Page 1
AFF
MUIDALIYAR CRASANA
.ני
.¬.1 ARC NTC
STORM OF JAFF
S/ TIMES\/ = سب سے
ESE DE
*
 
 
 
 
 
 

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Page 3

ANCIENT JAFFNA

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Page 5
Great carved on a rock at Polonnaruwa
Báhu the
Parákrama
Photo by Plate Ltd.
 

ANCIENT JAFFNA A RESEARH INTo THE HISTORy OF JAFFNA .
From
VERy EARLy TIMES To
THE PORTuGESE PERIOD
MUDALIYAR C. RASANAYAGAM
Foreword by DR. S. KRISHNASWAMI AYANGAR
ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES
New Delhi- 1984

Page 6
Asian Educational Services
C-215, Safdarjung Development Area New Delhi-110016
Price Rs.957First Published : 1926 AES Reprint : 1984
Published by J. Jetley
For ASEAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES C-215, SDA, Ney Delhi-1 10016 printed at Gian 9{Set PriferS New Delhi-110035

RESPECT FULLY DEDICATED TO
His Excellency
SIR HUGH CLIFFORD, G C.M.G., G.B.E.,
GOVERNOR OF CEYLON.

Page 7

CONTENTS
*Mwakawpawawa
Preface
Foreword
List of Illustrations
List of References
Introduction
Chap, I. The Nágas
II. The Kaliňgas .... III. Foreign Trade and Intercourse IV. Ancient Civilization e as
92
VI. Sources and Synchronisms
, VIII. Origin of the Kings of Jaffna
, VIII. The Árya Kings of Jaffna ... Index
Errata et corrigenda.
V. Foreign Trade and Intercourse (contd.).
227
... 272
... 326
, 39.
PAGE
iii
νii
ix
... xix.
45
81
... 129
192

Page 8

PREFACE
HIS little volume is the unexpected result of an attempt to compile a School History of Jaffna.
Almost unpercuived my reading took me far afield, and led me to conclusions often directly opposed to the views hitherto generally accepted. I have thought it proper therefore to publish some of my studies, in order to have them criticised and corrected before they become parts of a more elaborate work. The 3rd and 5th Chapters were, for the same purpose of inviting discussion, read before the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society under the titles "The Tamil Kingdom of Jaffna and the Early Greek Writers' and "The Identification of the Port of Kalah.” They are reprinted here with the Society's permission.
The book ought really to be dated 1923, for it was ready for the printers then. Illness and press of work that compelled me to put off the publication of it have also prevented me from consulting recent books and periodicals and trying to obtain further light on some of the obscure points. But I hope that other students, and particularly the young leisured members of our learned circles will take up these questions and go into them thornughly.
For it is to the younger men we must look for the best work in this field. The older generation of students in Ceylon to-day is mostly composed of mere 'Pandits' with whom prejudices and pleasing theories pass for canons of criticism and tests of accuracy; and it must be regretfully admitted that racial and personal vanity are only

Page 9
ii PR EFACE
too often permitted to warp the judgment of those who, as seekers of knowledge, should above all things be disinterested and sincere. It may be that in some cases these influences act only on the subconscious mind; but the point that matters is that in nearly all cases the effects are plainly to be seen where they should not be at all. It is easier for the young to avoid these pitfalls; and with a University in our midst, I trust the study of our own History will soon be taken up in the proper spirit, simply and solely to find out the truth so far as we can know it.
My thanks are due to Dr. P. E. Pieris, M.A., D. Litt: (Cant ab); C.C.S. and Mr. H. W. Codrington, B.A. (Oxon), C.C.S. for the elucidation of several knotty points which arose from time to time, to Messrs. P. C. Villavarayan, B.A. (Oxon), Bar...-at-Law and R. R. Crossette Thambiah, Advocates, who were kind enough to look through the proofs, to Mr. S. W. Coomaraswamy of Tellippalai for the translation of most of the Tamil quotations found in the notes and to Mr. D. Jayaratne of the Office of the C. B. R. A. S. for the elaborate Index. The assistance rendered by several of my other friends in many other directions is also hereby acknowledged.
I am deeply indebted to Dr. S. Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, M.A., Ph. D., whose activities in Historical Research are so well known not only in India but also in Ceylon, for the Foreword he has been kind enough to contribute.
C. RASANAYAGAM. JAFFNA, 9th September 1926.

FOREWORD
HEN my friend, the Hon’ble Mr. Justice : W V. V. Srinivasa Aiyangar, suggested that I might contribute a foreword to a work on the history of Jaffna by a friend of his, I agreed to do so on trust with hardly any conception either of the character or compass of the work to which I was asked to contribute the foreword. When subsequently I heard it was a work by Mr. Rasanayagam Mudaliar of the Ceylon Civil Service. I had but little doubt that I had not promised to sponsor the work of an unknown or inexperienced author in the field of research. I have had occasion to know some specimens at least of Mr. Rasanayagam's work before, and I was almost certain that I would be helping forward the work of a scholar whose learning and critical acumen were well worthy of my support and sympathy whether I fund it possible to agree with him in all his conclusions or no. After reading the book through, though with unfortunate interruptions, I have no hesitation in putting on record here my feeling that the work embodies a great a mount of labour and extensive research resulting in the bringing together of volume of material much of which is hardly known outside of Jaffna and a considerable part of which would completely disappear if not put on record and utilised for purposes of history. This vast materjalis marshalled and presented in a form to make the chequered history of Jaffna, extending over much more than 1600 years, read something like a connected narrative. Mr. Rasanayagam exhibits, in this laudable work of his, much critical acumen and judgment, so that the whole account does not appear as the mere disjecta membra of history strung together as a

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iv FOREWORD
tribute of patriotism of the scholar to his motherland. The result is, on the whole, a fairly reliable and readable history of Jaffna, which had remained a desideratum for long, though histories of Jaffna were not altogether wanting.
If on occasions Mr. Rasanayagam let his patriotism get the better of his judgment, it is excusable having regard to the fact that on the whole he allowed his patriotism to remain under the control of his critical judgment. If we take occasion to point out, even in a foreword, certain places where he has let his patriotism get the better of his judgment, it is certainly with a view to drawing the author's attention to what may not be quite obvious to him, and not with any view to finding fault with him. In the course of his investigations, there are passages in the work, which to the casual reader, would show that the author is attempting to appropriate to his native land what really belongs to others. As one instance, we may point to his effort to identify the Mávilangai of Sirupanárrupadai with Jaffna. The text has it that the Mávilangai under description has the name as well as the characteristic products of the old great Lanka', which would indicate that one has to look for this Mávilangai elsewhere than in the Lanka of old. There are several Mávilangais in India described as KilMávilangai, meaning east or lower Mávilangai and NaduNáttu Mávilangai, from which an inference as to the existence of another Mávilangai would be warranted. The attempt to identify the Mándai of the Tamil classics with Mantota otherwise Manátitta in Ceylon may be provable; but Mr. Rasanayagam himself notes the fact that to some at least of the authors of the classical period it was known as Kuttuvan Mándai. It was up to Mr.

FORWURD w
Rasanayagam to prove the Kuttuvan conquest of the West coast of Ceylon, which again may be possible, but will not be accepted without some proof. Almost the same remark may be made of several of the identifications that he attempts of the places referred to in the Classical Geographers, but we would draw attention only to the larger attempt at the identification of the Sabaj of the Muhammadan historians. Mr. Rasnayagam lets his faith take command of his criticism in attempting to identify this with localities round Jaffna. The Sabaj of the Muhammadan historians and the Maharaja of India in that connection alike refer to the empire of Sri Bhoja in Sumatra. Srí Bhoja and Srí Vijaya were alternative names of the capital of the important kingdom developing into an imperial power in Sumatra, which played a great part in the period extending from the seventh to the thirteenth century A. D., as the researches of the French School at Hanoi and of Col. Gerini amply show. These are merely instances where further research by the author would be welcome.
The attempt of the author to derive the name flam does not appeal to us as quite successful; Ilam to us seems to be directly derived from the Pali word Sihalam, which in Tamil would be Singalam or even Singanam, but a strict Tamilising would make it ilam, much as the Jajnagar of Kosala becomes Sadinagar and then Adinagar in Tamil inscriptions. The transformation of the S into I and the la into la is not so difficult of achievement philologically. The question whether the Pali word has a Tamil original must be left open for the present.
Before closing, we invite attention to a statement that occurs on pages 152 and 153 that the Aryan Brahmans who emigrated into the Tamil Country imitated the habits

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γι FOREWORD
of the Tamils and elevated themselves in public estimation, and hence came to be called Andanar. It may be so, but we want some evidence in support of the 'statement, as the Puranánúru poem on Párpana Váhai by a NonBrahman author, Ávúr Múlám Kilár gives the contrary impression, mot to mention other references to the high esteem in which the Brahman was held in his own right. On page 33 occurs a statement that the Mahābhārata now contains twenty four thousand slokas, (after additions, amplifications and interpolations). It is well-known that the Mahābhārata at present is supposed to contain “sapada laksha grantha,' one lac and twenty-five thousand slokas. The Southern version actually contains certainly more than a lac of slokas.
Not withstanding these blemishes, tho work deserves well of all those who may be interested in the study of the history of this ancient land of India, not merely of Jaffna, as it embodies undoubtedly a vast volume of honest and earnest work in the collection and collation and oontinuous presentation of a vast amount of historical material. We may point out before closing what is more creditabiể to the author, the exhaustive references to Tamil literature in regard to the various points taken ալ) for discussion. It must have taken years of work to elaborate the thesis into its present form, and we can only wish the author a good reception for the work. In literary efforts work is its own reward, and it is more so in work of this character. Let me conclude with the hope that the author will, in addition to this reward, have also a measure of appreciation from those who could appreciate good work of this kind.
Madras
29th August 1926. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR.

10,
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
{
Parákrama Báhu, the Great. Frontispiece Map of North Ceylon & South India
according to Ptolemy .... ... , 98
Map of North Ceylon showing location of
places mentioned by the Greek writers , 119
Vafta Gámani ... . . . Page 170 Upasampada candidate, with Nága head-dress. 179 Nága-risa Nila Temple at Dévi-nuvara.... , 214
Sketch showing position of
Tirukânésvaram see 928 Ancient Jaffna Coins 8 p. p O . . . . 300 وو Nissañka, Malla 4 a ...to , 321
Temple of Tirukónésvaram .... .... 379 وو

Page 12

Accounts.
Aelian.
Aihguru :
Akam :
Akapporu! :
Almanac.
Anc : Geo :
Anc : lnd :
Aủgả :
Arab : Nts.
Arch : S. R.
Arch : S. S. I.
A. R. S. I. E.
Artha :
Atana :
Baldeus.
Barros.
LIST OF REFERENCES
The Accounts of India and China, by Suleyman
and Abu Zaid.
Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and
Arrian ; translated by J. W. Mc. Crindle.
Aiňguru Núru ; V. Sámináta Aiyar's edition.
(Tamil).
Akam Nánúru (Tamil).
Akapporu! Viļakkam, by Narkavirása Nampi :
A. Kumarasamy Pillay's Edition (Tamil)
Ceylon Almanac for 1833.
The Ancient Geography of India, by Sir A.
Cunningham.
Ancient India, by Vincent Smith; 1908 edition.
Angádipátam; A Tamil work on Anatomy, a part of the medical work "Segarájasékaram", (Tamil,
unpublished). The Arabian Nights Entertainments. Archaeological Survey Report, (South Indian). The Archaeological Survey of South India. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy.
The Artha Sástra, by Chálakya, translated by
Sáma Sástry.
The. Atanagaluvansa (Pali), translated into Siň
halese by J. de Alwis,
A Description of the great and most famous Isle
of Ceylon, by Philip Baldeus.
The Portuguese work "Da Asia", by Joao dc
Barros.

Page 13
这
Batuta.
Bell.
Bertol :
Bible. D :
Bible, R:
Casie:
Cathay. Ceylon Ant :
Ch. Mand. S:
Chris : .
Cilap :
Cintimaņi.
Cirupán :
C. L. R.
Coins :
Contributions.
Couto.
Dalk : K. P.
Damba :
IIST OF REFERENCES
The Travels of lbn Batuta, translated by Rev.
S. Lee.
Archaeological Report of the Kegalle District, by
H. C. P. Bell.
A view of the Agricultural, Commercial, and Financial Interests of Ceylon, by Anthony Bertolacci; 1817 edition.
The Holy Bible-Douay version. The Holy Bible-Revised Version. The History of Jaffna, by Simon Casie Chetty. Cathay and the Way Thither, by Col. H. Yule. The Ceylon Antiquary. The Chóla Mandlala Sadagam (Tamil). Christianity in Ceylon, by Sir Emerson Tennent. Cilappadikram, V. Simináta Aiyar's edition
(Tamil). Jivaka Cintimaņi, by Tiru-takka- tēvar, V. Simi
nata Aiyar's edition (Tamil). Cirupsinárrupadai, V. Sámináta Aiyar's cdition of
Pattuppátțu (Tami). The Ceylon Literary Register. The Coins of Ancient India, by Sir A. Cunning
ham.
Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture, by Dr. S. Krishnaswaini Aiyangar, M.A., Ph. D.
A Portuguese History of Ceylon, by Diogu de Couto, translated by J. Ferguson and published in J. (C. B.) R. A. S. Vol. XX,
Dakshina Kailása Puráņam by Pandita Rája, edited
by P. P. Vaitiyalinga Désigar (Tamil).
Dambadeniya Asna (Sinhalese).

Deccan.
Deg.
Déváram :
Dévai Ulá.
Dipa :
Dipa : & Mah :
Ep. In.
Fa. Hien.
Farrar.
Forgot. Coin.
Gar. Nam.
Gaz.
Haffner.
Hiouen.
H. O.
Ind. Ant.
Ind. Ship.
Ira, Akap.
IST OF EFERENES - χι
History of the Deccan, by Professor G. Jouveau
Dubreuil.
Notes on the History of the District of Hughli or
the Ancient Rada, by Nandolal Deg.
Déváram : Hymns composed by the three Saiva Saints, Sambanda Múrty, Tirunávukarasu and
Sundara Mirty (Tamil).
Dévai Ulá, by Palapai adai Chokkanáta Pulavar
(Tamil).
Dipavalisa; Upham's translation of the Sacred
and Historical Books of Ceylon.
Dipavalisa and Mahávaisa, by Wilhelm Geiger,
translated by Ethel. M. Coomaraswamy.
Epigraphia Indica.
Travels of Fa Hien, the Chinese Traveller,
translated by Professor Legge.
Old Ceylon, by Reginald Farrar.
The forgotten Coinage of the Jaffna Kings, by
Revd. S. Gnánapragásar,
Garshasp Namah, a Persian poem written by
Asedi; quoted in Travels in the East.
The Ceylon Gazetteer, by Simon Casie Chetty.
Travels on Foot through the Island of Ceylon, by
J. Haffner.
History of the Travels of Hiouen Thsang, trans
lated by S. Beal.
The Hindu Organ, a Newspaper published in
Jaffna.
The Indian Antiquary.
The History of Indian Shipping, by Rhadakumad
Mookerjie.
Irayanáir Akapporu!, C. W. Thamotharam Pillai’s
Edition (Tamil),

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xii
Jaff. Hist.
Jaff. Kings.
J. Beng, B.R.A.S.
J. Bom. B.R.A.S.
J. B. O. R. S.
J. C. B. R. A. S.
J. H. J. J. R. A. S.
Kali :
Kali :
Kambań.
Kavya:
Killai. V. T.
K. M.
Kok. San.
K. P.
Kural. Kurifichi.
Kurun :
IIST OF REFERENCES
History of Jaffna, by A. Mootootamby Pillai,
Second Edition (Tamil).
The Kings of Jaffna during the Portuguese period,
by Revd. S. Gnánapragásar. O. M. I.
The Journal of the Bengal Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society.
The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society.
The Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research
Society.
The Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society.
History of Jaffna, by S. John (Tamil).
The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Kalitogai; C. W. Thamotharam Pillai's Edition
(Tamil).
Kalingattup-Parani, by Jayaiikonán (Tamil).
Rámáyanam, by Kamban (Tamil)
Kavyasékaraya, by Totagamuwa Sri Rahula
(Sihalese).
Killai Vidu Tŭitu, by Varada Panclitar of Chun
nágam (Tamil). Kailáya Málai, by Mutturåsa Kavirásar, edited by
T. Kailasa Pillai (Tamil.) Kokila Sandésaya, by the Principal of lugalkula Piirivena, Mulgirigala : W. F. Gunawardhana Mudaliyar's edition (Sinhalese). Kanda Puráņam, by Kachiyappa Sivácháriyar,
Vrumuga Nivalar's edition (Tamil). Tirukura, by Tiruvalluvar (Tamil). Kuririchipáitu; V. Sámináta Aiyar's edition of
Pattupittu (Tamil). Kuruntogai : Tirumaligai Sauri Perumál Araňgan's
edition (Tamil).

