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15 DECEMBER 2002
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.”
-Voltaire
Tamil
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XXI No. 12 15 DECEMBER 2002
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD United Kingdom Phone: 020 - 8644 0972 Fax: 020 - 8241 4557
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Me wish our readers a 1jerry Christmas apda Asappy and frosperous
Wew 2/6ear
FOr
The recent agre ing the third round breakthrough. The " of internal Self-detel ing peoples, based acknowledged that aim of establishing a is not to be pursued dominated northern lation borrowed fron habitation of the Tai phrase "Tamil-speal munity.
The agreement for time by concent cuss core political is a separate indeper entrenched position say that it would set has undergone a pa The federal idea the founding of the F J. V. Chelvanayaka political parties of th ties like the All Cey spelt out that it was nounced the federa pOCrisy and opportu since its independel openly accepting th; existed in many Cou Despite its denu or other as a mean Bandaranaike-Chel Regional Councils "powers over specif land development, c ing and social servi ments of power sha C proposals of 1983 sultation with formel C Pact. The 13tham Indo-Sri Lanka ACCC Councils with devolv name but in fact, Sr idea was taken furt tional reform propo: alia, for the creatior mous legislative anc it will thus be S political and intellect Sri Lanka. Only if the for a country with a upon the country an been avoided.
After two decade rent asunder and m been inaccessible tc State power as exer Substantial parts of tion, though belatec federal model as en the process of reuni
 
 
 
 

TAMITMES 3
a Federal Solution
ement reached between the Government and the LTTE durof peace talks in Oslo has been described as a substantial parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle mination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speakon a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka. The parties the solution has to be acceptable to all communities." The |separate state of Tamil Eelam, though not formally dropped, . The concept of a "Tamil homeland" as applied to the Tamil and eastern provinces has been substituted with the formuthe Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of July 1987: "areas of historical nil-speaking peoples". It is significant to note the plural in the cing peoples" which signifies the inclusion of the Muslim com
disproved the doubters who had accused the LTTE of biding rating on peripheral matters and not being prepared to dissues surrounding the conflict. Hitherto, the establishment of dent state of Tamil Eelam had been the uncompromising of the LTTE. Never before has its leadership been heard to tle for a federal solution. To that extent, the LTTE's position radigm shift. had been part of the political debate in Sri Lanka ever since ederal Party (FP) in 1949 under the leadership of the late S. m. But the idea was bitterly opposed not only by the major e right, Centre and left, but also by some Tamil political paron Tamil Congress. Though the FP's manifesto specifically s opposed to the division of the country, its detractors deI concept as a stepping stone for division. The political hyinism of the dominant parties that had governed Sri Lanka hce from Colonial rule prevented them from appreciating and at federalism has been a standard Constitutional model that ntries of the World with multi-ethnic or multi-lingual societies. inciation, the idea had crept in time and again in some form s of resolving the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. The abortive vanayakam Pact of 1957 provided for the establishment of covering the North and East of the country with devolved ied subjects including agriculture, co-operatives, lands and olonization, education, health, industries and fisheries, housCes, electricity, Water Schemes and toads."lt contained ellering only found in federal constitutions. The failed Annexure produced by India's special envoy G Parthasarathy in conPresident J R Jayawardene were similar in terms to the Bendment to the Constitution enacted in 1988 pursuant to the ird of July 1987 which resulted in the setting up of Provincial 'ed legislative and executive powers certainly turned, if not in iLanka's unitary constitution into a hybrid one. The federal her by President Chandrika Kumaratunga by the constitusals submitted in 1998 to parliament which provided, inter of a Union of Regions with well defined devolved autonoexecutive powers. een that, though the "F" word has been anathema to the ual elite of the country, the federal idea is nota novel one for by had little foresight to realise the merit in a federal structure eterogeneous population, the massive devastation wrought d its people resulting from the ethnic conflict could well have
is of war and violence, the reality is that the island is virtually ost of the areas of the north and east of the country have the people living in the rest of the country. In fact the writ of cised by the government of the day has not been running in the north and east for several years. It may be that realisaly, has dawned at last upon many that the adoption of the visaged by the government and the LTTE in Oslo will help in ying an already divided Country.

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4 AMILTIMES
PEACE TALKS - THIRD ROUND
5 Dec - The government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam reached a historic agreement to "explore a solution to end the island's conflict founded on the principle of internal self determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka'.
Addressing a joint press conference on 5 December at the Radisson Plaza Hotel in Oslo, and responding to a question from journalists about President Chandrika Kumaratunga's powers to dissolve Parliament at her discretion from 5 December, Mr. Balasingham and GOSL's chief negotiator, Prof. G. L Peiris said that they were not concerned about such an eventuality because the people are firmly behind the peace process.
"We wouldbe delighted ifthe parliament is dissolved because it would enhance our majority. We are not afraid to go to the people. The government would be delighted to go for elections. If there's an election it will enhance our majority.", Prof. Peiris said.
"President Chandrika Kumaratunga should realise that the international community is fully supportive of the peace process. She should conduct herself politically without trying to undermine the peace process and we are not concerned that she would do anything to scuttle the peace process because the Sinhala public is backing the government. If the government were dissolved it would come back with a bigger majority", Mr. Anton Balasingham said.
Relating to the agreement reached, Mr. Balasingham said, “Sri Lanka needs a new constitution that would radically transform its polity.” “Now that LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran has clearly and distinctly announced thathe would favourably consider an internal arrangement for regional autonomy or a semi-governmental system within a united Sri Lanka, we have begun to look at various models available,” he said.
“It is as far as the LTTE is concerned in line with the policy of the
G0Vt-LUTTE reac Agreement on Federal
LTTE advocating or more. That is a ri model based on til self-determination historical areas wil Muslim people live government we wi to be couched or p ised within an ap tional form. That is we would opt for a federal model will Sri Lanka, which by the Sinhalese pe erate that our strug concept of self dete lated in the UN cha lutions and instrum because prior to thi London where I cle concept of internal and also the externa and argued that ou pared to workout a principle of interna This speech had b. by “The Island.” I a claim that Balasin he favours two in something like th; this is total distor enunciated at the This is not a parad but a paradigm sh Sri Lankan gover Mr. Balasingham. Minister G.L. on the decision sa entirely correct w digm shift which has occurred in C days of healthy Prabhakarans her that the LTTE is a separate state. A ing at a separate ternal self-determ sharing. Extensiv in the frameworl question of sece separation. But the framework o the point of depal provided us with
 
 
 

15 DECEMBER 22
or the last decades gional autonomous 2 right to internal four people in the ere the Tamil and This model of selfre referring to has operly conceptualropriate constituwhy we decided that federal model. This be within a united will be appreciated ople. I wish to reit:le was based on the rmination as articurter and other resoents. I am surprised s I had a meeting in arly exemplified the self-determination il self-determination Ir leadership is preformula within the self-determination. 2en totally distorted m surprised that this gham had said that dependent states or it. I can assure that ion of what I have London conference. gm shift on our part ft on the part of the ment as well', said
Peiris commenting id: “Balasingham is hen he says a paralot more or less that slo in the last three discussions. In Mr. 's day speech he said ) longer insisting on ld the LTTE is lookoncept, which is innation. It was power power sharing withof one country. No ion, no question of wer sharing within one country. That is ure. Immediately that coherent framework
to evolve a negotiated political solution. The position of the government of Sri Lanka is also that it stands for substantial power sharing within one country. The breakthrough yesterday was that the explicit identification of a federal structures the basis on which a political solution will be evolved. Now we have a clear of the nature of the political solution the parties are working towards. It is not separatism, it is not confederation'.
"The peace process is builton a firm foundation supervised by international monitors. It is a process that will move forward stage by stage. We will jointly make a serious and sincere effort to make it a reality,” Mr. Balasingham said. "We are convinced our people will definitely approve the model and it wil" have the consensus of the Tamil speak ing people. It is the duty of the state to convince the Sinhalese to offer a reasonable solution to the Tamil speaking people', he said.
When asked about the demarcation of the Tamil territory Mr. Balasingham said that traditionally they were looking for the North and the East where the Tamil speaking people have been living for a long time.
Mr. Balasingham also gave an asSurance that both the government and the LTTE would look into the Muslim factor and the grievances of the Muslims. He said the LTTE welcomes an effective Muslim representation at the talks. It is unfortunate that the SLMC is having an internal crisis. But he said he would not like to comment on the matter.
Answering questions Mr. Balasingham said the matter in question - the federal solution has to be discussed in depth. Sri Lanka needs a new constitution to evolve a framework to suite our needs.
Replying to a question posed by the media as to the model they are looking for to structure the federal model in Sri Lanka, Minister Peiris said that they were not going to adopt one single model but explore ways and means how we could devise such a model to suit the needs of the country. Mr Balasingham said that they are favouring the Canadian model, the Quebec system which has the right for internal and external self-determination. "However we will not compartmentalise and will study all the systems available in depth' Mr. Balasingham said.
Referring to the controversial issus

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15 DECEMBER 2002
GOVT-LTTE AGREEMENT AFTER THIRD ROUND OF TALKS
The following is the full text of the statement issued by the Royal Norwegian Government at the conclusion of the third secession of the first round of peace talks between the LTTE and the GOSL on 5 December:
"Parties have decided to explore a political solution founded on internal self-determination based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka
The third session of peace talks between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was held in Oslo, Norway on 2 to 5 December 2002. In a frank, open and constructive manner, the parties focused on three major areas: o Consolidation of the ceasefire o Humanitarian and rehabilitation action o Political matters
The parties agreed on a working outline defining the objective as well as a number of substantive political issues for negotiation.
Responding to a proposal by the leadership of the LTTE, the parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self-determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka. The parties acknowledged that the solution has to be acceptable to all communities.
Guided by this objective, the parties agreed to initiate discussions on substantive political issues such as, but not limited to: o Power-sharing between the centre and the region, as well as within the centre; O Geographical region;
Human Rights protection; Political and administrative mechanism; Public finance; Law and order.
The parties recognised that progress on political issues must be supported by the continued consolidation of the Ceasefire Agreement. New concrete measures will be taken to facilitate further de-escalation and to improve normalcy: O The GOSL will shortly return one of the hotels in Jaffna to its original use; o The LTTE will ensure that all future transportation of area commanders will take place under the supervision of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM); o The LTTE will accept the right of political groups to carry out political work, including in the Jaffna peninsula and the
of the LTTE police stations and courts, to set up police sta Mr. Balasingham said the government of maintaining lav side had expressed fears whether the “I don’t kn( LTTE was trying to extend its sphere Chandrika Kumal of influence into government control- it as an impedime led areas. He said police stations and tions were there w courts had been functioning in the her government to LTTE held areas for the past 12 years for setting up poli and the ground situation was that 70 cannot allow anal percent of the northeast was controlled control. We have by the LTTE. "Hence it was necessary the government
 
 

TAMILTIMES5
islands, provided that they are unarmed, as stipulated by the Ceasefire Agreement; O The GOSL will, in consultation with all relevant parties and groups, evolve a solution to the problems arising from recent developments in the Delft island; O The parties will facilitate restoration and rehabilitation of places of worship in the north and the east belonging to all religious communities.
On the basis of their firm conviction that the maintenance of law and order in the north and east is of paramount importance, the parties agreed to request the Sub-Committee on Deescalation and Normalization to propose a common approach to settling cases involving the disputed use of private property, where such use has been impeded by the conflict. Furthermore, the LTTE will ensure that the activities of their law and order mechanisms will not be extended beyond the areas dominated by the LTTE.
The parties strongly underlined the need to move rapidly on humanitarian and rehabilitation efforts in the north and east. For this purpose, the early establishment of the North-East Reconstruction Fund will be critical. The parties agreed that the custodian of the fund should be selected and modalities for its operation agreed at the next meeting of the Sub-Committee on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs. The parties expressed their appreciation of the strong support extended by several governments to the peace process at the Sri Lanka Support Meeting held in Oslo on 25 November, and urged these governments to rapidly release funds needed for humanitarian and rehabilitation efforts.
The parties agreed that a committee of women will be instituted to explore the effective inclusion of gender issues in the peace process. The committee will also, on a regular basis, submit proposals relating to women's interests to the sessions of negotiations and to the sub-committees of the peace process. The committee will consist of four representatives of each party.
As a priority area identified by the parties for humanitarian action, the parties stressed the need to improve the situation for children affected by armed conflict. Inspired by the international norms protecting the rights of the child, the parties underlined that children belong with their families or other custodians and not in the workplace, whether civilian or military. The LTTE will engage in a partnership with the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) to draw up an action plan for restoring normalcy to the lives of children, and the parties called on the international community to provide financial support for such an action plan.
The GOSL will, in order to arrive at the broadest possible consensus, establish an appropriate mechanism for consultation with all segments of opinion as part of the ongoing peace process.'
tions for the purpose v and order.
ow why President atunga is looking at nt. LTTE police stahen we had talks with o. The simple reason ce stations is that we chy in the areas we given an assurance to that these stations
would not pose a threat to the Sinhalese and would not interfere with the police in government controlled areas,” he said. "I must say that the opening of our police stations and courts is not a new phenomenon. When we have a final solution these police stations could be integrated into a regional Police force that will come into effect with the
negotiated settlement. Until such time (continued on next page)

Page 6
6 TAMILTIMES
Donor COuntries dec Support to Sri Lanka
Nov 25 - The international donor conference organized by the Government of Norway in support of the peace process in Sri Lanka was ceremonially opened by Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Petersen at Holmenkollen Park Hotel Rica in Oslo on 25 November. Over 100 representatives from 19 nations participated in the Conference. India was a notable absentee.
"The Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam have already taken resolute steps towards peace. They face many challenges in seeking a lasting political settlement, acceptable to all communities living in the island. Wetherefore pledge to support their efforts with financial assistance to the people of Sri Lanka and continued encouragement to the parties in their search for a lasting peace through a negotiated final resolution of the conflict,” said a communique issued by the countries in Asia-Pacific region, North America and Europe which met in Oslo.
The full text of the press release stated as follows:
“We, government representatives from the Asia-Pacific region, North America and Europe, meeting in Oslo on 25 November 2002, express strong support for the historic peace process now underway in Sri Lanka. At this
critical phase of the commit ourselves to diate financial assista ference, proposed to in 2003, will have a longer-term financi continue our efforts nation.
While the Govern and the Liberation Eelam have already a results, which have I litical courage, we u1 exert further expedit atic efforts, without lence, to resolve the issues in order to ach litical settlement of tracted conflict. Wer cal role played by the toring Mission in mai fire agreement of 23 We urgently app ple of Sri Lanka, thei and institutions to S consensus on the ne litical settlement. Tc courage the elected the people of Sri La ultimate responsibilit destiny falls, to addr ing task with courag we urge the Govern and the Liberation Eelam to make every
(Continued from page 5) these police stations have to function to maintain law and order,' he said.
"Don't forget that government institutions are still functioning in areas controlled by the LTTE. We do not interfere with those. We have only taken over the enforcement of law since the armed cadres are confined to barracks and we are expanding civil administration. Some day you have to accept a Tamil regional Police force and we have to discuss how it would blend with the national system,” Mr. Balasingham Said.
Referring to US Assistant Secretary ofstate, Richard Armitage's call for the
LTTE to renounce
“We already renoun we signed the ceasef have already done t portant thing is the
ment by both parties There is no need tc violence if the aspil ple are met through, cal settlement. What Armitage’s charac LTTE as a terrorist nounced violence in We have fulfilled th than what it has ask is no need for a vert

15 DECEMBER22
lare DeaCe
eace process, we providing immence. A donor conbe held in Tokyo greater focus on ll assistance and at donor co-ordi
ment of Sri Lanka Tigers of Tamil chieved important equired great poge both parties to ious and systemrecourse to viohardcore political lieve a lastingpodecades of proecognise the criti! Sri Lanka Monintaining the cease February 2002. eal to all the peoir political leaders upport a national ed for a final pothis end, we enrepresentatives of inka, on whom the y for the country's 2ss their challenge and vision. And ment of Sri Lanka Tigers of Tamil effort to promote
violence, he said, ced violence when ire agreement. We nat. The most imomplete committo the agreement. have recourse to ations of our peonegotiated politiI rejected was Mr. terisation of the roup. We have rethe form of a truce. US demand more :d for. Hence there al renunciation.”O
an inclusive peace process.
For the peace process to succeed, popular support for peace must be sustained. Given the complexity of the issues to be resolved, the negotiations will face significant challenges along the way. International financial assistance is important for people to begin to see tangible benefits of peace in their daily lives. We recognise that it is important that people across the whole of Sri Lanka enjoy benefits of peace. Building a national consensus for the difficult steps ahead in the peace process will require particular efforts to meet the humanitarian needs of the most vulnerable, such as the poor, the unemployed, especially in the rural areas, and women and children.
We commend both parties for their strong commitment to a lasting peace. A lasting peace must be built upon renunciation of violence and respect for the principles of human rights, democracy, rule of law, and recognition of the rights of minorities, and must address the needs of all communities all over Sri Lanka, in order to combat poverty and foster ethnic harmony. Resolution of the ethnic conflict will remove the main barrier to sustained economic and social progress in Sri Lanka. It is in this perspective that we pledge to provide assistance to meet the immediate needs and priorities identified at this meeting, so that assistance may be given islandwide, when and where it is most needed, thereby directly promoting the peace process.
While all areas of Sri Lanka have been seriously affected by the war, the North and East have suffered the most extensive destruction. We commend the parties for establishing a joint SubCommittee on Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs in the North and East and setting up a Fund with the aim of enhancing and prioritising donor activities in these war ravaged areas, which continue to experience severe social and economic hardships. The SubCommittee has issued an urgent appeal to the international community forimmediate assistance to begin to resettle and rehabilitate internally displaced persons, address the needs of women and children and help the population to resume their economic activities. We will take into account the co-ordinating role ascribed by the parties to the Sub

Page 7
15 OECEMBER 2002
Committee, in order to support this important mechanism of ownership by the parties in its work for effective reconstruction and confidence building, while stressing the need for flexibility inaccepting various forms of assistance from the international community.
The Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam have already taken resolute steps towards peace. They face many challenges in seeking a lasting political settlement, acceptable to all communities living in the island. We therefore pledge to support their efforts with financial assistance to the people of Sri Lanka and continued encouragement to the parties in their search for a lasting peace through a negotiated final resolution of the conflict.'
Statements
At the beginning of the meeting, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe and Mr Anton Balasingham made statements on behalf of the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE respectively.
While announcing increased funding support to assist Sri Lanka's peace process, Norwegian Foreign Minister Mr. Jan Petersen said, "It is with great pleasure that I welcome you to Oslo to the Support Meeting for the Sri Lanka Peace Process. Norway has organised this on behalf of the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This is the first such high-level international meeting to be held in support of Sri Lanka. The goal is to mobilise political support for the peace process, and to gather economic assistance to be able to address the evident and immediate needs and contribute to the realisation of a peace dividend by the whole population of Sri Lanka. A broader donor conference is planned for 2003 to raise assistance for the longer term and in larger amounts when the peace process has advanced further.'
Mr. Jan Petersen added, "The peace process has made substantial headway in recent months. A permanent ceasefire agreement between the government and the LTTE came into force on 23 February 2002. The agreement has secured a longer absence of hostilities than ever before during the two decades of war. This is testament to the determination of the parties. It is also,
in no small measure, ment on the Sri Lank sion, with observers dic countries.”
"The parties ar degree of pragmatis in the peace negot showing courage ar ship in taking a grac incumbent upon dor respond likewise. I Sri Lanka, we should needs of the peace every effort to be fle ugh red tape when r “In the peace pro shouldering respons tiny of Sri Lanka. In are taking ownershi and development meeting provides a for the parties to dis the participating go “The important the two first sessions not mislead anyone a solution is yet in s and Norway as the this to be a long an towards a lasting p It will involve man and will meet with setbacks.”
"The parties wi tinued support of Lanka. There is a g port for a peacefuls must be sustained. It society help to con base of political Sup be matched by int and financial assista that peace will brin to the long-sufferin "I am pleased to Norwegian governi crease our humanit Sri Lanka from NC year to NOK 90 mi dition the our transi NOK 15 million. I the north and east, recommendations o tee on Immediate Rehabilitation Nee development co-o: tinue to focus in lal motion of peace anc on strengthening th ployment creation.

due to their agreea Monitoring Misfrom all five Nor
e showing a high m and innovation iations. They are ld political leaderlual approach. It is or governments to our assistance to ibe sensitive to the process and make xible and cut thronecessary.” cess, the parties are ibility for the desthe same way, they p of rehabilitation efforts. Today's good opportunity scuss this aim with vernments.”
progress made at of the talks should into believing that
sight. The parties -.
facilitator - expect ld difficult process olitical settlement. y sessions of talks both successes and
ll rely on the conthe peoples of Sri roundswell of supsettlement, and this is critical that civil solidate the broad port. This needs to arnational political nce, to demonstrate g tangible benefits g population.
announce that the ment intends to inarian assistance to DK 38 million this lion in 2003 in adtional assistance of n our assistance to we will act on the if the Sub-CommitHumanitarian and ds. Our long-term peration will conge part on the proi reconciliation and e economy for emNorway also plans
AES
a significant increase in development assistance to Sri Lanka in 2003 from this year's level of NOK 112 mill."
Claire short, Secretary of State for International Development of UK in her address expressed full support for the peace process in Sri Lanka. Secretary Short said, "We must maintain the momentum. As donors we cannot continue with business as usual. The peace process is dynamic and demands rapid and flexible responses from us. We must improve our delivery and must be ready and act promptly to operationalise practical initiatives developed. We must be coordinated to avoid duplication and overlap.
"I can announce the British govt. has already allocated 2.6 million pounds in quick impact assistance to support the peace process for demining, schooling and helping return internally dispersed people as well as other assistance 6.8 million pounds this year which forms part of our longstanding support for Sri Lanka and can today announce a further 8 million pounds towards quick impact programs,' further said Secretary Short emphasizing the firm commitment of the British government in supporting the peace effort.
In his address Richard Armitage, Deputy Secretary of State, US, the highest ranking American official to visit Sri Lanka since the start of the conflict, said that his country would continue to support programs that promote peace and good governance in Sri Lanka.
Secretary Armitage said, "United States stands ready to play its part in the peace process. In the last 2 years US has provided more than 16 million dollars in basic development, economic and human assistance to Sri Lanka. US will continue to support demining in the jaffna peninsula and emergency aid to refugees, counseling to children, vocational training to their parents and medical assistance for disabled. We expect to offer support for other programs including projects to promote peace and good governance.”
While giving credit to President Chandrika Kumaratunga for her peace plan of 1995 whichhe said was an important precursor to the current progress, he added that everyone owed "much of that progress to the Government of Ranil Wickremesinge,” and

