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ARCH 2004
“I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.”
-Voltaire
ISSN 0266 - 44 88 Vol. XXIII N0.3 MARCH 2004
Published by: TAMIL TIMES LTD PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD United Kingdom Phone: 020 - 8644 O972 Fax: 020 - 8241 4557
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CONTENTS
For a free and fair election 03
General Election 2004 O4
Revolt in the LTTE 12
Election related violence 22 The April Fool's Election 25 Tamil nationalism 30 Election & the national question31 Split in the LTTE 33 Dim prospect for peace 35 Classified 38
For
The Ongoing parlian split in the LTTE. The reb who was in Overall charg everyone by surprise. Ev development. More than Velupillai Pirpaharan, wł mander turned "traitor a five to Sixthousand cadre of eastern Sri Lanka. The Colonel Karuna and his regimented and tightly mi tioning loyalty to the leac It was therefore not grinding halt especially ir (TNA) was in disarray foi candidates contesting th manded their allegiance. The TNA with the fu northeast. The LTTE fort Through the vehicle of th festo known to have bee "LTTE's leadership as the as the Sole and authenti toto' of the ISGA (Interim Cadres and activists are covers the entirety of the dates have at their dispOS While the entry of ti comed as a positive shift dation and violence that attributed to the LTTE in campaigner - at the beg However, while TNA can gage in house to house independent monitoring ( ing to the non-TNA partie of various forms of intimid upon owners of motor v. their supporters.
Due to fear of threa engaging in house to ho longing to the EPDP and with the LTTE go about in up volunteers supporting set alight. In an exercise about filming and noting meetings. Leaders of the Confined within their office these areas are said to b protection of the security intimidatory and violentm and fair election taking preordained.
International electior ity of the opportunity for a election itself on 2 April. through the ballot box will the use of Such anti-dem
take place on election da
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 3
a free and fair election
hentary election campaign has been overshadowed by the news of the ellion mounted by one of its most powerful Commanders, Colonel Karuna, e of the LTTE's military and political operations in eastern Sri Lanka, took 'en the Sri Lanka's Army Chief is reported to have been 'stunned' by the anyone else, it must be the LTTE's hitherto unchallenged supreme leader, no must have felt the Worst when his favoured champion military comnd declared virtual unilateral independence defecting with an estimated s of the LTTE and calling for the right of self-determination for the people breathtaking nature, size and significance of the challenge mounted by loyalists is unprecedented in the history of the LTTE, which is a highly it Organisation known for the iron discipline of its cadres whose unquesler is valued more than their life itself. surprising that the campaign for the 2 April general election came to a . the northeast of the island. The campaign by the Tamil National Alliance ranumber of days. Particularly difficult was for the contingent of the TNA e Batticaloa-Amparai region where pressure from the Karuna faction de
ill backing of the LTTE is by far the major force that is contesting in the he first time in its history is actively participating in the election campaign. e TNA, it has fielded its own candidates who are Contesting on a manin drawn up and approved by its leadership. The manifesto declares the a national leadership of the TamilEelam Tamils and the Liberation Tigers crepresentatives of the Tamil people", and demands the acceptance "in Seif Governing Authority) proposals put forward by the LTTE. Tamil Tiger day in and day Out actively engaged in the election campaign which northeast, both government and LTTE controlled areas. The TNA candiall the LTTE's massive resources, including its infrastructure and personnel. he of LTTE into the democratic electoral process has been widely welfrom its hitherto held strategy, what is disturbing is the climate of intimicandidates belonging to non-TNA are facing. After two assassinations the Batticaloa region - one a UNF candidate and the other an EPDP inning of the campaign, mercifully no other killings have been reported. didates enjoy all the freedom and opportunity to hold meetings and encampaigning, there have been justifiable complaints authenticated by organisations that in the Tamil areas of the northeast, candidates belongis are prevented from Campaigning freely and they have become victims ation reportedly by LTTE cadres and activists. Pressure has been brought ehicles and three-wheelers not to hire them to non-TNA Candidates Or
tened assassinations and other forms of violence, holding meetings or use Campaigning have become virtually impossible for candidates bethe Anandasangari Independent Group. Persons allegedly associated unlicensed motor Cars andmotorcycles withoutnumber plates rounding non-TNA candidates. Leaflets in support of them are snatched away and of threatening and intrusive monitoring, others with video cameras go down those who go into the offices of these candidates Or attend their non-TNA parties have complained that they have been compelled to be 2s and rely On newspaper advertisements in their campaign. Even though e government controlled, non-TNA candidates have been unable get the t forces to enable them to engage in their campaign trail. While these lethods are being practised on a generalised scale the chances of a free lace On 2 April appear to be nil, and the Outcome would appear to be
monitors are on the ground and they are likely report as to the availabilfree and fair election campaign, and as to the free and fair nature of the The credibility of the mandate and legitimacy that the LTTE is seeking be fatally undermined if TNA candidates are found to have won seats by ocratic tactics during the election campaign and malpractices that may y itself.

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4 TAMILTIMES
Record number of candidates
A record 6,024 candidates haveentered the electoral fray representing 24 political parties and 192 independent groups, the Elections Commission said.
The number of candidates running is at its highest since the first parliamentary elections held in 1947 leading to the grant of independence from Britain in 1948. A total of 4,943 candidates were in the fray for the December 2001 vote and 5,477 registered in the October 2000 vote.
The number of seats in parliament remains unchanged at 225, but the number of voters has increased to 12.89 million from 12.42 million eligible to vote in the December 2001 polls. One novel aspect of this election has been the entry of some 281 Buddhist monks contesting the 225 parliamentary seats under the banner of the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). Their ostentatious use of symbols of Buddhism, including the Buddhist flag, in their campaign trail has drawn flack from other political parties.
377 women who have handed in their nominations to contest the April 2 election. This figure is a significant increase from previous elections, as there were only 52 women candidates who participated for the December 5, 2001, according to Elections Department sources.
According to available information, 15 women from the UNF are contesting the election while 10 are contesting from the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA).
Several women candidates are taking part in the election as independents. Five women are contesting from Jaffna, Vavuniya, Batticaloa, Ampara and Trincomalee, under the Tamil National Alliance banner.
There are 26 seats up for grabs in the embattled north-east where the minority Tamils are concentrated while the total number of seats in parliament is 225. With the island's majority Sinhalese community split equally between the two major parties of the President and her Prime Minister, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), with the official backing of the Tamil Tigers, contesting in the Tamil-dominated Northeast are hoping to emerge as the "king-makers' after the election. Whether this hope will materialise in the context of the recent split in the LTTE remains to be seen.
Polling stations in no-man's land
The Elections Commissioner has decided to cluster the polling stations in no-man's land (lying between government and LTTE held areas) in the North and East to enable voters residing in areas under the control of the LTTE to caste their votes in the April 2 general elections.
Reportedly about 260 thousand voters reside in the LTTE controlled areas in the northeast province. LTTE had requested the authorities to locate polling stations within the areas under its control. The LTTE sought the assistance of Norway and other international agencies to bring pressure upon the Sri Lanka election authorities to set up polling stations to in areas under its control. However, because of the problems relating to the manning and supervision of these polling stations, the Commissioner of Election has decided to locate polling stations in no-man ZOICS.
The Elections Department took the view that polling booths under the supervision of independent election monitors cannot
 

MARCH 2004
be had LTTE controlled areas as requested by the LTTE as it was compulsory to have Police protection for these polling booths.
However, due to the Ceasefire Agreement inforce between the government and the LTTE, the police are unable to enter the LTTE controlled areas armed and in uniform.
At least two policemen are to man each polling station in order to provide security on election day. Unless the LTTE agreed to lift this prohibition imposed by the CFA, it was not possible to set up polling stations in those areas.
Some other Tamil political parties and independent groups which are contesting in the Northeast also objected to having polling stations within LTTE-controlled areas. Their position is that unless they are also given the opportunity of freedom of movement within those areas to freely campaign among the people, then it would not be a free and fair election.
President plays down fears of war
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the UNF which he leads have raised the spectre of war between government forces and the Tamil Tigers if the UPFA led by President Chandrika Kumaratunga won a majority of seats in the forthcoming elections and came to power. The basis of the Premier's campaign has been that it was the Ceasefire Agreement which he signed with the LTTE leader Velupillai Pirapaharan in February 2002 that had provided a period of peace which in turn provided the opportunity for his government to take measures for the recovery of the island's ailing economy.
The Prime Minister says that UPFA's decision to enter into talks with the LTTE without any conditions will lead the country to another war bloodier than that began in 1995. “In 2001, when we decided to talk with the LTTE, we initiated the Peace process with a clear agenda and with an aim. As a result the LTTE decided to come into the peace process leaving behind 20 years of fighting. No matter what arose both parties decided to stick to these conditions. Besides that the condition that we agreed received recognition from the international community and the United Nations,” said Mr. Wickremesinghe.
Addressing election meetings, he said that the conditions agreed to by his government and the LTTE included the protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka, the creation of a Federal State, change the war atmosphere in the North and East in order to bring normalcy to civilian life there, and come to a final solution within the democratic framework. Our conditions also included the participation of representatives of the Muslim community living in the North and East. These conditions laid down astrong basis for the continuation of the peace process', the Prime Minister said.
However, the President and the coalition she leads have played down fears of war resuming if they were returned to power. They have also promised to continue with the peace process and make efforts to resume negotiations with the LTTE. The President in an interview with The Hindu asserted that herparty would engage in the "continuation of the stalled talks, continuation of the foreign facilitation and monitors; we will also continue ... the process of constant consultation with the Indian government or other foreign governments that we consider our friends.”
The President also said, “We will tell the LTTEquite openly

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ARCH 2004
and frankly what we can offer them - at least a framework. The rest have to be left for discussions. We can't expect the LTTE to accept everything we say. As we did the two times before, we would at least keep a flexible time frame. We cannot say we are going to stop this day and get up and go. But we certainly try to agree on a generally broad time frame - targeted dates. We would definitely have a more transparent and inclusive process and we will quite definitely insist on respecting human rights. Obviously we will insist that the LTTE also does that."
Asked as to how the Alliance would work together given the acknowledged differences between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, the President said, “Well, I was also very anxious, but what has happened up to now gives me hope that we could work with them. We have agreed on almost all the major issues. They are very committed to a negotiated settlement of the ethnic problem. They are committed to not going back to war - the JVP. The only sticking point is that they are more for decentralisation of power and we are for devolution of power. We will not give up our total commitment to devolution. But we have persuaded the JVP to agree that during this negotiations process with the LTTE and the rest of the country separately, they would agree to the majority consensus view. I think that's going a long way. We have gone much further with the JVP than Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe did with the LTTE.'
The President's top advisor Mr Lakshman Kadirgamar, who currently holds the portfolio of Minister of Communications and Mass Media, accused her arch Prime Minister, of indulging in a kind of war-mongering by creating a "fear psychosis' that the country could slip back into war.
"The choice is not the simplistic one, as the Prime Minister would like us to believe, of peace with him or else war. Is he really saying vote for me or there will be war,” he asked at a press conference in Colombo.
Kadirgamar also said the President and her party were not going to make any "drastic changes” to the role of the facilitatory role which Norway had been playing in bringing warring parties to the negotiating table, although the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which is a constituent member the President's coalition had called for a "thorough review” of Norway's role in the peace process. .
PM wants a “stronger mandate
"Give us a strong mandate on April 2 with a large and resounding victory to protect your future, your family's future and the durable peace we all long for," Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said unveiling the United National Front (UNF) manifesto titled "the UNP Work Programme for the Nation.' "This is not an election propaganda sheet, but a complete work programme by the UNP and the constituent parties of the UNF to build the nation', the Premier said.
“At the 2001 Elections the UNF presented the people a programme for a New Economic Future and A New Social Order. This was a six-year programme based upon the normal life of a Parliament. After a tough campaign during which the PA used all the mechanisms of state against us, including the state media, you gave your verdict and gave us the mandate to form a Government and implement the programme,” he said.
"Soon after that momentous election I told the nation that the work ahead was similar to that of a farmer. The first year would be one of preparing fallow land. The second year would be one of sowing the seeds and in the third year the first fruits of all this hard work would start to appear. Nothing has changed.

TAMILTIMES 5
The first year was spent bringing a ceasefire to our war-torn country and repairing a damaged and contracting economy. It was also a time of planning and looking more closely at the type of Sri Lanka we wished to build within the context of our manifesto. The second year was one of consolidation, sowing the seeds of many development projects and continuing the work of repairing the economy. We were just two years into our sixyear programme when disaster struck.”
"Just as we were about to enter the third year with a well structured Budget the President decided to destabilize the country. All at once the peace looked less stable, the value of the Rupee fell, the Stock Market crashed and investors fled the country. The hopes for budget had to be re-written. According to independent observers the effect of the President's actions in November last year was to cost the country Rs. 47.5 billion, or Rs. 10,000 for every family in 2004 alone.
"The effect was shattering. The work of the government almost stalled, development projects had to be put on hold and donors such as the IMF decided to withhold their pledged funding because of the instability.
"By the end of January we were just starting to get our programme back into action when the Presidentacted again and called the fourth election in five years. This election has to be the most unnecessary and unwanted election in the history of our country. It has denied you the many benefits resulting from the peaceful atmosphere that were starting to come through. It has disrupted the all important 'A' Levels which are so important to our young people and above all the election will cost around Rs. 650 million.
As we pass the second anniversary of the ceasefire agreement many people have taken peace for granted. Truthfully there is much work still to be completed and many complex negotiations to be had before peace will finally be ours, the PM said.
"The peace process depends on the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), and other agreements such as the Tokyo Declaration, if the SLFP-JVP Alliance intends to reject or amend the CFA, the donor nations would not approve it and hence we would not receive any aid, if the Alliance comes to power they would have to walk the path of peace alone without the support of the international community,” he said.
He said that the Tokyo Declaration signed at the Tokyo Donor parley was arrived at after agreeing to ten conditions including maintaining and protection of the CFA, a separate delegation for the Muslim Community, a federal set-up within a unitary state, improvement of human rights situation, northeast rehabilitation and returning to normalcy.
"We planned to get into the core issue to find a political settlement to the ethnic issue in this year and talks were scheduled in January. All was foiled because of the political upheaval triggered by the President due to JVP's pressure. Only two options are open for you, to continue with the peace process and form a stable society for greater economic growth, or an unstable Alliance Government, prone to war," the PM said.
TNA Election Manifesto
Asserting the LTTE as the "sole, legitimate and authentic representatives” of the Tamil people, and accepting their leadership as the "Tamil national leadership", the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) urged that a just solution to the national ethnic question based on recognition to the "Tamil speaking people's homeland, the Tamils' identity as a distinct nation, and right to self-determination".
Unanimously resolving to "support the LTTE leadership in its endeavours for a safe and dignified future of the Tamil people,” the TNA stressed in its manifesto, released on 1 March, that if the

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6 TAMILTIMES
"military and state oppression” continue and if the 'legitimate and just aspirations of the Tamils are continued to be denied, then selfdetermination of the Tamil people in their homeland would be inevitable to ensure their freedom and integrity.
Making an undisguised threat to form an independent Tamil state if the Government rejects the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people, the manifesto stated, "If the Government rejects the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people and continues to deny them an acceptable political solution; and if military occupation and state oppression continue instead, then establishing the sovereignty and independence of the Tamil nation on the basis of its right to self determination would become an inexorable reality,”
The TNA manifesto urged the Sinhala political leaderships to accept in full the LTTE's proposals for an Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) in the North-East and resume the presently stalled peace talks soon and set up the ISGA to immediately address the humanitarian need of the war-hit people.
The five-page TNA manifesto also urged that that the arrangements should be made to remove the High Security Zone (HSZ) in the North-East “with immediate effect,” to facilitate the internally displaced people to return to their original habitations and to remove all military restrictions in freedom of movement, both in the land and sea.
Calling upon the international community to come forward to directly assist the pressing humanitarian needs and other development projects for the people in the North-East without waiting until the final resolution of conflict, the TNA manifesto pleaded with the foreign nations to remove the ban imposed on the LTTE, enabling them to engage in negotiations with the Sri Lankan state “with pride as an official and equal partners.”
The manifesto said the solution to the ethnic conflict should ensure the rights of Muslims in a bid to address the Eastern Muslim fears about discrimination by the LTTE dominated interim administration.
"The TNA has a clear stand on the Muslim question. An acceptable solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka should necessarily ensure the distinct identity of the Muslim people, their security, the culture and their economy,” the Tamilnet quoted ACTCMP Gajendra Kumar Ponnambalam as commenting his party's stance on the Muslim question.
Calling the Tamil people to identify and reject the "selfish and opportunistic” Tamil forces that "are functioning among the Tamil people as puppets of the Sinhala parties against the will of the people,” the TNA invited the people in the NorthEast to unite under one umbrella and vote for the TNA.
In the dissolved parliament of 225-members, the TNA had 15 seats, and in the forthcoming election on 2 April it hopes to win many more seats. As the southern based two main political parties are equally divided, the TNA relishes the prospect of emerging as the "king-makers' after the polls.
Although the LTTE is not directly contesting in the forthcoming general elections, it has openly stated that it would back the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and, in fact, is campaigning for the TNA in the North-East.
UPFA seeks mandate
to frame new Constitution
The United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA), in its 44
page manifesto outlining 17 subjects, Election Manifesto said
that it was seeking a mandate of the people at the April 2 par
liamentary election to convene a Constituent Assembly to for
mulate a new Constitution that will end the executive presi

MARCH 2004
dency. It also intends to introduce electoral reforms to re-introduce the parliamentary form of government. After the formulation of the new Constitution, it will be presented to the people for their views and suggestions and after amendments the draft Constitution will be placed before the people at a Referendum before enactment.
The Manifesto also assured that the ceasefire with the LTTE would continue to stand and pledged to start talks with the LTTE immediately, with an inclusive, transparent process while stressing that the unity and integrity of the country would not be negotiable.
UPFA's election manifesto was released in Colombo on ll March at a well attended gathering of the Alliance leaders representing ten political parties and groups.
The Manifesto rejects separatism and the concept of homeland confined to aparticular community but offered to talk with the LTTE reiterating its stand that it would enter into a process of negotiation with the LTTE and other groups to reach consensus on what the SLFP-JVP led alliance described as reasonable proposals. They have pledged transparency in the negotiations.
The principles on which the Constitution would be based on the acceptance of Sri Lanka as the homeland of all Sri Lankans, a commitment to democracy, pluralism and human rights and human security and dignity. As in the current constitution, the foremost place will be given to Buddhism, while assuring adherents of all religions the rights guaranteed by the present Constitution. Sinhala and Tamil will be Official Languages and English will be a National language.
The Manifesto stated that a Bill of Rights that would in addition to civil and political rights, include social, economic and cultural rights and provide effective remedies against their violation or denial. Provision will be made for ensuring the rights of women, children, the handicapped and other disadvantaged sections of society.
The manifesto contains a detailed plan for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the North and East, though a major part of the manifesto deals with ways and means of reviving the national economy.
Among the rehabilitation work are provisions for low cost housing for 15,000 families reconstruction of damaged schools and buildings, low interest credit facilities for families, strengthening vocational and technical education and developing hospitals.
The main economic policies would be to stop privatisation of national resources, achieve self-sufficiency in food crops, develop small and medium scale industries and formulate a 5year National Economic Development Programme.
On foreign policy, the Manifesto states, it will be designed to safeguard the Sovereignty and Independence of Sri Lanka. While maintaining the dignity and self-respect of our country and people, every effort will be made to promote friendship and goodwill with all States and international organisations.
The policy will ensure that our foreign policy will not endanger the sovereignty and independence of our neighbouring States but rather preserve and expandour existing goodwill with our neighbours in the spheres of political, economic and cultural relations. Sri Lanka will collaborate with all those States which advocate a multilateral, rather than a unilateral, approach to the resolution of problems affecting the international community of States.
Sri Lanka will be a party to all such international conventions, treaties and agreements, that would promote the political and economic objectives of our country; in particular, conven

Page 7
ARCH 2004
tions, treaties and agreements dealing with terrorism, crime and law enforcement, the prevention of money laundering, the prohibition of dealings in narcotics and other pernicious drugs, economic and social relations, the alleviation of poverty and gender equality.
"Sri Lanka will be a party to convention treaties and agreements dealing with the protection of children, the disadvantaged and the handicapped and the preservation of the environment in all its aspects.
As a matter of high priority the Freedom Alliance will ensure that Sri Lanka accedes to the United Nations Convention against corruption thus ending the shameful situation in which Sri Lanka has placed itself by not being among the large number of States that have already signed the Convention.
TNA rejects UPFA manifesto
Tamil National Alliance (TNA) have rejected the manifesto of the United Peoples' Freedom Alliance (UPFA), describing it as a "document that means nothing to the Tamils.
Members of the TNA said the manifesto that was released with a big fanfare by the UPFA has no indication as to how it plans to solve the national crisis which they said is the ethnic
SSU.S.
The TNA is of the view the manifesto is only a document that has nothing to offer to solve the minority question in Sri Lanka.
The TNA also said the word devolution shockingly does not appear anywhere in the manifesto making it clear the SLFP has completely caved into the JVP.
"It does not specifically spell out strategy to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people in the north and east and also has no mention of any kind of strategies to sort out the national issue,” former Batticaloa district member of parliament Joseph Pararajasingham said.
He said though the manifesto talks of "continuing the peace process' and "continuing talks with the Tigers', the manifesto does not give details as to how the UPFA intends implementing this. "It merely talks of 'doing things' but "how it plans to do and 'when are not spoken about,” he said.
He says the vital issue which is the LTTE's submission of the north east interim administration authority proposal has not been mentioned anywhere in the UPFA manifesto.
"In totality this manifesto has not clearly indicated what and how it plans to solve the ethnic crisis that is vital to the nation in general and Tamil people in particular," Pararajasingham said.
A manifesto to restore “Dharma Rajya
With elections come the party manifestos that seek to promise the voting public manythings, but a unique manifesto came into being on March 2 in the historic city of Kandy, where a collective of Buddhist monks launched their manifesto - a blueprint for the restoration of the flagging Buddhasasana.
The manifesto, was launched by the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) at a special religious ceremony attended by thousands of Buddhist monks and lay people - all sharing the single mission of restoring Buddhasasana and promoting Buddhism.
Aimed at forming a "Dharma Rajya,” the JHU manifesto stresses that the country should be ruled according to the Buddhist principles and the protection of the Buddhasasana should be the foremost duty of any government.
The manifesto draws attention to the issue of unethical conversions and states that while it should be considered illegal, persons of all faiths and religions must have the right to practice their respective religions.
According to JHU Colombo District Leader, Ven. Uduwe