Kurun. V.
Mack. Coll:
Mad. Kan.
Mad. Man.
Mah :
Maha:
Mah. P.
Mah. Pali
Mahab : M.
Mahab : P.
Mahab : R.
Malai; K.
Mani. Mannar.
Mántai.
Marco :
Meadows.
Med : Sinh : Art.
M. E. R.
M. L. R. Mullai ;
LIST OF REFERENCES xiii
Kurunėgala Vistaraya (Sińhalese-unpublished) The Mackenzie Collections.
Madurai Kafichi, V. Sáminatá Aiyar's edition of
Pattupéttu (Tamil).
Madurai Manmiyam (Tamil). The Mahivahsa ; Mudlr. Wijesinghe's transla
tion. The Mahávaisa; Geiger's translation.
do Sri Sumangala's edition (Pali). do English Transliteration of PaliGeiger's edition. The Mahābhārata; Manmatha Nath Dutt's trans
lation.
The Mahābhārata; Protap Chandra Roy's trans
lation. The Mahābhārata; V. Ramanuja Chariar's edition
(Tamil), Malaipadu Kadám: V. Sámináta Aiyar's edition
of Pattupáțițu (Tami!). Manimékalai; V. Simináta Aiyar's edition (Tamil) A Monograph of Mannar, by W.J. S. Boake.
Mántaippal, by Sidampara . Táņdava Madura
Kaviráyar of Karuvai Nallir (Tamil),
The Travels of Marco Polo; Translated by Col.
H. Yule.
Meadows of Gold, by Mas’udi:
Mediaeval Sinhalese Art, by Ananda K. Coomara
swamy, D. Sc.
Annual Report of the Madras Government
Epigraphist.
The Monthly Literary Register.
Mullaipáttu, V. Sémináta Aiyar's edition of
Pattupitu (Tamil)

Page 15
xiv
Muller:
Muttol :
Muzum:
Nágadipa :
, Nampota :
Nánmani :
Nannůl :
Narriņai.
Ned : Vad :
New Dates,
Nights.
Nik : San :
Ousley.
Padir :
Pala Moli :
Palavas.
Para. San :
Parker.
Patt. Palai.
Paul.
TIST OF REFERENCES
Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, by Dr. E. Muller. Muttoliiyiram (Tamil), published in Sen Tamil Hindu History, by A. K. Muzumdar. Nágadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jaffna, by
P. E. Peiris, D. Litt. Nampota (Siňhalese). Nanmanikkalikai-One of the Poetical collection
பதினெண்கீழ்க்கணக்கு (Tamil) Nannil-Tamil Grammar, by Pavanandi. Narrinai-A. Náváyanasámy Aiyar's edition
(Tamil). Nedunalvillai; V. Siminita Aiyar's edition of
Pattupttu (Tamil). Some new dates of Pándyan Kings, by Swami
kannu Pillai. Thousand and one Nights—translated and anno
tated by Lane. Nikaya Sangrahava by Dharmakirti Saňgharája
translated by C. M. Fernando. Travels in the East, by Sir William Ousley.
Edition of 1819. Padirrupattu, V. Sámináta
(Tamil). Palla Moli—one of the Poetical ccilection.
பதினெண் கீழ்க்கணக்கு (Tamil) The Pallavas, by Professor G. Jouveau Dubreuil. Paravi Sandésaya, by Totagamua Sri Rahula ;
Fonseka's edition (Sinhalese). Ancient Ceylon, by H. Parker. Pattina Pillai; V. Simináta Aiyar's edition of
Pattupi itu (Tamil).
The Overlordship of Ceylon, by Dr.S.C. Paul, M.D,
Aiyar's Edition

Perak. S.
Perigrinations.
Periplus.
Periya :
Perumpán : .
Philalethes.
Pieris.
Place Names.
Pliny.
Port. India.
Port : Mss.
Porunar :
Pridham :
P. R. U.
Ptolemy.
Puja : Puram.
LIST OF REFERENCES XV
Perakumba Sirita, by Totagamua Sri Rahula ;
D. B. Jayatileka’s edition (Siňhalese).
Perigrinations of Indian Buddhists in Burma and in the Sunda Islands, by Professor Q. Muller Hess.
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea; Translations by
Vincent, Mc. Crindle and W. H. Schoff.
Periya Puránam, by Sékkiļār, Arumuga Návalar's
Edition (Tamil.)
Perumpálnárrupadai ; V. Sámináta Aiyar's edition
of Pattupattu (Tamil).
The History of Ceylon, from the earlier period to the year 1815, by Philalethes, A. M. (Oxon)
Ceylon: Portuguese Era, by P. E. Pieris, M.A.,
D. Litt : Cantab.
Place Names of Jaffna (Idappeyar Varaliru), by
S. W. Coomaraswamy (Tamil).
Natural History, by Pliny; Mc. Crindle's trans
lation.
The Portuguese in India, by Danvers.
Portuguese Manuscripts found at the Hague, by
Mr. E. R. Reimers, Government Archivist.
Porunarárrupalai; V. Sámináta Aiyar's edition of
Patupittu (Tamil).
An Historical, Political and Statistical Account of
Ceylon and its Dependencies, by Charles Pridham, Two Vols. 1849.
Pararájasékaran Ulá (Tamil-unpublished) not
extant. Geography of the World, by Ptolemy; Mc, Crind
le's Translation. Pujavalia; Translated by Gunasekara Mudaliar. Pura Nánúru; V. Sámináta Aiyar's edition (Tamil)

Page 16
XV1
Queiroz.
Raghu :
Raghunath. R.
Raghunath. V.
Rajarat.
Rajavali.
Rámáyana. D. Rámáyana. G. Reb. Ceilao.
Ribeyro. Rifles.
R. M.
Sah : Rat:
Sah : Sudha :
Sara : M
Sarpa : S.
S. Ch, Ulla. Sega. А.
LST OF REFERENCES
Conquista Temporal e Espiritual de Ceylao, by Padre Fernao de Queiroz, written in 1687,
published at Colombo, 1916.
Raghuvamsam by Arasakésari of Nallar, Jaffna
S. Ponnampalam Pillai's edition (Tamil).
Raghunath Aby udáyam, by Rámabadrambá
(Telugu)
Raghunath Abyudayam by Vijayaraghava Nayaka
(Telugu).
Rajaratnacari ; Upham's translation of the Sacred
and Historical Books of Ceylon.
Rajavali; Upham's translation of the Sacred and
Historical Books of Ceylpn. Rāmāyana; Translation by Manmatha Náth Dutt.
do Metrical translation, by Griffith. Rebeiro’s Ceilao, by P. E. Pieris, D. Litt. A Portuguese work on Ceylon, by Ribeyro. "Ceylon", by an Officer late of the Ceylon
Rifles.
Rajamurai; A. Tamil work on the Kings of Jaffna
(not extant-unpublished). Sáhitya Ratnakara, by Yaina Náráyana Dikshita
(Telugu). Sáhitya Sudha by Góvinda Dikshita (Telugu). Sarajóti Malai, by Bhója Rája Paņditá ; Kokkuvil
Edition (Tamil)
Sarpa Sástram-A Tamil work on Snake bite and its cure; a part of the medical work Segarájasékaram (Tamil-unpublished).
Saigara Chólan Ulá (Tamil).
Segarijasékaram-Astrological work (Tamil).

Sega. M.
Seru. V.
Sess. PP.
Shrines.
S. I. I.
Slater.
Sources:
S.Tamil.
Sud. Sam.
Tamils.
Tam. Nav. S.
Tam. Vara. Tani Padal. Tanj. Gaz. Tap.
Tennent. Thombo.
Tiru. K. Tiru K. K.
Tiru. K. P.
Tirumu.
ĮST OF REFERENO ES χνιι
Segarájasékaram-Medical work (Tamil-unpub
lished).
Séruvávilla vianshale-upubliche).
The Sessional papers of Ceylon.
South Indian Shrines, by Jagatisa Aiyer.
South indian Inscriptions; Edited by Prof. E.
Hultzsch, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya and Rao Sahib Krishna Sastri.
The Dravidian element in Indian Culture, by
Gilbert Slater.
The Sources of Vijayanagar History, by Dr. S.
Krishnaswami Aiyangar.
Sen Tamil; A Monthly Magazine published at
Madura (Tamil).
Sudha Samhita (Sanskrit),
Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, by Kanagas
sabai Pillai.
Tamil Navalar Saridai, edited by Kanagasuriam
Pillai (Tamil).
Tamil Varalaru, by S. S. Srinivasa Pillai (Tamil).
Tanipádal-tirattu (Tamil Anthology)
The Tanjore Gazetteer,
The Taprobanian.
Ceylon, by Sir Emerson Tennent.
The Kingdom of Jaffna Patam-1645, First Thombo of Beligame: by P. E. Pieris, D, Litt.
Tirukóvaiyar, by Saint Manikkavásagar (Tamil)
Tirukóņamalai Kóņésar Kalvețițu, by Kavi Raja, published with Dakshina Kailása Puránam, (Tamil).
Tirukóņésala Puraņam (Tamil).
Tirumurukarrupadai, V. Saâmināta Aiyer's edition
of Pattupittu (Tamil).

Page 17
χνiii
Tirup.
Tiru. V.
Tiru. V. A. P.
Tiru. V. P.
Tiu... V. P. P.
Tiva.
Ton. M. S.
Trav. A. S.
Vaiyá Pállal. Valen.
Velupillai.
Vijaya. D. N.
Vishnu. P.
Visva. P.
Wanni.
Wheeler.
Winslow.
Y, V. M.
l,IST OF REFERENUES
Tiruppugal, by Arunagiri Nátar (Tamii).
Tiruvisagam, by Saint Mánikkavisagar, translated
by Dr. G. U. Pope.
Tiruvátavúr Adigal Puránam (Tamil) Tiruvilayádal Purálam, by Perumbarra Puliyúr Nambi; V. Siminati Aiyar's edition (Tamil).
Tiruvilayidal Purinam (Prose), by Arumuga
Navalar (Tamil).
Tjvákalam. A Dictionary of Synonyms in verse
(Tamil). Todai Mandlala Sadagam (Tamil). The Travancore Archaeological Series, by Gopi
nath Row. Vaiyi, Pidal, edited by J.W.Arudpragasam (Tamil) Ceylon, by Valentyn. Yalpåna Vaipava Kaumudi, by K. Velupillai
(Tamil).
Vijaya Dharma Nádagam, A dramatic work composed by Rama Sundaran, son of Sidambara Udaiyar of Vannarponne (Tamil-unpublished).
Vishnu Puráņam, translated by Wilson, 4th Edi
tion.
Visva Puráliam, by Sidampara Kavirayar of Kili
yanúr (Tamil-unpublished.)
A Historical Sketch of the Wanni, by J. P. Lewis History of India, by Talbhoys Wheeler. Tamil-English Lexicon, by Rev. W. Winslow.
Yilpiņa Vaipava Mālai by Mailvigana Pulavar
translated by C. Brito.

INTRODUCTION
1 r the Jaffna Tamil the study of the ancient history
of his mother-country ought to be of paramount
interest. His attachment to his birthplace is indeed proverbial. Go where he may in search of wealth and live where he may for the time being, even in the fairest and the most favoured of lands he feels himself but a sojourner; and sooner or later he follows his heart back to home, to spend his last days in those well-remembered spots and among the friends of his earliest love. Jaffna in distress has never appealed to him in vain; his response has always been ready and whole-hearted. The history of a country reflects, and bears witness to, the national character. What feelings of just pride and patriotism would swell in the heart of every true son of Jaffna, if he could but have a peep into the glories of her past
At times like the present when many are endeavouring to lift the thick veil of obscurity that envelopes the ancient history of Ceylon, it may seen presumptious on our part to undertake such a colossal task. Some of the statements made in the book may appear incorrect or capable of different interpretation. But this attempt at research has been performed with the sole object of arriving at the truth, and in the fervent hope that more competent students will soon be able to present a more satisfactory treatment of a subject which is very neces
sary for the education and the enlightenment of the youth of Jaffna.

Page 18
ΧΣ.Κ. INTIRODUCTION
In the year 1786 A.D., at the request of Jan Maccara, the then Dutch Governor of Jaffna, one Mailvágana Pulavar of Mádagal compiled in Tamil prose the Yalpána Waipava Málai, the earliest history of Jaffna. His authorities were certain earlier writings such as the Kailáya Málai, Vaiyá Pádal. Pararájasékaran Ulá and Rája Murai (Royal Chronicles),* the oldest of which was certainly not earlier than the 14th or the 15th century A.D. Whatever might have been the source of the earlier writers, whether they drew their material from authentic records or from mere tradition, it cannot be denied that the Waipava Málai was a faithful account of all that was available at the time. Today, except the Kailáya Málai which has been printedt, and a few manuscript copies of Vaiyá Pádali, the other works are very rare and hardly
* The metrical preface of the Yalpina Vaipava Malai contains the following verse :-
உசாாசர் தொழுகழன்மேக்கறு உனென்முேது முலாந்தேசுமன்னனுரைத் தமிழரிற்கேட்க வாாாச கைலாயமாலை தொன்னூல்
வரம்புகண்ட கவிஞர்பிரான் வையாபாடல் பரராசசேகரன்றன் னுலாவுங்காலப்
படிவழுவாதுற்றசம்பவங்கடீட்டுங் திாராசமுறைகளுக் தேர்ந்தி யாழ்ப்பாணத்தின்
செய்தி மயில்வாகன வேள் செப்பினனே. At the request of the Dutch Governor named Maccarra at whose feet powerful chiefs bow down, Mailvaganam, after consulting Kailāya Málai, Vaiyá, Pádal composed by the poet Vaiyá, learned in ancient lore, Pararájasékaran Ulá, and Rája Murai (Royal chronicles) which correctly delineated the events at different periods, wrote the history of Yalnánam in Tamil.
+ Published by Mr. T. Kailāsapillai of Nallore, Jaffna.
Since published by Mr. J. W. Arudpragasam. Central College, Jaffna,

INTRODUCTION XXi
procurable. It is lucky that the Waipava Málai was printed several years ago and translated into English by the late Mr. C. Brito, for at the present day it is impossible to procure any of the older manuscripts for the purpose of testing the correctness of the printed version, The fact that all the statements made in the Kailāy a Málai including those that will be proved hereafter to be misconceptions, were bodily taken and introduced into the Vaipava Málai, stamps it with the impress of an honest attempt at history on the part of that "well-meaning villager”, Mailvágana Pulavar.
Some of the historians of Jaffna that have from time to time appeared within the last 35 years, have so well succeeded in mutilating, altering and amending the Waipava Málai according to their whims and fancies, that there are now but few who acknowledge its historical value. On the contrary, the belief seems to be gaining ground that it is only a compendiucn of ancient folklore, old women's tales and mythical anecdotes.
It would certainly not be reasonable to dismiss this work as altogether untrustworthy, merely because some of the events recorded there have beeta declared to be inaccurate in the matter of chronology. Research in this branch ought to follow the far safer method of modern European scholars; and ancient inscriptions, coins, carved stones and contemporaneous literature, should be carefully studied to see if they refute or confirm the traditional history of the land.
* Tamil Histories of Jaffna have been written and published by Messrs. S. John of Uduvil, A. Mootootamby Pillai of Vannarpanne and K. Vélupillai of Vasávilán.

Page 19
xxii. INTRODUCTION
Indeed, in those far-off ages history was written under very different circumstances. There is no doubt that our earliest works were based on mere tradition, Tradition, as we all know, was handed down by word of mouth from generation to generation, and, moulded and shaped into different forms in the process, it grows in the course of a few centuries into something not quite the same as the original. However, by careful sifting and analysis the truth can be ascertained. The Mahávaisa for instance, although composed in the 5th century A.D., speaks of events of a thousand years earlier, known to the compiler only by tradition and hearsay. But with care, it can be, and has been used as material for the early history of Ceylon. We have only to follow the methods used by the critics and historians who made use of the Mahávaihsa.
In order to reconstruct the history of Jaffna from its earliest times, it becomes necessary to examine critically our ancient traditions in the light of contemporary documents, and, in the absence of any local literature and inscriptions, to search for further information in the literature and chronicles of other countries. In this respect the Mahávafisa is most useful. It is a Court chronicle containing the annals of the Ceylon kings, and its writers who most probably regarded the Tamils as a horde of cruel marauders pass over both them and their efforts in silence, except when they made themselves too unpleasant to go unnoticed.
Had the monastic annalists of the Sinhalese chronicle with the instinct of true historians depicted impartially the events that took place in the North from

INTRODUCTION xxiii
time to time, the task of the Jaffna historian of today would have been rendered much lighter.
Considering how little we know of the political history of the country, and even of the dynasty of kings who ruled over Jaffna from the eleventh to the seventeenth centuries, it is not surprising that We should know still less about the allied branches of archaeology all depigraphy. But how long are we to remain in this listless if not disgraceful state of ignorance P To a true son of Jaffna, is it not galling to have to wait till some foreign scholar finds time and leisure to make investigations and enlighten him on the history of his motherland. And although he may be willing to wait, the sources of information appear not to be endowed with eternal patience. The literature of the land unfortunately committed to such a fragile material as the palm leaf is fast disappearing. The archaeological remains have been almost fully depleted of their carved and inscribed stones which have, in the march of civilization, either been turned to metal for the roads or hidden safely away in the foundations of new houses. . The rapidity with which the devastating tide of progress is washing away old landmarks is clearly apparent in every direction. Traditional beliefs, old legends, local folklore and manners and customs peculiar to the people of the country are fast vanishing. Every caste is giving up its own for the sake of the dress and ornaments, the speech and conventions of some other which is considered superior. National games and amusements are giving place to Western innovations, and in another generation their very names will be forgotten. There is little left of our ancient literature and even less of ruins and

Page 20
xxiv INTRODUCTION
archaeological remains. These scanty sources of information should be made use of as early as possible; else our only links with the past will be gone for ever. If we therefore venture to interpret some of the dark problems of historical antiquity with the help of evidence now hidden away in obscure nooks and corners, and try to awaken a general interest in the history of our country, the certainty that in a few more years, these matters will cease to be heard of altogether, is our sole and sufficient
9XCS.e.
NGCONGy?

CHAPTER I.
TTh e Någas.
HEN and by whom Ceylon was first populated are matters enveloped in obscurity. Whether
the earliest inhabitants were a people indigenous to the island, as some of the hill tribes to India, or whether they were immigrants from outside must perhaps remain undecided. The Mahávafisa says that about the sixth century B. C., there were the Yakkhas confined to the centre of the Island, and the Nāgas dominating the western and the northern parts. North Ceylon was therefore called Nágadipa and was for centuries so referred to in the old histories.
The late Mr. Kanagasabai, the author of Tamils 1800 Years Ago', thought that the Yakkhas were the ancient 'Yuh chi' a yellow race that emigrated from the central table-land of Asia into India through the Himalayan passes long before the arrival of the Aryan settlers, and that they “eventually spread over the whole of Bengal and emigrated thence by sea to Southern India and Ceylon "f This is in a way confirmed by Mr. Parker's description of the Veddahs of Ceylon-the survivors of the ancient Yakkhas. He says that their “cheek bones are
* Mah. i. * Tamils. p: 45.

