Page 4
4 TAMILTIMES
ELECTION 2004 - PARTY
PARTY TOTAL VOTES (%) DISTR
UPFA 4,223,970(45.60%) UNF 3,5041200(37.83%) TAK 633,654(6.84%) JHU 552,724(5.97%) SLMC 186,876(2.02%) UCPF 49,728(0.54%) EPDP 24,955(0.27%) TOTAL SEATS
ELECTION 2004 DIS
COLOMBO UNF 441,841 41.76% 9 UPFA 414,68 39.20% 8 JHU 190,618 18.02% 3
GAMPAHA UPFA 509,963 51,519 9 UNF 367,572 - 37.13% 6 JHU 102,516 10.36% 2
KALUTARA UPPFA 291,208 51.72% | 6 UNP 212,721 37.78% 3 JHJ 56,615 10.06% 1
KANDY UNF 313,859 49.99% 6 UPFA 268,131 42.71ዓ6 | 5 JHU 42,192 6.72% 1
MATTALE UPFA 08,259 49.19% 3 UNF 100,642 45.739 2
NUWARAELYA. UNF 176,971 S4.02% 4 UPPFA 82,945 25.32% UCPF 49,728 15.18% 1
GALLE UPPFA 306,385 S6.58% 6 UNF 209,399 38.67% 4
MATARA UPFA 241,235 60.27% 5 UNIF 139,633 34.89% 3
HAMBANT TOTA UPPFA 178,895 64.05% 5 UNF 98,877 35.40% 2
AFFNA TAK 257,320 90.60% 8 EPDP 18612 6.55% 1
VANN TAK 90.835 64.71% 5 UNF 18,612 23.95% 1
BATTCALOA TAK 161011 66.7% 4 SLMC 43,131 | 17.87% | 1
APRIL 2004
OSITIONS IN PARLAMENT
TSEATS NATIONAL SEATS TOTAL SEATS
92 13 105 71 11 82 20 2 22 7 2 9 4 1. S
m
1 196 29 225
CRICTWISE RESULTS
11747
26.37% 19.13% 121 4.51
TRNCOMALEE TAK 68,955 37.72% 2 SLMC 55,187 35.669 1 UPFA 31,053 16.9996 1
KURUNEGALA UPFA 412,157 51.93% 9 UNF 340,768 42.94% 7
PUTTALAM UPFA 142,784 49.28% 5 UNF 135,152 46.64% 3
ANURA DHAPURA UPFA 212,943 57.72% 5 UNR 148,612 39.94 3
POLONNARUWA UPFA 106,243 57.25% 3 UNR 75,664 40.84% 2
BAOULLA UNR 18,705 49.09% 5 UPPFA 178,635 48.25 3
MONARAGALA UPFA 117.456 61.4% 3 UNF 7067 36.9996 2
RATNAPURA UPFA 26,450 53.14% 6 UNR 205,490 41.77% 4
KEGALLE UPFA 214,267 50.88% S UNF 186,641 44.329 4
UPFA: United Peoples Freedom Alliance UNA: United National Front
ITAK: Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi
JHC:
Jathika Hela Urumaya
SLMC: Sri Lanka Muslim Congress UCPF: Up-Country Peoples Front EPDP: Eelam Peoples Democratic Party
Page 5
APRL 2004
ELECTION 2004
A New Prime Mir and Cabinet
Mr.Mahinda Rajapakse was sworn in as the Sri Lanka's fourteenth Prime Minister before President Ms Chandrika Kumaratunge on Tuesday 6 April at a ceremonial event held in the Presidential Secretariat on 6 April.
Mr Mahinda Rajapakse (58) is a senior leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and currently the co-national organizer of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA). The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) is the other major constituent of the UPFA, which was formed during the latter part of January this year with the aim of ousting the United National Front government from power.
It was reported earlier that Ms Chandrika Kumaratunge earlier favoured her International Advisor and former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Lakshman Kadirgamar, for the post of Prime Minister, but it would seem that the majority of elected MPs from the SLFP preferred the appointment of Mr Rajapakse. The JVP is reported to have strongly backed the appointment of Mr.Kadirgamar as Prime Minister.
Mr. Rajapakse held the post of the Leader of Opposition in the 12th pariiament dissolved last year. He held two ministerial portfolios in the PA government, first as Minister of Labour and later as Minister of Fisheries. He also held the Portfolio of the Ports and Shipping for a short period of three months. Hailing from a political family, Mr Rajapakse, a lawyer by profession, took up to full-time politics in 1968 at the early age of 22. Born on November 18, 1945, "Mahinda", as he is affectionately called, was only 24 when he entered parliament in 1970 to represent the Belliatta constituency in south Sri Lanka.
His father, D. A. Rajapaksa one of the co-founders of the party along with SWIRD Bandaranaike, had represented the same seat from 1947 to 1965.
He was elected to the thirteenth parament at the election held on 2 April from the Hambantota electoral district
in the southern pro preference votes wit Mr. Mahinda Ra Buddhist and was ho tle of "Sri Rohana J venerable Malwatte Though identi steeped“Sinhala Bu nant ideology of pos Lanka, Mahinda ha munalism. Soft spok he is an admirer o: political culture. F Lankan leader to di wearing the pyja angavastram over h
Down to earth, with the elite of Col. hoi polloi in the vill In his first publi ing his appointme called for greater I "in every way that t cally' in the pea Rajapakse said: “In interested in Sri LaI it is high time they in achieving peace
In addition to ex new Prime Ministe sistance in agricultu ways and roads and
A New Cabinet of A31-member C was sworn-in by th dent, Chandrika K April.
Mahinda Raja Leader of the Oppo ing Parliament an Prime Minister omt appointed Minister dition to his Prime The Presidenth the key portfolios tutional Affairs an the Sri Lankan Con Prime Minister, bu is the Head of Cab. Lakshman Kad aratunga's senior a
TAMILTIMES5
lister
vince topping the h 107,603. apakse is a devout noụred with the tianaranjana' by the Chapter in 2000. fied as a person ddhism”, the domit-independence Sri s no trace of comen and intellectual, f India and Indian e is the only Sri ess in Indian style ma-kurta with a is shoulders. Mahinda is at ease ombo as well as the
ages. c statement follownt, Mr Rajapakse ndian involvement hey can diplomatice process. Mr. dia has always been kan affairs. I think get more involved in Sri Lanka.” isting trade ties, the r sought Indian asre, industries, high
infrastructure.
31 Ministers
abinet of Ministers e Sri Lankan Presiumaratunga on 10
pakse, who was sitoon in the outgoi was sworn-in as Le previous day, was of Highways, in adMinisterial duties. is retained for heself of Defence, ConstiEducation. Under titution, it is not the : the President who
net. rgamar, Ms. Kumviser on foreign af
fairs was appointed the Foreign Affairs
Minister - the portfolio held by him during the earlier People's Alliance Governments between 1994 and 2001. Anura Bandaranaike, Ms. Kumaratunga's brother, was appointed Minister of Industry, Tourism and Industrial Development.
The lone member from the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP), Douglas Devananda, was given a Cabimet berth as the Minister for Agricultural Marketing Development, Hindu Affairs and Tamil Language Schools. Mr. Devananda was the only member from outside the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) to join the Ministry.
The UPFA, which has 105 MPs in Parliament, is eight seats short of the simple majority mark in the 225-member House. To enjoy an effective working majority, it needs at least 114 MPs, to be able to appoint its MP as the Speaker. The support of two minority parties - the Ceylon Workers Congress with eight MPs and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) with five members would take it well past the halfway mark.
While neither of the minority parties has pledged its backing to the UPFA Government yet, the nine-MP Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) comprising Buddhist monks has promised only issuebased support from outside.
Some other key Ministers appointed today are: Sarath Amunugama (Finance), D.M. Jayaratne (Post and Telecommunications and Upcountry Development), Ferial Ashraff (Housing and Construction), and Dinesh Gunawardena (Urban Development and Water Supply). Another four Ministers from the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) who were not sworn in today due to "a party rally" are to be inducted shortly, Presidential Secretariat sources said.
The JVP denied daylong rumours that it had stayed away from today's ceremony due to "disappointments in Ministerial portfolios.” In addition to the Cabinet Minister, Ms. Kumaratunga named a 27-member team of Deputy Ministers.
Cabinet Ministers:
1. Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa, MP -
Minister of Highways; 2. Hon. Anura
Bandaranaike, MP - Minister of Indus
Page 6
6 TAMILMES
try, Tourism & Investment Promotion 3. Hon. D. M. Jayaratne, MP - Minister of Post and Telecommunications and Upcountry Development 4. Hon. Amarasiri Dodangoda, MP - Minister of Public Administration and Home Affairs 5. Hon. Nimal Siripala de Silva, MP - Minister of Healthcare and Nutrition 6. Hon. Mangala Samaraweera, MP - Minister of Ports and Aviation 7. Hon. ALM Fowzie, MP - Minister of Environment and Natural Resources 8. Hon. Lakshman Kadirgamar, MP - Minister of Foreign Affairs 9. Hon. Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, MP - Minister of Trade, Commerce and Consumer Affairs 10. Hon. Maithripala Sirisena, MP - Minister of River Basin Development and Rajarata Development 11. Hon. John Senaviratne, MP - Minister of Justice and Judicial Reforms 12. Hon. Sumedha Jayasena, MP - Minister of Women's Empowerment and Social Welfare 13. Hon. (Dr) Sarath Amunugama, MPMinister of Finance 14. Hon. Milroy Surgias Fernando, MP - Minister of Christian and Parliamentary Affairs 15. Hon. Jeewan Kumaranatunga, MP - Minister of Sports and Youth Affairs 16. Hon. Pavithra Devi Wanniarachchi, MP - Minister of Samurdhi and Poverty Alleviation 17. Hon. Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, MP - Minister of Plantation Industries 18. Hon. Tissa Karaliyadde, MP - Minister of Indigenous Medicine 19. Hon. Dinesh Gunawardene, MP - Minister of Urban Development and Water Supply 20. Hon. Douglas Devananda, MP - Minister of Agricultural Marketing Development, Hindu Affairs & Tamil Language Schools & Vocational Training (North) 21. Hon. (Mrs) Ferial Ashraff, MP - Minister of Housing and Construction Industry, Eastern Province Education and Irrigation Development 22. Hon. Susil Premajayantha, MP - Minister of Power & Energy 23. Hon. Athauda Senaviratne, MP - Minister of Labour Relations and Foreign Employment 24. Hon. R M S B Nawinna, MP - Minister of Regional Infrastructure Development 25. Hon. Piyasena Gamage, MP - Minister of Skills Development, Vocational and Technical Education 26. Hon. Janaka Bandara Tennakoon, MP-Minister of Provincial Councils and Local Government 27. Hon. Felix Perera, MP - Minister of Transport 28. Hon. C B Ratnayake, MP - Minister of Estate Community Infrastructure 29. Hon. A LM Athaulla, MP - Minister of Infrastructure Development in the Eastern
Province 30. Hon.
MP - Minister of In dia 31. Hon. Tissa V ister of Science & T
UNP big guns lose Many of the hea of the outgoing Uni (UNF) will no longe light because they h at the recent electic who did not contest included in the UNI MPs have also been The United Nat the main componen lost many of the dis convincingly less tl years ago. If not for Ceylon Worker Con even lost the districts Eliya and Badulla.
Of the Colombc torates, all of which in 2001, the party m to only six electorat humiliating defeats ates of Maharaga where the UNP fell hind the UPFA an Urumaya (JHU), wl eroded the strong su has enjoyed over th lombo district.
Some of the UN as former CabinetM nanayake, Karunas Gamini Lokuge and rdena were among their electorates wh district Jayalath Jaya Mendis, Olitha Prer Gunasekara, Atula nghe, Sarath Chand deep Hapangama an da were among those torates. However S. later declared winne preferential votes.
In the two distric to the UPFA includ aniya, Kolonnawa, Avissawella, Ratm and Moratuwa. In th too, the seats of s. members such as singhe, Rajitha Se1 Wijemanne and Sar lost.
Because of the votes secured at the became entitled to Nationalist List MP
APR 2004
Reginold Cooray, formation and Metharana, MP - Minechnology.
vy-weight stalwarts ted National Front rfigure in the limeave lost their seats ns. Besides, many and expected to be F's National List of
dropped.
ional Party (UNP), t of the UNF, party tricts which it won han two and a half its alliance with the gress, it would have of Kandy, Nuwara
district's 15 electhe UNP had won hanaged to hang on es. Two of the most came in the electorma and Kesbewa to third place bed the Jathika Hela hich seems to have pport that the UNP le years in the Co
P's big hitters such inisters Ravi Karuena Kodituwakku, | Bandula Gunawathose who lost in ile in the Gampaha awardena, Wijepala nathiratne, Edward Nimalasiri Jayasira Rajakaruna, Prad Jayantha Ketagowho lost their elecome of them were rs after the count of
its, the seats that fell ed Biyagama, Kel
Kotte, Kaduwela, alana, Homagama he Kalutara district, ome top slot UNP Mahinda Samaraharatne, Lakshman ath Ranawaka were
low percentage of election, the UNF nominate only ll 's. Out of which, in
terms of the agreement reached between the constituent parties comprising the UNF, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) was allocated 4, the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) was allocated 2, and the Up-Country Peoples Front(UCPF) was given 1. In the event the UNP, the main constituent of the UNF got only 4 out of the 11 slots.
The following is the list of UNF's National List MPs:
K. N. Choksy (former Minister of Finance), Prof. G.L. Pieris (former Minister of Industrial Development and Investment and Constitutional Affairs), Naveen Dissanayake (former Deputy Minister of Plantations) and Ali Zaheer Moulana from the UNP; Abdul Bhais Kamardeen, Hussain Ahamed Bhaila, Ismail Mohamed Kuddhas and W.P.S. Pushpakumara from the SLMC; M.S. Sellsamy and V. Puthrasigamany from the CWC, and P. Radhakrishnan from the UPF.
Among those who have been dropped from the UNF's National List are three former senior Ministers, former Foreign Affairs Minister Tyronne Fernando, former Minister of Defence, Transport and Civil Aviation Tilak Marapana and former Parliamentary Affairs Minister A. H. M. Azwer. Among the other UNP stalwarts axed from the list were Dr. Ranjith Atapattu, a former minister of health, ex-parliamentarian Ravinda Randeniya and Ronnie de Mel, who crossed over to the UNP on the eve of the April 2 poll.
Former Minister Tyronne Fernando had served as parliamentarian for 26 years and Ronnie de Mel, who switched sides many times, was the longest serving finance minister in Sri Lanka during the UNP regime.
As the CWC and the SLMC demanded their pound offlesh, it is said that UNFleader Ranil Wickremesinghe had no alternative but to sacrifice his own party's nominees in the National List.
It is also said that the UNP leader feared that if he acted in away to give preference to his own party's nominees, it would have displeased the CWC and SLMC leadership making it easy or them to throw in their lot with the Government thus ensuring an easy overall majority for it in parliament. By giving into the demands of the CWC and SLMC, he has prevented at least for the time being that these parties remained in the opposition.
The CWC claimed that it was justified in asking for the allocation two slots
Page 7
APR 2004
in the UNF's National List. Even in the districts the UNF won a majority of the votes cast, it would appear that it did so because of the vote-bank of the CWC. Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC) Vice Chairman and UNF MP Faizer Musthafa said that the UNF won the Kandy, Nuwara-Eliya and Badulla districts from the votes received for the CWC. Otherwise, it would have been defeated even in those three districts. He also said that the three CWC candidates from Nuwara-Eliya, two from Badulla and one from Kandy who contested under the UNF ticket secured their seats in Parliament.
He asserted that if not for the CWC, the UNF would have lost the three districts and the Alliance would have received the required overall majority. He further added that the UNF, which won those districts because of the CWC, definitely must be give the promised two National List seats to the CWC.
He also said that the party had still not decided to assist the President and the Alliance government, but, if they are to solve the woes of the hill country Tamils, they will support the Alliance government. TNA MPs
The TNA goy 22 seats in the elections held on April 2. The following are the 20 TNA elected MPs: R. Sampanthan (Parliamentary group leader), Mavai Senathirajah (Deputy Leader), Selvam Adaikalanathan (Party Whip), Gajendrakumar G. Ponnambalam, Suresh Premachchandran, N.Raviraj, M.K.Sivajilingam, N. Sivasakthi Anandan, K.Thurairetnasingham, S.Gajendran, Ms Padmini Sithamparanathan, K.Sivanesan, S.Kanagaratnam, S.Kisshor, S. Noharathalingam, T.Kanagasabai, Ms K.Thangeswari, K.Rasanayagam, S. Jeyanandamoorthy and K.Pathmanathan
The Tamil National Alliance has nominated the defeated TNA candidate Mr.Jospeh Pararajasingham of Batticaloa and Mr.M.K.Eelaventhan of Jaffna for the posts of two national list parliamentarians through the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchchi (ITAK). Mr. Pararajasingham became the Batticaloa district parliamentarian in the first parliamentary election held in 1989 under the district proportionate electoral system. Mr.M.K.Eelaventhan is a founder member of the ITAK and has been an activist in Tamilpolitics foranumber years
spending over more in Tamil Nadu. Observers comme Commissioner & F While criticising biased and its absenc the campaign castalk election process,” Ma the Commonwealt (COG), issued an inte Lanka General Elec inding the Election Co and the Police “for th their performance on Excerpts from the sta
"It is difficult to process as fair when biased as it has been run-up to this gener on the part of the St particular authority a tial for democracy. It campaign cast a lon election process.
“The second shad lence and intimidati paign. We commenc Commissioner of El forts to achieve a v election. Terrorism, other violence strike the democratic proc development and pro "After this, the e came as a pleasants process is continuing give a judgment on voting has conclude need more time befo ment about the situat east I can report that in the country have rangements made by1 Elections were effecti observation, the voter ballots freely, the sect assured, large numb processed with effic agents were satisfiec parties had put forw didates, but many wo add that Observer Te access to polling pla "The Commissio Police are to be comn preparations and thei day. I congratulate til and organizations, \ hard with great dedic eral election,
oThis interim sta
TAMILTMES 7
than fifteen years
hd
'olice
the State media as e of balance "during ongshadow over this urgaret Reid, chair of h Observer Group rim statement on Sri tion 2004 commemmissioner, his staff eir preparations and the day." itement follow: lescribe an electoral the State media is as in Sri Lanka in the al election. Balance ate media - with its und reach - is essens absence during the gshadow over this
low was castbyvioon during the camthe Police and the ections for their efiolence-free general assassinations and at the very heart of :ess and undermine sperity. vents of polling day surprise. The results , so it is too early to that. However, the 'd and, while I will re I make any stateion in the north and our teams elsewhere told me that the arthe Commissioner of ve. According to our 's were able cast their recy of the ballot was ers of people were iency and the party l. We noted that the ard few women canmen voted. I should ams were given full
6:S. ner, his staffand the hended both for their r performance on the he many individuals which have worked ation for a good gen
tement is very much
preliminary in nature, an initial comment rather than a final judgment on the general election. That final judgment will come in our Report to the Commonwealth Secretary-General and will be based on full reports from all our Teams, collective discussion by the Group and thorough assessment of the totality of the electoral process. Our Teams return to Colombotomorrow, We will then begin writing that report, which we will complete and sign in the capital before we depart on 8th April 2004.'
Commissioner decides against re-poll
Though there were reports, confirmed by independent election monitors, that there were voting irregularities in two districts in the south of the island and in the districts of the Northeast including the district of Diggamadulla in the east, the Election Commissioner decided not to annul the elections in these areas and order a re-poll.
Election Commissioner Dayanada Dissanayake after meeting with leaders of Sri Lanka's major parties told reporters, "We had a lengthy discussion and I have decided that there is no need for re-polling.”
Mr.Anandasangareefaulted the Commissioner for not annulling the election result and calling for a re-poll in areas controlled by Tamil Tiger rebels and accused him of "legalizing terrorism.”
"All kinds of offences were committed. The European monitors did not see the other side of the story. We cannot accept this result. We are going to ask for a re-poll," Anandasangaree told the media before the decision of the Election Commissioner.
The Center For Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) strongly condemned Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake's decision not to call for a re-poll in the Digamadulla and Jaffna Districts.
CMEV Co-convenor Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu maintained that polling in Jaffna and the polling divisions of Sammanthurai, Pottuvil and Kalmunai in the Digamadulla District, warranted annulment and repolling. The CMEV's assessment also reflected upon the reports from local as well as international observ
CIS,
Except for situations in the north and the east the campaign period and polling day can be considered a comparatively free election, noted Saravanamuttu. O
Page 8
8 TAMIMES
Crisis in the Alliance
The dispute between the main constituent parties of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) continues without a solution despite several sessions of discussions between the party leaders. Though the cabinet ministers belonging to the other parties of the UPFA have been sworn-in, four MPs belonging to the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) have refused to present themselves before the President to be sworn-in.