TAMILTIMEs 7
Dhammaloka Thero, the manifesto - the first of its kind had to be drafted to inform the people of the existing threats to the Buddhasasana and even individual monks, "This was the last resort. Our entry into politics was a decision taken with much reluctance. But, now that we are in it, we are going before the people, explaining as to what led to our decision and spell out what we should do to create a Dharma Rajya here."
The JHU, he said is most concerned about not having Sri Lanka divided, an issue that has been addressed in the manifesto. "In case the country's security is in jeopardy, the armed forces should have the right to act accordingly without the interference of the politicians,' states the manifesto.
In addition, it also pledges that such a Dharma Rajya would, while granting the Sinhalese their hereditary rights, also protect the rights of other communities inhabiting the island - in keeping with Emperor Ashoka's concept of "every citizen being his child,”
The bhikkus are also urging through their party declaration that any elected government should monitor the functions and monetary transactions of all the NGOs; there should be decentralisation of administration - a far cry from the extensive power devolution offered by the two main political forces and the creation of an economy founded upon Buddhist principles.
What's more, the monks have also paid attention to the aspect of developing local farmers and entrepreneurs in order to create an economic structure that is identifiable with the country along with an education system that complements the 2,500 year-old Buddhist culture that has survived here.
"Lord Buddha has adviced enough on how to become a successful and spiritual layman. People are forgetting that so much had been said about leading a good lay life. We are just attempting to remind the people of their duty, and the leaders of their duty," noted Ven. Dhammaloka Thero.
The monks believe that the spiritual degradation in the country could be overcome only by the strong application of the five precepts - the basic five rules for a lay Buddhist.
As a measure to ensure the perpetuation of the dhamma and the continuity of monks who are worthy of the robe they don, the JHU manifesto also urges that a "Dharma Sangayana'should be held to cleanse "monkhood."
Call for ban on use of Buddhist flag
A delegation of Buddhist monks, organized by several Bhikku and civil organizations, on Monday, 16 March handed over a letter, addressed to the Commissioner of Elections, requesting him to stop the Jathika Hela Urumaya using the Buddhist flag in their election campaign.
Since the Commissioner was not available at the time of their visit, due to having to attend a meeting with returning officers, the delegation handed over their petition to a deputy commissioner, who had promised the delegation that their request would be forwarded to the Elections Commissioner and necessary actions would be taken without delay, Handugala Rathanapala Thero said.
"The Buddhist flag was respected by all political parties and it is an internationally recognized symbol of Buddhism and not a symbol for a group of power-hungry robe-bearers. Since the JHU has a colour, symbol and a flag to symbolize their campaign, they must be stopped from making use of the Buddhist flag,”Handugala Rathanapala Thero, who led the delegation to Elections Commissioner, told journalists.
The JHU's immoral act of using symbols of Buddhism in their run-up to Parliament violates the existing election norms. The JHU displays the Buddhist flags in front of their party of fices. "The Buddhist flag is sacred and it should not be used to

Page 8
8. TAM TIMES
decorate a party office. The JHU has no right to decorate their party offices with Buddhist flags just because their candidates are robe-bearers,” Rathanapala Thero said. "This act is antiBuddhist and will definitely be an insult to the Buddhism," he said.
The Secretary of the National Bhikku Front, Kalawelgala Chandraloka Thero said that a group of Buddhist monks now go from house to house with begging bowls seeking votes. Concerned citizens must take action to stop this anti-Buddhist act. "Monks campaigning for Parliamentary seats are performing an anti-Sasana act. This clearly leads to the division amongst the sangha as many including Mahanayakes have condemned their move,' Chandraloka Thero said.
"People in this country are confronted with a very important election, where they can decide who should be selected for the next term of parliament. At this juncture, several power hungry monks have decided to capitalize on religious feelings to become MPs," the Thero said.
The Movement for Protecting Buddhist Rights (MPBR) expressed strong opposition against the JHU using the Buddhist flag in their political campaign. “Agroup of Bhikkus contesting for seats in parliament have now started using the Buddhist flag in their political campaign. This is a shameless act. Mahanayakes of all Chapters must come forward immediately to stop the Buddhist flag being used for political gains,” Convenor of the MPBR, Sirimalgoda Wimalajothi said.
The Forum for Securing Buddhism (FSB) also opposed the JHU's move of using Buddhist symbols in the election propaganda. “The Buddhist flag will lose its value and sanctity; all Buddhist must stop the JHU making use of the religious symbol to win votes,” Secretary of the FSB, Ambanghawelle Sasanarathana Thero said.
Muslims want referendum on North-East merger
The split in the LTTE has also rekindled another long disputed issue - whether the Northern and Eastern provinces should continue to remain merged as a single administrative unit.
The Council of Muslims of Sri Lanka has urged President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to hold a referendum on the day of the general elections in the Eastern Province to decide whether North East should be de-merged or not.
The council in a statement said the majority of the people in the East believed that the Province should become independent of the North. The Muslims feel that the merger of the two provinces has resulted in the Muslims being dominated by the Tamils.
"Muslims will be happy for the East to be demerged from the North as their population in the Eastern province stands at 40.1% - in the districts of Digamadulla 41.58%; Trincomalee 40.19%; and Batticaloa 36.13%.'
The issue has been raised following LTTE's ex Eastern Commander Karuna's insistence that the people of the east in Batticaloa and Amparai districts should have autonomy from the North.
The statement said, "Now Karuna of LTTE of the Eastern Province has expressed his desire that he and his people of Digamadulla and Batticaloa should be independent. Therefore the Council call upon the President and the Prime Minister to hold a Referendum in the Eastern Province to decide as to whether the North East should be de-merged or not. This is of national importance today.'
"The Merger of North East was made temporarily according to Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord on the basis that a Referendum would be held in one year and this Referendum is long

MARCH 2004
ver-due. In my opinion it could be held at any time. Further ccording to the Constitution Article 86 the President may subnit to people a Referendum on any matter which in the opinion of the President is of national importance."
"The President and the Prime Minister in the interest of Wuslims, Tamils and Sinhalese of the Eastern Province should old the Referendum with Col. Karuna's claim for "Southern Tamil Eelam” and his desire that he and his people want to be independent. I am of the view that there is consensus in the Eastern Province among all peoples that the North East should pe de-merged.”
The referendum has to be conducted by the Commissioner of Elections and an additional ballot could be included at the orthcoming elections in the East for people to take a decision on the issue of de-merger," the statement said.
EU laments failure to appoint Independent Elections Commission
The European Union which sent observer missions for the last two general elections condemned the failure to appoint an independent election commission which could have checked abuses at the April 2 polls.
The EU's chief observer John Cushnahan told a news conference in Colombo on 11 March that they had hoped significant changes would have taken place, especially the appointment of the independent election commission to enforce a code of ethics for political party contestants and others.
He said the reasons were clear but the European Union had expected action in this regard. "Despite the recommendations not being implemented, we have once again returned to Sri Lanka and not least of all because the EU is aware of the deep commitment to the democratic process that is shared by the ordinary people of Sri Lanka,” Mr. Cushnahan said. The chief observer said they came back as they strongly supported the strengthening of democracy and improving human rights throughout the world.
Mr. Cushnahan said the EU observers would pay particular attention to the problems such as abuse of state resources, unequal access to the media, electoral violence, problems with voter registration and lack of access to certain polling stations. In this respect he appealed to all political parties to act in a way to ensure an election free from intimidation and malpractice.
"If the country's political parties wish to pay more than lip service to condemning electoral violence then they could voluntarily agree on a code of conduct to be implemented during the present election campaign,” he added.
The 70-strong EU mission would be posted to all parts of the country and work closely with the other monitoring groups, Mr. Cushnahan said. He assured that whatever the problems the independence of the EU mission would not be compromised. He also said the EU mission did not require security though election violence appeared to be on the rise. Mr. Cushnahan said his team would hold discussions with political party leaders, elections officials and the other monitoring groups.
EU observers would be deployed across the country in teams of two to monitor the opening of polling stations, the voting process, the counting of ballots, and the tabulation of votes at local and national level, he said.
Eschew violence, says National
Christian Council
The National Christian Council of Sri Lanka has appealed
to candidates at the forthcoming elections to eschew violence
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fice they seek.
In a press release, they called upon the people to reject can

Page 9
ARCH 2004
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didates from any political party who engage in violence and election malpractices. "We also request the leaders of political parties to ensure that all those who work for their parties' success strictly adhere to the highest standards," the release added. The release: "The National Christian Council for Sri Lanka calls on all the people of our country to act with wisdom and responsibility at the forthcoming General Election. It is vital that a free, fair and violent free election is held.
We note with concern the high incidence of violence already reported from various parts of the country and in particular the election-related political assassinations and attempted assassinations in the East.
We also note with concern that the elections will be held without the Constitution of the Elections Commission which was required to be set up under the seventeenth amendment to the Constitution. We have every confidence that the Commissioner of elections to implement fully and effectively the powers that he has at his disposal to ensure that the election is free, fair and violent free. Civil Society leaders and the public must collaborate to ensure a free, fair and violence free election. This calls for vigilance, monitoring and prompt remedial action. The media, both State and private, must exercise its role with integrity, courage and impartiality to inform and educate the people. All must be free to vote for candidates and parties of their choice.
The people have a right to ask the political parties and other independent groups contesting the election to make their stance clear on the core issues facing the country.
The support of the people would depend on their commitment to a just and equitable position on them: Carrying forward the peace process and expanding the present ceasefire agreement to a negotiated permanent resolution of the substantive political issues that have caused the ethnic conflict,

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We call upon all parties to declare openly their commitment to a negotiated political solution and their commitment to a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society that will treat all people with equality and dignity, addressing the issues of poverty and development in our country in terms of social and economic policies and programmes that seeks to bring dignity and to better the life of the rural and urban poor and the marginalized, a commitment to change the culture of corruption and violence that has unfortunately corroded our political and social life.
An indicator of this commitment would be whether the parties have denied nominations to candidates with a known record of corruption, thuggery and election malpractices, a commitment to human rights.
Again, a test of this commitment to pluralism is a willingness to allow the people to listen to opposing points of view and to make a free choice without intimidation and violence; a willingness to allow the freedom of expression and a freedom from fear.
We also make a special plea in the background of the ugly incidents of religious intolerance of the recent past: We appeal to the citizenry of our country to denounce such regressive measures and to vote for the protection of the freedom of religious worship and practice we have enjoyed thus far.”
The release was signed by Rt. Rev. Kumara Illangasinghe - Chairperson - National Christian Council of Sri Lanka, Bishop of Kurunegala, Church of Ceylon; Rt. Rev. Duleep de Chickera - Bishop of Colombo, Church of Ceylon; Rt. Rev. Dr. S. Jebanesan - Bishop in Jaffna - Church of South India; Rev. Noel Fernando - President - Methodist Church Sri Lanka; Rev. W. Warshamanage, President - Sri Lanka Baptist Sangamaya; Colonel Dr. Brian Tuck - Territorial Commander - The Salvation Army; Rev. C. N. Jansz - President, Dutch Reformed

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
Church; Rev. George Stephen-Moderator-Presbytery of Lanka and the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA); Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA); Student Christian Movement (SCM); Ceylon Bible Society and Christian Literature Society.
TNA to decide next government
"Tamils are in the verge of achieving their legitimate rights after several years of freedom struggle through the military might of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Hence it is the duty of Tamils to strengthen the hands of LTTE by sending at least twenty-one Tamil National Alliance parliamentarians thus making the TNA as a force to decide the future government," said Mr.R.Sampanthan, TNA leader and the TNA lead candidate for Trincomalee district when addressing a series of election meetings in the LTTE held area villages in Muttur east and Eachilampathu division on Sunday, 15 March, according to a report in the Tamilnet website.
Mr.Sampanthan further said "any government that comes to power after the April general election cannot not rule the country without providing an interim administration to the northeast province. The interim administration proposal to the northeast is not a new one. The then President Jayawardene proposed an interim administration with majority to LTTE representatives. The incumbent President Ms Chandrika Kumaratunge promised an interim administration to the northeast and hand it over to the LTTE for a period of ten years. Prime Minister Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe also promised an interim administration dur
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ing 2001 general election.”
The forthcoming general election is a means for the Tamils to express their solidarity to the LTTE's Interim Self Governing Authority proposal that has been submitted to the government during the latter part of last year. The ISGA will serve as a vehicle to achieve a permanent solution to the Tamil national question, said Mr.Sampanthan.
Sangari goes it alone ۔۔۔۔
Amidst a declaration by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) General Secretary R. Sampanthan that the Tamil National Alliance's aim at the election is to prove to the international community that the LTTE is the sole representative of the Tamils, the party's President V. Anandasangari said that he would continue to fight for the rights of his community without being intimidated by any force.
Anandasangaree who has openly clashed with other TULF leaders like Mr Sambathan and Joseph Pararajasingham also charged that certain acts of several top TULFers had severely tarnished the image of the TULF.
But Mr. Anandasangari who is contesting the forthcoming elections heading an Independent Group of candidates, expressed his confidence that the people in the North would overcome anti-progressive elements and elect him as their representative. The TULF leader said that his political freedom and the democratic freedom of the people of the north had been endangered due to the politics of the Tamil National Alliance. Mr. Anandasangaree also said that he was taking a big risk
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ARCH 2004
by his decision to contest alone. "I am having problems even in connection to holding public meetings due to intimidation by "certain' elements."
Candidates urged to declare assets
The Programme for the Protection of Public Resources (PPPR) has requested all the candidates, in the run-up to the April 2 General Election, to declare their assets and liabilities. "We urge all the candidates to submit their declaration of assets and liabilities within the stipulated period. According to the Declaration of Assets and Liabilities Law, the candidates at a general election are required to declare their assets to the Commissioner of Election within a stipulated time. The DAL Law as amended by Acts no 29 of 1985 and No 74 of 1988 successful candidates should declare their assets between the date of nominations and the first sitting in the parliament and the unsuccessful candidates within three months from the date of nominations," a statement issued by the PPPR said yesterday.
The statement signed by Retd. SSPTassie Senevirathna and Attorney at Law Charuka Samarasekera said that public are entitled to obtain certified copies of declarations of assets and liabilities from the Commissioner of Elections on the payment of a prescribed fee.
The declaration of assets and liabilities includes all the properties and beneficial interests of the declarant, and the spouse and unmarried children over 18 years or children dependent on the declarant. Further, the PPPR says that failure to make declarations or making a false statement in a declaration is a serious offense punishable with imprisonment.
Apart from requesting candidates to declare assets, the PPPR also requests public to be vigilant on the actual assets of the candidates and their declarations of assets and liabilities. "It should be noted that, the law presumes unexplained assets to have been accumulated by means of corruption,' the statement added.
The Election Commissioner has already requested the candidates to send their declarations of their assets and liabilities, Commissioner told a delegation of the Joint Business Forum (JBIz) recently. The Commissioner has authority to request for such information to be declared to him within three months of the nominations being accepted.
At the last election, the Commissioner had received only one such declaration. Canada provides support for free and fair elections
The Canadian High Commission to Sri Lanka announced yesterday that it will fund the activities oftwo leading local NGOs
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in support of free and fair elections in this country,
A contribution of Rs. 7,000,000 (USS 71,500) will be divided equally between the centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) and the People's Action for Free and Fair Election (PAFFREL) to enable both organisations to monitor the April 2 national election.
High Commissioner, Valerie Raymond said, "Canada is pleased to support the important work of the CMEV and PAFFREL as these organisations seek to ensure that elections take place in a transparent and peaceful environment.
We call upon all parties to ensure that the elections are free from political violence. At this critical moment in Sri Lanka's history, it is essential that the will of the people determines the way forward," states a press release issued by the Canadian High Commission on Monday,
The contributions will be made through the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives (CFLI) which is one of the Canadian International Development Agency's (CIDA) mechanism to respond quickly to local initiatives.
The centributions support these two election-monitoring organisations to deploy field-based monitors during the election campaign, on the day of election and after the release of election results.
The funding to CMEV will also support the documentation and reporting of cases of human rights violations and violence during the 2004 general and provincial council elections.
US gives $600,000 for election monitoring
US Ambassador to Sri Lanka Jeffrey J. Lunstead said that America would give US$ 600,000 assistance for election monitoring during the April election process. Addressing a news brief. ing at the US centre in Colombo, he said the US Agency for International Development (USAID) was giving nearly $600,000 to Sri Lankan election-monitoring organisations and to the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), a US based non-profit organisation working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide.
“Of this, approximately S 400,000 will be given to the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) and the People's Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL)”, he said.
In announcing the grants, Lunstead said USAID has supported civil society development in Sri Lanka for decades. "The election assistance we are offering this year is part of over 10 years of support to domestic election monitoring organisations. The US Government believes that free and fair elections are critical for democracies.
We believe that Sri Lankan organisations do a good job in election monitoring and we want to help them continue to develop expertise in this area. Our goal is to strengthen the capacity of these organisations, in the broader context of sustainable development”, he said. USAID works to improve democratic institutions and processes, promotes respect for human rights and enhance economic growth and financial stability through market-oriented reforms. USAID's election assistance will support pre-election activities, election-day observation and monitoring programs, and post-election strategies.
They will include to provide monitoring organisations with handbooks and other materials needed to promote uniform and high quality monitoring, strengthening, collection and reporting processes and providing key representatives of monitoring organisations training and technical assistance in their efforts to provide information to the media.

Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
ReVO in the LT
The battle is joined, When will it begin?
Rex Benjamin
"It is Karuna that Sri Lanka's Minister of Defence, Thilak Marapona, and even Prabakaran have got to watch closely, Karuna may prove people wrong, people who believe that everything will end the day Prabakaran goes to heaven'. Infact Karuna is emerging as a formidable leader of the LTTE though he hails from the East. He could be even more ruthless than Prabakaran. Karuna may even tell Prabakaran one day: "I will look after the East and you look after the North."
- Bandula Jayasekara, Frontline, Jun. 22 - Jul. 5, 2002
"Karuna is a living example. He was the archetypal hero, the groups most publicised military champion. Yet the human substance was weak. He also proved himself the archetypal traitor. In everyone in this society, the arch-hero and the arch-traitor cohabit the same human frame."
- UTHR Report, 8 March 2004
THE Tamil Tigers are confronted with the biggest ever internal revolt in its two-decade history with one of its most powerful commanders rebelling against the leadership.
Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan, alias Colonel Karuna, who, as Special Commander, Batticaloa-Amparai, was in over-all charge of the LTTE's military operations in the eastern Sri Lanka, has rebelled and declared virtual unilaterel independence in what is seen as a 'grave challenge' to the LTTE leadership under its hitherto unchallenged and unquestioned supremo, Velupillai Pirapaharan.
The split in the LTTE has also thrown the now stalled peace process into even more jeopardy. With the rebel commander seeking a separate ceasefire between his group from the east and government, even the ceasefire agreement now in force for the last two years signed by the LTTE leader V Pirpaharan and Prime Minister Wickramasinghe is facing potential crisis.
Diplomats in Colombo voiced the view that failure to peacefully resolve the standoffbetween the Vanni-based leadership of the LTTE and its rebel-faction led by Col. Karuna based in Batticaloa could seriously undermine any prospects for the peace process being resurrected. International agencies including donor country representatives, foreign diplomats based in Colombo and NGOs involved in conflict resolution, peace, humanitarian and development work have hitherto found it easy to deal with one entity, and it seemed that whatever road they took it inexorably led only in one direction to the north to Kilinochchi where the LTTE's leadership held court. However, Karuna's defection and his continued territorial hold over the Batticaloa region will present problems for these foreign dignitaries if they are to seen as even handed.
 

MARCH 2004
Col. Karuna is also staking a claim for a seat at the negotiating table on behalf of his rebel faction, having previously sat at the negotiating table on behalf of the LTTE before it suspended participation in April 2003. He also wants a separate Interrim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) for the eastern region on the ground that the ISGA proposal now on the table as presented by the LTTE will perpetuate "northern domination'. The LTTE's position has been that any peace talks must be between the Government of Sri Lanka and only the LTTE which it asserts is the “sole representative' of the Tamils of the northeast. It is on this basis that the LTTE has resisted moves for a separate delegation to represent the island's Muslims attending and participating in the talks. Now Karuna's claim for separate representation is bound to create problems for the peace brokers in kick-starting the peace process again.
Though the Norwegians have officially suspended their role as facilitator in the peace process, Norwegian special envoy Erik Solheim is currently in Sri Lanka. Though he, along with Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattaskar, has visited Kilinochchi, Jaffna and Trincomalee having discussions with the LTTE leaders in the Vanni, he is on record as having announced that he would not meet with Karuna who has publicly expressed his wish to have direct negotiations with the Norwegians. Any move that would amount to giving recognition to the LTTE's rebel-faction by the Norwegians or other foreign dignitaries would be frowned upon by the LTTE leadership. However, questions have been raised by certain newspaper columnists as to what Mr Solheim is doing in Sri Lanka for over two weeks visiting the north having discussions at a time when the country is going through a election campaign when Norway has officially suspended its role as facilitator in the peace process.
There is the fear of the ceasefire breaking down arising from a fractious war breaking out between northern and eastern factions of the LTTE. However, particularly in the context of the forthcoming general election, and so long as Col Karuna is able to survive by retaining his present level of support, it is believed that LTTE leader Pirapaharan will not plunge into war again, and to that extent the Ceasefire Agreement may be secure for the time being.
The Norwegian headed Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) has already declared that it will not deal with the rebel LTTE commander and undertake any monitoring duties in areas under his control. The rebel commander, while promising to adhere to the provisions of the current ceasefire agreement, sought his own separate ceasefire agreement with the Sri Lankan military. However, the government, at least up to now, has decided to adopt a stand-aloof stance treating the split in the LTTE as "an internal matter'. However, if the government is interested in seeing that armed hostilities do not breakout again in the east, it may be compelled to consider at least an informal truce with LTTE's rebel commander.
Breaking News
Initially the northern based Tiger leadership from Kilinochchi sought to minimise the scale of the revolt saying