Page 21
2 ANCIENT JAFFNA
somewhat prominent", that "their eyes are deep set ' and that “some faces are practically hairless below the eyes, and there is rarely more than a very sparing growth of hair on the face, a very thin short moustache and a little short hair on the chin being all that is present '.' But Professor R. Virchow, quoted by Mr. Parker, thinks that "no elaborate proof is needed that neither Sinhalese nor Weddahs, at least in the form of their skulls, present the slightest indication of any relationship to the Mongols. Such a remarkably dolichocephalous tribe has never yet been found among the Mongols'.f “On the other hand, among the remnants of the old Dravidian or perhaps pre-dravidian tribes of Hindustan we find even today evidence of analogies with the Weddahs". It is, however, clear from ancient writers, both Sanskritic and Tamil, that the Yakkhas were the enemies of the Aryans and for a long time resisted the progress of the white-skinned race into India. They were contemptuously called Asuras' (tee-totallers),S Rakshasas (giants and monsters) and Yakkhas' (devils), and on account of their strength, courage and valour, supernatural powers were ascribed to them by the early Aryans. During the pre-epic period they had established a powerful kingdom at Lankápura in Ceylon and asserted their authority in the Dekkan and
Parker, p: 42. it ibid p: 43. ibid p : 34. T The Védas, the Epics and the Puranas,
S. The Aryans called themselves Suras (those who drink); and the teetotallers of the East are still held in contempt by some of the Western Aryans Suras became synonymous with Devas when the Aryans called themselves by the latter name.

THE NAGAS 3
other parts of India. Readers of the Rámáyana may be aware how powerful was Rāvana, the Yakkha king of Ceylon, and how far advanced the Yakkhas were in the art of warfare. These Yakkhas were, within a few centuries of the arrival of Wijaya, absorbed into the Nágas, the Kalingas from the Gangetic valley in North India and the Tamils and other Dravidian tribes from South India, who flowed into Ceylon from time to time, either as conquerors or as immigrants. The result of this gradual process of fusion was a new race called the "Sinhala' or the "Silhalese'.
Fa Hien, the Chinese traveller, who visited Ceylon between 400 and 414 A.D., while describing the Island, says: “ The country originally had no human habitan. tions, but was occupied only by spirits and Nágas, with which the merchants of various countries carried on a trade. When the trafficking was taking place, the spirits did not show themselves. They simply set forth their precious commodities, with indications of the price attached to them, while the merchants made their purchases according to price and took the things away”. The word which the translator has rendered as 'spirits' was no doubt Yakkhas', and their system of barter described above can still be seen among the Veddahs, the remnants of the ancient Yakkhas, who did not get absorbed into the permanent population.
The Nágas were supposed by the ancients to be serpents living underground (“pátála') obviously because
* Fa Hien ; C. L. R.,vol : ii, p : 216.

Page 22
4 ANCIENT JAFFNA
in Sanskrit the word "nága' means "serpent' They were also supposed to be endowed with supernatural powers by which they could metamorphose themselves into human beings at will. There have been various conjectures made as to the origin of the true Nágas. Some have thought that they were so called because they were serpentworshippers;f and others have surmised that the name was derived from the fact that their headcovering was in the shape of the hood of a hydra-headed cobra. The sculptures and paintings found in the ancient Buddhistic ruins of India and Ceylon, representing the Nāgas as "dvarapalayas' etc, perhaps led to the second idea. The origin of their name cannot certainly be traced to serpents or serpent-worship, for they were so named long before the advent of the Aryans in whose language alone the word signified "serpents''.
The Nāgas, according to Mr. A. K. Muzumdar, were Thibeto-Burmans and were, about 4000 B.C., driven by some political disturbance from Central Asia into India. through the North-Eastern gate. “Their muscular frame, yellow complexion, flat nose, small eyes, high cheekbones and scanty beard show that they originally belonged to the Mongoloid stock". Jambulus, a captive of Ethiopia who was sent out to sea, appears to have
* Mr. Talboys Wheeler speaking of the Scythic Nagas in his History of India (vol: i, p: 47) says "In process of time these Nagas became identified with serpents, and the result has been a strange confusion between serpents, and human beings."
t Casie, C. B. R. A. S. vol: i: Tennent, vol : i, p: 331.
i. Muzum. Bk : i, chap: v:

THE NAG AŠ 5
reached Ceylon before the beginning of the Christian era. He probably touched a port on the northern or north-western coast of Ceylon, for, in his writings he has referred to the islands on that coast. He says that the people there “had no hair other than that on their heads, eyebrows and chins”,o thereby affording clear proof of the Mongolian descent of the Nágas. Whatever may be the time fixed by learned historians for the influx of the Aryans into India, it is now generally admitted that the Nāgas preceeded the Aryans. The latter found them already settled down in the northern parts of India, and it was perhaps due to these Aryan invasions that the Nāgas were forced to seek fresh homes in the Dekkan, in South India and in Ceylon.
The Rámáyana, which contains the earliest references to Ceylon, mentions them. Ráma, while despatch. ing Hanulmán in search of Síta, describes the Nága capital, in addition to other South Indian towns, as one of the places which ought to be included in his search.t
In the Mahābhārata, the Nágas are frequently mentioned as living in various parts of India and Ceylon in a highly civilized state under their own kings and under well established laws.
The Nāgas were therefore a prominent non-Aryan race in India and their names are preserved in various parts of the country, viz, Nagpur (Nágapuram), Nagarjuna
* Pridham, Appendix, i, pp 777-778. t Rámáyana. D, Kishkinda Kándam, p: 815. The Nagas are
here represented as snakes.

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6 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Hills, Nágarcóil, Nágarcot, Nágapattinam, etc. Nága kings are constantly mentioned in historical records. The Buddhist records speak of Nága, rulers in Kampilya and elsewhere. Nagadatta and Nágaséna are among the names of kings mentioned in the Allahabad pilar-inscription of Samudra Gupta. There is a Nágarjuna in the dynastic lists of the Silaharas of Nepaul and of Kashmir. Nágavardhana was a nephew of the Chalukya king Pulakésinii, and Nágabhatta was a king of the Gurzaras about 800A. D. Powerful Nága kings were ruling round Nagpur about the second and third centuries A.D. and intermarried among the Sátaváhanas and the Pallavas. Kings of Nagavamsa, with the tiger crest and the snake banner, were ruling at Chakrakuta and at Boghavati of the Bastur State in the Central Provinces even after the eleventh century A. D. Several of their inscriptions have been found and published.
Not only did the Nāga princes intermarry with the royal families of the Dravidians but they were also readily admitted into the Aryan fold. Sisu Nāga a prince of Nága extraction, was the founder of one of the early ruling dynasties of Magadha, and the princes of this dynasty are called in the Puránas 'Kshatriya bandavah' or 'Kshatriyadamah,' epithets which carry the meanings "kings with Kshatriya connections and Kshatriyas of low order."f
According to the Mahávailsa, the Nága strongholds in the sixth century B.C. were at Nagádipa in the North and at Kalyāni on the west coast of Ceylon. We are told
* Ep : Ind : vol: x, p: 25.
Ind : Ant: vol, xlv. p: 10.

THE NAGAS 7
in graphic words that when Mahódara was reigning at Nágadipa, his nephew Cadodara at Kannavaddhamána mountain (Kandamádanam near Rámésvaram) and his uncle Maniakkhika at Kalyāni, a conflict arose between Mahodara and Cūlódara for a gem-set throne then in Nágadipa. While these two Nága kings, with their vast armies, were fighting for the possession of the throne, Buddha appeared on the scene, settled their dispute, claimed the throne, and, seating himself on it, he preached to then a sermon on reconciliation. As a result of this preaching eighty “kótis” of Nágas are said to have been converted to Buddhism. This was during the second visit of Buddha to Ceylon. From that time the gem set throne became an object of worship and for several centuries attracted thousands of Buddhist pilgrims to Nágadipa.
The story of the conflict between the Nága kings and the intervention of Buddha as peacemaker is corroborated in every detail by Manimékalai a Tamil epic, composed about the middle of the second century A.D. But what
* Mah ; i.
* இருங்கடல் வாங்குதிாை யுடுத்த மணி பல்லவத்திடைத் தையாவோ வென்றழுவாண் முன்னர் விரிந்திலங் கவிரொளி சிறந்து கதிர்பாப்பி யுாைபெறு மும்முழ நிலமிசை யோங்கித் திசைதொறு மொன்பான் முழநிலமகன்று விதிமாணுடியின் வட்டங்குயின்று பதும சதுரமீமிசை விளங்கி யறவோற் கமைந்த வாசன மென்றே மறு மலரல்லது பிறமாஞ் சொரியாது பறவையு முதிர் சிறைபாங்குசென்றதிாாது தேவர் சோனிட்ட மாமணிப் பீடிகை பிறப்பு விளங்கவிரொளி யறத்தகை யாசனங் ள்ே நிலமருங்கி நாக நாடாளு
மிருவர் மன்னவரொரு வழித்தோன்றி (Contd.)

Page 24
8 ANCIENT JAFFNA
ever the historical value of the story itself, we are concerned only with its scene and its setting; and it is very probable that Mani-pallavam, where the event is placed by the Tamil author, is identical with the Nagadipa of the Mahávaisa."
The statement that 80 crores of Nágas were con
verted by Buddhat goes to prove the extensive settlements of these people in the North and West of Ceylon.
யெமதீதென்றே யெடுக்க லாற்ருர் தம்பெரும் பற்று நீங்கலு நீங்கார் செங்கண் சிவந்து நெஞ்சு புகையுயிர்த்து தம்பெருஞ் சேனையொடு வெஞ்சினம் புரி நா ளிருஞ்செரு வொழிமினெம தீதென்றே பெருந்தவமுனி வனிருந் சறமுரைக்கும் பொருவறு சிறப்பிற் புரையோரேத்துங் தரும பீடிகை."
Mani: viii, 1-2, 43-63. In the sea-girt land of Mani-pallavam, before the eyes of her thus wandering alone, there appeared the great gem set seat, placed there by (Indra) the king of the Celestials-a seat of becoming splendour, spreading effulgent rays of light. Rising from the ground to the standard height of three cubits and extending towards all directions into a width of nine cubits, set all round with crystal glass cut to different forms and shape, and exhibiting a square with padma (lotus) design, stood the seat of Buddha. Here the trees dare not shed any but fragrant flowers, nor the birds dare make noise even with their fluttering plumes. Now for this seat of Dharma of splendour effulgent, endowed with the virtue of enlightening its beholders of their previous birth, there appeared in contest two Niiga kings from the Southern regions, each claiming the seat for himself. Unable were they to remove it nor could they rid themselves of their strong desire to possess it. There, while with mighty armies they waged a fierce strife with bloodshot eyes and hearts aflame with rage, the austere Muni (Buddha) bade them cease their strife and rivalry. Being seated thereon he preached to them his Dharma. So worthy of reverence even by the devotees of matchless excellence is that seat of Dharma.
* Nágadípa; J. C. B. R. A. S. vol : xxvi.
* But according to Rájaratnacari, the number was 100,000, Raiarat : p : 21.

THE NAGAS 9
In the third century B.C., during the reign of one Tissa Raja of Kalyāni (Kelaniya), according to the Rajavali,f the sea was seven leagues distant from Calany; but on account of what had been done to a Terunnánset “the gods who presided over the destinies of Ceylon became enraged and caused the sea to deluge the land. Once before during the epoch called 'Duvapara yuga, on account of the wickedness of Ravana, the whole space from Mannar to Tutucorin in which were the fortress of Ravana with 25 palaces and 400,000 streets was swallowed by the sea. So now, in this time of Tissa Raja, king of Calany, 100,000 large towns of the description called Pattunagam (pattanam), 970 fishers' villages and 400 villages inhabited by pearl fishers making altogether eleven-twelfths of the territory which belonged to Calany were swallowed up by the sea. Many, however, escaped and of the large towns Catupity Madampe escaped'. It was perhaps at this period too that the submersion of 49 Tamil lands including the hill and the river Kumari mentioned in certain Tamil works took place. After the destruction of his kingdom and of his capital at Kavāda
† · Rájavali; pp : 190-191; vide infra, p. 25.
Terunnanse was a Buddhist High Priest. The king, suspecting him of having been in terms of intimacy with the queen,
had him boiled in a cauldron of oil. The priest was innocent. Rājavali; p : 190. Mah. chap: xxii.
1 (a) ' வடிவே லெறிந்த வன்பகை பொருது
பஃறுளி யாற்றுடன் பன்மலை யடுக்கத்துக் குமரிக் கோடுங் கொடுங் கடல் கொள்ள’
Cilap : Canto xi, 1 1 : 18- 20. Contd.)

Page 25
10 ANCIENT JAFFNA
puram, the Pándyan appears to have gone northwards with his people and established a new kingdom in Southern India with his captial at Madura.** The submer
Unable to bear the enmity engendered by the throw of the sharp javelin, the cruel ocean engulfed the Kumari Hill together with several adjacent hills and the river Pahruli.
For the legend of the Pándyan throwing the javelin to dry up the ocean, see Sport No. 2 out of the Sacred Sports of Siva in Tiruvilayádal Puránam.]
(b) ** அக்காலத்து அவர் நாட்டுத் தென்பாலி முகத்திற்கு வட வெல்லை யாகிய பஃறுளி யென்னு மாற்றிற்கும் குமரி யென்னு மாற்றிற்கு மிடையே எழு நூற்றுக் காவத வாறும் இவற்றின் நீர் மலிவாடினன மலிந்த ஏழ்தெங்க நாடும், ஏழ்மதுரை நாடும், ஏழ்முன் பாலை நாடும், ஏழ்பின் பாலை நாடும், ஏழ்குன்ற நாடும் ஏழ்குணகாை நாடும், ஏழ்குறுமபனை நாடு மென்னும இந்த நாற்பத்தொன்பது நாடும், குமரி கொல்லமுதலிய பன்மலை நாடும், காடும், நதியும், பதியும், தடநீர்ச் குமரிவடபெருங்கோட் டின் காறும் கடல் கொண்டொழி’ ந்தது.
Cilap; canto viii, 1 1 : 1-2, note by Adiyárkunallár. In those days tha sea engulfed land to the extent of 700 ka Datams between the river Pahruli the northern boundary of his (Pandyan) Southern States and the Kumari river, together with the following fertile countries situated therein, viz, seven Thengu (cocoanut) States, seven Madura States, seven Munpalai States, seven Kura (hilly) States, seven Kunakarai (Eastern Coast) States and seven Kurumpalai (dwarf palmyrah) States in all 49 States, and several hill countries like Kumari and Kollam, villages, forests, rivers and cities as far as the Kumari Hill to the north, with the river Kumari of broad waters.
(c) Nakkirar's commentary to Irayanar Ahapporul and the preface to Ilampiranar's commentary to Tolkappiyam contain similar descriptions of the cataclysm.
* ** மலிதி ைரயூர்ந்து சன் மண் கடல் வெளவலின்
மெலிவின்றி மேற்சென்று மேலார் நாடிடம் படப் புலியொடு வின்னிக்கிப் புகள் பொறித்த கிளர் கெண்டை வலியினன் வணக்கிய வாடாச் சீர்த்தென்னவன்.”
Kali. 104. As the sea with its creeping billows had engulfed his country, the Southern Lord of undying fame and strength proceeded higher up, and, having elbowed the tiger and the bow, planted his famous fish on strange territory.
The tiger was the flag of the Chólas, the bow that of the Céras and the fish that of the Pandyas.)

THE NAGAS
sion of the 49 Tamil lands which extended to the South of Cape Comorin would probably have synchronised with the destruction of that portion of Ceylon. The notation used in the island of Minicoy is purely Sinhalese, containing a duo-decimal system up to a hundred, thus showing that Minicoy was a oart of Ceylon at a certain period, and that it became separated at a time before the adoption of the decimal system by the Sihalese. The cardinal numbers used at Minicoy are as follows :-
1. ekké. 2. dé, 3. tiné 4. hattaré, 5. pahé, 6. háyé 7. hatté, 8. areg. 9. nuvé, lo, dlhé, ll, egára eklus, 12. dollóss, 13. dolóss ekke, 14. dollóss dé, 23. dolóss eklus 24. phasihi and so on, which are similar to the Sinhalese cardinals.
The retention of ekkolahé for 11 and dolohé for 12 in the Sinhalese notation, terms which are quite different to dahátuné, dahá hattaré etc, which actually represent numerals of a decimal notation, clearly proves the ancient connection of Minicoy with Ceylon, and that the Sinhalese had a duo-decimal notation before Minicoy was separated from Ceylon. There is a clear indication that the Sinhalese borrowed the decimal system from the Tamils, and it is reasonable to suppose that this must have been after the third century B. C. What is the origin of the duo-decimal system among the ancient Sinhalese and the people of Minicoy Was it Sumerian or Chaldean, as surmised by Slater, it or one of indigenous evolution among the Nágas and the Yakkhas P And how was Minicoy which,
Slater, p. 73. p. 74.

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2 ANCIENT JAFFNA
is situated to the West of the South Indian Peninsula connected with Ceylon P
Megasthenes, who was the Grecian ambassador at the Court of Chandra Gupta, wrote about 300 B.C., that Taprobane (Ceylon)was separated from the mainland (of India by a river, and his statement indicates that, during his time, the Indian Peninsula extended further southwards, and that the sea which divided it from Ceylon was so narrow as to be called a river. Megasthenes having lived and written before the deluge described in the Rájavali, it can be safely surmised that Kavādapuram and the 49 Tamil lands were engulfed at the same time as the western Nága kingdom of Ceylon-viz., during the reign of Kelani Tissa (about 250 B.C). The third Tamil Saingam must have been formed at Madura sometime afterwards.
Bhaskaracharya furnishes an astronomical datum to the effect that the Equator passed through the ancient Lanka, and some scholars therefore think that the Lanké of Rávana was the present Sumatralf
A large slice of the Naga kingdom in Ceylon was thus submerged, leaving only a small portion of Nágadipa-including the Jaffna Peninsula and a few adjoining islands-perhaps, under a Nága king. This kingdom, however, was not confined to the Jaffna Peninsula alone, but extended also over the greater part of the Wannis, including the Panakari and Mannar dis
* Ind : Ant : Vol, vi, p; 129. t Lanká of Rávana by N. S. Adhikari: J. Bom: B. R. A. S Vol : xxv, No. 2.

