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Community leaders meet following recent widespread clash A group of members of the LTTE's political committee rece
H
 

s between Tamils and Muslims in Muttur in eastern Sri Lanka above rtly visited Norway and Sweden to study federalism at Work (below

Page 2
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15 APRIL 2003
"I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.”
-Voltaire
Tni
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XXII No. 4 15 APRIL 2003
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD United Kingdom Phone: 020 - 8644 0972 Fax: 020 - 824. 4557
Email: prajan(G)gn.apc.org editor(a)tamiltimes.org adminG)tamiltimes.org
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Return to negotiations O3 Peace process in crisis O4 LTTE pulls outfromtalks 08 LTTE should return to talks 10 Opp.parties condemn LTTE 12 Bala replies to US envoy 14 Washington aid meet 16 SLMM on security at sea 20 Referendum & peace talks 21 Peace dividend and
development 25 Against Muslim self
determination 27 Under the LTTE's Shadow 29 Law on organised Crime 31 Sixth round of peace talks 33 Achohol and health 35
Classified 37
Return
BYany analysis fire between the C development in the ethnic Conflict. The the war-torn areas horrors of armed C The peace proces that at last they ar.
However, there suspending partici sulted in gross disi Scheduled to COmn the LTTE Will not held in June later t
The reasons gi troops from public implementation of the Ceasefire Agre these issues, they negotiating proces talkS.
But the immedi Sion of talks is its e held in Washingtor States has legal CC sation". However, have chosen an ap failure to do so wa Norway and Sri La to Coincide with the that had already b level Could of assu and Confidence, th out charges of brei of peace talks (last and informal meeti ties would have bu nate single incident the primary object conflict.
One hopes tha talks is only tempo States Ambassado stated thatthey hav from talks".
The Washingto tant meeting of do decisions are goin grammes of rehabi Northeast as part peace process. If til Tamil people, its le in that meeting. Th negotiating proces dence in the peace
 
 
 

ALES 3
to the Negotiating Table
s, the ongoing peace process and the 14-month-old ceaseSovernment and the LTTE have been the most positive recent history of Sri Lanka especially with regard to the 2 ceasefire has given the people, particularly those from of the Northeast of the island, a period of respite from the :onflict that has blighted their lives for over two decades. S has also raised the hopes among a war-weary people e On a road to realizable peace.
cent announcement by the LTTE leadership that they are pation in the talks with the Government has inevitably reappointment among the majority of the people. The talks nence on 29 April remain suspended, and as things stand be attending a meeting of donor countries in Tokyo to be his year.
ven for the LTTE's decision include the non-vacation of and private properties in Jaffna in the north and the nonearlier decisions relating to the "normalisation aspects of !ement'. Whatever the delay or reluctance in dealing with
Could have been and ought to be addressed within the s without recourse to shock tactics such as suspension of
ate and primary reason given by the LTTE for the suspenxclusion from the preparatory meeting of donor countries on 14 April. It is conceded by the LTTE that the "United nstraints to invite representatives of a proscribed organithe LTTE's charge is that Norway and Sri Lanka should propriate venue to facilitate LTTE's participation, and their s"deliberate" and a "grave breach of faith". On behalf of nka, it has been explained that Washington was chosen meeting of the World Bank/International Monetary Fund een fixed so that better attendance at the desired senior red at the Sri Lanka donors' meeting. In a climate a trust e explanation would normally have been accepted withach of faith. After 14 months of Ceasefire and six months ting over 20 days and not ignoring the many other formal. ngs at officer level), one would have thought that the par-. ilt a level of mutual trust of and confidence. It is unfortu:S such as one complained of are permitted to overshadow ive of both parties to reach a political settlement to the
t the LTTE's decision to suspend participation in peace 'ary. It is reassuring to note that, in response to the United r, the LTTE's chief negotiator Mr Anton Balasingham has fe not "terminated the negotiating process or walked away
n meeting was only a preparatory one for the more impornor Countries to be held in Tokyo in June where crucial g to be made in respect of resources needed for prolitation, reconstruction and redevelopment of the war-torn of the commitment of these countries to supporting the he LTTE is committed to serving the wider interests of the adership would be well advised to attend and participate Ie Sooner they announce their readiness to return to the s, better it would be for the restoration of faith and confi
process among the people.

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4 TAMILTIMES
Peace Process Re Crisis Point
The peace process in Sri Lanka reached a crisis point with the announcement by the Tamil Tigers on 21 April that they were pulling out of the peace talks due to be held in Thailand from April 29 to May 2 and also from attending an international donor conference to be held in Japan in June.
No doubt the primary cause that led to the LTTE's decision was its exclusion from a meeting of donor countries held in Washington on April 14.
In conveying the decision of the Tiger leadership, LTTE's chiefnegotiator Mr Anton Balasingham, in a letter to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, referred to “the exclusion of the LTTE from the crucial international donor conference held in Washington on 14 April 2003 in preparation for the major donor conference to be held in Japan in June” describing it "as a grave breach of good faith." He added that the "exclusion of the LTTE from this conference has severely eroded the confidence of our people in the peace process.”
Mr Balasingham's letter further letter further alleged that the progress made in the peace talks had not been "matched by any improvement in the continuing hardships being faced by our people as a result of your government's refusal to implement the normalisation aspects of the Ceasefire Agreement and subsequent agreements reached at the talks."
The letter also referred to the presence of thousands of troops in the north, their failure to vacate public buildings and the denial of the right of displaced people to their homes. It also alleged that the government's 'Regaining Sri Lanka' document"completely lacked any form of identified goals for the northeast” and requested the government to "re-evaluate its economic development strategy to reconstruct the Tamil nation destroyed by war.” Following the dispatch of Balasingham's letter to the Prime Minister conveying the LTTE's decision to suspend participation in talks, the political head of the LTTE, S P Tamilchelvan, sent a letter to B.A. Goonetilleke of the Peace Secretariat in Colombo stating, "In accordance with the decision of our organisation's leadership to suspend our participation in the negotiations, we regretfully wish to postpone the next meeting of the Subcommittee on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs (SIHRN). It is our
leadership's wish plementation on u Dr. A. Balasingh Prime Minister M nghe, prior to get meeting.”
Commentator sion to suspend pe ernment puts to til process and the l between the Gove
Brinkmanship
Some commer LTTE in indulgin scribing “the LT peace talks is not Lanka and to their but it also is an op ernment to assert relationship with
Exclusion fron in Washington is the LTTE has ad from the peace ta that as long as the banned organizati not have attended ington, they had have been held where the LTTE v from such a disab be noted that the meeting was cho; nity of the World were being held Washington at th was organised el have expected his occurred in Wash It is said tha Wickremesinghe target of attacksb his governmenth to the Tigers wit has been particul LTTE's action ir eral suspension ess, but also w Balasingham let ries of what he r sations. Mr Bal fusal to meet Prc ment’s chief me! gian facilitator is also seen in act of discourtes London along v discuss the up

15 APRIL 2003
aches
bawait action and imgent matters raised by m in his letter to the r. Ranill Wickremesing a date for the next
believe that the decice talks with the Gove test the entire peace 4-month-old ceasefire nment and the LTTE.
tators have accused the g in brinkmanship deTE withdrawing from only a challenge to Sri ternational community portunity for the Govits rightful place in its he LTTE.' n the meeting of Donors one of the reasons that iuced for withdrawing alks. While conceding 2 Tigers continued to a on in the US they could the meeting in Washsuggested that it could in some other capital would not have suffered ility. However, it must venue for the donors' en taking the opportuBank/IMF meetings that at the same venue in is time. If the meeting sewhere one could not h-level attendance as it ngton on this occasion. Prime Minister Rani who has been the main | opposition parties that ld given too much away out anything in return, rly hurt not only by the announcing the unilatf the negotiating proch the contents of Mr rwhich containeda segards as baseless accusingham's reported reGL Peiris, the govern|tiator and the Norweic Solheim in London vernment circles as an Minister Peiris was in th Mr Eric Solheim to pming talks with Mr.
Balasingham on various issues raised during the last round of peace talks. Minister Peiris's arrival in London was in accordance with the previous arrangement made after both parties agreed in Hakone Japan to discuss further before the next round of talks to take place on at the end of this month.
Tokyo meeting
It is understood that, while the Sri Lankan government would do its utmost to persuade the LTTE attend the mega "Aid Lanka" consortium meeting in Tokyo scheduled to be held in early June, it would go ahead and have the meeting without the LTTE if it chose to persist in its boycott. The view seems to be that ifa donors' conference could have been held without the LTTE in Washington on April 14, which turned out to be a success, it also could be done in Tokyo. It is suggested that the United States and Indiamay back such a move if the LTTE continues the boycott of the negotiating process. A Hindustan Times report, quoting Indian sources said that a LTTE boycott of the Tokyo meet would pave the way for India’s participation. That India is interested in the multilateral effort to fund development in the North East was demonstrated when its Ambassador in the US took part in the mini donors' conference in Washington on April 14. LTTE's absence had paved the way for India's presence there, the report said.
It is said that there two schools of thought within the Government as to the approach to be taken in respect of the Tokyo conference of donor countries. One feels that Tokyo must be held, LTTE or no LTTE, because the US, UK, and India, the most important powers, will back it. The influential Minister Milinda Moragoda appears to be firm in the belief that that the government should go ahead with the June donor meeting irrespective of whether the LTTE attends it or not.
The other group feels that Tokyo, without LTTE, may prove to be counterproductive. It fears that the LTTE will be further alienated and peace and investment may be jeopardised as a result. The European donors may shy away from the scene if they see the prospects of peace dimming. However, at present it is clear that if the LTTE does not water-down its stand and does not respond to the overtures that may be made in the next few weeks, Colombo may opt to have the Tokyo conclave held without the LTTE. The US and India may be expected to support this. And Japan may also do so, in line with its proUS tilt.
However, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe would go step by step, and not rush

Page 5
5 APR 2003
into any precipitate action, sources close to him say. According to them, in his detailed reply to LTTE chief negotiator Anton Balasingham's letter, he is expected to point out that the equivalent of $25 million had already been spent in the Tamil North Eastern province since the MOU was signed in February 2002.The areas covered were infrastructure development, health, education, relief, resettlement and rehabilitation. He would draw the LTTE's attention to the many projects that his own "Regaining Sri Lanka" project had earmarked for the Tamil areas.
US vs LTTE
The US, which is fully backing the Norwegian facilitated peace process and the funding effort, showed its displeasure with a statement by its Ambassador in Colombo, Ashley Wills, reacting to the announcement by the LTTE that it was suspending the peace talks with the government of Sri Lanka. In a virtual defence of the government, Mr Wills said, "We have strongly supported the ceasefire even though we have also acknowledged it hasn't been implemented perfectly. Blame for this does not fall exclusively on the side of the Government, however, as the LTTE's statement suggested. The Tigers, too, bear heavy responsibility for numerous breaches of the ceasefire. While the talks are suspended, we urge the LTTE to reflect carefully on its own transgressions. Assassinations of opponents, intimidation of Muslims, taxation without representation, aggressive Sea Tiger behaviour and continued child recruitment do not build trust in the LTTE's intentions."
In his unrepentant response to USAmbassador Ashley Wills' admonitions, Balasingham fully justified the decision to suspend participation in the negotiating process for the time being. He categorically ruled out de-commissioning of weapons, even though he asserted that the LTTE had "abdicated all acts of armed violence since the signing of the ceasefire agreement.”
However, sounding less confrontational, Mr Balasingham said that there was an "element of misunderstanding' between the Tigers and the United States. Our intention is to pressurise the governmnent to realise the urgency of the existential issues confronting our people and to impress upon them the importance of fullfilling pledges and decisions," he said. "We have not terminated the negotiating process or walked away from talks," Balasingham said, “We have not scuttled the peace process or terminated negotiations."
On the issue of decommissioning of weapons, Mr Balasingham was unrelent
ing and said, “... We mations to protecto ple. The ethnic conf and the threat of Sir sion of Tamil lands: der these circumstan or abdication ofarn The majority of the
agree with Mr Will: maintenance of arm LTTE would not pro but rather create cor
Efforts to end boy
It is said that 1 litators, Foreign Mil visor Erik Solheim, dor in Sri Lanka Jon to make contact wit don as well as Kilin its boycott. The Nor to point out to the Lil be in the interestoft selves not to have th conference, where f 1000 million could b velopment of Sri L Tamil North Eastern
The Internatio (IMF) is optimistic conference in June v jor step in securing for the overall devel as a regionalhub, IM Representative in Co told the press.
The IMF also u the peace process a nancial aid that Sri Tokyo donor confere tween US $ 1-1.25 portive of the econc the Government of S. the peace process, C be present in Tokyo hosts and all should said.
He said that he million (Rs. 54 b pledged for Sri Lank: ington would fund
ments and said that th
for the Government economic policies an tural reforms progre these funds were no cit financing, but wo ka's external reserve other agencies such a the Asian Developm in for providing fun ing, he said.
Earlier, addressi at the IMF office i premises, he said tha want a reversal of the

TAM TIMES 5
do have military forur lands and our peoict is not yet resolved hala military aggress not yet over.... Unes, decommissioning s is non- negotiable. famil people will not perception that the ed formations by the tect the Tamil rights, flicts.'
cott he Norwegian faciister Helgessen, Adund former AmbassaWestborg, would try h the LTTE in Lonbchchito get it to end wegians are expected TE, that it would not le Tamil people theme LTTE at the Tokyo unds to the tune of S be pledged for the deanka, including the province. mal Monetary Fund that the Tokyo donor vill prove to be a mathe financial support opment of Sri Lanka MF's Senior Resident lombo Jeremy Carter
nreservedly supports nd hopes that the fiLanka will get at the nce, estimated at bebillion, will be supmic programmes of i Lankaparallel with arter said. "We will as guests of the cogo well in June," he
xpects the US$ 567 llion), which was last Friday in Washhe Balance of Payke IMFlooks forward o continue its sound dits ambitious strucm. He clarified that being used for defiuld enhance Sri Lans. It is the funding of the World Bank and *nt Bank, which goes is for deficit financ
ganews conference h the Central Bank t the IMF would not peace process at any
cost and said that the wish of the IMF was that the peace process would progress as rapidly as possible.
He said that he has every reason to believe that the Government would be making every endeavour to get the LTTE back on track with the peace process. He said that the Washington meeting was a resounding success and gained unprecedented support for Sri Lanka. It was a total turn around from the earlier totally battered image of Sri Lanka.
Japan also has expressed hopes for an early resumption of Government-LTTE peace talks and for the scheduled holding of the Tokyo conference. A press release by the Japanese Embassy referring to the latter sent by Mr. Anton Balasingham to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, reiterating its support for the peace process in Sri Lanka, stated, "Japan therefore regards the forthcoming Tokyo Conference in June as an important opportunity to discuss the reconstruction and development of the whole of Sri Lanka, including the North and East and to demonstrate the unified commitment to the international community to the peace process in Sri Lanka.' Japan sincerely hoped early resumption of peace talks. Japan also hoped that the Tokyo Conference would be held as scheduled with the participation of the LTTE, the release added.
Opposition moves
In the meantime, opposition political parties have asked that India should be brought in to monitor the ceasefire between the government and the LTTE. Speaking on behalf of the opposition, former Foreign Minister and presently foreign affairs advisor to President Kumaratunga said that New Delhi should be asked to send monitors to supervise the LTTE's Sea Tiger movements at sea where there have been several incidents with the Sri Lankan navy recently involving violations of the ceasefire. Kadirgamar, who had accompanied President Kumaratunga during her recent visit to India, expressed confidence that India would get involved in monitoring the ceasefire "We have had lots of informal discussions and we are confident that India would respond favourably," he told reporters.
The opposition charged that even af. ter 14 months of the current negotiations, the Prime Minister and his negotiating team have yet not thought it fit to inform the country, the President and the Parliament and even, perhaps, most of the Cabinet, ofthe policy framework which should form the basis for negotiations.
Taking the opportunity of the LTTE suspending its participation in the peace talks, the opposition parties called upon

Page 6
6 TAMILTIMES
the UNP government to insist on the LTTE to make a public declaration renouncing all forms of threat, duress and violence as a pre-condition for the continuation of talks. They said that the decommissioning issue should be unequivocally stated as "an indispensable part of the process of negotiation', to be pursued in parallel with other aspects of the negotiations, as in El Salvador and Northern Ireland.
The opposition parties did not approve the exclusive process of consultation presently being conducted between the LTTE and the UNP government under the auspices of the Norwegian government. They called for fuller and wider participation, in the ongoing talks of those who have legitimate claims to voice the aspirations of the various communities - ethnic, linguistic and religious - especially, the elected representatives of the people of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. They favoured a process of national consultations on the resolution of the conflict. "The Opposition parties wish to see human rights, governance and plurality questions vigorously pursued in the talks, if they are resumed", they said.
Mr Kadirgamar also said that the opposition parties feel that the time has come for a change in the composition of the Monitoring mission, as otherwise shown by the recent events at sea that grave damage could be caused not only to the sovereign interests of Sri Lanka but to the sovereign interests of our northern neighbour with whom we are linked and continue forever to be linked, by timeless bonds of history and common interest.
Mr Kadirgamar said that he had warned government from the commencement of the negotiations, that the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) unbalanced and structurally flawed, giving the LTTE concessions that were unwarranted and unnecessary while placing the armed forces at a considerable disadvantage and rendering the Tamil democratic parties operating in the North and East vulnerable to attacks by the LTTE.
He further said that the opposition parties felt that the overt reasons given by the LTTE for their withdrawal from the negotiations were feeble. He indicated that in their view, the LTTE was only using a tactic to bring maximum pressure to bear on the UNP government to yield to its unreasonable demands as the price for returning to the negotiations, especially, in the context of its demands for recognition as a de-facto naval unit and withdrawal of the Armed Forces from the high security zones in Jaffna. Change to SLMM proposed
A change in the composition of the Norwegian-led SLMM to include India as
demanded by the jo be possible unless ter the cease-fire a tion wants at least including Indiatojc tor what it describ activities at sea.
If the SLMM is clude other count both the Governme agree to such expan: ment, the monitori headed by a person has to comprise of Nordic countries-l mark, Finland and Nordic unless partie agree on modificati the SLMM said.
It was not cle Chandrika Kumara consent to propose ans in the monitori recent visit to New pointed out there w Tigers agreeing to SLMM. That woul them given New LTTE which it has ( and his intelligenci are proclaimed off for the Rajiv Gan sources said.
Under the agre position of local n and the number of: not be altered wit February 22, 2002 are six local monit comprising five r from the governm one expatriate - Mannar, Vavu Batticaloa and Am
“Sea Tigers”
The issue of ti naval wing, Sea T nence in the recen volvementin seve the Sri Lankan na the LTTE is unde formal recognitio asa navy on par w It is understo commander, Col. three things: 1) Tigers as a navy the demarcation (LoC) in the sea and a prohibition by the SLN in th monitor.
The proposal to the SLMM’s, r and the Sri Lank

15 APRIL 2003
it opposition will not e Tigers agree to aleement. The opposihree more countries In the SLMMto monid as unlawful LTTE
lobe expanded to ines, including India, it and the LTTE must on. “Under the agreeg mission has to be chosen by Norway. It representatives from forway, Iceland, Denweden. It will remain s to the cease-fire pact ons,” a spokesman for
ur whether President unga obtained India’s the inclusion of Inding mission during her Delhi. Defence sources as no likelihood of the an Indian role in the d not be acceptable to Delhi's policy on the outlawed. Prabhakaran chief, Pottu Amman, 2nders in India wanted dhi assassination, the
cement even the comnonitoring committees such committees could nout the parties to the
pact agreeing. There oring committees, each hembers - two each ent and the LTTE and
in charge of Jaffna,
iya, Trincomalee, para.
estatus of the LTTE's
igers, assumed promipast because of its inal incidents at sea with y. In this background, stood to have sought of their “Sea Tigers”, th the Sri Lankan navy. d that the Sea Tigers' Soosai had asked for !cognition for the Sea n par with the SLN; 2) of a Line of Control ke the one on land; 3) gainst offensive action absence of a SLMM
were made in response quest to both the LTTE n government for sug
gestions to avert clashes in the sea, which, in recent months, had claimed 20 lives.
The LTTE formally staked its claim to a LOC in the sea through its political wing leader S P Tamilchelvan, when he met the head of the SLMM Maj. Gen Tryggave Tellefson in his headquarters in Kilinochchi on 9 April, according to the Tamildaily, "Sudar Oli”.
The claim was justified on two grounds: Firstly, the ceasefire agreement had already recognised a LOC on land in several parts of the island, clearly demarcating areas under LTTE control from those controlled by the government. Secondly, the sea was as vital to the LTTE as land, because it is through the sea that the LTTE got its supplies. And it was the sea, which was under mounting surveillance by the Sri Lankan government. The navy's "Operation Waruna Kirana” had thrown a cordon around the northern and eastern seas, though the ceasefire agreement concluded in February 2002 did not specifically provide for such a security cordon.
Tamilchelvan reportedly told the SLMM that “Operation Waruna Kirana” was a violation of the ceasefire, as the agreement as such did not mention the Sri Lankan navy's right to intercept LTTE ships. But according to the Government, the agreement did not abridge the navy's right to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka and that the LTTE had agreed to "Operation Waruna Kirana", albeit informally.
What followed was the SLMM’s proposals, described as an "initial workingpaper' and authored by the head of the mission, Norwegian Maj Gen Tryggve Tellefsen, which seemed to be based almost entirely on the proposals made ear
- lier by the LTTE's Sea Tigers' chief, Col
Soosai. The proposals, scooped by The Sunday Times, immediately came under heavy flak from many quarters including the high command of the Sri Lankan Navy. According to The Sunday Times, SLN commander, vice admiral Daya Sandagiri, had sent a strong response to the Defence Ministry, and called for the outright rejection of the SLLM proposals.
The “initial working paper", suggested that the Sea Tigers must be recognised as a "de facto naval unit'. It further proposed that the LTTE should be excluded from the law concerning limitations on Out Board Motors' horsepower.
The Sunday Times pointed out that the granting recognition to the Sea Tigers “will see the emergence of a new Navy in the Indian Ocean region even before a permanent peace accord is reached.” The suggestion for the waiver of horsepower restrictions on Sea Tiger boats would im