Page 13
MARCH 2004
that the crisis in his organisation was "temporary” and that it would be "resolved soon'.
Tamilnet website quoted the political head of the LTTE, S P Tamilselvan as telling the visiting Head of the Scandinavian-staffed Sri Lanka (Ceasefire) Monitoring Mission (SLMM), Maj.Gen.Trond Furuhovde, that the LTTE chief, that Velupillai Prabhakaran, was engaged in discussions on the matter with the leaders of the Batticaloa-Amparai area such as Special Commander Ramesh and Batticalao district political wing head, Kausalyan.
However Colonel Karuna went public announcing to the world media that he would no longer take orders from LTTE's northern leadership, while at the same time asserting obedience to the organisation's leader Velupillai Pirapaharan, who he said he had worshipped like a god'.
The first one to break the news of the revolt by the LTTE's much acclaimed Commander in the east on March 3 was Shimalee Senanayaka, a journalist of the Associated Press. In an interview with the journalist, Karuna was quoted as saying that he had broken ranks with the LTTE leadership and that there “was no question of reconciliation, everything has gone beyond reconciliation,” adding that, "In future we will have a full self-administration (in the east). We'll receive no more command from the Vanni administration or Prabhakaran.' He had sounded the Government about negotiating a separate cease-fire in the Eastern Province; his men would not begin fighting and would respect the current cease-fire until a new agreement was signed. “We think it's very important to have a separate defence pact with the security forces.”
In a later interview to the Sinhala Service of the BBC, Col. Karuna said that he and his troops were ready to retaliate against Pirapaharan and his loyalists if he (Karuna) or his troops were ever harmed in any way. He said that he refused to send 1,000 more fighters to Vannias requested by the LTTE leader because the eastern cadres had always been used at the front lines while the others led a luxurious life enjoying all comforts in the North.
He said while Pirpaharan's head of intelligence, Pottu Amman, was busy carrying out political assassinations in the East without his knowledge, he had to answer to the Norwayled Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission and the international community about the assassinations. Alleging that none of the economic benefits of the current ceasefire had benefited the Eastern Province, Karuna accused the LTTE leadership of buying luxury vehicles for their use out of international funds and of building a new town complex at Kilinochchi out of these funds while totally neglecting Batticaloa. He further alleged that the Norwegian and the Swiss money that reached Kilinochchi was never shared with the Eastern Province for the benefit of its people. He claimed that he had pointed out many of these issues in many letters written to Pirapaharan for which he did not receive any reply.
Karuna also pointed out that he had led many hard won battles and was, therefore, not afraid of his personal safety. If he or his troops were harmed, the LTTE leadership would be held responsible by the international community and that he would violently retaliate.
North vs East
Before daring to openly revolt against the leadership,

TAM TIMES 13
Karuna is reported to have written a letter to Pirapaharan bitterly complaining of discrimination against LTTE cadres from the East by the leadership. He pointed out that 4,550 fighters from Batticaloa and Amparai had so far sacrificed their lives in the struggle for Tamil Eelam and 2,248 were serving in the North. Despite this, according to him, not a single cadre from these districts figured in a list of 30 divisional commanders recently appointed by Pirapaharan. In an undisguised reference to the opulent lifestyle of the Vanni leadership, the letter asked, "It is very painful that when all the heads of Tamil Eelam divisions and administrative heads tour Kilinochchi town in luxury vehicles, members of the Jeyanthan regiment from Batticaloa and Amparai remain on full time duty at the checkpoint in Palai. How can this be reasonable?”
Conveying his continued loyalty to the LTTE leader and seeking his permission to work independently under his direct leadership, Karuna further said in his letter, "We do not want to desert you. We look to you as our god. Sometimes this decision of ours can anger you. The reason is that I do not like to commit the historical mistake of not disclosing to you the hopes of the people and the fighters here and not respecting their feelings. If you believe in the people here and the fighters here allow us to work independently under your leadership."
Thamil Alai, a local newspaper under Colonel Karuna's control published from eastern Sri Lanka also initially played down the seriousness of the conflict. It said on Thursday 4 March that the reports about a "split” in the LTTE were spread by people wanting to create "panic and fear” in the public mind and that the Batticalao-Amparai unit indeed was functioning with commitment to the LTTE's cause under the "command of our national leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and the guidance of Commander Col Karuna.” It was also reported that Colonel Karuna had in a letter sent to the LTTE leader asked to act independently in the east but under the direct command of Mr Pirapaharan, and not under any other top level leaders of the LTTE.
In his letter to the LTTE leader, Col. Karuna had said, "If we are speaking about myself, up to now, on behalf of North Eelam people I have performed priceless duties risking my life. During times of these opportunities I am willing to serve the people of the South Tamil Eelam. My last will is to sacrifice my life at their feet. I do not like any body else standing in my way. I am willing to serve directly under you without divisional heads of Tamil Eelam. Hence I stopped the Intelligence Unit.
“We will not desert you and we need you still more. We treat you as our God. This decision may provoke you. Hence I plead with you to allow me to bring to your notice the feelings and the aspirations of the people and militants in this part. It is no crime on my part. That is why I am explaining, that if you trust the people and the militants in this part please allow us to serve you directly under your leadership without heads of divisions.'
On the same day, the LTTE's Batticaloa and Amparai district Political Wing distributed a pamphlet which listed the grievances of the unit as well as the people of the Eastern districts vis-a-vis the predominantly northern leadership of the LTTE. It was noteworthy that it was the "Vanni Leadership” that was the target, not Pirpaharan himself directly, for the criticism.

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Grievances
The one page pamphlet entitled "Batticaloa-Amparai Leadership Betrayed" was addressed to "Tamil speaking people". The fact that the eastern LTTE rebels had gone public with their grievances was seen by observers as an indication of the depth and scale of the conflict between the LTTE's eastern unit and its northern leadership.
The grievances listed in the pamphlet included: 1) Thousands of LTTE cadres from the BatticaloaAmparai district have participated in the fighting in the North and laid down their lives, but their home district has continued to be in a state of great neglect without any development work.
2) "So far, 2,302 cadres from the district have died fighting in operations in the North and 2,248 have been killed in the East. Even now, more than 600 cadres from the district are engaged in sentry and security work in the forward lines and bunkers in the North. Cadres from the district are providing security to more than thirty top level functionaries of the LTTE enabling them to move about in their luxury vehicles without any fear.”
3) "Our people are asking why, among the 30 top officials of the Tamil Eelam administration, there is none from the Batticaloa-Amparai district. Because of this our people doubt if they will get justice under the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) which the LTTE is to setup in the North Eastern Province (NEP).”
4) "While other cadres are utilizing the current peace to acquire news skills, go home and meet their loved ones or go on pleasure trips abroad, why should our boys alone spend all their time in bunkers and sentry points?"
5) "In order to prepare for another war, the leadership in the Vanni had ordered the dispatch of thousands of fighting cadres from the Batticalao-Amparai district to the North. Parents from the district had voluntarily given their sons and daughters to the LTTE to safeguard their district. And it was to respect the assurances given to the parents and to use the cadres for development work in the district that the order to send the troops was not carried out,”
6) "The Intelligence unit under Pottu Amman has been responsible for the spate of murders and hijacking of vehicles in the district. Complaints about this to the leadership in the Vanni were of no avail. The intelligence units' cadres were in fact encouraged to indulge in these activities.”
7) “Because of the differences between the district leadership and the leadership in the Vanni, attempts were made by the latter to foist charges on the former and punish them. It amounts to betrayal of a district leadership which had sacrificed lives and conducted brilliant military operations, some of which turning points in the history of the Tamil struggle, to safeguard the Tamil National Leadership.”
Finally, the pamphlet said: "We appeal to our people to understand the malevolent actions of the Vanni leadership and conduct themselves accordingly."
Self determination
The whole basis of the LTTE's secessionist ideology and its armed rebellion against the Sri Lankan state is the dis. crimination and oppressive domination of the Tamils by the Sinhalese. Now ironically one of the top leaders of the LTTE,

MARCH 2004
Karuna, is raising the spectre of discrimination and domination by the northern Tamil leadership of the LTTE against the eastern Tamils. In one sense, Karuna's break does not represent an ideological break- while Pirpaharan is standing for Tamil Eelam, Karuna is seeking Southern Tamil Eelam (Then Thamil Eelam) presenting himself as the defender of the east against northern Tamil domination.
In press interviews splashed across the world media, Karuna has said that he was seeking a separate politico-administrative structure and full self determination for the East. Though he has said so specifically, he has certainly placed the issue of the de-merger of the northern and eastern provinces on the agenda,
The 'grievances' listed by the Karuna's LTTE faction has been seen as representing a manifesto of the rebel leader to assert his claim for autonomy for the east from the northern dominated leadership of the LTTE under Pirapaharan who had remained the unchallenged leader of the organisation from its inception. In the past, very few have even attempted to question the LTTE supremo and those who had made any move to challenge Pirapaharan have not survived to tell the tale.
In one her many reports, Frances Harrison described Karuna as "the most endangered man in Sri Lanka” today.
Hero to Traitor
The Tiger leadership, shaken by the suddenness and the sheer audacity of Col Karuna's challenge have not only expelled him from the LTTE denouncing its one time champion military commander as a traitor, but also moved to take measures to isolate him from the rank and file LTTE cadres in the east, estimated to be in the region of five to six thousand.
The LTTE leadership's fear is that if Colonel Karuna is not isolated quickly and brought under heel there may be internecine fighting between the northern and the eastern forces of the Tamil Tigers. If this were to happen, then there is also the possibility the Sri Lankan military may willy-nilly get drawn into a conflict, and the temptation for the government forces to assist one side or the other would be huge.
In expelling Karuna, the LTTE in a statement issued at a press conference in Kilinochchi on 6 March said, "Mr. Karuna who was Commander, Batticaloa-Amparai, instigated by some malicious elements opposed to the Tamil Eelam liberation struggle, acting traitorously to the Tamil people and the Tamil Eelam National Leadership, has planned to secede himself from the liberation organization.
"The Commanders, Divisional Heads and cadres under him, unable to acquiesce with this traitorous act, have refused to comply with his orders and met with the National Leadership, explaining the ground reality prevailing there. In accordance with this, Karuna has been discharged from the Liberation Tigers organization and relieved of his responsibilities.
"The Tamil Eelam National Leadership has appointed Mr. Ramesh as Special Commander, Mr. Ram as Commander, Mr. Piraba as Deputy Commander and Mr. Kausalyan as Political Head of the Batticaloa-Amparai District. It is hereby informed that these officials will assume their positions and functions as the official representatives of our organization.” Even as the announcement of the expulsion of Karuna

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was being made, there were reports that Prirpaharan had ordered that about 500 cadres from the Eastern Province working in Kilinochchi, whose loyalty to the Tiger leader was suspect, should be disarmed and placed under house-arrest. It has been reported that Karuna had earlier asked his cadres from the east belonging to the Jayanthan Brigade engaged in frontline and security duties to move out of their positions and surrender to the Sri Lankan army who were expected to transfer them to the east.
The LTTE also sought to downplay the strength and the hold of the rebel Colonel over LTTE cadres in the east. A LTTE spokesman was also quoted as saying, "This is a problem with an individual. All eastern commanders have expressed their allegiance to the movement except Karuna. We have no problem with the control of cadres in Batticaloa and Amparai.” However, all indications were that the eastern region was firmly under Karuna's control and the new officials appointed by the Vanni leadership - Mr. Ramesh as Special Commander, Mr. Ram as Commander, Mr. Piraba as Deputy Commander and Mr. Kausalyan as Political Head of the Batticaloa-Amparai District - have so far not been able move to the east to take up their positions.
Dismissing the report about his expulsion from the LTTE, Karuna is reported have that said it was a ridiculous move because five days earlier he had informed the Vanni leadership that he would no longer be taking orders from them and would be operating independently.
Even as Thamilselvan was trying downplay the seriousness of Karuna's challenge, reports emerged that Karuna had already replaced some key officials of the LTTE in the Eastern Province with his own trusted nominees. These included the appointment of Karikalan as the Batticaloa-Amparai Political Wing Leader in the place of Kausalyan; the replacement of Ramesh, Karuna's deputy military commander, by Rabat; and of Pirabha, in charge of administration, by Thurai.
It also emerged that Karuna ordered the dismissal of about 60 policemen from the North posted in the Eastern Province and ordered them to leave the area and banned the entry of any officials of the LTTE's intelligence wing headed by Pottu Amman into the Eastern Province. Reportedly he also ordered the detention of recruits from the North, who had come to the East for undergoing military training, and the closure of all offices of the LTTE in the Eastern Province.
Karikalan, one time LTTE's Special Political Commissar for Batticaloa and Amparai, was brought back from disgrace by Karuna and appointed Batticaloa-Amparai Political Wing Leader in the place of Kausalyan. Later reports, however, indicated that Kausalyan, Ramesh and Pirabha with their family had fled to the Vanni, followed Karikalan, many more political, military and intelligence wing cadres, including doctors, photographers, video cameramen, auditors among the lot.
Army chief “stunned'
It was when he came to know that the sacked Ramesh, Kausalyan and Pirabha with their family members and with some others were fleeing to the Vanni that Karuna made contact with the Sri Lankan military with a view to prevent their escape. It is learnt that Varathan, Secretary to Karuna had telephoned the Sri Lanka Army Chief Lt. Gen. Balagalle to

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request the army to prevent the three 'defectors' from escaping into the Vanni, capture and return them to Karuna.
It is said that the Army Chief was "stunned when he heard about Karuna's revolt against the leadership. To make sure that it was "real', the Army Chief personnalyspoke to Karuna himself who made a further request to the effect that he wanted a separate ceasefire and defence agreement with the government. Karuna was politely told that in view of the prevailing ceasefire agreement between the government and the LTTE, the military could not prevent the "defectors' from crossing into the Vanni. As for the separate ceasefire agreement, Karuna was asked to put his request in writing. Within an hour a written request for a separate ceasefire agreement reached the Army Chief, and it was signed by none other than the newly appointed Political Wing leader in Batticaloa, Karikalan, who later fled to the Vanni professing loyalty to Pirapaharan and denouncing Karuna.
The authorities in Colombo and army top brass were "shocked' when they came to know about Karuna's revolt against the LTTE leadership. The President and Prime Minister were kept informed about the unfolding developments on the eastern front. Cyril Herath, the Defence Secretary, was to confirm later (on March 5) that Karuna had in fact made the request for a separate defence pact with the security forces and a fresh ceasefire accord, and that the request had been made through government military commanders, but the military chiefs were against entering into negotiations with a faction of the LTTE. "We could not agree to such a request. When there is one ceasefire agreement signed between the Prime Minister and Pirapaharan, how can we have another with a member of one of the parties?" Herath said adding, "Both sides have indicated that they will abide by the ceasefire that is currently in place. In this situation we don't want to do anything that will complicate matters, But we hope they will not fight each other."
Military officials in the east said that Karuna made it clear that he would hold his fire, but was not willing to recognise the ceasefire agreement between the government and his former boss, LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran.
Bishop's attempt
The attempt by Bishop of Batticaloa Rt. Rev. Kingsley Swamipillai, who led a delegation to meet the LTTE representatives in Kilinochchi with the intention of a avoiding another bloodbath in the eastern Sri Lanka proved abortive.
The Bishop and his team from Batticaloa consisting of the eastern university representatives, NGOs and members of the business community, met with LTTE's political head S. P. Thamilselvan, Batticaloa-Amparai LTTE "Special Commander' Ramesh, “Commander' Ram, the Political Head of Batticaloa-Amparai Kausalyan and Karikalan on Monday (8 March) in Kilinochchi.
“We want to avoid another war. We must motivate people for peace, not for war,” Bishop Swamipillai said. The volatile process of peace must be cemented by urging people to solve disputes through the means of discussion, he said.
Reporting the meeting the LTTE's Tamilnet website said that Thamilselvan and the Batticaloa-Amparai LTTE leaders had explained to the visitors the circumstances that led to the leaderships' expulsion of Karuna from the organisation, and

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had assured the delegation that their actions to restore normalcy would not in anyway affect the people or the LTTE cadres in the Batticaloa-Amparai Districts.
It appears that at the request of the Baticaloa delegation, a conditional amnesty was offered to Karuna, but it is not known what conditions the LTTE leadership had imposed. It is speculated that the conditions included that the rebel commander should withdraw the allegations he had made against the LTTE leadership, he should step down from his self-proclaimed positions, he should henceforth desist from taking part in any political activities and he should go into voluntarily exile to join his family in Malaysia. But, his spokesman, Varathan, dismissed the offer and said that Karuna was commanding fighters in two eastern districts and would not step down despite the amnesty offer made through the Bishop of Batticaloa. "It is ridiculous,” Varathan told joumalists. "It is they who should think of being forgiven by our people for the sacrifices made to protect the land and the people of Vanni.”
However Karuna was willing to work with Pirapaharan to avoid bloodshed among the rebels. "It would be only a friendly partnership. We would not go under his administration.” That too on condition that Pirapaharan sacked his intelligence chief Pottu Amman, his police chief Nadesan and his finance chief Thamileandi.
Replying to a suggestion that he might become a target of of the LTTE for assassination, Karuna said, "No, death is the furthest thing from my mind. I've been in the LTTE for 20 years and I know how it works.”
An AFP reported (12 March) reported that the rival Tamil Tiger factions had deployed fighters on the banks of a river in eastern Sri Lanka as the LTTE leadership in the Vanni vowed to bring back the Batticaloa and Amparai districts under its own control. The LTTE's political wing leader of eastern Trincomalee, S. Thilak, is reported to have said the group's fighters were poised against the breakaway faction of Col. Karuna. "Both sides have their cadres camping on the two banks of the Verugal river that marks the district border." But Thilak said there had been no fighting between the two groups, who according to the military were within smallarms range of each other. It was also reported that the LTTE had urged all its Wanni cadres to return immediately to Kilinochchi from Batticaloa and Amparai districts. This action was seen as a move to ensure that the Wanni cadres did not become hostages in Karuna's hands in the event fighting broke out between the two rival factions.
Col. Karuna also set about dismantling and shutting down LTTE structures such as "Police Stations”, “Law Courts' and other organisations reportedly manned mainly by LTTE's northern personnel whose loyalty he suspected.
Meanwhile the LTTE vowed to retake areas under the control of LTTE's rebel commander Col. Karuna, but said it would try to do so without bloodshed to avoid destabilising the ceasefire.
In an interview with the Tamilnet wbsite, S. P. Thamilselvan, leader of the Tigers' political wing, said, "By rejecting to abide by our movement's ruling he is pushing himself into a dangerous corner. "However, cognizant of the prevailing peace, our leadership is taking careful steps to bring the Batticaloa-Ampara area back into control without any bloodshed or danger to our cadres.” Referring to the discus

MARCH 2004.
sions he had with the Norwegian special envoy, Eris Solheim on the Batticaloa situation, he said, "Even before the meeting the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission and Norway had taken some clear, and in our view appropriate, decisions. They have discontinued any communications with Mr. Karuna and to anyone in his area, and have also taken steps to avoid future contacts. They are already operating in a way that is consistent with our thinking and have demonstrated a clear understanding of the undercurrents of the crisis.” メ
"Mr. Karuna not only has been relieved of his responsibilities, he has been removed from the movement as well. He is now a single individual accused of several violations against the movement's code of conduct. By rejecting to abide by the movement's ruling he is pushing himself into a dangerous corner. However, cognizant of the prevailing peace, our leadership is taking careful steps to bring the Batticaloa-Amparai area back into control without any bloodshed or danger to our cadres. Cadres under Mr. Karuna's command are distancing and deserting him gradually. Mr. Karuna is increasingly facing danger from among his own group of cadres,” Thamilselvan claimed.
Hunger strike
A report (12 March) from eastern Batticaloa datelined said that hundreds of residents and school children of Batticaloa, organised by an organisation called South Thamil Eelam, commenced a hunger strike at a Hindu temple in Batticaloa demanding the LTTE leader Pirapaharan to revoke his decision of expelling its eastern province leader, Col. Karuna from the LTTE.
No doubt the so-called hunger-strike was being orchestrated by Karuna's men. The hunger strikers warned that unless the LTTE leader granted their demands within next three days, they would commence a fast-unto-death campaign. The hunger strike action was started at 9 a.m. yesterday in Mamangeswaram Temple, Amirthakali. A spokesman of the South Tamil Eelam said that a letter had been addressed to Mr Pirapaharan stating: “We, the people of Batticaloa-Ampara strongly oppose the decision of our leader Pirapaharan and request him to change the decision. We are deeply shocked to learn that our Commander Colonel Karuna Amman has been dismissed from his office and from the LTTE organisation.'
The letter added: “Respecting our feelings and the sacrifices made by our people and soldiers of East, we request you to reconsider your decision and without causing a division amongst us to help us work unitedily for the dawn of Tamil Eelam.”
The hunger strikers demanded from the LTTE leader: "Take back the allegation of traitor imposed on Colonel Karuna Amman; our father Colonel Karuna Amman is not a single man. He is the only one worthy of being our commander; we request that South Eelam be organised under the leadership of Pirapaharan and under the guidance of Karuna; the Tamil Eelam Army must work for the dawn of Tamil Eelam without engaging in conflict among themselves and soldiers of Batticaloa-Amparashould be returned to Batticaloa safely.”
In the Batticaloa district, those loyal to Col. Karuna burnt down the houses of Ramesh and Kaushalyan who had with

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their families had fled to the Vanni. They also arranged public protests in Tirukovil, Chenkalady, Kalmunai, Kiran, Valachenai, Palukamam and Poratuvu at which the effigies of Pirapaharan and Pottu Amman were burnt.
Allegations against Karuna
While it seems obvious that there may have been longstanding differences between the northern and eastern wings in the LTTE leadership, it is not clear as to the exact immediate cause that precipitated Karuna to mount this unprecedented rebellion at this time.
One reason given injustification of Karuna's revolt was his anger over the operations of Pottu Amman, the chief of the LTTE's intelligence wing, in the East without Karuna's knowledge. Some informed sources have expressed the view that Karuna made the pre-emptive move to bring the conflict into the open having come to know of certain moves by the Vanni leadership to remove Karuna from the powerful position he held in the east and thereafter put him on “trial'.
In the past few days, the LTTE has begun a propaganda counter-strike by releasing information through chosen journalists and reporters about Karuna's alleged financial skulduggery and even sexual misconduct. A campaign of vilification of has begun to undermine Karuna.
Among the bits of dirt that have been dished out against Karuna include accusations of building a house at Aayithiyamalai from LTTE funds, and misappropriating LTTE funds when building the "Thenagam' complex at Karadianaaru and "Meenagam' complex at Tharavai in the eastern Sri Lanka.
He is also being accused of having had an illicit affair with a senior women's brigade leader 'N' of the LTTE, and it is alleged that she was taken to Colombo for carrying out an abortion. It has also been alleged Ranjan, the driver of the vehicle in which she travelled to Colombo was later found murdered to silence him. It was made to look as if he had suffered a heart attack. Another rumour being circulated af. ter Karuna's rebellion is that Karuna's wife Nira and their three children have gone abroad to Malaysia with took two suitcases full of money is another piece of rumour that has been allowed to circulate.
It is alleged that Karuna has been shrewdly opportunistic and calculating in raising the regional issue - domination by the Jaffna-centric northern leadership - of discrimination and step-motherly treatment of what he describes as "Then Thamil Eelam” (Southern Tamil Eelam) comprising the BatticaloaAmparai districts in eastern Sri Lanka. It is also alleged that Karuna is seeking to cover up the real problems he is facing within the LTTE by raising the regional card and shifting the focus on his personal disputes with the Tigerintelligence chief Pottu Amman.
Contrary to what Karuna has been alleging in recent days, it is said that Karuna and the Batticaloa-Amparai unit of the LTTE enjoyed a level of autonomy tantamount to independence within the LTTE. "Karuna was the only regional commander who was allowed to start his own daily, Thamil Alai, and printing press - parallel to the Eelanatham in the Vanni. Prabhakaran had even granted him a degree of freedom for r: curing weapons from abroad. The Tiger leader had never entrusted any other commander with so much power in the LTTE's history. The LTTE's administrative structure in Batticaloa was so unique that it was the only regional command ever to be granted the right to carry out its own covert