THE NAGAS 13
tricts, which appear to have been in a flourishing condition in those early days.
In Cirupanárrupadai, one of the ten idylls of the Sanga period, which describes certain conditions prevailing in the first or the second century A. D., a king called Nalliyakóɖan is panegyrised by a poet named Nattattanár. Nalliyakódan was one of several kings who ruled over Laaká (Ceylon), with his royal residence at Amir. f On his way to this city, the poet had to pass through two of the other towns in his kingdom, namely, a fortified
8 ஈறுவீநாகமு மகிலு மாாமுர்
துறையாடு மகளிர்க்குத் தோட்புணையாகிய பொருபுனறளுஉம் போக்சருமாபிற் முென்மா விலங்கைக் கருவொடு பெயரிய நன்மாவிலங்கை மன்னருள்ளு மறுவின்றி விளங்கிய வடுவில்வாய்வா ளுறுபுலித்துப்பி னேவியர் பெருமகள்.”
Cirupan, l l : l6ł.221 :-
The Lord of the Oviyar of spotless fame, endued with the strength of a tiger, intrepid of body and limbs and poesessed of a sword of faultless blade, one out of the (several) kings of great and and ancient Lanká, whose shores are constantly beaten by rolling billows, where punnai, aghil and sandalwood are washed against the shoulders of bathing women-Lahká ineffable on account of its strength begotten of auspicious inception,
The Odiyar were a tribe of Nāgas inhabiting the sea coast. Aghil and sandalwood being washed against the bodies of bathing women shows that the place was a port and that those articles had dropped out of the ships
* அந்தணசருகர் வருங்கடி வியனகர்
அந்தண் கிடங்கின் அவன் ஆமூர்”
Ibid-11 : 187-188, His Amir guarded by invincible guards, surrounded by a beautiful and cool moat and containing broad mansions.

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14 ANCIENT JAFFNA
town on the sea coast which the commentator calls Eyilpattinam, and another town called Wélirt From the fact that Nalliyakódan is mentioned as one of the kings of Laiká (Ceylon), and as a chief of the Oviyar, one of the Nága tribes of North Ceylon, and from the description of the towns themselves, one is led to surmise that the fortified town of Eyilpattinam was Mantai (Mátota); that Amur was the Aakote of Ptolemy in Jaffna, and that Vélir which was between these two towns, was in all probability a village in the Pún. kari or the Widattaltivu district, now known by some other name or covered by jungle.
According to tradition which finds full expression in Tamil works like Visva Puránam, Mántaippal and Vijaya Dharina Nádagam,T Mániai was a town of remote
* 8 பாடல்சான்ற செய்த நெடுவழி
மணிநீர்வைப்பு மதிலொடு பெயரிய பனிநீர்ப் படுவிற் பட்டினம்"
Ibid.-11: 151-53. On the long way along the sea coast stands the famous city prased by the poets, the city surrounded by a wall and a moat of crystal waters and containing many a cool tank,
t *திறல்வேனுதியிற் பூத்த கேணி விறல்வேல் வென்றி வேலூர்"
Ibid.- : 172-173. The victorius Vélir, where the lotus buds in the tanks appear like the heads of javelins belonging to the valourous Vélan.
† Cirupaņ: 1 : 122, vide supra, note p:13
TVisva Purinam has not yet been printed. It was composed by one Sidambara Kaviriyar of Kiliyanir in South Arcot about 200 years ago
Mántaippal was composed by one Sidambara Tándava Madura Kaviriyar of Karuvai Nallar about 400 years ago and was published by Mr. Sangaralinga Páradi in 1922.
Vijaya Dharma Nadagam is an unpublished dramatic work composed about the early part of the 19th century, by one Sundaran son of Sidambara Udayár of Vaņņarpaņņe, atta.

THE NAGAS. 15
antiquity and the place of origin of the five classes of artisans' and of their chief, Wisvakarma, the architect of the gods. These artisans did, in all probability, belong to the Nāga tribe of Óviyar, who ruled at Mántai in ancient times. The power and greatness of these artisan rulers can be gauged when it is known that the earliest Yakkha kings of Ceylon found their wives among them. Padma Kómalai, the queen of Súra Panma, the great Asura king of Ceylon, who fought against and was defeated and killed by Kanda Kumára, was the daughter of a Dévakanmit (artisan). Mandodari, the chaste wife of Rávana, ther hero of the Rámáyana, was the daughter of Maya, who not only presented his son-in-law with an invincible weapon but also built for him the beautiful city
* The five classes of artizans are :-
1. Manu Kollar (GS† 6v69†) ... Black-smiths. 2. Maya Tachchar (As&#Fii) ... Carpenters.
- 3. Tuvashta Kannár (asci69li) ... Brass-founders. 4. Silpa Sirpi (ribs) ...Masons, Stone cutters, Sculptors, Architects, Image makers and Painters. 5. Visvařiña (as "Tii) ...Gold-smiths.
These five artisans were born out of the five faces of Visva
karma.)
Mántai, p. 4.
மாங்தை நகருறைவோருள் லோகத்தின் வாணிபமே புரிவோர் காந்த மலைக்குரியோர் பஞ்சாளரிற் கண்ணுவர் தோற்றினரே."
Vijaya. D. N.
Of those who dwell in the city of Mántai, who carry on the trade of the inner country and of those who belong to the magnetic mountain, there appeared the artificers called Kannuvar out of the five classes of artisans.
t K. P. Arasusey Padalam, v : l l.

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6 ANCIENT JAFFNA
of Lankápura. Kubéra, the uncle of Rávána, married Chitraréka, a daughter of another Dévakanmi. These kings, among whose families the Yakkha kings of Ceylon found their queens, were supposed to have been the descendants of Visvakarma, the progenitor of the artisan tribe. The proximity of the kingdom of Mántai to Lankäpura, the capital of the Yakkhas, made the royal connections between the rulers of the two kingdoms feasible. This is an instance of the historical truths that may be found concealed in the exaggerated traditional stories contained in the ancient Puránas. It is said that he (Visvakarma) built an iron fort at Mántai.f. This iron fort is referred to by Hiouen Thsang as one which had a high tower on the top of which some attractive women
*(a) Kamban, Canto: vii (Uttara Káņdam, Rávanan Pirappu
Padalanı), vv : 63 and 64. (b) Ibid, Canto vi (Yutta Káņdam, Mantira Padalam) v : l. (с). “ இருபது கையுடையான் றனக்கு மண்டோதரியை
ஈர்தருண்மயஞர் பண்ணைப் பள்ளிகளாண்டே" (3) 1 சூாபன்மன் மனைவி பதுமகோமளை தங்தை
சார்புனைவற் பணித்து கடவாய்கு பிலே (e) * சித்திரரேகையென்னுந் தனதன்மகிழ் தேவியே
தெய்வ கம்மியன் பெண்ணென்றே கூவாய்குயிலே."
Mántai: pp. 8 and 24. * 8 சொல்லருமடைகடோறுந் துலங்கிய மாந்தையெய்தி"
* சித்திரமேடைகுழ்ந்த டில்லிநன் னகாடுத்த உத்தாதிக்கின்மிக்க ஆசிக்காந்தத்தினலே சுற்றிலுமகலசாலைக் தோசனை தூரமுள்ள முத்திரை மிகுந்தகோட்டை சிருட்டித்தார் முத்தினத்தில்."
Visva, Panchakritiya Kándam, vv : 3 and 4, MÄintai, p. ix. Having reached Maintai of fertile fields, they built to the north of Delhi surrounded by beautiful plains, a fort of about 4 or 5 yojanas in circumference with magnetic iron in 3 days.
The statement that Māntai was to the north of Delhi was due to the erroneous impression of the author.)

THE NAGAS 17
were kept to inveigle mariners into the harbour and to entertain them, while the Rákshasa (Nága) men attacked and plundered the ships. With the growth of the Indian sea-borne trade, a proportionate number of merchant vessels began to sail over the Indian seas. The Nágas of Mántai (Mátota), whose stronghold was on the great highway of the merchant vessels which had to cross over to the Bay of Bengal from the Arabian Sea and vice versa, developed into sea-pirates and lived by plundering and robbing unwary merchants. Kshemendra, a Cashmerian poet of the tenth century, relates that, in the day, when the Emperor Asóka was reigning at Pataliputra, certain Indian merchants, who traded with the distant islands, came to his Court and “informed him of their losses and complete ruin brought about by the depredation of sea-faring pirates called Nāgas, who destroyed al: their ships and plundered their treasure.' Asóka issued “an edict inscribed on a copper plate, which was, however contemptuously set at nought by those for whom it was meant.' It was only after he became a devout Buddhist that he was able to make the Nágas respect his edict, it
* "The records of the Buddhist religion say :-In the middle of a great iron city of this Ratnadvipa (Pao-chu) was the dwelling of the Rakshasi women (Lo-l'sa). On the towers of this city they erected two high flagstaffs with lucky or unlucky signals, which they exhibited (to allure mariners), according to circumstances when merchants came to the Island (Ratnadvipa). Then they changed themselves into beautiful women, holding flowers and scents, and with the sound of music they went forth to meet them, and caressingly invited them to enter the iron city; then having shared with them all sorts of pleasure, they shut them up in an iron prison and devoured them at their leisure."
Hiouen; M.L.R, vol : i, p: 148, t nd: Ship: p. 114
3

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18 ANCIENT JAFFNA
The Nāgas, referred to in the above story, were evidently those about Mántai (Mátota,) and the early period of their piratical profession can also be seen from the same.
The iron fort, which is euphemistically called a magnetic mountain in Tamil works, was perhaps the source of the belief among the medieval Muhammedan writers that there was a magnetic mountain which drew towards it all the iron-clad ships in its neighbourhood and wrecked them, a belief which is graphically described in the Arabian Nights. The belief in the existence of an iron fort at Mántai is enhanced by the knowledge that
* a * செங்கமல மாலையணிதேவனே மாந்தைாகர்
புங்கவனே காந்தமலைப் பூசணகெம் பீாமன்ன. "
Vijaya. D.N. Oh! the ruler of the city of Mántai, the valourous lord of the magnetic mountain, the god who wears the wreath of pink lotus flowers. 1. “காந்தமா மலைக்கோட்டை மேவிய
காவலன் புகழ் கூறவே ”
Vijaya. D. N. To sing the praises of the lord of the magnetic mountain fort கு. ‘காந்தமுறுத்தடமதி லுங் கமழுமலர்ப் பொழிலுமுற்ற
ւon 5 625 {6ፊ፰ff. 参数
Mántai, p : 20. The city of Mintai guarded by broad magnetic walls and
abounding in fragrant flowery groves.
ta. The Arab. Nts, The Story of the Third Calender,
b. Even so early as the beginning of the fourth century, the legend of a loadstone attracting iron-bound ships is mentioned by a writer quoted by Sir. Emerson Tennent:-
"A thousand other islands lie adjacent to Ceylon, and in a group of these called Maniolae (Manalir, and the dependent islands of the Jaffna sea ), is found the loadstone which attracts iron, so that a vessel coming within its influence, is seized and forcibly detained, and for this reason the ships which navigate these seas are fastened with pegs of wood instead of bolts of iron."
Tennent, voli, p: 563, note,

THE NAGAS 19
about the same period (first century A.D.) there was a brass fort at Dwaraka, a town in the ancient Yadava country and to the north of Bombay.'
The iron fort, which continued to be a great menace to the sea-faring trade of Ceylon, was destroyed, says the Chinese traveller Hiouen Thsang, by Vijaya.f In all probability, however, it was destroyed by Karikála Chóla. the greatest of the early Chóla kings, who in the first century A.D.: conquered Ceylon and carried away a large number of captives to work on the banks of the Kávéri. It was perhaps after the destruction of this iron fort that he earned the sobriquet of "destroyer of the hanging fort,' from several Saiga poets. It was also perhaps after the
"செம்பு புனைந்தியற்றிய சேணெடும் புரிசை
உவாாவீசைத் துவரை "
Pugam. v. 201 Dwiraka, the delightful, containing the beautiful large fortress made of brass.
h Hiouen; M. L. R. vol. i. p : 148.
Rajavali : p : 23. ஏ () "ஒன்னருட்குங் துன்னருங்கடுத்திறற்
நூங்கெயிலெறிந்த நுன்னூங்கனேர்."
Puram, v. 39 Your great ancestor, who destroyed the strong and evil doing hanging fort feared by foreigners.
(b) * வீங்குதோட் செம்பியன் சீற்றம்விறல் விசும்பிற்
றுங்குமெயிலுந் தொலைத்தலால்."
Palamoli v : 49 The wrath of the broad shouldered Chembiyan (Chóla) who
destoryed the fort hanging in mid air, (c) 'தூங்கெயின் மூன்றெறிந்த சோழன்காணம்மானை ”
Cilap. Valtu kādai, Ammānivari, The Chóla who destroyed three hanging forts (d) "தூங்கெயிலெறிந்த செம்பியன்."
CirupAn 1 : 81-82
(Contd.

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20 ANCIENT JAFFNA
conqnest of Ceylon that the Chóla king received the title of Chembiyan. The north-western porition of Ceylon was first called 'Támraparni,' a name which was later applied to the whole of Ceylon by the Greeks. As the word tâmra’ is equivalent to "chembu" in Tamil, the conqueror of Támraparni was in all likelihood, entitled to be called Chembiyan. This surmise receives some confirmation from the fact that no king earlier than Karikála appears to have been called by that name.
The tradition connecting Mántai with Visvakarma and with artisans must have reached the ears of Pridham when he wrote that a colony of goldsmiths had settled down at Mántai in olden times." Mántai is referred to as a kingdom in ancient Tamil classics,f and it appears
The Chembiyan (Chóla) who destroyed the hanging fort (e) "தேங்குதூங்கெயி லெறிந்தவவன்.”
Kalin., Rájapáramparium, v: 17, He who destroyed the hanging fort which caused fear. * Pridham, vol. ii, p. 496. t (1) வ்ரைபொரு மீண்மார்பின் வட்கார்வணக்கு
நிறைபொருவேன் மாந்தைக்கோவே-நிாைவளையார் தங்கோலம் வவ்வுதலாமோ வவர்தாய்மார் செங்கோல னல்லனென. (2) புன்னுகச்சோலை புனற்றெங்கு சூள்மாந்தை
நன்னகநின்றலரு நன்னுட-னென்னகங் கங்குலொருநாட் கனவினுட்டைவந்தா னென்கொலிவ ரறிந்தவாரு
Muttol : vv. 52 & 82 S. Tamil, vol. iii, pt. iii. (3) "பொங்குதிரை பொருதவார் மணலடைகரை
புன்காநாவற் பொதிப்புற விருங்கனி கிளைசெத்து மொய்த்ததும்பி பழஞ்செத்துப் பல்காலலவன் கொண்டகோட்கூர்ந்து கொள்ளாகாம்பினி மிரும்பூச விரைதேர் நாரையெய்திய விடுக்குச்
துறை செழு மாச்தையென்ன."
Nag, v. 35.
".. (Conatdı)

THE NAGAS 21
that the ruler there was an artisan in the first or second century A.D.
The idea of some of the South Indian Tamil scholars that Mántai was a port, as well as the seat of a kingdom ruled over by Céra princest on the West Coast of Travancore, which formed a port of the Céra dominion, is obviously incorrect. This idea arose from the fact that Mántai was referred to in a Kuruntogai verse as Kuttuvan Mántai. The name Kuttuvan represented the Céra king Sen-Kuttuvan of Cilappadikara fame. He is alleged to have led a naval expedition by sea and to have conquered
(4) " தண்கடற் படுதிரைபெயர்த்தலின் வெண்பறை
நாரை கிரைபெயர்ந் தயிாையாரு மூரோ சன்றுநன் மாங்தை யொருதனிவைகிற் புலம்பாகின்றே.”
Kurun : ν. 166 (5) Nar : 395. * “மாச்தையிலே வாழுமகு டக்தியாகியுனக் கேந்துதழும்போ விாண்டுண்டு-வேந்தர் முடித்தழும்புன் காலிலே முத்தமியோர்க்லீயும் படித்தழும்புன் கையிலே பார்.” Oh crowned Tiyagi of Maintail you have two marks of injuries (on your body) ,one on your foot made by the crowns of kings (who bow down to you), and the other on your palm caused by handling benefactions given to those who are versed in the three kinds of Tamil (literature).
See Ainguru : p. 16. Šee Kurun : p. 48. note. to v. 34.
"முஞஅதியானை யிண்குருகின் கானலம்
பெருந்தோட்ட மள்ளாார்ப்பிசைவருஉள். குட்டுவன் மாங்தை யன்ன.”
Kurun :v. 34. Like unto the city of Mantai belonging to Kuttuvan, where the elephants feeding in the groves on the sea-coast are frightened by the noise made by the cultivators of Peruntótam (Mätőta.) h−

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an unnamed enemy kingdom, which was probably that of Mántai, as at that time the Nágas of Mántai had become notorious sea-pirates and there infesting the seas even on the west coast of Travancore. These pirates had perhaps their base for open sea-piracy at Mántai and, after this conquest, the town must have been known as Kuttuvan Maintai. Seh-Kuttuvan's father, Nedun Céralátan, known as the Red-Céra, also led an expedition against a colony of pirates and is said to have destroyed their tree-totem, a mighty Kadambat The fact that the
* ' காலுளைக் கடும்பிசி ருடையவாலுளைக்
கடுமபரிப்புரவி யூர்ந்தநின் படுத்திறைப் பனிக்கடலுழந்ததாளே. Padir : v. 41, 1 : 25-27 You, who had ridden swift footed and white maned horses, your feet have now touched the waters of the cold inhospitable seas.
* கோடுகால் பெளவங்கலங்கவேலிட்
டுடைதிசைப் பாப்பிற் படுகடலோட்டிய வேல் புகழ்குட்டுவன்." Padir : v. 46. Ill : 1 1 —- 3. Kuttuvan of conquering fame, whose throw of the lance made the sea with the bending billows, in which the chanks resound, to tremble and recede.
* பொங்கிடும் பாப்பிற் கடல் பிறக்கோட்டிக்
கங்கைப்பேர் யாற்றுக்காைபோகிய-செங்குட்டுவன்
Cilap: xxx. Katturai, ll: 12-14. Senguttuvan, who first overcame the waters of the surging sea and then marched towards the banks of the Ganges. "கடம்பு முறடிந்த கடுஞ்சினவேந்தே!”
Padir; v. 12, ll: 3. O 1 King of greatirel Who first destroyed the Kadamba
treet
" துளங்கு பிசிருடைய மாக்கடனிக்கிக்
கடம்பறுத்தியற்றிய வளம்படுவியன்மனை
Padir : v. 17, 1: 4-5. The awe inspiring drum made out of the Kadamba tree cut down after passing over the great sea where the rain falls in shimmering sheets
* சடம்புமுதறடிந்தி காவலனைப்பாடி’
Cillap; xxix, Náltukáldai. Singing the praises of him (Cera King) who first destroyed the 器 tree.