Page 7
15 APRIL 2003 سے
mensely enhance the capabilities of the Sea Tigers, obviously to the detriment of the SLN, the paper said.
The Sunday Times defence correspondent, Iqbal Athas, wondered as to what impact the emergence of such a non-state, third navy, at India's southern doorstep, would have on India's security.
An article in "The Hindu" (24 April) by V. Suriyanarayanan reflected the security concerns of India in respect of a formal recognition of the "Sea Tigers' as a de facto naval unit as: “The series of incidents involving the Sea Tigers and the Sri Lankan Navy in the recent months has added a new dimension to the conflict. The confrontation is the direct consequence of the emergence of Sea Tigers as a credible fighting force in the Indian Ocean. It is also an expression of simmering differences between Mr. Soosai and Mr. Balasingham; the former feels that Colombo is soliciting the assistance of the U.S. to encircle the Tigers. According to him, the best option for the Sea Tigers is to assert their supremacy and force Colombo to grant them the status of a de facto navy. Unfortunately, the SLMM gives the impression that it is prepared to go to any length to humour the Tigers and persuade them to continue in the peace process. The emergence of Sea Tigers as a credible fighting force in India's immediate neighbourhood has serious security implications. India can ignore these developments only at its peril. New Delhi must make it clear to Colombo, the SLMM and the international community that the conferment of the status of a de facto navy on Sea Tigers would be an unfriendly act. New Delhi should also take up the Sethusamudram project on a top priority basis, so that the Navy and the Coast Guards can freely move around the Palk Bay and the Gulf of Mannar and keep constant vigil on India's maritime borders.'
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe reportedly advised President Chandrika Kumaratunga at an emergency meeting called by her on 22 April that the government had rejected the LTTE's demand that its naval wing, the Sea Tigers (ST), be given"de facto" recognition on par with the Sri Lankan Navy.
Sources said that the government had rejected many other proposals made by the LTTE and the SLMM to avoid clashes in the sea between the Tigers and the SLN. Among the suggestions of the SLMM which now stand rejected are: 1) formulation of an agreed set of Rules of Engagement (ROE); 2) the maintenance of a distance ofonenautical mile between the vessels of the LTTE and the SLN; 3) a sea lane for the LTTE for its non-military ship
ping.
In the governme be no common Ru (ROE), because, as of Understanding (M fire Agreement (CF, the Sea Tigers could The SLN retained th to safeguard the sov of Sri Lanka. There v explicit, sanction fo “Op.Waruna Kirana” the North Eastern co
The government impractical to stipula the SLN and LTTE r cal mile distance fro maintaining such a di vessels from attacks cide boats, it will al from closely inspe LTTE vessels. As a is expected to inspect gunrunners or any ve engaged in some ille,
The government rejecting the LTTE's corded a Line of Col ing up to 200 nautica along the North Eas Jaffna peninsula to Tr SLMM had not four sion in its "Initial Wo
Following wides SLMM withdrew its nize Sea Tigers as a of the LTTE and to de for “live firing exerci
SLMM spokesma said in a statement sa draft proposals" had ties requesting themt ments before April 3( nal composition of th Forces should be re talks.'
Government confid Government spok to be confident that t the temporary suspen: LTTE could be res. ahead of the crucial scheduled to be held
Constitutional Af G.L. Peiris said that a ing taken to ensure backdrop is created” and to iron out the ( Tigers.
"It would be in the LTTE to attend the would provide them have access to vital r their areas," he noted "I also want to s surprising developm

TAMILTIMES 7
t’s view, there could es of Engagement rthe Memorandum OU) and the Cease) of February 2002, not engage the SLN. right to take action eignty and integrity as an implicit, if not the continuation of the naval cordon off St. thinks that it will be te that the vessels of laintain a one nautim each other. While stance will save SLN by the LTTE's suiso prevent the SLN ting and boarding xolicing force, SLN and board suspected ssel suspected to be gal activity. had no hesitation in demand that it be actrol (LOC) stretchl miles into the sea, tern coast from the incomalee. Even the ld this fit for incluIrking Paper'. pread criticism, the proposals to "recogde facto naval unit' marcate areaSat Sea ses" for them. in Teitur Torkelsson id that the "second »een sent to the par) forward their com). He said that a "fie Sri Lanka Armed ached at the peace
ent smen would appear le issues that led to ion of talks with the ved before June, donor conference n Japan. airs Minister Prof. measures were behat “the necessary for talks to resume ifferences with the
he best interests of donor parley as that an opportunity to sources to develop
y that this is not a it. At the very be
ginning of the peace process, Prime Minister Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe categorically stated that there would be ups and downs and it was not going to be a smooth operation. The Prime Minister further stated that the country should be prepared to witness setbacks and one party or both parties would walk away from the talks. "You should also be aware that in all peace processes, in different parts of the world and in different cultural settings, there had been developments of this nature. The South African peace process took five and a half years. During that period, on one occasion Mr.Nelson Mandela told the African National Congress that the peace process was over and they were going back to war. There was a ten-month period in South Africa when multilateral peace talks were suspended. In Northern Ireland, even after the agreement has been signed it has broken down. So these are not unique developments in the Sri Lankan situation.”
Appeal to resume talks N Leading members of the clergy have appealed to the Government and the LTTE not to go back to war and to resume peace talks immediately to find a negotiated political settlement to the ethnic conflict.
The Archbishop of Colombo Most Reverend Oswald Gomes on behalf of the Sri Lanka Bishops' Conference in a press release on 25 April said that they firmly hope that all groups involved in the peace process will work hard to resume peace talks.
He expressed optimism that the LTTE would resume peace talks that would lead the country to find a political solution ensuring equal rights that would also take the country towards prosperity.
Rev. Dr. Thomas Savundaranayagam, Bishop of Jaffna, in an urgent letter sent to the leaders of GOSL and LTTE, to resume dialogue and to show indeed what have been agreed in discussions. "Suspension of talks has shocked and confused Tamil people. On behalf of the Tamil people who are still waiting to see improvement in living conditions, I urge both parties to approach talks with an open mind with the future prosperity of people at heart,” the Bishop said.
A leading Buddhist priest Venerable Siyamabala Wimalasara Thera of Vavuniya appealed to the government and the LTTE not to think of a war at this critical juncture but to work hard to resume the peace talks that would pave way for the bright future of the country where all communities could lead harmonious life. The Ven Wimalasara Thera further said majority of the Buddhist monks in the (continued on page 34)

Page 8
8 TAMILTIMES
In a letter addressed to the Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasir negotiator Mr Anton Balasingham said that the LTTE leader Ve had advised him to inform the government that the LTTE hac
negotiations with Sri Lanka government.
The following is the full text of Anton Balasingham's letter to
“In accordance with the decision of our leadership I am advised to bring to your urgent attention the deep displeasure and dismay felt by our organisation on some critical issues relating to the on-going peace process.
You are well aware that the Ceasefire Agreement that has been in force for more than one year and the six rounds of peace negotiations between the principal parties has been successful, irrespective of the occurrence of some violent incidents that endangered the peace process. The stability of the ceasefire and the progress of the peace talks, you will certainly appreciate, are the positive outcome of the sincere and firm determination of the parties to seek a permanent resolution to the ethnic conflict through peaceful means. The cordial inter-relationship, frank and open discussions and the able and wise guidance of the facilitators fostered trust and confidence between the negotiators and helped to advance the talks on substantial levels. The negotiating teams were able to form important sub-committees on the basis of equal and joint partnership. During the early negotiating sessions it was agreed that the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE should work together and approach the international community in partnership. The Oslo Donor Conference held on 25 November 2002 turned out to be an ideal forum for such joint endeavour.
The LTTE has acted sincerely and in good faith extending its full co-operation to the government of Sri Lanka to seek international assistance to restore normalcy and to rehabilitate the war affected people of the northeast. The LTTE to date has joined hands with the government and participated in the preparation of joint appeals and programmes. In spite of our goodwill and
trust, your gover marginalize our proaching the intel for economic assis exclusion of the II cial internationald in Washington o preparation for the ence to be held ir view the exclusio principle partner t thentic represent people from disc matters affecting t cial welfare of th grave breach of g( ernment, as well a way, are fully awa United States has invite representat organisation to th circumstances ar could have been the LTTE to parti tant preparatory ai failure on the part to do so gives cal this omission wa clusion of the LT ence has severely of our people in t As you are aw timism and hope the people whe shortly after assu into a ceasefire oganisation, brin years of savage a pectations were both sides bega with Norwegian lar, there was a j that the peace p the urgent and problems facing and east, particu ple who are inte
 

15 APR 2003
ghe, the LTTE chief pillai Prabahakaran decided to suspend
the Prime Minister:
ment has opted to organisation in apnational community ance. We refer to the TTE from the crunor conference held 14 April 2003 in major donor conferJapan in June. We n of the LTTE, the o peace and the autives of the Tamil ussions on critical he economic and so2 Tamil nation, as a pod faith. Your govSour facilitator Norre of the fact that the legal constraints to ives of a proscribed eir country. In these appropriate venue selected to facilitate cipate in this impord conference. But the of your government se for suspicion that deliberate. The exTE from this confer:roded the confidence he peace process. are, considerable opwere raised among your government, ming power, entered agreement with our ing to an end twenty i bloody conflict. Exfurther raised when direct negotiations cilitation. In particustifiable expectation ocess would address mmediate existential he people of the north arly the million peoally displaced by the
conflict and are languishing in welfare centres and refugee camps.
As such, the Ceasefire Agreement included crucial conditions of restoring normalcy which required the vacation, by occupying Sri Lankan troops, of Tamil homes, schools, places of worship and public buildings. Despite the agreed timeframe for this evacuation of troops, which has since passed, there has been no change in the ground situation. We have repeatedly raised the issue of continuing suffering of our people at every round of talks with your government. Your negotiators' repeated assurances that the resettlement of the displaced people would be expedited have proven futile. The negotiations have been successful in So far as significant progress has been made in key areas, such as the agreement to explore federalism on the basis of the right to self-determination of our people. But this progress has not been matched by any improvement in the continuing hardships being faced by our people as a result of your government's refusal to implement the normalisation aspects of the Ceasefire Agreement and subsequent agreements reached at the talks. As a result, considerable disillusionment has set in amongst the Tamil people, and in particular the displaced, who have lost all hope the peace process will alleviate their immense suffering.
Though there is peace due to the silencing of the guns, normalcy has not returned to Tamil areas. Tens of thousands of government troops continue to
occupy our towns, cities and residen
tial areas suffocating the freedom of mobility or our people. Such a massive military occupation of Tamil lands, particularly in Jaffna densely populated district - during peace times denying the right of our displaced people to return to their homes, is unfair and unjust. Your government, in international forums, continues to place poverty as the common phenomenon affecting the entire country. The Poverty Reduction Strategy forms the essence of the document “Regaining Sri Lanka” which defines the macro-economic policy of your government.
Though poverty and poverty alleviation constitute the centrality of the new economic vision of your government as exemplified in “Regaining Sri Lanka the document fails to examine

Page 9
15 APRIL 2003
the causality of the phenomenon of poverty, the effects of ethnic war and the unique conditions of devastation prevailing in the northeast.
In our view, the conditions of reality prevailing in Tamil areas are qualitatively different from southern Sri Lanka. The Tamils faced the brunt of the brutal war. Twenty years of intense and incessant war has caused irreparable destruction to the infrastructure in the northeast. This colossal destruction augmented by continued displacement of the people and their inability to pursue their livelihoods due to military restrictions and activities have caused untold misery and extreme poverty among the people of the northeast. Continued displacement has also depleted allforms ofsavings ofthese people disabling them from regaining their lives on their own.
The war-affected people need immediate help to regain their dignity. They need restoration of essential services to re-establish their lives. Reconstruction of infrastructures such as roads, hospitals, schools and houses are essential for them to return to normal life.
The poverty t southern Sri Lank phenomenon, caus policies of the past the UNP and the Sl the Tamil national natical drive to pro, against the Tamil state wasted all n: futile cause. The r to sustain an absur peace” by the fo caused huge interna The economic situa been further worse agement of state fur and institutional coi the conditions prev are distinctly differ east where the scal the infra-structural c mental and the pov ing this distinctive r ment posits poverty nomenon across th tempts to seek a so mon approach. Thi under states the se lems faced by the p east.
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at is prevailing in is a self-inflicted d by the disastrous governments (both FP) in dealing with conflict. In its faecute an unjust war people, the Sinhala tional wealth to a assive borrowings policy of “war for rmer government ional indebtedness. ion of the south has led by the mismands, bad governance ruption. Therefore, ailing in the south ent from the north2 and magnitude of estruction is monuarty is acute. Ignorality, your governas a common phele country and atlution with a coms approach grossly verity of the probeople in the north
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The government's "Regaining Sri Lanka' document completely lacks any form of identified goals for the northeast. Statistics presented for substantiating the policy totally ignore the northeast and solely concentrate on southern Sri Lanka. However, this has been promoted as the national strategy to the international community to seek aid. It is evident from this that the government. lacks any comprehensive strategy for serious development of the northeast. The Poverty Reduction Strategy fails. to address the poverty of the northeast as distinct from the rest. In seeking in ternational assistance your government disingenuously speaks of reconstruction being needed in all areas, thereby masking the total destruction of the infrastructure of the northeast which has resulted from the militarist policies of the past three decades.
As we pointed out above, the exclusion of the LTTE from critical aid conference in Washington, the nonimplementation of the terms and conditions enunciated in the truce document, the continuous suffering and hardship experienced by hundreds of
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10 TAMILTIMES
LTTE should retu to negotiations, say
"We have strongly supported the ceasefire even though we have also ac
knowledged it hasn't been implemented
perfectly. Blame for this does not fall exclusively on the side of the Government, however, as the LTTE’s statement suggested. The Tigers, too, bear heavy responsibility for numerous breaches of the ceasefire. While the talks are suspended, we urge the LTTE to reflect carefully on its own transgressions. Assassinations of opponents, intimidation of Muslims, taxation without representation, aggressive Sea Tiger behaviour and continued child recruitment do not build trust in the LTTE's intentions,' United States Ambassador in Colombo Mr Ashley Wills said on 24 April reacting to the announcement by the LTTE that it was suspending the peace talks with the government of Sri Lanka.
Question - What is the U.S. reaction to the Tigers' pull-out from the talks? Answer - We regret the decisions by the LTTE to suspend its participation in the Sri Lankan peace talks and not to attend the Tokyo Donors Conference scheduled for June.
We've reviewed carefully the ostensible reasons for these decisions cited in Mr. Balasingham's letter to the PM. We do not find them convincing.
A well-intentioned wants a peaceful, p to Sri Lanka's confl such grievances at ble. I’m not saying Tamil frustration o but people must rem is not conclusively a High-security zones velopment - these need to be negotiat But if the LTTE w Tamil interests, it h the negotiations, no them.
We call on the T and to return to the We also call on the II ernment of Sri Lanka of the ceasefire ev suspended. In the m regnum in the talks by giving both parti to recommit themsel We have strongly su fire eventhough we edged it hasn't beer fectly. Blame for th clusively on the si ment, however, as ment suggested. Th heavy responsibil breaches of the ce talks are suspended
(Continued from page 8)
thousands of internally displaced Tamils, the aggressive Sinhala military occupation of Tamil cities and civilian settlements, the distortion and marginalisation of the extreme conditions of poverty and deprivation of the Tamils of the northeast in the macroeconomic policies and strategies of the government have seriously undermined the confidence of the Tamil people and the LTTE leadership in the negotiating process. Under these circumstances the LTTE leadership has decided to suspend its participation in the negotiations for the time being. We will not be attending the donor conference in Japan
in June. While we compelled to make sion, we wish to re ment to seek a neg lution to the ethnic urge the Governm restore confidence ess amongst the Ta implementing, wit the normalisation a fire Agreement an diate resettlement ( placed people of th request the govern its economic deve reconstruct the Ta. by war."

15 APRIL 2003
r SUS
party that truly olitical settlement ct could deal with he negotiating ta
don't understand ver certain issues, ember that the war nd officially over. , resettlement, deare all issues that 2d and dealt with. 'ants to represent as to participate in t walk away from
igers to reconsider negotiating track. TTE and the Govto honor the terms en while talks are eantime, this intercould prove useful ies the opportunity vesto negotiations. upported the ceasehave also acknowl| implemented peris does not fall exde of the Governthe LTTE's statee Tigers, too, bear ity for numerous asefire. While the we urge the LTTE
egret that we were this painful deci
terate our commit|tiated political soquestion. We also nt of Sri Lanka to in the peace procmil people by fully out further delay, pects of the Ceasepermit the immef the internally disnortheast. We also ment to re-evaluate opment strategy to il nation destroyed
to reflect carefully on its own transgressions. Assassinations of opponents, intimidation of Muslims, taxation without representation, aggressive Sea Tiger behaviour and continued child recruitment do not build trust in the LTTE's intentions.
We continue to believe that the way out of Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict is through negotiations facilitated by the Government of Norway. And for our part we remain willing to do whatever we can to assist Sri Lanka as it tries to bring an end to this ugly war.
Question - What about the charge the LTTE makes that Tamils are seeing no development, no peace'dividend? Answer - We think that expectations in Sri Lanka - in the north and in the south too - are way too high regarding economic development. Patience is in order. Tamils, Sinhalese, indeed all Sri Lankans must understand that economic development takes time and unfolds most quickly in conditions of lasting peace. And Sri Lanka doesn’t yet live in conditions of permanent peace. I don't mean to sound condescending, but sometimes I get the impression that some people in Sri Lanka expect an economic miracle now. Rome wasn't built in a day. Neither will Kilinochchi or Trinco, or Hambantotabe developed as quickly as we would all like. I obviously don't speak for all the donors, but it is my impression that many programs are already underway in Sri Lanka's north and east. For example, demining, by the U.S. and others, is underway and other developmental activities are happening as well. So to allege that nothing is going on is unfair. And to suggest that conditions haven't improved distorts the truth. It is also my impression that Sri Lanka's friends intend to be a lot more generous, and they intend to see that their money reaches undeveloped, deserving areas of the north and east - because that's where the devastation has been greatest - but also areas of the south.
Mr. Balasingham's letter makes it sound like it was only the mismanagement of previous Colombo governments that impoverished the south of Sri Lanka, and that the devastation of the north and east is all Colombo's fault. That's ludicrous. Successive governments down here in the south have

Page 11
15 APRIL 2003
made many mistakes, that's certain, but if blame is being distributed fairly, the LTTE deserves a great deal as well. Its pursuit of an extreme, separatist agenda, by violent means, has cost Sri Lanka's north and east, but the rest of Sri Lanka too, thousands of lives and 20 years of peaceful development. Let us not forget that we need to undo the damage caused by some two decades of war and terror and even more years of failed economic policies. That will not be done overnight. I should also point out that it is my sense that Sri Lanka's donors are properly modest about the impact of their assistance. It will be substantial, yes, and in certain areas it may be decisive in improving people's lives. But we donors know that un general foreign assistance can only be catalytic. The biggest difference in economic terms will be made by national and local governments' adopting the right policies. And in today's world, my government believes that the right policies are those that favor the private sector and individual initiative. Government has its role - in educating peopie, in building infrastructure, in helping the poorest people, in protecting individual and property rights - but it is Sri Lanka's own people, engaged in business dealings with one another and with outsiders - who will make this - intry rich.
On this important point, it would be 3 good thing for the LTTE to declare
its intentions. The ment must do a m livering services way too slow and not blind to the f Government. But economic ideolog to control everyt pursue autarkic p( north and east f Lanka? I'm confi not agree with th accept that the b Tamil people is tc rest of Sri Lanka a enal talents find e. in a richer, wider (
Question - You s about the LTTE gers do to find a
Answer - Th treated respectful government unde our Deputy Secret Armitage, said rei legitimate politica provided it renol violence. The time since passed. The likes to portray its a truly courageou that leadership to even the threat of v a permanent pea Tamils say that th LTTE's tactics b
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TANIMLTIMES 11
Sri Lankan Govern
uch better job of deand assistance. It's bureaucratic. We are ults of the Colombo what is the LTTE's y? Is it going to try ing? Is it hoping to licies that isolate the rom the rest of Sri dent the donors will at. Or is it going to est way to help the connect them to the nd let their phenom(pression and wealth OnteXt.
em pretty skeptical . What can the Ticceptance?
e Tigers want to be y and seriously. My rstands that. But as ary of State, Richard cently, we can see a ll role for the LTTE unces terrorism and for fighting has long LTTE's leadership elf as brave... well, s thing would be for give up violence and iolence and push for ce now. I've heard ley may not like the ut they need the Ti
gers to protect them. I think that’s completely wrong. The outlines of a settlement have been pretty clear for years, at least since the mid-90's. Some sort of devolution of power that gives Sri Lanka's north and east - merged or not - considerable autonomy is in order. Call it internal self-determination if you like. Call it federalism if you like. But Sri Lanka should remain united. And be diverse and democratic. Local governments likely will matter more than they do now.
That's the best way to protect Tamil and Sinhala and Muslim rights and, most of all, individual rights. The LTTE's weapons and armed cadre aren't protecting Tamil rights; they're prolonging this conflict and delaying the day when Tamils can live in truly peaceful conditions.
And now that the world is paying attention to Sri Lanka as never before, the international community will be watching closely to see that no one's rights get abused systematically once a final settlement is done. If the LTTE wants respect, it should accept this and engage the Government to settle on the terms for a new Sri Lanka. It should not pull out of the talks. And it should go to Tokyo. It doesn't want to miss this opportunity to represent the Tamil people, to be identified with the decisions that are coming that will apportion donor money. If Tamils are leery (continued on next page)
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Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
Opposition parties co
Il-Out from
The opposition parties in parliament - SLFP, JVP, LSSP,CP,MEP and NUA.- in a joint statement strongly condemned the LTTE's unilateral suspension of talks and accused the UNF government of making a blunder by signing a ceasefire agreement that was "unbalanced and structurally flawed.”
The Opposition statement said: “The Opposition parties view with concern the decision of the LTTE to suspend its participation in the negotiations for the time being and not to attend the scheduled talks in Japan in June. However, the Opposition parties are not surprised at this turn of events. They warned the UNP Government from the start of the negotiations that the Ceasefire Agreement was unbalanced and structurally flawed and would seriously affect the sovereignty of Sri Lanka. The agreement gave to the LTTE concessions that were unwarranted and unnecessary while placing the Armed Forces at a considerable disadvantage and rendering the Tamil democratic parties operating in the North and East vulnerable to attacks by the LTTE.
"The overt reasons given by the LTTE for their withdrawal from the ne
(Continued from page 10) of Colombo-based governments, if they fear that they will be double-crossed - and I can understand why some Tamils would have such apprehensions - then the LTTE should be engaging, not suspending. If the LTTE makes positive moves, my government will acknowledge them and respond. But a truly warm American and international reaction can only come when the LTTE renounces terrorism and violence.
The Tigers's goal should be to make peace, and quickly. Too much blood has been spilled, too many opportunities for forgiveness missed. If I may quote an Indian politician: "It's impossible to shake hands with a clenched fist." And I might add that it's hard to shake hands with one's back turned. O (The full text of an interview by Reuters with Ambassador Wills on April 24)
gotiations are that excluded from the talks, that it had r venue which had n the Ceasefire Agre implemented by the funds for developi earmarked essential than the North and ernment will have t to these allegations ties agree with Pri that these reasons a parlicular that the numerous serious V ment which they ł continue to commi "In the view o ties the LTTE's let maximum pressure Government to yie demands as the pri negotiations, espec its demands for rec naval unit and with Forces from the h Jaffna. The people position parties w Sure that the UNP accede to these den more secret unde LTTE in the name “The Opposit pressed their oppos the Head of the M undermine the sov He has proposed sion paper which possibilities for di spirit of the agreel and especially the recognise the LTT facto Naval unital excluded from the tations on outboarc the Navy and the S “specific marked areas at sea design ing and live firing other, preposterou clearly that the N. sion is contemptu ereignty and is he
 