TAMITMEs
operations in Colombo through its special military intelligence wing. The Batticaloa military intelligence wing of the LTTE was a semi-autonomous entity that functioned directly and under the sole command of Karuna. It was the only unit in the LTTE other than Pottu Amman's national intelligence division to independently plan and carry out strikes outside the northeast.
All this was considered a mixture of implicit trust and gratitude that Prabhaharan had in Karuna....
"As the only commander in the LTTE who had been allowed to hold his position for 17 long years, and particularly after he was vested with unparalleled autonomous powers in 2002, Karuna got used to the idea of running the region as its sole military/political authority.'(Taraki, Daily Mirror, 17 March 2004)
It is learnt that during the past year, a combined investigating operation into the management and functioning of the Batticaloa-Amparai unit of the LTTE under the command of Karuna was mounted by the intelligence wing, police service and finance division of the LTTE.
It is said that Karuna was infuriated when he came to know about the investigation and demanded from the LTTE leader Pirapaharan to stop it without success.
The reason for Karuna demanding the removal of Pottu Amman, Nadesan, and Thamilendhi who headed the three wings is that they were all involved in this combined investigation against Karuna. It is also said that despite repeated orders that Karuna should go to the Vanni, he refused to comply for he was extremely suspicious that he would be arrested and detained in custody for the purposes of the investigation. According to Taraki, there was one incident that precipitated the LTTE split at this time. According to him, The LTTE's Finance Division (FD) have been giving Karuna's administration 10-12 million rupees a month to supplement the funds it generated from Batticaloa.
In 2002, the (FD) of the LTTE appointed the one-armed Humson to regulate, centralise and manage all the finances of the Batticaloa-Amparai region. A finance intelligence unit was also established under Humson. Three months after the arrival of the audit from Vanni, Humson was reported missing. It was rumoured in the areas-controlled by the Tigers that he had run away with more than 50 million rupees from the LTTE's coffers in Batticaloa. The story gained further credence when Humson's relatives and associates were threatened and questioned by Karuna's men. Some of them were beaten up mercilessly. Later it was said that Humson had surrendered to the Tigers in the Vanni. The fact, however, was that he had gone to the north without informing Karuna and had reported to his headquarters that the eastern commander could not account for more than fifty million rupees of LTTE funds in Batticaloa. The Humson episode triggered the events that led to the split.
Counter-strike
In its counter-strike against Karuna, LTTE has deployed the LTTE's one-time strong man of Batticalo, and who had remained a confidant of Karuna until the split. When he broke ranks with the LTTE leadership, Karuna appointed Mr. Sivagnanam Karikalan, one of LTTE's senior leaders in the East, as his Political wing leader. Having fled to the Vanni professing loyalty to Pirapaharan Karikalan has denounced his erstwhile chief in Batticaloa. He told the press on 7 March, "Karuna will be seen as a Pol Pot if he continues to act irresponsibly towards

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our people.” Charging that there were outside elements behind Karuna's decision to act "traitorously', he said, "We believe there are external forces behind his confused state of mind and that is why he did not listen to any of our advice. The truth of who these forces are will be evident soon.'
"Karuna's decision to betray us was a decision that he took on his own without consulting any of his colleagues and senior staff. He is trying to compel commanders and heads of divisions in the Batticaloa-Ampara district to accept his decision. He won't succeed. Today none of the people in the Batticaloa-Amapara district are prepared to reject our national leader. I want to reiterate this point. Even at the recent Pongu Thamil festival in Batticaloa, thousands of our people carried photos of our national leader with the slogan "Tamils are Tigers. Tigers are Tamils'expressing their commitment to the Tamil national cause and to our national leadership,” the Tamilnet website quoted Mr. Karikalan as saying.
He also said that Karuna was spreading false stories to the international media to justify his betrayal and to prevent the international Tamil community from calling Mr. Karuna a "traitor,” and that the Tamil people of Batticaloa-Ampara would in short time remove the blot that Mr. Karuna's betrayal has left on them, and prove their loyalty to the Tamil national leadership.
Inviting Karuna to give up his rebellion, Karikalan said, "Our liberation movement is a great force, based on the contributions of a large number of people and fighters. It is not dependent on a single political head or commander. Even today, our national leader is ready to pardon Mr. Karuna, and assure the security of his person. If Karuna wants reconciliation or pardon), our national leader will ensure no harm falls on Mr. Karuna and let him live in freedom. We want to inform through the international Tamil community and the media that Mr. Karuna can trust us. Our national leader has personally granted us an assurance that he is ready to pardon.”
Embezzling funds
Karikalan also accused his former commander of defecting to avoid disciplinary action on charges of embezzling LTTE funds and other acts of misconduct, According to the Tamilnet website, Karikalan in an interview with the Australian Tamil Broadcasting Corporation (ATBC) on Friday, 12 March disclosed that the Batticaloa crisis was precipitated when LTTE leadership summoned Karuna to the Vanni after discovering financial irregularities and receiving allegations of questionable conduct. Fearing disciplinary action Karuna defied Vanni command and took unilateral action to split.
Saying that Karuna was one of the most trusted commanders and held in highesteem by leader Pirapaharan, Karikalan said, "Only recently Karuna started complaining about the step-motherly treatment the Batticaloa-Amparai region was receiving from Vanni leadership. He seemed to have already taken a decision to split when we realized that Karuna was taking actions that are inimical to the movement.
"Under the pretext of sending some of us for training, he used that space to make changes to the command hierarchy under him. He took control of finances, the meals section and appointed people loyal to him in key military positions. During this period a fighter discovered Karuna embezzling huge amounts of movement's funds. Although Karuna tried to discipline the fighter, he managed to escape to Vanni and informed the leadership of Karuna's financial improprieties. Karuna's driver, who also knew of the misuse of funds, died

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a week later. Although fever was claimed as the cause of his death, Batticaloa-Amparai commanders were shocked to learn later that he was poisoned.
"Karuna was further embarrassed by public knowledge of allegations related to his improper conduct. When the leadership in Vanni became aware of these violations, leader Pirapaharan summoned him to Vanni. Karuna, fearing reprimand and possible disciplinary action refused to go; instead he asked for an emissary be sent from Vanni to see him.
"Also Karuna sent his wife and children to Malaysia recently and told his commanders that LTTE leader was aware of where his family was and that he Karuna) would not do anything without the leader's knowledge. We now realize the reason behind this planned move by Karuna.
"Karuna through his foreign visits had the opportunity to come into contact with foreign forces keen on subverting the Tamil National struggle. Through introductions to Karuna these elements had the means to assess the unique position Karuna had in the movement and military strength under his command. It is highly probable that these external forces, exploiting his selfish motives, bought him over,” said Karikalan.
In a later speech made by Karikalan at the University of Jaffna, Karikalan was reported have identified the United States as the "external forces' involved in plotting the split in the LTTE. The accusation against the US found reflection in a flurry of comments in the Colombo media which in turn provoked an angry rejection of the allegation by the US embassy in Colombo.
Usually it is India's Research and Intelligence Wing (RAW) that becomes the whipping target of Tamil Tigers for any trouble that befalls the LTTE, but this time round it is the United States that has been mentioned. However, among expatriate Tamil Tiger circles the propaganda that is disseminated widely is that India is the villain behind the present split in the LTTE.
Questions
The nature and extent of the allegations made against Karuna, if true, represent a massive fraud and gross misappropriation of vast sums of money on a monumental scale. The allegations, if true, ofusing female cadres for sexual pleasure and murder of cadres to hide the truth from coming out are shocking indeed. While these allegations now coming out into the open may serve the purpose ofundermining the reputation and integrity of the once acclaimed military of champion of the LTTE, they raise important questions relating to the probity, accountability and deployment of the vast resources that have been mobilised by the LTTE from the Tamil people who had no choice but to give without question.
What has happened to the self-proclaimed image of incorruptibility, iron discipline and probity of character at all levels in the LTTE? If Karuna is guilty of committing of fences that Karikalan is now alleging, what was the LTTE leadership and Karikalan himself doing all these years? In a regimented and tight organisation such as the LTTE, is it possible for a singleman, however highly placed he may be, to swindle tens and tens of million rupees, build residential mansions for his and relatives' use, or setup and invest in commercial enterprises without anyone else in the organisation knowing? Or are there others also who are complicit in committing the of fences that Karuna is alleged to have committed? Why is it that these charges are being levelled against him only after he broke

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ranks from the LTTE? Or are they all trumped up charges to crucify Karuna now that he has rebelled? These are questions that the LTTE leadership cannot duck.
The significance
The full significance of this showdown between the unquestioned leader from the north and the eastern rebel commander is yet to unfold. The withdrawal of the amnesty of fered to Karuna signals that decisions which may lead to violent consequences have already been taken by the Vanni leadership. Many ordinary people in eastern Sri Lanka are gripped by uncertainty as to what is going to happen in the coming days and by fear of possible violent clashes between the LTTE and Karuna's faction.
There are those who hold the view it will be LTTE's avowed intention to re-impose its military hegemony in the east. A bloodbath seems much in prospect. To those who are prepared to accept the claim of the LTTE as the "sole representative' of the Tamils, LTTE regaining its pre-existingposition in the easteven through a bloodbath seems a price worth paying. But to those civilians, not only Tamils, but also Muslims and Sinhalese, living in the east, who have gone through the horrors of war over the years and enjoyed a period of respite after the ceasefire came into effect two years ago, such a prospect is nightmarish.
It will leave in its wake tremendous loss of life and in the long run deeper and more lasting scars and divisions between the people of the north and east.
For the TNA
For the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) the split in the LTTE could not have happened at a worse time. The TNA, comprising four Tamil political parties, has thrown its lot with the LTTE on whose behalf it is contesting the forthcoming parliamentary election to demonstrate and secure an electoral mandate for the LTTE to assert its claim of being the "authentic and sole representative' of the Tamil people. It also had hoped to win at least 21 seats in the next parliament thereby being able to be "king-makers' in the formation of the next Government of Sri Lanka.
The election campaign of the TNA was left in total disarray in the wake of the LTTE split. The TNA contingent of candidates in the eastern province did not know what to do - whether to fall in line with Karuna or not. Some of them were old hands of the TULF and others were handpicked by Karuna himself on behalf of the LTTE before the split. Many of them unable to resist the pressure were seen participating in demonstrations orchestrated by the Karuna faction at which the effigies of Pirapaharan and Pottu Amman were set alight. Others thought it was wiser to keep their mouth shut. In the north, which includes Jaffna, Mannar, Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu, after days of dithering, the campaign on behalf the TNA has restarted with full vigour, the LTTE cadre playing a leading role. The non-LTTE political parties contesting these areas have complained of generalised intimidation and disruption of their campaigns by LTTE elements.
In any event, TNA candidates who get elected at the April 2 election will be confronted with the problem of choosing as to which faction of the LTTE they are going to pay allegiance to.
For the LTTE
For the LTTE, Karuna's mutiny represents a split both at the leadership level and in its ranks. It also represents a rup

TAM TIMES 19
ture in its military hegemony it has been able to impose over the Northeast. Whether this rupture is temporary or terminal is yet to be seen. With the formidable military machine at its disposal, the LTTE will no doubt seek to re-impose its total hegemony. But it will plan and plot to strike at the right time. If as it is claimed that Karuna is "alone' deserted by his immediate lieutenants and with dwindling support, what is holding Pirapaharan from mounting a frontal assault now, one may ask. There are three factors that constrain him from making any immediate major military move.
First, certainly the LTTE leader is aware of Karuna's acknowledged military prowess and of the substantial strength of forces under his command with which Karuna is likely to offer stiff resistance resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. Secondly, there is the forthcoming general election on April 2 at which the LTTE is seeking to achieve its political project through the Tamil National Alliance by securing an electoral mandate by winning the overwhelming majority of seats in the Northeast in support of its claim of being the "sole representative' of the Tamil people. Any major military operation at this crucial time might jeopardise that project.
Third, the current Ceasefire Agreement prohibits any of fensive military operations' and hence if the LTTE were to mount a major military campaign to subdue its eastern upstart, it will represent a violation of the Ceasefire Agreement, and the international community is unlikely to condone such a brazen violation.
However, breaking ceasefires and poking the proverbial twofingers at the international community will not be a new experience for the LTTE. It is therefore probable that once the elections are over, having adequately prepared militarily, Pirpaharan will order a military operation against Karuna justifying the action as an "internal organisational matter" in respect of which the Ceasefire Agreement has no application.
For Col. Karuna
For Karuna, now it is a case ofsurvival against the formidable forces and resources of the LTTE, which means he has hold on to his territory and camps and retain the support and loyalty of the thousands of cadres under his command. Up to now, he remains cocky and confident about retaining the loyalty of his cadres estimated to be in the region of five to six thousand.
However, it has to be noted that many of the senior political and military leaders who had worked under his command in the Batticalo-Amparai unit have abandoned him and fled to the Vanni with their families swearing allegiance to Pirapaharan. It is LTTE's former strongman in the east, Sivagnanam Karikalan, who was appointed by Karuna as his top political commissar after he declared his mutiny, who is now being deployed by the Vanni leadership to undermine Karuna's personal reputation and integrity with serious allegations of financial skulduggery and other acts of gross misconduct. Such allegations widely circulated locally and internationally are certain to raise doubts in the minds of Karuna's own adherents about the genuineness of his complaints against the Vanni leadership.
Even though he may in numerical terms have thousands of cadres under his command, how many of these will remain loyal to him when the chips are down and the inevitable battles begin is another question. More importantly, how many among them are qualitatively competent in terms of training and experience in facing and fighting the crack cadres who

Page 20
20 AML TIMES
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ARCH 2004
will be deployed by Pirpaharan.
Then there is the more important question whether Karuna has at his disposal sufficient financial resources to continue to sustain his political and military structures and the thousands of cadres under his command. The Vanni leadership controls all of LTTE's finances and has been subsidising its eastern unit with millions of rupees every month. Though the eastern unit also has had its own structures to generate its own funds through the collecting taxes and extorting monies, an all out coercive drive on the part of Karuna to raise funds among the people to meet the shortfall will make him very unpopular. Unpopularity among the eastern people purportedly on whose behalf Karuna raised the flag of revolt is the last thing that he can afford at the present time.
Karuna cannot even dream of matching the massive multinational network of resources at the disposal of the LTTE leadership - commercial, shipping, arms procurement, satelite/ TV/radio propaganda network. It is already clear since Karuna's rebellion that the much influential pro-LTTE international Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora, which without doubt is predominantly Jaffna-centric, has thrown its weight behind the Vanni leadership denouncing Karuna as a "traitor' who has betrayed the cause of Tamil Eelam. Not much support for Karuna will come from this quarter. For the others
To the non-LTTE Tamil parties like the EPDP and the EPRL (Varathar Faction) and some other un-aligned Tamil groups, the split in the LTTE is seen as a welcome development. Not that they love Karuna more and Pirapaharan less. It is because they and their members have been for years at the receiving end of the LTTE's sustained campaign annihilation for years. They entertain the belief that the monolith of the LTTE has been cracked wide open and think that Karuna's
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rebellion heralds the beginning of the end of the Tamil Tiger hegemony over the Tamil people and the Northeast.
These groups entertain the hope and wish that the split will result in the opening up of space and opportunities for them to function and for voices of dissent to be expressed and heard. Whether this hope and wish will materialise into reality or turn out to be delusion will depend on the capacity for survival on the part of Karuna. In the ultimate analysis, if past experience is to go by, it will be Pirapaharan who will want have the final say.
There is some substance in the cliché that extremist ultra Sinhala nationalism gave birth to Pirpaharan the Tamil warrior, who in turn gave birth to Karuna the rebel.
Battle joined
Karuna is no ordinary military functionary in the LTTE. He has been its champion military commanderpar excellence and ranked above all others and only second to Pirapaharan who had publicly acknowledged the significant contribution made by Karuna in many of LTTE's major military battles. During the April 2002 April press conference attended by hundreds of international journalists, when he was asked about his most memorable military successes, Pirapaharan referred to Karuna as his best military commander, and said that the campaigns that Karuna commanded and waged were among the most successful in the LTTE's long history of armed struggle against Sri Lankan government forces. The LTTE has not only lost such an acclaimed military commander. He has turned against the LTTE leadership and thrown the gauntlet. By withdrawing the "amnesty' offered to the mutinous Karuna, Pirpaharan has picked up the gauntlet signalling that the battle has been joined. The only question that remains is: when will it begin? O
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Page 22
22 TAMILTIMES
Election Related Violen
Over 500 election related incidents of violence have been reported by election monitoring organizations and the police as of 16 March. Most of these incidents. The Centre for Election Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) said in a media release said it was disturbed by reports received over the past few days that point to the involvement of senior politicians in acts of electionrelated violence.
The total since nomination day has risen to 504. Of the total the UPFA reported 225 incidents, the UNP 158 and the balance by other parties and individuals.
Most of the incidents were reported from the south of the country mainly from places Anurahapura, Dambulla, Kandy, Matale, Matara, Hanguranketa, Ampara, Batticaloa, Polonnaruwa, Gampaha, Wennapuwa, Negombo, Seeduwa and Chilaw.
Most of these incidents compared
to the violent incidents that marked the December 2001 general election can be described as relatively minor.
However, in the Northeast, three murders and the prevalence of ageneral climate of intimidation preventing free and fair election campaigning have been reported.
The first killing in the run-up to the 2 April general elections occurred when gunmen, reportedly belonging to the Tamil Tigers, burst into a hospital and shot dead a Batticaloa district UNP candidate as he was lying in his hospital bed on Monday 1 March
Police said the assailants posing as relatives had entered the hospital in the morning under the pretext of bringing him breakfast and shot 66-year-old Sinnathamby Sunderampillai at point blank range with a pistol.
Mr. Sunderampillai was receiving treatment at the hospital after being shot and seriously injured earlier presumably by the same gang at his Kattankudy home on Saturday night, 28 February.
The victim, a former principal of a school and a father of two had been
constantly receivi. manding that he s nomination.
A complaint r was registered at lice Station (EIB Mr. Seenithamby statement, he ider being responsible Sub Inspector of Kattankudy Po during the Genera Mr. Sunderampill ing under the ban Front, was abduct 40 days in LTTE ( The assassina illai was soon foll cal activist of the las Devananda w Valachchenai in th Twenty-eightber Ponniah Yoge tively engaged in half of EPDP c. Kandaswamy, wa pected LTTE gunr on Monday, 1 Ma the well in the ba according to Vala M. K. Podi Mahat EPDP leader D a statement blam killing, saying Mr.
threatened by the
LTTE is attempti of sole representat ple by annihilatin ponents as a mea: cist goals,” the E. letter to the Electi He called on t necessary action terrorist activities dered the conduct tion in the North
In a separate People Democrat didate contesting in the eastern pro were injured in ar nade attack nearth on 4 March. Th

MARCH 2004
Ce
ng death threats dehould withdraw his
egarding the attack the Kattankudy Po4/25) by his cousin, Sasikumar. In this tified the LTTE as for the attack. Kobbewela in charge lice confirmed that l Elections of 2001, ai, who was contestner of the New Left ed and detained for xustody. tion of Sunderampowed another politiEPDP led by Dougas gunned down in he east of the island. year-old EPDP mem}ndran, who was acelection work on beandidate Andranan s shot dead by susmen around 9.30 p.m. rch, while he was at ckyard of his house, chchenali Inspector taya. ouglas Devananda in ed the LTTE for the Yogendran had been Tigers earlier. "The ng to gain the status ive of the Tamil peogall its political opls to achieve its fasPDP leader said in a ons Commissioner. he polls chief to take to stop the LTTE's which he said hinof a free and fair elecund East.
incident, an Eelam c Party (EPDP) canthe General Election vince and two others election related gree Kalmunaibus stand e injured candidate
Mr.Thurairaja Lal contesting in Ampara District was distributing hand bills with his supporters in Kalmunai area when he was attacked. The van in which he was traveling was also badly damaged. EPDP in Kalmunai blamed the LTTE for the attack. The other two injured persons were identified as A.G.A. Naheem and Mohamed Farook.
In the wake of the killings, two candidates who filed nomination papers as candidates for the United National Front, Amarasingam Vinayagamoorthy from Mandoor and K. Poobalaratnam from Valaichchenai in Batticaloa district, have written to the Election commissioner that they were withdrawing their nominations for the forth coming general elections, media reports said.
The killings confirmed an earlier warning by Amnesty International of possible LTTE reprisals if Tamil candidates contested from political parties other than the Tamil National Alliance whom LTTE supported. Amnesty International had in its statement on 28 February had said that it was particularly "concerned that candidates and supporters of the Tamil political parties not allied to the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) - which the LTTE is backing in the elections - may become targets for assassination.”
Meanwhile, Police Chief Indra de Silva said that in the aftermath of the two killings the police would get the help of the armed forces to curb violence. He said there were reports that several candidates were under threat and living in fear.
He also said that candidates other than those belonging to the TNA contesting the Batticaloa at the forthcoming parliamentary elections have been threatened with death by the LTTE. The LTTE had warned them that if they did not quit the campaign within a week they would be eliminated. The Batticaloa candidates had been ordered to not only withdraw from the contest within a week, but to also publish their withdrawals through newspaper advertisements. Many candidates have also reportedly received threatening telephone calls allegedly from the LTTE, according to police sources.
Meanwhile, IGP Indra de Silva said that despite LTTE death threat to the UNIF candidates in the Batticaloa District, the majority of the Tamil candi

Page 23
MARCH 2004
dates had declined the offer of police protection. The Tamil candidates said that additional police security would anger the LTTE who would intensify the existing threats, the IGP said.
Killings condemned
The United States condemned the killing of a Tamil candidate in Batticaloa and called on the LTTE to act responsibly during and after the election campaign. US State department spokesman Richard Boucher in a statement also urged the LTTE to renounce terrorism or terrorist activities. The US statement said: “The US condemns the killing of candidate Sinnathamby Sunderampillai. Although no one has claimed responsibility for the killing, we note recent statements by the LTTE that were clearly intended to discourage Tamil candidates of whom they did not approve.
“We reiterate the call made by the donor co-chairs of the Tokyo process during their meeting in Washington on February 17 that parliamentary elections be conducted in an atmosphere free of political violence. We urge the Tamil Tigers to act responsibly during and after the election campaign. Violent actions of this sort raise doubts about their commitment to a political solution and illustrate why the Tamil Tigers remain on the U.S. list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTO). The US calls on the LTTE to renounce terrorism and cease terrorist acts, including political assassinations, and to comply with the terms of the ceasefire agreement it signed.”
Condemning the killing of the UNP candidate in Batticaloa and the EPDP party worker in Valachchenai, the Peoples Action for Free and Fair Election (PAFFREL) pointed out that the killings have occurred in the context of a campaign declaring such candidates traitors to the Tamil cause.
"We are concerned that such a campaign coupled with political assassinations will exert a chilling, deterrent ef. fect on the right of political parties to campaign in the Northeast and of the people to choose their elected representatives at free and fair elections,' observed PAFFREL in a press release. However, they noted that their concerns about election violence was not limited to the northeast in the wake of
several incidents o tween rival politic ported in other pal The manner in didate was killed, particularly repreh was first shot and shot to death in th hospital.
PAFFREL has from political parti ing it difficult ifnc duct their election the Northeast due of intimidation an In this regard, t called upon the g LTTE, "to ensure in the Northeast is and fair poll."
CMEV on politic The Centre for Violence (CMEV) lease that a seco murder has takenp District on the nigh after the murder of Sunderampillai e points to the dange being turned into a electoral process.
The press rel notes with sorrow that the killing of is the first murder since nominations General Elections erampillai’s murd relief the contexti Elections in the n held.
“In particular following to the authorities and po sible for the condu
"In spite of all to us by the IGP at ers mandated with free election, Mr. not given any Poli the time that he Hospital, Battical This is a major especially alarmin tives had made a garding the attack pillai and his hou Kattankudy.
"We wish to r