In terms of the agreement between the parties, the JVP was to be allocated the portfolios of (a) Agriculture, Lands, Irrigation and Livestock, (b) Fisheries and Marine Resources, (c) Rural Economic Development and (d) Culture and National Heritage. But the JVP has complained that certain subject areas which should fall within the province of these ministries had been removed and allocated to other ministries. The JVP wants certain specified subjects such as the National Film Corporation be brought under the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage and the Mahaveli Development to be included within the Ministry of Agriculture, Lands and Irrigation. There are other areas of dispute as well.
The General Secretary of the (JVP), Mr.Tilvin Silva has written to President Kumaratunge, asking her to summon the executive committee of the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA), of which the JVP is a major constituent, immediately to sort out all problems that have arisen over the appointment of Mr.Mahinda Rajapakse as Prime Minister and the non-allocation of"vital subjects” for ministries offered to JVP parliamentarians who are yet to be sworn-in.
“Of the sixty five Sri Lanka Freedom party (SLFP) parliamentarians in the UPFA, 31 have been appointed cabinet ministers and another 31 have been appointed deputy ministers leaving only three without any ministries). These three will share the posts of Speaker, Deputy Speaker and the Chairman of Sub Committees in the parliament. This is contrary to our agreement on the number of ministers in the UPFA government,” Mr.Tilvin Silva complained in his letter to the President,
The support of the JVP with forty parliamentarians is crucial for the survival of the UPFA government which has yet to demonstrate its majority in parliament,
UPFA leadership before the general election agreed to offer four ministries, Agriculture and Land, Cultural Affairs, Rural Economy Development and Industries to JVP parliamentarians with four deputies. After the general election the President of fered these ministries to the JVP but removed vital subjects that come undersuch ministries.
“Agriculture and Land Ministry has been given after removing the subject of Mahaveli Development. Cultural Ministry has been given without Sri Lanka Film Corporation and Censor Board, Rural Economy Development Ministry has been given without rural banks and other financial institutions and likewise Industries Ministry without vital organs,” Mr. Silva's letter pointed out to the President.
The JVP appears to be unable to reconcile itself with the appointment of Mahinda Rajapakse as Prime Minister, "You agreed earlier in a discussion with us to appoint Mr. Lakshman Kadirgamar as Prime Minister. Later you appointed Mr.Mahinda Rajapakse in violation of our agreement. You could have appointed Mr.Anura Bandaranaike or Mr.Maithiripala Sirisena if you wanted a Buddhist for the post of Prime Minister. This has created a dent in our memorandum of understanding,' the JVP told the President.
Despite several rounds of discussions between the parties, the dispute regarding the allocation of subjects to the JVP's portfolios rumbles on.
APR 2004
In another unsettling dispute, Mr. Arjuna Ranatunge, an Alliince MP and former captain of the Sri Lanka cricket team when it won the World Cup in the year 1996, Sunday announced his resgnation from all posts in the Sri Lanka Freedom Party', main :onstituent of the UPFA He has been holding the post of party organizer for Kotte electorate and the leader of the SLFP youth Wing.
His decision to quit from these posts came in protest against not being appointed for the sports ministry portfolio.
Mr. Ranatunge, who believed that sports ministry was his for he taking, was given the post of Deputy Minister for Rural Deelopment. When he came to know that Mr. Jeevan Kumaratunge had been given the Sports Ministry, Ranatunga had walked out of he President's House evening without taking oaths with other leputy ministers on 10 April.
As response to the continuing divisions within the Alliance, he President appointed a five-member committee chaired by with he Prime Minister Rajapakse to reach an amicable solution. Minsters Douglas Devananda of the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party EPDP), Susil Premajayantha, Secretary of the UPFA, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle of the SLFP and Ms Ferial Ashraff of the National Unity Alliance (NUA) are the other members of the five memberommittee.
The committee held discussions with the JVP leaders during he last few days and at last was able to reach some consensus over vital issues, paving the way for the designated JVP ministers :o take oaths in a day or two, political sources said.
Rani faces internal Crisis
In the meantime, the ousted Prime Minister and the leader of the United National Party (UNP), Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe, is also facing mounting criticism within his party mainly from some leading figures who have been left out of the UNP's National List of MPs. Out of the l l slots to which the United National Front (UNF) was entitled to, Ranil Wickremasinghe has allocated the majority of them to the minority parties - SLMC 4 CWC 2 and UCPF 1 - leaving the UNP with only 4.
It is reported that leading figures of the UNP want their leader to review existing agreements with UNF constituents on the allocation of national list slots. “We have to do this on a priority basis,” a veteran politician told Colombo daily while lambasting the party leadership for giving into unreasonable demands of constituents.
"This is ridiculous. Imagine giving the majority of slots to constituent parties. Among the nominees is the father-in-law of a party leader of minority party," in an undisguised reference to the leader of Sri Lanka Muslim Congress to which 4 slots in the National List had been allocated by the UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe. Another nominee is a person who crossed over from the People's Alliance shortly before nominations. He changed sides at the previous election and unsuccessfully contested the Nuwara Eliya district. He was rejected by the people. But President Chandrika Kumaratunga gave him a national list slot (in the last parliament). "Now we have accommodated him,” he said, pointing out that there were only four slots for the UNP. One of the slots went to PA rebel Prof. G. L. Peiris who had never faced the people. Other slots went to K.N. Choksy, Naveen Dissanayake and Ali Zaheer Moulana.
Breaking ranks is the Foreign Minister in the ousted UNF re
Page 9
APR 2004
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gime, Tyronne Fernando. Though, displeased with his omission to be nominated as a National List MP, Mr Fernando's criticism against his leader was much more wide-ranging pinpointing reasons for their defeat at the recent general election.
He said in a letter to party leader Ranil Wickremasinghe that the main reason was their disregard for the “oppression' suffered by the people, Mr. Fernando said the UNF could have consolidated the victory it achieved in 2001 had it adopted flexibility and political maturity. He alleged that the United National Party has now plunged into a crisis and has failed to get its priorities correct. Pointing out that “there is something radically and tragically wrong somewhere in the UNP,” Mr Fernando said that “...the party (UNP) is gradually losing its sense of direction and priorities”.
Commenting on his failure to make it to parliament on the UNP national list, the former minister said that even the public was surprised that the party had overlooked him. He also criticized the awarding of four national list nominations to a party (a reference to the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress) that won only five seats at the polls.
Discussing the surprise move taken by the UNP leader not to include Mr. Fernando's name on the UNP national list, he said, Noweveryone is dismayed by your arbitrary decision to omit me from the National list, for whatever flimsy excuses that could be concocted.
“The story gets even worse and curiouser when I had been promised by you in nouncertain terms that I would be in the 13th Parliament and this was announced by you at the Moratuwa Rally on 30th March, three days before the Elections. Worse, I had been promoted by you and the Cabinetto vie for the UN Secretary Generalship in 2006, making this omission from Parliament a cause
TAM TIMES 9
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for international consternation and bewilderment,” the angry former minister stated.
Indicating that he might sever his connections with the UNP, the former Minister said, "My omission from the National list to Parliamentarbitrarily has served to confirm our worst fears. Since you will never allow a serious attempt to find out where the malady lies and remedy it, I am reluctantly compelled with a heavy heart to reassess my affiliation to the Party. It is a party to which I contributed so much during the last three decades but I consider the interests of the country for which my ancestors have valiantly fought and laid down their lives, to be more important than any other consideration.”
Speaking to press, Mr Fernando rejected news reports that he was to be appointed Sri Lanka's permanent representative at the United Nations describing such reports as an attempt to take the public focus away from his loss of a seat in parliament. He described these reports as "concoction by spin doctors'.
“The international community has expressed bewilderment over my non appointment as a National List MP", he said,
Saying he had no intention of quitting politics, Mr. Fernando charged that the UNP's failure at the general elections was due also to the JHU factor. He said the JHU had been able to win over many from among the UNP's "chewing gum and ponytail” supporters for the mission of building up a Dharma Rajya.
He said there was also a perception among the people that the UNF was too readily caving into LTTE demands and the solution the people were long awaiting was not forthcoming. He believed the UNP should not have monopolised the peace process.
Saying that when one door closes, another opens, Mr Fernando said, “I have received an invitation from the Minister of Tourism,
Page 10
10 TAM TIMES
Anura Bandaranaike to join the party. If matters turn worse, then I will be compelled to take a decision to join the UPFA,” adding, "But at the moment I am in the process of reassessing the party leadership, policies and my affiliation to the party since I feel that there is somethingradically and tragically wrong in the UNP which is now losing its sense of direction and priorities.”
Condemning the party leadership, the former minister said he believed in collective leadership which listened to others rather than dictatorship. He also alleged that the party was now in a process of putting honest and decent politicians onto the streets and letting all sorts of others, including thugs remain in the party,
He also criticised the party's shortsighted decisions saying the agreement signed between the UNP and SLMC which he described as a folly, the party had agreed to allocate four seats in the UNP National list to the SLMC. "This has resulted in half a million voters from Colombo West to Moratuwa having nobody from the UNP to represent them in Parliament. On the other hand, having secured only 186,876 votes, the SLMC ends up with a total of nine seats,” he said.
“I have known President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga from her childhood and I know that she is a moderate leader and we all know that she was twice elected President of
LTTE 0 Election Results
The Tamil people have delivered a clear message that the "concept of the Tamil Homeland, Tamil Nationalism and the right for Tamil self rule should be accepted as the basic aspirations of the Tamil people and that the Tamil national problem should be politically resolved on that basis, failing which the Tamil people will fight to establish the Tamil sovereignty in their homeland on the principle of self determination,” said the Political division of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in an official communique released in the peace secretariat website.
The communique said that by giving Tamil National Alliance (TNA) a historic victory, the Tamil people have performed their historical duty and have sent a clear message to the "Sinhala Nation and the International community at large.”
The communique added that this is the first time after the 1977 elections that the “Tamil people have expressed their aspirations more resolutely and unambiguously....”
The communique appealed to the Tamil people to continue to support the TNA and described the TNA as “the political entity that is assigned the task of being supportive of the Liberation Tigers and the Leadership, relentlessly fighting for the security and freedom of the Tamil people."
During the 1977 elections the TULF stood on a platform approved overwhelmingly by the Tamil people during the landmark Vaddukoddai resolution under the chairmanship of S.J.V.Chelvanayakam which called upon all Tamils to work towards the goal of a separate state of Tamil Eelam.
The full text of the release is as follows: The Tamil people, by their national mandate in the election held on 2nd April 2004, have performed a commendable historical duty. This endorsement reconfirms their acknowledgement of the supreme sacrifices our Lliberation fighters and the leadership have performed, and the military achievements through which the freedom struggle has reached a historical juncture. This mandate invariably reiterates their moral support for our freedom struggle,
The Tamil people have, with a sense of responsibility and na
APR 2004
Sri Lanka.
"Willingly or not, we have to accept the fact that she is the President and on several occasions I negotiated with two major parties to come to a working arrangement, until when all such efforts went down the drain with some actions taken by several so called "mighty UNPers' who even tried to inspect what was inside her handbag,” he added.
As a senior MP who represented the UNP for 27 years, Fernando revealed several facts that led to the humiliating defeat in General Elections 2004. One of those were that the UNP in its past had only managed to create a chewing gum and "ponytail” youth culture.
They failed to nurture religious values which ultimately resulted in larger chunks of UNP votes being eaten up by the Jathika Hela Urumaya. The other fact is that the UNP mainly promoted the betterment of a handful of business and mafia communities rather than the public and farmers, Fernando charged.
The UNP Provincial Councillor, Senaka Damayantha along with 42 UNP organisers have decided to step down from the party membership in protest over the decision to drop Fernando on the National List.
tional spirit, undertaken this part of their duty under strenuous circumstances, waiting for long hours in the voting line under scorching Sun to exercise their franchise. This vote in unison has provided to the Tamil National Alliance(TNA) a historical and landmark victory. By this collective act the Tamil people have conveyed an open message to the Sinhala Nation and the International community at large.
Through this mandate the Tamil people have acknowledged the leadership of the Liberation Tigers as that of the Tamil national leadership. The Liberation Tigers have thus been declared as the accredited and understandably sole representatives of the Tamil people, a deep resonant national message to the world. The Tamil people have, by this mandate expressed unequivocally that they stand united, sinking all differences, under the leadership of the Liberation Tigers. A clear message has been effectively delivered by the Tamil people, in that, the concept of the Tamil Homeland, Tamil Nationalism and the right for Tamil self rule should be accepted as the basic aspirations of the Tamil people and that the Tamil national problem should be politically resolved on that basis, falling which the Tamil people will fight to establish the Tamil sovereignty in their homeland on the principle of self determination.
It is only in this election, after the public vote in 1977 wherein they mandated the formation of a separate self-rule for Tamil Eelam, the Tamil people have expressed their aspirations more resolutely and unambiguously in an overwhelming manner. By this action the Tamil people have elevated the Tamil National Struggle to a noble pedestal so that none could vilify or ignore it. Above all, they have demonstrated to the world that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam are a strong and formidable peoples' force. We consider this as a major political victory for our freedom struggle. To our people who earned this victory, we wish to express our sense of appreciation and gratitude on behalf of the Tamil National leader and our freedom organization.
Also we request of you most fervently to continue your unstinted support to the TNA, the political entity that is assigned the task of being supportive of the Liberation Tigers and the Leadership, relentlessly fighting for the security and freedom of the Tamil people,
Page 11
(OOSU Oa
Reform
President Kumartunga went to the polls three years before it was due seeking a mandate from the people to put in place a new constitution which would make radical changes including the abolition of the all powerful executive presidency. In the event she could not secure even a simple majority in parliament for her Freedom Alliance to form a stable government for which she has to rely on minority parties represented in parliament which have so far not shown any inclination to join her government.
From the time Mrs Kumaratunga came to power ousting the UNP which had held political sway during the previous seventeen long years, herpet project has been the introduction of constitutional reform providing firstly for the abolition the executive presidency and a return to the Westminster parliamentary model, and secondly for regional autonomy for the northeast as a means of politically settling the long running ethnic conflict which has rocked the country for the last 25 years. However, without the required two-thirds majority in parliament, she has repeatedly been frustrated by the other major political arty, the UNP which stands as a stumbling block in her endeavour to pushing through her
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Notwithstanding the fact that the President is unlikely command the required two-third majority, it is reported that she is determined to make a valiant effort this time to somehow go through the process of constitutional reform.
According to President Kumaratunga's trsted confidant and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, the plan to bring about constitutional reform will involve three phases.
First, the newly-elected parliament is to wear two hats performing two roles: In its first role, it will carry on its normal parliamentary legislative functions. In its second role, it will be converted into a Constituent Assembly by the adoption of a resolution by a simple majority of Members of Parliament. This Assembly will discuss and deliberate on the constitutional changes that are to be introduced.
The Constituent Assembly will be presented with and asked to adopt two major changes in the 1978 Constitution:
The first change that will be for the abolition of the Executive Presidency and adoption of the Westminster-style of cabinet government headed by the Prime Minister, a system that prevailed in the country before the 1978 Constitution was introduced.
The second change will be for the alteration of the existing Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system which has prevented the return of a stable government in recent years. In its place a new electoral system based on the German pattern of pro
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portional representation is to be introduced. Under the German pattern, half the members of the 225-member Parliament will be elected through the first-past-the-post system, while the other half will be elected under the PR system to ensure adequate representation to minority communities.
Once the Constituent Assembly makes these changes to the Constitution, the government will seek the approval of the people for these changes through a referendum as provided in the 1978 Constitution. But before doing so, the Government will go to the Supreme Court seeking its ruling on the legal validity of the proposed course of action.
Mr. Kadirgamar appears to be confident that the Supreme Court will rule in the government's favour. According to him, once the Supreme Court clears the proposed changes in the Constitution, the Government will hold a referendum to seek the people's approval.
He argues that the UPFA manifesto had sought the electorate's mandate to make these changes in the controversial 1978 Constitution, and the results showed that the people favoured the changes that the government was proposing. He points out that the UPFA secured 45.60 per cent of the popular vote and was voted to power in the April 2 general election, while the United National Front (UNF) got only 37.83 percent of the vote and was
Joint statement by TNA MPs
"In view of the speculative reports in the media, all Members of Parliament elected from the North-Eastern region in the name of Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchchi emphatically state that we are unequivocally and irrevocably committed to the political aspirations of the Tamil people for over the past fifty years for self rule in a unified north-eastern region, which has been the acknowledged as the area of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people," saidjoint statement by 20 Tamil National Alliance parliamentarians from the Northeast. The statement signed by all 20 MPs elected on April 2 was issued following discussions at a twoday meeting held in Colombo on 6-7 April.
It was reported that senior LTTE official from Killinochchi also were also present and participated in the discussions especially with TNA parliamentarians of Batticaloa and Amparai districts, The full text of the statement follows: -
“The Tamil people have for over the past 55 years struggled to achieve substantial autonomy and self rule in the North-East. The failure on the part of the Sri Lankan State to resolve the Tamil National Question in a just and acceptable manner, resulted in the demand for total sovereignty an a separate state.
The armed struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, which followed, lasted for 20 years. The Sri Lankan State eventually accepted that the Tamil National Question could only be resolved through meaningful and credible negotiations.
A ceasefire agreement was signed on the 22nd of February 2002 and negotiations commenced between the Sri Lankan State and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as the sole and authentic representatives of the Tamil people.
The LTTE delivered to the Sri Lankan State written proposals for the setting up of an Interim Self-Governing Authority in the North-East on the 31st of October 2003. Far reaching changes in
APRIL 2004
ejected from office.
When asked as to how the government could overcome the hurdle placed by the present Constitution which stipulates that a two-thirds majority is necessary in Parliament to make major changes, Mr Kadiramar says that this is impossible under the present PR system. "If only we had the first-past-the-post system like in India and other democracies, we would have bagged a twothirds majority in Parliament.”
He said the UPFA government will seek the opposition UNF's assistance to amend the Constitution. He hoped that, given the popular mood in the country in favour of the proposed changes, Ranil Wickramasinghe and his parliamentary colleagues will cooperate.
Together, the UPFA and the UNF have won 83 percent of the seats in the new Parliament. If the UNF cooperates with the UPFA, the constitutional changes can be brought about without any difficulty. “However, if the UNF refuses to help, we will still go ahead and make these important changes in the Constitution,” Kadirgamar said.
Asked as to how long the entire process will take, he said: “We want to do this as soon as possible, say in the next three months or so.'
the structure of governance on the 4th of November 2003 and the resultant political instability resulted in the General Elections held on the 2nd of April 2004.
The Tamil National Alliance contested the said parliamentary Elections under the name and symbol of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchchi on the firm policy that an Interim Self-Governing Authority with substantial powers of governance should be constituted for the North-Eastern region at the earliest.
The said policy enunciated that it is imperative that the hundreds of thousands of displaced Tamil civilians should be resettled in their homes in the North-East, and rehabilitated; that the devastated North east should be rebuilt and reconstructed and the normalcy should return to the lives of the people in the NorthEast.
Normalcy has not returned to the lives of the Tamil people in the North-East, though more than two years have lapsed since the ceasefire agreement and the stoppage of the war.
This objective is achievable only through the setting up ofan Interim Self-Governing Authority for the North-East with substantial powers of governance.
All Members of Parliament elected under the name and symbol of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchchi and constituting the Tamil National Alliance urge that steps be taken forthwith to commence negotiations with the LTTE as the sole and authentic representatives of the Tamil people, for the setting up of an Interim SelfGoverning Authority for the North-East, on the basis of the proposals submitted by the LTTE on 31st October 2003.
All members of Parliament so elected commit ourselves wholeheartedly on the basis of the unequivocal mandate received from the people of the North-East, at the last General Election, to unitedly and in unison strive both within Parliament and outside, particularly to muster the support of the international community to ensure that negotiations commence with the LTTE and that such an Interim Self-Governing Authority is set up for the North-East at the earliest.
“We strongly submit that the agony and anguish of the Tamil people cannot continue and there is an imperative need to bring the same to an end without further delay.
Page 13
NPL 2004
"In view of the speculative reports in the media, all Members ofparliament elected from the North-Easter region in the name of Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchchi emphatically state that we are untequivocally and irrevocably committed to the political aspirations of the Tamil people for over the past fifty years for self rule in a unified north-eastern region, which has been the acknowledged historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people. This we assert
JHU Spells Out
its position
The party of the Buddhist monks, Jathika Hela Urumaya(JHU), which with its 9 Mmbers of Parliament holds the balance of power between the governing and opposition parties in parliament has said that it would offer conditional support to sustain the new UPFA government. However, that support comes with stringent conditions that the Government may not be in a position to fulfil.
In an interview with a Colombo newspaper, JHU Propaganda Secretary Ven. Uduwe Dhammaloka Thera spelt out his party's position.