Page 8
8 TAMILTIMES
that "the peace also requires the full and frank participation of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).”
“US is greatly encouraged that the LTTE has made commitment to the political solution and has agreed to settle this conflict through peaceful means,” said Mr. Armitage and urged the LTTE to renounce violence, terrorism and secession. He asserted that fundamental human rights of all Srilankans is important, not just the right to life, but to free speech, to participate in governance and to associate freely and to enjoyfull protection of the rule of law.” "But it is clear that if Sri Lanka is to continue moving forward, the Government must move together as one. No individual or single political party can carry this burden alone. This must be a concerted effort by the President, the Prime Minister and their parties.”
"Of course, peace also requires the full and frank participation of the LTTE. And let me leave no doubt: my nation stands firm in the resolve that the tactics of terror can never achieve legitimate aspirations. So the United States is greatly encouraged that the LTTE has made a commitment to the political solution; it has agreed to settle this conflict through peaceful means. We urge the LTTE to go one step further and add to this commitment a public renunciation ofterrorism and ofviolence - to make it clear to the people of Sri Lanka and indeed to the international community - that the LTTE has abandoned its armed struggle for a separate state, and instead accepts the sovereignty of a Sri Lankan government that respects and protects the rights of all its people. In turn, the LTTE should affirm the fundamental human rights of all Sri Lankans - not just the right to life - but to free speech - to participate in governance - to associate freely - and to enjoy the full protection of the rule of law.”
“In the last two years, the United States provided more than $16 million in basic development, economic, and humanitarian assistance to Sri Lanka; and my presence here today at this conference is a clear signal that my country stands ready to increase that aid - to be an active participant in the reconstruction of Sri Lanka.
"And while the needs are most critical in the North and East, there is no
question that the 6 the price of this v help bind all of So while the Unit to support de-mil ninsula - and in t helped clear mine nance from more meters of landto provide huma all those in need a cluding emergen internally displa ling to children a to their parents; a to the disabled. Ir today, we expect other programs, a jects to promote ance, and the rule for the victims ( abuses. And toda We look forward the programs and discuss today att that Japan has so host.'
"I believe that with the support goodwill gathe peaceful resoluti flict will be neith both sides have the patience to ap tions in a series ( turn; and the wis litical agreement practical measur States is pleased tions representec the parties to the indeed the peopl walk down the p. long-term prosp Petter Hans dressing the Os ference on beha ion (EU) said th support the pea mitted to delive tribution to the tation of Sri Lan EU will streng the peace proc new perspectiv by asserting EU Tamil Diaspora **The EU W positive and ( demonstrated b

15 DECEMBER 22
tire country has paid ar; and that we must ri Lanka's wounds. States will continue ng in the Jaffna Pee last year alone, we and unexploded ordthan 120,000 square fe will also continue itarian assistance to cross the country, iny aid to refugees and ed persons; counsedvocational training ld medical assistance the working sessions to offer support for s well, including propeace, good governof law, as well as aid if past human rights y is only a beginning. to developing further the proposals we will he follow-on meeting graciously offered to
we all know that even I of these nations of red here today, the on to decades of coner easy norquick. But shown that they have proach these negotiaf steps, each taken in dom to know that pomust be coupled with es. And so the United to join with these nahere today to support se negotiations - and of Sri Lanka-as they thto lasting peace and rity.” en from Denmark ado peace support conf of the European Unit "EU stands ready to e process and is coming a substantial conpost-conflict rehabilia.' He added that "the en its engagement in ss' and introduced a to the support effort "will also engage the p support the process.' armly welcomes the inciliatory approach the Government of Sri
Lanka and the LTTE over the last ten months. An impressive and strong commitment has been demonstrated by the both parties to end the armed conflict hat has devastated Sri Lanka for so many years and to reach a lasting and peaceful solution to the benefit of all Sri Lankans.”
"While underlining the need to take into account the legitimate aspirations of all communities in Sri Lanka, the EU recall our attachment to the territorial integrity and unity of Sri Lanka based on the principles of democracy. Respecting human rights and rule-of-law must at all times be guiding principle and fundamental demand to all parties on the way towards a definitive settlement to the conflict.”
"The EU and several memberstates have a long history of co-operation with Sri Lanka. With the overall objective to support the peace process and assess the possibilities of financial support, an EU Troika mission recently visited Sri Lanka. The Troika mission had useful discussions with all relevant stakeholders, and was left with the positive impression of the will and commitment of the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE to continue the peace process.
"Based on the results of the Troika mission the Council of the European Mission last week decided that the EU: o Will strengthen its engagement in the peace process in Sri Lanka and in this context also engage the Tamil Diaspora to support the process, O Expand the dialogue with all parties involved in the process, and O Mobilize funds to support immediate activities focusing on the priority areas of de-mining and return and rehabilitation of Internally Displace People.
"The EU invites all parties to seize the present opportunity and promote jointly a solution to the conflict. The EU is confident that not only the negotiating parties but all political stakeholders and institutions of Sri Lanka are aware of their momentous responsibilities at this juncture: despite the complexities of the challenges, there is now a real chance for the people of Sri Lanka to establish peace in their country. This opportunity must not be missed.” "Bringing peace to Sri Lanka will also have a considerable economic im(continued on next page)

Page 9
15 DECEMBER 2002
Issues in Focu in the Peace PrO
By Jehan Perera
O Questions about new partnership The high powered international fund raising effort undertaken by the Sri Lankan government in partnership with the LTTE in Oslo yesterday at a meeting attended by representatives of the international community has raised several issues. The joint effort in which Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and LTTE chief spokesman Dr Anton Balasingham are two of the protagonists has earned the wrath of the opposition parties.
It also underscores what might be described as a paradigm shift and change of attitude by which the former foes are dealing with each other. The Oslo meeting is another example of the leadership role played by the government in resolving the war with the LTTE.
There are international precedents where such paradigm shifts have taken place and made friends and allies of former foes. An example would be the aftermath of World War II where Japan and Germany were resurrected
(Continued from page 8) pact for the country. It is essential that all parties of Sri Lanka visible benefit from the peace dividend."
"The EU stands ready to support the peace process and is committed to delivering a substantial contribution to the post-conflict rehabilitation of Sri Lanka. This assistance will initially focus on the immediate priority areas of de-mining and rehabilitation and Internally Displace People.
In this respect, the EU welcomes the decision taken by the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE to establish a Sub-Committee and a Fund on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs in the North and East. The EU looks forward to receiving more information on these institutions and hope to be able to establish a close co-operation with the Government and the LTTE on post-conflict rehabilita-tion.”
from the ashes by r led Marshall Aid fu to become two of th of the United Stat change would echo ing that “There is no than where an anci come a present lov governmental and tions, it may be more about acceptance anc love.
Since its election the government hea ister Wickremesingl erably ahead of the changing the nature with the LTTE. B Balasingham at the Prime Minister has of the LTTE in the 6 tional community. T been difficult to ac continue to see the enemy of the Sri L. past two decades of assassinated many and attacked its mili lation and economy trast, the present cea the longest ever, is duration. It is easy old patterns of think ing appeal.
However, with stantly evolving an changing there is a terns of thinking ar countenance new St the failed old ones.
The recent annua Sri Lanka Foundati man rights, peace an out this assertion. T was devoted to an a nic conflict. The or care to ensure that th non-partisan repr panel ofdiscussants tion of panellists on

TAMILTIMES 9
S
)CeSS
hassive Americaninding and went on estaunchest allies es. This dramatic he religious teachholier spot on earth ent hatred has be.' In the realm of institutional relaappropriate to talk i respect than about
in December 2002 ded by Prime Minhe has been consid
rest of society in of its relationship y sitting with Dr Oslo meeting, the elevated the status yes of the internahis new reality has cept by those who LTTE as the main ankan state. In the war, the LTTE has Sri Lankan leaders Eary, civilian popuo. By way of consefire, though it is not even a year in to understand why ing have a continu
political life cond ground realities spread of new patld a willingness to rategies to replace
lconvention of the on Institute on hud democracy bears he opening session nalysis of the ethganisers had taken ere was ethnic and sentation on the The careful selec
the basis of a bal
ance of ethnicity and political orientation is an indication of the shift of thinking that is taking place in civil society to sustain the evolution ofa new society.
One of the interesting observations made by the chairman of the panel, Colombo University political scientist Dayan Jayatilleke, was that the panellists ranged from those who were critical of the present negotiation process as conceding too much to the LTTE to those who supported it as the only feasible option. But the common element, he pointed out, was that they all believed in the necessity of a negotiated settlement, whereas the old polarisation was between those who advocated a negotiated settlement and those who rejected it and advocated instead a military solution. This observation of a paradigm shift is also borne out by the results of recent public opinion polls.
According to surveys carried out regularly by the Centre for Policy Alternatives over half of those surveyed express theirunhappiness with the concessions being made to the LTTE. Most of them prefer a harder mode of bargaining. But a vast majority of over 80 percent of those polled believe that a negotiated political solution is the only way to solve the ethnic conflict. Only about 10 percent place their faith in the efficacy of a military solution. In other words, after experiencing 20 years of war, the vast majority of people are no longer impressed by the prospects of a military solution. They want the peace process to continue and they will not reject an option of negotiation in the vain hope of military victory.
The opposition
The weakness of the opposition political parties is that they have been unable to come up with a better and practically realisable alternative negotiation strategy to that of the government. However, they have been critical of the government as conceding too much to the LTTE. With regard to the Oslo meeting they have made three sets of objections to the government's decision to sit jointly with the LTTE in Oslo. The first is that the LTTE’s presence at the meeting will serve to enhance its image and thereby, among other things, lead to the lifting of the international bansplaced on it. The sec

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
ond is that the government is awarding the LTTE equal status and thereby paving the way for a separate state led by the LTTE. The third objection is that human rights violations continue to take place in the north and east by the LTTE, and these are being ignored in the effort made to keep it within the peace process.
The first two objections above are based on the old paradigm that the LTTE is the enemy of Sri Lanka. It is true that the LTTE's presence alongside the government at the Oslo meeting will strengthen the credibility of the LTTE. But it must also be noted that this strengthening of the LTTE is taking place within the framework of an internationally monitored peace process that has a united and democratic Sri Lanka as one of its primary objectives. The LTTE is not being strengthened for the purpose of dictatorship or war, but for the purpose of democracy and peace. It is only being strengthened within the framework of the peace process. Further, any pledges made by the LTTE will be observed internationally and it will be very difficult for the LTTE to retract from the pledges made for that reason.
People's well-being
Some of the opposition parties also appear to be very concerned about the status being conferred upon the LTTE when it sits down with the elected government of a sovereign state.
As an unelected body branded internationally as terrorist, this status is important to the LTTE. But the LTTE's gain will not be the Sri Lankan government's loss. The LTTE has a long distance to travel to overcome its past in the eyes of the international community. The road to legitimacy will include a respect for human rights and the electoral process, not only in words but in deeds and on the ground. Until the LTTE is capable of contesting and winning democratic elections it will not be recognised as a truly legitimate political organisation by international standards.
There is no question that at this time, the Sri Lankan government will remain the democratically elected government of the country in the eyes of the international community.
To the extent that the international
community sees the ernment bending o avoid a breakdown ess it will generate the government. A gives first place to and wellbeing of its that will enjoy the international legitim It is in the cont ing of the people th tion against the fav ing given to the LT ity. This is with rei rights violations ta north and east. At t of peace talks in T pledged to recognis ralism in the north a to the democratic p sage, which represer for the LTTE which an authoritarian and tion, has yet to be tra els of the organisat that the LTTE is no this score. It needs word. Civil society the international col to add to the press ment and LTTE to se and democracy prev east in this post-wa In particular thi ous recruitment of c ended, and the chi need to be rehabili The attempts by th evict Tamil politica EPDP that have of past need to be end of Muslims and c. them by setting up I without negotiating government is ano the LTTE needs to and not only its ow The problem o of old categories e: south of the country and east. Clearly LTTE who continu and who attempt ti their political opp in terms of the old and not partners. Li of the opposition p. ing the governme the LTTE in a man organisation areal

15 DECEMBER 22
Sri Lankan gover backwards to f the peace procurther support for government that nsuring the peace population is one greatest degree of асу. xt of the well-beat the third objecured position beE has most validard to the human king place in the he second session nailand the LTTE > the political pluind east and to take ath. But this mesits a paradigm shift has hitherto been military organisansmitted to all levion. It is apparent t doing enough on to be held to its organisations and mmunity also need ure on the govern:e that human rights ail in the north and
period. : LTTE’s continuhildren needs to be dren in its charge ated outside of it. LTTE to forcibly parties such as the posed them in the d. The harassment using fear among TTE police stations about them with the her indication that think about others l interests.
thinking in terms ists not only in the but also in the north he members of the to recruit children forcibly get rid of nents are thinking aradigm ofenemies ewise the members ties who are attackfor engaging with er that benefits that othinking in terms
of the old paradigm. The new thinking of partnership and mutual respect and acceptance has yet to seep down to all levels of society.
O A positive role for India
The decision of the Indian government not to take part in the Peace Support Meeting convened last week by the Norwegian government in Oslo highlighted once again the ambivalent Indian attitude towards the Sri Lankan” peace process. It appears that the Sri Lankan government tried its utmost to persuade India to participate in the Oslo meeting which was meant to be a showpiece of the international community's moral and tangible support for the peace process.
India's response to the importuning by the Sri Lankan government was to issue a statement supporting Sri Lanka's efforts to find a negotiated solution to its ethnic conflict that would both uphold its unity and sovereignty and also meet the just aspirations of all its communities.
In addition India further relaxed the terms of its USD 100 million interestfree loan to Sri Lanka. Interestingly this loan amounts to more than all the pledges made by the richest countries in the world at the Oslo meeting.
The root of the Indian ambivalence towards the present peace process in Sri Lanka is its broken relationship with the LTTE. The topmost leadership of the LTTE is on the most wanted list of the Indian law enforcement agencies for their role in the assassination of former Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi.
The LTTE also fought the Indian peace keeping army in Sri Lanka and left more than three thousand of its soldiers either dead or seriously injured.
The emotions that these memories generate in sections of the Indian polity would have made it difficult for the Indian government to sit in the same room as the LTTE at a public function. It would have been challenged in Parliament. There was also the threat of a lawsuit against it for dealing with a banned organisation.
By way of contrast both the United States and United Kingdom sent high level representatives to the Oslo meeting despite the LTTE being a banned organisation in their countries.
Those two countries do not face any

Page 11
15 DECEMBER 2002
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sort of emotional reaction from within their polities to dealing with the LTTE as it has not directly taken actions that would injure their interests or pride. This could account for the fact that those countries attended the Oslo meeting while India did not.
India would not wish to take any action that strengthens and legitimises the LTTE.
Apart from having directly of fended and harmed India by assassinating its former prime minister and by battling its peace keeping forces, the LTTE also poses a threat to India's own security interests. An easy-to-divide Sri Lanka could become an easier plaything for external powers to enter and and make use of to destabilise India whenever it suits them. All these factors could help to explain why India refused to participate in the Olso meet1ng.
Indian opinion
However, it also appears that India does not intend to undermine the Sri Lankan government's efforts to reach a negotiated settlement with the LTTE.
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strong opinion that Lanka to overcome ethnic conflict and hdjust society. Chennai earlier this the South Asia Foghts and attended by ournalists, academits, their Indian coun terms of India's ity in fostering the
taken place in Sri
that Indian policy to undo this destrucaccount for India's ept the Norwegian its own backyard.
unlikely that India such a Western-led eed. But at this time ce that India is unsently successful to facilitate a negoement between the ment and the LTTE. sity of India in makLanka the sum of eeds to be well ap
preciated, especially in the context of the dire poverty of hundreds of millions of its own people.
The Sri Lankan ethnic conflict is a quagmire that India once got into directly and caused a lot of problems for Sri Lanka and itself, and from which it then withdrew.
However, as a part of its present commitment to rebuilding a united and strong Sri Lanka, India needs to find a way to contribute positively to the Sri Lankan peace process. One crucial way in which India can strengthen Sri Lanka to arrive at a stable solution is to assist the Sri Lankan government and opposition to arrive at a bipartisan approach to the resolving the ethnic conflict.
Present failure
While the Norwegian facilitation has been extremely successful in getting the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE together, it has not been successful in getting the government and opposition together.
The absence of government-opposition understanding and cooperation with regard to the peace process is

Page 12
12 TAMILTIMES
emerging as a major threat to its sustainability.
Without the backing of the opposition, there can be no changes to the country’s constitution that would permit and create confidence that a lasting political solution has been reached.
It would be unrealistic to expect the LTTE to make a full transition from a military organisation to a political one in the absence of a bipartisan political consensus on the future constitution of Sri Lanka.
Apart from getting the basic prerequisite for a two-thirds majority in Parliament to enable constitutional change, there is another reason why the government and opposition need to collaborate on the peace process.
There must be a guarantee that what one ruling party signs today, another ruling party will not undermine tomorrow. India could utilise its influence to persuade the government and opposition to work together on the peace process. If it did so, it would be helping Sri Lanka to arrive at a national consensus on the future political arrangements that would guarantee that the just aspirations of all communities are met.
So far the Sri Lankan government seems to be willing to concede to the opposition the Northern Ireland model and Liam Fox agreement brokered by the United Kingdom.
According to this model, the government will keep the opposition fully informed about developments in the peace process, and in turn the opposition pledges not to undermine the peace process and to honour any agreements reached under it when it would return to power.
But this UK-inspired model does not seem to be working satisfactorily in the context of Sri Lanka's polarised
politics. India may fer Sri Lanka in r collaboration on n importance.
For several yea civil society organis prelates have been ment and oppositio to evolve a just so: conflict.
In addition to countries that have to make bipartisa Lanka, should also take on the highly facilitating political the government ar regard to the ongo Neither the govern sition will wish to c Indian.
The geo-politic dia is the most impc Lanka. A positive peace process will t the long term sustai ka's difficult and cc towards peace.
O A federal soluti The latest break in keeping with th government and L general elections o
The statement wegian facilitators third session of pea "Responding to ap ership of the LTTE to explore a solut principle of interna in areas of historic Tamill-speaking pe eral structure withi The parties ackno lution has to be ac
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15 DECEMBER 2002
have lessons to of gard to bipartisan atters of national
's now Sri Lankan ations and religious urging the governn to work together ution to the ethnic
hem, the Western lso tried and failed ship work in Sri encourage India to :onstructive role of consensus between d opposition with ing peace process. ment nor the oppoisplease oralienate
alreality is that Inortant country to Sri Indian role in the be indispensable for nability of Sri Lanontroversial journey
O through in Oslo was e record set by the TTE following the f December 2001. issued by the Norat the close of the ce talks in Oslo said, roposal by the lead, the parties agreed on founded on the l self-determination al habitation of the ople based on a fedna united Sri Lanka. wledged that the soeptable to all com
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munities.”
Just as the lifting of the security barriers in Colombo in February caught most people by surprise, so was the latest announcement regarding the acceptability of a federal model of government by the two parties. Until that announcement the LTTE had never categorically stated what type of concrete political solution it would be prepared to accept. Even the present government appeared to be dodging the issue unlike its predecessor which had forthrightly presented a concept of "union of regions' as an alternative to the unitary model of government.
For the past several years the LTTE had been saying it was prepared to accept a viable alternative to Tamil Eelam. But it never specified what this might mean. The furthest it would go was to say that this viable alternative should be in accordance with the principles worked out jointly by all Tamil parties participating at the Thimpu peace talks in 1985. The relevant principles being Tamil nationhood, Tamil self-determination and Tamil traditional homelands, it was not surprising that they were construed both by successive governments and by Sinhalese nationalists to mean nothing short of independence.
However, in the context of the mutual inability of the government and LTTE to militarily defeat each other in the territory demarcated as the traditional homeland, some analysts believed that the LTTE would settle for nothing less than confederation. In broad terms a confederation is a political system in which two or more separate states, with their own prime ministers, parliaments and armies, are loosely tied to each other for specific purposes. The Commonwealth of independent states which was formed in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union would be one example.
During the years of war, sections of Tamil opinion held fast to the confederal model. This may have included the LTTE as well, to the extent that those who were fighting a war could think in terms of constitutional concepts. But inasmuch as the present peace process has opened the closed roads of the north and the east, so has it opened the Tamil nationalist movement to the mainstream currents of interna