TAM TIMES 23
f violent clashes be
al factions being rets of the country, which the UNP canthe release said, is ensive as the victim wounded and later e Batticaloa general
received complaints es that they are findtimpossible to concampaign in parts of to a general climate d intolerance.
he monitoring group overnment and the that the environment conducive to a free
al killings
Monitoring Election states in a press rend election-related lace in the Batticaloa it of March 1, shortly FUNIF candidate Mr. 'arlier on that day, r of the election there grim mockery of the
ease said, "CMEV and grave concern, Mr. Sunderampillai that has taken place were called for in the of 2004. Mr. Sunder brings into sharp in which the General orth and east will be
, CMEV brings the urgent notice of all litical actors respon|ct of these elections. the assurances given nd other police officensuring a violenceSunderampillai was ce protection during was at the General
Oa,
lapse insecurity and g given that his relaformal complaint rec on Mr. Sunderamuse, to the Police in
aise our concerns re
garding the issue of providing security to those persons who are running for elections in the north and east within the context in which the franchise of persons living in areas under LTTE control is being highlighted.
"CMEV has in past elections raised this issue and helped in facilitating a successful fundamental rights petition on behalf of voters in the Batticaloa District who were effectively disenfranchised in 2001. We strongly feel that whilst every voter in Sri Lanka must be able to exercise their franchise, they must also be able to make a free and fair choice between contesting political parties and candidates. Therefore, the ability of all candidates to campaign throughout the north and east is integral to a free and fair election.
"Mr. Ponniah Rajendran, a member of the EPDP, was shot dead in Valaichchenai at about 9.45 p.m. outside the EPDP office. The perpetrators have not been identified, although the head of the list of EPDP candidates for the Batticaloa District has gone on record stating that he suspected the LTTE of having been involved.
“The Police and the LTTE are the two actors who have the capacity to ensure the safety and security of all candidates and their supporters in the north and east. They have the primary responsibility inensuring this and demonstrating that rhetorical commitments in this regard are backed up with effective action,” the CMEV said.
“We once again appeal to all concerned with the conduct of a free and fair election to take the steps necessary to ensure that all candidates and political parties contesting the elections are given the opportunity of conducting an election campaign free of intimidation and violence, so that the voters may exercise their right to vote freely and fairly."
The UNIF has complained to the Norwegian embassy and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission over the killing of its candidate in Batticaloa and called for a full probe.
A police report and other documents on the killing of candidate S. Sundarampillai were submitted by the UNF to the Norwegians and the SLMM, The party has said that the killing - widely blamed on the LTTE - should be fully investigated.

Page 24
24 TAM TIMES
Candidates of other political parties blamed the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) for creating a situation that placed their lives at risk. "TNA leaders should take the full responsibility for the two political killings in Batticaloa,' and the atmosphere of generalized intimidation prevailing in the Northeast, a candidate told the press on condition of anonymity.
"Since TNA leaders, R Sampanthan and Joseph Pararajasingham had claimed that the TNA was contesting the election on behalf of the LTTE, these leaders and all others of the TNA should take the full responsibility for these two killings,” he said adding, "If they become MPs, they will go to parliament with blood-stained hands.'
Asked if they will be seeking any additional protection in view of the current killings the candidate's response was "what's the use?'
“The Tamil Tigers are claiming that they are the 'sole representatives' of the Tamil people and the TNA has endorsed that claim. That claim must be based on the assumption that the entire Tamil people support the LTTE. If that is true, why are they so frightened of a
free and fair election and setting about
killing rival candidates and preventing other parties from engaging freely in the election campaign? The fact is that they are the sole representatives of the gun and the bomb, and not of the Tamil people,” he said.
EU observer condemns violence
Former European Union (EU), Chief Observer, John Cushnahan has condemned all election violence especially the two recent murders in Batticaloa and Valaichchenai.
Mr. Cushnahan said, "Violence has no part to play in the electoral process. Violence is the very antithesis of democracy. It was therefore extremely worrying to learn that during the first two weeks of the current election campaign, some 158 incidents of election violence have already been recorded, according to the Police Elections Secretariat.
“The two murders in Batticaloa and Valaichchenai are particularly disturbing. They are a direct attack on the fundamental rights of political parties to organize, move and campaign freely. If an EU Election Observation Mission
is sent to Sri Lank key criteria it wou work.
"If the integrit process in Sri Lank then this election in atmosphere free fr timidation,' Mr. C
TULF leader who is leading an of candidates fro Norwegian Spe Solheim about the tactics in Jaffna. " the situation in J. about what was ha that the people of J mitted to make thi who they want to leader said. The L campaign in Jaffna organization to gait He said the LTTE cles without numb tinued to intimida candidates. “Arou posters printed in : were set on fire clo of Jaffna last wee operators including ers have been wal transport facilities Anadasangaree ha gians adding that violations of the ci
The meeting Norwegian Ambas and a member oft delegation Lisa G gian Embassy in well publicized Anandasangari til Peace Envoy and bassador did not Jaffna during thei peninsula though including the LTT Ilamparithy. “I ha duscuss with him. that and avoided m had said.
Amnesty urges LTTE not to kill
The London
human rights org International on ur of Sri Lanka not to of parliamentary e said widespread

MARCH 2004
a, this is one of the ld assess during its
of the democratic a is to be protected, ust take place in an om violence and inushnahan said. V. Anandasangari, independent group m Jaffna, has told cial Envoy Erik LTTE’s strong-arm briefed him about affna and told him opening there. I said affna should be perir own decision on vote for,” the TULF TTE obstructing his would not help the 1 proper recognition. was using 48 vehiper plates, and conte and threaten his nd 7000 leaflets and support of my party pse to the University k. Private transport three-wheeler ownrned not to provide to our candidates,” ad told the Norweall these acts were easefire agreement. with Eric Solheim, sador Hans Brastkar he Norwegian peace olden at the NorweColombo following complaint from hat the Norwegian the Norwegian Ammeet with him in r recent visit to the hey met with others E leader in Jaffna, Mr d so many things to I am sure he knew e," the TULF leader
based international anisation, Amnesty ged the Tamil Tigers kill opponents ahead lections in April and uman rights abuses
during the campaign was a major con
CCTT).
In a statement issued on 28 February AI said it was worried that candidates who do not have the backing of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) could become targets for assassination.
The LTTE is not contesting the elections called by President Chandrika Kumaratunga on April 2, nearly four years ahead of schedule, but announced that it would back a moderate group, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), which is largely seen as a Tigers proxy. "We are particularly concerned that candidates and supporters of (minority) Tamil political parties not allied to the TNA - which the LTTE is backing in the elections - may become targets for assassination,” Amnesty said in its Statement.
It also called for the freedom of movement for political activists in areas held by the Tamil Tigers.
It said the LTTE was suspected to be behind the assassinations and attempted killings of more than 50 members of Tamil political groups and several Muslim civilians since a ceasefire took effect in February 2002.
"We are also appealing to all parties contesting the elections to put human rights at the heart of their agenda,” Amnesty said.
It called on parties to make clear their commitment to undertaking reforms to ensure protection and promotion of human rights, ending impunity and ratifying international rights and humanitarian standards.
"The potential for serious and widespread human rights abuses during the campaigning period is now a major concern,” Amnesty said.
It said there were already reports of over 100 election-related incidents of violence, including injuries to 40 party activists in clashes in Southern and north-central regions after the close of nominations.
Four people were also allegedly abducted by the LTTE in the east of the island since the elections were announced, Amnesty said.
The campaign for the December 2001 parliamentary election was marred by violence that left at least 41 people dead and over 700 wounded. Nine people were killed in one incident on voting day. O

Page 25
MARCH 2004
The April Fools Elec and Post-Election Possi
Rajan Philips
The almost April Fools election, an election about nothing and one nobody wanted, has suddenly become the moving stage for a political drama that is unfolding as no one could have predicted. The election itself is not the drama, but everything around it is. The latest Act in the unfolding drama is the act of internal self-determination inSide the LTTE.
Before the LTTE stunner, the biggest surprise was the nomination of over 280 Buddhist Monks as candidates, threatening to take away votes from the new SLFP-JVP alliance (UPFA) representing the so called "children of 1956. The leftovers of the Old Left Parties (the once great LSSP and CP), who were the only beacon of sanity in 1956, are now somewhere sandwiched between the SLFP and the JVP. The People's Alliance that propelled Kumaratunga to power has passed away, without so much as an obituary, even though its friendly fellow travellers are still talking about the “PA component' in the FA.
Fed up with the politics of the two plagued houses, the UNP and the SLFP, other voices are campaigning to be heard in the nation's parliament. On the right is Swarajya, a new group of candidates drawn from professionals, bankers, farmers and fishermen, and invoking the traditions and symbols of Mahatma Gandhi. On the Left, trying to re-establish the Old Left tradition of providing effective and informed Opposition in Parliament, are the candidates of the New Left Front. In the middle is the National People's Party, gendering the Colombo District with a slate of 23 women candidates. All in all there are over 6000 candidates for 225 seats in what many consider to be a wasteful presidentialwhim ofan election.
The election infection has not spared the LTTE. But like Brahmins using intermediate castes as "pollution neutralizers', in the old caste society,
the LTTE has orda tional Association ( be its mouthpieces i past, the Tamil Fe ered it traitorous join the Sri Lanka four basic demand formulated by the agreed to by the S 1965, the only time a representative in til finessed around its unelected Senat Tiruchelvam, Q.C. stead of an elected N matters further an taboo any Tamil fr Colombo. If it is a ing that it is now a candidates, by obst dating other candi also signalling that The main back ing drama is of cour the political compl it. It is this comp Chandrika Kumara ally hyperactive Wickremasinghe to fire circumstances the dramatic schi monolithic LTTE. President and the P so far taken a pri non-interference in split. Apparently, has indicated tha should not 'fish int. Chandrika Kumara turnaround from he tions of the peace pr fire agreement. C trails, they both ag peace with the Tig as to who is the be that process.
The important i tions will not be ab handling the peace bring pressure on and Wickremasingl

tion bilities
ined the Tamil NaTNA) candidates to in Parliament. In the deral Party considfor a Tamil MP to n cabinet until the s of the Tamils, as Federal Party, were ri Lankan state. In the Federalists had he cabinet, the Party rules by sending an or (the late M. ) to the cabinet inVP. The LTTE took di tried to virtually om being an MP in sign of its mellowallowing proxies as ructing and intimidates the LTTE is old habits die hard. drop to the unfoldse the ceasefire and acency induced by lacency that made tunga constitutionand put Ranil ) sleep. The ceasehave also induced sm in the hitherto To their credit the rime Ministerhave ncipled position of regard to the LTTE Ehe Prime Minister t the government oubled waters'. For tunga, it is a total »r earlier denunciaocess and the cease)n their campaign ree about pursuing ers, but they differ etter person to lead
issue after the elecout who is better in process, but how to both Kumaratunga he to work together
TAM TIMES 25
in the peace process. It might be uncharitable to say that, their limitations surpass their abilities, but it is correct to say that in regard to the peace process their abilities will complement each other. More than any other Sinhalese politician, past or present, they share the common ground that the Sri Lankan state should be restructured to include the nationalist aspirations of not only the Sinhalese but also of the Tamils and Muslims. It would be the task of the peace groups outside parliament to act in concert to pressurise the two leaders to work together.
Unfortunately, the peace groups are not without political preferences. They all agree on the objectives of the peace process and the concept of a federal solution. But they are politically divided as to whether peace and federalism are better pursued under Chandrika Kumaratunga's leadership or Ranil Wickremasinghe's leadership. The pattern since 1994 has been that NGOs and individuals closer to one camp are active when their side' is leading the peace parade, and are sidelined and even turn cynical when the "other side' takes control. Unless the peace universe closes ranks and mobilises broader support to bring pressure on the two leaders and their parties to work together, there can be little hope of any substantive progress in the peace process. Specifically, it would be necessary to coordinate the peace efforts within the current constitutional system, address the growing confusion and insecurity in the Sinhalese Buddhist society, and navigate the peace process with the LTTE in the context of its North-East split.
Constitutional Cohabitation, or Parliamentary Tyranny?
The architects and the apologists of the 1978 Constitution got it backwards in identifying consensus politics as a principal objective of the constitution. Consensus politics, if at all, is a precondition for the success of the 1978 constitution and not its assured outcome. The main meritofthe 1978 Constitution was in ending the parliamentary tyrannies that were becoming the norm under the first-past-the-post voting system. The massive majorities won by the SLFP, in 1972, and by the UNP, in 1977, were turned into tyrannies that

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26 TAMILTIMES
alienated the minorities, especially the Tamils, and produced two partisan constitutions: the overly flexible and shortlived 1972 (SLFP) Constitution, and the overly rigid and long-living 1978 (UNP) Constitution. While the Presidential system that was introduced in 1978 and the proportional representation that came into effect in 1988 have put an end to parliamentary tyrannies, the political class is neither committed to nor knowledgeable about the hybrid presidential-parliamentary system.
President Kumaratunga now seems to be campaigning for a two-thirds majority for the SLFP-JVP alliance to enable her to change the 1978 Constitution and subject it to a referendum, as well as for a mandate to adopt a constitutional bill even with a simple majority and subject it to a referendum. This is like taking the "heads I win, tails you lose' approach to plebiscites, and is really an insult to people's intelligence. If the alliance does not secure a two-thirds majority, it means the electorate is not giving her the mandate to change the constitution. She cannot then have a fallback position that a sim
ple majority is man thermore, a two-th. likely as it is, would turn to the parliame the 1970s and 1980s In 1994, leading ance to victory, Cha nga Vowed to chang tution. Her position 1978 constitution w of the personal comp cipal architect, J.R. a response to the obj country. In the after tory, there were ex would invoke the sity' to change the out conforming to procedures, for the good of the people about a constitution Tamil question. Eve able that she would change the constitut a partial Support fro sition.
Since winning h 1999, however, Ch tunga has been usin
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MARCH 2004
date enough. Furirds majority, unbe a senseless rentary tyrannies of
s.
the People’s Alliìndrika Kumaratuge the 1978 constithen was that the as more the result pulsions of its prinJayewardene, than ective needs of the math of the IPA vicoectations that she doctrine of necesconstitution withits rigid amending a greater political and for bringing al resolution to the in so, it is unthinkhave been able to ion without at least m the UNP Oppo
mer second term in handrika Kumarag the Jayewardene constitution to reinforce her political relevance, with no regard to the objective situation in the country. Her last constitutional act was using the inexplicable and extraordinary power ofdissolution, that Article 70 (1) (a) confers on a President Over Parliament, to dismiss the Wickremasinghe government while it had a majority in parliament and to call the April election four years prematurely. Her obvious intent in asking again for a mandate to change the constitution is to end the presidential system when her presidential term expires in 2006 (not 2005,
thanks again to J.R. Jayewardene's selfserving Third Amendment), and sneak into Parliament as Prime Minister. She has lost every moral qualification necessary to ask for this mandate, and she should not be allowed to unilaterally change the constitution.
An SLFP-JVP majority, while it should not lead to constitutional changes, would leave the President enormously powerful. The fact that the SLFP-JVP alliance has not designated a Prime Ministerial candidate shows their lack of understanding or utter contempt for parliamentary traditions. In the event of an SLFP-JVP victory, the President will make the call as to who will be her puppet Prime Minister. The electorate would have had no say in the matter. This is hardly the respect for parliament and for the people that one might expect from a President who wants a mandate to abolish the presidential system in order to restore parliamentary governance. The important question, however, is whether the JVP, as part of the government, will acquiesce with the President's conduct of the peace process, or whether she would be able to use her powers to override the JVP if the latter turns out to be difficult. The question also is whether the UNP, as an opposition party, will either support the continuation of the peace process that is led by Ms. Kumaratunga, or revert to the traditional opposition mode. Whatever the scenario, there has to be public pres: sure on the two main parties to stay th course in regard to the peace process. It is a moot point as to what Presi dent Kumaratunga should do if the elec torate gives UNP a parliamentary ma jority in the April election, as it did in the 2001 election. She should resign if she has any respect for propriety, but she won't because she has none. In the circumstances, her resignation will create more confusion than her continuation in office. Will the UNP move to impeach her? After the 2001 election, the UNP's impeachment threat was intended as a counter to the President's power of dissolution. The President's lawyers seized on this and manufactured the spurious argument that her right to arbitrarily dissolve parliament anytime after one year of an election is the constitutional equivalent of the highly restricted power of parliament

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MARCH 2004
to impeach a president. Given the unlikelihood of her dissolving parliament yet again before 2006, the UNP would do well to put aside the threat of impeachment and work with the President. In the event of a widely predicted hung parliament with neither group winning a majority, President Kumaratunga will use every trick to avoid calling Ranil Wickremasinghe to be the new Prime Minister. The latter's position in the UNP may even come under challenge if the UNP fails to obtain the largest number of seats at the election. Even if the President recognizes Ranil Wickremasinghe as the Prime Minister of a minority government, she would still be bent on dictating terms on the formation of cabinet and the conduct of the peace process.
The one positive aspect of the April election is that it exhausts all possible avenues of fighting between Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremasinghe. One would hope that they have learnt their lessons and will not repeat the sordid experience of the last two years. More positively, they should realize the new urgency for working together in light of the developments within the LTTE and the growing disenchantment with the peace process among the Sinhalese,
The Peace Process and Sinhalese Anxieties
The emergence of the Jathika Hela Urmaya and its 280 Buddhist clerical candidates is one indication of the mood of confusion and insecurity among Sinhalese Buddhists. The peace process is not the only cause of this disturbing mood, but it could be the main casualty. The handling of the peace process by the Wickremasinghe government, as well as the criticisms of the peace process by the President and her entourage have contributed to Sinhalese disenchantment with the peace process. Underlying the political mistakes is the failure of both the PA and the UNP governments to address the uneven sharing of the benefits and disbenefits of the open economy. Sri Lankans, in general, have favoured the open-economy, introduced by the UNP in 1977 after two decades of semi-autarchic and bureaucratic economic controls under SLFP-led governments. But vast numbers of them have been badly bruised
by the policy shiftar by the concomitant ( country's welfare-st Wickremasinghe go the economy from it in 2001, when Pre: Kumaratunga tried to Head of Governmer Chief, and Minister ( once again the UNP to address the humal the open economy, e ister Wickremasing eye to exposures and ruption and power senior members of h For some myste Wickremasinghe g took the message of mate constituents, til dhists. Instead, afte: euphoria, the Sinhala the vast majority of lombo, were left with donment in the face arrogant displayofp in Colombo. The go bring the army into ( cilitate its transition combat mode to the ation. This further a base of the army, the and adding insult to ception that the gove ing over backwards the LTTE.
The nationalist Sinhalese were hurt as supine grovelling Prime Minister tow, United States in parti ment was seen to b about dealing the dip than being open with ple and its parliame ting peace talks wi change on the grou) ple’s support for th public cynicism inst man's witty adapta 1950s, of the old F tisement, "join the and seethe world', ring fifty years la Lankan) peace pr( world!
The Buddhist co angered by the neo ties of mushroomin mentalists, allege

TAMLTIMES 27
d left unprotected lismantling of the te safety net. The vernment revived disastrous slump ident Chandrika be Head of State, t, Commander in If Everything. But government failed consequences of ven as Prime Minhe turned a blind allegations of corabuses involving is government.
rious reason, the O Vernment ne Ver peace to its ultie Sinhalese Budthe initial peace people, especially them outside Con a feeling of abanof what became an eace triumphalism vernment failed to confidence and fa1 from the earlier new ceasefire situlienated the social Sinhalese villages, injury was the perrnment was bendto accommodate
sentiments of the by what was seen
on the part of the ards the West, the cular. The governe more concerned lomats in Colombo the country's peont. The globe trotth no evidence of ld eroded the peoprocess and bred ead. Pieter Keunation, in the early oyal Navy adverJNP (government) took on a fancier ter: join the (Sri cess and see the
mmunity was also conversion activig Christian fundadly sustained by
American stipends. Neither the President nor the Prime Minister showed leadership in dealing with this issue and their abdication left the door open for senseless proselytization, on the one hand, and fearmongering and bigotry, on the other. The government lawyers apparently slept at the bar while the Supreme Court handed down a rather tendentious ruling on an innocuous bill to statutorily incorporate an organization of Catholic nuns and turned the social problem of religious conversion into a legal and constitutional issue. On the other side of the political divide, the criticisms of the ceasefire agreement and the peace process by the President, her permanent adviser, Lakshman Kadirgamar, her legal luminary, H.L. de Silva, and a host of others, on the grounds of national security, Sri Lankan sovereignty, constitutional propriety, Norwegian partiality etc. etc., became coded signals that sowed the seeds of doubts and confusion among the Sinhalese.
All these developments crystalized to pierce a raw nerve in the Sinhalese social psyche, stirring up old insecurities that many thought had been mostly exorcised, and charismatically seizing the late Ven. Gangodawila Soma Thera to provide a new voice to old fears. The tumultuous mourning that followed Soma Thera's untimely death in December was indicative of the disquiet mood of the Sinhalese Buddhists. The disquiet mood of the people encouraged the "communal trouble makers' to come out of their hibernation, where they had been after 1983, and start attacking Christian churches. Finally, in the wake of the President's election call, over two hundred and eighty Buddhist monks have been nominated as candidates for the April election under the banner of the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), the new name of the Sinhala Urumaya group.
The electoral inspiration for the emergence of the JHU and the clerical candidates should be traced to the formation of the SLFP-JVP alliance. The latter was an open (all codes abandoned) call to mobilize the Sinhalese Buddhist constituency for a premeditated and premature election. On the eve of the alliance's signing ceremony, the JVP firebrand Wimal Weerawansa proclaimed that the alliance marked the