On the JHU's decision to support the Government having categorically stated that it would not support either of the main parties in parliament, the Thera said that had "to bow to the mandate of the people who have elected the UPFA to office” and they believed they “will be able to correct the UPFA if it takes wrong decisions.'
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is the unquestionable verdict of the Tamil people as manifested at the last general elections, and we shall with dedication work towards the achievment of this goal.
"We also remain committed to ensure that any interim or final solution addresses the concerns of our Tamil speaking Muslim brethren in the North-East in a manner acceptable to them and that no injustice is done to any people living in the North-East.”
The party will remain independent and not align with any political party. It will support the UPFA as long as it takes correct decisions - decisions taken in the interest of the country. The UPFA made many promises to the masses. We will insist that it must fulfil these promises. Unlike the earlier opposition, we will support the government on the merits of the issue at stake. Even in the event of a no-confidence motion against the government, we will stick to this principle and decide whether the reasons are valid, the Thera said.
On the issue of a political solution for the ethnic conflict, the Thera said, "The position of the JVP, a main constituent party in the UPFA, is the same as ours. Our policy is that administrative structures and powers should be decentralized within a unitary state, as opposed to devolution of power within a federal state. Federalism is a mechanism to bring together several independent states as in the case of the United States. Such a mechanism is totally inappropriate here as Sri Lanka has always been a unitary state....Ourposition is that there is no ethnic problem in this country as more than two thirds of the Tamils live outside the NorthEast and they live peacefully among their Sinhala and Muslim brethren'.
Asked as to whether he agreed that the Tamil people are facing problems, the Thera said, "We agree that the Tamil people are facing problems. But these problems are largely due to the myopic policies of the politicians who did not have a proper national plan, especially with regard to agriculture. We also believe that the people of the North and East are against war.”
On the JHU’s approach to the peace process, the Thera said, “We totally reject the present peace process as we believe it will only lead to the division of this country. We also reject the facilitation of Norway because it is partial towards the LTTE. Norway was the only country, which opposed the proposal to make Vesak an international holiday, when even hard-line Muslim states voted for it. We would be glad if an impartial country like India gets involved in the process.”
The Thera also said, “We believe that all parties should sitat the negotiation table. It should not be confined to the government and the LTTE alone as it had been the case in the past. The opposition, the Anandasangari group, the EPDP and the Muslims should be included in the talks. The South African peace process succeeded because all parties were involved in it. We also believe that there should not be any compromise on the territorial integrity of the country and this principle should form the basis of any negotiations.”
On the LTTE's proposals for an Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA), the Thera said, “The Tigers have their right to submit any proposals. But the integrity of the state should not in any case be compromised. In such an event, we will use our utmost force to defeat it.'
On the economic policy of the JHU, the Thera said, “We are neither for the unbridled open economy nor for a closed economy. We promote a middle-path economy. As I said, we should implement national plans for agriculture and industries to safeguard the interests of all, not only the North and East. We have a national
Page 14
14 TAMLTMES
plan and we will begin its implementation with the reconstruction of 30,000 tanks. We also have a plan to make Sri Lanka self-sufficient in milk and agricultural products that could be grown in Sri Lanka.'
As to how they the monks will function in Parliament, the Thera said, “We will act as advisers to MPs. We will request the Speaker to appoint a commission to deal with disciplinary matters. We will propose a new constitution. But we will insist that the constituent assembly should consist of intellectuals as well.'
Release child soldiers, UNICEF tels LTTE
UNICEF on 16 April called on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to ensure that released underage cadres are not rerecruited. "The LTTE must commit itself to not re-recruiting any of the children that have left the organization in the wake of last week's fighting,” the UNICEF said in a press release.
"UNICEF has confirmed the tragic deaths of two child soldiers in the LTTE fighting that took place in Sri Lanka's east last week. The children were 17 and 18 year old girls. The 18 year old had been in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) since August 2001 when she was just 16. Both girls were in Karuna's cadre at the time of their death, but while any child soldiers remain in the LTTE they are also at risk,” the UNICEF said in the press release.
“I would like to send our condolences to the families of the children killed in the recent fighting," said Mr. Ted Chaiban,UNICEF's Representative in Sri Lanka. "These children should never be recruited or accepted voluntarily into military organizations. Even now in a time of relative peace in Sri Lanka, children have been sent to the frontline and have died there,' he said. "This cannot be tolerated. All people must take a stand on this issue and protect children from this type of terrible tragedy." "The families of the two girls are grieving the senseless loss of their young daughters. In the wake of this tragedy, UNICEF calls on the LTTE to free the remaining child soldiers in the organization, including those in the north, and to make a commitment to not re-recruit any of the children released in the past week," said the UNICEF. Referring to the recent fighting between the LTTE and Karuna faction, Mr. Ted Chaiban said, “The events of the past week and the deaths of these children underline exactly why there must be an end to child recruitment in Sri Lanka."
The UNICEF said that the LTTE must commit itself to not rerecruiting any of the children that have left the organization in the
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As to their constitutional proposals, the Thera said, "The powers of the President to intervene will be restricted other than in important matters such as national security and Buddha Sasana. A Bhikku council, on par with the office of the President, will be appointed to advise on matters with regard to the state, Buddha Sasana and culture. We have already agreed upon proposals with regard to the territorial integrity of the country, the place of Buddhism and the independence of the three Armed Forces and the Police.'
wake of last weeks fighting, and that they continue the process of releasing the children in their ranks.
On April 13 the LTTE formally released 209 children and UNICEF assisted in reunifying them with their families. However, many more children returned home of their own accord. So far, UNICEF has confirmed that 259 children have returned home to their families. But this number could continue to climb as UNICEF and its partners trace the children over the coming weeks. UNICEF is working to register all the children that have left the LTTE in the past week. This includes handing out leaflets and airing radio announcements to get families to alert UNICEF that their children have come home. UNICEF and its partners will then work to monitor all of the children to ensure that they are kept safe and that any re-recruitment or harassment was reported immediately and rectified.
Meanwhile, the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) said, The LTTE had recruited 1122 children, of which 20 had been abducted. They had also abducted 293 adults within the two-year period the Ceasefire had been in operation.
SLMM on Violations
The SLMM’s latest statistics revealed that from February 2002 to March 2004, out of 469 complaints recorded from all Districts in the North and East, 1122 had been ruled as ceasefire violations, pertaining to "Child Recruitment", broadly within the category of "Measures to Restore Normalcy".
In the abduction category for adults and children respectively, from 681 and 43 complaints recorded to the SLMM, 293 and 20 have been declared as CFA violations in the adults and child categories respectively. There have been 9 cases of torture, 19 of intimidation, 29 of extortion, 5 forced recruitment of adults and one assassination, ruled as violations by the LTTE.
Within the "Offensive Military Operations' category, 2 cases offiring of weapons, 3 abductions of soldiers and cadres, 4 illegal carrying of arms and a case of a military related abduction has been recorded. Furthermore, 8 cases on the construction of new positions, ll on the movement of military equipment and an instant where weapons have been deployed have also been ruled and recorded as ceasefire violation.Overall, 1873 violations against the LTTE and 93 against the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) have gone on record, the SLMM said.
Meanwhile, the Security Forces Head Quarters told the press that according to their statistics, there have been a total of 1914 cases of MoU violations to-date, in all Districts of the North and East, including 556 cases of abductions, 475 conscriptions, 50 ransom, 12 flag hoistings, 89 provocative activities, 60 protest campaigns and 582 other cases within it.
At the recent Praba-Karuna clash in the East, an Army restraint has averted a major clash, where a senior LTTE leader and Prabakaran-loyalist had threatened a group of army officicers with death when crossing a government-controlled area with artillery, in violation of the ceasefire agreement.
Page 15
AR 2004
Resettlement and mine clearing continues
The program to resettle over 227,000 families, initiated in 2002, continues without uncertainty and hesitation in the minds of all those involved in rehabilitation and resettlement of internally displaced persons (IDP's). "The recent changes in the country's administration is not going to affect the smooth flow of the events drawn out following the cease-fire,” Government sources said on 8 April.
"Rehabilitation and mine clearance workhas gone on as usual,” they pointed out adding that the North and East had “not been neglected,"just because of the excitement caused by the election results during the past few days. The NGOs have been involved in mine clearance as usual,
Sources said there had been a meeting between the Secretary to the National Steering Committee on Mine action and the Central Asia Chief of the Halo Trust, Tom Dibb on Wednesday. The National Steering Committee Secretary discussed plans on mine clearence with the visiting Halo Trust Chief, The topics under discussion had centred around future plans and the mobilisation of resources, The Secretary of Committee had indicated to Dibb of 300,000 Euros which had been made available to Sri Lanka for mine action by the German government sources said,
Government sources said that in 2003, 45,000 mines and 2.2 million square meters of land had been cleared by the International NGO's involved in mine clearing and the Sri Lankan army, government sources said. They claimed that the operators were confident that most of the mines could be cleared by the end of
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TAMMES 15
2006- as targeted by government at the beginning. "If this target is to be overcome the work to clear land mines should continue despite any form of dilemma, they claimed with conviction.”
Pointing out that further developments had taken place in the field of IDP re-settlement and providing of livelihood assistance to IDP's, sources said that 66,166 families had been provided with livelihood assistance up to April 7 th (Wednesday). The amount of money that has been paid to bank accounts of IDP's amounts to Rs. 1,710 million (at the rate of Rs. 25,000 to each family).
Government officials in charge of this entire project feel that the show must go on. Even the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) is of the opinion that such programs should not be disturbed over political differences, sources pointed out. According to reports 100,000 fled to India where an estimated 62,000 of them are living in refugee camps in the province of Tamil Nadu the South of India, EU sources said,
The European Union granted 5.5 million euro's as humanitarian aid for the displaced, sources said.
"An estimated number of 800,000 people have been internally displaced as a result of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka," they pointed out. The funds that have been allocated would be utilised to deal with improvement to food and water supplies, sanitation systems, better access to health care and nutrition programs, humanitarian transport services and several other projects in support of IDP's.
"It would be difficult to shake the foundation set through the Norwegian brokered cease-fire agreement over two years ago, an independent sources who did not wish to be named pointed out." There may be trepidation's in the political sphere of things but the people of the North and East want to guback to the life they knew and elections and political changes are not going to hold them back, they said,
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Page 16
3 TA' TIMES
O Battle for the
Speaker's Chair
Battle lines are drawn by the two major political parties, the governing United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and the opposition United National Front (UNF), which have failed to obtain absolute majority in the general election on April 2, to show their strength when the thirteenth parliament is scheduled to meet on April 22 to elect the Speaker.
The UNF, which only obtained 82 seats in the new parliament, has decided to field its former Law and Justice Minister Mr.W.J.M.Lokkubandara against UPFA nominee for the post of Speaker. The UPFA parliamentary strength is 105 has decided to field Mr D E W Gunasekera of the Communist Party for the post.
The UNF hopes the five parliamentarians of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and one solitary member of the Upcountry People's Front (UPF), who was elected on district proportional system, would support Mr.Lokkubandaras candidature for the post of Speaker. The UNP has sought the support of the 22 TNA parliamentarians who have to make up their minds yet. It is believed that the LTTE leadership will have a decisive say in what the TNPs are likely to do. Even with the TNA support, the UNP needs the support of three more members to muster 113 to get its candidate elected.
The Jathika Hela Urumaya ( JIHU) with nine seats in the new parliament has said that it would decide on this issue at the appropriate time. The speculation is that it likely to support the government's nominee. Douglas Devananda, leader of the EPDP and cabinet minister, is certain to vote in support of UPFA nominee.
The UPFA islikely to nominate Communist Party General Secretary D.E.W. Gunasekera for the Speaker's post when the House meets next Thursday, political sources said.
Earlier the UPFA was seriously considering the nomination of former Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremenayake for the post and the President had even lobbied the support of the Jathika Hela Urumaya.
However legal and procedural impediments would prevent Mr. Wickremenayake from being nominated for the post since he had not been appointed from the Alliance national list. Therefore a national list MP after taking oaths would have to resign to pave way for Mr. Wickremenayake. But the first item on the agenda when the new parliament meets,
will be the appointm Sources said M been considered due parliament and also a port of Tamil parties the Communist Part nic question.
O Ranil hints a of government Following the ai results, the outgoing) Wickremesinghe tol in Colombo that th Freedom Alliance (U trying to form a mino such a minority go dangerto the continu ess with the LTTE.
"If no party has ity, taking control o and making it move ficult,” he said. The that his position was ess should be conti was suspended with tion.
He said that the C gress (CWC) and the Congress (SLMC) w the UNF and he was with the two lea Thondaman and Ra tively.
Earlier there was CWC and SLMC wo UPFA government. the UNP leader hads ing the two parties fr the government side cate 2 and 4 seats CWC and SLMC inp UNF's 11 seats in its The defeated PM would difficult for a r even to prepare the ag apart from carrying
APR 2004
ent of a Speaker.
r. Gunasekera had to his experience in anticipating the supbecause of his and y’s stand on the eth
it fall
nnouncement of the Prime Minister Ranil d a news conference e United People's PFA) appeared to be rity government and vernment will be a ity of the peace proc
the absolute majorf the peace process forward will be dif. Prime Minister said that the peace procnued from where it the Tokyo declara
eylon Workers Cone Sri Lanka Muslim vere remaining with having further talks ders, Arumugam uf Hakeem respec
speculation that the uld support the new But it appeared that ucceeded in preventom crossing over to by agreeing to allorespectively to the parliament out of the
National List. I emphasised that it minority government genda in Parliament, on with the peace
process which he stabilised when the Parliament was suddenly dissolved by Sri Lanka's President Chandrika Kumaratunga.
The Prime Minister said he did not believe that the southern voters had rejected the peace process totally, by yoting the UPFA, but said that there were other issues connected to the defeat of his party.
He doubted the stability of the government and hinted that with no overall majority in parliament it might fall recalling the previous example of the 1960 a minority government formed in March of that year which did not survive even for few months forcing another election in July 1960.
OJVP leaders as monitors
Top JVP leaders will not accept portfolios in the new Cabinet, and only some of its second level leaders will fill the portfolios allocated to the JVP. Its leaders, including its Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa and politburo member Nandana Gunatillake, are to head a party committee to monitor functions of the new UPFA government, according to JVP sources.
This committee has been instructed to ensure that the UPFA government would implement the policies outlined in the March 11 manifesto titled "Rata Perata'. The sources said the JVP also had other plans to keep a check on the government to ensure that it carried out its functions in keeping with UPFA policies.
Among the conditions, the JVP is to insist that family members of ministers must not be appointed to their personal staff and that there must be a limitation on such staff. The sources said the JVP had also protested when President Chandrika Kumaratunga started making appointments to key posts without consulting the JVP.
They said that according to the third memorandum of understanding between the SLFP and the JVP, a committee comprising representatives of both parties was to decide on top appointments. But this had not been observed. Therefore, the JVP was calling for the immediate appointment of this committee.
Accordingly, President Kumaratunga has nominated her team to the committee which will assess the appointment and progress oftop public officials. This committee is likely to meet once a month.
The President has nominated Mangala Samaraweera, Lakshman Kadirg
Page 17
APR 200
amar, Mano Tittawella, P.B. Jayasundara and Lalith De Mel while the JVP team will comprise Mr. Weerawansa and Mr. Gunatillake.
OJHU on Chandrika and Ranil
The Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) says that the party does not see any difference between President Chandrika Kumaratunge and former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghes policy in dealing with the LTTE. Spokesman for JHU, Athuraliye Rathana Thero said that the present government is working closely with the LTTE and the Alliance had proved it by helping Prabhakarans faction to defeat Karuna. He accused the government of helping Prabhakaran to violate the ceasefire agreement and the MOU signed between the government and the LTTE. "How did Prabhakarans troops land in certain areas and carried out attacks against Karunas troops?” he questioned. JHU spokesman also said, “We can see clearly that the present government and the LTTE have already come to an agreement and some understanding. This makes us very uncomfortable" Rathana thero said that they were not at all happy with Wickremasinghe's relationship with the LTTE and they are even more saddened about the current developments under President Kumaratunge. Udaya Gammanpila of the JHU questioned, "Why did the Alliance which screamed so about the Millennium City debacle sacrifice Karuna, who stood against Prabhakaran?" He said that the JHU could not understand the double standards of the Alliance. In an earlier statement, the JHU said by allowing the Tigers to move thousands of fighters to the east by land and sea the new government had caused a serious breach of responsibility.
ONo special treament
Buddhist monks who have become parliamentarians belonging to the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) will rubshoulders with Tamil militants for the first time af. ter their request for special seating in Sri Lanka's parliament was turned down, officials said.
The nine MPs elected from Sri Lanka's first all-clergy party were bodysearched like lay legislators when they visited the red-carpeted assembly on 15 April to prepare for the first sitting next week, officials said.
Offcials rejected the monks' request for a special section in the 225-member
parliament, where se complex system bas tion that combines : betical order.
The monks, wh against Tamil Tiger wiched between oth ing the proxies of th the Tamil National
"The monks also draped over their le sembly, but we are accede to that dema tions in the House,' However, in ol monks will be alloc ing area. The monks lunch before mid-da religious rules.
O Sangaree de JHU Offer
TULF leader V who failed to enter ) cent general election an independent, has Hela Uurmaya (JHU commodate him in time" when people and earth to find a p List'.
In a letter to the sangaree said, ʻI am fer of the Jathika H commodate me in tl a Member of Parliam moving heaven and in the National List my own party men h policies and princip methods to become offer of the JHU as on me, but I decline many thanks for the "Although I col eral Elections as an date under compell am strongly comm and policies of the
, tion Front and also
save the party from National List came three times in my cw and 1999 and on all clined to accept th ple. I assure my sup members that I nev body like some oth begging for positio dia persons not to r
TAMILTIMES 17
ats are decided by a ed on British tradieniority and alpha
o take a hard line ebels, will be sandr legislators includLTTE, the MPs of illiance. wanted white cloth ther seats in the asnot in a position to ld because of tradian official said. le concession, the ated a separate dinneed to have their y according to their
clines
".. Anandasangaree Parliament at the rehaving contested as thanked the Jathika D) for offering to acits national list at a were moving heaven lace in the National
: JHU, Mr. Anandasurprised at the of ela Urumaya to acheir National List as ent, when people are earth to find a place and when some of ad thrown away their les and adopted low MPs. I consider the an honour bestowed to accept it with very ir good gesture. tested the last GenIndependent candiing circumstances, I tted to the principle amil United Liberahave a sacred duty to ruin. A place in the on my way, at least nparty in 1990, 1995 these occasions I de| position on principorters and my party er went behind anyers in my own party is. I beg certain Melake this an issue.”
O LSSP Secretary resigns
An internal crisis within the LSSP seems to have developed with the resignation of its long-serving General Secretary, Batty Weerakoon, which appears to have been provoked by the acceptance of cabinet portfolio by Prof. Tissa Vitharane, another senior figure in the party.
LSSP sources said that the party's 52member Central Committee has been summoned to discuss the crisis.
Prof. Tissa Vitharane's acceptance of cabinet office in the UPFA government has created problems for sections of the LSSP which did not agree to enter the Alliance but instead work within the PA on a progressive platform to offer an alternative to the UNP.
While Weerakoon freely and willingly conceded his national list entitlement to parliament to Vitharane, he said that the LSSP was confronted with the need to preserve its identity and not enter into formations that would endanger it.
These matters had been discussed at the time preparations were afoot for the provincial council elections and an arrangement for the LSSP to have a share of the SLFP slots agreed between the JVP and SLFP under arrangements between those two parties.
The premature dissolution of parliament and national elections overtook these developments and Weerakoon expressed his desire to resign his position of General Secretary of the LSSP as he did not wish to appear on platforms from which the JVP stance on the national question would be expressed.
He was however persuaded to remain until the election was over. Once it was, before the results were announced he tried to tender his resignation but was asked to hold his horses until these matters could be discussed.
In the meantime, Vitharane informed the party of the cabinet offer which Weerakoon said was "going even further" and he submitted his resignation. Weerakoon said, "I have to decide whether I can remain in the LSSP," he said. "I don't want to split the party."
O Code of Conduct for Ministers
Ministers and their deputies have been asked not to appoint a member of their family, i.e. a spouse, child, brother, sister or a relative as personal staff, according to guidance on a Code of Conduct for Ministers stipulated by President
Page 18
1 AMLTES
Chandrika Kumaratunga on 17 April. Only educated young people should be considered for such appointments.
It has earlier been the practice for ministers and deputy ministers to appoint a member of their family or a relative as personal staff as in addition to the remuneration and allowances, they enjoy the use of government vehicles, overseas travel and other perks as well.