15 APRI 2003
it was unjustifiably
recent Washington
quested a change of pt been granted, that ement has not been Government and that ment work are being ly for the South rather East. The UNP Govo respond adequately The Opposition parsident Kumaratunga re feeble. We note in LTTE ignores the iolations of the agreelave committed, and
daily. o the Opposition parter is a tactic to bring to bear on the UNP ld to its unreasonable ze for returning to the ially in the context of ognition of a de facto drawal of the Armed igh security zones in must be, and the Opll be, vigilant to enGovernment does not hands or enter into any rstandings with the of the peace process. on parties have exition to the attempt by Ionitoring Mission to ereignty of Sri Lanka. in a so-called discuscontains no contrary scussion, that "in the ment the Government, ri Lanka Navy, should E Sea Tigers as a de d the LTTE should be law concerning limimotors (OBM's)" that ea Tigers should have exercise and training d for navigation, trainxercises'. These, and s propositions indicate Irdic Monitoring Misus of Sri Lanka's sovavily biased in favour
of the LTTE. Therefore the Monitoring Mission and its present Head have lost the confidence of the Opposition parties. “The Opposition parties wholeheartedly support the Navy Commander in his opposition to the proposal of the Monitoring Mission with regard to the status of the LTTE's Sea Tigers. Likewise they wholeheartedly support the Army Commander of the North on his stand regarding the withdrawal of the Armed Forces from the high security zones in Jaffna.
“All States and parties involved in the negotiations must realise that the sovereignty of Sri Lanka is not a tradable commodity; it is not negotiable and cannot be compromised. The UNP Government should note well the feelings of the people of Sri Lanka on this matter and act accordingly. The Opposition parties, who together currently represent the majority of voters in Sri Lanka, cannot countenance developments in the talks or on the ground that jeopardise the territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. This is a paramount consideration to which the Opposition parlies are deeply and irrevocably committed.
“The LTTE's letter regarding withdrawal from the ongoing talks comes in the wake of serious clashes at sea, the harassment of the Muslim community in the East, the demand for the withdrawal of the Armed Forces from the high security zones in Jaffna, the suppression of democratic political activity in the North and East and continued ceasefire violations. The LTTE has spoken publicly of already having in place a permanent administration, a standing Army, a standing Navy, Law Courts, Police stations, banks and other institutions. The Opposition views with great concern the continued abduction of children for compulsory military service, which is well documented by national and international agencies, The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission has reported that, at the end of 2002, there had been 1403 recorded complaints against the LTTE in this connection, the Opposition parties express their appreciation of the courageous reporting by many journalists, in different sections of the media, on matters relating to the ongoing negotiations and national security. The work of Iqbal Athas, Defence Correspondent of the Sunday Times, on defence matters is especially praiseworthy. "The Prime Minister and his negotiating team have not yet, after 14 months

Page 13
15 APR 2003
of the current negotiations thought it fit to inform the country, the President and Parliament and perhaps even most of the Cabinet, of the policy framework which would form the basis for negotiations.
"The Opposition parties call upon the UNP Government firstly, to insist that the LTTE should make a public declaration renouncing 'all forms of threat, duress and violence as a condition for continuing with the talks, and secondly, that the decommissioning issue should unequivocally be stated to be 'an Indispensable part of the process of negotiation' which should be pursued in parallel with other aspects of the negotiations, as in El Salvador and Northern Ireland.
“Thirdly, the Opposition parties do not approve of the exclusive process of consultation that is presently being conducted between the LTTE and the UNP Government under the auspices of the Norwegian Government. They call for fuller and wider participation, in the ongoing talks of those who have legitimate claims to voice the aspirations of the various communities, ethnic, linguistic and
religious, which ha Lanka.
"The rapid exp forces of the LTTE of their cadres to u All these actions re tention to create and of parallel governr North and the East, 1 central government, way to the establis State. The UNP GC ing the LTTE. It see able to stand its grou ily compromising th Lanka. Thus, a deep arisen in the minds Lanka.
"These actions c strate a clear trend t dation of its authority Eastern Provinces w risk ofa separate Sta as a reality on the gr the Opposition partie expressed theiropini the UNP Governmen these criticisms of th
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"e co-existed in Sri
insion of the armed as taken the number precedented levels. lect the LTTE's indominate some kind ental entity in the ot responsible to the which could pave the ment of a separate vernment is placatms unwilling or unnd and is thus steade sovereignty of Sri sense of anxiety has of the people of Sri
f the LTTE demonowards the consoliin the Northern and hich creates a grave te being established ound. In this regard shave continuously on and criticism but talvays considered he Opposition as an
attempt to subvert the peace process, but the real situation has now become clear. It is the duty of the Opposition -a duty owed to the people - to ask questions and demand answers. The truth must be shared with the public.
"The Opposition parties also favour a process of national consultations on the resolution of the conflict. The Opposition parties wish to see human rights, governance and plurality questions vigorously pursued in the talks if they are resumed. "The Opposition parties are deeply concerned about the present plight, and the future, of the Muslim community in the Eastern Province. Everything must be done to ensure their safety, and the safety of all the communities in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, Their safety cannot be left to the mercy of the LTTE.
"The signatory parties to this communique join in urging the President to take all necessary constitutional steps to protect the territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka and the security of its people. It is the responsibility of the Government to ensure that the (continued on next page)
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Page 14
14 TAMLTMES
Balasingham respo to US Ambassad
Mr Anton Balasingham, LTTE's chiefnegotiator, on 25 April denied that the Tamil Tigers had walked away from negotiations with the Sri Lankan government and said they were temporarily suspending talks "to provide time and space for the government to implement crucial decisions." Responding to comments by the United States Ambassador, Mr. Ashley Wills, the LTTE's ChiefNegotiator and Political Advisor, Mr. Anton Balasingham said, "As the representatives of our people we reserve the right to express our displeasure if decisions at the talks are not implemented and bi-lateral agreements are not fulfilled.'
The full text of the interview by TamilNet with Mr. Balasingham follows:
Q: Mr Ashley Wills, the US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, in a comprehensive interview with Reuters, has presented a critical review of the LTTE's position as set out in your letter to the Prime Minister Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe, What, in your view, is the central thrust of this argument? Do you agree with him?
Mr Balasingham: Mr Wills's central contention is that the LTTE should
continue to engage t Sri Lanka to address than walking away f an element of misu with regard to our p not terminated the n or walked away fro have decided is to te the talks to provide the government to decisions, particula tion aspects of the
ment. We have not
process or terminate intentionally created terregnum for the gi immediate and cons to address urgent hu faced by the Tamil: the talks very seriou mentation of the dec more seriously. Ouri surise the governme.
... gency of the existent
ing our people and them the importanc gations, pledges and ternally displaced an been languishing in welfare centres f years. Obligations Agreement have no nearly fifteen month
(Continued from page 12) Armed Forces are in a fit state of readiness to meet any eventuality that might
OCCIT.
“The Opposition parties feel that the time has come for a change in the composition of the Monitoring Mission. Otherwise, as recent events at sea have shown, grave damage could be caused not only to the sovereign interests of Sri Lanka but to the sovereign interests of our northern neighbour with whom we are linked, and will continue forever to be linked, by timeless bonds of history and common interest, India's concerns for the future of Sri Lanka in relation to her own interests deserve our respect and highest consideration. We notewith concern that the naval conflict is fast becom
ing a regional proble ments in the Indian tors from India and should be invited to toring ofunlawful L (which excludes llaw prejudicial to the in and other concerned "In conclusion, ties reiterate their st and political resolu question in Sri Lan the communities o. ever, the Oppositio) time has come whe necessary steps wit cerns of the mass country at the direct with the LTTE are

15 APRIL 2003
nds
e Government of grievances rather om talks. There is lderstanding here osition. We have 'gotiating process n talks. What we nporarily suspend ime and space for mplement crucial ly the normalisaCeasefire Agreescuttled the peace negotiations. We an interval, an inbvernment to take tructive measures manitarian issues ... We have taken sly and the impleisions at the talks intention is to presnt to realise the urial issues confrontto impress upon 2 of fulfilling oblidecisions. The ind the refugees have refugee camps and or more than ten under Ceasefire t been fulfilled for s. Our pleas for the
m relating to moveOcean. Thus moni(wo other countries carry out the moniTE activities at sea. ful passage) that are erests of Sri Lanka States.
he Opposition parpport for a peaceful ion of the national (a acceptable to all the country. Howparties feel that the they must take the regard to the conf the people of the on in which the talks loving."
last six months, during sessions of talks, to resolve the issue of resettlement have not been taken seriously. I don't think Mr Wills has understood the frustrations and the enormous suffering of the uprooted Tamils. The Ceasefire Agreement is a serious commitment by the parties in conflict, not only to cease armed confrontations butto create conditions to restore normal life to the Tamil civilian population also.
The Sri Lankan armed forces have yet to fulfill their obligations under the truce and continue to violate the fundamental rights of the refugees to return to their homes and villages. This is the problem in a nutshell. We are representing the interests of our people. As the representatives of our people we reserve the right to express our displeasure if decisions at the talks are not implemented and bi-lateral agreements are not fulfilled. Our decision to temporarily suspend negotiations giving time for the government to act is a fair and rational form of protest. We wish to assure Mr Wills that we have no intention of running away from the negotiating process or pulling out of the talks as he puts it. We have reiterated our commitment to seek a negotiated settlement in our letter addressed to Mr Wickramasinghe.
Q: Mr Ashley Wills has reiterated the usual American position that the LTTE should renounce "terrorism and violence' to be accepted and respected by the international community. He further says that the possession of weapons and the maintenance of armed formations by the LTTE are not going to protect Tamil rights but rather will prolong the conflict. What is your comment on this position?
Mr Balasingham: Mr Wills as well as Mr Armitage have always advocated the renunciation of “terrorism and violence' by the LTTE. The Americans are well aware that our organisation has already abdicated all acts of armed violence ever since we signed a Ceasefire Agreement. Yet we do have military formations to protect our lands and our people. The ethnic conflict is not yet resolved and the threat of Sinhala military aggression of Tamil lands is not yet over. Under these circumstances, decommissioning or abdication of arms is non-negotiable. The major

Page 15
15 APRIL 2003
ity of the Tamil people will not agree with Mr Wills's perception that the maintenance of armed formations by the LTTE would not protect the Tamil rights but rather create conflicts. On this issue the Tamils seriously differ with Mr Wills. Our people have suffered bitter historical experience of state terror and oppression extending over decades. The Tamils resorted to armed resistance as the last resort to defend their right to existence. Having gone through turbulent periods of state repression and armed resistance, of failed negotiations and betrayals, the Tamil people have genuine fears and anxieties with regards to their safe and secure existence. The Tamils are seeking, not only substantial political autonomy but also a security system that would permanently ensure the protection of their right to live peacefully with dignity and freedom in their historically given homeland. I sincerely hope that the Americans will appreciate and understand the aspirations as well as apprehensions of a people who have faced genocidal oppression from State terrorism and violence.
Q: Mr Wills argue the economic dep and the devastat could not be blam bo's misguided p, LTTEs violent se also a contributo, poverished cond What do you say? Mr Balasingh that successive S ments have made my view that the e Lanka is self-infli disastrous militaris heavy internationa with bad governar efficiency and wi were the contribu collapse of the ecc not deny the fact fensive war camp strikes at the state had disastrous eff economy. The LT can only be chara violence against st ofresistance agains sion. Mr Wills, w.
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that your theme that ivation of the south on of the northeast dentirely on Colomlicies. He says that laratist agenda was y factor for the imtion of the south.
m: Mr Wills agrees ri Lankan governlunders. I stand by onomic chaos of Sri ted in the sense that tic policies based on borrowing coupled ce, bureaucratic inlespread corruption ting factors for the nomic system. I do hat the LTTE's deaigns that included 's economic targets acts on the island's TE’s armed struggle cterised as reactive ate violence, a form it intolerable represho should be famill
TAMLTMES 15
iar with the evolutionary history of the armed resistance movement of the Tamils knows very well that successive Sri Lankan governments, until the assumption of the present regime, adopted rigid militaristic policies that intensified the conditions of war which brought colossal destruction of the Tamil nation and led to the economic collapse of the Sinhala nation. Apart from the causal problems of the conflict Mr Wills will certainly agree that poverty and deprivation prevailing in the northeast are far worse than that of the south.
2: Mr. Ashley Wills suggests that the LTTE is expecting too much too soon by way of a peace dividend, that "Rome wasn't built in a day' as he put it. How
do you respond?
Mr Balasingham: There are two distinct issues here; firstly, the urgent and immediate problems faced by the Tamil people and secondly, the longterm economic development of the Tamil areas. The two should not be confused. As I have said, our present (continued on next page)
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Page 16
6 TAMLTMES
Washington Aid La Meet and LTTE's Exc
D.B.S. Jeyaraj
"Indeed, I believe the negotiations between the Governme the LTTE have reached an important point, one where an tional support can add an unstoppable force to this momentu
"Some donors may, as a matter of policy, think it desirabl ing us assistance until the current negotiations are concluded has been signed. We appeal to them to reconsider that appr.
stances of our case."
The April new year - aluth avurudhu in Sinhala and puthu Varusham in Tamil - is the major festival celebrated by both the Sinhala and Tamil people of Sri Lanka. The advent of the new year “subh anu” on April 14, brought in its wake a massive financial bonanza to the conflict ridden island currently enjoying a peace interlude. A two-day Washington seminar was convened on the day of the new year by the US State Department and Chaired by Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage. It resulted in “informal' pledges to allocate US $ 3.5 billion over a threeyear period for reconstruction and development of the war ravaged country.
Specific details of the aid package will be announced formally at the International Aid Meeting to be held in Tokyo on June 9 and 10 this year. The success of the Washington seminar, a precursor to the forthcoming confer
- 1
ence in Tokyo, wa government of Pr. Wickremesinghe Economic Reform Moragoda in partic International su Wickremesingl moting rehabilitati tion as a prerequis litical issues had o as being lopsided : velopment cartbef lution horse.' No donor communitys ted and endorsed i ridiculed by oppo) can stooge', the ol cation of his effor conclave signalled national supportf Even as the count tidings of this win was one entity th
(Continued from page 14) concern and intention is to pressurise the government to realise the urgency of the existential issues confronting our people. Hundreds of thousands of Tamils are being prevented from returning to their homes due to ongoing military occupation. The infrastructure of the Tamil areas, where the conflict has been raging, has been completely destroyed. We do not accept that the resettling of the displaced people and refugees, the restoration of normalcy or the rehabilitation efforts are matters to be addressed in the course of time. We have been stressing the importance of this from the outset of the peace proc
ess and are disapp ment's refusal to ously. However, opment of the Tan separate to be dis in the future. Q: The American tioning the econ LTTE. What is y Mr Balasinghan we are in favou economy based ( values. Specific fiscal arrangeme out in more deta work of a system at a later stage.

15 APRIL 2003
lka usion
ut of Sri Lanka and fusion of internan of peace.”
Richard Armitage
to postpone grantand a peace accord ach in the circum
filinda Moragoda
s a triumph for the me Minister Ranil in general and his Minister, Milinda ular.
Ipport ne’s strategy of proon and reconstrucite to resolving poften been criticised and "putting the deore the conflictresow the international seems to have accept. As for Moragoda, ents as an "Ameriutcome was a vindits. The Washington strong US led interr the peace process. ry at large received dfall with glee there it was sulking. The
inted at the governtake this issue serihe long term develil areas is something assed and addressed
Ambassador is quesnic ideology of the
ur comment?
I can only say that of an open market liberal democratic onomic policies and s have to be worked in the final frameffederal government O
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been excluded from the Washington parley on April 14 and 15. The LTTE has been designated as a "foreign terrorist organisation by the US State Department from October, 1997. Officially this prevented the US from inviting the Tigers.
The LTTE however took umbrage at this and issued a hard-hitting statement at this lack of inclusion. It also implied a possible boycott of the forthcoming Tokyo Summit threatening to review its decision to attend it. The scheduled aid meeting for reconstruction and development of Sri Lanka at Tokyo will have four co-chairs representing Norway, Japan, USA and the European Union. The Washington meeting was a preparatory seminar for that event.
It was also meant to demonstrate that the US was becoming increasingly "interested' in Sri Lankan affairs. The time and venue was determined to coincide with the spring meetings of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in order to facilitate participation of key financial officials attending those sessions. The invitations were personally signed by US Secretary of State, Colin Powell and sent to 29 countries, 23 international organisations and two foundations. Twentyone countries and 16 organisations were present at the seminar held at the Loy Auditorium. A noteworthy attendee was Indian Ambassador to the US, Lalit Mansingh who reiterated India's commitment to the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. The high level presence of the Indian envoy at the conclave was quite significant against the backdrop of recent events.
New Delhi having proscribed the LTTE since May 1992 has displayed pronounced disdain in associating with the Tigers at any level. India boycotted a conference organised by the UNHCR at Kilinochchi in which the LTTE played a prominent role. When Norway, brokering the peace process in Sri Lanka, arranged a conference in Oslo on November 25 last year, the LTTE's Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham also addressed it. India merely sent a third secretary from its Oslo embassy as an observer instead of the Envoy to Norway, Gopal Gandhi.

Page 17
5 APR 2003
Remarkable development
In that context the role played by Mansingh at the Washington seminar was a remarkable development. There is no doubt that the US was gratified by Indian participation as New Delhi's sensitivity towards developments in Sri Lanka is an acknowledged factor. It is doubtful whether India would have participated to this extent had the LTTE been invited. There was speculation in the Sri Lankan media that the LTTE was kept out by the US to ensure Indian attendance.
Deputy Secretary Armitage who presided dealt with the LTTE issue in his address and provided an explanation. "There is one partner to peace that is today conspicuous by its absence, and that is the LTTE. Now I know the Tigers are unhappy about their exclusion today, but let me explain their absence. The United States placed the LTTE on our list of foreign terrorists organisations back in 1997. That designation carries with it legal restrictions including a prohibition on issuing visas to members of the organisation for entry into the United States,” he said. "And while it is safe to say that the United States is encouraged by the recent behaviour of the LTTE, we do not yet see a rationale for lifting the designation as a foreign terrorist organisation. Our position is crystal clear. The LTTE must unequivocally renounce terrorism, in word and in deed, if we are to consider withdrawing the designation. I think it is fair to say with the way the current negotiations are going, the United States can see a future for the LTTE as a legitimate political organisation, but it is still up to the LTTE to change this situation. It is up to them to demonstrate that they are capable and worthy of such legitimacy," he further said.
Continuing further Armitage said "For the LTTE and for the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) there are still many obstacles to overcome. Difficult issues still need to be addressed. And while much will depend on their political will, the success of the peace process ultimately will depend on tangible results. And it may well be that such results, at least in the near term, are simply beyond Sri Lanka's means, especially as it engages in a programme of sweeping economic reforms. And
that is why interna moral and materi tial if Sri Lanka’s Succeed.'
Armitage pro would be donors w deed, I believe the the GOSL and the an important point sion of internationa unstoppable force 1 peace. This is an ( that when nations gether and work as national institution so much is possible any one nation or alone.'
Eloquent appeal
Economic Ref nda Moragoda led tion. Moragoda is a GOSL team that rounds of discussi from September l; provided a powerfu comprising a monta to the conflict and ter he made an elo sistance. "Some do ter of policy, think pone granting us : current negotiation a peace accord has “We appeal to that approach in th our case. There a where accords have where beneficiarie a chance to feel th There is no doubt support from the C covery could turn prospect. If we ar strate now, in a pl dividend that peac the negative effe among the parties, negotiations, and hostilities.
"By allowing th to commence n0W show to every sec including the LT accommodation of tangible prosperity oflife forall. In sl for the timely comr ance that would sp

AMLIMES 17
tional support, both al support, is essenquest for peace is to
vided the cue for hen he observed “Inlegotiations between LTTE have reached one where an inful support can add an o this momentum of opportunity to show of goodwill join topartners with intersand organisations, - so much more than entity can achieve
orms Minister Milithe Lankan delegakey member of the has engaged in six ons with the LTTE ast year. Moragoda Il visual presentation ge of images related its victims. Thereafquent appeal for asnors may, as a matit desirable to postassistance until the s are concluded and been signed.
them to reconsider le circumstances of re many instances remained on paper, s have been denied e benefits of peace. that without donor utset, economic reout to be a distant a unable to demoneliminary way, the will bring, we risk :cts of frustration a breakdown of the the resumption of
Le flow of assistance we could begin to tion of our people, E, that a peaceful interests will bring and a better quality pport of our appeal hencement of assistved Sri Lanka’s eco
nomic recovery, we offer the progress thus far achieved under complex and volatile conditions. Whenever ceasefire violations have taken place, both parties have displayed the wisdom and maturity not to scuttle the peace process and revert to violence.
"Our negotiators have been able to remain focused on the common goal of apolitical solution. From having to deal with the demand for a separate state, they have moved to a consideration of patterns of devolution within a federal system. The atmosphere at the negotiations has progressed from mutual suspicion tinged with hatred, to mutual caution, in a continuing trend that is fostered through confidence-building
CaSTCS,
"Moreover, we would be willing to offer such assurances as may be needed as to the proper use and accountability for the funds provided.” Moragoda also pointed out that "Funds are urgently required for both the immediate need of reconstruction, rehabilitation and relief as well as for laying the foundations for overall economic recovery after two decades of destructive and debilitating conflict. I would like to outline first the tasks that demand our immediate attention.'
Critical spheres
Moragoda went on to outline the critical spheres where urgent financial support was required. Among those pinpointed were: There are some one million land-mines scattered in unmarked areas that need to be located and neutralised. Whole towns and villages need to be rebuilt and their basic services restored. There are an estimated one million internally displaced persons currently accommodated in camps or staying with relatives. They desperately need shelter and simple equipment to till the soil. Many schools have been destroyed or damaged in conflict-affected areas, while schools in other parts of the country have suffered severely from a chronic lack of funds. Sri Lanka is proud of its achievements in education, and its high literacy rates. Access to good schools has been of enormous significance to our people. But unless urgent action is taken to restore the quality of our schools, we shall risk squandering our achievements in this field, and having to deal with a "lost