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beginning of a new cultural odyssey for the Sinhalese, starting from where their ancestors were before the arrival of the Portuguese and Christianity in the sixteenth century. The alliance also received the god-fatherly endorsement by the Jathika Chinthanaya (JC) ideologues that the new alliance is the political coming of age of "the children of 1956'. The latter reference, as is well known, recalls the 1956 enthronement of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, embraces only the Sinhalese Buddhist children, and excludes the “other children of 1956, the Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese Christian children.
The JC ideologues are not thrilled about the monks coming forward as candidates. Apart from their fear that the monks will divide the Sinhalese Buddhist vote, the JC ideologues do not think that parliament is the place for the Buddhist clergy to play its traditional role of defending the faith and advising the state. The so called traditional role is nothing more than a rhetorical reference to the triadic relationship of the ruler, the robe and the plough that was the hallmark of the old society,
when the populatio tered and simply stri ric is of little help to of the 30,000 stror in the modern and 15 million Sinhale are also sharing as increasingly integra ers who are not Si The Sinhalese politi ers who support should not abdicat ity to discuss the re concerns of their pl constitute the politi mensions of the pe: far they have been discussions and de result of the somev on "conflict resolu government and th
The Peace Stalem and the LTTE Spl The power strug distractions in the se disappointment to and in the diaspora. ending hostilities,
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MARCH 2004
in was small, scatuctured, This rheto| discussing the role ng Buddhist clergy complex society of se Buddhists, who small island and an ted worldwith othinhalese Buddhists. cal and social leadhe peace process e their responsibilligious and cultural eople. These issues cal and cultural diace process, and so neglected in peace cision making as a what esoteric focus tion' between the e LTTE.
ate it gle and the election puth came as a great Tamils in Sri Lanka After two years of there has been no relief to the thousands of displaced Tamils in the North. The peace talks themselves have been stalled since April 2003, and the government and the LTTE have failed to take advantage of the international aid commitment and undertake reconstruction of the war affected areas. The much anticipated LTTE proposals for a Northeast Interim Administration were delivered to the Wickremasinghe government on the last day of October, 2003. But President Kumaratunga stole the thunder a day later by sacking three members of the Wickremasinghe
cabinet. Nonetheless, the LTTE remained remarkably self-composed about the southern power struggle while taking advantage of the situation to consolidate its position and establish a oneparty polity in the North and East. Of all the actors on the political stage, only the LTTE seemed to have a script of it own. All of that has changed with th Batticaloa eruption.
Whatever happens to Mr. V. Mura litharan (Colonel Karuna) and his Batticaloa brigade, the political fallout from his challenge to the LTTE leadership will be far reaching. In one master stroke, Karuna has internalised the collective Tamil demand for regional autonomy from Colombo. His demand to the LTTE leadership was to release Eastern Province Command from being under 30 or so LTTE departments in the Vanni, and allow it to function as a separate unit, with its own administrative departments, and reporting directly to the LTTE leader, Mr. V. Prabhakaran. With a touch of symbolism, he has also subdivided Tamil Eelam into Northern Tamil Eelam and Southern Tamil Eelam - the respective Tamil appellations of the two subdivisions have a (Tamil) poetic ring to them: Vada Thamizh Ezham and Then Thamizh Ezham!
Whether or not there are subjective motivations and organizational machinations (Pottu Amman vs. Karuna Amman etc.) behind Karuna's move is irrelevant to the political fallout; however, the subjective and internal factors will weigh heavily on the LTTE's initial response to Karuna's "traitorous behaviour'. In the past, the opaque workings of its organization allowed the LTTE leadership to deal with internal dissent ruthlessly and summarily. It has also dealt with and continues to deal with outside detractors, no less ruthlessly and always with impunity. In the case of Karuna, however, any covert retaliatory action will have to be taken in the glare of global scrutiny and at the high price of damaging the new international image that the LTTE has been cultivating during the last several months. Taking military action against Karuna would appear to be even riskier, as it would disrupt the ceasefire equilibrium with the Sri Lankan army, lead to significant loss of life on both sides, and create public resentment towards

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the LTTE in the East. Unsurprisingly, the LTTE has announced that it will retake areas under Karuna's control without resorting to violence.
Colonel Karuna's real military strength and organizational resources are still unclear, although according to independent reports he is certainly not an isolated maverick. His main problem will be that he will now have to manage without bursaries from the Vanni, and he is unlikely to have comparable revenue sources as the LTTE. His 6000-strong camp is supposedly the largest of all of LTTE's camps, and accounts for 40% of the LTTE's total manpower. Without alternative revenues, Karuna will have a hard time feeding his army. For this reason, he would be more amenable and anxious to making a deal with the government.
The more serious political issue is Karuna's challenge to the LTTE's sole representative status. The LTTE has formally asked the Sri Lankan government not to deal with their erstwhile Eastern Commander, although informal contacts through intercessors will continue. The LTTE will certainly object to Karuna or his representative taking a seat at the peace talks if and when they are resumed. But the LTTE cannot protest indefinitely if Karuna and his dissidents prove to be durable. At the least, the LTTE will have to include in its delegation a prominent representation from Batticaloa, which may turn out to be a non-LTTE Tamil civilian acceptable to Karuna. There were rumblings in Batticaloa about the composition of the LTTE's Experts Panel that met in Paris and Dublin to draft the IA proposals. It did not go down well in Batticaloa, that while the panel included Shiva Pasupathy, the former Sri Lankan Attorney General who led the prosecution against the TULF leaders for agitating for a separate Tamil Eelam, it did not include a single prominent' person representing the Eastern Province. Ironically, the only person representing the East on that panel was Colonel Karuna. For the “trousered Tamils of Batticaloa' - to borrow S.J.V. Chelvanaykam's description of middle-class Batticaloa Tamils who opposed the Federal Party, Colonel Karuna, shorn of medals and titles, has been nothing more than a thug and a bully. They considered Karuna's inclusion in the LTTE panel as a mere tokenism and oflittle import to the concerns of the East.
The Karuna opens an opportun lim representation i nel Karuna has be Muslims in the Eas diate aftermath of ment, the common Karuna was the lo ing civilians and M of the spirit and tel agreement. So far, reference to the Mu statements, perhaps tion from the Musl tinuing manifestati ology that defines "ethnic Tamil ter. broader concept o people' that Chelv include the Muslim Tamils.
The truth of th fore S.J.V. Chelvan eral Party, there ne' litical organizatic Tamils of the No Provinces. The split S.J.V. Chelvanay leader, in Tamil hi. achieved Tamil unit passed it on to his light of LTTE's ol ture and Colonel K it is useful to recall and the Federal Pa steps to keep the Party functioned a ganization; it held tions with election and it obtained an date from the peop fair elections. The c the Party alternat sentatives of the dif and a number of Ea liamentarians hav Presidents with d Province MPs were toric negotiations th leaders had with Sri isters in 1957 and 1 tiations, come to til eral Party conducte representative' of took it in its stride tioned its status.
The LTTE is no for insisting on “sol tus” without democ ing its organizatior agreement. The m structure that serve tary enterprise, can

AMMES 29.
phenomenon also ity to include Musn future talks. Coloen no friend of the t, and, in the immethe ceasefire agreeperception was that ose cannon attackuslims in disregard ms of the ceasefire he has not made any slims in his frequent s a sign of his isolaims. Or, it is a conon of the LTTE ideits constituency in ms, rather than the f "Tamil speaking fanayakam used to is and the plantation
e matter is that beyakam and the Fedver was a Tamil poon that united the rthern and Eastern t in the LTTE leaves akam as the only story, who not only y in politics but also ; successors. In the rganizational strucaruna's complaints, that Chelvanyakam arty took deliberate East on side. The is a democratic orperiodical convenof Party officials; d renewed its manle through free and fficial leadership of ed between repreferent Tamil regions stern Province pare served as Party istinction. Eastern part of the two hisat the Federal Party Lankan Prime Min965. In those negohink of it, the Fedd itself as the 'sole the Tamils. But it , and no one ques
ow paying the price e representative staratically restructurafter the ceasefire onolithic command 2d LTTE as a milinot be easily main
tained in the circumstances of a prolonged ceasefire even without permanent peace. From the standpoint of Tamil society, a key objective of the peace process is the transformation of the LTTE into a political organization that accepts the politics of pluralism and believes in dealing with differences through peaceful democratic means without recourse to killing and violence. The prolonged peace stalemate has taken away the outside pressure on the LTTE to transform itself. The split in the LTTE may have the positive ef. fect of triggering an internal thrust for organizational change. The task of the peace groups after the election would be to get the peace process restarted and re-impose the external pressure on the LTTE and its dissidents to democratically transform themselves. The democratic transformation of the LTTE is not a utopian expectation but a practical necessity. The alternative is the anarchic disintegration of the LTTE with its 15,000 fighting cadres and caches of firepower, a prospect that will be injurious not only to the Tamils but all Sri Lankans.
To conclude, the April election has been called primarily for Chandrika Kumaratunga to retake control over Parliament and enable her to succeed herself from the Gaullist presidency to Westminster premiership. In fairness to her, her actions are not uniquely selfish but are only a pre-emptive countercheckmate to Ranil Wickremasinghe's plan to run her out of office in 2005 (according to his counting, not hers) and for him to take control of both the presidency and parliament. For the country, their checkmating each other is better than one of them taking control of all state power. This was what the people in their collective wisdom decided in 2001, and this is what they should affirm again. Although unnecessary and unwanted, the April election could have a cathartic effect on Ms. Kumaratunga and Mr. Wickremasinghe by making them realize that they have exhausted every avenue of confrontation and conflict and that they have no other option but to cohabit and co-operate. They have to do that in order to navigate the country through the constitutional quagmire, address Sinhalese apprehensions about the peace process, and carry forward the peace process to resolve the Tamil and Muslim questions and to democratise the LTTE.

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30 TAM TIMES
Tamil matiomal at its crossroa
Sathya
Colonel Karuna, the Batticalo/ Amparai leader of the LTTE, in his letter to LTTE leader Veluppilai Pirapakaran made public on March 5 declared that he wished to serve the people of “South Tamil Eelam” and that it was his wish to die at their feet.
He further appealed to Prabhakaran that if he believed in the people and the fighters of Batticaloa/Amparai, he should allow them to work independently under his (i.e. Pirabhakaran's) leadership.
The response of the LTTE leader and the Vanni-based "National Leadership' was predictable. In a statement issued the following dayata Press Conference in Killnochchi, the LTTE announced that Karuna had been “discharged from the Liberation Tigers and
relievedofhis responsibilities" for hav
ing"planned to secede himself from the liberation organization'. The charge was that Karuna, "instigated by some malicious elements opposed to the Tamil Eelam Liberation struggle, acting traitorously to the Tamil people and the Tamil Eelam National Leadership, has planned to secede himself from the liberation organization'.
The stage was thus set for an internecine conflict that could prove to be bloody with wires and cyber space getting clogged with reports of clashes, assassinations and conspiracies involving an “external hand”, including the Indian intelligence RAW and Sri Lanka's military-intelligence apparatus. The involvement of western actors in either trying to patch up the differences between Pirapakaran and Karuna or in tilting towards the Vanni-based leadership has also drawn the attention of conspiracy theorists. This is not to suggest that these conspiracy theories are necessarily wrong. Time is the best judge.
What is of particular concern are not the reports centred on personality clashes, power struggle and conspiracy
theories relating to The theme of this c a reflection on the ture in which Tam: itself today. A refl the Karuna episode fications it has on and its future traje a Tamil whose an Vadamarachchy in father's side and in er’s side, does so which could well r Tamil psyche and and anxieties that
Tamil Nation prided itselfin its si geneity and manif were a distinct nati a clearly identifial prising the Northel inces. And, as such inalienable right to that includes ther above was the basis tionalism advance through peaceful through the force c State repression.
These are con that were taken fo nationalism, embo Principles”. Its ante found in the Fede in the 50s and the lution of May 14, 1 on class, caste, gé regional diversitie under this homogel rything had to be p Tamils got their " Gradually, the ist-Leninist influe lenge this notion stressed on the im tiating the Tamil equally important sub-strata cited a focus of youth ra mid-70s and the e

MARCH 2004
ism ads
the Karuna episode. :olumn, however, is particular conjunctl Nationalism finds ection prompted by and the wider ramiTamil nationalism tory. Sathya, being cestral roots are in Jaffna district on his Vanni on his mothin a somber mood eflect the collective all the apprehension go along with it. alism has always elf-perceived homoest destiny. Tamils ionality. Tamils had ble homeland comin and Eastern prov1 the Tamils had the self-determination ight to secede. The s on which Tamil nad its case, initially means, and later farms in the face of
epts and assertions ir granted by Tamil died in the "Thimpu :cedent could also be al Party convention Vaddukkodai reso976. Identities based ender, religious and s were all subsumed neous category. Evelaced on hold till the Tamil Eelam”.
socialist and Marxnces began to challf homogeneity and »ortance of differenNationality into the sub-categories and bove. This was the dicalism during the arly 80s. However,
the intensification of State repression against the legitimate peaceful and democratic struggles of the Tamil national movement and frequent statesponsored pogroms, pushed the broad Tamil National Movement as well as its progressive and left-oriented components into giving primacy to armed resistance.
In this, the ultra-Tamil nationalist tendencies gained ascendance till today we have the claim of the LTTE as the "sole representative" that would give leadership to the entire Tamil struggle under a single national leader and leadership. This came out in sharp relief when LTTE's Political Wing leader S. P. Thamilselvan told the media following his meeting with the TNA in Kilinochchi on 17th February, “We unanimously decided today that the Tamil people should vote only for the policies of the TNA.
This is the wish of our leader and leadership. The Tamils should unite under one leadership and one policy for this election”. Incidentally the "one policy' included the demand for the acceptance and implementation of the LTTE's proposal for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) for the North-East, That the proposal is in itself unitarist and majoritarian in form and content within the North-East is conveniently ignored by Tamil nationalism. The Tamil nationalist demand for autonomy and federalism it appears is only vis a vis the State.
At the outset it must be emphasised that the Karuna episode is not something that relates to a single, deranged individual as the LTTE leadership has put out. In fact, it must be noted that almost all Tamil militant organizations had to contend with a Eastern local leadership that constantly demanded autonomy. As such the assertion by Karuna should not come as a surprise. But it did come as a rude shock to the Tamil ultra-nationalist who believed that it is only an organization like the LTTE which is centralized, authoritarian and which stood by the dictum, "might is right” that could deliver their “Tamil Eelam”. The assertiveness of Karuna and the challenge thrown by him to the centralized leadership has shattered this image.
The only way that the LTTE could

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restore that image is to carry out a swift military putsch against Karuna or a cloak and dagger assassination bid. It is beyond the LTTE innate character to accommodate pluralism and diversity within its organization, akin to Tamil Nationalism's innate tendency to negate diversity and pluralism within Tamil society,
This is not in any way to project Karuna as the democrat or as the alternative to God himself as Karuna referred to Pirabhakaran in his open letter to him in a tone that combined defiance with reverence. In fact, Sathya is of the opinion that Karuna had begun seeing himself as the Pirapakaran of the East and the challenge posed by Karuna to the LTTE leader is both an assertion of regionalism as well as his military power centre.
Here again it must be clearly understood that regionalism in the East is not a new phenomenon. In fact it is the result of years of perceived grievance that the East is being dominated by the North. But, it is a perception that is shared largely by the intelligentsia and the ruling elites of the East against the intelligentsia and the ruling elites of the North. Karuna and Pirapakaran are only the agents of these ruling elites who have manipulated them to serve their own interests. Therein lies the ingredients of the unfolding Greek Tragedy.
The time has come for Tamil Nationalism to look inwards. It has reached its crossroads. It is not Sathya's contention that Tamil nationalism will whither away. Neither would the notion of a Tamil traditional homeland that encompasses the North and East as one single politico-administrative entity simply fade away simply because of the Karuna factor.
It will not as long as Sinhala Nationalism holds sway over the body politic in Sri Lanka and denies the Tamil People their due identity, democratic and political rights.
At the same time the North and the Jaffna-centric Tamil nationalist leadership cannot afford to take the East for granted or deny political diversity and pluralism within the totality of the Tamil nationality.
The time has come for Tamil Nationalism to be People-centred rather than Land-centred. Sathya will have more to say on this theme at an appropriate time and conjuncture O
Prof. G. L. Peiris son for the UNF, i said that if the Freec comes to power in ti tary election, sched April 2004 the pea definitely be injeop
To substantiate referred to the diff between the constiti FA, particularly betv Freedom Party (SLF Vimukthi Peramun Ceasefire Agreeme the Government of and the Liberation Eelam (LTTE).
Earlier JVP was taken the position th about the CFA. Ma. certain reservations : suggested that it nee Five well-know in their recent pub Lankan Peace Proce Tyrol Ferdinands, K Paikiyasothy Sarava Uyangoda and Nort Sri Lankan peace cussed the limits of with complex issues revisions.
In my opinion, has now encounteres and these problems tributed to the way ess was handled by larly Prof. G. L. Pe delegates to the pea Its future has be tain when the poli lombo reached its three months. The fairs related to the be attributed to six r processes are compl ing is always difficu ral for the process periods. This is c Lankan peace proc
 

TAM TIMES 31
liamentary election
he National Question
Sumanasiri Liyanage
media spokesperreported to have om Alliance (FA) he next Parliamenled to be held on ce process would ardy. his conclusion, he :rences in opinion uent parties of the veen the Sri Lanka 'P) and the Janatha a (JVP), over the ht (CFA) between Sri Lanka (GoSL) Tigers of Tamil
reported to have lat it was unhappy ny have expressed about the CFA; and :ds to be revised.
n conflict analysts lication (The Sri ss at Crossroads by „umar Rupasinghe, namuttu, Jayadeva ert Ropers) on the process have disthe CFA in dealing and recommended
the peace process iserious problems; may be partly atin which the procthe GoSL particuiris and the GoSL ce talks.
COne Ore Ceetical crisis in Coclimax in the last current state of af
peace process may asons. First, peace ex and peace-maklt so that it is natuo go through hard ommon to the Sri 'ss as well.
Secondly, the UNF government has subordinated the agenda of the peace process for the benefit of its political agenda. So the idea was to drag it on until the next Presidential election.
Thus, the rhythm of the peace process was tuned to the benefits of UNF's electoral time frame; and this, after some time created disastrous results. The current political crisis in Colombo is a necessary corollary of the UNF peace strategy that included isolation of the President and also other stakeholders in the South.
Thirdly, the analytical framework within which the peace talks were conducted has had serious flaws and is essentially incorrect. Norwegian facilitators do not seem to have learnt any lessons from their failed peace brokering. Fourthly, Prof. Peiris and the GoSL delegates have demonstrated incapacity in handling peace talks.
The clear evidence for this was the drop of the idea of interim administration at the second round of talks held in Thailand. The inability to develop a win-win solution for the issue of high security zones was another example.
It seems that their main concern was to have personal rapport with the LTTE delegates and not to deal with substantial issues. Fifthly, GoSL totally marginalised Muslims in the Eastern province and their security was not connected with the peace process.
This has made the Eastern Province simmering. Sixthly, international actors, with possible exception of the USA and India, appear to be doing "more harm' than "no harm' because of their non-conflict sensitive approaches and activities.
This shows that whichever government that comes to power in the next Parliamentary election needs to rethink the entire process; and it has to be reframed if the Sri Lankan government is serious about the success of the peace process. So, what is needed is to stop

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fearing the “ne goni billas' created by Prof. Peiris and to understand and face the real threats that are harmful for the
peace process.
When the future of the peace process is viewed from this perspective, Prof. Peiris and his party do not fair well. In the above mentioned work, Tyrol Ferdinands etal argue that "(a)ny final solution to the conflict has to be based on a fundamental restructuring of the Sri Lankan state' (p.20).
This final solution and the current state of affairs in the region should be temporarily linked by an interim rule. What is/was the UNF position on this issue? Unfortunately, UNF has put the country in absolute darkness.
In the long constitutional discourse in 1995-2000, the United National Party did not make any positive and constructive contribution; rather it identified any kind of power-sharing as a proposal that would lead to the division of the country. Have the leaders of the UNP come out with a different perception in the last two years? The answer is absolutely not. The so-called Oslo Communique does not show that the GoSL and the LTTE have come to any kind of agreement on this vital issue.
Similarly, in June and July 2003, the UNF led GoSL came out with two proposals on interim administration. Both proposals were understandably rejected by the LTTE and those proposals were far behind the People's Alliance proposals in 2000.
Nothing substantive was included in the election manifesto of the UNF in 2001. So when it comes to the issue of state restructuring, the UNF seems to have no position, a position that can be defended via-a-vis the interests of Sinhalas, Thamils and Muslims.
PA is the only major political party in the South with clear and explicit design for state restructuring. One may of course see many flaws in this design, and many positive suggestions can be
made in order to in less, PA propos boundaries within could come to som lution within a one Definitely these should be flexible and space for nego it does not mean til option available. O that I can think is a tion since I am not so-called confedera practical and sustai The option of s. many problems int transfer, compensa property etc) as wel turbing regional p tion). The positive proposal are that it the characteristics o but also outlines ht interim period.
The next questi addressed is wheth
On State reStructur because of its alli Parties change slo viduals especiallyp quite a rapid pace. months, the JVP ha positive ideas.
First, it explic Lankan centralis should be de-centr has recently annou is ready to accept th ple if people at a re: a power-sharing co This shows that to exercise governr negotiate with Tha order to find a solu problem. So these ferences show tha power-sharing wou ing factor in Freedo formulation on the i relations inside the
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MARCH 2004
prove it. Nonetheals de lineate the which three nations e compromised sostate unit. boundaries are and by allowing room otiations. However, hat this is the only ne available option non-violent separaconvinced that the l solution would be nable. eparation may pose ernally (population tion for immovable las regionally (disolitical configurafeatures of the PA not only identified f the "final Solution ow to deal with the
on that needs to be ær the PA's position ing would change ance with the JVP. wly although indioliticians, change at in the last two-three s come up with two
itly states that Sri ed administration alised. Secondly, it nced that the party e verdict of the peoferendum decide on institution. a party that is about mental power has to mil nationalism in tion to the national indications and int the PA notion of ld be the determinm Alliance'spolicy ssue of international
country.
Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe and his government took a bold step by recommencing negotiations with the LTTE; he and his party should be commended for taking this initiative.
However, the way he and his party engaged in negotiation have shown that their mission has come to end. The authors of the abovementioned book talk about necessary paradigm shifted at the next phase of negotiation.
They have also argued that "(t)he next phase of peace negotiations will only be successful if core issues are addressed, ways are found to engage all principal stakeholders as co-owners of the peace processes and all actors accept the need for a serious transformation of the political system’ (p. 29, emphasis added). Principled negotiation does not mean soft engagement with the opponent. It means engaging the other party to develop new options. In this regard, we found PA approach more flexible. Its notion of interim administration, issue of merger/ de-merger, re-demarcation of boundaries shows that PA's preparedness to develop new options goes beyond existing options/positions. One of the principles of integrative/principled negotiation has been that parties should convey each other their positions.
The LTTE has done so; but Prof. Peiris and his party refused to respond. UNFo's comments on the ISGA proposals of the LTTE are confined to a mere one page document full of banalities.
On the other hand PA came up with a detailed dissection of the IsGA proposals and at the same time expressed its readiness to consider it as a basis of future negotiations.
So in my opinion, the FA has placed itselfin a better position as the FA, particularly its PA component, is having a better perspective for the next phase of the peace talks.
(The writer teaches political economy at the University of Peradeniya)
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Split in the LTT
not an internal má
Dr. Jehan Perera
The open split of the LTTE into northern and eastern wings continues into its second week. Whether it would take a dangerous turn into a fratricidal war would depend on what the LTTE and its Vanni-based leadership decide to do.
However, the rebel leader Col. Karuna has informed the ceasefire monitors that his military units will conform to the requirements of the ceasefire agreement. He has also requested a separate ceasefire agreement with the Sri Lankan government and protection from the Norwegian facilitators. But his request for a separate truce agreement with the Sri Lankan government has been turned down. It would appear that both the Sri Lankan and Norwegian governments are watching the situation without committing themselves to the establishment of new arrangements at this stage.
Fortunately, there seems to be cautious bipartisanship among the two main Sinhalese-dominated parties regarding how to handle the prevailing situation. Neither President Chandrika Kumaratunga nor Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has made statements that seek narrow political advantage out of the emerging events. Perhaps, they realise that the situation is much too dangerous to play politics with, as it can even lead to the breakdown of the ceasefire. On the other hand, a handsoff attitude also may not be the best course of action.
But the split in the LTTE is not yet an accomplished fact as it goes against the strong ideological unity of the LTTE organisation and of the larger Tamil nationalist movement.
Sympathetic chord
Although the breakaway leadership led by Mr Karuna appears confident,
they will also be aware of the danger
ous course they have taken. On the one hand there is the constant risk of political assassination at which the LTTE has specialist skills. On the other hand,
there is the risk of : ple. So far the easter be supportive of the ship. But the questic At the present til tion in the east app though his top rank left him for the LTTE he has trained and w been continue to be they would also be their leader's rebelli stood for in the past Karuna decided to giance to LTTE lead took on an enormo regard to his own continue to keep his would be the contin civilian population. In explaining hi. away from the LTT it was primarily due treatment of the eas economic developm tion of material and This claim has st chord in the Tamil However, in more r appears to be broad ideological attack or sation. Initially, he LTTE leader Velup likening him to a g mained obedient. H speaking harshly ab self, and casting achievements of the tant struggle.
It is one thing ti grievances on the another to question Tamil militancy, in has played an impc Tamil nationalist pe more sense for the united under a sing than to be divided Tamil nationalists v bear the brunt of LTTE's direct rul lombo or abroad, wo