The Ministers of the former government went on foreign trips 10-15 times a year. There was public criticism against these foreign visits which cost the taxpayers a considerable amount of money. Ministers of the UPFA government should not undertake more tham a maximum of four visits abroad per annum. These official visits should be undertaken for very important official assignments and the delegation accompanying the Minister should be kept to a minimum.
All senior appointments in ministries and departments and to corporations and statutory bodies (chairmen, board of directors and working directors) should be done after consultations with the Presi
dent. No transfers out of ministries and
departments should be done without first discussing the need for such transfers with the President, according to the guidelines in place.
"No unnecessary expenditure should be incurred in refurbishing the offices of ministers and deputy ministers. Government buildings should be used to house ministry offices and departments. No private buildings should be rented out unless it is absolutely necessary."
The Code of Conduct also spells out that a minister will be entitled to use only two official vehicles, and two other vehicles may be used by his/her security personnel. "The use of vehicles should be kept to a minimum and there should be no abuse of public resources."
The IGP will decide on the number of security personnel to be allotted to a minister, Additional police officers or private security personnel will not be allowed to be employed. A code of conduct for security personnel will be issued in due course, the Presidential Secretariat said.
Reminding her ministers about several allegations of misconduct against some government ministers in the recent past, the President has cautioned her ministers not to leave room for similar alle
gations, the Preside "The people expec to conduct themsel manner both in thi life.'
O Appointmer List MPs befo
The Court of A sued notice, returnal Commissioner of E. Secretary of the Unit Alliance, the Gene United National Frc retaries of all the o' that contested the April 2, 2004, G Ratwatte and Ratnas, The notice is in tion for Writ of Proh P. Saravanamuttu ar Ofthe Centre for Poli ing to prohibit there Commissioner and th of the UPFA, from uddha Ratwatte an amanayake as Natio UPFA, consequent t by the resignation of the already gazetted of the UPFA. The W to prohibit the appoi and Wickramanayal MPs of any other p than the UPFA,
The Writ applica prohibit the appoint who is not a gazette didate prior to the p nominated candidate from getting selecte MP, upon the crea among the already g tional List MPs.
The petitionersh democratic to selec name was not made prior to the poll, as of a contesting poli the person to be dec List MP should hav they had said in the leged that it is an a select persons undec National List MPs, T right to know who wo MPs, before they vo party, the petitions s
... aw
tial Secretariat said. the elected leaders es in an exemplary public and private
t of National 'e Court
peal on 16 Aprilisle on May 17, on the ections, the General cd People's Freedom al Secretary of the nt, the General Secher political parties general election of neral Anuruddha riWickramanayake, respect of applicaibition, filed by Dr. d Rohan Edirisinha cy Alternatives seekpondents, Elections le General Secretary nominating Anurid Ratnasiri Wickrnal List MPs of the o a vacancy caused anyone or more of National List MPs rit application seeks intment of Ratwatte ke as National List olitical party other
tion further seeks to ment of any person, l National List canpll, or who is not a of a political party, as a National List ion of a vacancy, azetted List of Na
ad said that it is unt a person, whose nown to the voters National List MP, cal party. At least ared as a National contested the poll, petition. They albitrary practice to ured to the voter, as e electorate had the ld be National List 2d for any political id.
The petitioners said that their fundamental right to franchise is being violated. The petitions were supported by M. A. Sumanthiran and Viran Corea, instructed by Ms. Lilanthi de Silva.
Anil Obeysekera PC appeared for Anuruddha Ratwatte. Counsel Obeysekera said that, the petitions citing fundamental rights violations and an erosion of the sovereignty of the people, calls for an interpretation of the constitution. The Court of Appeal has no jurisdiction to hear this case. It should be referred to the Supreme Court, to interpret the constitution.
Dr. Jayampathy Wickramarathna with Gaston Jayakoddy appeared for Susil Premajayantha, the General Secretary of the UPFA, Dr. Wickramarathne said that any constitutional interpretations should be referred to the Supreme Court. He said that consequent to the seventeenth amendment to the Constitution, the powers of the Elections Commission is exercised by the Elections Commissioner, The actions of the Elections Commissioner could be challenged in the Supreme Court only,
Ikram Mohammad PC, appeared for the General Secretary of the SLMC. He endorsed the submissions made by Mr. Obeysekera and Dr. Wickramarathna.
Daya Palpola PC, appeared for the General Secretary of the UNF.
M. A. Sumanthiran in his reply said that, the petitioners do not seek a declaration of their fundamental rights from the Court of Appeal. The petitioners are only requesting the Court to apply the constitutional provisions on Writ jurisdiction. There is no question of interpretation of the Constitution. Only the application of the same, he said.
The petitioners were given time till May 17, to make any written submissions against the preliminary objections by the respondents.
The Bench comprised, Justice Andrew Somawansa and Justice I. S. Imam.
OTNAMP signs resignation letter
It is learnt that the newly elected Tamil National Alliance Parliamentarian for Batticaloa District, Kingsley Rajanayagam, was compelled to sign a letter of resignation on 17 April.
It is understood that the newly elected
Page 19
A 2004
MP was summoned by the LTTE eadership in the Wanni for a meeting and ater was asked to place his signature on a letter of resignation which had already been prepared.
Mr. Rajanayagam had contested for Batticaloa district at the recently concluded General Election. He received 38,633 preferential votes.
It is said that the LTTE leadership regarded Mr. Rajanayagam as a close confidante of LTTE renegade leader Karuna,
O Lankan's assets frozen
According reports from Dubai, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government has frozen the accounts of Sri Lankan businessman Buhary Abu Syed Tahir who has been linked to the nuclear black market racket. The detail of this racket came to light following the investigation into the proliferation of nuclear technology by Pakistan to Iran and North Ko
2.
The Sri Lankan businessman has been accused by the United States government of brokering black-market deals for nuclear technology.
The accounts of SMB Computers, a company founded by Buhary had been frozen by the UAE Central Bank. "The UAE Central Bank has frozen all accounts related to SMB Computers Co. as part of the investigation,” Sultan bin Nasser al-Suweidi had told reporters on the sidelines of a conference held in the tapital, Abu Dhabi, to regulate an informal system ofmoney transfer known as hawala. SMB is a Dubai-based company established by Tahir and his brother, Syed Ibrahim Buhary, that President Bush alLeged was used as a front by Tahir for clandestine movement ofparts for nuclear sentrifuges.
The company is part of a small-business empire with interests in Pakistan, Iran and Libya, key countries linked to the clandestine nuclear weapons network. Al-Suweidi said results of the investigation will be revealed soon. Authorities also shut down the company's operations un Dubai, the Gulf News reported recently.
Tahir, who is married to a Malaysian, s believed to be living in Malaysia, where be has been questioned by police and kept under surveillance, but is not in custody, Al-Suweidi said earlier that authorities also have confiscated $3 milion in ter
Reports indica ing and sending hi. renegade eastern Vinayagamoorthy Karuna and a ho have fled the battl district to find saf island and found hotel in Colombo, remains undisclo ports state that he Australia where h asylum.
According to day Times (18 Ap bers of his inner c lies and checked i in southern Colon Police party raic checked their ide men, women and c Batticaloa district tle the highlyexcit do for those men committed any of party left.
But that polic damage to Karun who had helped against Tiger Prabhakaran. Me: Amman, intelligel Liberation Tige (LTTE) soon lear these fleeing fami out of the hotel, a began. Tiger guer cadres and pistol ing the City, are them. The City m. the killing groun same way these g; eliminated infor
Directorate of Mi
lowing the ill adv
Army’s Safe Ho
the report said.
The news rep
by the Ministry o --
rorism-related fu counts of compa named on lists by the United States,
te that after disbandfollowers home, the igerguerrilla leader
Muralitharan alias it of his close aides e areas of Batticaloa ty in the south of the accommodation in a the location of which sed. Some other rehas already gone to e is seeking political
a report in the Sunil), some other memircle and their famin en masse to a hotel mbo. “Within hours a led the hotel. They ntities and learnt the hildren were all from . There was very litled Police team could and women had not fence. So the Police
e raid caused enough a's close supporters nim in the campaign. leader, Velupillai n deployed by Pottu nce wingleader of the rs of Tamil Eelam nt of the presence of lies. As they checked cat and mouse game illa intelligence wing gangs that are swarmnow on the hunt for ay once again become i for them, much the angshunted down and nants of the Army's litary Intelligence folised Police raid on the use at Athurugiriya,"
ort affirms the denial FDefence that Karuna
lds and frozen 14 acnies and individuals he United Nations and
O
TAM TIMES 19
and his band of followers had been escorted into the city of Colombo by armed Security Forces personnel. "They had no hand. Nor did the former LTTE Batticaloa-Ampara leader flee along the Manapitiya, Polonnaruwa, Minneriya route to Colombo stopping at wayside restaurants to dine. Karuna and his close aides came through a route north of the City. Boarding a fleet of luxury vehicles for the journey after his ignominious defeat at the hands of Mr. Prabhakaran’s men.”
However, Thamil Alai, a Tamil newspaper published by the LTTE from Batticaloa reported quoting eyewitnesses among the public that the fleeing Karuna and his associates were seen running into the Mavadivembu camp of the Sri Lanka Army, and from there were escorted in the direction of Polonnaruwa. Mavadivembu is 22 km northwest of Batticaloa town.
According to the eyewitnesses quoted by the paper, men from the Karuna group visited Kalladichenai, a paddy growing area of fields, in 7 vehicles, and set fire to a Pajero jeep and 2 pickup vehicles before leaving in other vehicles. In the no-man zone between the Kalladichenai paddy fields and the Mavadivembu SLA camp, the group was met by SLA personnel and escorted into the SLA camp, from where they were seen being escorted to Polonnaruwa.
There have been other reports that quite large number of Karuna's former followers are entering the Colombo city with their families. Most of them are moving in for reasons of security whilst the others want to leave Sri Lanka. A large number want to leave for India whilst others want to apply for visas to travel to European destinations.
The move has prompted intelligence cadres and LTTE's pistol gangs to hunt for them leading to a cat-andmouse game in the city.
Karuna faction disperses
The much publicised rebellion by
Karuna ended within three days of the
LTTE mounting a major offensive
Page 20
20 AMTIMES
against Karuna's forces on Goof Friday 9 April when the rebel commander gave up offering any resistance to the advancing columns of the LTTE and asked his loyalist cadres to disperse and go home. By 12 April, Karuna's faction indicated to government forces that they were disbanding and no longer engaging the northern leadership of the LTTE.
“Over 400 to 500 in the Meenakam base were asked to go home,' 16-yearold Tiger fighter identified as Arulmoli told AFP correspondent in Batticaloa after joining her parents. “We were the only ones left after the others fled.” She said the entire rebel base near this eastern coastal town was disbanded but was not aware of the whereabouts of her former leader, Karuna.
Earlier, the LTTE had told the Navy and other armed forces not to interfere in its movements between the North and the East, as the conflict with the Karuna faction was an internal matter of the organisation, military sources said.
The warning came after the govern
ment had refused to for the transportation res from Mullaitivu the Eastern coast by sels.
The request had the government on government decline sion. However rep said Sea Tiger mov place contravening t ment. The Tigers hi the Northern waters and had warned the
W.
The LTTE ferrie crack cadres fror Akkaraipattu in the a journey of some 2 ing Trincomalee an while the Sri Lanka to do anything. Al took care not to clas armed forces, tho crossed governme1 with everything fro mortars without be government forces
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APR 2004
) grant permission of 150 LTTE cadto Illaggachchai in foursea tiger ves
been conveyed to 1 April but the d to grant permisdrts from the East rements were took he ceasefire agreead maintained that belonged to them Navy not to inter
d nearly a thousand m Mullaittivu to Batticaloa district, )0 kilometres passd Batticaloa towns, Navy was unable though the LTTE sh directly with the usands of cadres nt territory armed m artillery guns to ing challenged by . A large force of over 60 boats of the LTTE is reported to have sailed down the East coast, when the coastline is supposed to be within the control of the Navy's gunboats, again with no resistance from government forces. These actions by the LTTE were regarded both by the government and Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission to be in violation of the Ceasefire Agreement and accordingly issued a statement to that effect, but it did not have any practical effect on the ground.
Some analysts have commented that an end to
Karuna's rebellion could not have been militarily achieved so swiftly and decisively by the LTTE had the Ceasefire Agreement been rigorously enforced. But it was clear that had any attempt been made by the Sri Lankan military to enforce the Agreement, it would have probably led to a confrontation between the LTTE and the military thus precipitating full scale resumption of hostilities.
It seems clear that orders had given by President Chandrika Kumaratunga to the military to avoid not only taking sides between the LTTE and the Karna faction, but also not to confront the LTTE in such a manner as to provoke the LTTE into a direct confrontation thereby endangering the entire ceasefire.
Others opposed to the LTTE including local groups had hoped the military would cash in and support Karuna's group against the Wanni leadership. Given the possible repercussions, the President must have given directions to the military not to become victim of such a temptation.
Tigers' warning on weapons
The LTTE has warned people in the East not to collect weapons abandoned by Karuna's faction when its members made their escape before the onslaught launched by the Wanni leadership.
The warning came after people in Batticaloa had reportedly collected weapons and other equipment which had been abandoned by Karuna's loyalists. The LTTE statement said that belongings including weapons have been collected by unscrupulous persons and disposed of to unwanted parties and therefore people should understand that the properties of the LTTE are the properties of all.
“The belongings of the movement have been bought not merely for money but by shedding blood and sweat. The dreams and tears of the dead heroes are there in all property', the statement said. The LTTE Batticaloa-Ampara District intelligence wing had requested that if any property belonging to the LTTE is found anywhere such property should be handed over to the LTTE immediately.
Page 21
APR 2004
in the afterm of the electi
Jehan Perera
Part I-Learning from UNP's electoral defeat
An international election monitor on duty in the north took a picture of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe hanging on a wall, a joyous one of a Sinhalese leader in a northern Tamil home. But the general election of April 2, 2004 has revealed Sri Lanka to be a fragmented polity, both politically and ethnically. The main casualty has been the UNP, which sought to lead the country to ethnic peace through compromise. The shocking defeats suffered by the UNP in its urban stronghold of the Colombo district, where it came third in some electorates behind the Buddhist monks of the Jathika Hela Urumaya, reveal that the UNP suffered an erosion even of its urban middle class support base.
The election results indicate that the UNIP failed to keep its traditional urban Sinhala Buddhist middle class base. The fact that the UNP fell to third place behind both the UPFA and JHU in the suburbs of Colombo suggest that the Buddhist monks broke into the UNP's vote, rather into the UPFA's vote as had been anticipated. This leeching away of the UNP's middle class base cannot be due to economic factors as much as to the unhappiness with the concessions made to Tamil nationalism in the course of the peace process.
As the Colombo district was one that enjoyed the economic dividends of the past two years, the cause of urban disenchantment would lie in the peace process, and the widespread notion among Sinhalese that the UNP government was conceding too much to the LTTE. However, in other parts of the country, the erosion of support for the UNP would include the absence of the economic peace dividend, and the sense of neglect of the less privileged sections of society.
The main beneficiaries at this election have been the political parties that
espoused ethnic compromise. For would be the JVP, its larger partnert didates getting on didates elected wi ences in the UPF uncompromising peace process a made to the LTTE In the north ea party, the TNA sv the Tamil voters, nents, by virtue of and intimidation, also quite possibl. However, out the impact of the tained by the UPF toral districts has the workings oft toral system. Sc UPFA has been a of the 225 seats in prompted some m government, whi seats to seek to c jority from amor minority parties, i. National Alliance and the SLMC w would wish to c filled mission that cut short by the P. dissolve Parliam before its term en While the UN tion with the Sri gress, which is n formal tie up wit
an entirely diffe
within it a party with concerning would be contrad
It would certa dhist monks of th with the UPFA. TI the entry of the politics was the et place of Sinhale country by the pea
ALTRES 21
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nationalism without emost among these which overshadowed he PA, with JVP cantop of the list of canth the highest preferA. The JVP took an stance against the nd the concessions E in it. st, the LTTE's proxy vept the polls among decimating its oppoLTTE assassinations by vote rigging and y by choice. side of the northeast, crushing victory obA in most of the elecbeen moderated by he proportional elecmuch so, that the ble to win only 105 Parliament. This has embers of the former o won a total of 82 obble together a magst the other ethnic nparticular the Tamil ; which won 22 seats rith its 5 seats. They omplete their unfullthey feel was unfairly resident's decision to ent a full four years ded. Palready has a coaliLanka Muslim Conot controversial, any h the TNA would be rent matter. Having that it is negotiating the country's unity ictory. inly lead the 8Budhe JHU to join hands he main rationale for Buddhist monks into osion of the foremost se Buddhists in the ce process and Chris
tian influence. The TNA's close relationship with the LTTE would make it difficult for the JHU to support any government that has a formal tie-up with the TNA.
Sweeping rejection
The inability to muster the required numbers from other parties in Parliament in order to form a coalition government is not the only obstacle that stands in the way of a UNP-led government. More important is the ground reality of a clear rejection of the UNP by the Sinhalese-majority electorate. In a large number of Sinhalese electorates the margin of defeat for the UNP was very large, and wherever it won, it was due to the relatively large proportion of minority voters in those areas.
Therefore, the relatively narrow gap in the number of seats won by the two sides in Parliament does not reflect the political reality on the ground of a sweeping rejection of the UNP by the Sinhalese majority. In this context a successful effort on the part of the UNP to cobble together a majority in Parliament would be met with anger by the Sinhalese electorate. The effort to thwart the will of the ethnic majority would lead to a mobilisation of the people against such a minority-dependent government.
Now that the UPFA has expressed its determination to form the next government, the better course of action for the UNP to follow at this time would be to behave gracefully, as indeed they did on the last occasion they were turned out of office in August 1994. Although a section of the UNP leadership at that time sought to cobble together a majority with the support of the minority parties, the UNP finally decided otherwise, and relinquished power gracefully. In addition, the UNP should offer to give the UPFA its full support for the taking forward of the peace process, and case-by-case support in the case of other areas of gov
CaCe
If the initial effort at cooperation proves successful, the UNP should be prepared to join a government of national reconciliation with the UPFA. This should be to seek a final solution to the ethnic conflict and the promulgation of a new constitution that satisfies all sections of the people. Ofcourse
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22 TAMIL TIMES
for such a national government there will need to be agreement on joint decision-making between the two parties as co-equals with regard to economic policy, ethnic policy and constitutional change to arrive at a lasting political solution to the ethnic conflict. On the crucial issue of the presidential system the decision on that could be left to emerge by consensus of all sections of the polity.
In opposition
In the meantime, during the time it spends in opposition, the UNP should look back at the past two years and reassess what it did and could have done better. The most important lacuna in the UNP government was the aloofness of its top leadership from the concerns of the Sinhalese masses, whether they were in respect of the peace process or their economic hardships. The perception of rigidity with which the UNP government sought to implement structural adjustment requirements, such as cutting back on welfare and agriculture subsidies, served to alienate the people from the government.
ferred to repay the T of Rs 38 billion tha the previous govern bring it down to Rs: of the present electic that money for the p fare. This decision, a lar to it were justifi good governance, a by the technocrats c donor community. E nically and economi egy was politically The people wanted efits ofpeace immed poor and hungry toda for a future that mi them.
Where the peace cerned the governme itself adequately to th repeatedly conveyed by activists from civ many years of expe directly with the pe ernment seemed to t ple would experience for themselves, an good. When the eco.
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easury's overdraft it inherited from ment in 2001, and billion at the time ns, rather than use ople's direct welnd decisions simied on the basis of ld were supported f the international ut what was techcally a sound strata disastrous one. he economic benately, as they were y, rather than wait ht never come to
process was connt failed to explain e people. This was to the government l society, who had rience in working ple. But the govhink that the peothe fruits of peace i find them very nomic peace divilise in the way the :ople anticipated, e government ould have gone to e people and exained the comexity of the situaon to them. In2ad, the governent abdicated its sponsibilities to vil society organicions, which were equal to the task.
By smuggling in :apons, recruiting ildren, assassinatg its political opnents and the govhment's intellimce agents, and by ycotting the peace ks, the LTTE also much to erode credibility of the NP government. ally by coming with an interim ministration proial for the northt that had no role
in it for the central government, the LTTE opened the door to the President to take control of the defense ministry and dissolve Parliament a full four years before its term. Now in negotiating with the UPFA the LTTE will find their hardline stance has given rise to another hardline stance, to the likely detriment of the peace process. Prior to recommencing the peace process, both the new government and LTTE will need to consolidate their stances on the ethnic conflict and its just solution within themselves. With the UPFA set to form a new government, the LTTE will face a formidable negotiating opponent, rather than apartner that the UNP's negotiators preferred to call them.
For the present the best that is likely to happen in terms of the peace process is its suspension, with a continuation of the ceasefire.