Page 18
18 TAMILTIMES
generation' of inadequately educated youth. One of the greatest challenges that we must face is getting people back to work throughout the island. In addition, it has been our experience that whenever people have remained in refugee camps for long periods without hope and regular employment, they tend to become inured to a culture of dependency.
But, with very little assistance they can be encouraged to resume their livelihoods as fishermen, farmers, and small traders. The social returns on such small investments will be very large, and the rehabilitation of these sections of our population will be essential if we are to achieve a lasting peace. Although there was no "official' announcement of aid at the seminar's end there was agreement on providing aid for rehabilitation, reconstruction and development. The needs assessment provided by Sri Lankan officials estimated a sum of US $ 6 billion over a period of six years as being required. The preliminary phase needed US $ 1.3 million of which USS 459 million was earmarked for immediate needs in the north-east. Sri Lankan newspapers quoting Secretary to the Treasury and Ministry of Policy Development and Implementation Charita Ratwatte said that "this biggest ever aid package would be of ficially given at the international aid conference to be held in Tokyo on June 9 and 10.'
Apparently Sri Lanka will get US $3.5 billion over a three-year period. It would be USS 1.3 billion for the first year and 1.1 billion each for the next two years. All this largesse however is predicated on the assumption that the peace process would continue on a satisfactory course. This obviously depends on the conduct of both parties, the GOSL and LTTE.
LTTE reaction
Hell hath no fury as a feline scorned. The Tigers being excluded from the meet are clearly furious and have made threatening growls. The most serious one being the implied threat to boycott the forthcoming Tokyo Confer
CCC,
The Tigers who went into a huff over the flagrant rebuff by the US have now turned their guns on Colombo and to a lesser extent Oslo. While continu
ing its participation ess the LTTE has si review its decision Tokyo donor conf media have emphas of Tokyo is on the mean that the Tigers the seventh round of April 29 but keep a conference on June writing this article, nounced that it is s talks with the gover “Officially” the sona non grata as 1 concerned because t designated as a pros rorist organisation b partment in Octobe continues to be in f
This situation w zling. Ever since the underway the LTTE pating at most interr relating to it. It was not only in Norway many and Japan - tw the Tigers were prol ing the USA and col why was the confere ington? The Tigers pressure on Oslo an them to select anothe were admissible. D or was it sidelined c Informed source that the whole purp ence was to demon at large that the so was firmly behind th process. The USA \ Tokyo meeting. Thi cise was to canvass ing for aid to Sri L then others would f was considered idea Sessions of the Wo national Monetary key officials attend ticipate easily in th
Caught on the wr
The Tiger react clusion seems to in caught on the Wrol ised the position responded differen the LTTE had bee about its participal nar initially. Whe

15 APRIL 2003
n the peace procited that it would of attending the rence. Pro-Tiger sed that a boycott zards. This could will participate at alks beginning on way from the aid 9 and 10. Since he LTTE has anuspending further ment) Tigers were perar as the US was he LTTE had been cribed foreign tery the US State Der, 1997. The ban
ᎱᏟe . as somewhat puzpeace process got had been particiLational gatherings present officially 7 but also in Gero G-7 countries. If hibited from enteruld not attend, then ence held in Washcould have exerted i Colombo and got ir venue where they id the LTTE do it lespite efforts? 's in Colombo said ose of the conferstrate to the world litary super power e Sri Lankan peace vas a co-host at the spreparatory exerinternational backnka. If the US led ollow. Washington because the spring ld Bank and InterFund were on and ng them could par: Lankan talks too.
ing foot
on to their non-inicate that they were g foot. Had it realarlier it may have ly. By all accounts quite complacent on in the US semiColombo newspa
pers reported erroneously that the LTTE would be attending the Washington meeting pro-Tiger media organs were gloating positively. One newspaper Uthayan went on to advise New Delhi editorially to follow suit. Richard Armitage had already attended the Oslo meeting despite the prevalent ban. Now Tiger representatives were going to Washington officially. India too should be flexible like the USA, the journal proposed.
This misguided euphoria evaporated when in response to a query, U.S. Ambassador in Colombo E. Ashley Wills told The Island "We have never had in mind inviting the LTTE or any of its associated organisations to the Washington meeting on April 14. Under US law, it is not possible for us to play host to an organisation on our list of Foreign Terrorist Organisations (FTOs). The U.S. listing of the LTTE as a FTO will remain in effect until the group renounces terrorism in word and deed." It was certainly not accidental that Armitage used almost the exact words in Washington later.
The LTTE first reacted by issuing a statement on April 4 protesting "its exclusion from an international donor conference to be hosted by the United States,” and expressed its "disappointment” at the move, saying "this would undermine confidence in the ongoing peace process.” It pointed out that both parties had "agreed to equal and joint partnership in efforts to solicit international financial assistance for reconstruction and rehabilitation efforts.'
“Regrettably" it said "the United States has undermined this joint effort by isolating the LTTE and solely promoting the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) at the preliminary meeting and went on to say “we call upon the United States and international donors to actively support the Norwegian peace process by endorsing the joint participation of the LTTE and GOSL in reconstruction and rehabilitation efforts in the north and east of Sri Lanka.'
Rebuking Colombo and Oslo
A second statement was released on April 12. The LTTE "declared that the organisation would review its decision to participateatthe Tokyo donors” con ference in June, in protest against the exclusion of their accredited representa

Page 19
15 APRIL 2003
tives from the crucial international aid conference in Washington to be held on Monday (14 April) in preparation for the main donor conference in Japan.”
It then went on to rebuke Colombo and Oslo: "We are deeply disappointed that the Sri Lankan government and Norway, as our facilitator, have failed to ensure the LTTE's participation in this crucial preparatory aid conference by not selecting an appropriate venue, Sri Lanka has opted to marginalise our organisation at the Washington Conference.”
It is generally known that the interregnum between the first and second statements had seen the Tigers frantically lobbying Norway and the Sri Lankan government to get the US to relent. Despite the efforts of Minister Milinda Moragoda and Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgessen, the US had been adamantly firm. Washington had its own reasons for specifically excluding the Tigers. Chief among them was that the LTTE being allowed formally to attend an official conference hosted by the US State Department would have nullified the entire effect of the ban imposed by the same institution.
The LTTE's disappointment at being debarred from Washington was aggravated by another reason. Among other things the Tigers have been utilising the peace process to acquire respectability and legitimacy internationally. As Balasingham is fond of regaling Tamil listeners, the Tigers are now visiting countries that regarded them as terrorists earlier, as "honoured' guests. Had the LTTE been invited to Washington there was no doubt of it being trumpeted as a great triumph. There would have been some truth in that projection too. Now, the balloon has burst. The LTTE stands exposed in the eyes of the Tamil people.
Against that backdrop the LTTE has resorted to a different strategy. The Tigers are attempting to portray the situation as one where they as "the authentic representatives of the Tamil people had been deprived of an opportunity to articulate their interests and aspirations." In spite of this aggressive stance the multi-billion rupee question now is whether the LTTE will really boycott the Tokyo conference as implied or not.
If the Tigers this, then the foi kyo, of aid ple could be affect meet has "inform cating US $ 3.5 of three years to I record of the LT citrance by it wou tively. Such a ne extension would of aid. This in tu dermine the traj process.
Boycotting Toky On the otherh about the LTTE's matter. One comp LTTE in pursuing has been the allur ting its hands on for reconstructing north-east. Would jeopardise that at th its complaint abou Washington it wo need assessmen projects prior to th can therefore prov) evant matters. Mc would be on the de of the Tigers bei Washington and ad modative approach sires.
In spite of the "willingness' to pa kyo meeting is indi factors. Despite th Tokyo, it has not attending the sever Thailand on April 2 sible that after gei over this issue at t could “agree” toatt It could always say nanimously in the and the 'well-bein ple.”
Another way would be to utilise Special Advisor Ak in late April. The some discussion sa attending the Toky ence to the wishes already pledged U projects in the nor ferent aid program

: firmly resolved on al allocation in Toed in Washington . The Washington ly' decided on alloillion over a period nka. Given the track , any sign of recalbe perceived negaative perception by otard the allocation 1 will seriously unctory of the peace
Conference?
nd there are doubts
cal intentions on this lling reason for the peace negotiations ng prospect of getast sums of money and developing the it be prepared to isjuncture? Despite t being sidelined in uld be privy to all is and envisaged e Tokyo summit. It ide its input on relreover, the GOSL fensive on account ng excluded from ppt a highly accomtowards LTTE de
hetoric, the Tigers ticipate at the Torated also by other threat to boycott aid anything about h round of talks in . So it is very posbrating some heat e talks, the Tigers ld the Tokyo meet. at it is acting magrterests of "peace' of the Tamil peo
ut for the Tigers e visit of Japanese hi to Kilinochchi igers could after that they will be meeting in deferJapan. Japan has S 270 million for east under a dif
TAM TIMES 19
Under these circumstances many observers opined that the braggadacio of the LTTE could very well turn out to be the puerile bluff of a disappointed juvenile. In spite of the roaring rhetoric disgruntled Tigers could "purr like pussycats in anticipation of expected aid at Tokyo, it was felt. Responding perhaps to this line of thought the Tigers raised the ante further.
The Tamil Guardian published in London generally reflects the thinking of the LTTE hierarchy. Its latest editorial of April 16 stated ominously:"The LTTE has said it will not be attending the Japan event. Speculation in the media that it is merely letting off steam is hopelessly optimistic given the strength offeeling in the north and east. If the LTTE's deliberate exclusion from Washington tempered Tamil optimism, then its voluntary absence from Tokyo will send an unmistakable signal to the Tamil people that little to benefit them will emerge from this aid gathering effort. In short the entire exercise seems simply intended to bolster and revive Sri Lanka's economy while Colombo simultaneously rebuilds its armed forces. The writing it would appear is on the wall.'
The Tamil Guardian also made the accusation that the international conferences now being held to secure funds for the development of war-torn Sri Lanka, are not going to be of any use to the Tamil people because the funds are not meant to be disbursed in the Tamil-majorityNorth Eastern Province but in the Sinhala-majority south to bolster "Sinhala prospects'. It further said that the Sri Lankan government was "exploiting” the plight of the people in the war-ravaged North Eastern Province to "secure international sympathy' and get funds "better Sinhala prospects'. And while seeking economic development funds from abroad, Colombo was also rebuilding its armed forces, it charged.
The Tamil Guardian reiterated the LTTE's contention that the Sri Lankan government and facilitator Norway could very well have sought and found another venue if the US had a legal problem about allowing the delegation of a banned organisation to step on to US soil, but they chose not to. The editorial pointed out that when the peace process began, the Ranil Wickremesin

Page 20
20 TAM TIMES
ghe government agreed to "jointly” seek international funding for development and talked of the government and the LTTE being partners in development. But the LTTE’s exclusion from the Washington conclave had made these solemn commitments nonsensical.
The publication said that the LTTE would certainly boycott the mega"Aid Lanka' meet in Tokyo in June because that would be an “unmistakable” signal to the Tamil people that they stood to gain little or nothing from these aid gathering efforts. The LTTE perceives, what the Tamil Guardian calls its "deliberate exclusion" from the April 14 mini donors' meeting in Washington, as a sign of a conspiracy to strike deals behind its back.
Hindustan Times of April 18 had a perceptive report by its Colombo Correspondent P. K. Balachandran on the implications of the Tamil Guardian editorial. Some excerpts provide an illuminating insight into what is happening now.
"America's awesome display of its armed might in Iraq and its willingness to go to any length to establish its hegemony anywhere in the world, must be worrying the LTTE. It is aware that the Wickremesinghe government is getting an international “security net” backed and underwritten by the US. The US had only recently gifted to the Sri Lankan Navy a chopper carrying Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) capable of intercepting LTTE gun running vessels at great distances from the shore.
“However, LTTE Supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran believes in the dictum “offense is the best form of defense. He has opted to challenge the Sri Lankan government rather than be intimidated by US power and submit meekly. His threat to boycott the Tokyo meet, where US $ 1000 million may be pledged, is expected to bring Colombo a few notches down and Sue for peace, because it needs the money to revive Sri Lanka's dying economy.
"Unlike the government, the LTTE is not in need of funds for development, since development is not its primary goal, or raison d'etre. It is fighting for the independence of “Tamil Eelam.” The LTTE is not in any desperate need to continue the peace talks either, because war is its favoured technique to
"SLMM would
that the LTTE Sea legal rights mor any safeguarding the sov torial integrity of Sri ligationsbelongpur the Government of ternational Sri Lanki sion (SMM) said in 25 April in attempt tion following wides its suggestion that wing "Sea Tigers' nized as a 'de factor The SLMM Sate Agreement signed b of Sri Lanka and th ers of Tamil Eelam o 2002 is in force. A planned sessions of l impact on the validity or the adherence of the Ceasefire. Both firmed this to Sri I Mission (SLMM). tinue to monitor t working on assisting ing disputes that ar ing the situation in in North and East S “To prevent fut that could threaten Ceasefire, the Sixt Talks in Japan agre fective arrangemen of their naval uni
achieve its goal. E needs the peace pri to keep on track, LTTE at the negoti at any cost.
"For the gover the peace process only to show the that money is beir opment; to assure that there is a fav investment; and la ble “peace divide: majority south Sri all, is the island ci cal constituency.”
 

15 APRIL 2003
Clarifies Position
Security at Sea
ke to emphasize igers has neither 'gitimate tasks of reignty and terriLanka. These oby to the Forces of ri Lanka,' the inMonitoring Mispress release on o clarify its posipread criticism of he LTTE's naval should be recogavy". d, “The Ceasefire y the Government e Liberation Tign February 22nd, Any suspension of Peace Talks has no of the Agreement the two Parties to Parties have conanka Monitoring SLMM will conhe Ceasefire and the Parties in solvise and normalizthe war torn areas i Lanka. re incidents at sea the stability of the Round of Peace cd; to work out efs for the operation s in keeping with
ut the government cess to go on. And t has to keep the ting table, virtually
ment, the talks and ill have to go on, if ternational donors sought for develpotential investors urable climate for tly, to bring tangils' to the Sinhalaanka, which, after intry’s main politi
existing treaty obligations. The Parties also agreed that SLMM should undertake preventive measures to avoid serious incidents at sea and on land. Recent days have seen strong reactions to isolated points of the Initial Discussion Paper that SLMM prepared as a basis for discussion on these arrangements. In that context SLMM would like to make the following clarifications.
“When the Ceasefire Agreement was signed on the 22nd of Feb 02, the LTTE fighting formations, including the Sea Tigers, existed. Consequently, the LTTE Sea Tigers exists as a De Facto Naval Unit. (In the Oxford Advanced Dictionary De Facto is defined as follows: Existing as a fact although it may not be legally accepted as existing). These are the reasons why SLMM has been tasked to work out these arrangements. SLMM would like to emphasize that the LTTE Sea Tigers has neither legal rights nor any legitimate tasks of safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. These obligations belong purely to the Forces of the Government of Sri Lanka. Balance of power is one of the basic elements for the present Ceasefire. Hence, to maintain their Forces capabilities both Parties must have the right to carry out training and exercise in designated areas. Such exercises and training should cause minimum disturbance to the normal life, i.e. fisheries. In this context it should also be noted hat there are no requirements in the Ceasefire Agreement to demobilize any of the LTTE military units, including the LTTE Sea Tigers. Final composition of the Sri Lanka Armed Forces should be reached at the Peace Talks. "The Initial Discussion Paper was not a legal document, but a basis for discussion. SLMM has already received suggestions from both Parties and adjusted the document. The second draft of proposals has been sent to the Parties, requesting them to forward their comments to SLMM not later than 30th April. After that SLMM intends to have
(continued on next page)

Page 21
15 APRIL 2003
Referendun and Peace Ta
Jehan Perera
O A Referendum
The government's assertion that it is considering a referendum on the peace process has run into opposition from both the PA and the JVP, and also rather unexpectedly from the LTTE. The position of the former is that it is pointless to hold a referendum at such an early stage in the peace process when the core concepts of the proposed political solution have yet not been gone into. The LTTE has said that a referendum at this time would not be fair by the million or so displaced persons in the north and east who would not be able to express their views at the referendum. On the other hand, the government has explained its sudden inspiration to hold a referendum as being born out of a responsiveness to requests from civil society.
It is evident that behind the stated rationale of the government is a political motivation. The government is eager to find a way to foil the manoeuverings of the parliamentary opposition to exploit the problems in the peace process and catapult themselves back into power. It is now 16 months since the present government was elected to office after prematurely unseating the PA-JVP government.
For at least half of this period, there
has been a major ing over the gov This has been du ferred on the Pres tution that enable solve parliament a year.
In the minds question is not w will dissolve parl the question is wh move. However, t of this precarious could also be sai Ordinarily, goveri have been quick to after they are elec They have hitl resist the temptatic centrated power p On this occasion, h able that the level has been consider least partly due to being played by th
Ironically, the 16 months seems present system of surprisingly well v and Parliament ar. political parties. strained to be on t The government ca
(Continued from page 19) separate discussions with the Parties on these arrangements and has suggested a meeting between senior naval and political representatives from both Parties, the Norwegian facilitator and SLMM at Omantai crossing point on the 7th of May 2003.
“SLMM will not and cannot impose any solutions on the Parties, as all solutions will have to depend on their mutual agreement. SLMM fully supports a constructive democratic debate on issues of national concern. However, SLMM discourages the behaviour of intentionally misinterpr
eting matters of sens ing them out of to further a specific “Finally it shou the role of the Sri Li stated in article 1.3 ( eement and was also tial Discussion Pap preventing incid SLMM point ofvie importance that the rangements specifi rangements agreed terfere with the Sri gation and legitimal ing the sovereignty rity of Sri Lanka.”

TAMILTIMES 21
KS
uestion mark hangernment's stability. e to the power conident by the Constis her to legally disfter the passage of a
of most people, the
hether the President ament prematurely, en she will make her he main beneficiary balance of power d to be the people. ments in Sri Lanka actrepressively soon led to office. herto been unable to in that access to conuts into their hands. however, it is noticeof abuse of power ably less. This is at ) the watchdog role e President. practice over the past to suggest that the government works when the Presidency controlled by rival Both sides are conheir best behaviour. nnottakeaggressive
itive nature and takcontext in order political agenda.
d be reiterated that nka Navy is clearly f the Ceasefire Agrincluded in the Inier on measures for :nts at sea. From w it is of the utmost mechanisms and ared in any final arupon must not inLanka Navy's oblie task of safeguardund territorial integ
O
anti-people measures, whether it is in the passage of draconian security laws or harsh economic restructuring measures. The main difficulty is the uncertainty that results from the President's power to dissolve Parliament at any time after the passage of one year of its life.
Not monolithic
Although the government has claimed that its decision to conduct a referendum stems from pressure from civil society, most civil society organisations would probably claim ignorance of such pressure.
Organisations that for many years have been in the forefront of the peace movement in the country have made no such requests publicly from the government. It is unlikely that they have made private requests either.
On the contrary, most peace organisations have repeatedly and publicly called on the government and the major opposition party to enter into a bipartisan political agreement with a view to jointly solving the ethnic conflict.
The essence of a civic organisation is that it remains independent of individual political parties and their partisan political agendas. Civic organisations are meant to stand for public causes and not for partisan and partycentred ones.
It should not matter to them which political party or coalition of them is in power, so long as it fulfils the public interest. The long experience of Sri Lanka's post-independence history has revealed that a bipartisan political approach is necessary to resolve the ethnic conflict. All efforts taken by governments without the support of the major opposition party have finally ended in failure.
However, it should also be noted that civil society is not monolithic. It is not only represented by peace organisations and NGOs, but also includes trade unions, religious organisations and professional bodies. Civil society also includes pro-war NGOs, such as the various movements against the division of the country. Members of organisations that covertly or overtly support different political parties or the LTTE would also argue that they represent civil society, as the organisers of the Pongu Thamil demonstrations have

Page 22
22 TAMILTIMES
done. It is quite possible that several such civic organisations have joined hands with the government in calling for a referendum on the peace process that would put the political opposition into a disadvantageous position.
Political agenda
By scoring a convincing victory at a referendum on the peace process, the government may be hoping to negate the opposition's ability to use the peace process as a basis for attacking the government. On the other hand, it is well known that most people are very happy with the present ceasefire and are broadly supportive of the process that has led to it. Public opinion surveys that have been carried out by NGOs have shown this fact time and again without there being any rival findings on that score. Recently even the President has been going out of her way to reassure the international community and the people at large that she is also supportive of the peace process and would continue it if she came back to power.
Clearly then it is not a referendum on the peace process that the country needs. The most compelling national need at this time is a decision by the government that it will find ways and means to share power and credit with the opposition in the peace process. The primary responsibility for achieving a bipartisan approach lies with the government led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on account of its access to the levers of power and position. On the other hand, the opposition led by President Chandrika Kumaratunga has a duty to be responsible interms of what it wants from the government in order to support it in finding a political solution. There needs to be a balance in the partisan gains and sacrifices that are sought for the sake of peace in the Sinhala and Tamil new year that has just been celebrated.
Unfortunately the experience of the past several years indicates that Ms Kumaratunga and Mr Wickremesinghe are unable to agree on matters pertaining to bipartisanship between themselves. Therefore it is advisable that they avail themselves of trusted third parties.
They can take a lesson from the successful Norwegian facilitation that helped to bridge the seemingly unbridgeable gulf that separated successive governments from the LTTE. One possible international actor is India. As Sri
Lanka's closest neig country that contribu the escalation of til should wish to be in lution as well. Furtl society organisation that can also take ( They can suggest v. lobby for it among t so that what they re what the people alsc “The defining ch: action in the public non-partisan. It is n agendas of the partie peting for political p cratic system. Politic institutions of the m and the politicians al without doubt an inc the democratic syste There is no doul without these institu ticians there can be n ernment. But we nee is organised outside the basis of public ir democratic institutic equitably and efficic The words abov year on Human Righ Chairman of the Hu mission of Sri Lanka atilleke.
Through his lon to civil society in SI capacities he has de attitude of empathy objectives of govern ing constructive as mean collaborating mistakes or their pa This is the spirit ciety organisations up the challenge ofr of peace and justic Lanka.
O LTTE pull-out ! If the sudden de to pull out of the pe most observers by cause they had faile and indirect warni rect warning sign LTTE which had e piness at being left tional donor confe ton. But ironically ing signals came f of the government success at the Was ence from which t