THE NAGAS 23
noise made by the cultivators of Peruntotam(which appears to be a translation of Mátóta), frightened the elephants on the sea coast of Mántai, as stated in the Kuruntogai verse referred to in the notes, clearly proves the identity of Mántai.
Mr. Kanakasabai Pillai, the author of Tamils 1800 Year Ago', thought that the country mentioned in Cirupānárrupadai referred to Mavilaigai, near the eastern coast of India and to the North of the river Kávöri. Professor S. Krissnaswamy Aiyangar, however, was of opinion that, as far as he was able to make out, there was no authority for taking “Mavilangai's to mean a country, as Mr. Kanagasabai had done the passage in Cirupa unárrupadai not lending itself to that interpretation.t Mavilaigai in India, was not a country but a town or village, and is refered to as Malange' by Ptolemy. From the fact that several kings were said to have been ruling over the country called Má-Laiká, and from the interpretation given by the well known commentator, Nachchinárkiniyár, there is not the slightest doubt that Ceylon was the place referred to as Má-Lankai, or Mahá Luańká (the great Lualhka). Cirupáñarrupadai.
In further confirmation of the above, I quote two verses from Puranántaru, an anthology made by the third Tamil Sangam, of classical poems ranging from 200 B.C. to 200 A.D. Both verses are attributed to a poet named Nannáganár, who as his name indicates, was
Tamils. p. 27. I. A., vol. xlvi, p. 72. Ptolemy,

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24 ANCIENT JAFFNA
a Nága, perhaps of North Ceylon. The first is in praise of Nalliyakódan, who is referred to as the ruler of Má-Lanká and the othert of his son Willi Átan who is termed the ruler of Lanká, (the prefix 'ma' being omitted) These passages, of accepted antiquity and genuineness, may well be allowed to settle the point that the kingdom of Nalliyakódan, referred to in Cirupéfiarrupadai, was in North Ceylon.
Nága kings were reigning at Kudirai Malai too on
* 'ஒரையாயத் தொண்டொடி மகளிர்
கேழலு முதலிருஞ்சேறு கிளைப்பின் யாமையீன் புலவுநாறு முட்டையைத் தேனரும்பற் கிழங்கொடு பெறுஉ மிழுமென வொலிக்கும் புனலம்புதவிற் பெருமாவிலங்கைத் தலைவன்சீறியா ழில்லோர் சொன்மலை நல்லியக்கோடனை யுடைய வாழி"
Puram. v : 176. Oh my heart that owns Nalliyaködan whe wears the garland of songs sung by minstrels with the lyre-the Lord of great Lanka, of resounding waters, where one receives (for food) fresh smelling tortoise eggs, found by young women with shining bracelets, while at play, in the black soil turned up by the boar, with honey smelling ambal yams. May you ever flourish + "யானேபெறுகவன் முணிழல் வாழ்க்கை
யவனேபெறுகவென் னுவிசைநுவர னெல்லரிதொழுவர் கூர்வாண் மழுங்கிற் பின்னைமறத்தோ டிரியக்கல்செத் தள்ளல்யாமைக் கூன்புறத்துரிஞ்சு செல்லமல் புறவி னிலங்கை கிழவோன் வில்லி யாதன்."
Puram. v : 379. May I obtain the protection of the shadow of his feet and may he receive my praises in verses of musical cadence Such, is Villi Atan, the Lord of Lanka, of fertile paddy fields where the reapers, mistaking the tortoises, lying half buried in the mud, for stones, hasten to sharpen their blunted sickles on their curved backs.

THE NAGAS 25
the west coast of Ceylon. It was perhaps Kudira Malai which was referred to as Aca, Nagaram (Aswa Nagar) in some of the Cave inscriptions. Kudira Malai is mentioned in ancient Tamil classics as a kingdom ruled over by two very munificent chieftains, Elini and Korran.f The hill, Mudiram, of another munificent king, Kumanan, was also supposed to be Kudirai Malai. Bertolacci and Pridham refer to the existence of several ruins at the foot of the hill Kudirai Malai and in the adjoining island of Káraitivu. The ancient poets, who sang the praises of Elini, Korran and Kumanan, did rot sufficiently indicate the position of Kudirai Malai, their residence, so that it may be identified without the
* Muller. + (1) 8 ஊராதேந்திய குதிரைக் கூர்வேற்
கூவிளங் கண்ணிக் கொடும்பூணெழினி’
Puram : v, 158, ll : 8— 9. Edini of the high Kudiraio (hill) which cannot be ridden, carrying a sharp larce and wearing flowers and wreaths. (2) 8 ஊராக்குதிரைக் கிழவ"
* கைவள்ளிகைக்கடுமான் கொற்ற "
Puram : v. 168 ll: 14 and 16. Oh Chieftain of Kudirai that cannot be ridden
Oh Korra who posseses a fleet horse and a hand which gives unstintingly.
(1) * அதிராயாணர் முதிரத்துக்கிழவ
விவன்விளங்குசிறப்பினியறேர்க்குமண "
Puram : v. 158, ll : 25 and 26. Oh Chieftain of the hill Mudiram, Oh Kumama of the greatness above described and of artificial car. (2) * பழந்தூங்குமுதிரத்துக்கிழவன்
றிருந்துவேற்குமணனல்கியவளனே"
Puram : v. 163, ll : 8 and 9.
The wealth granted by Kumauan of the sharp lance, the chieftain of the hill Mudiram in which (Jak) fruits hang abundantly.
4.
>

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26 ANCIENT JAFFNA
suspicion of a doubt. But for the presence of the ruins, and the mention of it under the name of Hippuros by the Greek travellers, the surmise of some of the Indian Tamil scholars that it was somewhere in the Western Ghats might have materialised into a fact.
As late as the second century A.D., there is a reference to this Nága kingdom in the story of the ChólaKing Killi Wallavan and his love match with Pili Valai the beautiful daughter of Valai Wanan the Nága king of Mani-Pallavam (Jaffna.) The loss of their son, on his way from Mani-Pallavan to the Chola country, so grieved the king that be neglected to celebrate the annual festival in honour of Indra at his capital, the city of Káverippimpattinam. The indignant god punished him for this neglect by causing the Chóla capital to be destroyed by an inundation.f According to the Tanjore
* 86 நாகநாடு நடுக்கின்ருள்பவன்
வாகைவேலோன் வளைவனன்றே வி வாசைமயிலை வயிற்றுட் டோன்றிய பீலிவளை."
Mani. canto, xxiv, ll: 54-5. Pili Valai born of the womb of Vasamayilai, the wife of Valai Vanan of the victorious javelin, who rules over the Nága country without fear. + ' நாகநன்ன டாள்வோன் றன் மகள்
பீலிவளேயென்பாள் பெண்டிரின் மிக்கோள் பனிப்பகைவானவன் வழியிற் முே ன்றிய புனிற்றிளங் குளவியொடு பூங்கொடி பொருந்தியித் தீவகம் வலஞ்செய்து தேவர்கோனிட்ட மாபெரும் பீடிகை வலங்கொண்டேத்துழிக் கம்பளச்செட்டி கலம்வந்திறுப்ப வங்கவன்பாற் சென்றவன் றிறமறிந்து கொற்றவன் மகனிவன் கொள்கெனக் கொடுத்தலும் பெற்றவுவகையான் பெருமகிழ்வெய்திப் பழுதில்சாட்சிப் பைங்தொடி புதல்வனைத் தொழுதனன் வாங்கித் துறைபிறக் கொழியக்
).Contd( ܀

THE NAGAS 27
கலங்கொண்டு பெயர்ந்தவன்றே காரிரு ளிதங்குநீ ரடைகரை யக்கலங்கெட்டது கெடுகலமாக்கள் புதல்வனைக்கெடுத்தது வடிவேற்கிள்ளி மன்னனுக்குரைப்ப மன்னவன் மகனுக்குற்றது பொரு அ னண்மணியிழந்த நாகம்போன்று கானலுங் கடலுங் கரையுங்தேர்வழி வானவன் விழாக்கோண் மாநகரொழிந்தது மணிமேகலாதெய்வ மற்றது பொறு அ ளணிநகர்தன்னை ய?லகடல் கொள்கென விட்டனள் சாபம் பட்டதிதுவால் விரிதிாைவந்து வியனகர் விழுங்க”
lbid-—Canto xxv, l l : l78 — 203. When Plivalai, the pre-eminent among women, the daughter of the ruler of Nigandu with her young child born of the dynasty of the Sun, went round and worshipped the Great Seat (of Buddha) placed in this Island (Manipallavam), by the God of the Celestials (Indra), Kambala Chetty's ship came there. She having ascertained from him whither he was bound, entrusted to him her child to be taken and delivered to his father, the (Chóla) king. He (the Chetty) who was pleased at being selected for the purpose, received with due reverence the son of the woman of faultless beauty. But on the very day the harbour was left behind, the vessel was wrecked in a storm, and the ship-wrecked sailors carried the news of the loss of his son to the king Killi of the sharp javelin. The king unable to bear the loss, wandered over, shore and sea, like unto a cobra that lost its gem, so that the city neglected to celebrate the festival (in honour) of Indra. Manimékalai, (the goddess of the sea), incensed at this (negligence), uttered a malediction that the sea should engulf the city, and accordingly the broad waves of the sea swallowed the great city. (b) * வென்வேற்கிள்ளிக்கு நாக நாடாள்வோன்
றன்மகள் பீலிவளைதான்பயந்த புனிற்றிளங்குழவியைத் தீவகம் பொருந்தித் தனிக்கலக் கம்பளச் செட்டிகைத்தாலும் வணங்கிக்கொண்டவன் வங்கமேற்றிக் கொணர்ந் திடுமன்னட் சுடரி ருளியாமச் தடைகரைக்கணித்தா வம்பிகெடுதலு மரக்கலங் கெடுத்தோன் மைந்தனைக்காணு தாசர்க்குணத்தலு மவனயர்வுற்று விரைவனன்றேடி விழாக்கோண்மறப்ப"
Maņi. canto xxix, ll: 3—13.
(Contd.)

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28 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Gazetteer, this Killi Wallavan, who married the Ceylon Princess, came to the throne in 105 A.D., and his brother, Perunapkilli, succeeded him and reigned till 150 A.D. A king called Kókilli is also said to have married a Nága princess (perhaps of north Ceylon too) and to have had by her a son named Tondaimán Ilantirayan, to whom Tondai Mandalam country was afterwards granted by the Chóla king
The lost child of Killi Wallavan, it is alleged, was afterwards found washed ashore and was named Tondaimán Ilantirayant Whether Ilantirayan was the son of Killi Wallavan or of Kókilli, one thing is clear-that he was the son of a Killi (a Chóla king) by a Nāga princess of Mani-pallavam. Tondai Mandalam was separated from Chóla Mandalam by his father and named after him, and he was made the first king of this district, with his capital at Kafichi or Kafichipuram (modern Conjee
- When Plivalai, the daughter of the ruler of Naganádu handed over her son born to Killi of the victorious javelin to Kambala Chetty the owner of the single ship, at the island (of Mani-pallavam), and when he with reverence carried him (the prince) embarking on his vessel, it was wrecked near a coast at midnight. He whose vessel, was wrecked informed the king of the loss of his son, and the latter through grief, hastened in search of his son and thus forgot about the
festival.
* Tanj. Gaz. p. 17.
அங்கீர்த் திாைதருமாபின் * * #
● 彝 牌 s
பல்வேற்றிரையன் "
Perumpan. ll : 30, 31 and 37.
Tirayan possessing different kinds of weapons, so called as he was washed ashore by the waves of the sea.

THE NAGAS 29
varam). Killi in whose reign the catastrophe befell Puhár or Káveriptimpattinam, removed his capital to Uraiyir and was present at the consecration of the temple built for the worship of Pattinikadavul by Senguttuva Céra with Gaja Báhu of Lainká, as described in the Epic of the Anklet (Cilappadikáram).f Gaja Báhu reigned in Ceylon from 113 to 135 A.D. and, therefore, the destruc. tion of Puhár must have been before this event. This transfer to the new capital is confirmed by Ptolemy who, writing about 150 A.D., calls Orthora (Uraiyar or
* “ அவள் யான் பெற்ற புதல்வனை என்செய்வே னென்றபொழுது தொண்டையை அடையாளமாகக்கட்டிக் கடலிலேவிட அவன் வந்து கரையேறின் அவற்கு யான் அரசுரிமையை எய்வித்து சாடாட்சி கொடுப்பலென்று அவன் கூற, அவளும் புதல்வனை அங்ஙனம் வாவிடத்திாைதருதலின், திரையனென்று பெயர் பெற்ருரன்.
Perumpan. Nachinarkiniyar's note toll : 3 & 37. When she (the Naga princess) asked what she should do with the son born to her, he (the Chóla king) said that if she placed her child on the sea with a tondai creeper tied as a mark, and if he reached the shore safe, he would give him the rights of a king, and make him the ruler of a country. She did so with her son, and as he was carried by the waves, he received the name Tirayan. That his capital was at Kánchipuram is known from line 420 of the same work.
† (a) See lnfra... Chap. ii; Cilap. Canto xxx, lI : 157 — l60.
(b) "அதுகேட்டுச் சோழன் பெருங்கிள்ளி கோழியகத்து எத்திறத்தச னும் வாந்தருமிவளோர் பத்தினிக்கடவுளாகுமென நங்கைக்குப் பத்தினிக் கோட்டமுஞ் சமைத்து கித்தல் விழாவணி நிகழ்வித் தோனே."
Cilap. Uraiperukaturai. 4. Hearing of the (prosperity of other countries by the inauguration of the worship of Kannakai) the Chola king Perum Killi, thinking that she (Kannakai), being a goddess of chastity, would grant all prayers, built at Uraiyir' a temple for her worship and offered daily offerings and carried on festivals in her honour.
Mah;, The Editor's List of Kings, part : i ; but Geiger in his
edition of the Mahávansa gives 171-193 A.D. forja Gaja Báhu.

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Urantai) the capital of the Chólas. During the time of Killi, who is known by several honorific names his brother Ilankó, or Ilaikilli, was the viceroy at Káiichi. Killi erected a Buddhist chaitya at Káichi and also caused a grove and a tank to be made in imitation of those at the Island of Maņi-pallavam. If Thoņdai Mandalam, as a separate kingdom under the sovereignity of Tondaimán llantirayan must have come into existence about lb.0 or 175 A.D. He was the progenitor of the powerful dynasty of the Pallavas who reigned over an extensive kingdom on the eastern coast of India for several centuries. This Nága origin of the Pallavas is confirmed by the description given in the Vélir-pálayam plates: that the first member of the family of the Pallavas acquired all the emblems
* Ptolemy.
De Couto who had heard from the people about the inundation that devastated a great portion of Ceylon during the time of Kelani Tissa, co founds it with the present one as he says "And already in the time of the same Ptolemy who lived in the year of our Lord la3, it appears that the sea had begun to cause this devastation: because (Ptolemy) says that around Taprobana there were one thousand three hundred and seventy-eight islands'.
J.C.B.R.A.S. Vol : xx. p. 83. t பாாக வீதியிற் பண்டையோரிழைத்த
கோமுகையென்னுங் கொழுநீரிலஞ்சியொடு மாமணிப்பல்லவம் வந்ததீங்கெனப் பொய்கையும் பொழிலும் புனைமினென்றறைந்தத் தெய்வதம்போயபிற் செய்தியா மமைத்த திவ்விடம் "
Mani. Canto, xxviii. Il: 201-6. After the deity directed me to make an ornamental grove and pond, as if the great Mani-pallavam itself has been bodily transferred to this place, by the side of the tank of cool waters called Kómuki made by my fore-fathers in the Piraka (curtain 2) Street, and went away, these are (the pond and grove) that I made.
i M.E.R., 1910-1911.

THE NAGAS 31
of royalty on marrying the daughter of the Lord of Serpents. The ruling dynasty of Tondaimandalam did in all probability, derive the name 'Pallava' from ManiPallavam, the native place of Ilantirayan's mother. Pallavam means in Tamil 'a sprout' or 'the end of a bough and, to observers sailing from India, the Peninsula would have appeared just like a sprout or growth on the mainland of Lafiká. Some of the later Fallavas were called by surnames ending in "ankura', a Sanskrit word signifying “a sprout', as will be seen in such names as Buddhyankura Nayankura, Taranankura and Lalitankura'. In the Rayakótta plates,t however, a Pallava king called Skanda Sishya, whose reign is supposed to have been earlier than that of Vishnu Gopa, who was a contemporary of Samudra Gupta (300 A. D.), claims descent from Aswaddháman, (a Brahman warrior mentioned in Mahābhārata), through a Nága princess. The origin of Ilantirayan was perhaps so far forgotten by this time that the puranic story, manufactured under Brahmanical influence, began to be believed. Hence the later Pallavas claim to belong to the “ Bharadvaja G6tra'
In the second century A. D. the Nagas of North Ceylon grew powerful enough to become sovereigns of all Ceylon, as will be seen from the names in the following list of Ceylon kings: taken from the Mahávalisa.
1. Mahallaka Nága, or Mahalla Ná 135 A.D.
2. Bhatika Tissa (son) 1-41 A.D.
Ep. Ind., vol. viii, p. 145.
Ibid , vol. v, insc.no. 8.
Ibid , vol.lii, pp. 77—80. Mah., Editors' list of kings, part i, and chap. xxxvi

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32 ANCIENT JAFFNA
8. Kanittha Tissa (brother) 165 A.D. 4. Cula Nága or Sulu Ná (son) 193 A. D. 5. Kudda Nāga (brother) 195 A.D. 6. Siri Nága I (brother-in-law) 196 A.D. 7. Woharaka Tissa (son) 25 A.D. 8. Abhaya Nága (brother) w 237 AD. 9. Siri Naga II (nephew) 245 A.D. 10. Vijaya (son) 247 A.D.
It is also curious that about this time (200 AD.), the Nágas of Central India also became very powerful, and one of their royal families, called the Chutu Nagas, took the place of the Sātavāhanas, The elder Pallava kings were contemporaries of the Chuitus. They intermarried among them and eventually succeeded to the throne of the Chutus of the Naga, race.
It seems clear, therefore, that a Nága kingdom existed in north Ceylon continuously from the sixth ceutury B. C. to the middle of the third century A.D. Its capital must have been either Kadiramalai (Kantaródai) in Jaffna or Mátota. In these places there are piles of ruins yet to be excavated; and at Kantaródai 1m particular, where a number of Indian and Roman coins have been picked up even on the surface of the soil.
Bertolacci, a historian of the early nineteenth century says that, “Mantot a was the capital of a Kingdom founded by the Brahmins who had almost all the northern part
* Deccan.
į J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxvi, Nágadípa.