Page 13
15 DECEMBER 2002
tional thinking on governance in multiethnic societies. It is likely that in the engagement and dialogue taking place due to the peace process, the reality of federalism as the only viable alternative made its presence felt.
The international experience with confederations is that they are highly unstable. There is not a single successful example in the world today. The commonwealth of independent states is no more than a name board. The system in Switzerland is nominally a confederation, but in practice is a federation with high degree of power sharing between centre, regions, political parties and the people themselves at frequently held referendums. The United States was originally based on Articles of Confederation of 1781. But this was abandoned as the system did not work. The centre was too dependent on the states for finance and executive powCS.
Similar charges
However, the difficulties likely to be faced by the LTTE leadership in accepting a federal model needs to be appreciated. After all, federalism was the slogan of half a century ago. In a sense the acceptance of a federal model is to go back in order to go forward to the future. Sections of Tamil nationalist opinion residing abroad and in Colombo -away from the battlegrounds of the north-east may prefer a harder bargaining position. Besides the LTTE military cadre itselfhas been inculcated with a deep yearning for an independent state of Tamil Eelam epitomised in the standard LTTE cry "The thirst of the Tigers is Tamil Eelam."
It is ironic that the LTTE negotiators will be charged with not bargaining hard enough in the same way that the government negotiators are being criticised by sections of the political opposition. The answer to the charge is that the two sides are not negotiating in a spirit of bargaining. Those who pride themselves on being hard bargainers are often too insensitive to realise that their so-called success is at the cost of long-term relationship-building. They might get themselves a goodbargain on one occasion. But the relationship is unlikely to survive. Usually hard
bargaining is most offnegotiation, su ing on the street hawker.
However, whe term relationships, in hard bargaining Sustaining long-te; quires a different t in which the intere met in a fair and re seems that the gov negotiators have en est-based negotia other. They have no other at the negotia instead sought to el lem-solving. In sh have sat together c the table to solve that was ruining th its people.
Federalism is a tional system that e tries of the world. fective in permitt between ethnic cor ethnic societies. F national minorities majorities to enjoy termination and the power at the regio years ago when th Federal Party launcl a federal state in th Sri Lanka, Sinhale posed it as a steppi rate State.
Federalism was Sinhalese nationali it became a bad w political parties. Bu of war, the reality c has dawned upon m the north and east the people living in try. Federalism has pingstone to reunit try and bringing lo and peace to all its
Bipartisan challer
The governmen the opposition for n bargaining with the gaining had been the that the LTTE wol confederation at th

TAM TIMES 13
effective in a onehas when bargainwith a pavement
n it comes to long those who engage are likely to fail. m relationships reype of negotiations sts of each side are asonable manner. It ernment and LTTE gaged in such interions with one ant tried to defeat each ting table, but have gage in joint probort, they appear to in the same side of common problem country and all of
standard constituxists in many counEt is particularly efing power sharing mmunities in multiederalism permits who are regional the right of self-dereby wield political nal level. But fifty e Tamil-dominated hed its campaign for e north and east of se nationalists opng stone to a sepa
bitterly opposed by sts to the extent that ord to mainstream it after two decades f virtual separation ost people. Most of was inaccessible to the rest of the counnow become a steping a divided counng term prosperity inhabitants.
ge
is being blamed by ot engaging in hard LTTE. Ifhard bar: strategy, it is likely ld have demanded ; outset. But due to
the government's willingness to engage in problem-solving with the LTTE as a partner and not as an enemy, there was a speedy agreement regarding a realistic framework of governance for the future. The willingness on the part of the Sri Lankan government to accept a federal solution to the ethnic conflict fifty years after it was first raised is a testament to the constructive change that twenty years of war has wrought. Civil society organisations will have an important role to play in explaining to the general population what federalism means in terms of structures of governance and power sharing. This needs to be done not only amongst Sinhalese, but also amongst the Tamils and Muslims. In particular, the Muslim voice needs to be articulated at the negotiations on power sharing. To their credit civil society organisations have found ways to contribute to the substantitve content of the peace talks. Earlier the Centre for Policy Alternatives had contributed to the discussion on federalism by inviting a Canadian organisation, the Forum on Federations, to Sri Lanka. In Oslo both the negotiating teams had discussions with this Canadian non-governmental organisation.
However, the process of constitution making needs to encompass the political opposition that has unfortunately become marginalised in the peace process. With the success of the government-LTTE peace talks, it is the absence of government-opposition understanding and cooperation with regard to the peace process that emerges as a major threat to its sustainability. Now that the framework of a political solution is in place, a joint committee that includes the major opposition party should be set up to work out the content of the political solution. Civil society organisations need to lobby for bipartisanship and a more inclusive process of deliberation that includes all political parties in formulating the final solution.
Without the backing of the opposition, and a two-thirds majority in Parliament, it would be difficult to ensure changes to the country's constitution that would permit and create confidence that a lasting political solution has been

Page 14
14 AML TIMES
reached. It would be unrealistic to expect the LTTE to make a full transition from a military organisation to a political one in the absence of a bipartisan political consensus on the future constitution of Sri Lanka. There must be a guarantee that what one ruling party signs today, another ruling party will not undermine tomorrow.
Shortly before the Oslo peace talks, the Presidential Secretariat issued a statement in which President Chandrika Kumaratunga said that "the PA was the only political party to spell out its devolution of power proposal as a draft constitution in 1997 and still upheld the devolution of power along a federalist or Indian model within a united Sri Lanka." Accordingly, the government and the main opposition party stand on common ground with respect to a political solution based on federal principles. They need to put their personal and political rivalries to a side and find a means to collaborate to make a permanent and a just peace a reality for all communities inhabiting Sri Lanka.
O Credibility gap between words and deeds
A continuing cause for unease is the gap that exists between the words and deeds in the process that is currently underway. There is one thing being said in words but the practice is another on the ground. Opponents of the peace process are making use of this contradiction to cast doubt on the federal breakthrough as well as other ones, such as the establishment of joint committees between the government and LTTE to iron out problems at all levels. The government and LTTE, together with the Norwegian facilitator, have a responsibility to remove these doubts to ensure the long term sustainability of the peace process. At the Oslo talks the LTTE promised to respect the plural nature of the north and east and to permit political work by the unarmed cadre of other political parties. This followed a previous pledge along the same lines by the LTTE's chiefnegotiator Dr Anton Balasingham at the earlier round of talks in Thailand. But throughout the period that has followed there has been a determined campaign to drive away the EPDP from
the north. The LTT sued statements de drawal of the EPDF people's pressure pressure tactics. Th both the letter and fire agreement and til ments issued by the ment at the conclus of peace talks.
The Scandinavi Sri Lanka Monito said that there is ni the LTTE to the i large and small num been picketing and fices in the north. T blast that destroyed Atchuveli. A few n stormings of Sri La camps also took pla well known reality people do not go about attacking sel out prior mobilisa cially so in areas wh conditioned to livir nation of armed p from the governme
Restoring democr The SLMM is a made a statement EPDP should withc of contestation in th Like the LTTE, thi militant organisati against the Sri Lanll soldiers and murde The EPDP'S decisi litical path to reso flict came several y of lives earlier. Hov conduct have conti cratic and based on gery. There are larg society that would very unfavourable could be said of th The peace proc store democracy to so that the people's respected and real No one party has t other the opportun cal work in any p Civil society orga been watching the

15 DECEMBER 22
E has publicly ismanding the with'. Bomb blasts and have been used as is is in violation of spirit of the ceasehe consensual stateNorwegian governion of each round
an monitors in the ing Mission have o evidence linking ncidents in which bers of people have storming EPDP of he latest is a bomb the EPDP office in months ago, similar nkan security force ce. However, it is a in Sri Lanka that spontaneously go ected targets withtion. This is espeere people have got ng under the domipersonnel whether nt or militants.
асу lso reported to have that it believes the traw from the areas e interests of peace. e EPDP is a Tamil on that waged war kan state, killings it 'ring its opponents. pn to take to the polve the ethnic conrears and thousands wever, aspects of its nued to be undemoviolence and thugge sections of Tamil view the EPDP in a light. But the same e LTTE. ess is meant to rethe north and east aspirations may be ised on the ground. he right to deny anity of doing politiart of the country. nisations that have unexpectedly rapid
progress of the government-LTTE relationship from the sidelines need to activate their networks at this time. At the same time that they appreciate the dialogue that is taking place, the conceptual breakthroughs that are being made and the situation of no-war that has lasted for over a year, they must also find ways to press the two parties to implement their words on the ground. The LTTE is likely to be having its own concerns at this time. In agreeing to the ceasefire agreement, it took the risk of opening the closed off areas of the north and east where it had obtained military control. The ceasefire agreement provided for the opening of roads and the relatively free movement of people. As a military organisation the LTTE used its military forces to direct the population living in the territories under its control. Under the ceasefire agreement, however, the use of violence and force is not permitted. This would necessarily put the LTTE on a disadvantageous terrain, until such time as its political capacities are increased. Perhaps it was the LTTE's desire to counter the disadvantages to itself arising out of the peace process that caused it to go on a massive recruitment campaign shortly after the ceasefire agreement was signed, and also to raise money from the people by means of its taxes and levies. But when the recruitment includes taking large numbers of children over the resistance of their parents, and taking money from people who no interest in supporting the LTTE's cause, the borderline is crossed into the realm of human rights abuse. These abuses cannot be condoned and remedies for them need to be found.
Favourable treatment
The favourable treatment meted out to the LTTE by the Norwegian facilitators may be attributed to their concern to keep the LTTE feeling secure within the present peace process. In any conflict between a government and guerilla organisation, the difficulty would be to reassure the latter that it will not be irrecoverably weakened or cheated as a result of entering into the peace process. The reluctance of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission to take the
(continued on page 41)

Page 15
15 DECEMBER 2002
for internal self-gover
In what has been described as a radical move to clarify the policy orientation of his organisation, Mr Velupillai Pirapaharan, the leader of the LiberaționTigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in his annual Heroes' Day address on 27 Vovember, declared that he would favourably consider a political framework that offers substantial regional autonomy and self-government to the Tamil people on the basis of their right to internal self-determination.
But Mr Pirapaharan also warned, "If our demand for regional self-rule based on the right to internal self-determination is rejected, we have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent state.'
Expressing satisfaction over the progress of the peace negotiations between the government and his organisation, Mr Pirapaharan said, "It is our deepest desire that the current peace talks facilitated by Norway should succeed and all the communities living in the island should co-exist in harmony.'
The following are extracts from Mr Pirapaharan's statement:
"Our liberation struggle has reached a new historical turning point and entered into a new developmental stage. We are facing a new challenge. We have ceased armed hostilities and are now engaged in a peaceful negotiating process to resolve the ethnic conflict. Our sincere and dedicated commitment to the peace process has falsified and demolished the propaganda campaign carried out by Sinhala chauvinists that we are enemies of peace.
Even on the issue of cease-fire, we took the initiative. We declared a unilateral cease-fire and called upon the government to reciprocate. The new government, which assumed power with a mandate for peace, reciprocated positively to our declaration of ceasefire. The mutually agreed cessation of hostilities came into effect on 23 February under the supervision of an in
ternational mon cease-fire has bee nine months. The provocative atten ments of the arm peace racist forces process. There we several innocent Nevertheless, we discipline and obs a clear demonstra commitment to th If a reasonabl Tamil national qui ised by peaceful r every endeavour, V cerity to pursue tha objective is to ens should live in free their homeland er self-rule. If this could be realised we are prepared to We have never sh tion to win the pc people through p have participated i at different places, different historical Thimpu, in Delhi, i and now in Thaila tempts to a negoti ment ended in fia could only be attrib attitude and dec proaches ofprevio ments. Now, the Ranill Wickramasil resolve the problen sincerity and coura current cease-fire foundation and the international monit ther stabilise it, ha date the peace proc skilful facilitation has also contribute ress of the current all, the concern, ir asm shown by the munity has given
 

toring team. This inforce for the past e have been several pts by certain elleed forces and antito disrupt the peace e incidents in which famils were killed. maintained a rigid erved peace. This is tion of our genuine
path of peace. e settlement to the estion could be realneans we will make with honesty and sinat path. Our political ure that our people dom and dignity in joying the right of political objective by peaceful means, adopt that method. own any disinclinalitical rights of our eaceful means. We npeace negotiations at different times in circumstances i.e in in Colombo, in Jaffna nd. All previous atated political settlesco. These failures uted to the hard-line eitful political apis Sri Lanka governgovernment of Mr lghe is attemptingto is of the Tamils with ge. Furthermore, the , built on a strong sincere efforts of the oring mission to furs helped to consoli2ss. The capable and by the Norwegians i to the steady progpeace talks. Above terests and enthusiinternational comope and encourage
TAMILTIMES 15
ment to both parties. The ideal approach is to move the talks forward, systematically, step by step, standing on a strong foundation of peace and building mutual confidence.
As a consequence of the brutal war that continued incessantly for more than two decades, our people face enormous existential problems. The social and political infrastructures of the Tamil nation are in ruins. The cities, towns and villages have been razed to the ground. Houses, temples and schools have been destroyed. An ancient civilization that stood on our lands for centuries has been uprooted. It is not possible for our people to rebuild their ruined social and economic structures. It is a monumental humanitarian problem. We hope that the international community will view the problem sympathetically. We are relieved to learn that international governments have come forward to assist the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the war damaged Tamil nation. Though there is peace in the Tamil homeland, conditions of normalcy have not been restored. Under the cover of "high security zones', the Sinhala armed forces are occupying residential areas and social, economic and cultural centres. Forty thousand troops are occupying Jaffna peninsula, which is a tiny geographical region with a dense population. The military occupation is suffocating the civilian masses and causing tensions. Jaffna, which is thecultural heartland of the Tamilpeople, has turned into an open prison. The occupying forces are using the civilians as their protective shields. As several villages, houses and roads are entrapped by occupation several thousands of internally displaced are unable to return to their residences. Unless this problem is resolved there is no possibility for normalcy and social peace to be restored to Jaffna.
It has always been our position that the urgent and immediate problems of our people should be resolved during the early stages of the peace talks. The former government of Sri Lanka rejected our position. As a result the peace talks broke down. There was a misconception on the part of the former regime that we were hesitant to take up the fundamental political issues and insisted on the resolution of the immediate problems. But the present government has

Page 16
16 TAMILTIMES
been taking concrete actions redressing the urgent and immediate problems of our people. This is a positive development. The objective of our struggle is based on the concept of self-determination as articulated in the UN Charter and other instruments. We have always been consistent with our policy with regard to our struggle for self-determination. Tamil homeland, Tamil nationality and Tamils' right to self-determination are the fundamentals underlying our political struggle. We have been insisting on these fundamentals from Thimpu to Thailand. Our position is that the Tamil national question should be resolved on the basis of these core principles. Tamils constitute themselves as a people, or rather as a national formation since they possess a distinct language, culture and history with a clearly defined homeland and a consciousness of their ethnic identity. As a distinct people they are entitled to the right to self-determination. The right to self-determination has two aspects: internal and external. The internal self-determination entitles a people to regional self-rule. The Tamil people want to live in freedom and dignity in
their ownlands, int stituted traditiona domination of ex want to protect th pursing the develo guage, culture and to live in their ho tem of self-rule. Th piration of our peo the essential mean determination. We sider favourably a that offers subst: tonomy and selfhomeland on the b internal self-deterr people's right to s denied and our dem rule is rejected we other than to seced pendent state.
Racism and rac: causative factors f cessionist politics. ple should identify forces if they desir ethnic harmony an ity. They should s edly, the efforts to
tion by peaceful m
OUR ELEGANT. SILKS S
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15 DECEMBER zu
leir historically con
lands without the 2rnal forces. They ir national identity pment of their lanconomy. They want heland under a sysis is the political asle. This constitutes ng of internal selfare prepared to conpolitical framework ntial regional augovernment in our asis of our right to hination. But if our elf-determination is and for regional selfhave no alternative e and form an inde
stoppressionarethe or rebellions and seThe Sinhalese peoand reject the racist 2 a permanent peace, d economic prosperupport, wholeheartfind a political soluLeans. The Sinhalese
people should not oppose the Tamils' aspirations to manage their own affairs under a system of self-rule in their own homeland. It is the politics of the Sinhala nation that will eventually determine whether the Sinhalese could peacefully co-exist with the Tamils or to compel the Tamils to secede.
We are pleased to note that the talks between the government and the LTTE are progressing forward under the conditions of mutual trust and goodwill. We are encouraged by the interest shown by the international community in the peace process and their willingness to offer assistance to rebuild the war damaged economy of the Tamil nation. It is our deepest desire that the current peace talks facilitated by Norway should succeed and all the communities living in the island should co-exist in harmony. If the Sinhala chauvinistic forces, for their own petty political reasons scuttle this peace effort which has raised high hopes and expectations and gained the
support of the international commu
nity, the Tamil people will be compelled to pursue the path of secession and political independence.” O
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On the A9 high to devastatio
Thelma and Gaston de Rosayro
The A-9 highway beyond the Vavuniya District despite its natural bucolic landscape is decidedly not a pretty picture. What unravels for nearly 230 km along the route from this point to the northern peninsula is unbelievable devastation that projects itself with all the unreality of a backdrop set for a war film.
But this is not a surreal setting for a celluloid blockbuster depicting the explosive cauldron of entire districts laid waste in the aftermath of bloody conflict.
But the truth is, for all its nightmarish undertones ofcinematic dramatisation relating to a modern blitzkrieg, it is indisputably real. Once clear of Vavuniya Town and from Nelukkulam and then onwards past Thandikkulam our bus trundles along a gravel roadway leading to the first government military checkpoint at Omantai. Along the route we glimpse the flattened Omantai school, its buildings annihilated by cannonades of high-powered shelling. The area is technically under the control of the army, but in reality it is a no-man's land.
Along this desolate stretch, heavily mined on either side for miles, herds ofmaverick cattlegraze contentedly on either side of lush grassland bordering the road. The thousands of wild cattle here are descendents of the domesticated livestock left behind by farming communities fleeing the holocaust af. ter being trapped in the raging crossfire. The cattle have since been breeding profusely and in their untamed bliss they are decidedly not for milking. Nor are the herds easy beef-on-the-hoof for even the most intrepid rustlers.
It is not the regular military patrols in this cleared area that are the only deterrent to aspiring cattle thieves. The pastures are both literally and metaphorically explosive locales with a maze of deadly landmines planted by retreating Tiger rebels as well as government security forces. There are signs placed at strategic locations along the route warning travellers that they could be maimed or killed if they are foolish
enough to intrude i preserves. Indeed, luckless steer is blo after stepping on su Friendly troop travellers at the checkpoint where c efficient. A hundre a temporary Tiger formed LTTE cadr brief check and the the characteristic w cops. The actual where travellers wi immigration forms Customs checks is the road at Puliyank our forms have beer we are spared the make any Customs But most of ou make use of the sh their cramped legs í camp's pit-latrines, exactly in the same relief facilities at : modest resorts, are a not stench-laden. bladders do a quick the camp, have th alongside uniforme dressed smartly in similar to those oft security-assistants i On the road agai sudden realisation t son when we encou of butterflies, many of the juggernaut of path hundreds of th with suicidal vivac frail-winged insect windshield of our v of others dash aga windows with simi proclivity. They evc of the elite units ofk res who had been co raised with a deathwith the same sense
One progresses more borders that h; decades and have n following the ceas

TAM TIMES 17
SWay )
nto such dangerous now and again a wn to “leathereens”. Ich lethal devices. s greet the weary Omantai military learance is fast and d metres beyond is camp, where unies halt the bus for a 'n signal it on with ave of rustic traffic Tiger checkpoint ll be required to fill and are subject to some 12 km down kulam. Fortunately, 1 duly perfected and hassle of having to declarations. ir fellow travellers ort break to stretch and make use of the which though not class as some of the some of the moreut least hygienic and Those with hardier reconnaissance of eir pictures taken :d Tiger policemen light-blue tunics he "gambatta' type in the south. in, one comes to the hat is Sri Pada seanter endless coveys of them oblivious our bus into whose nem shatter against ity. Swarms of the is collide with the ehicle while scores inst the passenger lar self-destructive bke harsh memories amikaze Tiger cadrrespondingly been wish and obsessed
of martyrdom. northward through ave been closed for ow been unplugged efire. The vehicle
passes Mankulam afrontier town sandwiched between Vavuniya and Mullaittivu districts. One cannot fail to recall the Tiger attack on the police station here at the height of the conflict. And then as the vehicle trundles on one can hardly fail to notice the evidence of more wreckage everywhere.
The road meanders to Kilinochchi, now regarded the Tiger heartland.
Signboards with large bureaucratic lettering in similarity to those identifying government institutions classify a district court, a police station, a forest protection and political division and an information centre smack in the middle of the town. But a closer look reveals the LTTE logo on everyone of these shingles, signifying that they are all administered by the de-facto Tiger régime.
Finally, making headway in the Jaffna District one cannot fail to notice a couple of armoured tanks which suffered direct mortar hits lie rusting on the periphery of what was once the massive Elephant Pass military facility.
Military facility? What military facility? There is not the remotest evidence of any military camp that had existed in this strategic location caressed by lagoons on either side of the roadway.
The only hintofaflattened and vanished camp that had been in existence here are rolls of concertina barbed-wire lie partly submerged in the wetlands caused by the lagoon's over-spill. I catch a fleeting glimpse of a charred wooden cross on a tiny islet, where some grieving fighting man had obviously laid a dead comrade to rest.
Jaffna - reduced to rubble and ruin Jaffna, the northern peninsula, with its charming cadjan-thatched fences, picture-book villages and tranquil bays and lagoons, is decidedly a delightfully composed mini-universe. This once commercial, thriving port city that dominated the trade route between India and Sri Lanka is in a shambles. And not surprisingly. Because it has the distinction of being one of the most heavily bombarded districts on earth.
This cultural and commercial urban giant which was also one of the country's great centres of religious art and learning has now been relegated into a wrecked antechamber of history. All along the A-9 route we have seen entire villagers, homesteads and town