15 APRIL 2003
bour, and as the ed much towards e conflict, India olved in its resoder there are civil and personalities in this challenge. ious options and e people at large, ommend will be Want, racteristic of civic interest is that it is t dictated by the s, which are comower in the demoal competition and ulti-party system, ld leaders in it, are ispensable part of
l, it whatsoever that tions and the polio democratic govd civil society that and beyond it on terest to make the ins function fairly, intly."
were spoken last its Day by the then man Rights Com, Dr Godfrey Gun
g years of service i Lanka in various monstrated that an with the legitimate ments, and rendersistance, does not with them in their rtisan agendas.
in which civil sotoday need to take estoring conditions e in post-war Sri
rom talks
ision of the LTTE ace process caught urprise, it was bei to heed the direct g signals. The dils came from the pressed its unhapout of the internaence in Washingthe indirect warnpm the satisfaction hat it had achieved lington aid conferle LTTE had been
barred. Up to the time of the Washington meeting the government and LTTE had made joint appeals and programmes to appeal to the international community.
By stating that it is suspending the peace talks and will not be attending even the donor aid conference in Tokyo in June, the LTTE has sought to apply a maximum of pressure on the government. It is aware that the government is banking a great deal on the Tokyo conference to revive the economy and offer a substantial peace divideind to the people. The consensual approach between the government and LTTE has been the key factor in the mobilisation of international aid to reconstruct the country and provide a peace dividend to the people. Any conflict between them could lead to a weakening of this intermational support. However, the LTTE has also been careful in the statement it has issued regarding its decision to suspend its participation in the peace negotiations. It has said it will continue with the peace process and honour the ceasefire agreement. Therefore, it is clear that there is no danger of the ceasefire collapsing and war breaking out. For the next few weeks, until the LTTE gets back to the negotiating table it is incumbent on the media and peace organisations to inform the people that war is not round the corner. They also need to re-affirm that the proper forum for the amicable resolution of problems, and the concerns they have given rise to, is the negotiating table.
Unfortunately there is a consider
able apprehension among the people
that the peace process is indeed breaking down which is being exploited by opponents of the peace process. A peace organisation that had organised three community groups from the south of the country to visit the north found one of them refusing to go on the grounds that the LTTE has already started to kill Sinhalese in the border villages. The President’s decision to put the troops on high alert may have been a legitimate use of her constitutional powers as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. It was also given wide publicity the media. This added to the agitation of the people.
In the last couple of weeks the media, both state and privately owned, had been giving prominence to the remarkable success of the government in raising international donor funding. The

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15 APRIL 2003
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24 AMILTMES
World Bank and IMF had together pledged over USD 800 million in aid for the next three years, granting Sri Lanka 100 percent of what it was able to receive. Government spokespersons also spoke confidently of obtaining a total of USD 1 billion for three consecutive years from donor countries and multilateral agencies, exceeding all previous fund raising efforts. But a perceptive observer would have noted the absence of the LTTE from these claims of success and anticipatory rejoicing.
The government's personalising of its success needs to be understood in the context of democratic politics in which politicians need publicity and recognition. The government has been hard pressed by popular pressures about its tardiness in making an economic peace dividend available to the people. While the macro statistics show an increase in the growth rate of the economy, the benefits of this growth are yet to trickle down to the majority of people. They are left with a rising cost of living.
Coming together with the dissatisfaction of people looking in vain for the economic benefits of peace has been the highly effective campaign against the peace process by the opposition. In a country divided by competing nationalisms, the opposition has one advantage that the present government does not have. They have fought tooth and nail against the LTTE and refused to compromise with it. Their war for peace may have brought the country to its knees. But the opposition has been levelling the charge that the government kneels before the LTTE and yields to it.
Being invited to Washington for the donor meeting at a time when the United States is focussed on the Iraq situation was an undoubted triumph for the Sri Lankan government. But in seeking to project itself as achieving great success before its voter base, the government has evidently succeeded in alienating the LTTE. In the government's highly publicised achievement in Washington, the LTTE may have seen its future exclusion from other important events and decisions; its belief in an equal partnership with the government has been sundered. The LTTE’s action of pulling out from the peace talks needs to be seen in this light.
In announcing its withdrawal from the peace negotiations, the LTTE is making it clear to the government that
its cooperation is es ernment is to attain fact by its threat of b kyo donor conferenc making the larger po the country has achi of the last 16 months its cooperation. Anc ernment and LTTE h in making Sri Lanka book case of a succe ess up to now, that is to continue, so mus continue. Partnership
In its letter to the LTTE said, "During ating sessions it wa government of Sri La should work togethel international comm ship.” There are, of questions to be ask about the nature ship. There are part equal and partners equal. There could b aspects and inequalit of a relationship. W agreement is concern and LTTE are equal two parties at war : joint collaboration an war would not have
On the other han agreed to a federal ognised there would al government in S. governments and m agencies give their f government because payment from it. Thi ity when dealing wi ernment. Such acc possible with a mil that has not yet con or formed an internat government. The L the reality that it wil equal to the Sri La when it comes to a tional donor funding However, the LT ing marginalised in especially in the cor ington donor confe appreciated. The LT the exclusion of the pal partner to peace representatives of from discussions on fecting the econom fare of the Tamil nat

15 APRIL 2003
گسس
ential if the govits aid target. In oycotting the To2 the LTTE is also nt that everything ved in the course of peace is due ot | indeed, the govave been partners a unique and text'ssful peace proc... If the success is t that partnership
government, the the early negotis agreed that the nka and the LTTE and approach the unity in partnercourse, difficult ed and answered of the partnernerships that are hips that are not e equality in some y in other aspects here the ceasefire ed the government s. They were the and without their d commitment the ended. d, when the LTTE solution they recbe only one centrri Lanka. Foreign nultilateral donor unds to the central they can seek reare is accountabilth a national govountability is not itant organisation tested an election ionally recognised TTE has to accept not be treated as nkan government ccessing interna
TE’s sense of bethe peace process duct of the Washtence needs to be TE said, “We view LTTE, the princiand the authentic the Tamil people critical matters af. c and social welon, as a grave bre
ach of good faith.” The LTTE is justified in feeling that it contributed in equal part to the success of the peace process and it is unfairly being left out at the end when the rewards are being handed out. The government should assure the LTTE that this will not happen again.
In order to rebuild its relationship with the LTTE, as a part of its commitment to the partnership it has with the LTTE the government should reaffirm that the LTTE will be equal partners with it in the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the north and east. During the course of the war, the LTTE built up various institutions of an administrative and military nature. There is no denying the existence today of LTTE courts, police, administrators, and army and navy. They are a de facto reality. However, this is not the rule of law. It is important that the political negotiations should be speeded up so that a final settlement is reached, at which time democratic regional institutions could be put in place.
For its part, the LTTE needs to recognise the difficulties it puts the government into by some of its actions. It is not acceptable behaviour by a partner to a peace process to engage in a build up of it military strength by arms. smuggling in the sea and by forcibly recruiting even children into the ranks of its cadre. The LTTE's human rights record continues to be poor. Hundreds of Muslims have fled their homes after clashes with Tamils in which the LTTE has played a key role.There is an ongoing campaign of political assassinations of members of Tamil political parties opposed to the LTTE.There are credible reports of LTTE prisons and torture camps to which no one, not even the ICRC, has access. The restoration of normal life in the north and east, that the LTTE avowedly seeks, must apply to non-Tamils and to non-LTTE parties as well.
For Sri Lanka's peace process to succeed, and for the country to be an example to the world, there is only one appropriate basis for a successful and long term working partnership. This is a commitment to transparency, human rights and democracy. Both the government and LTTE have a long way to go in their journey to such a partnership. Civil society and religious leaders have an important role to play in exhorting and supporting them along the way. O

Page 25
15 APRIL 2003 w
Peace Dividend, Develo and the Distributional F
Prof. N. Shanmugaratnam“
In mainstream analytical literature, "peace dividend' is generally interpreted rather narrowly in terms of the impact of cuts in military spending on economic growth performance. The analysts are generally concerned as to how the surplus freed by reductions in military spending is being used. There can be differences among them on ranking the alternative uses to which the saved resources can be put, i.e. the conversion of the surplus. Some may argue in favour of returning the surplus to the private sector through reduced fiscal deficit and lower taxes. They may justify this by reasoning that such use of the peace dividend' would encourage private investment while helping to get the macroeconomic indicators' right. Others may agree with those who advocate that at least a part of the money saved should be invested in reintegration of the demobilised soldiers, human development and peacebuilding.
Peace dividend in this sense has yet to materialise in Sri Lanka, although the term has gained wider currency.
Military spending by the government and the LTTE remains high. Our peace process has not reached the stage of decommissioning and demobilisation. The controversies over the High Security Zones in Jaffna and the occasional confrontations between the two armed forces are strong reminders of this reality. They also reveal once again that military considerations continue to enjoy top priority on both sides. Military spending is not likely to be reduced until a lasting political solution is found, and not before its implementation has progressed beyond the point of no return to war' and a programme of reintegration of ex-combatants (government and LTTE) is instituted. Let us also bear in mind that demobilisation of combatants and dismantling of the war economy have their cost as they would involve loss of employment and income for many. Peace dividend in the sense of savings on military spending
and their impact or long time to be pro and it is not easy to how big the savin when they come.
It may be recall tion of peace divide rency in the post-c expectations were r and its Western al military spending and the savings wo non-military sectors opment. Some group also demanded that peace dividend be poorer developing these sentiments we lated at the Copenh Summit in March 1 peace dividend that not anywhere near tions raised in the e marked the end of "military industrial tact as ever and now violent business of states'.
A broader concepti dividend
Narrow econom the peace dividend do not seem to have value in today's Sri would chase after a dividend' in the for tary spending or its impact in this count not rational to expect tary spending whent still trying to find a to end a war bitter fought for twenty ye ble to create a pea broader sense by uti nities offered by the ment. In popular disc dend' has acquired often somewhat loo, clude economic as

pment roblem
growth may take a uced in Sri Lanka, predict at this point s are likely to be,
d that this concepd gained wide curold war era when ised that the USA ies would reduce suite dramatically uld be invested in and social develsandorganisations the post-cold war
shared with the
countries. In fact restrongly articugen World Social 95. However, the
materialised was the high expectauphoric days that he cold war. The complex' is as init is deep into the disarming 'rogue
on of the peace
c conceptions of uch as the above much operational Lanka. No realist n illusory "peace of reduced miliositive economic y at present. It is uick cuts in miliprotagonists are political solution and ruthlessly 's. But it is possie dividend in a sing the opportunerging environurse, peace divibroader, though , meaning to in:ll as Social, po
TAM TIMES 25
litical and psychological benefits that accrue as a result of an ongoing peace process with or without significant cuts in military spending.
For instance, the improvements in human security and freer human mobility gained due to the removal of repressive controls and the successful implementation of a permanent ceasefire can contribute towards a peace dividend in the broader sense. These gains along with the progressive removal of sources of uncertainty created by war go a long way in enabling households to rebuild their livelihoods, which were disrupted or destroyed by war. They can promote economic revival in general even where military expenditure is not significantly reduced. Further, even. without a major cut in military spending, it is possible to make the armed forces contribute to the peace dividend if they can be redeployed for non-military activities that generate or promote economic revival and enhance social security.
Peace, Development and Distributional Conflicts
It would seem that such a broader notion of the peace dividend underpins the public discourse on the subject in Sri Lanka. However, there is a need to more explicitly articulate this position and relate it to the larger debage on peace and development. A basic lesson of history is that peace may be development friendly but development is not necessarily peace friendly. Capitalist development has an inherent, universal tendency to be socially and spatially uneven, and to generate distributional conflicts and create winners and losers as a result. Social peace is threatened where distributional conflicts and deprivation are serious and ignored or mishandled by policy makers. Class, though a defining feature of inequality in modern society, is not the only basis of distributional conflicts. Gender, race, ethnicity, caste and religion are among the key variables that interact with class in distributional conflicts. However, the history of capitalist development also shows that countries that consciously chose a social contract framed with due consideration to some agreed principles of democratisation, distribution and non-discrimination have been able to avoid major violent turns of internal

Page 26
28 FAMILTIMES
conflicts. It follows that, in a post-war situation, peacebuilding and development have to be seen as interrelated processes, and this relationship has to be governed in apolitically enlightened way to achieve equitable socio-economic advancement.
In Lanka, we find ourselves in a context that is both promising and challenging in this regard. The peace process is promising but taking it to fruition in the form of a political solution is a major challenge. It cannot be denied that the ethnic conflict in Lanka is rooted to a great extent in conflicts over distribution of resources, opportunities and political power - in what analysts regard as horizontal inequalities. These conflicts became progressively communalised on the basis of ethnic divisions, which were politically defined in colonial times and subsequently modified and redefined as communalisation advanced into structures of the state and the polity at large. Here, it is not my intention to go indepth into the political economy of communalisation and the latter's enduring institutionalised presence in the phase of economic liberalisation that began with the change of government in August 1977. I hasten to repeat that there are distributional conflicts outside the ethnic conflict and to stress that they have been growing under the regime of economic liberalisation. The point II want to make here is that development can contribute to durable peace if it can be so governed as to make it socially, ethnically and spatially as even as possible. This should be the main premise of a broader conception of the peace dividend. Further, such a development process is a necessary condition for the decommunalisation of the Lankan polity.
Lanka's record on both peacebuilding and development in the past quarter of a century leaves much to be desired. The destructive effects of the war are well known. The failure of the neoliberal economic policy to generate sufficient jobs and promote human development qualitatively and the accompanying suppression of the rights of workers by all governments are also well known. However, the government and the defenders of the neoliberal policy have pointed at the war as the cause of the failure of the economy.
There is no doubt devastating effect o nomy and its growth investors away and ductive quick profit socially undesirabl distorting the alloc, sources. It caused di ket failures in many economic contracti rivation in the Nor the war alone cannot that went wrong with a social perspective. sonable to assume til country's economy at higher rates. But from there and assu growth would have accompanied by an tion which in turn all round human de not make sense to c. verse effects of del vatisation on emplc the cost of quality h cation and the result found in Lanka to t exploitation and the by the workers in th have practically not war. These and othe the highly skewed of the GDP and the deprivation and po as Mone-ragala are neoli-beral economi siastically followed CrminentS.
Paradoxically, make a dent on rul employment in the of thousands of yo found employment forces. As the war the war economy sorbed a considera ple. The non-libe opened up job opp who were excluded economy as unem needless to labour ing war is not a ( employment gener hand, the dismantli omy would throw employment, and i the liberalised eco most of these unem to be absorbed by it

15 APRIL 2003
he war has had a n the national ecoprospects. It drove 2ncouraged unpromaking (including 2) activities while tion of public resinvestments, mar
sectors and major }ns and mass depth-East. However, explain everything the economy from It would seem reahat without war the would have grown one cannot proceed me that the higher automatically been equitable distribuwould have led to velopment. It does ausally link the adregulation and priyment, wages and ealth care and eduant social exclusion he war. The unfair privations suffered e Free Trade Zones hing to do with the r problems such as spatial distribution high incidence of verty in areas such onsequences of the c policies so enthuby successive gov
he war has helped al poverty and unSouth as hundreds uths, mostly rural, in the state's armed became protracted, expanded and abble number of peoral militarisation ortunities for many from the liberalised loyable! However, the point that maklesirable means of ation. On the other ng of the war econmany people out of f the past record of nomy is any guide, ployed are not likely Thousands of them
may end up unemployed and many, like their colleagues who deserted in the past, may join underworld gangs. Such turn of events could precipitate unintended social consequences. Further, after more than a year of ceasefire, the vast majority of the people are more concerned about the rising cost of living, unemployment and social insecurity, as revealed by surveys and protests.
Such concerns become even more serious when we turn to the North-East where the challenges of rebuilding and developing the war-torn society and economy are daunting. The war has redrawn the political economic and demographic landscape of this region. It is widely recognised that, at the aggregate inter-regional level, there is a major development gap between the North-East and the rest of the country and that this has to be bridged in the shortest possible time in order to re-integrate this region into the larger economy and polity. A fundamental concern, however, is how to achieve this without reproducing the uneven spatial patterns of development, deprivation and exclusion experienced in the south of the country. The government has yet to show how it hopes to bring about a transformation of the social geographies of exclusion in the south, and the LTTE too has not explicitly articulated its own vision of development. Of course, developing countries are subject to a global imperial authoritarianism when it comes to choosing national economic policies. Yet an enlightened political class cannot afford to disregard the crosscutting questions of legitimacy, stability and social reproduction. The LTTE, which is an equal partner in the peace process, which runs a defacto state in the NorthEast, and which is expected to be the dominant actor in a future regional government, has yet to make known its views on the Lankan experience with the neoliberal project. I think it is time we raised the question as to how the LTTE sees the future development of the North-East in the current globalregional context.
" Professor of Development Studies, Centre for International Environment & Development Studies, Agricultural University of Norway

Page 27
15 APR 2003
Self-determina
Izeth Hussain
The so-called Oluvil Declaration, the core of which asserts supposed Muslim right to self-determination in the North East, has been noted in our newspapers as a development of possibly enormous significance. It has even been compared to the May 1976 Vaddukkoddai resolution which asserted a Tamil right to set up a sovereign state in the North East, in consequence of that same principle of self-determination.
It is too early to say, but the Oluvil Declaration could certainly prove to be fateful to the Muslims. It has to be seen in the perspective of processes that have been going on for many years. In that perspective, it clearly has the potential to vitiate Muslim relations with both the Sinhalese and the Tamils, and bring disaster for the Muslim. That would be a pity, because it would all be in consequence of a Muslim assertion of a right that is not a right.
The core of the Declaration is that the Muslims of the North East are part of a distinct nation, whose homeland is in the North East, in consequence of which they have the right of self-determination, and are entitled to an autonomous political unit linking Muslim majority areas in the North East. The Declaration also asserts that the political and other rights of the Muslims outside the North East must be ensured.
The essential problem about the Declaration's formulation of the right of the Muslims is that it uses terms that are integral parts of the discourse of the nation-state. The terms in question are "nation', "homeland', and "self-determination'. None of them have a valid application to the Muslims of Sri Lanka.
For the purposes of this article, it is crucially important to bear in mind a distinction that has to be made between two different types of minority ethnic groups. Only one of them can make a legitimate claim to be regarded as ana
tion. The claim ismi an ethnic group is i ticular territory, a “ł it is primordially li that the link goes ba antiquity. Accordin the nation-state, an stitutes itself as a " to its "homeland', its claim to "self-det founding of a natio present "ethnic rev around 1970, ther mense amount of re ity. Among the mo ings of that research ings sometimes, p. than not, take long tute themselves as a nic group, and his cocted in support c lands. There can b{ notion of the natio vast amount of myt quently, the distinc article between ethn can legitimately cl. minorities and othe which can make ol sometimes be blurr However, in m no ambiguities and clear enough betwe ties who are primor ritory and other eth instance the Scots, on the way to estab eign state, are an | Britain. But they inc primordial links known as Scotland, national minority q nic groups who cam migrants after the S
Likewise, the li territory is indisput states which have b ter separatist wars, s Eritrea, and East Ti able also in the case
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 27
ade on the basis that indigenous to a parlomeland'to which inked, in the sense ck into the mists of g to the theory of ethnic group connation' in relation from which arises ermination' and the n-state. During the ival', dating from 2 has been an imsearch into ethnic
re interesting find
are that human beerhaps more often periods to constia people, as an ethtory is often conof claims to home2 no doubt that the n-state has led to a hologising. Consetion drawn in this ic minorities which aim to be national r ethnic minorities in such claim, may ed. ost cases there are the distinction so en national minoridially lined to a ternic minorities. For who are now well lishing their soverethnic minority in lisputably have had with the territory and are therefore a uite unlike the ethne to Britain as imecond World War. nk of ethnicity with able in the case of een established afuch as Bangladesh, mor. It is indisputof the former com
ponents of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia which have set themselves up as sovereign states. The point applies also to many of the aspirants to sovereign state status, such as the Northern Irish Catholics, the Palestinians, the Basques, the Kurds, and the Chechens. The case of the Sri Lankan Tamils, however, looks rather peculiar, and may well be unique. Here we have one of the fiercest of all protracted ethnic wars which, at least up to now, has been spectacularly successful. And yet, the link of ethnicity with territory has been under serious dispute.
It is disputed on the ground that the whole island is the Sinhadipa, the land of the Sinhalese race, and furthermore. it is the Dhammadipa, with the Sinhalese as a chosen people with the special responsibility of preserving the pristine and pure form of Buddhism. The Sinhalese presence in the North antedates the coming of the Tamils, it is said. As for the claim to the Eastern Province as part of the Tamil homeland, it is entirely spurious, as it is allegedly based on no more than lines of demarcation drawn for administrative convenience by the British.
It appears that on both sides of the cadjan fence a good deal of mythologising has gone into claims and counterclaims about the North East, which is said to accord with normal procedure whenever disputes arise over ethnic links to territory. But it does seem that a cogent enough case can be made to show that the Tamils do constitute a "nation' with a "homeland' covering the North and part at least of the East. Such a claim can be disputed on serious ground. The difference in the case. of a similar claim from the Muslims is that, on serious grounds, it can only be dismissed. It may be that the Tamils are not indigenous to the North East, and have no primordial links with it because they are immigrants for the sub-continent. There must be very few ethnic groups with primordial links to territory in a literal sense, and besides the Sinhalese are also immigrants according to their own historical legends. The important point is that the Tamils have certainly been inhabiting the North and part of the East for many centuries, and those can be regarded as areas of traditional Tamil habitation, as the phrase goes. Those areas therefore constitute