Part II - Arresting the slide towards breakdown
The two years of peace and stability that Sri Lanka enjoyed during the period December 2001 to November 2003 may be seen in retrospect as a period of unfulfilled hope and expectation in comparison with what is to come. During those two years the country went from war to peace with hardly any lives lost due to armed clashes, and from negative economic growth to strongly positive growth. The international community, with Norway as facilitator, stood ready with concrete assistance and pledges to lift Sri Lanka to a new plane of its peaceful and economic existence.
Thankfully, the outbreak of heavy fighting between the LTTE and its breakaway Karuna group in the east has come to an end without the bloodbath that was feared, though several civilians and fighters from both sides were killed in the fighting and several thousands of others were displaced.
However, the Norwegians may be feeling uncomfortable about their present situation, as the new government is composed of a political party, the JVP, which burnt the Norwegian flag, organised mass public demonstrations against the peace process and denounced Norway as being a biased facilitator.
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APRIL, 2004
Over the past two years, the JVP demanded the withdrawal of the Norwegians from the peace process. They did not suggest an alternative, other than to imply that they could militarily defeat the LTTE if they were given the chance.
This is a dangerous and war-prone situation to be in. President Chandrika Kumaratunga, who is the governmental leader who first invited the Norwegians to play a facilitatory role four years ago, needs to reassure the Norwegians that they continue to have an important role to play as the facilitators. The new Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse has said that India should play a greater role in Sri Lanka's peace process. There will no doubt be much support from sections of the polity for an enhanced Indian role to counterbalance the dominance of Norway and other western countries in the peace process.
It is also reasonable to believe that India was not happy with the entry of so many foreign powers into the Sri Lankan peace process in an area that it considers to be its area of geo-political concern. In a similar manner the United States did not tolerate the intrusion of foreign powers into Cuba. However, hose who advocate a greater role for India in the peace process should realse that India cannot play the role that Norway played.
India has the heavy baggage of its past to overcome, both interms of having been clearly partisan to one side or the other, and also in having tried to moediate in Sri Lanka’s conflict and havog failed. Secondly, a facilitator or mediator needs to be acceptable to both arties. It cannot be acceptable to one party or one side alone. At the time of the President's invitation to Norway to facilitate in the ethnic conflict in 2000, ard during the past two years, Norway's good offices were acceptable to both the Sri Lankan government and to the LTTE. It is unlikely that India, whatever its merits, will be acceptable c the LTTE as a facilitator at this time. India has banned the LTTE as a terrorist organisation and its courts have warrant out for the LTTE leader for
the assassination Prime Minister Ra India's present att LTTE is a matter for that India cannot b facilitator in the pre
But certainly In concerns need to be ority by Sri Lanka”, we have to find our \ of conflict mindful straint.
President's respon The new gover to restart the peace happen speedily it build on the found: process that was lai Building on the Sri Lankan politica prefers the reinven whether it is on mat policy or social we dition we can and are to progress as a perous society. One tant foundations laid been the ceasefire role of the Norwe bringing it about tog ernment and LTT were shortcoming agreement pertainin toring of violatior them, and also with sis given to the pr rights within the pe was also the majors Executive Presiden position party in P. out of the peace pro While the short rectified, the agreel be built upon rather tiated in toto. Afte tions the foremost deciding on the ci process would li Chandrika Kumara she has kept the ci
ministry under he
appointed a cabinet suggests that the Pre a hands-on approac ess. As both the ve
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TAM TIMES 23
f former Indian iv Gandhi. While tude towards the India, it does mean e thought of as a ent peace process, dia’s geo-political always given prigovernments and way out of the maze of this major con
sibility ment has pledged process. For this to needs to be able to tions of the peace d in the past.
past is not in the l tradition, which tion of the wheel, ters of educational Lfare. This is a tramust change if we peaceful and prosof the most imporin recent times has agreement and the gian facilitators in ether with the govE. Certainly there s in the ceasefire g to both the monis and preventing the lack of emphaotection of human ace process. There hortcoming that the tand the major oparliament were left
}06:SS, zomings need to be ment itself needs to than being renegor the general elecresponsibility for urse of the peace e with President unga. The fact that institutional affairs purview and not minister to that post sident plans to have h to the peace procry powerful execu
tive president of the country and the leader of the victorious United People's Freedom Alliance, she has the most influence in shaping the future course of Sri Lanka's politics in general. She could start her conflict resolution initiatives on a positive note by acknowledging the breakthroughs achieved by the previous government's peace procSSS,
Another importantactor in the conflict resolution process would be the former Prime Minister and leader of the UNP, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who can make the task of conflict resolution easier for the Presidentifhe is prepared to give his party's backing for them. The former Prime Minister will be credited always for being the leader who brought the war between successive governments and the LTTE to a halt with a ceasefire.
The genuineness of his endeavours would become transparent to the people, should he be prepared to support any endeavour of the new government that seeks to obtain a political solution to the ethnic conflict by means of consensus. The question always is whether Sri Lanka's political leaders can transcend the desire to obtain political power at the expense of the interests of the people at large. The desire for credit, to enable them to capitalise on it to win the next elections, has been an inexorable need on their part. But the current volatile situation in Sri Lanka does not permit long term planning where political aspirations and ambitions are concerned. There is also a need for a new beginning, based on mutual sacrifice and mutual gain, if Sri Lanka is to achieve its full potential as a vibrant democracy and economy.
In one of his early statements shortly after signing the ceasefire agreement with the LTTE, the former Prime Minister said he wished to take a step by step approach to resolving the ethnic conflict, not asking to see "the distant scene.” The spirit of magnanimity with which Sri Lanka's leaders approach the resolution of the country's problems can make the difference between the success of its peace process or its breakdown. O
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APR 2004
Towards the all through electi
Dr. S. Narapalasingam
AS expected no party obtained the absolute majority to form a stable government at the April 2 parliamentary elections. The UNF government was defeated by a wide margin having won only 82 seats while the UPFA led by President Chandrika Kumaratunga secured 105 seats. The latter failed to get the 113 seats needed to secure a simple majority in the 225-seat State Assembly. Even at the previous elections held under Sri Lanka's peculiar PR system introduced in 1978, the winning side secured only a slender majority. The UPFA won in 106 out of a total of 160 electorates in the entire country. The Freedom Alliance obtained 4.2 million votes while the UNF received 3.5 million votes. President Kumaraunga was quick to point out that "this would have amounted to a two-thirds majority in Parliament, under the first-past-the-post electoral system.”
This is not a new finding, it was evident in 1994 as well when her PA (a coalition sans the JVP) secured considerably more votes than the UNP but ended up with a slim majority. Two factors have contributed to the latest result with neither the SLFP-led nor UNP-led coalition getting even the threshold 113 votes. One is the rapid rise in popular support for the JVP and the other the entry of several Buddhist monks in the contest.
Sinhala nationalism ル
For the first time Buddhist monks have been elected to the Parliament as members of an all-clergy party. The Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) the successor to the Sihala Urumaya that fielded solely Buddhist monks in the parliamentary elections has won 9 seats. The newest party was formed only few weeks before the poll. The party is committed to the protection of the Buddha Sasana and the promotion of a unitary state. According to the JHU ieader Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thera, the monks have decided to re
main neutral in parl the people’s manda building a Dhamr post election medi said: “Now we havi ing factor in parlia The party has di extend full suppor ernment only if the the Bhikkus descr: able demands'. Th ceptance of the “uu country, de-merge East and pledge no Constitution. The claim that the LTT sentative of the Tae negotiating solely
Prof. S. T. Het "Beyond electoralp the Daily News ( served: "It is clear those who have vo Sinhala nationalist in fact more privil class voters who ca economic regime. pear to have betray voters who have fected by the econo cies implemented
These lower c areas needed a sta cratic regime in CC are going to have i ture is far from a st take decisive meas problems. Those wil largely responsible fairs.”
This is very tru consequences are far reaching partic sign of future tren tics. Unity in a plur built and preserved an important role Peace cannot be ha without peace rapi prosperity that the perately will remai
TAMILMES 25
pyss OS
iament and “will use ate to work towards marajyaya.” At the a briefing the Thera e become the decidment.” eclared that it would t to the UPFA govlatter accepts what ibe as “non-negotiese include the acnitary' status of the r of the North and it to adopt a Federal HU also rejects the E is the sole repremils and is against with the Tigers. tige in his analysis politics' published in April 13) has obthat the majority of ted for JHU are not s: many of them are, leged urban middle in survive under any In a way, they apved the hapless rural been adversely af. mic and social poliby the UNP regime. lass voters in rural ble - social demoblombo but what we n the immediate fuable regime that can ures to address their ho voted for JHU are for this state of af.
e but in addition the more extensive and ularly if this is the ld in electoral polial society cannot be if nationalists have in decision-making. d without unity. And d development and country needs desin a mirage.
The centralist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the powerful junior partner in the new government, also wants to promote and protect the unitary state. Out of the 105 UPFA members elected at the poll, 39 are from the JVP. In 9 districts, the JVP's candidates stood first in terms of preference votes. The rapid growth in popular support for the JVP can be seen from the fact that in 1994 elections it won only one seat. In October 2000 elections it won 10 seats, in December 2001 elections it increased its tally to 16 and now to 39 seats. On the other hand the SLFP-led PA's tally has declined from 77 in 2001 to 66 in 2004.
The April 2 parliamentary elections besides reiterating the obstructive nature of the current PR system in electing a strong government have also turned the new parliament into a highly polarized assembly. Besides the usual animosity between the two main parties that has obstructed the resolution of national issues, the sharp division along ethno-nationalist line is another troublesome factor that threatens to thwart the resolution of the ethnic issue that has deprived the country of peace, progress and prosperity. Interestingly, the common aim of all the parties is the realization of permanent peace in the island ruined by prolonged separatist war through negotiated political settlement
The contradictory stands of the two coalition partners in the UPFA on the ethnic issue relate to the fact that the SLFP believes in political devolution for the Tamils as a way to resolve the ethnic conflict, whereas the JVP believes in administrative decentralisation and nothing more. In a recent interview with the BBC, the JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe told: "We believe federalism or devolution of power has nothing to do with this problem. What is important is to restore democracy and equality.” Even before the UPFA government has started to function, differences over the appointment of the new Prime Minister and subjects allocated to the 4 ministries assigned to JVP members have caused resentment. The JVP leadership has faulted the President for not deciding in consultation with the JVP on such vital matters.
According to press reports, JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal
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28 TAL TIMES
Weerawansa and politburo member Nandana Gunatillake who declined to accept portfolios in the new Cabinet will head a party committee to monitor the way the UPFA government functions. This committee has been instructed to ensure that the UPFA government would implement the policies outlined in the SLFP-JVP election manifesto. Addressing party supporters at the meeting held on April 10 to mark the 33rd anniversary of the April 1971 insurrection, JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe warned the SLFP of serious consequences if it did not act properly and genuinely in government fulfilling its role. He said in this event, “the JVP would back public protests to win the rights of the people'. All these indicate JVP's special role in the UPFA government, which it has assigned to itself. Nevertheless, compared with the JHU, JVP's stance on the ethnic issue looks less strident.
Tamil nationalism
The Tamil National Alliance put forward by the LTTE as their proxy in
the elections secured 22 seats with the
extraordinary help of the LTTE. The TNA had 15 seats in the last parliament, In the Jaffna district the TNA won 8 out of the 9 seats. According to LTTE sources the TNA won with 90 per cent popular support, though according to some independent observers the poll in the region was not "free and fair' and charaterised by massive malpractices and impersonation. This impressive victory is claimed by the Tigers to have sent a loud and clear message to the Sri Lankan Government and to the international community that (a) the Tamils are under one leadership of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE); b) the right of self determination of Tamils to be a distinct people with their traditional homeland in the northeast region should be recognized; and c) the proposals submitted by the LTTE for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) for the reconstruction and re
habilitation of the n accepted and put into the very outset the I. known that they reg as a referendum on tl on which the contin process depends.
The joint stateme new TNA parliame "National List m named at that time tested the elections o included the setting Self-Governing A North-Eastern region substantial powers detailed in the docu the previous govern ber 2003. Since "no turned to the lives of in the North-East, t two years have lapse fire agreement and til war', it is vital that thority should be se tlement of thousands civilians in their hol East and for rehabil for rebuilding and r devastated North-Ea The joint stateme are "irrevocably com in a unified north-eas has been the acknow habitation of the Tau ple. This has been th tion of the Tamil pe past fifty years (s Thamil Arasu Katch All members of the T time in the name of der its (House) symbo bers also undertool within Parliament an larly to muster the su national community gotiations commenc As mentioned be threatened to back m new government fail policies in the UPFA other side, the LTTE
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APR 2004
rtheast should be effect early. From TTE have made it rd the April 2 poll ese basic demands ation of the peace
ntissued by the 20 ntarians (the two mbers were not stated they confirm policies that up of an Interim uthority for the at the earliest with of governance as ment presented to ment on 31 Octomalcy has not rethe Tamil people hough more than d since the ceasehe stoppage of the the proposed Auup for the resetof displaced Tamil mes in the Northitation as well as econstructing the St. nt also stated they mitted to self rule tern region, which vledged historical mil speaking peoe political aspiraople for over the ince the Ilankai chi was formed). NA contested this his party and unll. The TNA memto "strive both i outside, particupport of the interto ensure that newith the LTTE.' fore, the JVP has ass protests if the to implement the manifesto. On the has warned that if
the verdict of the Tamil people is ignored and the conditions of oppression continue they have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent state invoking the right to self-determination. Confrontational politics seems to have acquired another dimension and vigour.
The emphasis given to regionalism as against Tamil nationalism by the renegade Batticaloa-Amparai Tiger commander “Col. Karuna, the nom de guerre for V. Muralitharan inthe interview the well-known correspondent Bandula Jayasekara had with him was clearly evident. The interview took place in the Batticaloa district before Prabhakaran's group launched the assault on April 9 (Good Friday) "to get rid of Karuna from the Tamil homeland'. When asked what he meant by “Southern Tamil Eelam” he replied: “It does not mean a separate state. But, our aspirations can be fulfilled within a unitary state.” He also stressed the need for the participation of representatives from the Eastern province in the negotiations "as the regional rights and aspirations of the people in the province cannot be articulated well by others".
The renegade Tiger rebels gave up the fighting that lasted four days and disbanded in the face of a well-coordinated onslaught by the Tigers under Wanni leadership. Many warriors including child soldiers are now back in their homes while others excepting the few who fled with Karuna have rejoined the main group. Nevertheless, the internal feud has brought to the fore the regional factor that has hitherto remained overshadowed by nationalistic feelings. The regional factor cannot be ignored in future negotiations. It is easy to find a viable political solution to the ethnic conflict within one united country retaining its unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty giving importance to the regional factor but not when ethno-nationalism overrides other conCerS.
Tamil nationalism emerged as a
EL ONLY)) ))-SRI LANKA
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APRIL 2004
major issue in politics only in the postindependent period. It is the natural response to Sinhala nationalism manifested in the discriminatory policies and practices of successive governments since the mid 1950s including development policies and programmes. Sri Lanka now finds herself in a muddled situation as a result of the growth of mutually dependent Sinhala and Tamil nationalism. Extreme party politics and political opportunism that contributed to several missed opportunities for settling the conflict during the early stages have led to the present predicament,
Irreconcilable stances
Ranil Wickremesinghe's UNFgovernment approached the peace process not with the view to settle the conflict but to manage it on a day-to-day basis, The main aim was to deter the resumption of the hostilities suspended with the signing of the ceasefire agreement on 22 February 2002. The former Prime Minister held the view that it is not possible to reach a political settlement acceptable to both Sinhalese and Tamils because of their attachment to ethnonationalism. Hence the emphasis was placed on conflict management as against conflict resolution. The peace talks between the Government and the LTTE along with various facilities provided by the State to the Tigers served to sustain the superficial peace.
President Chandrika Kumaratunga has been highly critical of the strategy used by the previous government to appease the Tigers saying that the national security was being compromised. Apparently, this disagreement has been influenced largely by the power struggle between the leaders of the UNP and the SLFP. National security consideration was not the real reason. Her aim to seek a constitutional settlement has remained unchanged which she hopes to achieve in consultation with all parties including the LTTE. This is possible only if both sides abandon their affection for ethno-nationalism.
Successive governments were not interested in nation building and national unity given Sri Lanka's multiethnic, multi-religious and multi-culrural features. They continued to indulge in divisive politics without any concern for ethnic peace. There was the apparent reluctance to act contrary to
the notion that Sri Buddhist nation. A society is now hig out a common nati If a political so all ethnic commun then it is important of nationalistic col be at the centre o Given the present resulting from the centralist and natic new Parliament, t ment’s approach to tle chance of succe text the appeal foi volvement in the be seen. Even here cess is high if the the national interes agree to the bipartis been the fervent d since 1994,
A “more direct rol The new Prime Rajapakse wants In direct role' in the e: conflict with the High Commission when he met Sri Lakshman Kadirag dia has so far not pl. Sri Lanka’s peace p ing instead on stre bling framework wi tions took place". F dia could directly a work in the North E ing the High Comm ers India had “”som dia could be more ( Sri Lanka’s peace p elaborate.
The general thi gardless of any for ment in the peace p. certain 'bottom line requirement that at
to ethnic Tamils do
litical sovereignty, view that has induce their attitude towar 1980s, the Indian ro flict was viewed 1989, massive pr agitations led by the expulsion of the IP The presence of the soil was regarded a
TAMILTIMES 27
Lanka is a Sinhalaa result Sri Lankan nly polarized withonal identity.
ution acceptable to ties is to be found, hat regional instead siderations should f the negotiations. complex situation presence of strong nalist forces in the he UPFA governnegotiations has litss. It is in this conIndia's direct inpeace process must the chance of sucwo main parties in : stop bickering and an approach that has esire of the people
le' for India | Minister Mahinda dia to play a “more fforts to resolve the LTTE. The Indian ner Nirupam Sen, Lankan Minister amar admitted “Inayed a direct role in rocess, concentratngthening the enathin which negotiaie also said that In|id in rehabilitation ast. After the meetissioner told reportle ideas on how Inlirectly involved in Irocess' but did not
nking is India, ren of direct involveocess will insist on s' which includes a ly autonomy ceded es not result in poPerhaps it is this d the JVP to change is India. In the late le in the ethnic conwith suspicion. In otests and violent JVP demanded the CF from Sri Lanka. [PKF on Sri Lankan sign of India's ex
pansionist ambitions. The JVP is now even backing strongly the proposed defense pact with India.
Another factor that is relevant to the current move to get India involved more directly is that the then Congress government succeeded in persuading the leaders of Tamil nationalist movements, Dravida Kalagam led by EV Ramasamy Periyar and Dravida Munnetra (Progressive) Kalagam led by CN Annadurai to drop the demand for separation and instead meet the nationalistic aspirations of the Tamils within Indias quasi-federal constitution. For instance, the south Indian Tamil state was named Tamil Nadu and later the capital Madras renamed Chennai. The language of administration is Tamil and for all intents Tamil Nadu enjoys autonomy and importantly the control the centre has over the state does not af. fect the day-to-day lives and the well being of the people.
The western countries pressing for early talks between the new government and the LTTE seem to have little knowledge of the ground realities in Sri Lanka. The previous government planned its approach to peace in order to please these countries and obtain the much-needed foreign aid. India is the only country that has full knowledge of the ground realities in Sri Lanka. Given India's past bitter experience with direct involvement in Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict, New Delhi will step in this time only if the conditions are right.
The outlook
At present with visible cracks in the UPFAlliance government and no sign of long-term political stability suitable conditions do not exist. Moreover, the President is keen on changing the present constitution first from the Presidential system to parliamentary system. The executive powers of the President will be transferred to the Prime Minister under the revised constitution. The UPFA government intends to implement this election promise by convening a Constituent Assembly consisting of the newly elected Members of Parliament. Former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe tried to act bypassing the relevant provisions of the present constitution on the premise his party had received the mandate of the people
(continued on next page)
Page 28
28 TAMILTIMES
From the Election to the Constitutiona
Rajan Philips
“President kick-starts constitutional reforms", reported the Ceylon Daily News of 13 April. Not a bad metaphor for describing any of President Kumaratunga's actions. The action in this instance was limited to the news story that she "presided over the first round of discussions on constitutional reforms, attended by close advisers and legal consultants”. Conspicuous by their exclusion were elected members of parliament from any of the political parties. This seems odd given that the proposed constitutional exercise is intended to be the task of the 196 elected and 29 national list parliamentarians convening themselves into a constituent assembly in keeping with the "expression of the political will of the people”. An undiplomatic question would be whether the constituent assembly is really meant to be the facade for a presidential cabal? To criticise the President's cabalistic approach to constitutional reform is not to question the motives of her advisers, especially the academics among them and who are often maliciously criticised as lapsed Buddhists and converts to federalism on account of their principled position
(continued from page 27)
and ended by creating a political crisis. And now the President's argument that her UPF Alliance has the mandate to abolish the Executive Presidency because it obtained 700,000 more votes than the UNF is fraught with high risk.