Page 18
18 TAMILTIMES
ships that have been reduced to rubble and ruin. Dozens of small villagers have been wiped off the map. Acres of once lush paddy and tobacco cultivations lie scorched and untilled. Vast Vistas of what were productive coconut and palmyrah plantations have been ravaged by heavy artillery shelling.
Hundreds of such indigenous palm trunks stick out hideously in seemingly naked abashment, twisted and truncated relics of what certainly had been a rippling sea of green canopies. Their crowning fronds have been sheared by high-powered shells fashioning a sort of spreading graveyard for these uniquely beautiful palms.
Nearly three decades of war have debased this once-bustling northern trading post to virtual debris, creating ghost-towns and wastelands. And then as we enter Jaffna Town we observe more bombed-out ruins, in a district whose old-world charm and equally enchanting cultural traditions could seldom have been encountered anywhere on earth.
To observers it is a stark reminder of how a raging civil conflict has illu
minated quite anot ence. The district a life role after it wa into becoming a st nation's turbulent 20 years or so.
From its maint residential avenue est provincial vill ways, the debris, ( cay is all too evide Once stately ho pletely razed, othe recognition by bot bombardment. An withstood the holl demolished, some their roofs and ot completely demoli stand are all grote by bullets or heavy
Among all the has been buffeted ment than Chavaka jawline of the jutt where it thrusts its the Palk Strait. Th rons have suffered has reduced most
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ner side of its existttained a larger than shoved reluctantly age for much of the truggles for the last
ownships, to its elite and its more modage homes and bylilapidation and dent. mes have been comrs wrecked beyond artillery and aerial d several that have ocaust are partially with gaping holes in hers with the roofs shed. But those that squely pockmarked / ballistics. areas in Jaffna none by more bombardcheri, located at the ing peninsula from monstrous head into e town and its envisuch a peppering that of its landmarks to
mutilated chunks of fragmentary brick and masonry. Drieberg College, one of the northern outpost's historic seats of learning, has had its sprawling buildings lacerated to only their skeletal structures. The badly strafed courts complex, opposite the school, stands as a dilapidated apology for a once proud temple of justice. Powerful mortar shells are no respecters of personages nor hallowed institutions.
Scores of other buildings have been knocked into cocked hats providing gouged gaps through which the daylight glares. Hundreds more have suffered frightful structural damage, while some have been reduced to piles of debris. A good part of the town's marketplace and once bustling bazaar remain totally demolished disaster zones which seem in danger of crumbling at any given minute.
Resilient peninsula leaps back to life
Even amid this diabolical cataclysm Jaffna is leaping back to life with an astonishing vitality. The task of reconstruction will not be easy. Indeed, by our own conservative estimates it may
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Page 19
15 DECEMBER 2002
take several decades. We make the judgement particularly because we are aware that our bureaucracy has perfected the art of making the possible impossible.
But the ordinary people have already set about the rebuilding process with rarely witnessed enthusiasm.
Already the ceasefire and prospects of a peace accord have brought about considerable progress. Hope is heightened, because the entrepreneurial "Yaarlpaanese" spirit is evident even during these times of adversity,
Traders, legendary for their industriousness and thrift have begun rebuilding from the ashes. Take a walk down Jaffna's Main Street, the town's hyperactive chief artery which is pulsing with life and consumer demand.
Shops have been refurbished and restocked, small eating houses cater to a hungry population on wheels. Hundreds of workers, teachers, pupils and bevies of lovely damsels are an integral part of the street scene as one witnesses the swish of passing bicycles. This is the traditional mode of travel and has become a great social leveller for the Jaffna populace since the war began. There appears no shortage of work for small-time bicycle repair shops, which appear to have their work cut out for them, patching punctured tyres, servicing stuckpedals and chains and replacing brake linings.
In Jaffna Town and many other principal townships the shop shelves have been lavishly restocked. Most of the commodities which had scarce and prohibitively expensive are freely available and moderately priced. Hundreds of Tamil traders have returned to their homeland after an enforced stint in the south. Many of them converse with visitors in fluent Sinhala. They demonstrate what a small world we live in when some of our group are recognised by some shopkeepers who have been plying their trade in Dehiwela and Wellawatte.
But the biggest hope now is that its people who fled the fighting will return and that expatriate Tamils, who have made their fortunes overseas while supporting the Tamil Tiger rebel movement financially, will also retrace their footsteps home and invest their money in the new dream.
(Courtesy: Daily Mirror, 12 Dec. 2002)
The outcome of donor countries and peace talks between ernment and the L gives much hope f in the ongoing peac
At the meetingo! tries which suppoi peace process held C Holmenkollen Park ] the two parties curre peace talks made a nancial assistance to East shattered by th tween the State and Lankan Governmen separate White pape Lanka” - to the Con challenges it is facin overall destruction c ades of war.
Except for some the failed peace talk the self-destructive for nearly two dec consequences not on the North-East but a as a whole. Both hur losses have been e present financial an lems are mainly due the protracted war. aid and poor utilisati ited foreign funds p. opment, investment the dire economica tion that has compel Government to seel ance from the intern for resettlement, reh construction in the as for rebuilding t economy of the en Government has not cate any funds for th year's budget becau financial difficulties for foreign aid is f of programs in the The importance offc

TAMILTIMES 19
e Talks: leading Federal Solution
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
the conference of the latest round of the Sri Lanka govTTE held in Oslo r further progress : process.
many donor count the Sri Lankan in November 25 at Hotel Rica in Oslo, ntly engaged in the oint appeal for firebuild the Northe internal war bethe LTTE. The Sri t also presented a
r - “Regaining Sri :
ference listing the g, as a result of the aused by two dec
brief periods when is were underway, war has continued ades with terrible ly to the people in lso to the country man and economic normous and the d economic probto the high cost of With less foreign in of even the limovided for develtoo declined. It is nd financial situaed the Sri Lankan financial assisttional community abilitation and reNorth-East as well he war damaged ire country. The beenable to alloese works in next se of the present The joint appeal r implementation orth-East region. reign financial as
sistance in sustaining the present momentum of the peace process has also been emphasised by both parties and the Norwegian Government. Among the many countries that attended the Sri Lanka support meeting in Oslo were the major donors, who had in the past helped Sri Lanka in her development efforts. International support for the peace process was evident even before the Oslo meeting.
The pragmatic decisions taken at the second meeting of the first round held at the Rose Garden Resort near the Thai capital Bangkok during October 31 - November 3 to set up three Subcommittees were also influenced by the need to seek immediate financial assistance from foreign governments. The earlier proposals to constitute first a Joint Task Force to undertake rehabilitation and reconstruction work in the North-East and then to setup an interim administration for the combined NorthEast region were not pursued at the second meeting in Thailand. The Sub-committee formed between the Government and the LTTE for immediate humanitarian support for the North and East prepared the supporting paper for the joint appeal made at the Oslo meeting. The other two Sub-committees formed likewise are for jointly studying the constitutional and other issues central to the peace process; and to de-escalate and normalise the resettlement of internally displaced persons in the North and East. The declaration made by the LTTE's chief negotiator Anton Balasingham that the Tigers who had been fighting for a separate state in the North-East for the Tamils would accept a viable alternative, provided regional autonomy and self-governance were granted was also considered as helpful to a negotiated political settlement.
Norway's Appeal
In his opening speech at the Oslo meeting, the Norwegian Foreign Min

Page 20
20 AMILTIMES
ister Jan Peterson said, “the parties are showing a high degree of pragmatism and innovation in the peace negotiations. They are showing courage and political leadership in taking a gradual approach. It is incumbent upon donor governments to respond likewise. In our assistance to Sri Lanka, we should be sensitive to the needs of the peace process and make every effort to be flexible and cut through red tape when necessary.” His appeal on behalf of the Norwegian government, the facilitator of the peace process and also a partner in the development process in Sri Lanka, shows Norway's fear of the peace process losing momentum for lack of adequate foreign financial assistance. The dilemma here is that the allocation of more funds for development depends on the progress seen in the peace talks and in the work of the Sub-committees. The latter is evident from the various speeches of the representatives of major donors. Donors Urge
The US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage in his speech said:
“We urge the LTTE ther and add to thi settle the conflict negotiations) a pub terrorism and violen to the people of Sri to the international the LTTE has aba struggle for a separa accepts the sovereig government that res the rights of all its LTTE should affir1 human rights of all just the right to life, to participate in gov ate freely; and to en tion of the law.” Its US government exp ments to be visible the ground while progress.
Japan, the larges a long history of ei tion has tied increas ress in the ongoir Yasushi Akashi, Jap for the Sri Lankan
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o go one step fur
commitment (to acefully through c renunciation of 2- to make it clear Lanka and indeed :ommunity - that doned its armed estate and instead ty of a Sri Lankan pects and protects eople. In turn, the | the fundamental Sri Lankans — not but to free speech; 2rnance; to associoy the full proteceems clear that the 2cts these commitrom the actions on the peace talks
t single donor with conomic co-operaed aid to the progg peace process. an’s special envoy peace process said
at the meeting that for the next pledging meeting in Tokyo to be successful there would have to be substantial progress in the peace process.
UK's Secretary of State for International Development Clare Short stressed the need to improve the human rights situation and for humanitarian agencies to have independent access to communities in need of assistance. They must have the ability to work freely with these communities. She expected to see progress on these issues. She also said, "subject to continuing good progress, we intend to offer further financial support for longer term programmes at the conference the Japanese have kindly offered to host in 2003'
Engaging the diaspora
The EU representative Petter Hansen in his address said: "EU stands ready to support the peace process and is committed to delivering a substantial contribution to the post-conflict rehabilitation of Sri Lanka.” He introduced a new perspective to the support
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Page 21
15 DECEMBER 2002
effort by asserting EU"will also engage the Tamil diaspora to support the process.” The kind of political solution that the EU expects is also evident from his comment. He said: "While underlin
ing the need to take into account the legitimate aspirations of all communities in Sri Lanka, the EU recall our attachment to the territorial integrity and unity of Sri Lanka based on the principles of democracy. Respecting human rights and rule-of-law must at all times be guiding principle and fundamental demand to all parties on the way towards a definitive settlement to the conflict.' He also said, "EU welcomes the decision taken by the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE to establish a Sub-Committee and a Fund on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs in the North and East. The EU looks forward to receiving more information on these institutions.” Perhaps the legitimacy of these institutions to handle public funds is in doubt. Also the procedures established for ensuring transparency and accountability need to be looked into. It is unclear at present whether the Sub-Committee (set up as an advisory body) will have the right to co-ordinate the tasks relating to humanitarian and rehabilitation work let alone perform managerial duties. The earlier proposal to set up a Joint Task Force, which the LTTE did not want it to be even under the Prime Minister's office, was abandoned, possibly, for legal reasons.
Donors' Joint Communique
The joint communique issued by the countries in Asia-Pacific region, North America and Europe, which met in Oslo on 25 November, reveals the strong support extended by the international community to the peace process. It also has some trepidation about the peace process, if its aim is to reach a final political settlement acceptable to all the main parties. Without their consent any settlement reached will run into difficulties when the necessary constitutional amendments are introduced. To quote from the press release: “We, government representatives from the AsiaPacific region, North America and Europe, meeting in Oslo on 25 November 2002, express strong support for the historic peace process now underway in Sri Lanka. At this critical phase of the peace process, we commit ourselves to providing immediate financial assistance. ... And we urge the Government
of Sri Lanka and til of Tamil Eelam to promote an inclusi “We recognise that people acros Lanka enjoy the be ding a national cor cult steps ahead i will require partic vulnerable, such as ployed, especially i women and childr "We commend strong commitmer A lasting peace m nunciation ofviol the principles of hu racy, rule of law, a rights of minoritie the needs of all co Sri Lanka, in orde and foster ethnic h Donors pledge million US Dollar ing for immediate seems to be more and Norway expec tal amount needed riod for rebuilding is likely to be abo dged amount. The Foreign Minister, the pledged amour couraging peace gaps until a bigge planned in Japan mentioned earlier Tokyo meeting dep seen in the peace p
India's absence
A discouraging meeting is the ab representation fro Lankan Governm seeking India's p meeting. Eager to pation, the Goverr isters two days be conference to Nev the Indian Gover mind. But India on port already extend ess and confirmed the financial assist to Sri Lanka. App sire not to be seen nising the LTTE, w declared a proclair dicted before an murder of former F Gandhi, is the reas tance. Unlike oth

TAM TIMES 211
he Liberation Tigers make every effort to Ve peace process.”
that it is important s the whole of Sri nefits of peace. Builsensus for the diffin the peace process ular efforts to meet the poor, the unemin the rural areas, and en.' both parties for their it to a lasting peace. ust be built upon re2nce and respect for uman rights, democnd recognition of the s, and must address bmmunities all over r to combat poverty armony.” 'd between 60 - 70 's at the Oslo Meetrelief. This amount than what Sri Lanka ted, although the to
over a five year pe
the North-East alone ut ten times the ple
Norwegian Deputy Vidar Hel-gesen said ht"was aimed at entalks and plugging r donors conference
next year.' But as
the success of the bends on the progress
OCSS,
g aspect of the Oslo sence of high-level m India despite Sri ent's direct appeals barticipation at the seek India's particiment sent two minfore the start of the w Delhi to persuade ment to change its ly reiterated the supled to the peace procthe continuation of ance being provided barently, India's deas indirectly recogthose leader has been ned offender and in(ndian court for the rime Minister Rajiv on for India's relucer donor countries,
India's interest is different. India is not just a donor and a powerful neighbour. India's interest in conserving the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka is absolute and solid. Although India is not involved directly in the peace process, Sri Lankan Government very wisely has been keeping New Delhi informed of the developments in the ongoing peace talks. The fact is that a final political settlement must not be in conflict with India's own interest in safeguarding its own territorial and security interests.
The World Bank
The special Oslo meeting was organised by the Norwegian Government. The Government of Japan will sponsor the next Sri Lanka support meeting expected in mid 2003. These are special meetings and should not be confused with development aid meetings organised in the past by the International Bank For reconstruction and Development also known as the World Bank. The World Bankitselfprovides financing and technical assistance for both economic and human development. The Bank's Press Release No: 2003/ 149/SAR on the eve of the Oslo meeting indicates the kind of assistance currently provided to Sri Lanka under the Bank's overall program." It is helping to improve basic social services and reduce the incidence of disease, with a special emphasis on HIV/AIDS. It is supporting rural programs aimed at increasing access to innovative agricultural techniques; enhancing land and natural resource management; and helping to meet essential public needs for education, electricity, water, and sanitation services. In parallel with direct poverty program, the World Bank is supporting improvements in the broader investment climate and the rural economy through ongoing policy discussions and financing for upgrading key areas in the economy."
The World Bank agreed on November 14 to provide new financial assistance totalling US$ 31 million to Sri Lanka in the context of the ongoing peace process. This is intended to improve the lives and economic prospects of the people living in conflict-affected areas. According to the press release, "the new financing will support an Emergency Reconstruction Program which will help restore primary health care; repair urban water schemes; provide returning families with opportu

Page 22
2 AMLTIMES
nities for income generation and employment; and build capacity to undertake a multi-donor-financed reconstruction program in the coming years. It will assist people living in the North East Province where development assistance has been absent for 20 years. The Program will be administered by the North East Provincial Council “The World Bankatthe presenttime has considered the North East Provincial Council set up under the Provincial Councils Act as the legitimate body to administer the Program, although it has no elected representatives.
Government's Approach
Thus the foreign assistance promised by all the donors is on the premise that the North East province is an integral part of Sri Lanka. The World Bank has gone a step further inspecifying the local institution that will administer its aid program relating to the North East Province. It is also clear that foreign assistance to rebuild the war-torn North-East is a component of the overall assistance promised by the donor community to post-conflict Sri Lanka. In fact in his speech at the Oslo meet
ing Prime Minister esinghe appealed for entire economy. He lenge for the Goverr deed to meet the nee ravages of war in th also to the damage it tire economy. In all try and to every se Lankan communit brought distress an short, the country's ( shattered. Sri Lanka port to the internatio this critical time o therefore, to be co light.”
Right from the present Governmer peace process to de requires in the first in the destroyed infrast ing normal conditio These are necessary sustaining the deve The overall benefito struction and develo dividend that must g in the country. The ( the view that lasting
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15 DECEMBER 2002
Ranill Wickremaid to rebuild the said: “The chalment extends inls of not only the : North-East, but caused to our enarts of the counction of the Sri y, the war has dislocation. In conomy has been s appeal for Supnal community at rebuilding has, nsidered in this
beginning, the t has linked the relopment, which Istance rebuilding ucture and restoris in the country. for reviving and lopment process. feconomic reconment is the peace o to all the people government holds peace and devel
opment are inter-related goals. The Prime Minister said in his speech: "Economic reconstruction and development, particularly of the areas devastated by the war will be a deciding factor in sustaining the momentum of political negotiations. Development is part of the healing process in a wounded, divided society. Development is underpinning peace in Sri Lanka. Peace will sustain development. The two processes of peace and development have become inextricably inter-twined and inter-related.'
The Oslo Peace Talks
The understanding reached at the third session of the peace talks held during the four days between December 2 and 5after the Oslo Donor Meeting has been welcomed by many at home and abroad as an important step taken towards a political settlement. Some optimists have interpreted the acceptance of a federal system by both the GOSL and the LTTE as a major breakthrough signalling that a final settlement is imminent. This hasty conclusion has ignored the cautionary note of the Norwegian facilitators that the
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Page 23
5 DECEMBER 2002
discussions about the kind of federal structure acceptable to both sides and importantly to the people in all the communities will continue for a long time and a final agreement cannot be expected soon. As a first step towards this end, both sides have only agreed at the meeting to study the various federal models obtaining in many countries such as Canada, Switzerland, Germany, United States, Australia, Great Britain and India.
On the other hand, concerned commentators have wisely drawn attention to the importance of a bipartisan approach, if any agreement reached on a federal system has a good chance of obtaining both the two-third majority in the Parliament and the consent of the people at a referendum. Both are needed for effecting the radical changes to the present unitary constitution.
Some seem to be sceptical about the immediate motive of the LTTE in the light of the speech delivered by Anton Balasingham in London just before the Oslo Peace Talks, marking the "Mahaveerar’ Day, in which he said that the policies of the LTTE had not changed; but recognising the present hostile stand of the international community on violent means to achieve legitimate political goals has changed only its strategy.
It must be noted here that many countries, including the United States and Britain have been recommending a federal solution to Sri Lanka's ethnic problem for a long time. From the standpoint of raising the much needed foreign funds at the next Tokyo donor meeting, the acceptance of a federal system by both parties even though this is only in principle will be seen as a major progress in the ongoing peace talks. In Conclusion
Government's approach to permanent peace in Sri Lanka has the support of the international community. The expectation is that this will help to reach a political settlement within the framework of one nation as the wounds begin to heal and the lost trust between the different communities is regained. But for ultimate success, the processes require the co-operation of all players who should be in the team, let alone the two who are in the front line. The development path provides the oppor
tunity for both sid practical terms the ing a political solu the multi ethnic c the entire country ferent regions. The the people, their and rights must al the two sides.
True, the Tam great sacrifices, started more than peaceful means for of the Tamils that full-scale war. The not become worth an unrealistic stanc eral solution, whi community also co and fair by all the Lanka. The Prime peal to the donorss must COrne SOOne also be a just peac rights, security, sal fare of all citizens ka. Allowing the p on unnecessarily realities will noth Federal solution
The challenge their declared pos ful proposals for ( unitary constitutic The Prime Minist at the Oslo meetir is determined to el in all parts of th same security, the the democratic fo and rule of law and as citizens, is thei litical aspirations munities — Sinhall lim, who live in o ety, have to be sa to equality for eac of our nation mus democratic, plura were the demands leaders, before th separation startec peaceful democra these rights withc mately led to the for an autonomou East. The highly der, the late Mr. S also advocated a f Lanka's ethnic p.

es to demonstrate in ir sincerity in seektion that recognises haracter of not only but also of the dif: immediate needs of political aspirations so be recognised by
il Tigers have made since the struggle four decades ago by the legitimate rights escalated later into a ese sacrifices should less by maintaining that obstructs a fedch the international insiders as reasonable liverse groups in Sri Minister, in his apaid permanent peace than later. This must e that safeguards the ety, dignity and welthroughout Sri Laneace process to drag ignoring the present elp either side.
for them is to make itions into meaningchanging the present on to a federal type. er said in his speech g: "My government nsure that the people e country enjoy the same quality of life, brms of government human rights, which r birthright. The poand rights of all comese, Tamil and Musur multi ethnic socifeguarded. The right h and every member t be maintained in a listic polity." These of the elected Tamil e armed struggle for l. They pursued the tic means to obtain but success that ultiierce armed struggle is state in the Northrespected Tamil lea.J.V Chelvanayagam ederal solution to Sri roblem five decades
TAMELTIMES 23
ago but the power-seeking and powerful Sinhalese leaders (the power derived from the unitary constitution) rejected it riding roughshod over the rights of the minorities.of the country. The past leaders of the Federal Party, the forerunner to the present TULF, had steadfastly emphasised the fact that federalism did not mean separation but on the contrary it would unite the ethnically divided country. But this fell on deaf ears because of the perception that the powerless Tamils could not challenge the might of the government. The present TULF leadership has credited the LTTE for forcing the Sri Lankan government to accept a federal system as the sensible solution to the ethnic problem that remained unresolved for nearly half a century.
The leader of the LTTE, Velupillai Pirapaharan said in his annual "Heroes' Day" (27 November 2002) speech: "It is our deepest desire that the current peace talks facilitated by Norway should succeed and all the communities living in the island should co-exist in harmony." It is said this declaration is not inconsistent with the desires of both the President and the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka and indeed with the expectation of the international community. The Premier making a statement in Parliament on the progress of the Oslo donor meeting referred to the LTTE's willingness to "consider substantial power sharing within a framework of an unified Sri Lanka” as paradigm shift that has increased the prospect for a negotiated political settlement. The explicit acceptance of federalism as a way of resolving the ethic conflict by the Sri Lanka Government can also be regarded as a paradigm shift.
The international community has come forward to help in the belief that the two sides will not deviate from their declared commitments and proceed swiftly along the agreed path to permanent peace through a federal constitution. Foreign governments particularly the USA and Japan have taken special interest this time in the ongoing peace process and either party cannot afford to ignore this factor. The future of all the people in Sri Lanka and the economic prosperity of the country as a whole depend now on an agreed federal structure that links the north and the south securely under a single political system.