Page 28
28 TAMILTIMES
a homeland in a widely accepted sense. A further point of importance is that the Sri Lanka Tamils, as distinct from Indian Tamils, always acknowledge that they are either "Jaffna Tamils" or "Batticaloa Tamils', the latter term designating the Eastern Province Tamils. A so-called "Colombo Tamil' may have been born in Colombo, and have never even visited the North East, but he would readily acknowledge that his ancestors came from either the North or the East.
We have therefore an ethnic group, the Sri Lankan Tamils, who have had a compact and contiguous areas of traditional Tamil habitation, constituting their "homeland', for which arises their claim to be regarded as a "nation' with an entitlement of “self-determination'. None of that can apply to the Sri Lankan Muslims. But before dealing with that point, a terminological confusion has to be cleared away. It is that the term “Muslim” designates the follower of a religion, Islam, and not an ethnic group. The Sri Lanka Muslims consist of several ethnic groups, the largest of whom are the so-called Moors. The term "Sri Lankan Muslim' is usually meant to refer to them, and is so used in this article. The Sri Lanka Muslims understood in that sense certainly constitute an ethnic group, and they certainly have a strong sense of ethnic identity. But they are not nation in the sense defined above. Some of their ancestors may have come to the island from even pre-Islamic times, but they have not been indigenous to any part of Sri Lankan territory, and consequently have not had the conception of a homeland in the shape of a compact and contiguous unit of territory. The Sri Lankan Muslims have always thought of themselves in terms of their territorial provenance as "Colombo Muslims”, “Galle Muslims”, “Kandy Muslims", "Eastern Province Muslims', and so on.
However, in recent years, some Eastern Province Muslims have conceived the notion of a Muslim homeland in their province. Most historians seem to be agreed that the bulk of the EP Muslims are the descendants of Muslim beneficiaries of the bounty of King Senarat, who allowed them to settle there as refugees from Portuguese oppression. The claim to an EP homeland with that kind of provenance is
taken by many Sinha black ingratitude o Muslims.
It will take muc much dishonesty, foi cheologists to establis like a plausible ca homeland in the EP. case is established, it land” only for the EP will make sense onl lims are regarded as group, which they cel important point is th ity of the Muslimso emphatically refuse notion that they have EP. It should be cle: terms “nation”, “hom determination' can plication to the Sri There is one other w are distinct from the did have a Jaffna king for a relatively brief history. The Muslim ing comparable and possibly advance a claim to self-determ cates of Muslim se must also bear in mi1 tional community to such right. Rightly or that there was such colonial context. It i period of decolonis states have been esta ratist struggles. It is not in consequence right of self-determi The question of further of the Musli significance should assertion of a right tion in the Oluvil De Jeyaraj, in his detail analysis (Sunday Le: noted that one of the in which it differs kodidai resolution scessionary, since it than an autonomous While that is trl "self-determinatio) meaning asserts a ri rate and sovereign sí stop short of it forth carries that potential Sinhalese will be i. that just as in the c the present claim to

15 APRIL 2003
lese as signifying n the part of the
h ingenuity, and 'historians and arsh what even looks se for a Muslim. But even ifa valid t will be a "homeMuslims, and that y if the EP Musa distinct ethnic tainly are not. The at the vast majorutside the EP will of subscribe to the a homeland in the ar enough that the meland”, and “selfhave no valid apLankan Muslims. vay in which they Tamils. The latter gdom, even though period in our long hs have had noththerefore cannot supposed historic ination. The advolf-determination hd that the internaday recognises no wrongly, it is held a right only in a s a fact that in the ation several new blished after sepaalso a fact that was of a recognised nation. importance of the ms is what kind of pe attributed to the of self-determina:claration. D. B. S. led and perceptive ader of February 9) important respects from the Vaddukis that it is not asks for no more unit of devolution. le, it remains that h' in its primary ght to set up sepaate. The claim may e time being, but it for the future. The hclined to believe ase of the Tamils, autonomy among
the Muslims will inevitable lead to a future claim to a separate state.
The Oluvil Declaration should be seen in the perspective of the evolution of Muslim politics since the 1970s, notably the emergence of the SLMC in the following decade. One of the important reasons why it emerged was the shocking failure of Muslim politicians in our two major parties to properly represent Muslim interests. But in recent times, disillusionment has been growing with the performance of the SLMC as well. Perhaps that disillusionment provides part of the explanation for the fact that the Oluvil Declaration, adopted with much spectacular fanfare, was a students’ affair without any notable participation by Muslim politiCanS.
The future may show that to have been a fateful development. It is certain, in any case, that the Declaration has the potential to jeopardise Muslim relations with both the Sinhalese and the Tamils to a dangerous extent. What should be done to prevent that?
I suggest that the students responsible for the Declaration explicitly disavow the claim to "Self-determination', and eschew future use of that terms along with the terms "nation” and “homeland”, all of which have inescapable meanings as parts of the discourse of the nation-state.
I suggest also that the SLMC make a similar disavowal. That would be advisable even if the SLMC does not claim a Muslim right to self-determination. The Island report of February 19 on the no-confidence motion against the Defence Minister contained the following sentence about Mr. Rauf Hakeem, "He asserted that the SLMC would not on any account allow the government and the LTTE to ignore the Muslim right to self-determination."
What will the Muslims lose by that disavowal? Nothing, absolutely nothing whatever. The EP Muslims can still make their claim to an autonomous unit, though not on the ground of supposed right to self-determination. The Muslims as a whole can struggle, when necessary, to secure their group rights and their individual rights as citizens. It is on that basis that innumerable ethnic minorities are living in peace and dignity, in amity and co-operation, with dominant ethnic majorities all over the globe. Why not in Sri Lanka as well?0

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15 APRIL 2003
Under the LTTEPSS
D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Some recent comments made by Veerasingham Anandasangary, the veteran Sri Lankan Tamil parliamentarian from Jaffna district, about his party, the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), and its relationship with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, have caused a flutter in Sri Lankan politics. Anandasangary was elected president of the TULF in controversial circumstances last year (Frontline, July 19, 2002). He has been viewed as a leader who maintains relative independence in the Sri Lankan Tamil political environment where the LTTE has established virtual hegemony through coercive force. Sangary, as he is generally known, has through his observations highlighted a dissident viewpoint against the imposition of the Tigers as the "sole representatives” of the Tamil people. In March 2002, Sangary stated publicly that the Tigers were not the "sole representatives' of the Tamil people. Addressing a TULF meeting in Jaffna, he said that the party, though it supported the LTTE in the peace process, was an independent organisation. The TULF was not subservient to the LTTE in order for it to “sit when asked to sit or stand when asked to stand", Sangary said. It was incorrect to term the LTTE the "sole representative” of the Tamils when, apart from those that constitute the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), other parties were also represented in Parliament, he said. These other parties include the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) and the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). Sangary reiterated this position in media interviews. He emphasised that the TNA's Articles of Association had not specified that the LTTE was accepted by the TNA as the "sole representative' of the Tamils. Sangary declared that the TULF would not contest as a part of the TNA in the coming elections to local bodies.
His statement was welcomed in Sinhala nationalist circles as the first sign of a hitch in the relationship between the LTTE and the TULF in re
cent times.The pri within and outsid critical of Sangai said the TULF lea in the foot. Some critical of him and were indeed the so the Tamils.
LTTE front o against Sangary. T eral and MP from T Rajavarothayam S pour oil on trouble certain explanator. cially the LTTE ri silent.
The last parlia saw the TULF and the All-Ceylon (ACTC), the Tami Organisation (TEL People's Revolut, Front (EPRLF) fac Premachandran - fo ance, the TNA. It North-Eastern areas Parliament, includin The TULFgot seve the ACTC three ar seat. The TNA, w Opposition, has be Ranil Wickremasin Parliament.
Since its forma played a role that i of the LTTE. Desp at the hands of the lost several of its le tions carried out by opted to "forgive interests of greater T tion manifesto emp unity principle and settlement to the e TNA wanted Colon the LTTE and enga, gotiations facilitate fighting was on be ment forces and the felt that only it sh Tamils at the talksal representative' stat This "sole repre
 

Tiger Tamil media the country were . One publication er had shot himself TNA leaders were said that the Tigers e representatives of
ganisations railed ULF secretary-genrincomalee district, ambandan, tried to il waters by issuing I statements. Offimained ominously
mentary elections three other parties - Tamil Congress | Eelam Liberation O) and the Eelam ionary Liberation tion led by Suresh rming a loose alli
fared well in the and got 15 seats in gan appointed one. 1 seats, TELO four, d the EPRLF one hile sitting in the en supporting the ghe government in
tion the TNA has secondary to that te having suffered Tigers and having aders in assassinahe LTTE, the TNA nd forget', in the mill unity. Its elechasised this Tamil Irged a negotiated hnic conflict. The po to de-proscribe e with it in the neby Norway. Since ween the governTigers, the LTTE uld represent the be afforded "sole
entative” concept
TAM TIMES 29
was a controversial and ambiguous one. In the first place, the LTTE had sought to deny "independent” representative status to any other Tamil political party and was prepared to tolerate a limited role for these outfits only if they were totally subservient to it. So the TNA. by saying that the LTTE could be the sole representative of the Tamils, was making a virtue out of necessity. On the other hand, there was a glaring contradiction in the TNA describing the LTTE as the "sole representative' of the Tamils and then sitting in Parliament as representatives of the Tamil voters in the North and East. Furthermore, the political and ethnic heterogeneity of the North-Eastern provinces was not conducive to any claim of such a status. All the districts other than Jaffna had an ethnic plurality, resulting in Muslim and Sinhalacandidates from parties such as the ruling United National Front, the People's Alliance, the National Unity Alliance and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress winning seats from those regions. Moreover, substantial numbers of Tamil votes were polled by Tamils from parties other than those in the TNA: while the EPDP won two seats, PLOTE and the UNP won one seat each. The prevailing proportionate representation system militates against any single party monopolising the seats.
Despite these factors, the epithet of "sole representative' was loosely and somewhat widely applied to the LTTE in the Tamil political context. The last elections saw the TNA canvassing for votes in LTTE-controlled areas too. The TNA campaign was vehemently anti-EPDP and to a great extent pro- i LTTE. Apart from notable exceptions like Sangary, most of the TNA leaders. sang hosannas for the LTTE. All this made other political parties dub the TNA a front organisation of the LTTE. EPDP leader Douglas Devananda called members of the TNA “Tiger nominated agents'. The EPDP charged that pro-LTTE youths had rigged the polls and cast bogus votes for specific TNA candidates. (Sangary was not one of these candidates.)
The TULF leader, a former Trotskyite with a Left-leaning back ground, had been a tower of strength to his party in the face of LTTE hostility. It was Sangary who rallied the party

Page 30
30 TAM TIMES
and helped keep the TULF-controlled Jaffna Municipal Council going in the aftermath of the LTTE killing one Mayoress (Sarojini Yogeswaran), one Mayor (Ponnuthurai Sivapalan) and a prospective Mayor (Pon. Mathimugarajarajah). It was Sangary who spearheaded the TULF campaign in the 2000 and 2001 parliamentary elections. He won the most number of preference votes in the district. Unlike several TULF personalitiesin the past who either curried favour with the LTTE or held themselves back from criticising it, Sangary had been blunt in his comments with regard to the Tigers. He was equally harsh with the EPDP. It was widely believed that he had reservations about toeing the LTTE line. He had tried to forge an independent approach but found none of the MPs or frontranking leaders backing him. Two senior TULF leaders outsmarted Sangary by appealing to the Tigers on the question of nominating a National List TULF member to Parliament. Some TULF leaders who are hoping to replace him have also been "complaining” about Sangary to the Tigers.
IN the midst of all this, Sangary has been trying to maintain a degree of independence without rocking the boat. He is the only TULF MP not to have participated in LTTE-led public meetings or for that matter meetings conducted by the Tigers themselves. He has refrained, as far as possible, from joining the regular trips undertaken by TNA MPs to Kilinochchi to receive political instructions from the LTTE. The summoning of its members by the LTTE amid wide publicity has been a humiliating experience for the TNA. Also, the
LTTE's political Balasingham, had sta TNA was at the LTT and was there to obe was the only TNA l this statement.
Sangary has alsc to let LTTE-inspirec influence the Tamilb for instance, the Tar tive Assembly pas against LTTE leader karan and hostile r Nadu Chief Minister nated from Sri Lank Sangary issued a sta ing the reactions. He fensive comment be Indian leader, includ ister. Recently at a c mbo he appealed to ence of the Indian Hi to "forgive and forg approach too found 1 LTTE hierarchy.
The Tigers had in tain acts by Sangary pointment and trans' ants in Jaffna. Reg chaired by him on jects, the Tigers hav change of time and tice. The Tigers ask go to the United Na official Sri Lankan d obliged, but was b. Tigers resent his in bers of the governm matic corps.
In recent times t Sangary and the L
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15 APRIL 2003
dviser, Anton 'd openly that the E’s beck and call orders. Sangary ader to object to
been careful not
anti-India views dy politic. When, il Nadu Legislaed a resolution Velupillai Prabaactions to Tamil Jayalalithaa emaan Tamil circles, cement condemnurged that no of made against any ng the Chief Mineremony in Colo(ndia, in the presgh Commissioner, et” the past. This no favour with the
terfered with cer
regarding the apfer of public servgarding meetings development proe often asked for a venue at short noed Sangary not to ions as part of the elegation. Sangary tter about it. The luence with mement and the diplo
wo issues have left TE estranged furher. The first relaed to the LTTE's efusal to let the ULF observe the 5th birthday of its ssassinated leader Appapillai Amirhalingam in Jaffna. he other issue cocerned the openng of the Jaffna 'ublic Library with an-gary as the chif guest on the ocasion. The TULF eader delivered
stinging rebukes to the LTTE on these issues. This led to the LTTE demanding that Sangary be removed from the TULF leadership. At a meeting in Kilinochchi, the head of the LTTE's political wing, S.P. Thamilchelvan, told the TULF members present (Sangary was absent on the occasion) that the Tigers were not happy with Sangary on three counts. The first reason concerned certain media interviews given in Canada by him, allegedly criticising the LTTE. The second related to supposedly adverse comments about the LTTE's position on high security zones (HSZs) in Jaffna that he made to the visiting Japanese special envoy, Yashushi Akashi. The third concerned the public position on the reopening of the Public Library by Sangary. Even though the TULF has remained silent. on the Tiger ultimatum, there are moves afoot by anti-Sangary elements to use the Tiger card and remove him from the leadership of the party.
It was against this backdrop that Sangary came out openly challenging the LTTE's hegemonic approach. Being a shrewd politician he realised that he could not put it off. Knowing that the party's rank and file were unhappy with the TULF's deferential attitude towards the LTTE, he struck a responsive chord in Jaffna. Sangary told this writer: "The bulk of the 250-plus party members present were happy about what I said. They came up and congratulated me.”Besides the personal stakes involved, Sangary's decision to assert the TULF’s independence is politically pragmatic. Sangary has sensed that the rank and file is disillusioned with the upper level TULF leaders letting themselves to be dictated to by the LTTE. With the LTTE becoming increasingly unpopular owing to its taxation and conscription moves, the political winds are blowing against the TULF too through"guilt by association'. Earlier, those Tamils who disliked LTTEstyle politics supported the TULF. Now with the TULF playing second fiddle to the LTTE and also subsuming its identity in the TNA, the swing is in favour of an alternative. This trend may well be advantageous to the EPDP and PLOTE, even the UNF.
The TNA arrangement has not been politically profitable to the TULF. The other parties have gained by latching

Page 31
15 APRIL 2003
on to it. Also, the LTTE has been building up the other parties and undermining the TULF while promoting internal dissension against Sangary. There is reason to suspect that if and when local authority elections are held the LTTE will "fix" the polls in such away as to ensure the success of candidates of other parties at the expense of the TULF. On the other hand, there is going to be a voter swing against the TULF on account of its involvement with the TNA and its association with the LTTE.
Another point is that after the TULF joined the TNA and began to toe the LTTE line, the party began to lose its prestige nationally and internationally. Many international representatives do not meet TULF leaders now as such meetings are seen as being pointless and redundant. A recent "omission” by the visiting Indian Foreign Secretary is a case in point. The LTTE also does not make it any easier by its arrogant handling of its relations with the TULF in a "command-control mode'.
Under the circumstances, the move by Sangary to assert the TULF's independence and go it alone without irking the LTTE too much is somewhat risky yet seemingly astute. This can save it from getting caught up in an antiTiger mood, prevent a voter swing in favour of non-TULF parties; bring prestige to the party and allow for it an independent role. The TULF retaining its own identity and being supportive of the LTTE on matters affecting the Tamil people could serve the Tamil cause better. What Sangary wants is for the TULF to bow its head to the LTTE slightly without prostrating itself as it does now.
The question, however, is whether other TULF leaders and the LTTE would see matters in such a light. If Sangary is able to get the rank and file :o support him wholeheartedly, then the other TULF leaders too may revise their stance. On the other hand, if the LTTE and other TNA partners close ranks against Sangary, the TULF will face nuch pressure to remove him. While the prevailing ceasefire has temporary ensured Sangary's physical safety, recoming days will determine the fuTre of the largest democratic political party of Sri Lankan Tamils - the TULF. (Courtesy Frontline)
Obje aW
"It is high time done intelligen investigations a know that the p, who disregard
The need to lem of organize preciated by the (CRM). Measu ple, the securit both reasonable rious departure vestigation an methods of esta acceptable. Suc that while the g innocent are not incorrect to resc from these norr the number of ( sult of this will CRM fears that of the Preventic Bill currently democratic lega ate a situation w convictions in ( the normal rule the possible ou gent are the safe It is for this rea while a civil cl balance of pri charge must be able doubt.
It should als seeks to bring in eral of the mor the emergency of the Prevent (PTA). And th emergency is n the repeal or dra is said to be und of a general p democratic laws in connection v The Bill assum tions when wer

TAMITMES 31
ctions Raised Against
on "Organised Crime
Suriya Wickremasinghe, Secretary, Civil Rights Movement of Sri Lanka
that the first respondent realised that investigations should be tly and not with fisticuffs. It has often been repeated that police reformen with brains rather than brawn it is highly disturbing to 2ople of this country are at the mercy of such errant police officers
the law with impunity."
-Fernando J. in S.C. F. R. Appln. 148/99
take seriously the probd crime is certainly apCivil Rights Movement 'es to ensure, for examof witnesses, may be and necessary. But sefrom the norms of ini fair trial, including ablishing facts, are not h norms exist to ensure guilty are punished the . It is both pointless and rttoseriousdepartures ms in order to increase onvictions, for the rebe unsafe convictions. this will be the effect on of Organized Crime before Parliament. A il system cannot tolerhich encourages unsafe riminal cases. Indeed, is that the more serious toome, the more stringuards for the accused. lson, for instance, that aim is decided on the obability, a criminal proved beyond reason
o be noted that the Bill to the normal law seve drastic provisions of regulations, as well as ion of Terrorism Act is at a time when the o longer in force, and stic revision of the PTA er consideration, as part ylicy of repealing un, as well as specifically rith the peace process. es even graver propor:call that the implemen
tation ofthe death penalty is under consideration. «
The proposal must further be viewed in the context of the known predilection of elements in our police to. resort to torture and other ill treatment of suspects, of which there have been ample proved instances. To cite just one of many judicial pleas on this subject: The Bill deals with what are generally considered "ordinary' criminal of fences. Once it is considered acceptable to dilute the standards of investigation and fair trial for certain purposes, however, it would be easy for any government to amend the Schedule to include offences of a political nature, and thus use the new law against its opponents. It must also be remembered that organized criminal groups are adept at diverting suspicion away from themselves, and sometimes have the backing of other powerful and corrupt elements within society. At the same time there is pressure on the police to make arrests and secure convictions. They do not like it if crimes appear to remain unsolved. One can thus envisage situations where major criminals go free through use of money and influence, making way for innocent Scapegoats to fall victim to the drastically diluted standards of the new law. CRM's concerns
CRM is seriously perturbed by many provisions of the proposed new law. We wish to point to some of the more striking innovations and departures from accepted standards as they exist in our normal law, some of which are also reflected in our Constitution and in international standards. “Organized criminal group'
The short Preamble gives the ob