The Tamil National Alliance is unlikely to participate in the deliberations of the proposed Constituent Assembly if the aim is merely for the purpose of abolishing the Presidential system. They will extend their support if the change is comprehensive and includes particularly the structural reform needed to grant extensive autonomy to the North-East as demanded by the LTTE. The UNF will also oppose the
on the Tamil questi pointed out that a ( to constitutional cha good the intentions of the cabal might b to Rani Wickrema and extra-parliamen peace process, and i out the danger of er discredit.
The President's for and her approac change are questior her real reasons are Her ostensible reasc rent (1978) constit able and is not con governance. Her ap) constituent assem 1970s, claim the A election as her man new constitution fc people at a referenc premises will bear of scrutiny. There that the present co changes, but the q extent should it be ( The question also should be given pr
move though not fo Those who coi national leaders do learnt any lessons f liamentary electio events that led to the tions and importar outcomes from thi gence in electoral p newly formed UPI engrossed in resol within its ranks, the conspiring with its government down a without realizing th can be called after save Sri Lanka frc down the abyss unc litical system and p
APRIL 2004
Pan
Fire
on. But it has to be 'abalistic approach nge, no matter how of some members le, is not dissimilar singhe's exclusive tary handling of the s equally not withlding in defeat and
ostensible reasons :h to constitutional lable at best, while patently personal. ons are that the curution is unchangeducive to effective proach is to use the bly model of the pril parliamentary date, and present a or approval by the dum None of these even the minimum s no disagreement nstitution requires uestion is to what hanged, and how?
is what changes iority over others.
r the same reason.
sider themselves not seem to have rom the three parls four years and latest April 2 electly the indecisive ; excessive indulolitics. Even as the FA government is ving the divisions opposition UNF is allies to bring the s soon as possible at another poll that one year will not m sinking further er the existing poolitical culture. O
Comprehensive constitutional changes, unlike specific amendments, are fraught with unintended consequences. If the demand for Eelam was the unintended consequence of the 1972 constitution, constitutional stalemate and confusion have been the unintended outcomes of the 1978 constitution. The question then is whether undertaking incremental changes to the current constitution, or comprehensively overhauling it, should be the preferred approach to constitutional reform. Equally important, the political circumstances in 2004 are fundamentally different from those that gave rise to the 1972 and the 1978 constitutions, and it will not be prudent to assume that the model of 1972 can be successfully used to modify the constitution of 1978.
There appears to be a rather fanciful assumption that merely by being seated in a 'constituent assembly the current fractious group of parliamentarians would magically become amenable to consensus and easy agreements on contentious issues. As experience elsewhere would show, constitutional issues are the last matters on which politicians would ever agree. Constituent assemblies work best when they are not limited to politicians, are inclusive of the intelligentsia and stakeholder interests not represented in the elected bodies, are convened in the wake of a major change on the political landscape (national independence ora social revolution), and are predicated on a set of organizing principles over which there is some agreement in society, These are not circumstances that usually follow adversarial and bitterly contested political elections. When the Constituent Assembly was convened in 1970, the then Senator and well known civil rights and constitutional lawyer, the late S. Nadesan Q.C., became inspired enough to write a virtual 'handbook' for the assembly and plead in vain that the members of the assembly be seated not according to party affiliations but the alphabetical order of their names, and that they function and deliberate not according to the party line but their own counsel on specific matters. None of it happened, of course, and the 1972 constitution was steamrolled by the United Front majority, true to Dr. Colvin R. de Silvas pre-election prediction that under "under a United Front
Page 29
APRIL 2004
Government, parliamentary democracy will be characterised not by consensus but by leadership". Parliament and other political Parties had even a lesser role in the Select Committee process that the UNP's J.R. Jayewardene used to ring in his constitution in 1978, except to rubber-stamp what had been decided by the Party leadership. On the final count on both occasions, the respective Opposition Parties (the UNP and the SLFP) proclaimed that they were not supportive of the governing party's constitution and served notice that they would move to change the constitution when their turn came. The main Tamil Parties also registered their own protests and proclaimed the Tamil right to self-determination and separation. Have President Kumaratunga and her panel of advisers forgotten everything and learnt nothing from our not too edifying saga of constitution making?
I will not be concerned here about the many legal roadblocks that the proposed approach will inevitably run into, but only with its political implications. Politically, this same approach would have been more defensible in 1994, when Kumaratunga won both the parliamentary and the presidential elections, when her idealism was still in tact, her victory more definitive, her mandate more credible, and her motives were not tainted by considerations of political continuity. After ten years of at best a dubious record as President, she wants to terminate that institution at the same time as her tenure of and her eligibility to hold it comes to an end. in the new set up that she is proposing, she will slide without interruption from the executive presidency to an executive premiership. If she succeeds, she would only be changing her constitutional pillows without curing the country's political headaches.
As evidence of their mandate, the advocates of the new approach are suggesting that the UPFA has in fact won a two-thirds majority by coming first (under a first-past-the post assessment) in 106 of the country's 160 electoral divisions, and in 14 of the 22 electoral districts. With this type of argument, the 105-strong UPFA parliamentary group does not require the support of any of the other 110 MPs to elect its own speaker, pass its budgets, declare
emergencies, and constitution! If in d can hold a referendu who else will win a the governing grou the President is rep tificated that "none ( including the 1972 1978 Constitution, ment which devolve vincial Councils, ha the people voting th proposed new const first time ever, bef to enactment'.
Well, when it c way, constitution Chandrika Kumara to J.R. Jayewarden her parents or anyo ernment leaders. " times”, Pieter Keun low Sri Lankans, d Jayewardene refere J. Wilson has opin dum requirement i constitution is one defects. In the yeal who suggested an approach to amend WCTC OTe COC6T endum requirement majority requireme a majority plebisc appropriate way of of minorities, let claims to self-deter rosive climate of 19 diment may not ha vote in most of th jority electoral dist That raises th would be the fate ment in the propos up? The UPFA ma firming the current tion that Sinhala ar languages with Et language (one wou Sinhala and Tami than English), is of the Provincial Co for further devolul silence is a reflecti between the SLFP gree on the questi powers to the Nc Provinces. But by the SLFP mor the question. One wol
TAM TIMES 29
ven adopt a new pubt, the President m, and in Sri Lanka referendum except ) that calls it. And orted to have ponif the Constitutions,
Constitution, the or the 13th Amendd power to the Proi been approved by ereon, whereas the itution will, for the re the people prior
omes to having her lly or otherwise, unga comes closer e than to either of ther preceding govHitler used it four eman reminded feluring the infamous 'ndum of 1982. A. ed that the referenn the Jayewardene of its significant 's after 1994, those extra-constitutional ing the constitution led about the referthan the two-thirds nt in parliament, for ite is not the most defining the rights alone dealing with mination. In the cor87, the 13th Amenve won a majority 17 Sinhalese-maricts. e question - what f the 13th Amendcd constitutional set nifesto, while reafconstitutional posid Tamil are official glish as a national ld have thought that are more national silent on the future uncils and the scope ion. Obviously, this on of the agreement and the JVP to disaon of devolution of rthern and Eastern being silent, neither JVP can avoid the ld hope that there is
no intention to relegate the Provincial Council clauses of the 13th Amendment to a subordinate status, just as the 1972 Constitution similarly relegated the Tamil Language Special Provisions Regulations that had been previously endorsed both by S.W.R.D Bandaraniake (1958) and Dudley Senanayake (1966).
In 1994, under popular grass-roots pressure, the PA government abandoned the idea of partially amending the constitution to end the executive presidency without including changes to the unitary character of the constitution. At that time, some of us thought that not moving to end the executive presidency at the first possible opportunity was a tactical mistake on the part of the PA leadership. That was then, and perhaps the SLFP leadership was not too keen to give up the presidency. Ten years later, President Kumaratunga seems eager to commit a graver strategic mistake in the opposite direction, by opting to leave out of the proposed constitutional reform the question of devolving power to the Northern and Eastern Provinces. She cannot cavalierly ignore all the developments since 1994, the accumulation of alternative development proposals under her own PA government, the universal desire to continue the current cease fire arrangement, the Oslo commitment by the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE to explore a federal solution within a united Sri Lanka, and the LTTE's proposal for an Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) in the North and East, and treat the peace process and the devolution question as of secondary importance to her personal agenda of ending the presidency and changing the proportional system of representation. Already, there is skepticism among many sections of Tamil society, even among those who are not supportive of the LTTE, about the sincerity of any Sri Lankan government in regard to devolving power to the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Their skepticism is justifiably based on the experiences of the last four years. The UNP, while in Opposition in 2000, burnt copies of Kumaratunga’s draft constitutional proposals for devolving power. For her part, Kumaratunga sacked three UNP cabinet ministers two days after the LTTE had submitted its ISGA propos
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30 TAMILTIMES
als to the Wickremasinghe government, precipitated a premature election, and is now claiming that she has a mandate to change the constitution but only selectively in the first phase, leaving the Tamil question to a later phase.
President Kumaratunga has no monopoly over claiming a mandate in the proportionally fractured new parliament. Indeed, there could be multiple mandate claimants. The Monks of the Jathika Hela Urumaya, having won 70% of their half a million votes injust four urban districts and primarily at the expenses of the UNP, have their own righteous mandate. The defeated UNP, which still has the largest (over 3 million) vote base among the Sinhalese, curiously does not seem to be sure of what mandate it sought at the hustings and what it eventually got. The JVP as the real winner in the South has asserted its own mandate within the UPFA, in regard to the allocation of ministries and assignment of subjects and functions under them. There is no overestimating the JVP's achievement in this election, with an impressive seat tally
of 39 out the UPFA's 105 seats and a
likely doubling of its vote from the 815,000 it polled in 2001. The JVP's expansion has come almost entirely at the expense of the SLFP, the real loser in the election. Those who try to argue that the UPFA has won 106 out of 160 electorates, should really explain how President Kumaratunga could claim a mandate to change the constitution at her pleasure, when her own Party, the SLFP, has suffered a very remarkable electoral setback.
The presidential apologists should also clarify how they would fit into their mandate calculations, the verdict of the Tamil and Muslim voters in the two Northern and the three Eastern electoral districts. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA), sponsored by the LTTE, won over 75% of the votes in the North and 38% of the votes in the East, and 52% overall in the two Provinces. It won a tally of 20 seats out of 31, excluding the national list allocations. The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) won 25% of the votes in the East, The TNA's success is not unblemished, given the allegations of election malpractices especially in the North. Twenty seven years ago, in 1977, the TULF won a similar victory quantita
KarU afte
The eastern revolt ship of the Liberatiot Eelam (LTTE) led by Muralitharan alias K Easter Day (April 11 Batticaloa - Amparai a discreet deal with th hierarchy based in the of the Wanni. Karuna pended fighting the pr vas also Holy Satur Christian tenets.
Hostilities had cc early hours of Friday as Good Friday by Chr world including the E Sri Lanka. According sources, the settlemen primarily by an imp known personality ba country deeply invol Lankan peace process. ing individuals in Sri ranging from clergym were involved too at d in different degrees. not political but deeply
The lives of LTT sides, the safe return c to their homes, safety of civilians and the ove east were the issues at fore a matter ofgreat sa that strove hard to en conflict peacefully th:
as the LTTE hierarchy
tively, but without a tatively. But that me lightly in the South, a humiliated in and ol Much water has flow liament, and more blo dent Kumaratunga S. repeat the old mistak Vigneswaran mem "where the majority
were added to the n provinces and thus in nority in nine provinci
APR 2004
Ina's revolt ends r deal With LTTE
D.B.S. Jeyaraj
against the leader1 Tigers of Tamil
Vinayagamurthy caruna ended on after the former commander made e estranged Tiger northern mainland
had already susevious day which day according to
)mmenced in the April 10 observed istians all over the astern Province of to knowledgeable t was worked out ortant and wellsed in a Western ved with the Sri Other well-meanLanka and abroad hen to journalists ifferent levels and she objective was y humanistic. E cadres on both of child conscripts and peaceful life rall impact on the stake. It is theretisfaction for those d this intra-Tiger at Karuna as well took into account
yblemish qualindate was taken nd the TULF was it of Parliament. ed since, in Parod outside. Presihould not lightly - as Justice C.V. orably put it - in two provinces ajority in seven hade into the mi:s'. O
all the ramifications and decided in the best interests of their cadres, people and themselves to end the armed hostilities.
The arrangements
According to the arrangement worked
out, Karuna was required to provide and deliver on certain undertakings,
To cease fighting permanently, To disband and disperse his forces and send them home. To facilitate arrangements for the smooth handing overof military assets including arms, armaments and ammunition to the LTTE. To release all Tigers and supporters in Karuna's custody safely To vacate “the soil of Tamil Eelam” (North - Eastern Province) immediately and never return to it again, To refrain from any director indirect military orpolitical activity in future. To maintain silence about all matters concerning the LTTE and avoid all related media publicity. To seek a new life outside Sri Lanka as early as possible.
In return for compliance with the above conditions on Karuna's part, the LTTE leadership undertook that the LTTE:
Will not deter Karuna leaving the east or Sri Lanka. Will not try to eliminate him while in Sri Lanka or abroad. Will not demand return of any money or things of valuetaken away by Karuna. Will not harm all cadres under Karuna's control and allow them to return to a normal life. To reabsorb only those cadres willing to rejoin the movement. To refrain from punishing all senior cadres who stood by Karuna agains: the LTTE leadership. To permit them wherever possible to leave the east and Sri Lanka, To refrain from taking revenge on
Page 31
APRIL 2004
eastern civilians who supported Karuna and engaged in acts like burning effigies, destroying Tiger offices etc.
Once this arrangement was agreed upon, Karuna formally called off his revolt and ordered his cadres to hand over their weapons, uniforms, cyanide capsules, and identity tags etc and go home. The process began from Easter Sunday (11 April) morning onwards and ended on Monday (12 April). Karuna himself left Batticaloa on Monday for Colombo. He is expected to travel to a South East Asian country shortly.
The chief reason for Karuna calling it quits after engaging in quite a lot of bravado was because of two over arching factors. One was that he had been outsmarted and checkmated by the LTTE leadership on a number of fronts. The second was a practical dilemma where he was confronted with difficult choices. Long simmering tensions between Karuna and the LTTE leadership reached a flashpoint on March 1 this year when Karuna arrested a number of intelligence wing operatives working in the east under the command of Pottu Amman. They had been summoned for a meeting at “Thenagam' the LTTE political headquarters at Karadiyanaru. Among them was the Deputy Chief, Intelligence, Sinnathamby alias Neelan,
Emergency summit
Karuna and Paduman the Trincomalee District head were immediately summoned to the Wanni for an emergency summit. Karuna had been asked to come from last year to face several disciplinary charges but had refused to do so. Paduman went over on March 2 to Kilinochchi and was quickly relieved of is post as it was feared that he would align with Karuna. Sornam was appointed Trincomalee chiefon special assignment. Karuna then revolted openly.
On March 3 he informed Norway of icially of his stance and wanted Oslo to egotiate a separate agreement between rim and the Colombo government. He claimed that he was for peace and develpment. Karuna hoped to be recognised as a distinct eastern entity on par with Velupillai Pirapaharan. Karuna was at a great disadvantage because of the timing. Had the war been on at the time Karuna "ebelled against Pirapaharan the eastern
leader would have comed by Colombo. Karuna it was a time
The LTTE was in the peace process the ceasefire vis a v was no room for Ka in that situation. The and regional as we Norway judged the in terms of its impac ess. Despite the pro-T ing themselves hoar hand being involved sentially home grow that some extraneous the situation later.
But with the LT process and threat stance if Colombo or seen to back Karuna renegade leader beca to appease the Tige peace process eve Karuna. The worst monitoring mission of its mandate suspe eastern areas control
The harsh home Muslims living in th Colombo and the int nity is only concern not breaking the cea fighting. As long as Tigers can do many th Some "token' protests nothing more.
The assassinati EPRLF (Varathan w of civilians, conscrip tortion and related al of democracy, the n electoral process, etc ples. Now it was Kau as the armed forces v the conflict even the of young innocents ( the LTTE would not
No help for Karuna
Karuna realised would not be getting external source in slaughts. Then cam Tiger attacks. Karuna off at the district's bo eas as he had intende Tigers militarily ou There was also no pc assistance. Even the e
TAMILTIMES 3.
been eagerly welUnfortunately for of peace. till firmly involved and was adhering to is Colombo. There runa t0 man0euWre big powers, global l as the facilitator Karuna revolt only on the peace procigerelementsshoute about an external , the revolt was esn. The danger was force could exploit
E remaining in the ning to revise its any other force was the options for the me limited. In a bid 's and preserve the ryone abandoned offender being the which in a betrayal nded activity in the led by Karuna.
truth for Tamils and e north - east is that ernational commued about the LTTE sefire and resuming this is not done the nings with impunity. would be made and
ons of EPDP and ing) cadres, killing |tion of minors, exbduction, the denial hanipulation of the are all clear examuna’s turn. As long vere not drawn into wholesale massacre in Karuna's side by have mattered.
belatedly that he any help from any attling Tiger one the long awaited could not hold them “ders oradjacentard to do earlier, The tmanoeuvred him. ssibility of external astern Coast Was not
under his control. Complicating matters further for Karuna was the composition of the Tiger invasionary force. It consisted mainly of eastern cadres (85% - 90%). The clashes at Verugal demonstrated that the invaders could be ruthless notwithstanding regional affiliations. Several cadres belonging to Karuna were massacred in cold blood in the Verugal area. This is an ugly fact that the LTTE is suppressing from coming out. In addition there have been quite a lot of casualties on both sides. Certainly more than the four or five "martyrs' whose names were released officially by the LTTE.
The damage on Karuna's side too is great. In keeping with typical Tiger conduct neither the LTTE mainstream northe rebel faction acknowledge the loss of lives openly and may even deny it but the truth will not go away. Against this backdrop of being outsmarted by the LTTE, Karuna faced a difficult choice. After the initial debacle Karuna ordered all his cadres to fall back to certain areas. These were essentially areas in Paduvankarai to the west of the lagoon like Kokkatticholai, Karadiyanaaru, Aayithiyamalai and the hinterland areas of Tharavai, Vadamunai, Kudumbimalai (Thoppigala) etc.
With around 3500 to 4000 fighters in a fortified rectangular stretch of territory having jungles and hills there was a chance of prolonging the fighting. Karuna's military headquarters base "Meenaham' as well as his jungle base "Marutham' were in this area.
The practical problem was that without external assistance serious logistical problems would have occurred. The Tigers would have steadily cut off all supplies, This would have created major dif. ficulties like shortage of provisions, ammunition, fuel etc. Moreover, the fighting would have been fierce resulting in a lot of casualties. The ferocity displayed by the LTTE at the Verugal area showed that they would be equally harsh in the fighting here. It did not matter to those eastern cadres fighting on behalf of Pirapaharan that the opposite side con
sisted of eastern children of the soil too.
What mattered was victory at any cost notwithstanding the massive publicity given in LTTE media about the Tiger national leader Velupillai Pirapaharan having instructed cadres to retrieve the east without bloodshed.
But in Karuna's case he had taken the
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32 TAMILTIMES
moral high ground by supposedly fighting for the eastern Tamil against Northern domination. He was therefore bound to the well-being and welfare of the Eastern Tamils. Ultimately it would not matter who won because the casualties on either side would be from the east. One of the reasons trotted out by Karuna in explaining the split was his refusal to send 1000 Eastern cadres to the Wanni. Karuna said that he would not allow Eastern cadres sacrificing their lives unnecessarily. The tone and tenor of his rebellion seemed to be a desire to end deaths on the battlefield.
Moral dilemma
Moreover Karuna had a moral dilemma. His justification for the revolt was that the east needed peace to prosper. He had gone on record publicly that he did not favour war. But now war had caught up with him. If the conflict continued much of Batticaloa's youth would be decimated. The lives of the people and their way of life could be endangered. What a cruel irony for a man who wanted peace and prosperity for his people to cause just the opposite of that. Karuna
was also besieged by several parents of
the children in the LTTE. The parents were not only those fighting on Karuna's side but also of those Batticaloa men fighting on Pirapaharan's side too. As an irate father told Karuna "aar Sethalum nammadai pillaigal thane 2" (Whoever dies they are all our children no?) Karuna also knew that at Verugal those who surrendered without fighting had been spared but others who resisted were brutally murdered.
The propaganda barrage for and against Karuna ignores a salient aspect of Karuna's personality and past. Until the split he was truly committed to the LTTE ideology and organisation. He had led the eastern Tigers for a record 17 years and had also fought almost every major battle in the north - east. Karuna built up the LTTE in the east. These young cadres were committed to him. Now was he going to destroy the movement by extending the intra-Tiger conflict? Was he going to sacrifice all those Batticaloa kids who stood by him?
