalppanam N. Veeramani Iyer again allowed us to see this young dancer's power of expression and lyrical grace. The subject of this Padam was close to her heart.
Dr. M. Balamurali Krishna's Tillana in Raga Brindavani, Tala Adi brought the performance to a final climax of speed, fluid movement and an unfailing sense of rhythm. Nivethitha has been splendidly accompanied by her musicians and Ms Vena Ramphal who both compered and gave an address. Dr. John Marr, Chief Guest and Dr. M. Nandakumara paid their tribute to the dancer, her musicians and to the devotion of her parents Mr. & Mrs. Thayakaran in nurturing both their daughter's love for dance and the arts and culture of India. Nivethitha takes with her to university our blessings and best wishes and our hope we will still often see her dancing at the ihavan.
Wendy Maar
WANTED
Mirudangistand Violinist urgently required for solo performance and to accompany artistes in other performances.
Please send CV and two references to The Flute Institute UK, 69 The Causeway, Potters Bar, Herts EN6 5HG.

Page 50
50 TAMILTIMES
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