Page 32
32. TAM TIMES
ject of the Bill as "to make provision for the prevention and investigation of organized crime'. By organized crime is meant the commission of any scheduled offence, including any new of. fence created by the Bill, by an organized criminal group. Being a member of such a group is in itself an offence, and this makes the definition of organized criminal group important. It must be a group of three or more persons but it must also not be "randomly formed”. This is imprecise and whoever has to come to this conclusion - police or magistrate - is left without guidelines. A hastily arrived at decision, particularly by the police, can have grave consequences for the suspect till the Magistrate makes a determination. Preparation an offence
A further new offence causes grave concern. Clause 3 (1) (b) makes it an offence to do any act "in furtherance of the general criminal activities of an organized criminal group'. Again imprecise language is used and what is more it would seem to include any act of preparation. This is a departure from the general principle of criminal law which draws a distinction between preparation and attempt. “Harbouring”
With these infirmities in the proposed law, one has to consider the of fence of "harbouring” created by clause 4. This offence assumes a new significance due to the fact that mere membership of an organized criminal group is made an offence. It will apply to members of the family with whom a suspect is living if they know or have reason to believe that he is a member of an organized criminal group. The exception of a husband or wife to the offence of "harbouring” in the normal law (Penal Code S 209) is not found in the proposed law. The attempt to define the mental element (mens rea) required for the offence is not satisfactory. One can imagine collective punishment being inflicted on a mere suspicion that a person is a member of an organized criminal group, particularly if that person is not to be found. This
will legitimise the il ing” in which the po dulge. Production before
On arrest withou Bill, the police mus pect within twenty f of the time of trave the nearest Magistri trate of the division offence is committe to the Constitution which requires the p tody to be brought b the nearest compete Police custody
A Magistrate m tion in police custo for purpose of inve lice may apply for th tial production befo where a suspect is whether in respecto or for any other reas Comment: - As a m ciple persons shoulc custody of their int. terrogating authorit authority should bes it is an invitation t pointed out above is problem in Sri Lank - In prison a rem by the Prisons Ordin Rules. THERE A GOVERNING PO (conditions of deter terrogation, etc.).
- No particularp be specified. The p( not necessarily be a goes against the prin should be held only recognized place of low. Furthermore, th for notification eith to the Human Rights can be especially se are no witnesses to a person is taken out notification too is
O. Admissibility of po Provisions comp
DY Genera
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15 APRIL 2003
legal “hostage taklice sometimes in
Magistrate twarrant under the t produce the susour hours exclusive l, EITHER before ate OR the Magiswithin which the d. This is contrary | [Article 13(2)), person held in cusbefore the judge of nt COurt.
ly authorise detendy for seven days stigation. The pohis either at the inire a Magistrate, or already in prison, f this investigation
SOI. atter ofbasic prinnot be held in the arrogators. The iny and the custodial eparate. Otherwise o torture which as s already a serious
a. landee is protected ance and the Prison RE NO RULES LICE CUSTODY htion, hours of in
olice station has to olice custody need police station. This ciple that a person y in an "officially detention'; see beere is no provision er to the family or Commission. This rious where there in arrest or where a of prison. Family
an international
lice confessions parable to the PTA
and emergency provisions regarding admissibility of confessions to the police and while in police custody are found in the Bill. Under our normal law confessions while in police custody (unless made before a Magistrate) are not admissible in evidence. Nor are confessions made to a police officer. The new law would make any statement in writing made in police custody, and any statement in writing made to a police officer of the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police orabove admissible. The importance of our normal law is that it takes cognizance of the propensity of the police to extract confessions by torture or other illegal means. The proposed departure from it takes on added significance from the provision for seven days police custody referred to above. Admissibility of statement not subject to cross-examination
This is a most extraordinary provi- ' sion. A police officer may produce before a Magistrate "a person conversant with any fact relating to an offence specified in the Schedule...” and have his statement recorded on oath. Thereafter that statement is admissible in evidence. The witness does mot have to be called or tendered for cross examination. Clause 18 (a)). This is contrary to the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights which provides that "In the determination of any criminal charge against him, everyone shall be entitled...To examine, or have examined, the witnesses against him...” ICCPR Article 14 (3) (e). A withdrawn statement can nevertheless be acted on
Even if the witness referred to in the preceding pare is called and made available for cross-examination, the value of this to an accused who disputes what the witness says is negated by another provision. Ifa witness contradicts on any material point expressly or by implication a statement made by such witness earlier recorded by a Magistrate or made at an identification parade, it is open to the Court to nevertheless act on that earlier statement.
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Page 33
15 APRIL 2003
Moreover the Court can have the witness arraigned for perjury at the endof the trial and it shall not be necessary to prove which of the statements is false. clause 22). False witnesses will stick to their story. Witnesses will even be deterred from correcting a mistake they had genuinely made. This could result in the conviction of innocent persons. This provision violates once again the right guaranteed by the International Covenant referred to in the preceding paragraph, which must necessarily include the right of accused persons to successfully challenge the credibility and accuracy of testimony brought against them. Previous offence admissible
In order to establish that persons are members of an organized criminal group, (and it will be remembered that
mere membership of such a group is
an offence), it is admissible to prove that one or several of the group has on a previous occasion committed one of the scheduled offences as an organized criminal group. This displaces Section 54 of the Evidence Ordinance which excludes evidence of bad character in deciding whether a person is guilty of the offence with which he is currently charged. It also means that not only the person who earlier committed the of fence, but all those others currently suspected to be acting with that person, (who need not necessarily have been associated with him earlier), are now liable to be considered members of an organized criminal group. No bail
At the end of the investigation in police custody the suspect is produced before the Magistrate. The Magistrate then “shall in accordance with the provisions of the Bail Act No 30 of 1997, by warrant addressed to the Superintendent of any prison, order the detention of such suspect until the conclusion of the trial..." clause 13). This is a puzzling provision. Despite the ref. erence to the Baill Act, it can mean that there is no possibility whatever of bail even if the offence is bailable or the police do not object to bail. There is no time limit within which indictment must be served or trial take place. If this interpretation is correct it incorporates one of the worst provisions of the PTA, which has resulted in hunger strikes by PTA suspects. The complete ouster of
SIXT
Ta
The followin government stater sion of peace tall from 18th to 21 M
"The parties m curity concerns f dents on land and acknowledged tha needed in negotiat nomic and politic left no doubt that
judicial discretior
ing of bail appea tional, vice Supre) termination No 6 “April 1998 Hans columns l 103 to bill). Document admis without calling n A document fo or control of an ac agent may be proc dence against the maker being call its contents shall dence of the fa
Clause 19). Non eligibility fo Convicted per gible under "any e [Clause 23 (b)]. If mal remission gra industry and goc against establishe bilitation. It can problem in the m: discipline since th good behaviour is Enhanced punish tory minimum se The Bill pro hanced sentences : mum sentences. C ing on this aspect say that as a gener vour of the limitir tion by prescribi mUlm SentemCCS.

TAMILIMES 33
ROUND OF TALKS
lks give top priority to security at sea
g is the Norwegian ment on the sixth sescs at Hakone, Japan arch 2003:
et amid growingseollowing recent incii at sea. While they it parallel progress is ions on security, ecoal issues, the parties they must now give
l in regard to grantrs to be unconstitume Court Special deand 7 of 1998 of 7 ard 21st April 1998 1114 (the "ragging”
isible
naker und in the possession cused or the accused luced in court as eviaccused without the 2d as a witness, and be prima facie evicts stated therein.
r remission? sons will not be eliarly release scheme' this includes the norinted to prisoners for )d conduct, it goes d principles of rehaalso cause a serious aintenance of prison he main incentive to
removed. ments and manda
ntenCeS vides for harsh enand mandatory miniRM is not commentat present except to al rule it is not in fang of judicial discreng mandatory mini
top priority to improving the security situation, in particular at Sea. The parties undertook to enforce better compliance with the ceasefire agreement by their personnel.
The Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE are deeply concerned about the latest incidents at sea, including on 10 March. To prevent future incidents at sea that could threaten the stability of the ceasefire, the parties have agreed to convene senior naval and political representatives from both sides within three weeks to work out effective arrangements for the operation of naval units in keeping with existing treaty obligations. The meeting will be convened by the Royal Norwegian Government and the Head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) and will immediately start preparing the meeting with military leaders on both sides. The parties agrees to instruct their naval units to exercise restraint, as required by the Ceasefire Agreement, and to avoid provocative actions in the crucial period Prior to the establishment of appropriate procedures. .
In this context, the parties agreed to strengthen the mandate and capacity of the SLMM to undertake preventive measures to avoid serious incidents at sea and on land. As a fundamental precondition for the SLMM to take on a stronger role, the parties pledged to ensure full compliance with the rulings of the SLMM guarantee the security of its personnel in all situations, and take disciplinary action against anyone endangering the lives of SLMM personnel. ܝ
The parties also agreed to take steps to further strengthen the security situation on land, including the establishment of procedures with the coopera. tion of the SLMM for handling soldiers and cadres apprehended by the other party.
In their political discussions, the parties reiterated their commitment to

Page 34
34 AML TIMES
develop a federal system based on internal self-determination within a united Sri Lanka. As the point of departure for planning how to give effect to the general principles of federalism in a final settlement of the ethnic conflict, the parties discussed the essential elements of fiscal federalism.
The parties discussed preliminary issues and a framework for political matters and agreed to expand this into a complete plan at the seventh session of talks. The plan will outline the next steps to be taken by the parties and the topics that must be addressed in order to negotiate a federal solution for Sri Lanka. The parties recognise thata considerable amount of time will be required to address this wide range of topics, which will include geographical regions and the division of powers between the centre and regions. In this context, the parties decided to invite the Forum of Federations, a Canadianbased international organization, to participate as consultants at the seventh session of talks.
The LTTE reported on the formation of a Political Affairs Committee consisting of twenty-one leading members of the organization. This committee will undertake an intensive study of federalism over the course of the next three months to build the LTTE's capacity for political transformation. The committee will study federal systems in other parts of the world, arrange seminars for LTTE cadres, consult Tamil parliamentarians and academics and seek advice from lawyers and constitutional experts, to prepare the ground for the process of establishing internal self-determination within a united, federal Sri Lanka.
Following a proposal by the GOSL to prepare for local government elections in the North and East, the LTTE will favourably consider supporting the holding of such elections.
It was agreed that the rescheduled meeting between the LTTE and the Muslim representatives in Batticaloa be convened on 27 April 2003. Furthermore, the LTTE and Rauf Hakeem agreed to arrange a separate meeting between Muslim leaders and the leadership of the LTTE in Kilinochchi to discus political matters and the participation of a Muslim delegation in negotiation at plenary sessions.
The parties app submitted by the Geneder Issues to { in Kilinochchi and Following up o Berlin in February ( parties asked their i rights adviser. Ian three aspects of the for adoption at the talks.l.) The draftil of Human Rights Principles. This wi of fundamental in rights and human which both parties ensure are respected personnel, pending ment of human rig eventual constituti and in federal and
2) The planning human rights traini and government o prison officials, wł ute to the respect o practice, and of hun and awareness for population. This pr clude specialised UNICEF in relatio) child, UNHCR in internally displace gees, and ICRC in tional humanitarial the UN High Comr Rights would be in this programme.
3) Proposals f of the Human Rig Sir Lanka to enab capacity for inci monitoring throu These proposals \ national advice a HRC from the Of Commissioner fol other sources, an with the roles of to child protection to the protection o displaced person SLMM in relatio civilian populatio The parties ag enth session of tal May in Thailanc from 12 to 15 Ji ninth session frc Europe.(venue to

15 APR 2003
oved the proposal ub-Committee on tablish secretaries
olombo. the discussions in 1 human rights, the ternational human Wartin, to develop proposed roadmap seventh session of g of a Declaration and Humanitarian uld reflect aspects ernational human itarian standards, would undertake to in practice by their the full entrenchhts standards in the onal arrangements ocal law.
of a programme of ng for LTTE cadres fficials, police and nich would contribf these principles in nan rights education ther sections of the ogramme would intraining offered by n to the rights of the relation to rights of d persons and refurelation to internalaw. The Office of missioner for Human vited to coordinate
r the strengthening hts Commission of le it to develop the easingly effective ghout the country. sould involve interld assistance to the ice of the UN High Human Rights and close coordination JNICEF in relation UNHCR in relation returning internally and refugees, and to acts against the
l. eed to hold the sevis from 29 April to 2 the eighth session he in Japan and the m 15 to 18 July in be determined). O
(Continued from page 7) south are for a peaceful political solution and not for resumption of brutal war.
The Nation Peace Council of Sri Lanka in a statement issued on 25 April said: “The suspension of peace talks by the LTTE has come as a blow to the expectations of the vast majority of people who have been firmly supporting the ongoing peace process. We are glad that the LTTE has stated that it will continue to abide by the ceasefire agreement which forms the backbone of the current peace process. While we take note of the avowedly temporary nature of the LTTE's decision, the National Peace Councilis concerned about the long-term injury to Sri Lanka's peace and development prospects. At a time when the world is facing many other crises of global significance, the government and LTTE should act with. responsibility to strengthen the peace process.
The consensual approach between the government and LTTE has been the key factor in the mobilisation of international aid to reconstruct the country and provide a peace dividend to the people. Any conflict between them could lead to a weakening of this international support. Further, there is a growing apprehension among the people whether the peace process is breaking down which is being exploited by opponents of the peace process.
We are aware of problems affecting the peace process. On this occasion, the LTTE has stated that its exclusion from the aid conference in the United States, the continued suffering of the displaced Tamil people, the problems of the heavy army presence in civilian areas of the north and east, and the lack of special attention, to the economic devastation of the north and east are reasons that have undermined its confidence in the peace negotiations.
The NPC strongly believes that the proper forum for the amicable resolution ofthese problems, and the legitimate concerns they have given rise to, is the negotiating table. We urge the LTTE to reconsider its decision to suspend the peace talks in the national interests and those of the Tamil people. We also urge the government to address the grievances of the LTTE and the Tamil people in a manner that goes to the heart of the expectations and aspirations of the two sides. The NPC calls on the government and LTTE to resolve their problems and jointly attend the donor conference in Tokyo in June." O

Page 35
15 APRIL 2003
Alcohol a your heal
Dr. D. P. Atukorale
There have been many claims in the press about the miracles that the red wine or other forms of alcohol can prevent heart attacks. This gives the impression that we can take the magic potion and we can eat, smoke or do anything we like and still not get a heart attack.
A recent study suggested that the lowest death rates are found among men who have only two to four drinks a week, while another found that three to five drinks a day are associated with the greatest longevity for men and Women.
Do the benefits accrue only ifyou drink wine and more specifically red wine? Will grapes or grape juice confer similar protective effects? Should women with high risks of breast cancer abstain? What about pregnancy and breast feeding? Let us look at the common misperceptions about alcohol and health.
Misperception No. 1 The best alcoholic beverage for protecting against heart disease is red wine
The popular notion that red rather than white wine, beer or mixed drinks is the magic potion has never been confirmed. The bulk of the evidence indicates that any alcoholic beverage protects against heart disease.
Researchers have singled out certain substances present only in red wine that may ward off a heart attack. These are called flavonoids which include a subclass of compounds known as phenols and these substances come from grape skins. They appear to act as antioxidants that keep bad LDL cholesterol from forming artery blocking plaques. There is some evidence that flavonoid have an anti-clotting effect on the blood which could protect against heart attacks. Harvard University Eric Rimm MD, one of the leading researchers looking into the connection between alcohol and health says that the added benefit due to taking alcohol is very small.
Honolulu Heart Study where 8000 people were studied, it was shown that beer drinkers were at a significantly less risk of
developing heart dis In a Harvard study 44,000 middle-aged 1 moderate drinkers fau ers, no matter what th hard liquor such as have the strongest p red wine is not the "c it comes to staving C amount of antioxidal very much lower th: balanced diet with The quantity of flav than what you get it To get the amount ( tion one has to consul amount of red wine.
Misperception No. Alcohol protects ag. thinning the blood
Alcohol appears blood called platelets fore less likely to agg in coronary arteries. blood level of HDl HDL level of below heart attacks. You a level is above 55 or
geous.
Regular exercis along with taking o the HDL cholesterc cholesterol level is exercise program 0 you might only rai points. You could e. from losing five to
Of course engag ity on a regular basi tecting things that dı ing the heartbeat m ing the risk of diab pressure and increas ing off extra pound the joints, putting muscle and makes i around.
Misperception No.

TAM TIMES.35
ind i th
ease than teetotallers.
where they studied men, it was shown that edbetterthanabstainley drank. In this case,
whisky appeared to rotective effect. Thus rink of choice", when ffheart attacks as the hts in red wine is low, an what you get in a ruits and vegetables. onoids in tea is higher a glass of red wine. of antioxidant protecme a dangerously large
2 ainst heart disease by
to render"cells' in the sless sticky and theregregate and form a clot Alcohol also raises the (good) cholesterol. 40mg is risk factor for re okay if your HDL more is very advanta
e, stopping smoking ff extra pounds raises l level. If your HDL ow and if you start an f moderate intensity, e HDL three to four spect the same results 0 excess pounds.
ing in physical activ; does a lot of life prorinking does not, makore eficiently, reductes, decreasing blood ing bone density. Taks also takes stress off ess pressure or heart t easier for you to get
Because alcohol raises the risk for breast cancer the hazards of drinking outweighed the benefits for women
Alcohol seems to raise the risk ofbreast cancer in women apparently by raising the level of hormone, oestrogen which promotes the development of certain types of breast tumours. In a Harvard study of 90,000 middle-aged women3 to 9 drinks a week reduced the risk of heart disease by 40% but raised the risk of breast cancer by 30 per cent. If a woman has one or more risks of breast cancer such as a strong family history of breast cancer, or had onset of menstruation before the age of 12 years, first pregnancy after 30, never having children or menopause later than 55, she should not drink. On the other hand if a woman does not have any particular risk factors for breast cancer, yet has heart disease risk factors such as hypertension, diabetes, smoking or high blood cholesterol she might choose not to stop drinking moderately if that is already one of her habits.
Misperception No. 4 Moderate drinking means a maximum of two drinks a day
The two drinks a day recommendation often made in reference to men is not appropriate for women, older people and those taking prescription drugs and over the counter medications that do not mix with alcohol.
Women are not supposed to have more than one drink daily according to U.S. Dietary Guidelines for Americans because they are usually smaller than men and therefore don't hold their liquor as well. In addition, women have proportionately more fat andless water than men, so alcohol does not get diluted in their bodies. Women also have less of an enzyme called alcohol de-, hydrogenase that breaks down alcohol before it reaches the blood stream and so it is more likely to go to their heads.
Even one drink may be more than optimal for women. A recently released study of 85,000 middle aged women spanning 12 years found the greatest longevity was associated not with a daily glass ofwine, beer or mixed drink but with one to three drinks a week. A drink lowered mortality rate but not as much.
Many old people as well as a significant proportion of middle-aged men and women take medications that don't interact with alcohol. Certain heart drugs can combine with alcohol to make blood pressure drop precipitously, causing giddiness and faintish feeling. Drinking also increases the risk of gastro-intestinal bleed

Page 36
36 TAMILTIMES
ing in people who regularly take aspirin like arthritis patients. Medications like anticonvulsant which have a sedative effect may cause sleep or may have fatigued effect with alcohol and may fall asleep at the wheel. If you take any drugs it is your duty to discuss with your family physician about the interaction with alcohol before mixing the two at any level.
Misperception No. 5 Beyond two drinks a day alcohol has ad verse effects on the heart
In case of men, drinking more than two alcoholic beverages a week, the risk of death from other illnesses appear to go up sharply. In case of men, they have a greater chance of dying from several different types of cancer, including cancer of oesophagus and stomach and perhaps cancer of colon and rectum as well. They might also be more likely to get a stroke. Cirrhosis of liver, falls and motor vehicle accidents also increase. Totality of evidence so far available suggests very strongly that for anyone, more than two drinks a day (one for women and older people) is a dangerous habit.
Misperception No. 6 Because the French are regular consumers of alcohol they live longer than Americans French do consume much more alcohol than Americans. Indeed they drink eight to ten times as much wine. A recent study looking at drinking patterns and death rates of 21 developed nations, showed that the protective effect of alcohol enjoyed by the French in effect wiped out by alcohol abuse that leads to early death from cirrhosis of liver, accidents, suicides and other problems.
Interestingly alcohol consumption in France has gone down dramatically over the last few decades from 19 quarts per persona year in 1988 to 14 quarts in 1965 and so have coronary death rates from 95 people per 100,000 in 1965 to 71 people per 100000 in 1988. Death from cirrhosis of the liver have practically been cut in half during the same period.
Misperception No. 7 Drinking small amounts of wine during pregnancy and breast feeding is now considered harmless
According to a book entitled "To Your Health - Two Physicians Explain The Health Benefits Of Wine” published in 1994 light drinking is safe during pregnancy because it will not cause foetal alcohol syndrome and the attendant problems
namely malformation nervous system defici mental retardation. B that drinking even less can still result in decr and head size as well a Both the Surgeon Ge. can College of Obstet amount ofalcoholis si
With regard to d feeding, an old wives of wine or beer befo. laxes the mother and 1 produce more milk. Monell Chemical Ser delphia found that bı up with about 20 per their mothers have a ( abstain.
Studies by American The largest study hol as far as I am awa USA by the America showed that one can glass of wine or one straight or in cocktail tack rate as well as 2, one drink, the cancer rate are lower. At two is same as nondrinker and heart disease deal drinks cancer death four drinks total death rate is increased.
Should we all tak for medical purpose? ies in orphans in Sw the orphans of alcoho ics themselves at four alcoholics. This evi there are potent gen predispose you to alc from it.
There are peop. even one alcoholic coming addicted to a marked racial and People from Asia w! differently are gener alcohol because it c. an uncomfortable w; coholics in USA alc holism is not rare. USA who strictly ab run much lower hea rest of the country. Other deleterious e sumption
Consumption o cohol can result in ing ofblood sugar)

15 APRIL 2003
of the face, central ncies and long term research suggests han one drink a day ased weight, height reduced I.Q. scores. 2ral and the Americians advise that no e during pregnancy. nking while breast ale says that a glass breast feeding rehereby allows her to But a study at the Ses Center in Phila:ast fed infants end cent less milk after rink than when they
Cancer Society In the world on alcore was conducted in n Cancer Society. It of beer, one pounce hot of whisky taken lowered the heart at3,4,5 or 6 drinks. At rate and total death drinks the cancer rate sand both total death h are lower. At three rate is increased. At rate and cancer death
e one drink a day just We know from studeden and Iowa, that licos become alcoholtimes the rate of nondence suggests that tic forces that either ohol abuse or protect
e who cannot drink everage without becohol. There are also ligious differences. o metabolize alcohol lly unable to tolerate uses them to flush in y. With 19 million alle, the gene for alco(ost of the groups in tains from alcohol all t attack rate than the
ects fAlcohol con
arge quantities of al
ypoglycemia (lowerhich may follow even
30 hours after ingestion of alcohol. Hypoglycemic if not successfully treated in time, can result in brain damage.
Alcoholics are more prone to infection and alcoholics have low serum albumin. Continued alcoholic intake produces alcoholic liver damage and after about 6 years of chronic abuse, alcoholic hepatitis can develop which progresses to alcoholic cirrhosis if alcohol is not discontinued.
Chronic and acute pancreatitis (inflammation of the pancreas) are frequent in pepple who drink alcohol regularly.
Deficiencies caused by alcohol consumption
There may be impaired secretion of gastric juice and loss of appetite. Malabsorption is also common in alcoholics. These people have deficiencies of aminoacids, calcium, folic acid and vitamin B12. Advantages of Alcohol Consumption Advantages of alcohol consumption on the heart were discussed earlier. Other advantages of mild and moderate consumption of alcohol are increase in appetite increase in flow of gastric and pancreatic juice and acceleration of digestion.
One pint of beer provides about two per cent ofrequirement of thiamine of a moderately active man, about 60 per cent ofniacin requirement 13 per cent of riboflavin, 8 per cent of calcium, 12 per cent of phosphorus and 7 percent of energy required. There are also obvious social advantages.
However, physiological and social advantages cannot be praised on nutritional grounds. In the words of Housman
"Ale, mane ales the stuffto drink For fellows it hurts to think." Alcohol has long been known to be a vasodilator, a Soporific and a diuretic as is shown in the following quotation of Shakespeare (Macbeth 11, iii):
Porter: "drink sir, is a provoker of three things.
Macduff "What three things does drink especially provoke."
"Marry, sir, nose-painting sleep and urine. Lechery, sir, it provokes and unprovokes, it provokes the desire, but it takes away the performance."
References 1. Food and Nutrition by Prof. TW Wikramanayake 2. Nutrition 96/97 Gharlotte Cook - Fuller PhD Slephen Barnett 3. Good Fat, Bad Fat Sarah Trotta et al.
(Courtesy: The Island: 11/4/2003)