THE NAGAS 33
of Ceylon including Jaffna Patam'." But, judging from the events described in the Mahávaisa and the Maniri 6kalai it is more probable that the capital was at Kadiramalai and that Mátota was only the chief port and seat of commerce, perhaps ruled by a chieftain under the paramount power of the king of Kadiramalai.
How long before the sixth century BC. did this kingdom of the Nagas come into existence? There is a tradition in Jaffna that Arjuna, one of the Páņdava princes, visited Jaffna in the course of his pilgrimage to the various shrines and sacred waters of his time, which were scattered all over India. The late Mr. John mentions it in his history of Jaffna. Let us here test the correctness of this tradition in the light of the Mahābhārata.
The Maháhhárata contained in is original form only a few thousand slokas; but, in course of time, it was so added to and amplified by interpolations that it now contains no less than 24,000 slókas. It is not probable that the northern version would contain any interpolitions regarding the southern countries; but the southern translations are so full of interpolations regarding the Tamil countries that they cannot be relied on for the purpose of this investigation. But the Sanskrit version is relatively uncorrupted and we can safely base our deductions and conclusions on it, preferring it to the most widely-accepted oral traditions. In the Sanskrit Mahābhārata, f it is said that Arjuna, after crossing the country of the Kalingas and 'seeing on his way many countries, holy places and charming mansions, proceeded slowly along the sea shores
* Bertol, p. 12.
t Mahab, M. Arjuna Vana Varsha Parva, chaps, ccxvii, 1227 : ccxix, 23-24; ccxx, i.
5

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34 ANCIENT JAFFNA
and reached Manipuram." There he met and married a (Nága) princess called Chittángadai, the daughter of Chitraváhan, the king of Manipuram, stayed there three years and left it, after the birth of a son, to visit other holy 'thirthas. After visiting these thirthas,' he returned to Manipuram, to see his wife and son. From Manipuram he "proceeded towards Gokarna and saw one after the other all the sacred waters and other holy places that were on the shores of the Western Ocean.'
The belief that it was a Pándyan princess that Arjuna married is well rooted in the minds of our people and has been fostered for several centuries. Poets have sung of it and legend makers have woven their tales on this assumption, with the result that an attempt to demolish an established belief may now prove unsuccessful. Even the stage has infused into the minds of our younger folk the belief that Arjuna married Alli, the amazonian queen of Madura. His burning love for her, his earlier unsuccessful attempts to marry her and his final triumph are graphically described in the plays which follow the 'Alli ArasāniMálai of Pughalénd: Pulavar, written about the 12th century A.D. The South Indian writers were so sure that Manipuram was the capital of the Pándyans, and Chitraváhaņ a Páņdyan, that the later kings of Madura went so far as to include his name in their dynastic lists. It is therefore necessary to approach the subject with an unprejudiced mind.
* The ancestor of the Pandyas is described in the larger Sinnamanur plates as (l) Pafichavan. (2) One who overcame the Lord of the Kurus and (3) One who absolved Vijaya from the curse of Vasu. Arjuna is the ancestor referred to in (l) and (2) and his son Vavravāhan in the third, as the defeat of Arjuna by his son in the contest for the sacrificial horse was the result of a curse by Vasu
in a former birth.
M. E. R. 1907.

THE NAGAS 35
From the description given in the Mahābhārata it is very clear that Manipuram was so situated as to make it convenient to Arjuna to return to this place after visiting the "thirhas' on the shores of the Southern Sea, and from there to proceed to Gokarna on the western coast of India. The ' shores of the Southern sea.' meant either Kumari (Cape Comorin, which was then the mouth of a river) or Situ (Adam's Bridge).
Only some holy shrine or sacred waters in or near Manipuram would have taken Arjuna there. Now, Kirimalai on the north coast of the Peninsula, one of the most important 'thirthas', was well known to the ancient Indians under the name of Nákulam and later Nakulésvaram. It is, therefore, more than probable that Manipur (or Manipuram) was near Kirimalai. Its close proximity to the South Sea, and the facility it afforded to Arjuna to proceed to the west coast of India, gave him the opportunity to see his wife and child again. No other place in these regions could have given him this chance.
In one of the Tamil versions of the Mahābhāratat the first portion of his adventures is given as follows: “The
* 'Näkulam näma samsuddha asti stånam mahitalé. ”
Súdha Sam : p. 325.
On the earth there is a very holy place defined by the name Nakula.
The name, which perhaps had its origin from the people called - Nigas, was later corrupted to Nakulam and then translated into the Tamil name Kirimalai as nakulam FG avuib and kiri šif? are syno nymous.
+ Mahab : R. p, 836,

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36 ANCIENT JAFFNA
hero (Arjuna) after passing the country of the Kalingas proceeded on his way, seeing beautiful temples and places He, who is of great might, saw the Mount Mahéndra, praised by the Rishis. There he bathed in the Godávari, passed on to the Kávéri and reached the celebrated sacred spot at the coufluence of its waters with the sea. Here he bathed and also performed the ceremonies in honour of the Gods, Rishis and the Manes. Then he duly proceeded to Manalar on the sea shore.' The references to Mahndra and the Godávari and to the confluence of the Kávéri with the sea, which came to prominence as a sacred spot only about the first century A D. af er the establishment of the Chóla capital of Káverippúmpațținam are obviously interpolations; and Manipuram seems to have been altered to Manalir by the translators.
And according to the Tiru Vilaiyádal Puráņam Manalar or Manalpuram, a place slightly to the east of the present town of Madura and not on the sea coast, was the capital of the Pándyan kings before the establishment
* (1) "பொருளினு மொழுக்கத்தானும் பொருவரும் போசத்தானு
மருளினுஞ்சிறந்த மீடோாருங்குல வணிகன் பொங்கர் மருமலிமலர்ச்தடஞ்சூழ் மாமணலூரிலினின்ற ங் கருதிய பொருள்கணமேலும் தேடுவான் கருதிப்போனன்.”
(2) துயில்கொழுந்தனி வணிகனுஞ் செறிதொலைவிலா விரூடொலேயவே
வெயில் விரிந்த பினணுகரும் டெருவனமதாக வெருண்டெழுக் தெயிலிலங்கிய கோயில்கண்டு Fகைத்திதென் தொலெனத்தெருண் டயிலிலங்கு மணற்புரத்தாசற்குவச்தறிவித்தனன்.”
Tiru, V. P. Sport, 53. v. 6 and 10.

THE NAGAS 37
of Madura, and, according to “ Madura Mánmiyam *” this town was also known as Manalir, Manavir and Manavai.
What is quite certain is that a town known as Maņalür, Maņalpuram, Maņalirpuram, Maņavūr and Manavai, called also Manipuram in the Mahābhārata, was once situated somewhere on either coast of the Southern Ocean. It is equally certain that all these names were given at various times to Jaffna. But the authors of Tiruvilaiy ádal Puráņam ’ and “ Madura Mánmiyam”, who lived later than the thirteenth or the fourteenth century A.D., being unable to get over the allusions made to this place in older writings, located it as the ancient capital of the Pándyan kingdom, in order to suit the popular belief that Chitravāhan was a Pándyan.
Now it is rather significant that Manarpidal was a name given to Jaffna in the Yálpáná Vaipava Málai', it and that the name Welligama (sandy district), a Sinhalese name with the same meaning, was given to a portion of Jaffna by the Sinhalese. And it is no doubt the echo of the names Manaltir and Manavár that is heard in the expression “ Manavai Árya Varótaiyan’ (Ld3POTGIMa] Ut fiU GAGTITASU63) and Manavaiyarkón (DATGMAILiGæt sår) in a Tamil work
* * கருப்பணிதார்க்குல சேகாமாறன் முெடுத்தபடித்
திருப்பணிபூசை மதுாேசருக்குச் சிறக்கச்செய்து மருப்பணிசோலை மணலூருக்சக்தனன் வாய்த்தசெம்பொற் பருப்பதமொத்த புயன் மலையத்வச பாண்டியனே.”
Mad ; Man:
+ Y. V. M. p. 5.

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composed in Jaffna in the fourteenth century A.D.' Manavai seems to be a contracted poetical form of Maņavúr or Maņipuram, just as Anurai is of Anuradhapura and Singai f of Siihhapura. The name Maņarri, as that of a country conquered by a Pándyan, is found in a verse quoted in the commentary of Iraiyanár Ahapporul It refers, no doubt, to Jaffna.
Even so late as in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, European and Arab travelles who came to the East have called this kingdom of Jaffna by a name which is unmistakably reminiscent of its ancient names Manipuram and Manipallavam. Odoric, a Francis
a, மன்னர்மன்னு செகராசசேகரன் மணவையாரியவரோதயன்’
Sega A. Palavinaippadalam, v. 10. Segarajasékaran, the Arya king of Manavai, served by enemy kings.
b. * நெடுங்தாங்க மிாங்குகூலத்
தென்டிரைகுழ் மணவையர்கோன் செகராசசேகாமன் செவ்
வேல்வென்றி கண்டுதிறை புரிந்தவர்போல் "
lbid,-—Yatirai Padalam, v. 31.
Like those who, on the sight of the bloody and victorious javelin of Segaraj isékaran, the king of sea girt Manavai, the shores of which are washed by resounding billows, paid their tributes.
* (1) Tenkisi inscription of Parakrama Pindya Arikesaridéva.
Trav : A. S. part vi. (2) Tiru: K. P.
(3) Kotagama Tamil inscription : Bell. 6 மின்னேரொளிமுத்தவெண் மணன் மேல் விாைநாறு புன்னைப்
பொன்னேர்புது மலர்த்தாய்ப் பொறிவண்டு முரன்று புல்லா மன்னோழிய மணற்றிவென்மு ன் கன்னிவார் துறைவாய்த் தன்னேரி லாததகைத்தின்றியான் கண்டதாழ் பொழிலே."
Ira : Ahap ; p. 52.

THE NAGAS 39
can friar why came to the East about 1322 A.D., speaks of three kingdoms called “Malabar', ' Minibar and Mobar' in Southern India. He says that from the realm of Minibar' it is a journey of ten days to another realm which is called “Mobar', and this (Mobar') is very great and has under it many cities and towns, and in this realm is laid the body of the Blessed Thomas the apostle, Further down, Odoric, calls this place (Minibar') an island and adds, “the king of this island or province is passing rich in gold and silver and precious stones. And in this island are found a great store of good pearls as in any part of the world,'f
This description affords ample testimony to the identification of the island as the kingdom of Jaffna. as, at the time Odoric went on is travels, the Jaffna kings had become so powerful that they had the monopoly of the pearl fisheries, and hence the "the great store of good pearls’ mentioned by Odoric. It is, therefore, plain that it was the kingdom of Jaffna that was called 'Minibar’ by him and it was Coromandel that was called "Mobar.'
Edirisi, an Arab traveller of the tenth century, called this island “Manibar', and so does Abulfeda; and a Turkish work, translated by Von Hammer for the Bengal Journal, has the word 'Monibar.
In 1348 or 1349 A. D., John de Marignolli, Papal Iegate to the court of the great Khan, on his return from China landed at columbam and from there he went to
* Cathay , p. 82. ممبر t ibid , p. 84. ibid , p. 74.

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40 ANCIENT JAFFNA
the famous queen of Saba, by whom he was honourably treated. From there he went to Seylan (Ceylon). In another place he says that, wishing to go from Columbam on a visit to the shrine of St. Thomas, he epibarked on board certain junks from lower India, (which he called Minibar") and being caught in a storm, he was driven to a harbour of Seyllan called Pervellis, over against Paradise.”f If Columbam was in “ Minibar ’, and if “Minibar ” was another name for "Malabar, as is supposed by Col. Yule, Marignolli would not have specially mentioned Minibar as the place of embarkation. From the above passage, it is plain that “Minibar was outside Columbum. He must have gone to Minibar' on his way to Ceylon or to the shrine of St. Thomas. Minibar was undoubtedly the kingdom of Jaffna. In another place, Marignolli says that the second kingdom of India is called “Mynibar.' The king of Jaffna had at the time attained such eminence as to have become the overlord of the whole Island of Ceylon, and Marignolli was not far wrong in calling it the second kingdom in India.
During the Rámáyana period, the capital of the Pándyans was at Kavādapuram and there is nothing to show that at the time of Arjuna's visit, which was not much later, the capital had been removed to Madura or to Maņalür.
A Céra king called Céramán Peruricórru Utiyan
嫌犯 Cathay , p. 346. ibid p. 356. ibid , p. 374.
“TT Muzumdar pp. 453-454.

THE NAGAS 4.
Céralátan, who lived at the time of the Mahābhārata war, was praised in verse by his poet-friend, one Mudi Nága Ráiyár of Murificiyir, for his munificence in feeding both the armies that took part in the battle of Kurukshetra." That this tradition about the Céra king feeding the armies in the greater war of the Kauravas was current during the early part of the Christian era, is proved by an allusion made to it by the author of Cilappadikáran).f Tne poet, Mudi Nág a Ráyar, is said to have flourished about the time of the
first Tamil Sailgam and to have been a member of it. :
But, if the Rámáyana is correct in saying that the capital of the Pándyan kingdom-at the time of the RámaRávana war-was at Kavādapuram, it ought to have been
some time after the great deluge in which southern
ഴ്സ്
சீயோ பெரும் வலங்குளைப்புரவி ஐவரொடுசினை இ நிலந்த?லக்கொண்ட பொலம்பூந்தும்பை ஈரைம்பதின் மரும்பொருது களத் தொழியப் பெறுஞ்சோறு மிகுபதம் வரையாதுகொடுத்தோய்.”
Puram, v. 2. When the five (Pindavas), possessing horses with the right whorl (on foreheads), fell out with the twice fifty (Kurtis) crowned with wreaths of tumbai flower, who had dispossessed (the former) of their country, and waged war until the later were killed, you the great one fed them (both armies) without the expectation of any remuneration.
f * ஒசைவர் ஈரைம்பதின் மருடன்றெழுந்த
போரிற்பெருஞ்சோறு போற்ருது தானளித்த சோன்பொறையன் மலையன்.”
Cilap, canto, xxix, Usalvari.
Céra, the king of the Malaya country, who supplied food without request at the war which arose between the five (Pandavas) and the twice fifty (Kurus)
lra : Ahap : p. 4. 6

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42 ANCIENT JAFFNA .
Madura, with its first Saigam, was engulfed. We can, therefore, surmise that the time of the destruction of southern Madura synchronised with the destruction of a great portion of Rávana's kingdom, which took place somewhere about 2847 BC. as stated in the Rajavali, If the Kurukshtra war, as is now believed, was later than the Ráma-Ravana war, we can safely take Mudi Nága Ráyar as a member of the second Tamil Saingam, which was at Kavādapuram. If the deluge that destroyed Kavādapuram and the forty nine Tamil countries be taken as the one which occurred during the time of Kelani Tissa in the third century B.C., f then the error of locating the Páņdyan capital at Maņalùr near Madura during the Mahābhārata period becomes clearly apparent.
The Mahābhārata, which mentions the Pandyans as ruling kings, does not call Chitravāhan a Pandyan. On the other hand, he is referred to as a Nága king and his daughther as a Nága princess. It is said that when the Pándavas celebrated their horse sacrifice, the sacrificial horse, “wandering at its leisure, at last arrived within the dominions of the ruler of Manipura,' who was Vavraváhan the son of Chitraingadai by Arjuna, and was seized and detained by him. When Arjuna offered battle, he was mortally wounded by his son and was only saved from death by the interference of Ulipi, another of his Nága, wives, who is referred to as an aunt of the prince and a cousin of Chitráingadai.: Ulipi was admittedly
See supra, p. 9 Rajavali. p. 19l. Mahab ; P. Aswamédha Parva, sec. lxxix, p. 192-200.
:

THE NAGAS 43
a Nága princess, and it is therefore wrong to suggest that Chitravāhan was a Pándyan.
It is also said that Vavravāhan, while fighting against Arjuna, “raised his standard which was decorated most beautifully, and which bore the device of a lion in gold' and that “his flag decked with gold and resembling a goldel palmyrah on the King's car was cut off' by Arjuna. This standard displaying a lion appears, therefore, to have been the one used by the Nāga kings of North Ceylon long before the advent of Vijaya, and the fact that a flag representing a palmyrah tree was used on the car of Wavravāhan shows that he was a king of North Ceylon. The flag of the Pandyas, during the period of the third Saingam (from 200 B.C. to 300 A.D.), and even before, as is proved by several allusions in the literature of the period, was the fish,f and there is no reason to suppose that their flag was at any earlier period either the lion or the palmyrah tree. On the contrary, the Standard of the Lion, which appears to have been the emblem of the Nágas of North Ceylon, continued to be the flag of the Ceylon king till the Island was ceded to the British in 185 A.D.
It would also appear that the portion of the Indian Peninsula which is now the southern extremity of it was then under the sway of the Nága kings of Manipuram and that the poet Viyása was quite accurate in stating that the sacrifical horse strayed into the dominions of Wavravahan and not into his capital. These Nagas who, in all proba
* Mahab : P. Aswamédha Parva, see Lxxix, pp. 192-290.
t See supra, p, 10, note"

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bility, emigrated from the regions of Bengal and Assam, following the custom of ancient emigrants, called the capital of their new dominion in north Ceylon, Manipuram, which is still the name of an important town in Assam, where the ruins of an ancient city of that name are still found.
The Sinnamanir copper plates, inscribed long after the Tamil Mahābhārata and at a time when the people of India believed that Arjuna had married a Pándyan princess, could not be expected to contain any other account.
If, therefore, it is admitted that Manipuram was a town in the Jaffna Peninsula, it is not difficult to identify it with Kantaródai, as recent excavations have led to the discovery of very ancient Indian coins called Puranás in that locality. These coins were in use at a period anterior to 500 B.C., and they clearly prove the intercourse, commercial and otherwise, that existed between North India and Ceylon in that remote period.
A Nága kingdom was, therefore, existing in Jaffna in the fifteenth century B. C., the period generally allotted to the events described in the Mahábhárata. And the daughter of of the Naga king reigning there was handsome and accomplished enough to attract a proud Aryan like Arjuna, gay Lothario though he was,
* J.C.B.R.A.S., vol. xxvi; Ngadipa.