Page 24
24 TAMILTIMES
“We may now go ho Muslim Refugees f NOrthern Sri Lan
Dr. Shahu H. Hasbullah
The plight of Muslim refugees needs greater attention at the national level. The peace process is an opportunity to end this 12 year long displacement and resolve the refugee issue. By highlighting concerns of Muslim refugees, the articleaims to constructively contribute to and strengthen the peace process.
Introduction
Muslim minority of the Northern Province was singled out and was forcibly evicted from their homes by the LTTE. In the third week of October 1990 an estimated 75,000 Muslims who lived in the five districts of Northern Province, found their lives abruptly disrupted and lost all their material possessions. The emotional and moral support that they found within a secure social setting was completely dismantled as families, relatives and friends had to seek refuge in different places. The life in the refugee camps have demoralized men, women and children and affected them physically, physiologically, socially and educationally. The LTTE has now admitted responsibility for the expulsion and has issued an apology. Yet, the Muslim refugees continue to languish in refugee camps under abysmal conditions without any solution to their basic problems.
We hope that the current peace process will be able to bring Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict to an end. The prevailing no-war situation in the conflict zone has been a great source of relief to those living there. Those who have been involuntarily displaced are returning in large numbers. It is reported that nearly one fourth of the total displaced people (those displaced people fall within the government definition) have returned home during the last few months. However, as we shall see shortly, without planned assistance for rehabilitation and reparations their situa
tion will be dire. It many more people W no-war situation con priate rehabilitation a measures are in place media coverage of etl country has paid litt to the plight of thes past 12 years. This some of the difficu these refugees and t face in their attempt of normalcy.
Problems Facing the Muslim Refuge Around 18 perc nally Displaced Per Muslims at the tim agreement was sig Majority of the displa Northern Province ( present day proble northern Muslim mil quence of their (i) 12 years ago that sé their socio-economic them self-reliance, longed stay in refug fered virtually no e. nities and rendered t external assistance. were adversely affe of their lives - physic nomical, social, anc As mentioned earli acknowledged res apologized for their the expulsion. This was a long awaited ( Muslims. They knev LTTE expelled ther reading of the politi Muslims of the No. lieve that the major always welcome the them to settle back.
Muslim refuge several occasions tha

15 DECEMBER 2002
me’:
rom
ka
is expected that "ould return if the tinues and approind reconstruction to help them. The nic conflict in the le orno attention a refugees for the essay addresses lties confronting he hardships they to return to a life
eS ent of total Intersons (IDPs) were he the cease-fire 1ed in late 2001. ced were from the of Sri Lanka. The ms faced by the hority are a conseorcible expulsion vered them from roots and denied and (ii) their proee camps that ofconomic opportuhem dependent on As a result, they ited in all aspects al, emotional, ecoeducational, etc. er, the LTTE has ponsibility, and actions regarding acknowledgment ine for the refugee all along that the n based on a miscal position of the th. They also beity of Tamils will ir return and help
es have said on t they are prepared
to forgive and forget the past. Their ultimate goal is to return to the North, which they still regard as their home, and to live in harmony with the Tamil majority in the North, as they did before. This was revealed in an opinion survey conducted by the author in late 1999 (The findings of this survey were presented in a research paper at the Jaffna University in 2002, titled "Return of long displaced communities to their home areas; is it viable?”
Reconstruction and Redevelopment in Northern Sri Lanka edited by Mikoko Terashima Vancouver: The Centre for Human Settlements, University of British Columbia, Vancouver (WWW.chs.ubc.ca)).
Part of their desire to return to the North is because the assets they were forced to leave behind there is the only basis for their economic sustenance. In addition, the historical and cultural attachments to the place where they were born and their forefathers thrived provide them with a sense of belonging and the only respectable identity they now possess.
The Muslims face many economic challenges in Puttalam and other areas where they live as refugees. For example, at Puttalam district there are about 65,000 Muslim refugees living in the Northwestern coastal region. The total population of this region doubled with the arrival of Muslim refugees in 1990. When they arrived this region was among the least developed areas in the country and was in no position to offer economic opportunities to the refugees. More than 90 percent of the refugees are still depended on dry ration issued by the state and World Food Program. It is not possible for the refugees to stand on their own feet in the resourcepoor area. The substandard quality of food items and their improper distribution have seriously affected the refugees physically. Socially and psychologically, their dependence has rendered large majority of the displaced families insecure and vulnerable. This is compounded by the attitudes expressed by the State and the NGOs who perceive the displaced as lazy and always expecting handouts.
As a result, their refugee status is seen as a stigma. Their children are taunted at schools and other public and private places. The newborn babies are also born into this stigmatized identity as refugees.

Page 25
15 DECEMBER 2002
The conditions in the refugee camps have forced few of the displaced Muslims to return to their homes in handfuls in 1991 - a year after their expulsion. The Muslims who were residents of border towns and villages of Vavuniya and Mannar Island were the first to return. The return rate gradually increased during the peace talks between the government and the LTTE in 1994. The collapse of the peace talks came as a blow to the hopes of the Muslims. This left more than 90 percent of the displaced Muslims to continue to languish in abysmal conditions in the refugee camps awaiting the day they can return home. The displaced Muslims lack numerical, political and intellectual power to bring their grievances to public atention.
Their return however, can be viable only when conditions for their dignity and safety are assured. To this end, they must be assured of protection and of their social, cultural and political rights. Moreover, the assets and properties they lost must be returned to them. Finally, they are entitled for an appropriate state help for resettlement and rehabilitation. The plight of the displaced Muslims is integral to permanent peace, and as such should be discussed at the peace negotiations.
The Visits of Muslims to the Places of Origin
The refugees were pleased that the LTTE accepting that the expulsion was a mistake had invited them to come back to their homes in the north. In fact, the refugees had been expressing their views in the past that they would want the assurances of safety from the LTTE for them to consider returning home.
Since the announcement of LTTE, Muslims were returning in large numbers to see conditions of their homes in the north. Muslims had gone to Jaffna peninsula to see the conditions of their homes in Jaffna Moor Street, Chavakachcheri, Vellakadakarai, and other Muslim concentrations there. Muslims also visited a number of villages in Mannar district including the Musali region which is one of the heavily mined areas. They also visited Muslim villages in Killinochchi, Nanaddan and Mannar Island. The only exceptions were a few villages in the Mullaitivu district, where they were not allowed by the LTTE to visit their houses citing security reasons.
Muslims who visited their homes
and villages in the to be back, were the deplorable c houses, properties more rural place Killinochchi, Mu many visitors wer cate their houses Musali, a heavily ary forest has cov and some visitors \ wild elephants. In Jaffna Moor Stre Town, Muslims were unavailable f ever, the returnee happy about the c were extended by of the areas wher homes.
The present co homes in the Nort them to return im evident from the f of Muslim returnee cent in comparisol over 25 percent fol Further, the recent ments concerning it sion between Tam the Eastern Provin down the return of
Facilitating Smoo of Muslims to Nol Many carefuls taken to facilitate th to the North. Some lowing:
As most Muslii north had been col the task of re-build vironment is virtua ing a new settleme old Muslim settler of refugees themse process is most ess tional communitys port and repatratic and rebuilding effo the fact that these r enced a forcible lasted 12 years.
Prepare the Re There also ha plans in preparing refugees to their ho is not an easy task. away from their ho decade. Nearly hal lation has had the f side the Northern F

North, while happy lso shocked to see onditions of their ind surroundings. In s such as Musali, laitivu, Nanaddan, 2 not be able to lo. For example, in nined area, secondered their property ere even chased by urban areas such as et and Mullaitivu ound their houses Iroccupation. HowMuslims were very ordial welcome that the Tamil majority they visited their
nditions of Muslim h have discouraged mediately. This is act that the number s was less than 5 per 1 to the average of the total returnees. negative developncreasing ethnic tenils and Muslims in ce may further slow Muslim refugees.
th. Return
thern Province teps will have to be e return of Muslims of them are the fol
cal Environment
m settlements in the mpletely destroyed, ing the physical ently one of establishit in the locations of ments. Participation lves in the planning ential. The internahould offer full supons in resettlement rts in recognition of efugees had experixpulsion that has
ugees for Return
to be thoughtful for the return of the mes in the north. It Refugees have been mes for more then a f the refugee popuormative years outrovince in the refu
TAMILTIMES 25
gee camps. The old among them may be too physically and psychologically weak to face the new challenges in reestablishing their life in the north. Thus, the refugee rehabilitation program has to be comprehensive and multifaceted to facilitate the successful return of Muslim refugees.
Programs will have to be launched to facilitate communication between Tamils and refugee Muslims. While this may appear to be a challenge, even today some sectors in both communities retain at least some minimal contact. There is scope for constructive community reintegration efforts. But this requires proactive efforts by policy makers.
Wholesale return of refugees may create more problems than it solves. The trend of return of refugees to date suggests that the refugees themselves are adopting a cautious approach to their return home. Such a step-by-step return needs to be supported institutionally and otherwise. Refugees must be encouraged through the steps that are taken to improve the living environment as well as through peace and normally for a minority group to live in the Northern Province.
At the same time, those who have opted not to return immediately must be given the choice of living in the south. At the same time, their assets and properties that were left behind in the north must be properly compensated.
Note: The author has produced a seven volume report on the loses of assets and properties of Muslims evicted by LTTE.
Report on the LOSS of Movable and Immovable Assets of Muslims Evicted fr rovince i 1999 (Volumes 1 to 6 of 523 pages covering Six Regions of Northern Sri Lanka) Nuraicholai: Research and Action Forum for Social Development, 2001
"Report on the Loss of Movable and Immovable Assets of Muslims Ousted from the Northern Province in 1990," a report submitted to the Parliament of Sri Lanka in May 1992, Hansard Vol. 79, No. 14.)
Facilitate the Return of Muslims
The issues of return of Muslims to the north are distinct from other situations of return in the country. There

Page 26
26 TAMILTIMES
fore, it would be appropriate to appoint a commission to look into the complex issues of return and facilitate successful return. To be effective, such a commission should have constitutional binding powers to deal with legal and practical matters of choices regarding refugee return. Issue of Return of Muslim Refugees is Bigger than the Refugee Problem The expulsion of the Muslims demonstrates the vulnerability of numerically small communities in a situation of increasing ethnic tensions in Sri Lanka and merits discussion at the national level. Indeed, it is imperative that this discussion becomes part of the current peace talks. As mentioned earlier, food assistance from the government and World Food program is the main source of livelihood for many refugees. The refugees are in no position to return because of the prevailing unlivable conditions. Nor could they continue to live in the refugee camps because of the unbearable hardships facing them. A sustainable solution to the issue not only has to make viable arrangements for resettlement and recovery from the impacts of displacement but also need to make sure that they will not be involuntarily displaced again. Such issues have to be discussed at the national level and at the peace talks. Just Solutions for Muslims in the Peace Negotiations
For Sri Lanka to achieve a sustainable solution to the ethnic conflict, agenda of the peace negotiations must include the following provisions for meaningful protection and support: for expelled Muslims. 1. Rights and protection against future expulsions. 2. Provide constitutional guarantees for the political, economic and cultural rights of the Muslim minority in the Northern Province so that upon their return they can live with self-respect and dignity. 3. Provide compensation for all forcibly evicted Muslims to enable them to have a fresh start with their lives. 4. Provision of necessary support for resettlement to not only those who were expelled but also to their descendents. 5. Provision for the refugees to choose not to return immediately to their homes. Those who wish to exercise this choice must be given viable alternatives
and compensation erties in the origin It should be no above-measures w of the peace negot of world. Interim Measure The present n courages Muslim i lies to return to the without waiting f from parties to the the parties involve tiations must gua sions to the displ have already begul respect, the follo necessary duringth with return: 1. The return must returnees adequa themselves. 2. Programs shoulc integrating Tamils 3. Economic assi people in Puttala should continue ur of self-reliance.
The problems gees gobeyond m Muslims of the No been voicing this time. The state an munity (NGOs) ha reduced their prob trative one focus camps. Hence, få critical issues facil have attributed t shortcomings to til of refugees and handouts. In adc policies have furi life and future pro affected people. lim refugees havi issue of the ethnic try.
As pointed ou process is to find tion to the ethnic into resolving the of the Northern genuine attempt lems of Muslim r ern Province will expulsion and its must be congratu sponsibility for 1 viting Muslims tc

15 DECEMBER 2002
for their lost propl places.
ed that many of the 're provided in most ations in other parts
-war situation endividuals and famirhouses in the north |r proper assurance conflict. Therefore, i in the peace negoantee above proviaced Muslims who their return. In this wing measures are e transition involved
be in stages to give te time to prepare
| be implemented for
and Muslims. stance to displaced m and other areas tilthey reach alevel
of the Muslim refuanaging their camps. rthern Province have
concern for a long d international comlve ignored them and lems to an adminising on running the illed to address the ng the refugees. They he reasons for their le purported laziness heir dependence on ition, their refugee her complicated the spects of these badly At the end, the Mus
become a forgotten conflict of the coun
earlier, if the peace ust and durable soluroblem, it has to look problems of Muslims Province as well. A t resolving the probinority of the Northhave to address their ftermath. The LTTE ated for admitting rehe expulsion and inreturn back to North
ern Province. The good will of the LTTE must go beyond words and prepare to accommodate grievances of Muslim refugees while trying to resolve the larger issues of ethnic conflict.
Equally, it is also the responsibility of the Tamil community of the Northern province in general, and the leaders and civil society in particular, to offer support and safety for those displaced Muslims who have opted to come back to live with them.
At the same time, the state has the ultimate responsibility in ensuring that the expelled northern Muslims gain socio-economic and political strength as an identifiable and distinct force in the North.
So far, the international community has been playing a positive role in resolving ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. The international community could allay the fears of smaller minorities such as the Muslims of the Northern Province by supporting the efforts towards peace with justice for all those who were affected by the ethnic conflict.
When will the Muslims go home?
If the present situation continues, Muslim refugees are not likely to return home in large numbers. They need to be certain of the protection accorded to them by the parties to the conflict, and by the constitution. Negotiating their protection is the responsibility of the state, the LTTE, and the Muslim political parties. More importantly, the international community, as peace facilitator and as a sponsor of resettlement and reconstruction of the war torn areas, should address the issues facing the Muslim refugees to find a durable and permanent solution. Courtesy: Lines-magazine, Nov 2002)
Dr. Hasbullah, Senior Lecturer, University of Peradeniya. He is the author of the book on the plight of the refugees entitled, Muslim Refugees:
Ethnic Conflict, Nuraicholai: Research and Action Forum for Social Development, 2001. He is a long time activist for the rights of displaced Muslims and was the president of the Northern Muslims' Rights Organization (NMRO). He is currently a Fulbright Scholar at George Washington University, Washington D.C. USA.

Page 27
15 OECEMBER 2002
Sri Lanka’s
In a new Report, Information Bulletin No.30, titled "The Cost of "Peace' and the Dividends of Terror: Sri Lanka's Nordic Winter?' released on December 3, the University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), assess the political negotiations to date and other key developments that may influence the future peace in Sri Lanka. The following is a summary of the report:
The Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE's funding meet with international donors on 25 November ended on a note of optimism. Hopes for the peace process were further buoyed by Tiger leader Prabhakaran's Martyrs' Day speech on November 27 that suggested a conditional renunciation of separatism. But, according of UTHR(J), the situation on the ground tells a different story. "Handshakes and smiles are no guarantee of goodwill and reconciliation as long as so many people in the North-East feel their rights are being suffocated and their existence threatened, and when almost nothing is being done to challenge the chauvinist ideologies on both sides that are at the root of the conflict.'
The Government and LTTE have shown no real commitment to human rights, said UTHRO). They are only tactical weapons to be used against the adversary when it suits them. At present the two parties are covering up for and propping up one another for their shortterm political survival. "The peace lobby hopes to “transform the LTTE from a military to a political organization, which is fine as far as it goes, but peace will not realized by ignoring the essential institutional nature of the LTTE and how ideology, glorification of suicide, repression and child soldiers hang together," the bulletin said. "Unless there is change at the LTTE's political core, its reliance on terror, war and, of necessity, child soldiers, will not change.
The Norwegians view their success as a matter of maintaining the ceasefire and have made regular claims of progress. This has allowed the LTTE to entrench in government-controlled areas. The SLMM’s inability to do anything decisive to stem. LTTE mistreat
ment of civilians in little to induce t greater caution. "E port progress. Bu ments can lead to ing irreversibly dan spokesman for UT try like Norway, w as a front-runner i child rights, legiti the interests of m
cause enormous pri There are grave in entire region. One is too late, Norway to real peace lies in ability from all the Sri Lankan state an in strategic appeas UTHR(J) exa made by the LTT servers as "concess peace process and c ground reality.
1. Administration
Anton Balasin; kok that the LTTE into the core issues need for an Interir the North-East.
In fact, the LTT expanded its contr ally controls the administrators, loc cational officers. It through the educa Batticaloa has disi Prabhakaran to be in lieu of the Head already has an a courts, administra prisons.
Recently, inst given to accomm administrative me{ cils in Jaffna. UTH a nСOVe tО СОrner Several councils resolutions conder the LTTE. The L ver of the adminis East to the exclusi ability is being aid Government.
 

TAM TIMES 27
those areas has done he Norwegians to veryone likes to ret mistaken assessdecisions encouraggerous trends,” said HR(J). "For a counshich portrays itself n human rights and mising repression in aking peace, could bblems in the future. mplications for the hopes that before it will see that the road demanding accountactors, especially the d the LTTE, and not ement."
mines statements E construed by obions' or gains in the :ompares them to the
of the North-East gham said in Bang
was "keen to move ' and did not see the m Administration in
TE has already vastly ol. In Jaffna it virtuSri Lankan Police, al councils and educontrols schools and tion department in tributed portraits of hung up in schools of State. The LTTE rmy, navy, police, itive structures and
ructions have been odate the LTTE in atings of local counIR(J) believes this is elected councillors. had earlier passed mening extortion by TTE's covert takeotration of the Northon of basic accounted and abetted by the
2. Respect for Democracy
After the second sitting of Thailand talks on 3rd November, Anton Balasingham said that the LTTE would "accept and assimilate' other political groups that operate in the North-East since it was the LTTE's intention to enter the political "mainstream'.
But attacks on Tamil opposition members by LTTE operatives have actually increased. The new weapon in vogue among these political cadre", complementing organised "people's protests', is the sword - a handy weapon to maim and intimidate if not to kill.
UTHR(J) notes that the right to organise politically, to speak out, to elect representatives and for schools and of fices to function normally are invaluable assets to a healthy peace process. To deny political parties the right to function independently and disseminate opinion strikes at the heart of basic rights, security and dignity of the ordinary individual.
The Norwegians bear a large measure of responsibility for the MoU that conferred on the LTTE an air of legitimacy with no obligation to disavow their past. The MOU gave the LTTE access to government controlled areas for political work' with no reciprocity conceded to other political groups, and declared the Tamil opposition parties "paramilitaries' to be disarmed. In all recent cases of attacks by the LTTE on its political rivals, complaints were duly made to the Police, in which the attackers were named. The Police took no action. And while the SLMM immediately called for a commission of inquiry when two LTTE men were beaten up in Kayts, it has chosen to remain silent on the LTTE's continuing attacks on the EPDP in Delft and elsewhere or the disappearance of four persons from the EPRLF (V). The message coming from Norway is that the opposition is a nuisance to the kind of peace they want.
The LTTE's thuggery has not stopped with political opponents. Victims include the Hartley College principal and Balasubramania Kurukkal, a Hindu priest who had met the President a yearago 3. Child Soldiers
The LTTE claims that it does not recruit children and has only temporary custody of children who left their homes on their own and sought their care. In November, Anton Balasingham repeated the claim first made by Prabhakaran on 10 April that many of the LTTE's child soldiers have been

Page 28
28 TAMILTIMES
released to their parents.
The reality is that while token releases of children have been made for publicity, many others have been escaping from the "Eelam Army', and children have continually been conscripted. The LTTE has tortured recaptured escapees as punishment andhas held parents or siblings of escapees. The UTHR(J) Bulletin 30 lists thirty-eight cases of conscription and escape from the month of October alone.
The LTTE has for some time been bringing local and international NGOs effectively under its control. Veiled warnings have been given to those NGOs who persisted in keeping their independence or tried to take up the issue of child soldiers. So far the LTTE has not responded to specific complaints on conscription raised by the SLMM in Batticaloa. Further, as recently as October end, the orders were to go on with conscription. The LTTE representatives on the LMC have resisted the position of others that these complaints fall within the purview of the SLMM. In signing the MoU, the LTTE agreed to respect International Law, and it is unlawful for the LTTE to hold persons against their will, more especially those who are underage.
UTHR(J) asks: Is the LTTE serious in its commitment not to recruit children or at least not to take them in forcibly? Is it serious about its pledge to discharge child soldiers and restore them to their families; or, do child soldiers remain an important component of its "army' to maintain a show of 'strength' against the Government?
4. Rehabilitation -
The Government and the LTTE have agreed to set up three sub-committees including one to canvas funds from foreign donors and undertake the rehabilitation of the North-East. Clearly, while there may be commercial opportunities for some government ministers and their agents in Colombo, the actual control on the ground will be exercised by the LTTE. After the second session of Thailand talks on 3rd
November, An commended thei Refugees Organ which the LTTE from donors.
The TRO, an zation, collected abroad supposedl people in Sri Lar tions whether this ally delivered, gi LTTE deprived ev of government rat long been allege LTTE controls th tions and Villag Sevakas or GSs) of the LTTE and Many GSs too h selves at the exp Most essential g subjected to LTTE toms check when continues to be m Katunayake Inte Items taken for p carefully taxed. I buckets sent for ri bilitation Ministr cated by the LTT Any process t opment and rehab where the people ies must also proj the rule of law. edly pointed outt on violent repress be a bitter oppor Placing such a fo! bilitation would tion and tyranny.
Justice North ar
Justice for Ta in both the North Several magistri struggle to preser and lawyers do represent the inte favour with the North-East, how blance of judicia it comes to the lutely no prospel
75047
EMERGENCYTRA
 