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15 APRIL 2003
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TAMILTIMES37
grandfather of Sanjiv, Aneesha and Archanna, brother of Vaikundavasan and late Nithiana nthan, Gnanachandran and Sivahamasunthari; brother-in-law of Maheswary (UK), Vinayagamoorthy (UK), Kanagambigai, Cugamesan (Australia), Ambikaipakan (Sri Lanka), Inbanathan (UK) and late Balambikai (Sri Lanka).
He is sadly missed and lovingly remembered by all members of his family, broth
ers-in-law, Sisters-in-law, their families and friends in UK and abroad. The funeral took place at City of London Crematorium, London on 10th April 2003.
The family wishes to thank all those who sent messages of sympathy, attended the funeral and helped in several WayS.
- 72, King Edward Road, London E176 HZ. Tel: 0208 550 9972.
Mrs Thangaratnam Sinnathurai (86) dearly beloved wife of late Pandithar S. Sinnathurai, Retired Head Teacher, Alaveddy, Sri Lanka; loving mother of Dr. S. Balasanthiran (UK), Balayokiny (Negombo, Sri Lanka), Balasunthary (Kokuvill, Sri Lanka), Dr. Balachanthireswary (Brisbane, Australia), and Bala lindran (Ger
many); mother-in-law of Gandhimathi, Ratnam, Vamathevan, Raveenthiran and Vathsala, grandmother of Dr. Anjali Balasanthiran, Dayalan, Rajani, Ravi, Ragulan (all of UK), Dr. Ramani Ragulan (Negombo, Sri Lanka), Thamilini (New Zealand), Valavan and Viraloon (both of Colombo, Sri Lanka) Sudarone, Dr. Myvili Raveenthiran and Pavai (all of Brisbane, Australia), Lavaniya and Malavan (Germany) and great grandmother of Visakan, Neelan, Hari, Josh, Kokulan, Kabilan, Tharaka and Deepika passed away on 9.3.03 in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Funeral took place in Negombo, Sri Lanka on 13.3.03. - 4 Avenue Vivian, Scunthorpe, North LincolnShire DN158JE. Tel 01724 860329/0208337.3854.
IN MEMORAMS
Born: Djed:
The Tenth Year Remembrance of Mr. Murugesapilai Maheswaran
18th January 1937 in Jaffna, Sri Lanka 14th March 1993 in London
Sadly missed and remembered with much love and affection by,
Brothers: Dr. M. Sri Ranganathan (UK), Dr. M. Koneswaran (USA) Sisters: Mrs Gunawathy ammal Ketheeswaranathan (Australia) Mrs Pathmaneswary Velauthapillai (Sri Lanka) and families - 2 John's Lane, Morden, Surrey SM4 6EU

Page 38
38 TAMILTIMES
Daddy in loving N Ponnampalam
Kanagaratnam
We speak of you w Years may Memories of you b And Shall liv
ധ് Born: 11.10, 1909 Rest: O2. O3. 1982
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by sons Sara, Bre grand children Janarthan, Mehé - 19 Huxley Place, Palmers Green, Lc
Fourth Anniversary
Mrs Thaiyalnayaki Sivalingam
8& ※ remembered by her loving children Jeyakumaran, Kaladevy, Ginanendran, Dr. Jeyagowri, Sureshkumar and SivaSuthan, Sons-in-law Ganeshamoorthy and Dr. Kumaran, daughters-in-law Yogendradevi, Vallinayaki, Malathy and Balasuhanthini; sister Sethunayaki Sivasithamparam; grandchildren Havitha, Sinduja, Kalyan, In loving memory of Mrs Neruban, Rathulan, PrathThaiyalnayaki Sivalingam eeban, Aparnah, Geevithan on the fourth anniversary of and Abisha. her passing away on 18th - 24 Sixth Cross Road, April 1999. Twickenham, Middx. TW2 Greatly missed and fondly 5RB Tel: O20 8977 6277.
Pradeep Jeganathan - Sixth Anniversary 01.12.1964 1997
崧 Six long years have passed us by Never a day without a sigh The hurt and heartaches have not eased The pain and anguish have not ceased.
Profoundly missed and affectionately remembered by his parents Jeganathan and Shakuntala; sister Mythili; brothers Janarthana and Sanjayan and their families.
www.sria
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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Mummy lemory of Vemalaranee
Kanagaratnam
ith love and pride pass and time may fly oth Will never die 'e in our heart for ever.
10.07, 1923 to 31:03.1990
m and Dubsy; daughters-in-law Lalitha and Shyamala; la, Uthistran, Arani and Anuja )ndon N135SU. Tel 020 8886 5966.
Seventh Anniversary Remembrance Mr. Visvalingam Sivasubramaniam
wife Sironmany; children Dr. Sivanandarajah, Sivagnanasunderam, Dr. Sivapalan, Sivathasan, Sivaratnam, Sivamanoharan, and Sivalo Shana devi. Son-in-la W Thavarajah; daughters-inlaw Manirnehalade Vi, Anandhi, Yogeswary, Kamaladevy, Supathiradevi and Devahi: grandchildren Sutharshan, ॐ**** Priyatharshini, SuseenIn loving memory of Mr. thiran, Suhanthan, Mrs Sut
Visvalingam sivasubra- harshika Samanan, Sulomaniam, Principal Emeri- shain, Suthaharan, Sula tus, Skanda varodaya Coll. kshan Arooran, Galamo lege, Chunnakam on the ohan, Gajaharan and Vais
seventh anniversary of his ha. passing away on 26th April -135A Sudbury Avenue, 1996. Wembley, Sadly missed and fondly re- Magx HAO 6AMV membered by his beloved Te: O208385 0477.
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Page 39
15 APRIL 2003
eWS and nieces.
Ninth Anniversary Remembrance
In Cherished memory of Mr. Chinnathampy Rasiah on the ninth anniversary of his passing away on 24.04.94.
Deep in our hearts you will always stay Loved and remembered every day, Greatly loved and deeply missed by his loving wife Gunamany, beloved children Rajan and Rajini; daughter
in-law Janaki; son-in-law Lakshman, grandchildren Thabojan, Prasanth and Sulakshan; sister-in-law , neph
- 14 Greenbriar Avenue, Wheelers Hill, Melbourne, Vic.3150, Australia - 7 Sessions Road, Lafayette 94549, California, USA.
Forthcoming Events
Aday 1 Feast of St. Joseph May 2 Kaarthikai; Feast of Si Athanasius AMay 5 Charthurthi May 7 Sasti
May 12 Ekaathasi Alay 13 Pirathosam AMay 14 Feast of St. Mathias AMay 15 Full Moon May 16 Feast of the Ascenson of the Lord Jesus Christ Aday 18 Sankatakara Charthurthi; Thirugnana Sampanthar Guru Pooja May 20 Feast of St. Benadine of Siena May 26 Ekaathasi Alay 27 Feast of St. Augustine of Canterbury May 28 Pirathosam May 29 Kaarthikai Alfay 30 Amavasai May 31 Feast of the Visitation of Blessed Virgin Mary At Bhavan Centre, 4A Castlefown Road,London MV149HQ. Tel 0207381
3086/4608.
MWebsite: www.bhayan.net May 106.30 p.m. City of London Sinfonica and Bhawan's musicians present 'EaSf MeefS West' May173-4.30 p.m. Talk on “Vedic Astro Knowledge' by Dev Vasishta from India. All Welcome.
May 186 p.m. Bharatanatyam by Priya Jayaraman from India. May 24 4.30 p.m. 'Yoga in Modern Life' a lecture by Kamal Sharma. All Welcome.
Exhibitions May 8 - 15 12 noon to 8 p.m. Charcoal Drawings by Mridhu Dixit. May 15 - June 1 12 noon to 6 p.m. An exhibition of paintings by various artists. All Welcome. May 20 - June 312 noon to 8 p.m. Paintings/Wall Hangings by Vasudev.
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AMIL TIMES 39
Deepaesh's
getrams in Thré
it was a true delight to witness the Mirdanga Arangetram of twelve year old Deepaesh Sivalingam on November 30, 2002 at the Public Library Auditorium, Edmonton, Canada. He was presented by his Guru Vaddya Kalamani TanOre Swaminathan.
Deepaesh соттөпced the repertoire by playing for Sri Ganesha in Tilang Raga and Aadi Thala followed by Aanantha Nadam, a krithi on Lord Shiva. in Tala Rupakam. This was followed by Raga Kalyani with Kalpana swaras and Thani Aavarthanam. He was ably supported on Gangira by his Guru Sri Swaminathan and Gatam by Sri Rathiruban from Toronto. His precise rhythm on percussion was very much appreciated by applause from the audience for the Thani Aavarthanam. This was followed by ‘Alai Pauthe' in Tala Aathi, 'Kriishna Nee' Tala Misra Chappu and "Theeratha Vilayatu" on Kanda Chaapu.
Following the intermission, Deepaesh accompanied the, Bharatha Natya recital of his mother Dr. Kanchana Sivalingam. She performed two Pathans - Patha Chilamboli and on Krishna. Natuvangam and Jathis were rendered by Sri Swaminathan. The program concluded with Thilana performed by Kanchana and her two senior disciples Narmatha and Lavini.
The Vocalist for the Arangetram was Deepaesh's graindmother Gnana Bhoosanan Smit Ambika Thamotheram from London, UK. The Violinist was Sri Gesavamoorthy of Toronto and the program was compered by Dr. Arjuna Thiagarajah and Tarin Nathan.
The Chief Guest Mr. Koilpillai (Order of Canada) praised Deepaesh for his magnificent presentation and specially to have performed his Bharatha Natya Arangetram in September 2002 and now Mirdanga Arangetram in November 2002, an achievement not heard of
Deepaesh was blessed by Swami Brahmanishfananda Saraswathi of Sankaracharya tradition for his devotion and commitment to learn and perform the art forms. He received a standing ovation by the audience. Deepaesh is the son of Dr. and Dr. (Mrs.) Sivalingam of Edmonton, Canada.
Bill Irvin, Edmonton, Canada.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding.
Kesavan Son of Mr. & Mrs Suntharamoorthy of 95 Holy Road Avenue, South Harrow, Middx HA28UD and Thanujah daughter of Mr. & Mrs Thavarajalingam
of lyanar Kovil Lane, Kokuvil West, Sri Lanka on 7th April 2003 the Hotel Mount Heera, MKN Road, Alandur, Chennai, India.
EL ONLY)) ))-SRI LANKA
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Page 40
40 TAM TIMES
The Hindu temple has always shown a capacity for variation. This is inevitable given that a temple should reflect the ideals and way of life of those who built it and the community for whom it is meant to serve. But despite the diversity of architectural forms that are to be found in South Asia and other parts of the wordd, the correctly proportioned temple will only be manifested through the benefits it bestows on its members and the happiness and satisfaction that it reaps from them. In this utilitarian Sense, above all, the new Sri Murugan Temple in east London will be contributing to a vital tradition.
The plan to build the temple had originated some years ago, but the temple of ficials needed to wait until sufficient space became available in the surrounding
Doctor Checks at Lee Park
Dr. N. Navaneetharajah- Dr. Navan to the many who know him - is the new Captain of Lee Park Golf Club and is seen in the above picture in the Captain's Chair.
The New Sri Murugan
neighbourhood f come feasible. Th temple was officia Trustees in Janua bought along the local authorities g sion after many debate. During di size of the templ the Orders of the did not want it to ing buildings.
It was a hard it had been secur quickly. Within 3. Were COntacted a commissioned fo M. Muthiah Stha renowned Creato
He has been a over 13 years a cap. Although a was his first spor at the game durii At the University available colours Cricket team.
Dr Navan ha area for over thit looking after thi Croxteth regions He is a pro Beatrice is also Prith a Specialis. working in Aerot With the Cric Dr. Navin is now and the lowering tain, he is fully tion of Lee Parl standard of the We wish him we
Ontario's Five-Day Music and D
The Annual Music and Dance Festival of Ontario's Tamil Sai Kalaamanran this year was a gala 5-day event 8, 9, 15, 16 and 22 March, the venue that overflowed its normal capacity every evening, was Toronto's Yorkwood Public Library in the neighbourhood of York University.
A popular theatre for vocal, instrumental and dance recitals, the organizers deserve praises and congratulations for staging such a grand show on successive weekends despite inclement weather and Snowbound conditions. This is also a testimony to the steadily growing popularity of our cultural traditions in the fine arts of music and dance in North America.
This festival is the grand finale to the annual examinations conducted by Thamil
lisai Kalaamanir a record numb participated fro Teacher’s in Bh the instrumenta mridangam.
Conducted ofexperts, топ didates Succes signments, a ni tions. Surentha prodigy in violi fully complete dazzled the F with his virtuOS violin observed knowledge ha Crave to gain
 
 
 
 
 

15 APR 2003
a large project to bedecision to build a new y made by its Board of * 1998. Properties were adjoining road and the anted planning permisbars of discussion and cussions the projected had to be reduced on Ocal authorities, which vershadow neighbour
MOn decision, but Once d things began to move Ionths, Indian sculptors d granite carvings were the building. Padmasri pathi, an internationally of Hindu temple design
member of Lee Park for Id plays of a 26 handikeen golfer now, cricket ing love and he excelled ng his educational years. of Ceylon he won all the and was Captain of the
s served the Merseyside ty years and is currently 9 patients in Kirby and
id family man, his wife
a doctor, the daughter Registrar and son Sanjy lautics. keting days behind him, concentrating on his golf of his handicap. As Capware of the proud tradiand hopes to attain the reats who preceded him. II.
nce Festival;
m, and on this 11th year, r of over 1500 students Grade One to that of the rata Natyam, vocals and s veena, violin, flute and
by an independent panel han two-thirds of the canfully completed their asnber of them with distincTharmalingam, a virtual and vocal who Successhis Teacher's Grade and Day Festival audience performance in vocal and at in today's world where no bounds and when We ner understanding of life
and sculpture, was appointed to lead the project. A team of British consultants would handle the more functional aspects of the building work.
To outline the main features of the new temple, they will be, briefly. A Rajagopuram of approximately 50 feet in height, and three shrines, to Sri Ganapathi, Sri Murugan and Sri Shiva. In addition to the temple there will also be an adjoining hall for functions, library, meditation room, and cultural teaching and practice, including dance, writing and veena classes, withcovered walkways connecting the hall to the temple. The present adjoining building will be completely refurbished in order to serve as a community resource centre. There will also be new flats constructed for the priests, with commercial units below the flats, and new car parking facilities will be made available. It is hoped that the main building will be completed by October 2003, with work remaining to be completed including embellishment of the walls and the inner temple. The official inauguration of the new temple is set for Spring 2004.
The money for the project has come mainly from donations by devotees of the temple, although loans were also secured from the Bank of Baroda. The temple authorities stress in their recent pamphlef that they still require donations and the continuing support of devotees in orderto complete the project.
The influence ofthe Sri Murugan Temple on the lives of many Hindus in Britain and other parts of the world is most powerfully manifested in the annual chariot procession, which thousands of people attend, and every day Worshippers come to the temple to seek guidance and spiritual consolation. The planned resource centre will attract more visitors still, helping to ensure that the temple remains a visible and accessible place, its presence an important marker of the ideals and values of its community.
Laawanyan Ratnapalan
in its simplicity, music is the only discipline that bridgesart (kalai) and science (sastra) from their diverse CirCunStanCeS.
Jamuna Jayanti lillangeswaran who also completed the Teacher's Grade, accompanied him on the violin after her own solo performance, and his highly promising brother Sujeenther Tharmalingam on the mridangam. The standard of their performance won the warm and endearing plaudits of the audience. Among the many participants on the final day, many students from Montreal gave a good account of themselves. Some of the very young dancers obviously enjoyed their stage performance and delighted their audience. On this Occasion the Manran honoured two senior artistes for their expertise and for services to the community. Elder artiste Sangeetha Pooshanam lyathurai Velauthapillai was awarded a Gold Medal and

Page 41
1S APR 2003
Sangeetha Vidwan Dhanadevi Mithradeva, the title of Violin Sudar Oli. Recently Mrs Mithradeva was acclaimed as an artiste of great calibre during the Annual carnatic Music Festival in Chennai, India.
- r'que feature of the 7thamil lsai atse-T2 nram is to have become a drivng force of integrity and determination to promote this art from very small beginnings. A highly motivated organization with a dedicated team of proven volunteers headed by President Thampiah Sripathy, the Manram today ranks not only as a music conservatory in the traditions of the Trinity College of Music but is also the first of its kind for Carnatic Music and ClaSSical lindian Dance in North America. Even more, it has the elements of the ashram
principes and prec guru shishya relat, teachers and the Stu to many children ha ond parents. Apart f cess and credibility to of music and dance, catalyst that helps to Our time-honoured at with dignity and disc our children to Share in multicultural Cana
Mr Sripathy saic indebted to the high tion of his fellow offic bers of the Manrat friends in the Con he said was genero
Lest We forget: Sampander
10.05.1894 to 14.04.1977
Twenty five years have passed since Mr. Sampander Nataraja passed away. He was 84 - a few days short of his 84.birthday.
He was the eldest of the children of Sinnacutty Sampander who hailed from a highly respected family in Jaffna. It is quite interesting to note that Mr.Sampanderwent to practice as a lawyer in Anuradhapura in the eighties of the ninteenth century-long before the opening of the northern railway line or the advent of the automobile. He sent his son Nataraja to St.Thomas College, Colombo for his secondary education. At that time St.Thomas College was situated in Mutuwal. Having passed his Matriculation examination, Mr. Nataraja tried a short stint at teaching at Vaideeshwara Vidyalaya, Jaffna. The desire to follow in his father's footsteps was so great that he studied at the Law College and passed as a proctor and started practice at Anuradhapura in 1917. By then his father had passed away. The same year he got married. Those were days free from even a tinge of communal feeling or prejudice. All were Ceylonese and subjects of the great British Empire. Competence, merit, hard work and determination could earn for anyone name and fame. Mr. Nataraja pos
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Sessed all these at these, he had honest his success in the p. the government app Proctor and J.P., money; but lived lib ous to a fault. With practice, he starte "Brindaban" - a sp surrounded by fruit on a ten acre land ( few metres from the Puttalian/TrinCOrnal after he went into OC tragedy struck him a loved wife passed a Apart from the b at the Bar, his knowle other fields - literal Tamil), history (Sri gion, philosophy ar Was an avid readera memory forevents a for faces! He had a and his daily routin Mr. Nataraja devote ing the lot of the 1 brought him into loc years continuously h Anuradhapura Urb, year he was uncon, bear testimony to hi. Sinhalese people W the city's population period as Chairman Hall and the Oldmar tricity first supplied ration and pinnacle est Buddhist mon Ruwanwelisaya - t period. When he no contest (for chairt gracefully bowed O. affairs however Co couple of his frie VĩVekananda SOCie! for many years. Th Vivekananda Tamil

TAMILTIMES41
epts encouraging a ionship among the dents. The teachers, ve become the Secom the growing sucdevelop our fine arts the Manran is the develop a love for ld precious traditions pline and encourage these with their peers da. f that he was deeply y committed dedicaCe bearers, the menmn and its numerous unity. Their support, is and spontaneous.
ibutes and more than yand humility to crown rofession. Before long pointed him as Crown J. M. He earned his erally and was generin twelve years of his d building his house rawling Mahagedera trees and paddy field on the Jaffna Road, a junction of the Jaffna/ ee roads. Two years cupation of the house, ind his family - his beWay. rilliant success he had idge extended to many ture(both English and Lankan & lindian) relild Current events. He ind had a photographic nd places, not so much passion for punctuality e was like clockwork. dtime towards improvocal people and this all politics. For thirteen te was Chaiman of the an Council and each fested. This alone will Spopularity among the tho formed the bulk of ... it was during his long that the present Town ket were built and electo the town. The restoceremony of the greatinent in the World - ook place during that ticed the first sign of a manship) coming, he uit. His interest in IOCal ntinued. Along with a nds, he founded the y and was its President e Society started the School which later be
The Manrann's office-bearers apart from Mr Sripathy are: Prema Sriskandarajah (Vice President), Bala Balasubramaniam (Secretary), Kumar Punithavel and Sundaramoorthy Umasuthan (Joint Assistant Secretaries), Rajamayagam Sasinayagam (Treasurer), Erambamoorthy Vivekanandarajah (Assistant Treasurer), Kanaga Manoharan (Editor) and members of the committee, PS Soosaithasan, Thura irajah Nadarajah, Ratnam Suthanthfè, rarajah, Rasiah Karunakaran, Sannugan Chandrasegaran, Sithamparapillai Maheswaran and Prasanna Subramanian. Nadarajah Nirmalan serves as auditor.
Victor Karunairajan, Canada
came the Vivekananda Tamil Maha Vidyalaya. He was also for many years chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Kathiresan Temple which was re-located to the premises in the New Town. In all these activities, he never imposed his will or views. He would give his advice couched in precise language but in the softest tone. Most professionals and public figures are often vulnerable to criticism, jealousy and even enmity. Mr.Nataraja's greatest success was the fact that he never had any enemies. When he completed fifty years at the Anuradhapura Bar, he was honoured at a dinner given by the lawyers at the Grand Hotel. He continued for another ten years when he fell ill and was taken to Colombo for treatment. He passed away peacefully on 14 April 1977. His family had planned to have his funeral in Colombo, buta delegation ofrenowned citizens from Anuradhapura stormed in and prevailed on his family to have the funeral in Anuradhapura. Among the people who paid their respects in Colombo were the Governor General, William Gopalawa (also a client of his) and many cabinet ministers. The body was taken to his house, Brindaban (where no funeral had taken place earlier) and after the obsequies were performed according to Hindu rites, the citizens of Anuradhapura led the cortege to the Town Hall where the body was kept for the public to pay their last respects. Among those who paid their last respects were the high priests of the Attamasthana, cabinet ministers (past and present) from both parties and public servants. The 31. day almsgiving (dhana) at Brindaban was largely attended by relatives, friends and the public. As if to illustrate the impermanence of men and matter, his house was also the target for the senseless violence of July 1977. It is now part of the ruins of the ancient city.
"His life was gentle, and the elements
So mixd in him that Nature might stand up,
And say to all the world, "This was a man!"
(William Shakespeare)
- K.Jeganathan

Page 42
* 42 AMMA TIMES
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