Another problem was his own safety in the future. Even if he managed to escape or hold the Tigers off he would always be a marked man. After bitter fighting the LTTE would always target him and those close to him. The LTTE had offered him an amnesty earlier. He
this late juncture. If sons compelling Ka to the fighting them needed peace. The may view all things that the great lead things.
The reality how moving Karuna fro! flict peacefully wa military force. A pro with Karuna would great loss of lives a Scars of such a fratt permanent. Even if in eliminating Karun the LTTE would the cult to maintain con way it had done so there was every c would have reverted after some positional have created a new
Eastern martyr
Also if Karuna would have becom The LTTE may state poses that Karunaw, without mass suppor has gained ascenda stood with Karunam stance. The reality hc did enjoy substantia tions of the people continues to have di now. This is particu ern Tamil expatriat eastern cadres remai a large number of ". deserted him.
Even after desel still have had about 3 Of these about 100 remained loyal thro would have died for with Karuna was nc ing too. There was protracted fighting: ernment controlled : that happened the have been drawn in chances were that F voured at ground le
The LTTE could the ceasefire. If tha then the Tigers woul not be forgotten th washing its hands ( fashion the truth is th of serious ceasefire porting cadres to the conflict.
thought of availing himself of it even at
APR 20
these were the rearuna to seek an end ainstream LTTE too LTTE propagandists
militarily and boast er would solve all
ever is different. Rem the arena of conis better than using tracted confrontation i lead inevitably to und destruction. The rnal fight would be he Tigers succeeded a after asavage fight, areafter find it diffitrol of the east in the earlier. Moreover, hance that Karuna to guerrilla warfare warfare. This could set of problems.
was killed then he e an eastern martyr. for propaganda puras a single individual t. Now that the LTTE ncy even those who hay now changetheir wever is that Karuna l supportamongsecafter the revolt. He ormant support even larly so among eastes. Also the bulk of ned with him though officero level cadres
tions Karuna would 500 cadres with him. 0 - 1500 could have ughout. Around 500 him. So a long duel t to the LTTE’S liks also the danger of spilling over to govareas in a big way. If armed forces could gradually. If so the Karuna would be favel.
threaten to break off ut did really happen ld be blamed. It must at despite Norway ff in Pontius Pilate at the LTTE is guilty violations in trans; east and starting the
Given all these it was in the interest of both Karuna and the LTTE to call of the fighting and go in for a 'silent truce. The LTTE had always hinted that it could allow Karuna to leave the east if he ended the revolt. Even the statement released on April 10 after the Good Friday fighting indicated this by saying that efforts are underway to expel Karuna from Tamil Eelam soil. So the Tigers adopted an undeclared suspension of hostilities on April 10 that was reciprocated by Karuna. Af. ter intense negotiations undertaken basically through telephone, an arrangement of sorts was arrived at. Verbal assurances were given. Karuna faxed a letter outlining assurances.
While both sides agreed to refrain from publicizing the arrangement for respective reasons of their own, the actual implementation began in the early hours of Sunday morning. Karuna instructed his deputies to disband the cadres, decommission arms and send them to their homes in civilian clothing without their Tiger identity cards, uniforms and cyanide capsules. In certain camps the discarded uniforms were discarded and burnt in a bonfire. More than 3500 cadres were sent away from camps. LTTE mainstream cadres began moving into vacated areas.
A positive feature of the current situation is that the LTTE mainstream cadres moving into Batticaloa and Amparai have not punished anyone so far. Some senior cadres like women's political wing chiefThenukha have been reinducted into the movement again. As for other cadres, those willing to join the LTTE again will be screened and reabsorbed if found suitable. Since eastern LTTE leaders familiar with the cadres are holding the reins the transition seems smooth.
Problems yet to begin
The problems could begin when Pottu Amman's men move in to identify the involvement of people in the revolt. The Tigers have announced that ex-cadres of Karuna should register themselves at the nearest LTTE office within 48 hours. This may be a procedure to weed out the staunch pro-Karuna elements and re-induct others. If so the fate of those har core Karuna loyalists becomes a questior. mark.
It is to be hoped that human rights activists would raise their voices in protest at least now and prevent a terrible internal purge. One aspect of the LTTEKaruna agreement is that while Karuna is barred from speaking to the media the
Page 33
APRIL 2004
Tigers are not. We find therefore the Tiger media organs blacking out details of the agreement reached and projecting vicious accusations against Karuna. There could be many stories of intensive searches for him. After all history is written by the victors.
The LTTE is industriously accusing Karuna of many things including making deals with Sri Lankan intelligence and defence authorities. There may be some truth in that despite hollow denials by Defence Secretary, Cyril Herath who learnt intelligence methods in Israel. The Defence Ministry has issued a formal denial.
Army chief Balagalle at least has been candid in interviews to the Indian media accepting that he was in contact with Karuna. Also his hand has been fully exposed in the matter of trying to control the movements of Eastern Tamil National Alliance MPs who were alleg edly in Karuna's camp last week. Now all of them will swear that they were Pirapaharan loyalists all along. If the LTTE does find proof and establish that Karuna is hand in glove with Sri Lankan intelligence or military intelligence, then the agreement it has entered into will no longer be valid. Karuna will be a "legitimate' victim from a Tiger perspective. Already the alleged killing of Lt. Col Neelan Sinnathamby by Karuna on April 12 is viewed as a violation of agreement principles by Karuna.
Blow to macho image
He was required to release all Tiger operatives in custody. The LTTE with its macho image will not like to publicise the fact that they entered into an agreement with Karuna and let him go away. The Tigers who claim that they like elephants never forget a fault will target Karuna at some point of time. Karuna's offences in LTTE eyes are unforgivable. Karuna knows it too. Sadly the militaristic LTTE does not realise that revealing details of an agreement with Karuna to avoid bloodshed and suffering will only enhance the LTTE reputation as being hu
nanistic.
The Tigers fear that any act of compromise or mercy is infra-dig for them. So the LTTE is likely to deny all suggestions of an agreement and instead keep up the faade of a deadly manhunt for Karuna being on. Karuna too may have nad an ulterior motive in suing for peace. He may have realised that there is no opening' for him in a peaceful situation. The idea may be to bide his time quietly
Cons
A statement fro Secretariatlast week first step had been implementation oft the United People's (UPFA) in its elec carry out a programn reforms.
The first step rei that President Chanc had with a team of consultants which v followed by a me elected political lead tives of the constit UPFA.
The statement fi the manifesto sough date to formulate an Constitution since t tion had caused prol governance and th culty of securing the
ties in Parliament t
and then surface if a fire breaks and war 6
Whatever the pos of Karuna or on the pa is no denying that agreement has bene Batticaloa. The reac Karuna giving up so On the one hand the he abandoned his cat the LTTE after raisi volt so fiercely. Anc he called it quits bec people have been sp;
What is of singul eastern Tamils is tha
fight has been avoi
cadres are going ba being cannon fodder. are being released. T ing tolerant and acce for the present. Wi the roost again the na become a dirty word public with approva however will not be ger in eastern memor
TANIMLTIMES 33
titutional reforms: Hasten slowly
Sathya
m the Presidential announced that the taken towards the he pledge made by Freedom Alliance tion manifesto to neon constitutional
ferred to a meeting irika Kumaratunga advisors and legal was expected to be eting with newly lers and representauent parties of the
rther recalled that it the peoples manpromulgate a new he 1978 Constitublems for effective e "inherent' diff* stipulated majorio bring about con
ind when the cease
rupts. isible crafty motives art of the LTTE there this unpublicised fited the people of ction in the east to quickly is two-fold. e is resentment that ires and caved in to ng the banner of rethere is relief that ause the region and ared bloodshed. arsatisfaction to the t a major fratricidal ded. Thousands of ck home instead of Conscripted minors he LTTE too is beommodative at least th the LTTE ruling me 'Karuna' would not to be spoken in l. Karuna's revolt forgotten. It will linies fora longtime.CJ
stitutional reforms.
Hence a mandate was sought to overcome this “inherent" obstacle by convening a Constituent Assembly comprising the newly elected members of the 13th Parliament.
The statement also claimed a mandate at the General Elections as expressed in 106 of the 160 electorates and 14 of the islands 22 electoral districts.
The draft of the new constitution to be formulated by the Constituent assembly wouldbeplacedbeforethe people's consent by way of a referendum thereby bowing to the will and the sovereignty of the People.
It is therefore clear that the newly elected UPFA has embarked on the tortuous process of constitution-making and constitutional reforms. That the present 1978 Constitution is severely, if not "inherently", flawed and authoritarian in nature is now widely accepted. So what are the elements that need to be introduced and how, is the challenge that faces the newly elected UPFA.
A greater challenge, however, is how to harness support from the political formations present in a hung-parliament as well as mobilize public legitimacy and acceptance. Both these are essential prerequisites to sustain and lead the constitutional reforms process to a successful conclusion in repealing or replacing the 1978 Constitution. This then is the theme of Sathya's column this week.
It is abundantly clear that the UNF suffered a comprehensive defeat at the recently concluded General Election, although it is not that clear whether the UPFA enjoyed a comprehensive victory as in the case of the sweep enjoyed by the SLFP-led coalition in 1972 or the UNP romping to a victory with a 5/ 6ths majority in the 1977 General Election.
However, it must be recognized that
Page 34
34 AMEL TIMES
if the votes obtained are translated into the first-past-the-post equation, the UPFA would have indeed scored a comprehensive victory.
However, the present Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system, which is the prevailing ground political reality, has denied the UPFA that sweeping victory in terms of seats in parliament.
Further, it may be argued that the diverse ideological orientation and political priorities of the key constituent members of the UPFA, the SLFP and the JVP, makes it difficult for them to claim a mandate collectively.
In fact media reports indicate that the JVP has claimed a mandate for itself, while the SLFP leadership is becoming increasingly concerned about losing its electoral base to the JVP.
The fundamental difference relating to devolution of power or administrative decentralization as the basis for a political solution to the Ethnic Question is also a case in point,
On the other hand, it is conceivable that the UPFA would only introduce
into the constitutional reforms process
those elements on which there is agreement between the SLFP and the JVP.
These are the abolition of the Executive Presidency and the reform of the electoral system.
All indications are that the main focus of constitutional reforms by the UPFA would be unilinear or bilinear and not a comprehensive one. Let us look at the implications of this unfolding scenario. As regards the Executive Presidential system, it clearly has to go. The office of the Executive President is so-powerful and authoritarian, that anyone occupying that office will necessarily conduct himself/herself as a despot, just to do justice to that office!
However, it is often argued that the minority parties prefer an Executive President elected directly by the people, since the Presidential candidate would have to rely on minority votes in a closely contested battle.
But, this argument is untenable, since there is no guarantee that the elected Executive Presidentwould continue to be responsive to minority aspirations and grievances, in between elections.
What could undermine the legitimacy of the constitutional reforms
project is the percept is seeking to abolish Executive President existing constitutio prevents Presid Kumaratunga from third term.
The fact that the Alliance Governmer constitutional reform the abolition or the ecutive presidentials elected into power i dence to this growin On the other it is the UNP would obs ing taken to abolishtl dential system, for r expediency and pow to enable Ranil Wick cupy the office that v ated by his uncle, J.
Be that as it m bound to veer away whether the office Presidency should b formed and traverse san politics and pers This does not a proposed Constituent as public legitimacy forms to the elector system clearly stands litical stability as we majority aspiratior Sathya is referring majority.
On the other han that the PR system i ofpower into the Sri created space for mi other small political their presence in parl to make their presenc to the formation of
T1CIntS.
Any reform of the therefore, needs to en majority will is reflec it does not lead to at jority. Hence, the ne first-past-the-post sy system, akin to the its variants.
This is an area w volve too much diff lend itself to a broad Likewise, issue pe Governance and rel Commissions are an
APRIL 2004
ion that the UPFA the office of the y in view of the lal provision that ent Chandrika contesting for the
SLFP-led People's t did not initiate a sprocess aimed at reform of the exystem when it was n 1994 gives creg perception.
conceivable that ruct the steps bene executive presiasons of political er equation, so as remesinghe to ocwas so craftily creR.Jayawardene. ay, the debate is from the issue of of the Executive e abolished or reinto narrow partionality conflicts. ugur well for the Assembly as well y. As regards real system, the PR
· in the way of poll as the denial of ns. By majority, to the numerical
d, it is undeniable ntroduced balance Lankan polity and nority parties and
entities to make iament, as well as e felt when it came coalition govern
electoral system, sure that while the ted in parliament, yranny of the maed to combine the 'stem and the PR German model or
hich does not iniculty and should -based consensus. taining to Good ated Independent enable to a broad
consensus and should not pose too much difficulties in having them introduced or re-introduced into the proposed new Constitution.
The same applies to Fundamental and Human Rights.
The sticky issue as Sathya pointed out earlier is the differences in emphasis, if not actual fundamental differences, between the SLFP/People's Alliance and the JVP on devolution of power and power-sharing, and on issues relating to the nature of relations between the proposed Constituent Assembly and the peace process. In all likelihood the UPFA is bound to leave devolution out of the process envisaged in the next few months and to incorporate devolution at a latter stage.
However, it is imperative that some indication be brought into the Constitution as regards the contours of a final political and constitutional settlement, in addition to giving constitutional status and validity to any interim administration that may be established for the North-East.
On this issue, the LTTE and its proxies, the Tamil National Alliance which commands a sizeable number of seats in parliament, are bound to take a conveniently ambivalent position. On the one hand, LTTE clearly favours extra-constitutional or even contra-constitutional processes of setting up its proposed Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) for the North-East.
On the other, its proxies, the Tamil National Alliance will be instructed to cry foul if the issue of devolution is kept out of the agenda of the proposed Constituent Assembly. In sum, it will be a case of the LTTE seeking to de-legitimize the Constituent Assembly while pushing for an extra-constitutional ISGA.
In view of the problematic picture sketched above, one may have to seriously consider the prospects of shaping an Interim Constitution to push through urgent reforms of the electoral system, the abolition or the reform of the Executive Presidency, the settingup of Independent Commissions in order tode-politicizethe public sectorand the establishment of an interim administration for the North-East with pride of place to the LTTE, but not exclusively so.
(continued on next page
Page 35
APRI 2004
Why despair ov the peace proces
Ajith Samaramayake
One explanation for the victory of the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) (and one not without loaded political meaning either) is that it has almost polarised the electorate on ethnic lines in the sense that while the UPFA has swept the South the UNP received its majorities in districts with a sizeable minority community vote. This has even led to a sense of despair best voiced by the authoritative Tamil columnist Taraki who has asked "Would any pragmatic Sinhala politician risk making peace with the Tigers in future after witnessing what befell Ranil and his government? Therefore wither the peace process?'
But was the verdict of the electorate against the peace processor the particularities of the peace process? It would appear that it is not the process which has been rejected but the way in which it was conducted and handled. As far as the people were concerned there was an absence of conflict but no real or tangible peace. After two years of negotiations with the LTTE (which were anyway stalled) the UNP had not been able to consolidate or solidify the peace process in any meaningful way.
Is it possible t southern electorate i peace 2 After Kumaratunga did and her party the s Election after havin tions with the LTT sented a Constitutio time proposed wide the North and the E forgotten Union of more at the 2001 G People's Alliance c. campaign suggestir secret agreement be the LTTE but the were able to win qu Peace process
In power howe ducted a peace proc between esoteric ir and receiving the of foreign luminarie the more mundane lived by the averag supporters of tha Sunanda Deshapriy to point out repeat was unable to build ency the way the
continued from page 34)
Issues relating to a final power sharing arrangement at the centre and the periphery as a means of addressing the Ethnic Question may be brought in at a latter stage, based on progress at the peace talks with the LTTE.
The talks itself will have to be made inclusive and the proposed Constituent Assembly or an All Party Conference may continue to deliberate, even after the establishment of an Interim Constitution, on the issues arising out of the talks with the LTTE, thereby bringing about a link between the interim and
he final,
This would also ensure a linkage between official negotiations between the Government of Sri Lanka and the
LTTE and a broad process that woul other legitimate sta
Another paralle to be initiated to acc cerns and proposal. sum, there are no fixes when it come
tional shape and fo
as well as shared v a People.
The sovereignt bebarteredaway f cal expediency. Si of constitutional postponed indefin reasons cited above sound paradoxical ancient wisdom,
AMILTMES 35
e s?
) believe that the sinherently against a1l President vin a second term ubsequent General g initiated negotiaE and having pren which for the first -ranging powers to ast, the now almost Regions. What is eneral Election the arried out a virulent g that there was a tween the UNP and UNP and its allies ite comfortably.
ver the UNP coness which shuttling ternational venues pontifical blessings shad no bearing on
realities of life as e Sri Lankan. Even t process such as a were constrained edly that the UNP up a peace constituPA could with its
er, more inclusive accommodate all keholders.
process may have ommodate the conof civil society. In hort-cuts or quickto giving constiturm to the collective sion and destiny of
7 of a People cannot ir the sake of politimilarly, the project eforms cannot be tely, for the same Hasten slowly, may But, it is not. It is
much sneered at Sudu Nelum movement. True there were no checkpoints and the new parvenu middle classes were able to go to the North and to Trincomalee where they littered the beaches but once this initial flush waned there was nothing tangible left except the mantra of a peace which presumably resided in some ethereal realm.
There was also the suspicions surrounding the Memorandum of Understanding signed by Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and the LTTE supremo Prabhakaranto which the President was not privy. It smacked too much of an imperious gesture by a cabal of foreign powers to thrust an agreement from on high on a hapless people. The Prime Minister and other UNP spokesmen put a brave face on it claiming that it made for an international safety net for Sri Lanka but there was a growing sense that the national selfesteem had been wounded. Paradoxically enough it was also viewed with growing suspicion by the LTTE itself which as Taraki has pointed out was beginning to feel that Wickremesinghe was trying to tilt the balance of forces in favour of the Sri Lanka military by defence agreements with the USA and India.
Anti-UNP caucus
This was why it was easy for the anti-UNP caucus to attack the party as being anti-national and UNP leaders did not help matters either by appearing in public in lounge suits as if such a costume was necessary to cement their ties with their beloved international community. Past UNP leaders, for example Mr. Dudley Senanayake, had worn coat and tie but he was also able spontaneously to slip into a bush shirt and mingle with the people. Mr. Wickremesinghe himself when he made his debut in the 1977 Parliament had preferred the standard tunic suit of the politician but as Prime Minister he had made a lounge suit derigeur as of ficial wear and most of his Ministers
had followed him.
It was this suspicion of a peace process imposed by a combination of foreign powers and defended by unlikely politicians in business suits which made the southern electorate vote (continued on next page)
Page 36
36 TAMILTIMES
(continued from page 28)
for the UPFA rather than any inherent dislike of peace. The people of the South have repeatedly demonstrated that they are not against a reasonable solution to the Tamil National Question but it is the politicians who have failed to handle the process properly and persuade them that such a solution is possible.
But this does not mean that the peace process of the new Government will not have to face any obstacles of its own. There may be a certain degree of antiLTTE feeling and xenophobia generated as the result of the way in which the peace process was earlier handled and these feelings will first have to be dissipated before the new process can get on track. But given imagination on the part of the new Government and its leaders this is by no means impossible particularly since it is a Government which has won the confidence of the southern electorate because of its nationalist credentials. The challenge before the Government is how these nationalist credentials can be reconciled with its commitment to a larger Sri Lankan nation.
Southern opinion
While it is difficult at this stage to say what direction any future negotiations might take it is clear that some preliminary clearing of the ground will have to take place. As far as southern opinion is concerned the new Government will have to spearhead something of an ideological and cultural campaign to prepare the electorate for the new peace process aimed at dispelling some of the suspicion which the previous peace process had engendered. On the part of the LTTE too a degree of flexibility will be called for of the kind demonstrated for example by Anton Balasingham at Sattahip in Thailand when he said that the LTTE was ready to go beyond old categories of thought vis-a-vis concepts such as separatism and federalism. Such a process of mutual preparation will be necessary rather than plunging directly into the choppy waters of discussion of the Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) proposed by the LTTE.