 

5 DECEER 2.
on Balasingham
NGO, the Tamil zation (TRO), for hoped to get funds
ЛТЕ front organihoney from Tamils to assist displaced ka. UTHR(J) quesassistance was actuen the fact that the en internal refugees ons. Corruption has i. Even today, the 2 distribution of raHeadmen (Grama :arry out the wishes repare inflated lists. ve enriched themense of the people. ods continue to be “taxation.' The cusentering LTTE areas ore rigorous than at :rnational Airport. Iersonal use too are tems such as plastic fugees by the Rehay are simply confisE. that advances develilitation in any sense would be beneficiarmote democracy and JTHR(J) has repeathat a force that relies ion must necessarily ent of these values. ce in charge of rehainvite misappropria
d South mils remains elusive -East and the South. tes in the South do fe their independence rave intimidation to rests of clients out of owers that be. In the ver, there is no semindependence when TTE. There is absot of finding a lawyer
to represent a victim of the LTTE or to argue against a line laid down by the LTTE.
The Tamil papers recently serialized the long delayed court hearings into the Army’s Mahilantanai massacre - a gruesome affair largely involving elders and children. The other papers had little to say about it. The High Court verdict on the Mahilanthanai Massacre of 1992 was a travesty and can only reinforce the view among the Tamils that the judicial system is hopelessly biased against them. The case had been plagued by cover-ups and delays lasting ten years before being heard in the Colombo High Court. In spite of solid and numerous eyewitness accounts by persons who weathered ten years of poverty, loss and intimidation to see the case through, an all Sinhalesespeakingjury, deliberated for five hours before returning a unanimous verdict of "not guilty,” on all counts. For the families of the 35 dead and the witnesses who were themselves victims it has been an unconscionable ordeal of ten years at the end of which justice was denied.
As yet, official semi-official reports exonerating the security forces for their actions at Kanjirankudah and Trincomalee where the victims were Tamil civilians have not been challenged for their glaring deficiencies. The outcome of these episodes has left even very moderate Tamils in these areas feeling very disturbed and helpless. If this is the kind of justice the Tamils receive during a peace process, what hope is there for them if war resumes?
The PTA, which guided police behaviour from 1979, made it insensitive to the rule of law and the rights of the citizen. Its even older ethnic bias created humiliation and insecurity for the ordinary Tamil people. Like every arm of state apparatus, which has shown no qualitative change in character over the years, the Police too could readily be manipulated and used by the LTTE when it has the blessing of the ruling
party.
It is notable that while the LTTE is
VEL ONLY) )-SRI LANKA
SOUTH INDIA -SINGAPORE

Page 29
15 DECEMBER 2002
urging various groups, and rightly, to have the Government repeal the PTA and release all LTTE detainees, it is holding an estimated 700 people incommunicado in complete travesty of International Law. The need for these repressive structures gives us an idea of the kind of social order that is being installed under the guise of peace.
Dangerous developments in the South ッ
The middle ground in the South has disappeared. There is a definite turn towards supposing that only the rights of the Sinhalese and Muslims have been placed in jeopardy by this peace process. Statements from the PA opposition and the President too have tended in this direction and are aimed at cornering the Government rather than helping to solve the problem. In this climate the Tamils are being closely identified with the LTTE and are spoken of as though they not only have a surfeit of rights, but are “getting their Eelam” at the expense ofeveryone else. The other camp in the South is that of peace activists. They do not discuss the rights and wrongs of the Tamil problem, but largely identify peace with appeasing the LTTE.
There is little acknowledgement that the Tamils were victims state-instigated or state-approved violence over many years. Newspaper articles are frequently recounting instances of violence against Sinhalese and Muslims by the Tigers, while pretending that its counterpart - the many times more severe and far more culpable attacks on Tamil civilians by the State - did not exist.
Civil society in the South has singularly failed to exercise a corrective influence on the peace process by lobbying on issues that have long concerned Tamil civilians. Among these are institutional changes to ensure that the security forces act impartially and become sensitive to the fact that they are also meant to serve and protect Tamils. Nothingtangible has been done to enhance the dignity and security of Tamils and in the event of war it will be back to square one. The peace process has been left hostage to the whims of the Tigers and the elusive restraints the International Community might apply on them.
Wη
Depart
Federalism i ment where two exist, each sove jurisdiction. Th level takes care that are commo country while th ernment (provir has jurisdiction are of local conc be contrasted to of political sy (sometimes call Canada) and cor unitary system i. fact that sovere sively with the and that local they exist, are e to the central confederal syst tirely resides wi and the central been created iss In a confederatic ber-states have of their sovereig of the union at a system borrows the other two sy tary system it ad central governm sovereign pow. from the confed ciple that the loc preserved for th ereign powers.
Distribution of
This is why federalism is the ereignty betwee ernment in sucl level is entirely other. Federalis in countries tha of climate, geog guage, culture a pecially suited multicultural sta serve these chal tem is also foun

TAM TIMES 29
Claude Bélanger
ment of History, Marianopolis College Quebec, Canada
s a system of governlevels of government reign in its sphere of e federal or central of all of those things in to the whole of the le other level of govcial, state or canton) over those things that ern. Federalism is to the other two types 'stems: the unitary 'd legislative union in federal systems. The scharacterised by the ignty resides exclucentral government governments, when ntirely subordinated
authority. In the em, sovereignty enth the member-states government that has ubordinated to them. bn, because the memretained the entirety nty, they may pull out any time. The federal
some features from stems: from the uniopts the idea that the lent must have some ers while it retains eral system the prinal governments have emselves some sov
soveregnty the main feature of ! distribution of sovn two levels of gova way that neither subordinated to the m is usually adopted t display differences raphy, religion, lanid economies; it is esor multinational and tes that wish to preacteristics. The sysl in countries that are
too large for a single government to handle. Essentially, the federal arrangement, or compact, is the result of conflicting pressures among its constituting parts. On the one hand, groups have found good reasons to join with others and to form with them a new political entity; this is often done for defence (they may fear some common enemy), or for economic reasons, as joining with others may enhance their hopes of prosperity; sometimes, there has been in the past common experience of union together and, always, there are some common shared values. On the other hand, the same groups who wish to unite find equally good reasons to remain apart perhaps because they have had a long heritage of self-government that they do not wish to forsake, or because they take pride in their group distinctiveness and wish to retain their individuality.
Federalism is so designed as to reconcile these conflicting feelings. The groups will agree to come together on those things that they deem to be in their mutual interest, and entrust to the central government power to act in all such cases while, at the same time, they will continue to exist separately and retain for themselves full power over the things that they wish to continue to control and which are usually related to their individuality. This is why federalism has sometimes been described, in a broad sense, as an organisational system that unites separate groups within a single political system so as to permit each group to maintain its fundamental political integrity. Thus, es
sentially, the federal system is
adopted where it is felt that the preservation of the individuality and separateness of the constituent parts is as important as the preservation of the nation as a whole. In some circumstances, it might even be argued that the preservation of the nation as a whole is dependent on the mainte

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30 AMILTIMES
nance of the constituent parts: one would not exist if the other was not guaranteed.
Distribution of power
Thus, federalism is the result of centralising and decentralising forces which are at play at the time of the formation of the union and which continue to affect the union long af. ter the system has been created. When the reasons to come together are extremely powerful, the tendency is to entrust the central government with large and extensive powers, indeed to make it the "main' government. When the reasons to remain apart are stronger than the reasons to come together, the result will be that the local governments will be entrusted with the largest powers. Each federation finds its balance somewhere along the line and the resulting distribution of power between the two levels of government is witness to the respective strength of the centralising and decentralising forces at the time of the union. So long as some sover
eignty is deposit government, then a federal system. is no standard di since each count balance between decentralising fo spect, no two c alike. Thus, comp distribution of pc tems of differen less to determine and can only be u adequately wheth tem is more centr Yet, notwithstanc remains a certain tribution of pow tions. At a minim ernment will re signs of sovereig treaties and defe powers of an int provincial nature given an autono) rest is subjected
gaining and pow ultimate outcom
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d in each level of we are dealing with in federations there (ribution of powers y must find its own he centralising and ces and, in this reountries are quite arisons between the wers in federal sys
countries are usetheir federal nature ed to measure more drone's federal sysalist than others are. ing the above, there , pattern in the disers in most federaum, the central govceive the external nty (foreign affairs, nce) and economic ernational or inter; each level is also mous tax base. The to a process of barer allocation whose e is determined by
the respective strength of the centralising and decentralising forces at the time of the union.
The Canadian case
In Canada's case, federalism was, without a doubt, the result of pressures from Quebec, and to a lesser extent of the Maritime colonies. Quebec wished to share with the other colonies in the development and the resources of the continent; the province also desired to gain access to the market of the other provinces and to achieve the security that a larger union would provide for all. Quebecers were not unmoved by visions of creating, in the northern half of the continent, a vast dominion which they would share with their anglophone compatriots. But, at the same time, Quebec greatly feared the minority position in which a unitary state would have placed it. The people of Quebec took pride in their separateness, in their sense of nationality. They wished to preserve their faith, their language, their laws and their
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15 DECEMBER 2002
culture, all essential constitutingelements of their distinctiveness, of their existence as a separate people; above anything else, these components they wished to preserve and to safeguard in the future. Ultimately, they thought that their separate or distinct existence would be best assured by joining together with the other provinces in a union that recognised and supported their autonomy. For better or for worse, they believed that the survival of French Canada was linked to the creation of a federal system, that as long as Canada would continue to exist that French Canada would also continue to survive.
Diffusion of power
It has been said that federalism, if applied properly, is incompatible
with dictatorship as dictatorship im- .
plies the absolute control of power by one somewhere while federalism diffuses power between various units. Federalism also denies the application of simple majority rule since the purpose offederations is to recognise that the rights of small units have to be acknowledged and respected. In essence, by creating local units, and empowering them with sovereignty, the federal system creates a majority out of what would have been otherwise a minority; such a group can adopt for itself the legislation that it desires to assure its own survival and development. The federal system is difficult and costly to operate; it frequently leads to tension but provides, as well, the mechanism to resolve these.
The main features
It is a system particularly suited for large and diverse countries where cultural, religious and linguistic differences are pronounced. It makes of peoples, who might otherwise be strangers, if not enemies, partners in development and allows them to coexist in peace while learning from one another.
Main features of federalism The following are the main features of federalism: 1. Two levels of government created
and protected by with sovereignty
from above, nor fr tributed between
fashion by the Col 2. Neither level of tirely subordinatec has powers and th by the Constitutio 3. Supremacy rest
tion. Formal chan
position, or powel government cann one level alone, b some form of mu method for effect (amendments) is o stitution. 4. Both levels of legislation affecti zens; the central laws in certain fi (or possibly part) provincial govern lation on other su dents of their resp 5. The legislation government can people of their pr law does not have traterritoriality. 6. Overlapping o called "grey are: within a federal s overlapping exists determine, in the C of the two levels prevail if the laws tradiction. 7. Federal constit least, partly writt cation of fields of clear and guarant( tions are also saic for the most part more than a simp legislatures to cha 8. Jurisdictional di two levels of gove upon formally by stitutional court. its existence guar stitution. Ordinari also beyond the ( level of governme 9. Disputes may a bypassing the cou
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31 TAMINES ܚܝ
the Constitution, stemming neither om below, but disthe two, in some 1stitution.
government is ento the other; each ese are guaranteed
. is in the Constituges in the relative 's, of each level of ot be achieved by ut are subjected to utual consent; the ing such changes utlined in the Con
government enact ing the same citigovernment enact elds for the whole of the country; the ment enacts legisbjects for the resiective provinces.
of the provincial only apply to the ovince. Provincial : the power of ex
f jurisdiction (soas”) is inevitable ystem. When such , there is a need to onstitution, which of legislation shall ; are found in con
utions must be, at en so that the alloiurisdiction is made ed. Such constitul to be rigid since, , it would require le majority of the Inge it. sputes between the rnment are decided a Supreme or ConSuch a Court finds anteed in the Conily, such a court is :ontrol of any one }nt. lso be resolved by rt system if the two
levels of government so desire; the issues can be resolved politically or administratively through processes and institutions of intergovernmental co-operation. 10.The interests of the member-states in a federation are not only protected by a formal distribution of power, guaranteed by the constitution, but, as well, by some form of local representation in the institutions of the central government. In Canada, this is done in the Senate and, to a lesser extent, in the distribution of federal cabinet positions. Where local interest is not well represented in the institutions and processes of the central government, the role of the provincial governments, to carry out that task, is that much more emphasised and important. 11. Each level of government is not only allocated a list of fields of jurisdiction but, as well, given autonomous revenue sources to finance its operations. A government without revenues of its own, would not really be a sovereign entity. 12. Each of the two levels of government has substantially complete governing institutions with power to modify these unilaterally. 13. Federal countries, especially lately, have developed elaborate structures and devices of intergovernmental co-operation, blurring increasingly the division of powers that should separate them. In the process they have multiplied "grey areas” and rendered it difficult for citizens to determine who is responsible precisely for what. Such intergovernmental bodies, frequently working in the background, away from the scrutiny of the public, have lessened the control which citizens wish to have over the system.
14. Some federations, such as Canada, have developed, through the existence of the central government, an elaborate system through which the wealthy regions contribute substantially for the support of the less
fortunate parts of the country. In
Canada's case, this is done through the equalization payments and shared costs programmes.
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32 TAM TIMES
M E
“Thus he dar thus did he suc
The Skantha Varodaya College Old Students Association, Colombo, commemorated the Birth Centenary of Orator CSubramaniam 7 December 2002 at the Colombo Tamil Sangam Hall with a large audience. Mr. Santasilan Kadirgamar delivered the keynote address. Professors. Thillainathan, Sandrasegeram and Puvanarajan, the current Principal of the College Mr Sivaji, the editor of the Tamil daily "Thinakkural 'Mr. Sivanesachelyan, and Mr Thirumurugan, a teacher at the College also spoke making reference to the enormous contribution made my the late Mr Subramaniam to the College and the wider community.
In Toronto, Canada, a book titled "The Life and Times of Orator C. Subramaniam', edited by his son Mr S. Kanthasamy containing a large number of articles and historical material, was released on 1 November 2002 at a function organised to commemorate his birth сетteтary.
The following are excerpts from Mr Kadirgamar's address in Colombo on 7 December 2002:
In my student days the name Orator was a well-known name and I count several friends among the Old Students of Skantha Varodaya College. Though having seen him and heard him on some occasions my first meeting with him took place under rather unusual circumstances sometime in the early sixties. As a lecturer at Jaffna College I once accompanied the cricket team to Skanda. Orator had got his wife to prepare a substantial lunch for his good friend R.J.Thurairajah, the Physical Director at Jaffna College, and was deeply disappointed that his good friend for some reason was not present. He got hold of me young as I was and said, "Your father and I were friends. You will have to take Thurairajah's place.” I hesitated. What was I to talk with this great educationist with whom I had little in common. He grabbed me and took me home for lunch with a few others present. It was a kind of new experience for me. But that was his way of making friends with young and old.
Orator was Chairman of the Handy Perinbanayagam Commemoration Committee that compiled and released the
volume at a very li ing in June 1980, i College Hall. That time the surviving all prominent giga later life gatheredt of their lives. Sena member of the YC speaker-he was se spoke for 90 minu speakers including the late Prof. Kailas to cut short our sp minutes each.
Personal relatic with Orator were p work we did tog Sabaratnam and A putting together nayagam Commer cluding the Histor gress which I auth have been able to help of these three And what an ex ing with these mer the English languag of word and phra minds, attention to ment to permanent comradeship and b pleasantness of m humour and anecd their friendliness a ing so much time v like me - these ar enriched my life. I self the question have men of that q in Jaffna for decad qualities character gress generation.
The Jaffna Yout That brings m my presentation t Jaffna Youth Cor theme I have des history of the JYC which is due to bi Tamil and possib time next year. It on when I de Perinbanayagam ration lecture in has considerable c going by the num

15 DECEMBER22
ed, leed”
gely attended meet| the Vembadi Girls' was possibly the last members of the YCntic personalities in gether in the evening or Nadesan a former himself was the chief carried away that he tes and all the other Orator, Sabaratnam, apathi and myself had seches to a mere five
nships apart my links imarily bound by the ether with Messrs. .S.Kanagaratnam in the Handy Perinbanoration Volume iny of the Youth Conored - but would not complete without the gentlemen.
perience it was work1 - their command of ge - impeccable choice se, their razor sharp details, their commitvalues, their spirit of bnhomie, geniality and inners, their sense of ital reminiscences and nd humility in spendwith a younger person memories that have have often asked mywhether we will ever uality and genre again s to come. These were stic of the Youth Con
Congress
to the main theme of day — Orator and the gress. The above is a loped in writing the - a revised edition of published in English, y in Sinhalese somealso a theme I dwelt ivered the Handy entenary Commemo99. It is a theme that ntemporary relevance 'ous requests I get for
a copy of the book and explanations of what happened in Jaffna in the 1920s and 30s.
Orator was among others a found
ing member of the Jaffna Youth Congress. He close friendship and shared ideals with Handy Perinbanayagam until the end made him virtually the deputy leader though there were no such official titles. He survived all his contemporaries to the ripe old age of 92 with the exception of Mr. Duraisingam of the Communist Party and longtime resident in Hultsdorf, who recently migrated to Africa. A teenager of that time who observed what happened and still living is George Gnanamuthu.
Founded in 1924 as the Jaffna Students' Congress remained a potent force in the political and cultural life of the Tamils for over a decade. From the very beginning the SC had an all-Island perspective, rose above parochialism of any sorts, was committed to national unity, political independence, and the social, cultural and economic betterment of the whole of Lanka. A conscious effort was made to embrace young people of all races, creeds and castes. The aims of the congress were clearly laid down in the resolutions passed at the very first sessions in 1924.
JYC Aims
The aims of the Congress were that its members should work for the betterment of the motherland, that no distinction be made on religious or racial grounds, that annual sessions consist of representatives from all races and creeds, that no sectarian issues be raised, that members strive to remove the curse of untouchability, to cultivate the study of national literature, art and music and to develop and promote writings and publications in the national languages offiction, history, biographies and works in the sciences. It was resolved following Gandhian practices to patronise as far as possible locally manufactured goods and eschew foreign products. Though no resolution was made on dress the above resolution implied the wearing of the national dress, preferably khaddar. Several members of the Youth Congress Orator included wore the national dress for the rest of their lives. The others did so as frequently as possible. Some of these men had discarded their western attire, as students, in the Gandhi led bonfire of western clothes in 1921.
The name change from Students' Congress to Youth Congress took place at the 1930 sessions. In 1931 the YC reached its zenith in moulding public opinion in Jaffna. The Youth Congress tradition lasted well into the 1940s and

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5 DECEMBER 2002
several of its members never gave up the ideals the YC stood for to the end of their lives. Orator's life and service is a standing testimony to this character oftheYC. Eminent scholars, educationists, writers and persons with cultural attainments delivered lectures at the annual session and meetings of the YC. These included prominent personalities from India such as Gandhi, Nehru, Rajaji, Satyamurti, Kalyanasundra Mudaliyar and Kamaladevi Chattopadyaya. At practically every session Sinhalese young men who were to become future political leaders graced the occasion with their presence and 'speeches. These included D. B. Jayatileke, P. de S. Kularatne, George E. de Silva, E. W. Perera, Francis de Zoysa K.C., C.E. Corea, and S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. Even J.R. Jayewardene is known to have participated at one meeting. Leaders from other communities included T.B.Jayah and Peri Sundaram. In later years prominent leaders from the left movement such as Dr. N. M. Perera, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, Leslie Goonewardene, Selina Perera and others appeared on the YC platform. Among Tamil participants were many notable scholars, teachers, writers and persons involved in public life. The list consisting of a galaxy of personalities is too long to be included here. It was the YC that invited Gandhi to visit Ceylon in 1927. Indian High Commissioner Gopalkrishna Gandhi has in his book "Gandhi and Sri Lanka 1905-47' published this year has covered once again the momentous visit by Gandhi to Ceylon and Jaffna in particular.
The idealistic generation
The one-time members of the JYC were deeply influenced by events in India, which in the 1920s was leading Asia and Africa in the struggle against European imperialism. It was an exciting period in Asian history and the youth of that time were fired by ideals and had great visions for the future. It was the era of Gandhi and Nehru who in turn had imbibed the legacies of the Asokan tradition, the reform and revivalist movements associated with Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ramakrishna and Vivekananda. This is a tradition based on compassion and understanding among persons of all faiths, the pursuit of reality without narrow bigotry, inclusiveness as against exclusivenessand we will do well to remind ourselves totally rejected the intolerance and violence that is endemic today.
The Youth Congress sought to be an essential part of this historic movement that had global dimensions. There took place a worldwide awakening of peoples who had lost their freedom leading to
movements that sł pire. For the young it was in that daw belonged to that id youth that left beh recall today. In thei on to these ideals.
The YC was ni never aspired to be members of the YC tempt for power p gains and deals le. vancement. But th cerned and involved
ment.
They were a g who made a vital c ofeducation, and til life of not only Jaf this country but tc which they right served with distinc markable contribut gentsia and shape whole generation ( stamp of the Youth in the men of this come under its infl In the 1930s th country by the Yo! tionalists in the S united Lanka. The fully committed to ism. Hence when to the men who o Youth Congress mc in the country, a se illusionment.
Orator and the 19
It is possible to and the ideals he s quotes from the sp annual sessions of was the period wil schools had becom concern. The Peni vided between the sisted children fron being seated on be sis with the other ( firmly committedt ity Tamils. The i agenda of the annu in 1930. They were at the Training Inst Mr.Shivapathasunc and revered by the his profound know tures and his deep of his forbears, was to join the Congre president.” (A.M.A
Orator was Ch tion Committee, W executive head oft