CHAPTER II
The Kalingas
емианана .
HE earliest historical records of foreign colonization in Ceylon begin with the advent of Vijaya
and his followers, which according to the Mahávaisa, was in the sixth century B. C. but, according to the Yalpâná Vaipava Málai, it in the eighth century B. C. It is also stated in the Mahávaihsa that Vijaya "landed in the division Tamba-panni of this land of Laiká' . Although there have been scholars who have held that Tambapanni was on the southern coast of Ceylon-near the mouth of the river Kirindi Oya and others who have thought that it was at a place called Periature, on the east coast-between Mullaitive and Trincomalie S the consensus of opinion among the Sinhalese scholars of the present day is that it was on the west coast of Ceylon, near the present town of Puttalam. The identification of this landing place has been a matter of coutroversy for a very long time, and it is now found necessary to renew the discussion for the sake of research into the ancient history of Jaffna. A
* Mah. chap, vi. t Y. V. M. p. I. į Mah. chap. vi.
Parker, p. 245,
S De Couto, Dec. v. Bk. i., chap. v.; Journal, C. B.R. A.S. vol. xx, p. 63. See Ceylon by Sir E. Tennent, xol, i, p. 330, note 2.

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place on the western coast was fixed on the assumption that the town of Tammanná, or Tambapanni Nuvara, naturally would have been built by Vijaya close to his landing place; and the site of this ancient city afterwards called “Tammanná Adaviya, was placed by one of the Sinhalese poets of the 15th century, the author of Kókila Sandó saya, to the north of Muņņessaram in his description of the route from Matara to Jaffna. The late Mr. H. Neville has given a description of the ruins found in Tammanná Adaviya about twelve miles north-east of Puttalam a.d has identified the place as the site of the ancient Taminanná Nuvara,t but Mr. Parker was equally certain that the site of Ruhuna Mágama, near Tissamaharáma Tank, was that of Tammanná Nuvara. Wherever the town of Tammanná. Nuvara might have been, there are no certain grounds to
* “ Pempenná kata kuvéni Vijayinduța
bimdunná, laka himikara sepatakota um denni sahi visu nu vara idikota Tammanná alaviya déka yan nosita "
Kók. v, 186.
Tammanná, adaviya the place where Kuvéni saw, and fell in
love with Vijaya, and where they built a town and resided after she gave to Vijaya the sovereignty of the land (Laki) look at it and fly away,
" Lobala vadá rá bi mat kattalama
Sábada paturuvi dena ranga attalama
Sabanda bálå sitá tutu kara nettalama
nubada pama nova véda yan Puttalama "
Kók. v. 187.
At Puttalam-please your eyes by looking at the women drunk with toddy, please your ears by listening to their songs and go on your journey without delay.
| Tap. vol. i., pp. 42-49 Parker, pp. 17-19.

THE KALINGAS 47
suppose that it was built in or near the place where Vijaya landed. Both Mr. Neville and Mr. Parker, as well as the others who were in search of Tambapanni, relying on the description of the landing of Vijaya given in the Mahávaňsa,* were misled hy that impression. The Dípavansa, which is supposed to be an earlier work than the Mahávaihsa, does not say that Tambapanni Nuvara was built by Vijaya at or near the place where he first landed in Ceylon. The theory that Tambapanni was somewhere near Puttalam finds such favour nowadays, that, in order to meet its needs, it has even been suggested that Wijaya must have come not from Lála in Bengal but from Láda. Láda was a district on the western coast of India extending from Guzerat and the Peninsula of Kathiawar to Bombay, seized and populated in Epic times by an âryanised tribe called the Yádavas, in the course of their migrations from the banks of the Jumna, their home in the Vedic period. The imagination of Mr. Neville, led by his usual philological extravagances, soared so high, that he went hunting for this country of Lála or Láda to the banks of the Indust
* Mah. chap vii,
* "That crowd of men having gone on board their ship sailing on the sea, were driven away by the violence of the wind, and lost their bearings. They came to Lankadipa, where they disembarked and went on shore . . . . . The red coloured dust of the ground covered their arms and hands; hence the name of the place was called Tambapanni (copper coloured). Tambapanni was the first town in the most excellent Lankadlpa; there
Vijaya resided and governed his kingdom."
Tap, vol: i, pp: 51-54.

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On the contrary, we have the authority of the Mahávaisa itself that the grandmother of Vijaya was the daughter of a Vaiga (Bengal) prince by a Kaling a princess. The story runs that she eloped with, or was forcibly carried away by, one Sinha, probably a robber chief of Lála and that she lived with him in that country until she gave birth to a son and daughter. Then, unaccustomed as she was to the life of a robber, she found an opportunity to escape from this Sinha and sought refuge in the Wanga country with her children, The enraged husband went thither and destroyed the crops, laid waste the country and harassed the people for having given refuge to his wife and children.* Whether Sinha was a man or even the lion of the traditional belief, if he was from Láda the present Guzerat, the distance of 700 miles would have been too great fir him to traverse. And it would have been more than impossible for a weak woman and her children to have undertaken and to have safely accomplished on foot the long and perilous journey to Vaiga through trackless forests infested with wild beasts and robbers.
The story goes on to say that, after giving up the kingdom of Vaiga to his step-father Sinha Báhu, the father of Vijaya returned to his own land Lála and there founded a city called Sifahapura f That this Sinhapura was not in Láda but in the Kalinga country can be easily seen from the numerous later references in the Mahávaİnsa,
To take the flimsy hypothesis that Vijaya, on his way
* Mah, chap. vii. t Mah. chap, vi.

THE KALINGAS 49
to Ceylon, touched at Suppáraka and Bhárukachchaf (identified as Supara ahd Baroach on the west coast of India to the north of Bombay), and to argue that he must have embarked from the Yádava country of Láda, will go more to prove the ignorance of the authors of the Mahávaisa and the Dipavafisa as regards the ancient geography of India, than to prove that he (Vijaya) actually sailed from the west coast. Supara and Baroach were such well known ports at the time the Mahávafisa and the Dipavansa were written that the authors probably thought of lènding some colour to their account of the voyage of Wijaya by stating that he touched at those ports on his way.
In the Tamil Epic Cilappadikáram, composed about three centuries earlier than the Mahávaisa, Sinhapura is mentioned twice.: In the same poem, discussing line 47 of the preface, Adiyárku Nallár, the commentator who lived in the 14th or the löth century A.D., describes Siilhapura as a town in the Kaliiga country, taking as his authority a later reference in the same poem. In the Manimékalai too, 'Sinhapura is mentioned as a town situated in the Kaliiga country.
游 Mah. Chap. vi, v. 46. t Dipa. Chap. ix, v. 26. + (1) * சிங்காவண்புகழ்ச் சிங்கபுரத்து"
Cilap. Preface, l, 47 Simhapura of Sinha fame.
(2) 8 கடிப்ொழிலுடுத்த கலிங்க நன்னட்டு
தீம்புனற்பழனச் சிங்கபுரத்தினும்"
Cilap. Canto xxiii, ll. 138 and 140. In Sinhapura of beautiful arable lands with cool water, situated in the Kalinga country surrounded by fragrant groves.
 ே88 காசில்பூம்பொழிற் கலிங்கான்னுட்டுச்
சிங்கபுரம்”
Maņi. Canto xxvi, ll. 15 and i 7. Sinhapura, in the good and faultless country of Kalinga of flowering groves,
7

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50 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Kalinga was one of the earliest kingdoms established in the Dekkan by Dravidian tribes and long before the Aryan push. According to the Vishnu Purána, it was founded, by Kalinga, one of the putative sons of Bali, on being driven out by Indra and Vishnu from his kingdom on the Upper Indus about 2800 B.C. Originally, it covered Orissa and a part of Bengal. It is mentioned in the Rámáyaná and the Mahābhārata as one of the flourishing States of the Dekkan, Aiga, Vaiga and Kaliiga are referred to in the later Epic as mlechchaf (Dravidian) kingdoms. In the great war between the Pándavas and the Kurdis, the Kalinga king, Srutáyu, fought with his two sons against the Pándavas and the three were killed by Bhima. Its ancient capital was Sri Kakola, corrupted to the present Chicacole. Kalinga is also repeatedly mentioned in the Buddhist legends. The remote antiquity of Kalinga and its non-áryan origin in now admitted by all historians.
It is a fact well known to all students of the history of Ancient India that the Kaliigas were a people who were almost the first among Indian races to cross the seas, not only for commercial enterprise but also for the sake of conquest and colonization. They founded colonies in Ceylon, in far off Java and in the Straits Settlements. It was they who established the town of Singapura—now called Singapore-in the Straits Settlements, and Indians, from whatever country they may hail, are still known among the Malays as "klings,' a corruption of the term “ Kaliingas”.
* Vishnu. P., p. 444.
t Mahab. M.

THE KALINGAS 5
An insignificant town, by name Sinhapura, still exists in the Chicacole district of Ganjam Zilla in Orissa, and in all probability it is the site of the city built by the father of Vijaya, bereft now of all its ancient glory and importance, General Cunningham supposes that Sinhapura, the capital of Sinhabáhu the father of Wijaya, is the town of that name, situated 115 miles to the west of Ganjam, and at one time the capital of Kalinga'
There are others who think that Sinhapura is the present village of Singir which is a station in the Tarakésvar branch of the East Indian Railway, ten miles from Tarakéswara in the district of Hughli. This village is in the district of Rada which is the same as Lála or Láda. This identification may be correct, for ancient Singar appears to have been of considerable size and importance and a flourishing commercial town on the old bank of the river Sarasvati. The followers of Vijaya were also called Gangetic settlers, and the descendants of those who settled in North Ceylon called themselves afterwards as of the Gangakula or Gangavamsa.
No further proof is necessary to establish the fact that Sinhapura, founded by Vijaya's father, was a town in the ancient Kalinga, and not one in the far off Láda, the country of the Yádavas. -
The utter improbability of placing Sihhapura, the capital of Sinhabáhu, on the banks of the Indus, as sup
* Anc. Geo. p. 519. † Deg. J. Beng. B.R.A.S. New Series, vol. vi, p. 624.

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52 ANCIENT JAFFNA
posed by Mr. Neville, is so obvious that it need not be discussed here.
It is of course not surprising that prince Vijaya, the most adventurous of an adventure-loving nation, should have embarked with 700 followers, and with an equal number of women and children, in search of fresh woods and pastures new. If he had sailed from the shores of Kalinga, where else could he have landed except somewhere in the northern or eastern coast of Ceylon P On the other hand, those who are aware of the direction of the monsoons that blow over the Indian Ocean will not be slow to arrive at the conclusion that a vessel drifting, as stated in the Mahávansa from the coast of Guzerat, can never be driven to the coast of Ceylon, but must go either to a place on the western coast of India, much closer to the place of embarkation, or far to the west in the Arabian Sea. The suggestion of De Couto that Vijaya landed at Periyature, between Mullaitive and Trincomalie, or that of Parker that the mouth of the Kirindi Oya was the spot, would be much nearer the truth than the popular impression that it was at or near Puttalam. я.
But, according to a local tradition which still exists, and which has been embodied in the Yálpána Waipava Málai, Vijaya landed on the northern coast of Jaffna and took up his residence at Kadiramalai. If, indeed, copper coloured earth had anything in common with the name Tambapanni, as stated in the Mahávaihsa, there is no place in Ceylon where copper coloured earth can be
* Y. V. M., p,2.

THE KALINGAS 53
found so close to the shore as the north coast of Jaffna. It is said that Vijaya, who was undoubtedly a Hindu, built the temple called Tirutambalésvaram in the north of Ceylon. This temple must have been built near the present Kirimalai, as there are lands in the vicinity still going under the name of Tirutampálai.” Tamba is the Sanskrit word for copper; and the Tambapanni of the Sinhalese chronicler can therefore quite conceivably be the Tirutambalésvaram' mentioned in the Yálpána Vaipaγa Málai.
This conclusion finds additional proof in the Mahávansa; for it is mentioned there that the boats which conveyed the women and children among the followers of Vijaya touched at Mahinda dipa and at Nagga dípa respectively, where they settled.t Naggadipa, where the children are alleged to have landed, is certainly Nicobars, the Nakkávaram of the Tamils, which was so called as it was populated by naked cannibals. But there is a difference in the reading of the name of the island where the women are said to have landed. Geiger thought that it was Mahiladipa, Mudlr: Wijesinghe and Sri Sumangala read it as Mahindadipa. If the correct reading is Mahisadipa, which is more probable, the place can be identified. In ancient times, the eastern portion of the Jaffna Peninsula was a separate island and was known as Erumaimullaitivu, from the name of a plant “ erumaimullai” (prenna serratifolia) which grew abun
* Y. V. M. p. 3.
† Mah. chap. vi.
Sanskrit, "Nagga," F Tamil, 'Nakka'-Naked, cf. "is disarr raori sfrsi argpuo2ao” Mani. Canto, xvi, l. 15
9 Mah.; Maha.; Mah. P.; Mah. Pali. chap. vii.

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dantly there. The name appears to have been later applied to the whole of the Jaffna Peninsula, in the same manner as Nágadipa, which was the name of the principal island and which was applied not only to the whole peninsula but also to a portion of the Wannis. The name Erumai-mullai-tivu might have been shortened to Erumaitívu (erumai=buffalo) and translated to Mahisa dípa in Pali. These identifications confirm the fact that all the three vessels in which the Kaliiga emigrants embarked navigated down the Bay of Bengal and touched at places to which they would naturally have been driven.
The statement in the Mahávafisa that all the men travelled in one boat, all the women in another, and all the children in a thirdf cannot for a moment be considered as correct. It is more than probable that Wijaya and his party landed at the abovementioned place (Tirutampálai), and that another party landed at Erumai-mullaitivu. In all probability, it was these colonists who built a city on the north-eastern corner of Jaffna and called it Sinhapura, which, in later times, was to become famous in the history of Jaffna as Singai Nagar. The ruins of this city, covered over with sand, can still be seen at Wallipuram.
The suggestion that the Periature of De Couto referred to Mátota (great harbour):, coupled with the fact that the district in which Mátota is situate was in
* Winslow. See under 67Gladudgp6.aviga. † Mah. chap. vi. i J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xx, p. 63, note 4.

THE KALINGAS 55
very early times known as Támravarni, lends credence to the theory that the probable landing place of Vijaya was Mátota and that Tambapanni is only another form of Támravarni.
According to the Waipava Málai, Vijaya had his permanent residence at Kadiramalai for some time, though he was engaged in building and restoring temples in different parts of the Island. His town of Tambapanni was built much later, after his marriage with Kuvéni and after the conquest of the Yakkhas; and it is not unreasonable to conjecture that he named his town, wherever he might have built it, after the name of the place where he first landed. It is idle to suppose that he met and married Kuvéni on the day and at the place he first disembarked, or that he defeated the Yakkhas, whose stronghold was either at Maiyangana or at Laggala, within a few days of his landing. The Jaffna tradition that he landed at some port on the north coast, stayed at Kadiramalai, built the temple of Tirutamballésvaram, perhaps as a thank-offering for his safe arrival, and then went round Ceylon building new temples and repairing those that were in ruins, is the more probable one. In the course of these travels he must have met and married Kuvéni, the Yakkha princess, and after his marriage with her the idea of overcoming the Yakkhas and possessing the kingdom. would naturally have occurred to him.
* See infra, chap. iii, p. t Y. V. M., p. 3.
libid p. 4; Mah. chap, vii. Ibid p. 3.

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The description of Vijaya's arrival in Ceylon-in the Rajavali-that "while sailing towards the country of Runa Rata, in the midst of the sea, they perceived the large rock called Sumanakita Parvata or Adam's Peak, and they concluded among themselves that it was a good country for them to reside in, and so they landed at the place called Tammannátota in Ceylon' seems to be a confused reference to his travels in South Ceylon for the purpose of building the temple of SanthiraSékaran-koyil at Matthurai '...f
It may well be that Mr. Parker's identification of the site of Tambapanni Nuvara is correct. For, in the circumstances, it would have been only natural for Vijaya to found his kingdom in the extreme South, as remote as possible from the place which gave him refuge when he first landed in Ceylon.
It is also matter for grave doubt whether the proud Pándyan of South India would have readily consented to give his daughter in marriage to an unknown adventurer. Vijaya had just come to a kingdom over a people who were then supposed to be devils and demons. “From Kanyá-Kumari to the Himalaya mountains," all Indians despised “the country of the Rákshasas," as they termed Lanká in contempt. On the other hand, his royal lineage too was a matter of doubt and would not have been known. The present town of Madura could not have then come into existence, and the "Southern
* Rajavali..., p. 168. t Y. V. M., p. 3. lbid p, 2.