TALTES 33
E, tter
lienating the peon people appear to breakaway leaderon is for how long. me, Karunaos posiearS Secure, even ing deputies have S. His cadres whom hose leader he has
loyal to him. But leeply troubled by on against all they wo decades. When renounce his alleer Prabhakaran, he us challenge with cadres. What will cadres loyal tohim uing support of the
s decision to break E, Karuna has said to the inequitable it, both in terms of lent and the allocahuman resources. ruck a sympathetic people of the east. ecent days, Karuna ning the line of his h his former organipaid deference to billai Prabhakaran, od to whom he reowever, he is now out the leader himdoubts as to the : entire Tamil mili
o articulate eastern ground. It is quite the rationale of the which he himself ortant part. From a 2rspective it makes Tamil people to be le leadership rather . In fact, all those who do not have to
living under the e, whether in Coould wish the LTTE
to be strong and undivided. It is the Tamil people of the east alone, who bore the brunt of the LTTE's north-centric rule, who would wish to take up a different position.
Military solution
The LTTE's initial reaction to Karuna's act of rebellion was to dismiss him from the organisation, call him a traitor and to order his replacement to take charge of the LTTE's eastern command. Such a strong reaction was in keeping with the LTTE's past practices of dealing with dissent in its own ranks and also within the larger Tamil community. Such persons were either physically eliminated or severely demoted. Perhaps, the LTTE calculated that a strong initial reaction would cause Karuna's support to evaporate. But so far it has not.
The LTTE's confrontational attitude has been supplemented by the disappointment of the larger Tamil community at the sudden turn of events when the Tamil nationalist cause seemed to be going from strength to strength along with the peace process. Sections of the Tamil mainstream media and Tamil expatriates have made common cause with the LTTE against They see a possible fatal weakening of the Tamil nationalist cause occurring as a result of the present rift. This raises the temptation for that perennial quick fix solution of Sinhalese nationalists, and even of the state apparatus, which is the military solution. But if two decades of ethnic war are to teach any lessons to the people living in Sri Lanka, it is that military force and propaganda do not suffice to guarantee victory over groups that champion an ethnic or nationalist cause. The LTTE itself was once a very small group. Karuna controls a very large group, numbering as many as 6000 fighters. The LTTE could not be suppressed by either military force or by propaganda. Neither is it likely that Karuna can be suppressed, so long as he keeps the support of the eastern Tamil people. In the event of his being able to maintain his support base amongst the Tamil people, the main threat to him would be the possibility of assassination.
Although the LTTE has been described as one of the most deadly and

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powerful militant organisations in the world, this has been in terms of its opposition to the Sri Lankan state. On the other hand, if the LTTE were to seek to use its military strength against the breakaway group in the east, it is likely to get bogged down in the quagmire of protracted war. The absence of contiguous Tamil territory that joins the north and east, will make the LTTE's task of keeping its supply lines intact formidable.
In the next few days the burning issue is not going to be what will best suit a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict. Rather it will be how the LTTE will deal with its former eastern commander and the cadres who are loyal to him. There are essentially three choices. One is to eliminate Karuna through political assassination which would be in accordance with the LTTE's common practice. The second would be to launch a military operation to wrest back the east as was done 15 to 20 years ago with rival militant organisations. For example, the EPRLF in the east who collaborated with the Indian government were shot on the streets in large numbers after the departure of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in 1989. The third would be to negotiate with Karuna regarding the grievances he has articulated in the spirit of the peace process, which is about dialogue, compromise and reaching win-win solutions.
Best option
There is a temptation to see a hidden hand, possibly emanating from India, as being behind the breakaway group. While there may have been external support extended to the Karuna group, the reality of eastern grievances cannot be glossed over. The best option for the LTTE at this time is to act in the spirit of the present peace process, which demands that they take on the characteristics ofa political organisation that copes peacefully with pluralism. An acknowledgement of the genuine grievances of the eastern LTTE cadre and the eastern Tamil population would be a constructive first step. Some
of the grievances well articulated b origins in the preneeds to be a dial than a cover up, b Tamil opinion foi Those who ar. Tamil nationalist repair the split in important that the dialogue and con nises the genuine ern people, and se them. If violence purpose, it can ca age to the peace p) seeks to resort to re-unite itself wil sage to its own c cerity to take the p government for frighten the rest the LTTE's lack c problems through compromise that r ily entail.
Not an internal
During the pa society groups en ofeducational wo Sri Lankan societ need for political lines of a federals juncture civil soc an important role a greater dialogu on the pluralism that needs to finc priate political st increase their lev the actors in Tami LTTE and the Ka In particular, international con vested so much in in non violent m tion, need to mak for the option o' logue and a neg The split wi be considered as LTTE which it solve in its own that way. Repo!
 

MARCH 2004
hat have been very Karuna have their (TTE period. There gue on these, rather both the LTTE and
CS. concerned with the ause would wish to the LTTE. But it is ift be healed through promise that recogievances of the eastks ajust solution to s used, for whatever use irreparable damocess. An LTTE that military solution to send a wrong mesdres about their sineace process with the ward. It will also of the country about f sincerity in solving negotiations and the Legotiations necessar
matter st two decades civil gaged in a great deal rk on the pluralism in y as a whole, and the restructuring on the olution. At the present iety groups will have to play in promoting : in the wider society within the north east expression in approuctures. They should :l of engagement with society, including the runa group. civil society and the munity, who have inthe peace process and ans of conflict resoluit clear that they stand problem solving diatiated settlement. hin the LTTE cannot matter internal to the an have leeway to reyay, whatever may be s from the ground in
the east show that the people are fearful that the peace they have been enjoying will be lost. This is their primary concern. The threats to the people of Jaffna origin living in the east are unacceptable. The manner in which the LTTE and Karuna attempt to resolve their problem will have repercussions on the ceasefire, the peace process and the entire country. Consequently the attention of the national and international community needs to be focused on the conflict resolution process in the north east.
They need to take up a firm and principled position that a resort to violence by any party will not be tolerated. For its part the government must make a more visible effort in the governmentcontrolled parts of the north east to uphold the safety and security of the civilian population.
Obtaining consensus in plural societies is a rare occurrence and requires wise and patient leadership, such as demonstrated by Nelson Mandela in South Af. rica. The most appropriate feature of political life in a plural and multi ethnic society is dialogue and compromise. This feature will become more pronounced in Sri Lankan society after the April 2 general election. The most likely result will be a hung Parliament, in which neither of the two main parties obtains a clear majority by itself. The post election scenario is one of multiple parties, including the LTTE and breakaway Karuna group, needing to work with each other to take forward the peace process.
In particular, civil society and the international community, who have invested so much in the peace process and in non violent means of conflict resolution, need to make it clear that they stand for the option of problem solving dialogue and a negotiated settlement.
They need to take up a firm and principled position that a resort to violence by any party will not be tolerated. For its part the government must make a more visible effort in the governmentcontrolled parts of the north east to uphold the safety and security of the civilian population. O
COO) RAM AV NOON S) (TT) Eo nkans.co.uk

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TRCH290°
A dim prospect for the peace proc
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
The task of negotiating a political settlement has become increasingly complicated by the recent developments since the confrontation between the President and the Prime Minister escalated into a political crisis and the subsequent dissolution of Parliament. The new configuration of parties opposed to the present UNF government and the very large number of parties including one in which the candidates are Buddhist monks. The sudden rift in the LTTE less than a month before voting appears to have made the situation worse. The outcome of the April 2 elections is unpredictable, the only probable prospect being a parliament with no decisive majority capable to take the peace process forward to any meaningful conclusion. These developments have made the prospect for reaching a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict more complex, difficult and dim.
The JVP
Not many moons ago the JVP campaigned against the peace process and Norway's role in brokering the ceasefire and later facilitating the peace talks between the UNF government and the LTTE. The UNF government was accused of "betraying the nation' for allowing the Tigers to strengthen themselves and advance towards "dividing the country'. JVP also protested against LTTE's proposals for Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA). Some SLFP leaders too took part in the protest march against the ISGA proposal organized by the Patriotic National Movement (PNM), an ultra nationalist organization having close links with JVP.
The JVP Leader Somawansa
Amarasinghe in an interview with the February issue of 'Business Today' had categorically rejected the concept and practice of devolution. He said: "On the national question, people are talking about devolution, division or sharing of power or other formulae. But everyone has become prisoners of devolution....What we say is please stop talking about devolution.” He also said that the process that started with the implementation of the MoU has to be reversed.
In an intervie weekly “Lanka” (S Wimal Weerawan secretary of the JV ing ceasefire agre the LTTE in Feb clear threat to natio "We, the Janatha V have always said t this MOU (ceasefi clearly a threat to Within the Allianc an agreement on thi other groups. We c forward the MOU Ranil Wickremesin through the Allian possibility exists LTTE on the basis Therefore, we hav tention to drafting new Ceasefire Ag properly ensure na
This report cre dent Kumaratunga she was the leader that the ceasefire cussion. She dec UPFA government with the LTTE w MoU and retaining facilitators. Weera play down his earl next day saying: " tual peace. In that c not get afraid that back.' But he also ance agreement wit the possibility of hi Tigers "based on a rect foundation”.
The claims ofUN
Throughout his Prime Minister Ral has been stressing form of the UPFA the contradictory st the JVP on devoluti peace process is de ure if they take ove Ignoring the stalem cess initiated by th he has been saying the experience to h cess, whereas the P

TAMILTIMES35
69SS
w with the Sinhala unday Feb 15 issue), sa the propaganda Ptold that the existement entered with uary 2002 poses a nal security. He said: Vimukthi Peramuna, hat we totally reject re agreement). It is national security. e we have arrived at is with the SLFP and lo not hope to carry signed in secret by ghe. We have stated ice Accord that the for talks with the of fair conditions. e already given atand implementing a reement, which will tional security.” ated a stirand Presiwas quick to say that of the Alliance and was not up for disared that the new would resume talks hile honouring the , the Norwegians as wansa also tried to ier statement on the We stand for an acase the people must the war is coming said the JVP’s allih the SLFP included olding talks with the reasonable and cor
F ad UPPFA
election campaign hil Wickremesinghe that the peace platis unstable due to and of the SLFP and on of power and the stined to end in failrafter the elections. ate in the peace proe UNF government, g that the UNIF has andle the peace proresident has messed
up the peace process twice in the past after having talks with the LTTE. The Premier has been urging the masses to vote for the UNP to usher in lasting peace and an era of prosperity. He warned the people against making the wrong choice that will plunge the country in a state of war and deprive the chance of achieving permanent peace by continuing the peace process initiated by his UNF government in February 2002. The UPFA accused him of trying to create fear psychosis among the people to win votes.
Lakshman Kadirgamara key figure in the UPFA said at a media conference, February 27, while the UPFA government's negotiating team would be small, there would be wide consultations with all stakeholders, including political parties, ethnic groups and civil society. As regards giving a place to the opposition in the negotiating team, he said that the President would involve the opposition in a way Wickremesinghe never involved the President when his government was conducting the peace. On the issue of federalism, Kadirgamar admitted there were differences over it in the UPFA but the alliance had pledged to go by the will of the people. His statement may help in winning some votes but has little relevance to future negotiations with the LTTE.
On the LTTE's proposals for an interim government in the North East, Kadirgamar's statement that an Alliance government would take it up for discussion at the peace talks appears more promising. On continuing to use Norway as a peace facilitator, he said that "somethings that Norway had done were not right and that Norway would be told about the parameters within which it could work." Kadirgamar stated at the meeting though the UPFA disagreed with the view that the LTTE are the "sole representatives' of the Tamils but "the peace talks, as such, would be with the LTTE only.” Incidentally, this is the view of TULF leader V. Anandasangaree who is contesting as an independent this time because of differences with other TULF committee members on this issue. Even the LTTE's archrival the EPDP holds the same view.
At the same meeting, the JVP spokesman Wimal Weerawansa replying to the query about another controversial issue of renegotiating the Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE, said that it would be adhered to at present, but modifications might be taken up in the future. It was obvious

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36 TAM TIMES
the clarifications given by the UPFA leaders at the meeting were aimed at allaying the fears among the Sinhalese voters that a future UPFA government would not be able to sustain the “non war' state that had prevailed so far, let alone deliver lasting peace.
The UPFA's manifesto released on March 11 has reaffirmed their commitment to sustain the ceasefire and to a negotiated settlement. It states that the settlement "should be found through a dialogue with the LTTE and other relevant groups and communities so that a political solution could be achieved which would safeguard the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka and the equality, democratic and human rights of the Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and other communities of Sri Lanka.” While rejecting the concept of homeland confined to the particular nationality the manifesto states "the new Constitution will guarantee the right to reside in any place of Sri Lanka, engaging in social and cultural activities to all communities including the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim."
A glaring omission is their position on the present unitary structure and devolution of powers. There is no reference even to the draft constitution presented to Parliament by the PA government in 2000 or to the 2002 Oslo agreement on finding a suitable federal structure acceptable to both the government and the LTTE. What the Information Minister Kadirgamar said at the February 27 media meeting particularly on the ISGA proposals is not reflected in any statements in the manifesto. The impression one gets from the manifesto is that the UPFA hopes to achieve a negotiated settlement within the unitary system. The manifesto is consistent with the stand of the JVP on the ethnic issue stated in the MoU signed on 20 January 2004. If the SLFP sticks rigidly to this unrealistic position, there is absolutely no hope for a negotiated settlement.
The UNIF manifesto released on March 16 states that the UNP-led coalition government intends to achieve a negotiated political settlement ‘in accordance with the principles set out in the Oslo Declaration, the Tokyo Declaration and the statement by the Tokyo Co-chairs'. With regard to an interim administration (IA) for the North and East, the UNF manifesto has avoided any reference to the controversial ISGA proposals, which according to the LTTE leader are not linked to final political solution. He has said so in a statement to the LTTE's Sinhala
paper "Dedunne'. H said: "They do no for a framework to tion.' The stateme elected will "seek based on communit ment as a step towa and implementati political solution to cannot be interpret or acceptance of L future talks should of their ISGA pro leader in his statem reiterated their wic to IA. He has said:" and order, distribu location of funds fo istration cannot be body".
The Tamil Tigers There is also th tor” with the TNA c. proxy. All the can the TNA ticket are some closely conne ment through the 3 Although this tim opposing the polls has imposed conc 'ban' on Tamils cor heartland as candic
parties' to ensure
the region remai Asked why the LTT it should be allowe East for five years LTTE's political
Thamilselvan toldt Hindustan Times () minimum of five y to solve the basic p battered by war for these basic problem establish a system
ternational norms individual rights.” have said since the ognize the Sri Lank are not contesting i mentary elections." think that a parl present constitut Tamils get their ri parties may enter p that the Tamil p LTTE,” Thamilsel snap poll is being through its proxy, its intermediate ai in TNA's election
low.)
LTTE Split
The killing o

MARCH 2004
e is reported to have t contain proposals wards a final soluint that UNIF if reto establish an IA y oriented developirds the formulation pn of a permanent the ethnic question' daseitherrejection TTE's position that resume on the basis posals. The LTTE 2nt to 'Dedunne' has ler aim with regard Maintenance of law tion of land and alir provincial admindone without such a
he latest 'Tiger facontestingas LTTE’s didates standing on Tiger loyalists with cted with the movefront organizations. e the LTTE is not in the North-East, it litions such as the testing in the Tamil lates of the 'Sinhala that its authority in ns unchallenged. TE had proposed that d to rule the North without elections, wing leader S. P. he correspondent of February 27) that "a rears was necessary roblems of a people two decades. Once s are solved, we will which will meetinof democracy and He is reported to LTTE did not recan constitution, they n the April 2 parlia"The LTTE does not iament under the ion will help the ghts. But the Tamil arliament and show eople support the van said. Thus, the used by the LTTE he TNA, to achieve ns. These are listed manifesto. (See be
f United National
Front (UNF) candidate Sundarampillai in Batticaloa and Yogendran an EPDP activist in Valaichchanai at the beginning of March just one month before the general elections has damaged LTTE's new stature that the Tiger leadership has recently built as an organization working for the peaceful resolution of the conflict. The LTTE has not publicly owned the killings but the statements made soon after by LTTE's Eastern military leader Col. Karuna, implied that cadres attached to Pottu Amman, the LTTE's intelligence wing chief, was responsible for the killings. Accusing the LTTE hierarchy of discriminating against the cadres from the Eastern Province, of engaging them in sentry and security work in the forward lines and bunkers in the North and providing security to more than thirty top level functionaries of the LTTE enabling them to move about in their luxury vehicles without any fear, and of asking for 1000 more cadres from the East to be sent to Wanni, Col Karuna had asked for an autonomous arrangement for the BatticaloaAmparai district under him under the overall leadership of only Prabhakaran, and no one else from the Wanni leadership. Karuna went further and told newspapers that the Tigers were no longer the sole representatives of the Tamil people. He has also asked for a separate agreement with the GoSL, though he will honour the current agreement signed by the LTTE leader V. Prabhakaran.
With Karuna's defection, LTTE's reputation as a regimented organization with highly disciplined and dedicated cadres who are ever ready to obey the orders of the leader and sacrifice their lives in the course of performing their duties has been damaged.
Moreover, the concept of Tamil homeland is founded on the unification of the Northern and Eastern provinces as one region. The reasons given for the rebellion, question the very foundation of this concept. It is significant that the split based on the distinction between the Tamils in the north and the east has surfaced at a time when the LTTE's strength at the negotiating table apart from their military prowess depended crucially on the solidarity of Tamils in the North and East. This startling crisis that is threatening to turn into a violent clash between two rival Tiger factions will have a bearing on the negotiations for a permanent political settlement if it remains unresolved.
Tamil National Alliance

Page 37
TARCH 2004
The manifesto of the TNA drafted in consultation with LTTE leaders and released on March 1 state: (i) The LTTE should be accepted as the sole representative of the Tamil community in the country. (ii) “The Sinhala nation should come forward soon to resume peace talks with the Liberation Tigers forestablishing the Interim Self Governing Authority." (iii) The urgent need for the resumption of the peace process and its continuation to achieve lasting peace in the country. (iv) A political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka should be based on the recognition of the Tamil speaking people's homeland, the Tamils' identity as a distinct nation, and their right to self-determination. It said, anacceptable solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka should necessarily ensure the distinct identity of the Muslim people, their security, the culture and their economy. If the LTTE's intention is to establish that the Tamil people have endorsed them as the sole representative through the democratic process, then the killings and other methods of preventing free and fair election are counter productive.
The manifesto also has a warning to the southern polity. “If the Sri Lankan state continues to reject the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people and continues to deny them an acceptable political solution; and if military occupation and state oppression continue instead, then establishing the sovereignty and independence of the Tamil nation on the basis of its right to self determination would become an inexorable reality.”
Addressing the election meeting in Trinomialee town on March 7, the TNA leader R. Sampanthan said: "Tamils should utilize this opportunity (April elections) to tell the international community in clear terms that they are behind the LTTE and its ISGA proposal and any further negotiation which is to lead to find a lasting political solution to the Tamil national question should be based on the ISGA.'
After the split in the Tiger movement, the leader of the Batticaloa district TNA group, former MP Joseph Pararajasingham along with the other Batticaloa district TNA candidates suspended their election campaign in the Batticaloa and Amparai districts. They are reported to have resumed the election campaign supporting the Karuna faction. Addressing a public meeting held in Batticaloa district, Pararajasingham has reportedly declared that LTTE are not the sole representatives of the Tamil people! With the TNA
candidates of the l the contrary view,
to be now divided Clearly, the role th play in strengtheni in future negotiatic ished by the split i
A way forward
Among the reas nasiri Liyanage, lec omy at the Univers his article (Daily some serious prol during the period th managed the stal are:(i) the incapacit the GoSL delegate talks, (ii) subordin, the peace process UNFos political age to drag it on until tl election, and (iii) agreed analytical f ducting the peace t marginalized the M ern province and th nored during the pe The fact of the UNF has no definit sue of restructuring lines, or otherwise t resolution of the co There are many from the past mistal ating a political seti previous PA and l Whichever governi power in the Apri should not rush to tl without first doin work necessary to a stalemate as happer same time, they mus is on their side an somehow get resol Not only the leade also the LTTE leade importance of reac within a reasonable sis in the east could if the peace proces the ceasefire agreer years ago had prog Tyrol Ferdinan inghe, Paikiyasoth Jayadeva Uyangoda ers in their recent pu Sri Lankan Peace Pr have made recomm parties; (b) the lead parties; (c) the LTT ity; (e) Norway as f ternational commu community; (h) civi Diaspora for them to

TAMELTIMES 37
forth holding on to he TNA also seems on this basic issue. at TNA intended to ng LTTE's position ns has been dimin
the LTTE.
ons given by Sumaturer political econty of Peradeniya in Views March 6) to lems encountered e UNF government ed peace process y of Prof. Peiris and in handling peace iting the agenda of for the benefit of nda. So the idea was he next Presidential the absence of an ramework for conlks. The UNFalso uslims in the Easteir security was ig:ace process.
matter is that the 2 position on the isthe state on federal hat may lead to the nflict. lessons to be learnt kes made in negotilement both by the JNF governments. ment that comes to general election he negotiating table g the preliminary void getting into a ed last year. At the t not think that time the problem will ved in due course. is in the south but r should realize the hing a settlement ime. The latest crihave been avoided s that started with ment more than two essed speedily. is, Kumar Rupasy Saravanamuttu, and Norbert Ropblication titled 'The cess at Crossroads' 2ndations to (a) all ers of the two main E; (d) Muslim polcilitator, (f) the inity; (g) the donor society; and (i) the actresponsibly and
effectively to ensure the success of the negotiation process. Their perception of the problem is sagacious from the standpoint of achieving ethnic harmony and permanent peace in the entire country. The Tigers consider it primarily as a dispute between two existing powers and the negotiations are for deciding on the areas where each authority will exercise powers separately and jointly. It is most unlikely the LTTE will abandon their nationalist outlook and view the conflict resolution from a national perspective.
Nevertheless, the suggestion made by the authors that the LTTE should "negotiate a framework agreement or an Interim Constitution based on the concept of a federal multi-ethnic Sri Lankan State that should give expression to the rightful claims of all minorities in the North East and in the South' is very useful if permanent peace is to result from a political settlement. It is in this area that the assistance of the international community, particularly the donor community is most needed. The suggestions made to all southern parties and particularly to the leaders of the two main parties though relevant and useful, have little chance of being followed voluntarily. Some pressure from the civil society and the international community is necessary.
The LTTE leadership has stressed repeatedly that any political discussion has to be outside the parameters of the present constitution. If the negotiations, particularly in the context of new problems that have surfaced since end of October last year are to proceed in the right direction, it is paramount that there is first a general consensus on the broad framework for detailed discussions. If the LTTE do not wish to discuss the framework for negotiations with both the government and opposition parties, then discussions amongst these parties on the framework should precede the negotiations on the same with the LTTE. There are several advantages in determining jointly the framework for negotiations as early as possible. It will help in setting up the long overdue interim administration without getting into endless discussion on the ISGA proposals. This will also make it possible to start the delayed reconstruction and rehabilitation work with the foreign aid pledged at the Tokyo donor meeting June last year but not released because of lack of progress in the efforts to seek a negotiated settlement. And importantly it will provide appropriate lead for the negotiations on major issues.