TAMIL TIMES 33
ook the British Emmen of Jaffna “bliss to be alive.” Orator ealistic generation of ind a legacy that we r later years they held
bt a political party. It come one. In fact the hadnothingbut conolitics involving barlding to personal adey were deeply conlin politics as a move
eneration of leaders ontribution to the task he social and political fina and the Tamils of the whole Island to fully belonged and tion. They made a reion to Jaffna's intelli:d the thinking of a »f men. The indelible Congress was evident generation who had leCe, e ideal set before the uth Congress and naouth was a free and Youth Congress was a Ceylonese national1956 came it brought ince belonged to the ore than to anyone else nse of defeat and dis
30 Sessions sum up - Orator’s role tood for by extensive beech he made at the the YC in 1930. This hen equal seating in he a matter of major nsula was deeply disonservatives who re1 the oppressed castes nches on an equal bahildren. The YC was ojustice to the minorssue was top on the al sessions of the YC : scheduled to be held itute at Thirunelvely. lram "much respected Hindus of Jaffna for tledge of their scripdevotion to the faith persuaded not merely ss but to become its ...Azeez.) airman of the Recephich in effect meant he YC for the year. In
his address he dealt with three points. Cultural Renaissance, Untouchability and its related problem of Equal Seating in Schools, and Youth and Politics.
In calling for the mother tongue to be given a prominent place in the school curriculum and to be given its due place as the medium of instruction he had this to say: "Speaking as a teacher to fellow teachers, I would say that we are guilty of a heinous crime in willingly assisting and stunting their intellectual growth and rendering them more and more effeminate by putting a severe strain on their nervous energy. If there is a tendency in our students to look down upon everything Eastern, the fault lies not in them but in the education we are giving them. A system that is day-by-day sapping the lifeblood of our students' He demanded that the mother tongue be made compulsory for all public examinations, and that the standard of question papers set for these examinations be raised appreciably high.
Secondly, he rejected the efforts made by some Hindus to give a religious sanction to the caste system. It was first a foremost a question of social justice. He stressed that the removal of disabilities suffered by the oppressed classes was an essential condition for political unity - since efforts were being made by the leaders of the oppressed castes to seek the protection of the alien British bureaucracy - the same bureaucrats who kept the whole nation in bondage. Unless efforts were made to eradicate caste oppression, all talk about renaissance, freedom, spiritual rebirth and national heritage were futile.
And thirdly on behalf of the YC he claimed the right of young people to participate in politics especially in the cause of the country's freedom. "If by politics is meant the game of adjustments and compromises, then play upon passions and prejudices, the art of having one eye upon the next elections and the other on the good graces of the government then the YC disdains to have anything to do with it." He added, "the YC was the only body in the north that firmly stood for the abolition of communal representation, and as such we are not at all interested in the number of seats the North gets in the
new State Council; for in an assembly of
over sixty members, it does not matter whether the North gets three seats or six seats. Mutual trust and goodwill alone will lead to national unity and this cannot be realised while we are scrambling for seats.
The fight is a common fight against the bureaucracy that holds us in economic, cultural, and political bondage and

Page 34
34 TAM TIMES
this fight cannot be sustained as long as one section of the country is coquetting with the government for its own ends.”
In fact the men of the Congress had contempt for the politics of seeking elections to the legislative assembly and state council under British hegemony. In its choice of presidents the Congress took infinite care to exclude the mere politician.
Now seventy-two years later we hear these words "mutual trust and goodwill' repeatedly stressed from Colombo to the Vanni, Thailand and Norway. What may have this country been if only both the Tamils and Sinhalese had listened to such prophetic voices.
Principal, Skanda Varodaya College
Some twenty years later as Principal of Skanda he was able to put into practice some of the core ideals he stood for in his youthful days - especially in the sphere of education and social justice. According to A.S.Kanagaratnam - Skanda Varodaya, of all the Colleges in Jaffna became a school of the people. I quote below comments made by three teachers who served in later years under Orator in Skantha.
"History indeed was in the making when he threw open the gates of Skantha Varodaya to the children of the so-called "depressed” classes, and in so doing he was putting into effect what he was preaching in the days of the YC ..." (S.Rajasingam)
"He was more than a teacher. In him we see the zeal of a social reformer and spirit of a patriot... a true nationalist. A fair number of students from Sinhalese homes were given admission by him to Skanda. In the person of Rev.Gunaratna Thero, our Principal appointed to the staff of Skanda "a true Sinhalese teacher'. In his own way the Principal created a national atmosphere at Skanda.” (V.Ponnambalam)
" Mr.Subramaniam ... fired with a vision and purpose ... a man of guts and conviction ... was a natural and spontaneous part of a voice of liberal thinking that blew across the peninsula during the 20s and 30s under the flag of the JYC." (N.S.Kandiah)
When he became Principal in 1944 he inherited a small village school with 291 pupils, 13 teachers, 15 classrooms and a small playground. When he retired in 1962, there were 2050 pupils, 220 of whom were residents, 61 teachers, 57 classrooms, extensive playing fields, fully equipped laboratories for chemistry, physics, botany and Zoology, a dormitory to accommodate 250 residents and other amenities of a modern school. Re
sults in public exa formly good every pils entered the Un highest number amo third in the Island th in sports too. The Super Grade in 195 College and Jaffna
“... In the per school had sent ab University of Ceylol formedicine, engin Orator’s own wor Mahajana College,
The achievemen - village schools v from scratch, fully using the perniciou ardization for select if the schools in bac been well equipp teachers, who wor and gave of their b. lage boys and girls well or better that schools. (Extracts of Orator C.Subran nary Volume 2002,
A Legacy of the Yo "The achieveme gress lay in the cult fields and in the era abilities. The eleva guage to a place of Jaffna as early as th tice of having lect Tamil on not merel but on secular anc well, began with the young men of Jaffn cated restored natic and dress to a plac cial life of the com
"Above all out came a generation ( administrators and Their efforts in th century made it p enjoy the pre-emin cupies in the sph schools that coulc nation These mer smooth transition : as the medium of ties and fifties wit standards, this ha major reforms tha had advocated all
"The influence persisted most t Province Teacher All Ceylon Union one time members championed the c cation, for a natic

15 DECEMBER 22
ıinations were uniear. In 1961, 49 puversity of Ceylon - gJaffna schools and at year. We did well chool was raised to 7, along with Jaffna
indu College. od of 15 years his ut 400 pupils to the , most of whom were ering and science. In ls "Our neighbour, had done likewise.
of these two schools hich started almost prove that instead of sprinciple of standion to the university, ward rural areas had d and staged with ked conscientiously est to pupils, the vilwould have done as those in Colombo rom Life and Times maniam, Birth centeEd.S.Kanthaswamy.)
uth Congress Ints of the Youth Conural and educational dication of social distion of the Tamil lanhonour happened in e twenties. The pracures and meetings in y subjects of interest political matters as Youth Congress. The a though English edunal customs, festivals of honour in the somunity. of the Youth Congress fiteachers, principals, builders of schools. mid-decades of this ossible for Jaffna to ent position that it ocre of education with be the pride of any steered through the rom English to Tamil nstruction in the forminimum damage to ing been one of the the Youth Congress long." of the Youth Congress rough the Northern Association and the f Teachers. Here the of the Youth Congress mpaign for free edu|al system of schools
and for Swabasha. Formidable opponents of the government's control of teachers, these men did assert that education was the responsibility of the state, though not necessarily a monopoly of the state. The remained committed to the role that education could play in the social advance of the country. They remained a dedicated band of teachers nationalist to the core... they brought qualities of integrity and sincerity to the several public causes to which they gave of their time and talents." (S.Kadirgamar, The Jaffna Youth Congress, Handy Perinbanayagam Memorial Volume, Thirumagal Press, Chunnakam, 1980)
The Rights of Teachers
Orator was second to none in his commitment to the rights of teachers. "It is sometimes embarrassing” wrote A.S.Kanagaratnam "for a principal to get mixed up in "Trade Union Politics' ... but Mr. Subramaniam does not appear to have been ever afflicted by this inhibitive process. To the very end of his career he held fast to his Trade Union Principles, nor ever found it difficult to reconcile his administrative duties with his loyalty to his union. When the N.P.T.A. took up the cause of teachers who were being squeezed out of some private schools during the early years of the take over, Mr.Subramaniam was able to accommodate some of them in his staff, to the great relief of the Union and certainly of the administration.” “A.S.Kanagaratnam, A Garland of Tributes to Mr.C.Subramaniam on his 90th Birthday, Toronto 1992.)
I have distinct memories of the takeover of schools. At Jaffna College the liberal traditions of the YC were deeply rooted at least until sometime in the 1960s. Even here the first act of the Board of Directors was to eject four teachers, all Hindus, as the College went private and non-fee levying in 1962. We teachers felt deeply betrayed. I had the honour jointly with a colleague of moving a resolution calling for their immediate reinstatement which was carried unanimously by the Round Table our equivalent of a trade union. Two teachers returned. Two refused having been deeply humiliated and opted to serve in government schools. The Board had no alternative but to bring them back. How myopic and lacking in social justice and compassion cana Board of Directors be?
In Orator’s own words we have this narrative that reveal the secret of his success. “We wished to impart in Skantha as good an education as that in the big schools to which the poor pupils in our area had not the means to go. We ap

Page 35
15 DECEMBER 2002
pointed efficient, qualified teachers. At one time we did not have a good physics teacher. I heard that one Durairajah at St.John's College was a good physics. I offered a special post to him and made him join us. He did excellent work but after some years, he lost his sight completely. I kept him for eight months longer, so that he might complete the ten years required for a pension. He proved a better teacher after he lost his sight and the pupils wanted him. I allowed him to continue in spite of petitions against my action. He retired long after I retired.”
Courage and Love for Fellowman
That kind of compassion and the courage one does not hear of these days - not even in private schools where a degree offlexibility is possible where the high principles of love and compassion proclaimed from pulpits are not translated into practice. The parlous state to which private colleges have been reduced in spite of all the foreign and private funds that are poured in is a judgment on the shortsightedness on power obsessed boards and managements that know little of what education is all about and bring to it the values of the marketplace. A.M.A.Azeez, one time distinguished principal of Zahira College, Colombo and also for a period President of the Head Master's Conference had this to say about Orator, "During the period of nearly two decades when Orator was guided the destinies of the college, there were greater changes in the educational field than there had been during the fifteen decades preceding... he solved these problems to the satisfaction of the pupils, staff, parents and posterity. He earned the ungrudging enthusiasm of every fellow Principal. Thus did Orator dare, Thus did he succeed." (Garland of Tributes.)
“The ethos of the school,” wrote Orator." had always been to help pupils from poor disadvantaged homes. But Kandiah Upathiyayar's help did not extend to certain social groups like the minority Tamils who were denied admission to Hindu English schools in Jaffna. With blessings of the Founder and the manager, Skantha opened its doors to them. This was a courageous step in an area where people were obsessed with caste prejudices.”
"This is the kind of courage God gave me to serve Skantha,” wrote Orator in later years.
Lessons to be learnt
In Commemorating Orator’s Birth
Centenary there are l for our times - relev those concerned wit country and in warto lar. The days when eminence in educati end. And here I mea entrance results but cation in its truest sen our schools young m a command of both lish languages, and ' age to stand-up for s justice and democrat We need independen are inspired by the tra was the hallmark of It is not for me to cipals and teachers ( who have lived throu at tremendous person But if I may expres: older generation the be faced - to restore t standards that prevai mid-decades of this c. education that is fre of the tutory system. by finding commit training them as teach well. The school is p nity of students, teach community. The les though not all, memb board of directors ar the better. They strut egos and have littlet cal culture being wh try we can expect li
Dec 11 - A top the Liberation Tige land at the invitation there to study the co tem, officials said. tion met with seni Swiss government.
Following the ag Oslo previous week government - on int nation in the Tamil based on a federal st delegation, led by Negotiator and polit Balasingham flew ta Norway. The head litical wing, Mr. S. Special Commander Karuna were also

TAMILTIMES 35
essons we can learn ant and vital to all h education in this rn Jaffna in particuJaffna enjoyed preon have come to an not just University a values based eduse-sending out from en and women with the Tamil and Engwho have the courocial and economic c and human rights. t minded youth who dition of dissent that the JYC.
give advice to Prinof schools in Jaffna gh this terrible war al costand sacrifice. the feelings of an re is a challenge to he high educational led in Jaffna in the entury- an all round from the shackles It can only be done ted young people, ers and paying them brimarily a commuhers, parents and the s said about many, ers of managements, ld state bureaucrats around with inflated o contribute. Politiat it is in this counttle from the state.
Private schools and their managements are no better. And the so-called international schools have turned their back on the national languages and cultures and are likely to produce a generation of youngsters that will only widen the gap between the haves and have-nots in this country. In our time in our schools, while the salaries only were paid by the state, principals, teachers, the alumni and the community in partnership equipped the schools and persisted in retaining high standards. We have to go back to the traditions established in that era. Occasions like this when we commemorate the lives and achievements of great teachers and principals we have an opportunity to look back and draw inspiration for a vital task that has to be redone. Rebuild our schools and restore what Orator has rightly referred to as the ethos of our schools.
"One of the poems," wrote Mr.N.Sabaratnam, "particularly relevant to the state of the world in general and our society in particular, is “Abou Ben Adhen”. An Angel wrote down "The names of those who love the Lord'. Abou asked the angel whether his name was in the book of gold. "Nay not so". Abou said "I pray, then write me as one that loves his fellow-man'. When the angel appeared again, Ben's name was topping the list." As Sabaratnam’s asserts Orator was able to restore harmony in many a troubled situation because like Ben he loved his fellow men - this hero of a hundred fights. And in the words of Azeez quoted above we can say “Thus did Orator dare, Thus did he succeed.'
ficials study Swiss Federalism
level delegation of rs visited Switzerof the government untry's federal sysThe Tiger delegaor officials of the
reement reached in with the Sri Lankan ernal self-determiareas of Sri Lanka ructure - the Tamil the LTTE's Chief ical advisor Anton Switzerland from of the LTTE's po. Tamilselvan and Eastern Flank, Col art of the delega
tion, officials said.
In Bern, the LTTE representatives met for two hours with a Swiss government delegation which included the Head of Political Department IV of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Peter Maurer, the Head of Political Division (Asia-Pacific), Ambassador Rodolphe Imhoof, Foreign Affairs Ministry official Marcus Heiniger and
Swiss Economic Development Minis
try official Verina Nosar.
The LTTE delegation then met with the Director of the Resource Network for Conflict Studies and Transformation (RNCST), Dr. Norbert Ropers, and representatives of a Swiss mine-clearing NGO.

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36 AML TIMES
“Delhi's options are lir
Dec 9 - During his recent visit to Sri Lanka, the Foreign Secretary, Kanwal Sibal, said that India would "take note" of the Sri Lankan opinion that there was a "forward movement' in the peace process after the Oslo round.
"If the Government and the Opposition think there is a forward movement, we have to take note of it,' Mr. Sibal said adding, "we cannot be out of sync". On New Delhi's role in the peace process, Mr. Sibal pointed out that though "logically we should be involved", the "legal complexities" were such that "our options are certainly limited'.
India's legal complexities arise from its ban on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) for crimes on Indian soil, including the assassination of the former Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi. The LTTE leader, V. Prabakaran, and two other high-ranking leaders have been declared as prime accused and proclaimed offenders in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case.
Comparing the negotiations to a
100-metre race, M have to run the 100 start, or after one m the race is over. Li of the race, we wil Mr. Sibal’s vis the third round of lombo and the Ti which the two sid a "federal model' tion within the fra Sri Lanka. It is a Colombo after assu The Oslo agreeme: ciples India had str racy, human rights Sibal said adding Sri Lankan Gover) these'.
Disagreeing w dia had adopted proach, he said N "fully informed' "Everybody realise role.' Colombo w whatever we tellth there is any diffi score', he added.
Broadcasting Equip Stirs up Controvel
The controversy over broadcasting equipment imported for the Tamil Tigers has deepened with media reports that the LTTE was granted a temporary licence for a private FM radio station. The LTTE, the Sunday Leader said in a report on 15 November, was given the licence last month to broadcast at an assigned frequency of 98 MHz, subject to the condition that the station would be at Kilinochchi, with a coverage of 20 km radius and an altitude of 75 metres.
Though on the face of it, these assigned specifications could mean that the LTTE's broadcasts would be out of range from southern India; the possibility of installing repeaters to extend the range still leaves the crucial question unanswered.
With Kilinochchi around 120 km,
as the crow flies, the relative ease v can be installed, t Tigers (VoT) netw signals are strong still make it poss broadcasts to re pockets.
While the imm transmission equi to civilians in the into India form a given the fragile 1 peace process.
The temporary the Sunday Lead “educational, sp (with desirable fa eign news”. Loca mitted "only wit Director of Infor

15 DECEMBER 2002
nited’
r. Sibal said: “you metres. Right at the etre, you cannot say tus see. At the end
pronounce". t came at the end of talks between Coers in Oslo, during 's agreed to explore for a political solumework of a united so his first visit to ming charge in July. it reflected the prinssed such as democand pluralism, Mr. hat it was up to the ment to “ensure all
ith the view that Ina “hands-off” apew Delhi was kept of the negotiations. 's that India has a key as "very receptive to em... we do not think culty at all on that
Reiterating India's standon the con
flict-resolution process - backing anegotiated political settlement that met the aspirations of all sections within Sri Lanka's unity and territorial integrity - Mr. Sibal said New Delhi was fully in support of “a peace process” and emphasised that any solution will have to meet the acceptance of all communities "including the non-LTTE Tamil political parties'.
In a formal statement issued following the conclusion of Mr Sibal's visit, India made it amply clear that any solution to the Sri Lanka's conflict resolution process will have to ensure the working of democracy, pluralism and human rights on the ground. This important position, which has been repeatedly conveyed to the main Sri Lankan political players, found expression in a formal statement.
India has consistently held the view that it supported a peaceful, negotiated settlement that met the just aspirations ofall elements of the Sri Lankan society within the island's framework of unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Now it added the another important clause, "besides ensuring that the principles of democracy, pluralism and human rights are respected on the ground.”
ment сsy
rom southern India, fith which repeaters he existing Voice of ork and the fact that r across seas, could ble for the LTTE’S ch Indian civilian
ediate purpose of the ment is to broadcast northeast, beaming onger-term strategy, ature of the ongoing
licence, according to r, was to broadcast orts, entertainment lily content) and fornews would be perthe approval of the lation”.
The equipment imported includes transmitters, antenna, amplifiers, a 20channel audio mixer and speaker systems, the newspaper said. The issue is bound to occupy the domestic political agenda in the days ahead. W
The consignment, which was handled by the Norwegian embassy here was then sent with Government escort and handed over to the LTTE.
Asked about reports that the Tigers had acquired a fresh consignment of broadcasting equipment, during his recent visit to Sri Lanka, the Foreign Secretary, Kanwal Sibal, said, "the jury is out' on whether it was an FM, with short-range capability, or a longer range, capable of transmitting into southern India. If it was of a longer range, "we will evaluate it differently", he said. It may be recalled that a senior Opposition leader, Anura Bandaranaike, had recently said that the LTTE had acquired broadcast equipment that could transmit into southern India.