It will certainly be dispiriting to the Tamil people that every time a new Government comes to power in Colombonegotiations have to start afresh but the sunnyside is that for perhaps the first time since 1977 in the present Parliament we find a legislature in which all the active political parties are represented including the new formation of the JHU com
“In ba
April 12 - “India the centre stage of S Pro-opposition and pl blaming India for the defeated United Nat and the troubles witl the post-election pol represented by the S Party (SLFP) and the Peramuna (JVP), are direct Indian involve
Supporting the ru are some sections of the Jathika Hela Urun of Buddhist monks, th Congress (CWC), the Congress (SLMC)and Democratic Party (El
The pro-UNP me long. It begins with t liance between Pre Kumaratunga's SLF form the formidable Freedom Alliance ( was the dismissal of th and the ordering of the President; this w
posed entirely of the
should be a crucial f tion of the Tamil Na the ostensible reaso Jayewardene gave Roundtable Conferer (as promised in the C festo in 1977) was t not been adequately
With the JVP for part of the Governm ment reflecting the e trum one would think for a reasoned consid mate resolution of the are brighter than ever makes one feel that T (in the article mentior "political will of the take the peace talks drastically eroded by cess of the JVP and misplaced and makes pier outcome to ours
Sunday Obser
APRIL 2004
dia bashing” ck in Vogue
P K Balachandran
bashing” is back at ri Lankan politics. to-LTTE media are misfortunes of the ional Party (UNP) hin the LTTE. But itical mainstream, ri Lanka Freedom : Janatha Vimukthi for an active and
ment.
ling SLFP and JVP the opposition like naya (JHU), a party e Ceylon Workers' Sri Lanka Muslim the Eelam Peoples” ?DP).
dia’s list of woes is he forging of an alsident Chandrika TP and the JVP to 2 United Peoples' JPFA); then there le UNF government a mid term poll by as followed by the
Maha Sangha, This
actor in the resolutional Question for n which President for not calling a nce on the question JNP election manihat Parliament had representative. Tming an important ent and the Parliantire political specc that the prospects eration and the ultiNational Question before. This is what Taraki's conclusion led already) that the Sri Lankan state to forward has been the resounding sucthe JHU' appears one hope for a hapad national drama. ver, 18 April 2004
defeat of the UNF in the April 2 elections leadingto the formation ofan UPFA government; and finally, the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister.
The pro-LTTE Tamils share many of the grievances of the supporters of UNP.But their latest allegation is that India was behind the recent split in the LTTE, when the Eastern Commander Col.Karuna broke off from the mainstream led by Velupillai Prabhakaran. Thus there has been alarm about direct Indian role. Both the pro-LTTE Tamil media and the pro-UNP press are viewing Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse's call for a "direct' Indian role in the Sri Lankan peace process with alarm.
In the eyes of the partisan media, Indian High Commissioner Nirupam Sen's statement that "India has some ideas' on what it can do for the peace process, was viewed as a dangerous sign for the country. But the hint was towards India participating in rehabilitation and reconstruction work in the war-ravaged Tamil North East. And he was only saying what the previous UNF government had said many a times. And in its term the UNF government was actually clamouring for a direct Indian involvement. But at that time the pro-UNP press was not critical of it. Now that their party is out of power, the pro-UNP media have begun portraying India as a regional bully. An effort is being made to revive the old Sinhala fear of India's wanting to subjugate and dismember Sri Lanka. The Tamil press, on the other hand, is trying to rekindle the Tamils' fear that India will aid the Sinhala majority to crush their movement for independence.
According to an article in the proUNP "Sunday Leader' (April 11), India had a vested interest in helping President Kumaratunga forge an alliance with the JVP. It alleges that India prevailed upon the UNIF leader Ranil Wickremesinghe not to go ahead with an impeachment motion against the President, only to give the latter enough time to form an alliance with the JVP, dissolve parliament and order fresh elections.
Page 37
APRIL 2004
Wickremesinghe had proved to be "gullible" when India pressed him not to give up efforts to cohabit with the President, the paper said. On High Commissioner Sen's remark, the article said: "If that failed to send a chill down the spine of every patriotic citizen, red blood does not flow in the veins of the citizenry.”
The article then went on to blame India for militarising the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict in the 1980s, forcing the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces to form a single Tamil province and "invading” the island with the "Indian Peace Keeping Force” with an intention to "totally subjugate” and "annex” Sri Lanka. Indian intervention had led to the rise of the JVP, it further said.
In the late 1980s, the JVP was an ultra-nationalistic, radical Marxist party which perpetrated a lot of violence against the ruling class and its agents and was also virulently anti-India. Though the JVP has since given up violence, it is still the bugbear of Sri Lanka's ruling class.
The pro-LTTE Tamil daily “Thinakural” said on Sunday that “direct” Indian involvement in the peace process meant that India would help sideline the Norwegians and the Japanese from the facilitatory role in it. It noted that India was "totally" against Japan's involvement. The pro-LTTE Tamils want the Norwegians to facilitate and are against any dilution of their role. But the UPFA government wants to delimit and strictly define the role of Norway, and other foreign powers like the European Union and Japan. India is basically against giving any foreign party a major role.
An article in the Tamil daily “Virakesari' said that India's main aim in supporting the UPFA government was to use the latter to "finish” the LTTE and get its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran arrested. The writer said that India, was being anti-democratic' in ignoring the latest electoral verdict in the North East which was resoundingly in favour of the LTTE being the "sole representative” of the Tamils.
The writer accused India of putting pressure on the CWC and Indian Origin Tamil leader, Arumugan Thondaman (with 8 MPs), to lend support to the UPFA government to enable it to get a majority in parliament. The UPFA had won the elections but was still eight seats short of a majority.
(Hindustan Times)
MU is Call for r
The doosra, Mut controversial mystery tobeillegal but, farf outcast, the conclusi immediate campaig throwing to be relaxe Scientific studie Muralistraightens his his doosra - the ball th the right-handed bats degrees, double the l bowlers that has been out international crick The findings will demand from Murali Sri Lankan off-spinn seven wickets to breal world record of 519 T be barred from bowli destroyed England ir Test series.
But Bruce Elliot from the University o who supervised the t Murali to be given lic until further detailed c. on the mechanics of Sri Lanka Crick cially to confirm the behind the scenes i group is assembling the claim that Mural icon, is being unfairl have even reported Ch referee who cited M the International Cric plied bias.
Broad’s sin was ti with the Australians d series, an activity tha a considerable level issue are the emergei imposed by the ICC nology had exposed th straight-arm bowling Laws, was a myth, ar ers bent their elbow some up to a stagger The ICC impose els of tolerance: fast t ted to straighten by pacers by seven and spinners by five d Shoaib Akhtar, at 9 lowed twice as much
TAMILTMES 37
Irai’s do Osra ruled illegal
ules to be relaxed after ruling
David Hopps
iah Muralitharan’s ball, has been found om making him an on has sparked an for the rules on i.
have proved that arm while bowling at spins away from man - by about 10 egal limit for slow imposed throughet. bring an immediate s detractors that the er, who needs only k Courtney Walsh's est victims, should ng the delivery that the pre-Christmas
t, the biomechanist fWestern Australia ests, has called for tence to bowl freely hecks are carried out pin bowling.
et has refused offi: Murali report but ts bowling review evidence to support i, the nation's No1 y singled out. They ris Broad, the match urali last month, to ket Council for im
be seen socialising uring the recent Test t generally includes of arm bending. At cy limits arbitrarily last year after teche disturbing fact that , as required in the d that 99% of bowls in their delivery, ng 20 degrees.
| three differing levowlers were permit0 degrees, medium a half degrees and grees. Quite why Imph, should be alarm bend as Murali,
at half the pace, has never really been explained.
The ICC also accepted that there was a need for further research, particularly into the biomechanics of spin bowling. This research has not been completed, leaving any action against Murali harder to justify.
Murali is due to reappear against Zimbabwe this week but would be best advised to keep the doosra on ice; Zimbabwe are a side so destroyed by racist agendas that he could dismiss most of them bowling underarm.
When Sri Lankan officials release the Murali report to the ICC, they will argue that the permitted "levels oftolerance" for spin bowlers should be urgently reviewed. They will contend that the strict enforcement of the five-degree limit would lead to a wave of bans.
Nobody has any proofof whether this is true. The rival spin bowlers who have persistently been scathing about Murali's action - Robert Croft, the former England off-spinner, is among them - should offer themselves for analysis and see what the studies find.
The need for the ICC to embark upon widespread testing has become irresistible. Broad's action in reporting Murali has been proved to be well-founded and the attack on his integrity is a witch-hunt by resentful officials.
Sri Lanka Cricket's president Mohan De Silva has confirmed a complaint to the ICC that Broad socialised at an Australian party during the recent series. According to Sri Lanka's Sunday Observer, the Sri Lankans have deemed this "a gross misconduct in breach of ICC rules'.
Australia have long been Murali's most vociferous critics. It was the Australian umpire Darrell Hair who first noballed him for throwing, only for him to be cleared after biomechanic tests.
Broad, therefore, had reason for social caution. But one of cricket's strengths remains the ability, albeit decreasing, of opposing players and officials to mix during hard-fought series. It would do the game a great disservice if this specious complaint was treated seriously.
Courtesy:The Guardian, April 19, 2004
Page 38
38 TAM TIMES
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About People and Events
OBITUARY
Mrs. Panchasothy Sivasambo, of UduVil East, Chunnakam, beloved wife of late Pundit Kanapathipillai Sivasambo (Retired teacher, Skanda Varodaya College); loving mother of Sivasothy, Sivagnanasothy, Sivanandan (UK), Silvayogasothy, late Sivanesasothy, SivaraSasothy and Sivakumaran
(UK); mother-in-law of late Vakeel Kandasamy, late SriSkantha, Mahadeva, Sritharan, Manoranjini and Ratnawathy, grandmother of Thirumagal, late Balamurugan, Venkadesan, Renganayaki, Mayuran, Jegan, Kumaratheeban, Vinoth and Roshan passed away peacefully in Uduvil, Jaffna on 10th March 2004. The funeral was held in Uduvil.
The family send their sinCere thankS to all relatiVeS and friends, who attended the funeral, Sent floral tributes and condolence messages and attended the Poojah in her memory at Highgate Murugan Temple on 18th April 2004.
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APRIL 2004
IN MEMORAMS
20th Anniversary Remembrance
Nicholapillai Daniel Pius Rose Villa. Pandateruppu. Srilanka (born in Veemankamam. Tellippallai: Retired from Port Commission Colombo) Departed on 25.04.84.
Port Colombo employee, with London matriculation, many
years at Dock Yard, "In Pace"glory, Jaffna Veemankamam's "Chola" Loper's-
Grand Bard, “UnoAnimo"of St.Antony's; Rose Villa; Vasa; Naga Rajya's new Coconuts"Don't Faint" Super Prefect of St Henry's, devoted son,-inlaw, brother,
nephew, husband, loving father, grandad, a Living Saint. Composed by: Christine in treasured memory and sadly missed by his ever-loving wife Christine, children and children-in-law Anton & Mariam, Rajini & Ariyaratnam, Kamini & Rajaratnam, Chrishanthy & Dilip Cyril, Amirthini & Rishya Santiapillai, grandchildren Dharshan, Shaumya, Marita, Janan, Regina, Satheesh, Meliza, Thabiso, Georgina, Lerato and Emma on his 80th birthday and 20th death anniversary. -Dr Rajini Ariyaratnam, 16 Pennymoor Drive, Altrincham, Cheshire WA144UT.
Tenth Death Anniversary
In loving memory of Pundit Kanapathipillal Sivasambo on the 10th Anniversary of his passing on 1st April 1994.
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by all your children, grandchildren, sons-in-law, daughters-in-law and friends,
Appa, You have taken Amma also to be with you in heaven on the tenth anniversary of your leaving us
- K.S.Sivanandan
Page 39
APR 2004
daughter-in-law of (late) Mr. OBITUARY S. Paramsothy and Sinnammah (Chetty-Kurichy, Jaffna) sister of Rabi (NZ), Raji (Aust), Shantha, Yaso & Prem ( all of UK); sister-inlaw of Marie (NZ), Anna (Aust), Thiruchelvam, Ramana, Balakumaran, Kumararani, Kumareswary & Yoga (all of UK), Kumarambigai (Chankanai, Jaffna) passed away On 19th March 2004.
The family send their sincere thanks to alfriends and relatives who attended the funeral, Sent floral tributes KUMARASINGHAM SAR- and condolence messages
ATHA, beloved wife of (Pet- - (Peter) Kumarasin-gham, er) Kumarasingham; loving 1, Bonnington Road, mother of Eason and Uma, Vinters Park, Maidstone, caughter of (late) Mr. P. V.- Kent ME14 5QR, Tel: Mahadeva and Kamalam, 01622 755076.
IN MEMORAMS
PRADEEP JEGANATHAN - Seventh Anniversary 01. 12.1964 - 31.03.1997
Life stood still for us that day Fate rudely took you away Fond Memories are all that stay While we pine, grieve and pray. Lovingly remembered and greatly missed by his parents Jeganathan and Shakunthala, sister Mythili; brothers Janarthana and Sanjayan and their families.
Eighth Anniverary Mr. Visvalingam Sivasubramaniam
in loving memory of Mr. Visvallingam Sivasubramaniam, Principal Emeritus, Skanda Varodaya College, Chunnakam on the eighth anniversary of his passing away on 26th April 1996.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Sironmany and other members of the family.
- 135 Sudbury Avenue, Wembley, Middx HAO 6A W.
W.Sria
TAMILTIMES 39
Fifth Anniversary Remembrance Mrs Thaiyalnayaki Sivalingam
in loving memory of Mrs Thaiyalnayaki Sivalingam on the fifth anniversary of herpassing away on 18th April 1999.
Greatly missed and fondly remembered by her loving children Jeyakumaran, Kaladevy, Gnanendran, Dr. Jeyagowri, Sureshkumar, and Sivasuthan, Sons-in-law Ganeshamoorthy and Dr. Kumaran, daughters-in-law Yogendradevi, Vallinayaki, Malathy and Balasuhanthini; sister Sethunayaki Sivasithamparam, grandchildren Havitha, Sinduja, Kalyan, Neruban, Rathulan, Pratheeban, Aparnah, Geevithan, Abisha and Kishore.
- 24 Sixth Cross Road, Twickenham, Middy TMV2 5RB. Tel 0208977 6277
First Year Remembrance
நமச்சிவாய வாழ்க நாதன் தாள் வாழ்க இமைப்பொழுதும் என் நெஞ்சில் நீங்காதான் தாள் வாழ்க In loving memory of Thava Thiru Siva Nandhi Adikalaar (Krishnapillai Gnanasurian), Founder and President of London Meihandan Aadheenam and World Saiva Council on the first anniversary of attaining moksha on 2nd April 2003. We cherish our father's memory and rejoice in his tireless contribution towards Saiva renaissance worldwide. Lovingly remembered by his children Jeyaraj, Jeyahini and Shivajini and their families, relatives, friends and members of the organisations headed by him.
-72 King Edward Road, London E176HZ.
nkan S.CO.UK
Page 40
40 TAMILTIMES
FORTHCOMINGS EVENTS
May 1. Ekaathasi, Feast of St. Joseph 2. Pirathosam, Feast of St. Athanasius 3. Mayday Bank Holiday 4. Chithirai Full Moon 7. Sankadakara Chathurthi 12. Thirunavukkarasu Nayanar Guru Puja 13. Ekaathasi. Feast of St. Mathias 16. PirathOSam 17. Amavasai; Karthigai 20. Feast of St. Bernadine of Siena 22. Chathuirthi 23. Stoneley Rajarajeswary Amman Temple Kodietram
25. Sasti
26. Feast of St. Augt 30. Ekaathasi 31. Spring Bank He Feast of the Visitat Virgin Mary
WEDDIN
We con the follow On their rect
Thayaparan, son c Subramanian of H Urumpiray North, J. daughter of Mr. & I lam of 29/1 Pirapam pannai, Jafna on "Miami Ruby'Recep dra Road, Wellawa
Gifted Haemo Dialysis Ma installed and functioni
at Jaffna Hospital
I made an appeal in the December issue of Tamil Times for donations to facilitate the supply and installation of 2 Haemo Dialysis machines at the Jaffna Hospital and am pleased to announce that one of them has been purchased, supplied andinstalledatthe Jaffna Hospital and has started functioning from 19th January 2004.
il thank all tho, sponded with their peals were sent to don and only five ( Under this Circumst to commission only readers of Tamil Tin don and One each Malaysia) sent thei
The details of the donations are as follows:-
London Sivan Temple
Stoneleigh Raja Rajeswary Amman Temple
Sivaskanthagiri Murugan Temple Highgate Murugan Temple
Ealing Kanaga Thurkkaai Amman Temple
Appeal via Tamil Times
Mr. V. Sivasundram (to find the balance)
Total
Cost of Haemodialysis Machine SLRs 1.7 m
, I have now closed the bank account specially opened for leave the second machine project to any other well wisher.
V.Sivasundram, Western Jewellers, 5 Plaza Parade, 29 Wembley, Middx HAO 4YA. Tel: 020 8903 0
APR 2004
stine of Canterbury
liday, Pirathosam; on of Blessed
GBELLS
ratulate
ng couple nt wedding. fMr. & MrS . Sivaindu College Lane, ffna and Sivapriya, Ars. S. Thilaiampa(ulam Lane, Vannar7th March 2004 at tion Hall, 33 Alexante, Colombo 6.
chine ing
se who readily rekind donations. Apthe temples in Lonof them responded. ance, I could assist one machine. Five les (three from Lonfrom Australia and
donationS.
2000.00 1000.00
600.00 1500.00 2000.00
550.00 2539.40 0189.40 0189.40
this purpose and
33 Ealing Road,
09.
Australian Newsletter
Annual Thiyagarajah festival organised by the Academy of Indian Music, Australia is indeed an indulgence for Classical music lovers in Melbourne. It was a full day event during which panCharathana keerthanai was rendered in a grandiose fashion. It is customary that a carnatic artist of fame graces the ocCasion and this time around, it was none other than the great flute maestro Dr N Ramani. Dr Ramani rendered an exclusive concert in the evening and was accompanied by his son Thiru R Thiagarajan on flute, Thiru Ravichandra on Miruthangam and Thiru AGA Gnanasundaram on violin.
Apparently there are 100,000 unborn babies terminated in Continental AuStralia each year according to a Federal Minister. The Minister while speaking to tertiary students in Adelaide went on to add that abortion was a grave matter that had been "reduced to a question of the mother's Convenience", and Criticised Society for not discouraging teenage promiscuity. It is no secret that many in the community also consider that numbers are far too many. Currently Labour governs all State and territories While Liberal-National Coalition led by John Howard is at the helm in Canberra. Prime Minister Howard's popularity has been in ascendance ever Since he took over from Labour's Paul Keating. Howard vehemently supported the existing monarchical system even when Republicanism was at its peak. Interestingly, Republicanism was summarily rejected in a referendum. It is now widely speculated that federal elections may be held during the second half of this year several months ahead of Schedule. In his 60s, Howard is bubbling with energy and determined to lead the Liberal-National Coalition at the next elections. Opposition Labour under the leadership of Mark Latham is equally resolute to win government at the next election. Opinion polls indicate a shift towards Labour, both on One Party Preferred System as well on leader's Popularity.
Denuja Karunakaran, a disciple of Thirumathi. Rathika Mahadeva had her Bharathanatya Arangetram in Melbourne. The ten-day annual festivals of Siva-Vishnu temple in Melbourne and Murugan temple in Sydney were celebrated with very large attendance of devotees.
Sivasupramaniam Sitsabesan, Melbourne.
Rajagopura Maha Kumbhabishekan 6f Sri Venkateswara Temple, Sydney. The consecration of the Rajagopurams for Sri Venkateswara, Sri Siva and Sri Thiripurasundari and the two Divajathambams for the Sri Vekateswara and
Page 41
AR 2004
the Sri Siva Temples respectively was celebrated on a grand scale on February 1st 2004. The Rajagopuram of the Sri Venka-teswara Temple rises to a height of 21.3 metres and that of the Sri Siva Temple rises to a height of alnost 70 metres. A total of 113 Statues adorn the Sri Venka-teswara Temple Rajagopuram and a total of 181 statues adorn the Sri Siva Temple Rajagopuraт. S.
The Yaga Salai pooja started on Thursday, January 29th and continued until Sunday, February 1st. Twelve priests Conducted the Ceremonies. TWO new deities - Sri Bairavar and Sri lidumban, were also installed and Consecrated. The Maha Kumbhabishekam ceremony was conducted early in the morning on February 1st, yet over 6000 devotees were present at the auspicious time to watch the pouring of the sacred waters on the towers.
Many dignitaries were present including Mr. M. Ganapathi, the ConsulGeneral for India in Sydney. After the function, he wrote " The function was solemn, dignified and befitting the di
rally impressive, bei temple towards the India". The internat PTI, the Madras Hin papers in India, Sri L Singapore covered Executive Committe SOCiation received C sages from many Hi ganisations from di World.
Dedicated devo nam” over the per There was also a 'T February 1st. Natha Who came from Col cal musicians provi music. Kalyana Ut Venkateswara anc marked the end of the end of that hist dent of the Temple Balasubramaniam honoured the pries, ple artisans and vol valuable services. Sridhar then hono and members of the
vinity and religiosity of the occasion”. DeVi Bi He went on to say “The Temple is natu
Tani A
U
Australia: Aus
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42 TAMILTIMES
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APR 2004
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