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38 TAM TIMES
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, Surrey SM13TD, United King
|Ponte: (020 - 8644 0972 Fax: 020 - 82414557 E-Mail: adminOtamilitimes.
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Please send horoscope, details to M 1385 C/o Tamil Tinnes.
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About People and Events
OBITUARY
ジ
Mr. Chelliah Rajasingham, born 10.01. 1911, retired O.I.C, Health Unit, Kekirawa, Sri Lanka, educated Jaffna College and Manipay Hindu College; son of late Mr. & Mrs Chelliah of Vandiyar WalawOo, Uduvil Son-in-law of Dr. & (Mrs) Appukudi Suppiah of Tellipalai, beloved husband of late Rajaluxmy, loving father of Captain Rajah Baladharan (formerly Air Lanka, at present UK), Gitanjali (Lon
don, ), Dr. Rajah Rahuladharan (New Jersey, USA), Jeyanjali (California, USA), Menaka (London), Nirupa (Connecticut, USA); beloved father-in-law of Jeyanthi, Shantikumar (both of UK), Mary, Dr. Thangarajah (both of USA), Sivapatheeswaran (UK) and Thayalakhandan (USA); dearly loved grandfather of Dr. Janakan (UK), Siveshwar, Hariharan, JohnRajah, Annaluxmy (all of USA), Meera, Dharani, Sayini (all of UK), Lavan, Tulasi (Connecticut, USA); brother Of late Thura iSingham (Malasia), late Veerasingham (Chunnakam), late Sivasingham (Bambalapitiya), Siva packiam and Rathnamani (both of Vandiyar Wala voo); brother-in-law of late Thambirajah (Parakaduwa), late Sivagnanam (Malasia), late Apputhural
 
 

MARCH 2004
(Uduvil), late Palasundaram (Brunei), Dr. S. Balakrishnan (Point Pedro), Mrs Jeyalluxsmy Kanagaratnam (Sydney), late Ariyam (Chunnakam) and Siva yokam (Bambalapitiya) passed away peacefully in London On 3rd March 2004. Funeral was held in Surrey.
The family sends their Sincere thanks to all friends and relatives Who attended the funeral, Sent floral tributes and Condolence meSSages
- Mrs G. Shantikumar, 20 Cheyham Way, Sutton, Surrey SM27HX. Tel 02086422604
IN MEMORAMS
First Year Remembrance
in ever loving memory of Dr. N. Sahathevarajan on the first anniversary of his passing away on 14th March 2003.
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by his beloved wife Thabonithy, loving children Rajkumar, Niranjala and Girja, daughter-in-law Dr. Jane Rajan, sons-in-law Dr. Ravindran and Dr. Kesavan, grandchildren Dr. Vanaja,
Roshan, Catriona, Duncan, Tamara and Devan.
- 'Long Woods, 26 Wergs Road, Tettenhall, Wolverhampton WJ6 8TD.
Tel: O1902 579228.
Third Death Anniversary Dr. Nagalingan Kandasamy
26.03.1923 - 16.03.2001
To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die in loving and treasured memory of a devoted husband, father, grandfather and father-in-law.
Affectionately remembered by all the family.
2

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ARCH 2004
Birth: 26.01.1916
Third Anniversary Remembrance Mrs Somawathy Kanagasabai
Rest: 17.03.2001
Sadly missed and lovingly remembered by children Chandra, Indra, Logendra, Yogendra, Ambi, Gowri and Jayanthi; daughters-in-law Sakunthala, Kamalasani, Rathy and Yoga and son-in-law Ragu
- 34 Woodcote Valley Road, Purley,
Surrey CR33AJ.
FORTHCOMINGS EVENTS
Apr 1 Ekaathasi; 11 a.m. Colombuthurai Yogaswamigal Abhisekham and Guru Poojah followed by Prasatham at Shree Ganapathy Temple, 123 Effra Road, London SW19. All Wel
COne. 2. Pirathosam; Feast of St. Francis 4. Full Moon; Panguni Uthiram and Paarwathi Kalyanam 7. Feast of St. John Baptist 8. Sankadakara Chathurthi 11. Feast of St. Stanislaus 13. Tharna Hindu New Year's Day 15. Ekaathasi
16. Pirathosam
18. Amavasai 21. Karthigai, Feast of St. Anelm 23. Chathurthi; Feast of St. George 25. Sasti; Feast of St. Mark 27. 7.30 p.m. Concert by famous musicians to pay homage to the great Tabla player, U Stad Alla Rakha at Queen Elizabeth Hall, South Bank, London SE1. Artists include Shankar Mahadevan, U. Shrinivas, Taufiq Quereshi, Dinesh Pandit, Pete Lockett, M. Bala
Chandra, Soumik Datta and others. For tickets telephone Box Office 087038OO 400. 29. Feast of St.Catherine of Siena At Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9 HQ. Tel: 020 7381 3086/ 4608. On Sunday, 4th April 2004 at 6 p.m.
SAMMLAN A Concert Highlighting the Unity of Indian Music will be presented by Smt. Sivasakthi Sivanesan and her students The programme combines the beauty of North and South Indian Vocal and Instrumental Music and is accompanied by Pandit Vishwa Prakash - Harmonium, Balu Ragu Raman - Violin, Vijaykumar Jagtap and his students - Sitar Rajkumar Misra-Tabla, Chithambaranathan - Morsing Books on South Indian Music and Dance authored by the late lyall - lsai Varuthi Bramashree Yalpanam N. Veeramani lyer will be launched Book your seats early to avoid disappointment.
WWW.armaSSOciates.CO.uk - uSef
 
 

WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding.
Sivarooban Son of Mrs. P. Sivapathasundaram of Vanniasingam Lane, Tha vady North, Kokku vil and late Mr. Sivapathasundaram and Kalaichelvy, daughter of Mr. & Mrs Kandiah of 99/4 Kelani Ganga Mills Road, Matakuliya, Colombo 15 on 1st February 2004 at Sri Venk
- r. TAM TIMES 39
ateshwara Maha Vishnu Devasthanan, Colombo 15.
Nesan, Son of Mr & MrS Shanmugam of 59 West Hill, Sanderstead, Surrey CR2 OSB and Padmini, daughter of Dr. & Mrs V.V.Sastry of Dein Court, Boat Lane, Sprotbrough, Doncaster DN57LU on 17th December 2003 at Grand Kakatiya Hotel, Hyderbad. A well attended reception was held On 6th March 2004 at Savill Court Hotel, Egham, Surrey.
Twin Arangetrams of Carnatic Vocal Music and Mridangam of Sainthavi and her brother Lavan
On the 25th AugUSt 2003 the Beck Theatre in Hayes was the venue of the Celebration of . the Arangetrams of Vocal Music by Kumari Sainthavi and Mridangam
by her brother Lavan. The stage was tastefully de
Corated and the auditorium
filled to capacity by relatives of the debutants, well wishers and music lovers. Sainthavi, aged 16 is the disciple of Thami Isai Vani, Nageswari Bramanandha well renowned Carnatic musician and teacher. Miruthangam accompaniment was by 14 year old Lavan whose Guru iS Vid van AnandanadeSan.
The opening piece was the Varnam -Chala mela in Sankarabarnam Which WaS followed by Wathapi in HamSadwani both rendered With perfect diction. The kucheri warmed up with the scintillating number Sathinsene in Arabi a popular kriti of Saint Thiyagaraja. The repertoire was full of variety and in
cluded compositions from Papanasan Sivan, Tharmapuri Subra lyer, Maharajapuram V Santhanam, Lalgudi Jeyaraman, Ganam Krishna lyer, Yalpanam Veeramani lyer, Yogarswamikal and Arunagiri Nathar. Sainthavi sang "Ennum Irakkam” in HarnSananthi with devotion and bhava. Her pronunciation of Thani Words WaS exceptionally good for a child brought up in the UK. Credit goes to the guru and also the parents Mr and Mrs Sivapalan. Sainthavi's Control of talam-Kala pirananam was also worthy of praise.
Thodi was Chosen as the main raga and this was rendered with ease and near perfection. The Guest of
ul links - ARM Online Insuran Ce

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40 AMILTIMES
Honourthat evening Jeya Alaki Arunagirinathan commended Saintha vi for singing that difficult raga so well. The rendering of the favourite song Karthikeya with niraval and good swara pirayokam deserves special praise. Pallavi in Shanmugapriya was very well executed and handled very aptly. The gurus both Mrs Bramanandha and Anadanadesan have worked hard to achieve such good coordination by the singer and miruthangist. The kucheri was very enjoyable since pieces rendered were well Chosen and were excellent compositions by a wide list of famous composers. Singara Velan' in Ananda Bhairavi and “Thirukethe Swara" in Dharbari Kanada specially pleased my taste that evening. 'Kurai onrum illai' by Rajaji reminded me of MS Subbuluxmy as she often sings that song. It is worthy of mention that the guru Mrs Bramanandha also has been singing this song in most of her concerts. The
Concert Concluded v ana in Mohanakalya, in Saranga.
Lavan Who also tation on miruthar tremely well suppo through the concert. the nod of approval i nents of mrithangam audience. He played an exceptionally We good control of tala. his competence in P eetan was exceller able. Credit must g Anandanadesan. T that Lavan has a go CuSSion artist. The e whole very entertain Sangeeta Vidwan S PathmaSikamani on lore Prakash on gé morsing provided ex the young debutants
Kalaimamani Bhushany Kalyar
Single-minded de- 7 votion to Carnatic music - that sums up Bhushany Kalyanaraman. Hers is an extraordinary tale, spanning oceans. Born and brought up in Colombo, Sri Lanka, it was a typical Tamil household where her father used to ensure . that everyone was awake at 5 a.m., recit- 5 ing the Tiruvempavai. A renowned musician, her
3S 6 had sicia for bee afte wha beC.
S FC Saa
paS уea big
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father had won the title "Sangita Bhushanam" from Annamalai University. All her sisters too sang well. Love of Carnatic music brought Bhushany to Chennai, at 16, to stay and study music at the Government Music College. She went back to Sri Lanka, to teach music at a Jaffna college. The riots in 1982 brought her back to India, drawn by her deep admiration for her subsequent guru and husband, Tanjore S.Kalyanaraman, senior disciple of the legendary G. N.B.
A congenial atmosphere prevailed in her marital home, with a very supportive mother-in-law. "My husband was totally immersed in music much of the time," recalls Bhushany. "He nevertook any fee from his many students, he was a very stern man, a strict taskmaster, and a perfectionist. His family was quite well to do, which allowed him to concentrate on music. A veritable genius
today, Bhushany ha dents both here and foreign students of I Come to live With an Many of her foreign have had their forn proving her success
Today Bhushany Zen, SO innu Ch, at hon "I've been all over Russia. I like it best h for two-three months, form," says Bushany
Herambition is to for Carnatic music in name, both here an leSSons too would br in her absence. Grat that music has best also wishes to do so tute Women and Chilc reach out to people
 

MARCH 2004
ith a brilliant thilli and Thiruppukal
had debut presengam played exting his sister all Dne Could observe om leading expofrom among the he thania Varthanll with clarity and He demonstrated allavi. His nadaipand CommendO to his guru Sri here is no doubt od future as a persening was on the ing and enjoyable. mt Gnanambikai the violin, Bangatam, Kabilan on cellent support to
Dr M Theivendra, Chairman of the Tamil Association of Brent spoke of the contribution made by Sainthavi, Lavan and their parents to the association and the Tamil school, while congratulating the day's stars Sainthawi and Lavan. The Chief Guest Dr S Navaratnam spoke of the merits of fine arts and carnatic music in particular in uplifting the spirit, the Aatman. He also pointed out the benefits on physical well-being of human beings when they listen or sing music with deep involvement. He congratulated the two gurus, the debutants, and their parents while requesting the artistes not to stop practicing after the arangetram but to Continue to take further le SSOnS, listen to good artists in person or to recorded music. The compere that evening Smt. Anandarani Balendra did a good job with her clear expressive announcements.
- Kalpana Sekar
222
vocalist, he even many senior muans coming to him guidance. He has in my only guru, r my father. I'm at I'm today only ause of him," says stalgic Bhushany. "ly Kalyanaraman sed away a few rs ago, lea Ving a Void in the music 'd, and in Bhush's life. A Senior vocalist S number of Stuabroad, and many ndian origin, who d learn from her. |-based Students a arangetrams, as a teacher.
is an Indian Citihe is she in India. he world, except ere. I stay abroad to teach and per
establish a School . Kalyanaraman's d abroad. Taped dge the distance, ful for everything wed on her, She mething for destiren “to be able to who do not have
the luxury of music, people weighed down by pressing basic needs, to survive.”
A Sri Lankan nation ever appreciative of Tamil Culture and Carnatic muSic has honoured her with "GANA RATNA” Sri Lankan organisations in London have had her sing for fund raisers in 2001 and 2003. Bhushany is a fortunate person - she has the best of both Sri Lanka and India, the best gained by besting life's many odds.
(Courtesy- The Hindu)
Australian NeWSletter
Tamils are an emerging ethnic community in Australia. They live across the continental Australia and in large numbers in the east coast of the country. Early Tamil arrivals in the continent may be traced to 1970s. Estimated Tamil population during the first decade or so was in the region of 3,000 to 3,500 and puffed up since 1980s. According to 1996 census 6,251 Tamils lived in Melbourne, capital of the state of Victoria, second only to Sydney's 9,072, the capital of New South Wales, in an overall Tamil population tally of 18,690. However, the recent estimate puts the number in the region of 30,000 and indeed swelling rather rapidly. Tamils in Australia are mostly of Ceylonese, indian, Malaysian, Singaporean, Mauritius and Fijian origin. One common feature amongst migrants is their keenness to preserve their identity while integrat

Page 41
ARCH 2004
ing in mainstream society in their country of domicile. Tamils living in Australia are no exception. Social and cultural organizations amongst Tamils actively promote diverse interest groups. Hindu temples are located in all the major cities across Australia, Tamil Churches deliverprayers and sermon in Tamil and Islamic faith Continue to address the religious needs of their members and hence, it is possible to conclude that religious needs of Tamils are addressed at appropriate level within the community and with the active support of federal, state and local governmental organizations. Opportunities exist in abundance insofar as the preservation of Tamil language. Tamil language is
offered as a subject trance level. Tanilr, as a Vital Source of community. Comm casting groups con Tamil all Over Austr vately managed br operate in the majo sponsored broadca offers a One hour week. Newspapers published in Tamil a bonanzaS and Arar lar oCCurrenCeS. E gaining popularity society and is fast ! feature in multicultu Sivasuprama
“The Arts Of Bharath in Lor
Author :
Dr R.Nitthiyanan
篮
裘 畿翼
8
இலண்டனில் வளர்ச்சி பெறும் பரதக்கலை
"London Should become the Centre that demonstrates to the World how ideally an arangetram should be organised and presented" concludes Dr R. Nitthiyananthan in his booklet in Tamil. That statement clearly indicates the drive that motivated him to put down his thoughts, arising out of many years of experience, into writing.
Dr Nitthiyananthan is no strangerto oriental cultural functions. Having attended a number of such functions and been the chief guest at many of them, it is not surprising that he felt the need to put into Words how best such functions could be organised.
The 36 paged booklet opens with a preface by Somu. Then there is an introduction about Bharatha Natyam with accounts about the Significant individu
als from bOth South Who rescued that and Oblivion.
The book then rent Situation with f Countries other th Lanka. It is difficult name to the Se C ( tempted to use the te tries' but then Aust land would not fit th
As to the or arangetram (the first of an artiste), lam the parents of they feel about it, but lm agreeing with the a ten it would have be the youngsters had the art a little more maturely pushed or Having made t. Nitthiyananthan mo calities of organising need to be prompt not spending too mu and With the thanks many other such us I am Sure it is t Nitthiyananthan th these observations i there Would be a Chá ate direction. Every ing the organisatior whether they eventu is said or not, Woul the various advice it
Published by R 179 NOrval RC Middles el: 020 8904 59
 
 

TAM TIMES 41
at the universityenmedia groups Serve information to the unity based broadducts programs in alia. There are prioadcasting groups r cities and a state sting facility which slot nationally per and magazines are nd English. Cultural ngetrams are reguBharathanatyam is in the mainstrean becoming a regular 'ral bonanZaS.
niam Sitsabesan
Indon” than
India and Sri Lanka,
art from corruption
deals With the Curegard to this art in an India and Sri to give a collective puntries. One is ern Western Counralia and New Zeaat description. ganisation of an public performance not quite sure how oung artistes would ust admit to silently uthor that quite of en better if Some of learnt and practised before being preto the stage. hiS ob Servation Dr /es on to the practi'an arangetram - the about starting time, ch time on speeches giving activities and eful hints. he expectation of Dr at, having brought nto the public arena, ange in the approprisparent contemplatof an arangettam, rally agree with what d benefit by reading
this book. Raja Thayaparan Ratnam Foundation, bad, North Wembly, sex HAO 3SX, UK. 39 Price E3,00.
Tamil Union of Herts
The Tamil Union of Herts (TUH) proudly announces a special Kalai Villah to Celebrate its Service to the Conmunity for more than 20 years.
Formed in 1983, the Tamil Union of Herts had its humble beginnings in Watford, Hertfordshire. Now it is a fullyfledged organization serving a wider community here and in our homelands. lts great strength has always been its ability to attract well-meaning people Within its fold and direct all their energies to help the needy in the community and support their just causes.
Over the years, the Union was able to extend Substantial financial assistance to numerous Charities, rehabilitation centres and medical projects. It was able to mobilize and encourage people here to be actively involved in political and charitable causes while upholding total impartiality.
The Union has also been an ideal platform and has provided a mechanism for our people here to thrive with a community spirit through various cultural and Social activities. The Herts anni School (HTS) is an offshoot of the Union and has been in existence Since 1985. It is now based at Parkgate Junjor School in Watford and hOldSitS SeSsions on Sundays.
For further information please contact Logan Rasiah 01923463466 or Dr lsweran 01923.282078 or Mr.Jeyarajah O1442 399564
ബ്ബ് ബ്
at Parmiter's School, High Elms Lane, Garston, Watford. On Saturday 3 April 2004 from 700-11 p.m. Admission: Free Programme includes: O Song recital and a drama by the
Children of the Herts Tamil School O Classical instrumental Music by
Gajan Rudrakumar and his friends (Violin, keyboard, Thabla, Morsing and Thavi) O "Odissi" Classical Dance from
Orissa, India and Contemporary Dance - by Kalithasan and Vanitha (Solo & Duet) o Drama - "Rolls Royce” - A comedy
play produced and directed by “Master” Manoharan You are cordially invited to attend the function and join in our celebrations.

Page 42
42 AMILTIMES
 

MARCH 2004

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AIN کصرSriLankan s/, Qatar AGENT FOR Airlines Airways
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GET A FREE TRIP
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မှမျိုးခြိုး ki Return ERREIROYA Colo
ONLY E15 JORDANIAN (E SPT ALL aur REDT CARDS se za O2O 876 瓦圈 FAX: 020 8767 5991, MC
E-MAIL: infoGDsk
 
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 43
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25 December 03 tillO3April 04 12 April 04 till 30 June 04
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218 Archway Road, Highgate, London N65AX F: O870 350 O153 E: infoGholidays2Srilanka.com
82 MITCHAM ROAD
TOOTING SW17 9NG
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Colombo 335
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6/4 nights £280Taxes plp
Qatar 3 People Sharing Airways (Valid until the end of March)
TRANSFER FRONAIRPORT ” - PLUS ONE NIGHT
B&Bin WELLAWATTE ONLY E15
7 7775 ܠܸܬ݂ܵ BLE 07850 876921 booker.com 75766

Page 44
GLEN CARRIERS
The most trusted name in the
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-- FAx:020-86720951 MOBILE *置 Internet: http://www.skywings.co.uk
 
 
 
 
 
 

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ET, LONDON SW17 OSY 2 9111 (6LINES) :07850 876921 (24 HOURS)
e-mail: bala(skywings.co.uk | т5765