Page 37
5 DECEMBER 2002
Peace nOV cOSe
than ever before
The ongoing peace effort received a major impetus with the LSSP going public with the view that "the question of a political settlement to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka has now been brought closer to realisation than at any other time".
These sentiments were expressed in a statement released on 20 November by LSSP General Secretary Batty Weerakoon.
Weerakoon said that on the eve of the Oslo conference the LSSP and Communist Party of Sri Lanka had called for a bipartisan approach by the UNF and the PA on the ongoing process and said the LSSP was making the present statement in keeping with what these parties have advocated in respect ofmaintaining people’s confidence in the peace process.
He said this commenced with the PA's devolution package of 1994 "and is now being taken forward". Noting that the left parties in Sri Lanka have at all times advocated a bipartisan approach to the question of political solution to the ethnic problem, the LSSP said the "basic attitudes on both sides -the UNF govern
ment and the mair sition stood in the w tics in this domain The statement wer
"Regional or mentioned by the L falls outside the u which in relation problem is of no re not be overlooked is reached has alsc people through a ri be part of the Cons and SLFP have tra devolution with the ment to the Const Constitutional A brought to parliam are aware of this r
“The 13th Am tion of political pc sarily circumscrib tutional Amendm vance on it, but cou by then the PA ha the LTTE. It is the latter amendments
US, UK welcome Federals
Nov. 6- The United States and United Kingdom applauded the agreement reached between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to work towards a Federal model. "The United States regards as extremely positive the announcement that the two sides have made progress in discussing political issues by agreeing to work to establish a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka,' said a statement by US State Department Deputy Spokesman. Philip T. Reeker
“We salute both sides and the Norwegian government for moving the peace process forward and welcome further progress toward a negotiated settlement based on the principles of democracy and respect for human rights, while maintaining the country's territorial integrity," the press statement said. "As we have said before, we hope that the outcome of negotiations will pay due regard to the security and well-being of all communities."
The UK also applauded the agreement, which will explore a solution to the
long running ethnic ing Tamil aspirati determination.
“I warmly wel progress made duri peace talks betwee Sri Lanka and the agreed to explore a the principle of int tion for the Tamil p eral structure withi said Foreign Of O’Brien. “It is im sides have undertal rights, including th of women in the p situation of childr conflict.”
“I continue to ment and will of th together. There is do. But I am encoul being made will le that meets the aspi nities of Sri Lanka
 

TAM TIMES 37
parliamentary opporay ofconsensual poli
it on to say: provincial autonomy, TTE, is a concept that nitary-federal debate to the realities of our levance today. It canthat any solution that ) to be referred to the 2ferendum if that is to itution. Both the UNP velled on the road of UNP's 13th Amenditution and the PA's mendment that was :ntin August 2000 and ality. endment was devoluwer though unnecesed. The PA's Constient was a major adld not succeed because d lost credibility with LSSP's view that the hould be treated as the
olution
: conflict encompassons for internal self
come the significant
ng the latest round of in the Government of LTTE. The two sides solution founded on ernal self-determinaeople, based on a fedn a united Sri Lanka,” ice Minister Mike portant that the two cen to address human e priorities and needs 2ace process, and the in affected by armed
applaud the commite two parties to work still a lot of work to aged that the progress ad towards a solution rations of all commu'Mr O'Brien said.
basis for consensus between the UNP and SLFP on the matter in issue. In the months between February and August 2000 the IPA and UNP had in discussions presided over by Her Excellency the president, with the present prime minister present, reached agreement on the scope and content of devolution. What had as yet to be agreed on was the unit of devolution.
"Autonomy is achieved at a certain level of devolution and the LTTE has now placed it on the political agenda. This is a very significant, salutary; and new development and it needs to be responded to positively by all those who sincerely wish to work for the consolidation of the peace that presently prevails.
The concept of 'autonomy' in respect of our ethnic conflict is not new. It was advocated by the late Dr. N. M. Perera when he in his “Critical Analysis of the 1978 Constitution' commen-ded the language provision in it as progressive but expressed reservation about its efficacy in relation to the escalating conflict. He wrote, "What might have satisfied the Tamil community twenty years back cannot be adequate twenty years later. Other concessions along the lines of regional autonomy will have to be in the offing if healthy and harmonious relations are to be regained'.
LTTE releases casualty figures
Colombo media reported that 17,648 members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), including 241 Black Tigers, had been killed in battles since 1982.
According to an LTTE statement, 13,882 men and 3,766 women were killed in fighting, a Tamil newspaper, Sudar Oli, reported. Of these, 6,487 cadres and 125 Black Tigers were from Jaffna; 4,535 (47) from Batticaloa-Amparai; 2,521 (22) from the Vanni; 1,479 (16) from Trincomalee; 1,291 (10) from Mullaittivu; 1,037 (15) from Mannar and 297 (6) from other districts.
In addition, 10 rebels were killed since September 30, this year when a ceasefire has been in operation. As in the LTTE's parlance, its fighters attain a "hero's death', the 10 who were mentioned as killed after September 30, could have died during training or in some naval operation, military observers said.
Though the Tigers release the total
number of fighters killed at periodic intervals, this time the district-wise death toll marks a difference.

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38 TAM TIMES
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Jaffna Hindu nother Seeks professionally qualified groom for daughter, Ph.D., 30, 5'5", in good employment in UK. Please send horoscope, details. M 1325 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu vegetarian mother seeks professional groom for daughter, 46, spinster, in Sri Lankan overseas Service. M 1326 C/o Tamil TimeS.
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About People and Events
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding.
Thirukumaran, son of Mr. & Mrs Anandeswaran of Nallur, Sri Lanka presently of Steigstrasse 3a, 9422 Staad (SG), Switzerland and Jadila, daughser Of Mr. & MrS Ganehakumar of “Ganeshapathy", Hintergasse 3, 94.37 Marbach (SG) at Evangelisch Kirchgemeinde Haus Heidener STR7, Switzerland on 22 o November 2002.
IN MEMORAMS
Nineth Death Anniversary of Mrs Gnanambikai
Perumal Pillai wife of
late Dr. C. Perumal Pillai
( 04.07.1924 - 12.12.1993)
Amma Nine years have drifted by, since you were taken from our midst. Your loving care and gentle guidance still strongly missed. In your peace we find Solace.
Your children Ravi, Usha, Jeeva, Ranjit and families.
VC
Experi Fellowship in Dental Periodontal, Restorative, Ortho Contact: 3 P baOra
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 DECEMBER 2002
Mr. P. V. Nadarajah
MA
in loving memory of Mr. P. V. Nadarajah on the fourteenth anniversary of his passing away on 16 November 1988.
Fondly remembered by his beloved wife Thilagavathy, loving children Usha, Varathan, Nalini and Nanthini; sons-in-law Sivanathan, Rajkumar and Vathsayan; daughter-in-law Savithiri; grandchildren Bairavi, Luxmi, Uruthiran, Abhirami, Sebestian and Isabel. - 11 Stapleford Close, Southfields, London SW19 6TG.
The First year Remembrance
Mrs Pavalam Ramasamy of Jaffna, Sri Lanka. Born: 10.12.1923 Died; 29.11.2001 Dearamma Everyone says you went away, but to usyou continue to live with us everyday.
Sadly missed and forever remembered by your loving children Eng. Vijayaratnam ( Head, Dept of Agricultural Engineering, Faculty of Agriculture, University ofJaffna), Vijayadevi, Vijayarani and JegaSothy ( all of London); in-laws Selva (Research Officerin charge of Agricultural Research Station, Thirunelvely, Jaffna), Nathan, Sundaralingam, Thillainathan( all of Jaffna), Naguleswary (Jaffna), grandchildren Purushowththaman, Toothiransali, Luxana, Anand, Meni, Luxey and Vasantha.
11 Bulstrode Avenue, Hounslow, Middlesex TW33AA. Te: O208577 6377.
Forthcoming
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Jan 2 Amavasai
Jan 4 South London Tamil Wellfare Group (SLTMVG) Drop in.
e 020 8540 3285 Jan 6 Sathurthi, Feast of The Epiphany of the Lord Jesus Christ Jan 8 Shashti Jan 13 Karthigai, Feast of St. Hilary Jan 14 Thai Pongal; Vaikunda Eekathasi Jan 15 Pirathosam, Mattoop Pongal Jan 17 Full Moon; Feast of St. Antony Jan 18 Thai Poosan; SLTWG Thai Pongal Celebrations. Tel 02085403285 Jan 21 Sankadakara Sathurthi; Feast of St. Agnes Jan 22 Feast of St. Vincent Jan 25 SLTWG Drop In. Tel: O2085403285 Jan 27 Feast of St. Anglea Merici Jan 28 Krishna Eekathasi Jan 29 PirathoSam Jan 31 Amavasai; Feast of St. John Bosco At the Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W149HQ, Tel:020 7381 3086/4608 Fax:0207381 8758. Net: www.bhayan. 69 Jan 25 10 a.m. till 5 p.m. Yoga Day by John Shirbon Jan 25 & 263 p.m. Bhavan's Day Celebrations given by Bhavan's Students & teachers.
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Page 39
15 DECEMBER 2002
Three Generations of Performing Artists
The Bharatha Natya Arangetram of 12 year old Deepaesh, son of Dr. & Dr. (Mrs.) Sivalingam took place at the Festival Place Auditorium in Alberta, Canada on 1 Sepfenomber 2002.
He was presented by his Guru and mother Dr. Kanchana Sivalingam, who choreographed and performed the Nattuwangam for the programme.
Deepaesh commenced the recital with Boomanjali, an invocatory item followed by the Jathiswaram in Malayamarutha Raga and Aathi Tala. The Nandi Chol' that followed to drum syllables depicting the various drums that "Nandi' played. The main item Varnam was in Abogi Raga which expressed the parents' love for a child.
After the interval Padam on Sri Rama, foloved by Siva Sangam” in Revathiraga with ten feet Shiva at the back was claimed by the audience as a feel of "Kailash'. This was followed by "Nanda Laala, a Bharathyar song. The programme ended with an intricate Thillana in Sindubairavi Raga and a Sai” Mangalam.
Born into a family of famous artists and being a student in Mindangam, Deepaesh's rhythm and nrithya were excellent. His movement was brisk and poses well executed. He was ably supported by Vocal - his grandmother Gana-Bhooshanan Smt Ambika Thamotheram (London), Mindangan - Vadya Kalaimani Tanjore Sri Swaminathan (India), Violin-Sri.C. Gesavamoorthy (Toronto), Flute
}- his uncle Dr. T. Nin
Tabla - Ojas Joshi (Ec The Chief Guest asuri Smit Jayalluxim Australian Merit, Dir Sydney, Australia and Dr. Raj Chandran pra, ficiency at this young was compered by Mr. Miss Kauitha.
North American Deepaesh with a sit ( recital enriched the p to bring the new gen beauty and traditions Natyam and Eastern duction was truly a u
Satia
Honoured by Unive
(From L to R) Cllr Sathianes: Collier and the Chancello
Newham CounC) was awarded an Ho the University of Eas tion of his services nity, particularly the was made by the . Lord Rix at a Cerent vember 2002 at the City of London.
Mr. Paul Sathian as a refugee in J. Easthan and Soon untary work for the Group and the Refu
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TAMILTIMES 39
nal Raj (London) and monton). his grand aunt Kali Kandiah, Order of actor of Natanalaya, l theGuest of Honour ised Dөepaөsh's proage. The programme Saravan-Veylan and
flavour of portraits of down dinner after the rogramme character 2ration to Cherish the of classical Bharatha Traditions. This pronique event.
Mervin Young
in, Civic Ambassador Cllr Maire r of the University Lord Rix
llor Paul SathianeSan norary Fellowship by it London, in recognito the Tamil Commurefugees. The award Iniversity Chancellor, lony heldon 27o NoBarbican Hall in the
esan arrived in the UK uly 1985, settled in afterwards began volTamil Refugee Action gee Council. To make ends meet, he worked seven nights a week as a cashier in a petrol station.
Paul is a Councilfor for Wall End Ward and lead member for Heritage & Tourism in the Newham Council. He is also an active member of the World Council of Churches and has as founder of the Council for European Tamils helped forge a new identity fora widely dispersed Tamil community.
Taprobane Travel Celebrates
25 years of Service
Taprobane Travel celebrated 25 years of excellent service to the community and was rewarded with the token presentation of a crystal decanter to its Managing Director Mr. Gamit Amerasekera (second from right in the picture above) by Mr. Manoj Gunawardena, Manager, UK & Eire, SriLankan Airlines. Far left is Ms Kamini Rodrigo, General Manager, Taprobane Travel and far right is Mr. Jeremy Soertsz, Sales & Marketing Manager, UK & Eire, Sri Lankan Airlines.
It was only a week earlier that Mr. GamitAmarasekera as Managing Director of Sri Lanka Holidays, an associate company of Taprobane Travel received the prestigious Sri Lanka Tourism Award in recognition of his resounding success in the package holiday tour sector. Mr. Faisz Mustaph (left in above picture), High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in UK is Seen handing over the award to Mr. Gamit Amarasekera (right) while the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Tourist Board Mr. Pady Withanna, (centre) looks on.
Our congratulations go to Mr. Gamit Amarasekera, Ms Kamini Rodrigo and members of the staff whose efforts have made these achievements possible. We look forward to more successes in the future..

Page 40
40 AMELTIMES
THE LIFE 8, TIMES OF MRT, MY
LOVINGLY REMEMBERED BY HI ON HS 85TH BRTHDAY
Mr Thillaiampalam Mylvaganam, fondly known as Myl by family and friends, was born on 27 November 1917 in Alaveddy, Jaffna. His father was an overseer with the Public Works Department and posted away from home often and he was raised in Jaffna by his mother who was a strict disciplinarian. He had the greatest "fear and respect" (a favourite value of his) and abundant love for his mother. He had an eventful childhood being in and out of over 7 Schools
When he completed his secondary education his brother Kanagaratnam, who was a medical practitioner, persuaded him to study Medicine. After a year's study he gave it up realising that it was not his chosenfield. His eldest brother Selladurai, who was a mathematician and whom he revered, then asked him to do technical studies. Here when ragging broke out Myl and his batch mates decided to rag the seniors, as the freshers were far more in numberSll The unfortunate result was that he was forced to leave. He then joined Law College but after a year realised that Latin was not his forte and gave it up, though the legal mindset and the training in logic would stay with him for the rest of his life.
Myl then chose to do commercial studies in Bombay and joined the prestigious Davar's College of Commerce around 1940. He excelled here receiving several awards for commerce and insurance Studies. However, during the Second Wordd War when the Japanese were poised to attack India, his mother requested him to return immediately to Sri Lanka and so in 1942 he was compelled to terminate his studies. The knowledge and interest he gained for the subject of insurance later led him to be a very successful insurance agent for Sun Life insurance and the Ceylon insure
ance Corporation. T. as a part time intere, career. He worked Department that was ing wartime provisio, ough well regarded position, Myl left at matter of principle w partment.
in 1946 he was tive Secretary of the ber, an association textile merchants, in he responded to an position of Marketing ian Trade Commissi ter had been Sent in view but unfortunate Colombo and on his other candidate hi Spurred by his succ terview but challenge take defeat, he soug Australian Trade C. pressedwas the Tra he told him that the SI On a three month tr satisfy requirements to accept the positior - three months later assumed duties as of the Australian De Colombo.
Just prior to beit sition, two leading fig community, Mr K.C P. Saravanamuttu W to work in their org Foreign Trades. Wi Trade Commission he had to fulfil his respected seniors With them for three permission from the mission.
True to another of being "a man of built up a vast cont Sociates both in Sri excelled in promot two Countries. His compliments from as from Australian his time at the Tré 1970's that Austra record of trade wit ing Sri Lanka's fou ports. Myl had a Lanka's trade and contacts in the pu, and a sound aware machinery and po
 
 
 
 

15 DECEMBER 2002
AGANAM
FAMILY
's role he carried out * through most of his tith the Government responsible for issus and supplies. Althnd successful in this er disagreeing on a h the head of the De
ppointed AdministraBeylon Textile Chamof leading Ceylonese Xolombo. Whilst here, advertisement for the Officer at the Australpn in Colombo. A letsiting him for an interly he was away from return learnt that anad been appointed. ess in winning an ind by his reluctance to "ht a meeting with the Dmmissioner. So imde Commissioner that elected candidate was ial and if he failed to that he would be called 1. Luck was on his Side in December 1949 he the Marketing Officer partment of Trade in
g offered this new pofureS in the Sri Lankan
Thangarajah and Mr ere keen to recruit him anisation, Ceylon and en the position at the as offered Myl felt that Commitment to these and worked part-time
months with special Australian Trade Con
value that he upheldlen and matters" - Myl 9ction of business asanka and Australia and ng trade between the ork earned him many e Department as well xporters. It was during le CommiSSiOn in the a reached its highest
Sri Lanka by becomh largestsource ofimide knowledge of Sri dustry, had high level ic and private sectors ess of the government cies. His own network
of friends and contacts with Government administrators and political leaders helped him to succeed in his work as Australia's trade promoter in Sri Lanka.
ln 1969 the Australian Trade CommisSioner was withdrawn from the Colombo post and Myl was appointed as the officer in charge - he had created history in being the first locally appointed head of any foreign trade mission. This position he held with great success until his retirement in 1979. On retirement he was appointed a consultant in Sri Lanka for the Australian Wheat Board. He was also Trade Consultant to the Collettes group of companies and Samuel and Sons in Sri Lanka.
in 1983 he retired from the above and migrated to Australia with his family. They chose to live in Strathfield in Sydney. For the next fifteen years Myl derived a lot of pleasure in helping friends/new arrivals to settle in the new country. He assisted them by meeting them at the airport, immediately registering them with the Department of Social Security and the Commonwealth Employment Services, opening a bank account, viewing home units arranged through his real estate contacts. After only a week's break they were wheeled off to buy "a good, dependable" second-hand car "nothing extravagant or flamboyant till they have their feet firmly on the ground".
ln Sydney Myl together with his wife Tilaka actively participated in the activities of the Saiva Manram (Sydney Murugan Temple) from its very inception and were given the honour of taking part in laying the foundation stone for the temple. He was a very enthusiastic member of the Tamil Senior Citizens Association and did not hesitate to voice his opinion on anything he felt was "not in line". Throughout his life in Australia, he never forgot his relatives or friends in Sri Lanka. He continued to maintain close contact with them being a source of practical advice and material support to many of them.
Another value he inculcated in his family was to "command respect rather than demand it". He certainly lived up to this throughout his life both socially and in his career. Until the very end his mind was very alert and his memory impeccable. He was proud of his achievements and was a contented man when he succumbed to his many ailments at the age of 83.
While mourning his demise his wife Tilaka sons Chitta (and wife Dr. Kausala), Deva (and wife Balini), daughters Janaki (and husband Ramachandran), Drarul and Dr Vasuki (and husband Rocco DeLillo) celebrate his life on this his 85 birthday. His granddaughters Gaithri, Shankari, Aranee and Narmatha and his grandsons Brannavan and Haran have many fond memories of their beloved grandfather.
Tilaka, children and in-law Ketheeswaranathan Sydney, 27 November 2002

Page 41
15 DECEMBER 2002
Sridas Presents Murali Ma and Veinguzhal Vasant
Two compact discs titled Murali Manoharam and Veinguzhal Vasantham containing eight kritis each of well known composers, played on the flute with suitable accompaniments by Sivasambo Sridas of Scarborough, Ontario, Canada were preSented at a colourful, well attended Ceremony at the Council Chamber of the Scarborough Civic Centre on 8th December 2002. He is believed to be the first nonnational to have released compact discs on the Indian Carnatic Flute.
Sridas was fascinated by the mellifluous sounds of the flute and Veena as a schoolboy in the 1950's in Sri Lanka and was drawn further into music learning from mere music appreciation in India. Later he learnt from several sources but particularly from Dr. Ramani and his associates and blossomed into an accomplished musician within a few years.
He belongs clearly to the post-Mali generation, which has forgotten not only the pre-Mali Sanjeeva Rao mode of play, but even Mali himself, Since Dr. Ramani has settled down as the high priest of the new School.
There is no trace of even a
Kalalima mram Institut
single item from th toire of kritis like nataChi”.
The flute is now kas very much like Sridas plays it mu Ramani. HiS Choic dictated more front concert with Tyagar inating. The stand of elaborating the playing the kriti with CD recording is tec cally of very high C serves our hearty CC ing two first class ite Both are a pleasure
One may add at strumentalists in g much attention to ti a musical composit low the raga base ai is far more meticul mentalists in regal сотpositions.
By way of minor that each CD is a ll eight songs. Perh more Alapana woul leisurely listening.
Sri Lankan Tan world have chosen sic and Bharatanat) of their Cultural idet reinforce that. He w per grade both in F Lanka Radio. The duced recently in ( has made his home
Professor
The above Institute urgently needs to employ a Bharathanatyam teacher and pe who is proficient in the Wazhoowoor styl Qualification and experience from a recognized Da is essential and the applicant should also be ablet
in Vocals for dances.
A Working knowledge of Telugu and Tamil is Salary is f 12,000 per annum. Please send in your applications to the abo 139 Lynton Road, Rayners Lane, Midd)
Closing Date: 15th January 20
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 41
moharam ham
e earlier Rao's reper"Viripai" or "Natachi
played with algamaa Veena or violin and Ch on the line of Dr. e of kritis seems to be the style of a vocal aja compositions domird format is adopted raga first followed by kalpana swaras. The hnically and aesthetialiber and Sridas dengratulations for makmS in Carnatic music. to listen and Savor.
other compliment. Ineneral do not pay as he Overal Structure of 'on, as they simply folTd Tala Outline. Sridas ous than most instru"d to the structure of
Criticism, one may say title overcrowded with laps six in each with d have made for more
is settled all over the to make Carnatic muvam an important part tity. These two CD's aS elevated to the Sulute and Veena in Sri Se two CD's were proDanada where Sridas
V. Subramaniam Ottawa, Canada
rformer
ב
hce institution O accompany
equired.
Ve Institute, KHA29 NH
O3
(Continued from page 14)
LTTE to task for the physical attacks on EPDP offices may stem from this concern of the international monitors. The SLMM needs to reconsider whether this partiality towards the LTTE is worth the danger of eroding the confidence of the rest of the country.
At the beginning of the peace process, a degree of latitude in implementing pledges made is understandable. Getting the government and LTTE to stop the war was itself a tremendous achievement. The effort to keep them away from using their guns has continued to be successful despite the bomb attacks against the EPDP offices. In ending twenty years of war, it makes sense for the Norwegian facilitators and the parties themselves to bend over backwards to accommodate the other. But after a year of no-war, there is sufficient consolidation of the peace process for the appeasement to cease where it concerns the gap between words and deeds. Or else the human rights abuses of war are replaced by the human rights abuses of no-war, which is not an acceptable alternative to the victims.
Ultimately, the peace process will only last if the words and deeds of the parties correspond to each other. The words that the government and LTTE are currently uttering are receiving the highest praise, because they conform to the needs of a peaceful and lasting settlement. But if their acts are different, there will not be conformity to the needs of justice, human rights and peace. Instead there will be continuing mistrust and opposition that can fatally weaken both the parties and the process itself.
For instance, the crisis within the eastern Muslim community erupted af. ter the SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem and LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran signed an agreement that was dishonoured in practice by the LTTE from its very inception. Not only was Minister Hakeem's position weakened within his party, the SLMC's support for the peace process has become more questioning and conditional. Likewise if the LTTE continues to dishonour its pledges to respect the political pluralism in the north and east, the credibility of the peace process itself will be undermined in the eyes of the people who will be the final arbiters of its success.

Page 42
42 TAMILTIMES
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