THE KALINGAS 57
Madura,” if the Rajavali is to be believed, had been engulfed by the ocean. At that time the Pándyan capital must have been Kavādapuram, which was destroyed about the third century B. C. If the chronicles had stated that all alliance of the nature did take place between a Pándyan princess and a scion of a royal family that had ruled over Lafiká for several centuries or even generations, it would have been more credible. Besides, there has not been one single instance of a similar alliance after Vijaya. It appears that the earliest author of the Mahávafisa had a motive in dividing the men, women and children who accompanied Vijaya into three separate boats. It was with the purpose of effecting, later, a wholesale marriage alliance in the Pándyan country. He, however, forgot to mention that the 700 male companions of Wijaya refrained from marriage until Vijaya abandoned his Yakkha wife and children, or that, if they had contracted marriages among the Yakkhas and the Nágas among whom they settled, they too as his true followers abandoned their wives and children in imitation of Wijaya.
Notwithstanding the assertions to the contrary in the Sinhalese and the Jaffna chronicles, we are therefore led to suggest that the princess who supplanted Kuvéni in the heart of Vijaya was a Nága princess, either from the north or from the west of Ceylon. Similar alliances became only too common among the successors of Vijaya. We read that about two centuries after his death, the capital of the Southern kingdom came under the sway of
* Vide supra, chap. i, pp. 9 & 10,
8

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Mahá Nága, the brother of Dévánampiya Tissa, a prince of Nága parentage, and that it remained under the Nága princes for several centuries.
If this tradition of Wijaya’s landing and sojourn in the North be true, where was Kadira malai P It would appear that, at the time the "Kailāyamálai' was composed, the bare tradition that Wijaya had landed at Jaffna and stayed at Kadiramalai remained, but that the position of "Kadiramalai' was altogether forgotten. So the pious author had no other alternative but to jump to the conclusion that the Kadiramalai referred to in the tradition was no other place than Kataragama, the scene of the heroic deeds of his god Kanda Kumára' alias Kártikéya'. Kataragama is also known in Tamil as Kadiramalai'. The fact that this "Kadiramalai,' which was not only the residence of Vijaya for a time, but also the capital of many kings before and after him, was so close to the place where the author composed his poem
6 வரிந்தசி?ல வேடர்குலமாதுபுணர் வேலாயுதகான்செங் காடன்புதல்வன் கதிர்காமன்-ஏடவிழுங் தார்க்கடம்பன் பேர்முருகன் முமோதான் மருகன் சீர்ககுரவன்றேவர் திரட்கொருவன்-குர்ப்பகையை மாற்றுங்குகன் குழகன்வாயத்த வடியார்துயரை யாற்றுங்குமானருளாலே-போற்றுதவர் வாயந்த கதிரைமலை
K. M.
Kadirai malai sacred to the carrier of the lance, the husband of bow armed veddah maid, the son of Seikádan (Sivan), Kadirgiman, the wearer of the wreath of kadamba flowers, Murugan, the nephew of Dámódaran (Vishnu), the able chief, the leader of the celestial forces, the destroyer of the Asura enemies, Kugan, Kulagan, Kumaran who removes the troubles of his devotees-Kadiraimalai where he dispenses his grace and where he is worshipped.

THE KALINGAS 59
was evidently unknown to him. And it would have continued to remain obscure for generations to come had it not been for the excavations and discoveries of Dr.P.E. Pieris at Kantaródai. This little known village has proved to be
a second Anurhádhapura, in the matter of its ruins of historical interest.
Now, it is a commonplace of history that, when waves of conquest or colonization come upon a country, the old names of places are translated into the tongue of the invaders or settlers. Most of the old names of places are thus lost to posterity. So this place which had enjoyed the name of Kadiramalai' for several centuries was transformed into a Sinhalese village and renamed "Kadiragoda', when the Sinhalese people settled down there ages later. (malai' in Tamil and "goda' in Sinhalese are synonymous.) The village which was, in the lith century, known as "Kadiragoda' when the Sinhalese Nampota' was written, went through such changes of name as “Kandergoda' and Kandercudde' during the time of the Portugueset, and was known as "Kantaródai' and Odaikurichchi' by the time the Dutch became supreme in Jaffna. It follows, therefore, that the present Kantaródai was the ancient Kadiramalai. It had, no doubt, been the capital of the Nágas for several centuries before the advent of Vijaya, and it continued for several centuries after to be the seat of government of Chiefs, sometimes under the suzerainty of some of Wijaya’s successors and sometimes independent
* Nampota, p. 3. + Thómbo, p. 47. i Y. V. M. p. 34.

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ly of such suzerainty. The discovery of extensive Buddhistic archaeological remains and of large quantities of Indian and Roman coins affords ample testimony of its ancient greatness.
Seeing that Vijaya was a pious Hindu and an enthusiastic builder of temples, it is quite possible that, after building the town of Tammanná nuvara, he inaugurated the worship of Kanda Kumara (otherwise known as Vélan or Murugan the heroic god of the Tamils) at Kataragama or Kajaragama, close to his capital. The earliest name of this holy shrine which was on the top of a hill and which became an object of worship long before the advent of Vijaya, must have certainly been the Tamil name Kadiramalai. The village, which was below the hill and on the banks of the Menik Ganga, was, in Sinhalese times, called Kataragama, the Pali form of which was Kajaragama. Its derivation from Kartigéya gráma, as some scholars have attempted to derive it, has neither phonetic similarity nor linguistic authority. The other Tamil name-Katirkámam -is the literal transformation of the Sinhalese name Kataragama and has no connection with the Tamil components 'katir' (divine glory) and “kámam (love), a resemblance seen through religious fervour only. The tradition mentioned in the Yálpána Vaipava Málai that Vijaya built a temple for "Kadirai Andavarf might possibly have referred to the temple at Kataragama.
The question then arises-why has no mention of this portion of the life of Vijaya been made in the
* Nagadipa, J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxvi. t Y. V. M. p. 3.

THE KALINGAS 6
Mahávafisa, if there was any truth in the tradition above referred to P But the omission is not at all surprising. At the time the Sinhalese monk began to write down the great history, such supernatural stories had grown round the legend of Vijaya's advent that his sojourn at Kadiramalai was altogether forgotten at Anuradhapura, the capital of Vijaya's successors. It certainly existed in and around Kadiramalai itself; but, as the people then living in Jaffna were not on quite the friendliest terms with their southern neighbours, there was no opportunity for the story to reach the ears of the chroniclers.
The fact that Vijaya was the guest of the Nága king of Kadiramalai accounts for the peaceful relations which existed between those kings and Vijaya and his early successors. Although the latter removed their capital to Anurádhapura, their sway over the whole of Laiká, was not always complete and uninterrupted. Several principalities arose, a little later, in different parts of the Island, and became, at certain times, independent of the central power. The kingdom of Jaffna too must have become independent or feudatory, according to the power wielded by the king at Anuradhapura. The Nága kings, however, continued to rule at Kadiramalai, for in the second century A.D. we find that a Chólaking, Killi Valavan, married the daughter of the Nága king of Jaffna."
There appeals to have been constant communication and intercourse between Jaffna and the centre of the
* Vide supra, chap, i, p. 26; Maņi. Canto xxiv. ill: 27-61.

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Island. Jambukóla (now Sambu tupai) was the port of disembarkation of the Buddhist emigrants from Magadha during the time of Dévánampiya Tissa and his successors. A great trunk road seems to have been in existence, leading from Jambukóla and passing through Kantaródai and running parallel to the present central road to the northern gate of Anurádhapura. The remains of two stone bridges, one over the Malvatu Oya, and the other over the waste weir of Pávarkulam lying to the north of Anurádhapura, and two others at Olukkulam and over Kalláiru, point to the direction taken by this ancient trunk road from Anurádhapura to Jambukóla. The road which passed over these stone bridges is still known by the name of Máwata' (the high road) to the people of the Vanni, although no traces of the road itself now exist.: The following references to Jaffna, as related in the Mahávafisa, show in what periods the kings of Anurádhapura exercised authority enough to enable them to pass unchallenged through that district.
The ambassadors sent by Dévánampiya Tissa to king Asóka of Magadha embarked at Jambukóla and reached Pátaliputra in 14 days; and Asóka's ambassadors, sent to Ceylon, landed at Jambukóla and reached Anurádhapura in 12 days. The minister, Arițțha, sent by Dévánampiya Tissa to the Court of Asóka, to escort the theri Sanghamittá, and a branch of the great Bo tree
* Mah. chap. xix.
libid.
Sess. pp. 1886, p. 114. 9 Mah. Chap. xi.

THE KALINGAS 63
under which Buddha attained Buddhahood, embarked at Jambuk6!a, Pattana*. Sañghamittâ, and the Bo tree landed at Jambukóla, where Dévánampiya Tissa had repaired earlier for the purpose of receiving them. He also built a superb hall called “Samuddhásanna Sálá near the beach for the reception of the Bo tree. The high road from the northern gate of Anurádhapura to Jambukóla. “ was sprinkled with white sand, decorated with every variety of flowers and lined with banners and garlands of flowers." “On the tenth day of the month of Maggasira, elevating and placing the Bo branch in a superb car, this sovereign, who had by enquiry ascertained the consecrated places, escorting the monarch of the forest, deposited it at the site of the Pácina vihára and entertained the priesthood as well as the people with their morning meal. There (at the spot visited at Buddha's second advent) the chief thera Mahinda narrated, without the slightest omission, to this monarch the triumph obtained over the Nágas by the deity gifted with the ten powers."f The site of Pácina vihára and the spot visited during Buddha's second visit ought to have been Kantaródai, which was reached by the procession at the hour of refection, as Kantaródai is only about four or five miles from the port of Jambukóla. It is said that the procession reached Anurádhapura on the 14th day. V
Of the first eight plants (Bo) raised out of the seed
* Mah, Chap. xviii.
Ibid хіх.
Ibid
g Ibid

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64 ANCIENT JAFFNA
of the tree planted at Anurádhapura, one was planted at Jambukóa pattana on the spot where the Bo tree was deposited on its disembarkation. The very old Bo tree standing by the side of the Paraláy Kandaswamy temple at Chulipuram, about half a mile from the port, was perhaps the plant here referred to.
Dévánampiya Tissa “ erected a vihára, at the port of Jambukóla in Nágadipa; likewise the Tissamahá vihára and the Pácina, vihára.'t The ruins of a digoba, and vihára can still be seen close to the port; and the place called Tissa maluva, about a hundred yards opposite to the Kandaswāmy temple above mentioned, perhaps marks the site of Tissamahá vihára. The ancient broad road from Jambukóla to Tissamahá vihára (the present Tissa mauva) is still in existence, but serves no useful purpose.
Pácina vihára was built at Kadiramalai, at the spot where the Bo tree procession halted. Mr. Parker, relying on the following ancient inscriptions found at Náva Nirávi Malai, Puliaikulam Malai and Érupotána kanda, argues that Pácina vihára was built by Dévánampiya Tissa somewhere near those hills and that that was the spot made sacred by the second visit of Buddha to Nágadipa. The inscriptions are:-
1. Raja naga jita riji uti jaya abi anuridhi ca raja utica karapitase una lena catu disasa sagaya agatagata na pasu viharaye aparam () ta loke ditu yasa tena.
Abhi Anuridhi the wife (of) king Uttiya (and)
洪 Mah. chap. xix. Ibid ΧΧ.

THE KALINGAS 65
daughter (of) king Naga, and king Uttiya have caused this cave to be made for the community of the four quarters, present or future at the Pásu vihára, an illustrious famous place in the boundless world.
2, Gapati tapasa sumana kulasa leņe sagasa dine agata ar) agata catu disa sagasa pasu visaraya.
The cave of the family (of) the ascetic Sumana, the householder: given to the community of the four quarters, present or furture at the Pásu tank. *
From the above inscriptions, it appears that Uttiya the brother and successor of Dévánampiya Tissa married Abhi Anuridhi, the daughter of his brother Mahá Nága, that husband and wife had a cave made at Pásu vihára, and that an ascetic named Sumania also inade a cave near Pásu tank. Mír. Parker identifiesthis Pásu vihára as Páeina vihára built by Dévánampiya Tissa, but he was unable to make this identification agree with the statement in the Mahávaisa that the site of the Pácina. vihára was within half a day's journey from Jambukóla, the port at which the Bo tree was landed.f
From the time of Dévánampiya Tissa to the reign of Mahallaka Nága, a period of about 400 years, no mention of Nágadipa is made in the Mahávaisa. Not even the Tamil conqueror Elára or Elála whose beneficent rule of 44 years evoked the admiration of such
Parker, pp. 423 and 425; J.C.B R.A.S. vol. xiii, pp; 166, 167.
ln most of these early Cave inscriptions appears a word perumaka which is purely the Tamil word perumakan (GuØ5to GS6ör) meaning 'a Chief,' a Lord' or 'a King.' Cf Cirupin; 1, 22
* Parker, pp. 423 aud 425.
9

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66 ANCIENT JAFFNA
a hostile author as that of the Mahávaita, appears to have taken any special interest as regards the northern principality. The presumption, therefore, is that in those years the northern principality was quite independent and quiet. It is said that Elára belonged to the noble dynasty of the Chólas, and some of the mythical legends of justice and liberality connected with the ancient Chóla kings are also attributed to him. His royal connection is, however, doubtful as tradition connects him. with voyages on the sea. The traditional belief among the Tamil sea men that the mention of his name in times of distress would bring relief, and songs containing his name sung while rowing or tacking confirm the tradition.
There had been several Tamil invasicns and Tamil kings had ruled at Anurádhapura; and a large number of Tamils who migrated into the island as traders, colonists and conquerers would have remained in Ceylon. In the meantime therefore, the fusion of the several races composed of the Nágas, Yakkhas, Kaliigas and Tamils was taking place in the Island. The Yakkhas who were given positions of power and trust during the early days ... of the Kaliiga kings, it were gradually relegated to the lower grades of society, as Nága connections began to increase and the high grades of society were composed of the Nágas, Kaliigas and Tamils, who by fusion became the ruling and the cultivating classes of Ceylon. Vijaya himself set the example of marrying a Yakkha prin
* The chorus of the songs sung by Tamil sea-men ends with the words elelo. eleli), elavali, elelo. 67Ga Gan GuGaGar Guévare யேலேலோ, V−
* Mah, chap. x., p: 43.

THE KALINGAS 67
cess and then a Tamil or Nága princess and others, followers and descendents, would not have been slow to make local alliances. It will not therefore be out of place to note here some of the royal alliances mentioned in the Malhávaisa and other chronicles during the early centuries of the Christian era,
The first person in the line of Ceylon kings who went under the name of Nága was Mahá Nāga the brother of D3vánampiya Tissa. He would not have been called a Nága if his parents or his ancestors had not had any Nága connections. His genealogy was as follows:-
−− −-
Panduvāsa Déva = Bhadda Kaccháná, - Dighaya
Girikanda Siva Ummada Citta = |Digahı Gilmani
Suvanna Páli Pandukabhaya
Muta Siva
Dévánampiya Tissa Mahá Nága As the name of Muta Siva's queen is not mention 3d, it is more than likely that he was the first to marry a Nága princess, and as Kelaniya Tissa, the grandson of her son Mahá Nága, later became the King of Kalyiņi, she must have been a princess of that district. From that time Nága connections became rather common until they culminated in the marriage of Gajabáhu whose successors on the throne became altogether Nágas. How the Nága strain in the blood of the Ceylon kings began to appar in Mahá Nága and continued to grow stronger from time

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68 ANCIENT JAFFNA
to time until the dynasty became altogether Nága can be. seen from the following table:-
(1) Muta Siva married a Naga princess?
Dévánampiya Tissa Mahá Nága = Anulá
Abi Anuridhi Uttiya
Yattala Tissa == a daughter
Góthabya Tissa of Kalyä.ni (Kelaniya)
is a Nāga princess
Kákavanna Tissa = Vihára Dévi Siya
------- Raja Abaya of Giri Nuvara Duttha Gámani Saddha Tissa se Sóma Dévi
Tulata Laji Khallata Någa VattaGåmani Wada-ma-Någa
Nága Tissa - Anula =Soma Dévi of Meni Danaw
Tissa
Mahá Nága Córa Nága = Anullá, Calika (the infamous queen)
Tissa Kālakaņņi Tissa
V- سسا----
Bhatika Abaya Mah åíಟ್ಗ Mahá Nága
... ص Amanda Gámani Kaņijānu Tissa
a Naga=Mahá Matta Cala Abaya Sívali -
Canda Mukha Siva Yasalálaka
= Damila Dévi Tissa.

THE KALINGAS , 69
2 Lambakaņņa Vasabha
= Mettá 3ubha Mahallaka Nága
Porter king -------
Vahkanåsika Tissa - Mahámatta || Bhátika Tissa Kanitha Tissa
Gajabâhu I a daughter
Cüļa Niga Kudda Nága = female Siri Nága
SSMSMSSSS SS SS SSSSS S SqSqqSSSS SSqqSSqS SqqqqqSSSSqqqqqS SqqS SqqSS ASSASqqqq SqqS qSSqSqqqSqS qSSqqqSqqqq - - - -------- Suܬܬܬ Déva Abby Nága Voharaka "hܘܘܘ =daughter
Siri Någa vy (3)
Lamba Kaņņas
| Saṁgha Tissa Siri Saňgha Bódhi Gōi+ibaya
Jettha Tissa Malá Séna
SSSSqSS
Siri Mághavanna Jettha Tissa
Buddha Dása
Upatissa lI Mahم Náma = Tamil
Sothi Séna Sangha s Jantu. Mahá Nága's great grandson Kákavanna Tissa married Vihára Dévi the daughter of Tissa, the Nága king of Kályani' She was the mother of Duttha Gámani one
* Maha. chap. xxii.

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of Ceylon's greatest kings. We are told on the authority of S3ruvāvila Vistara that Siva Maharäja of Kalyāņi, supposed to be the son of Tissa who was with his kingdom engulfed by the sea, and a brother of Vihára Dévi who was married to Kákavanna Tissa of Mágama, had a nephew called Rája Abhaya. Kákavanna Tissa married him to his niece S6ma D3vi and established him in the principality of Giri Nuvara near Trincomalie. She had a son called Vada-mă-Nága, a sure indication of the Nága origin of his parents (Northern Branch). The latter is supposed to have reigned at Manik Danaw or Má-Naga Danaw near Lénadora. From his son Tissa sprang the Mayira Vamsa of later times.
The late Mr. H. Neville thought that the chandála woman with whom Sáli Kumaraya, the son of Duttha gámani, contracted his morganatic marriage, as related in the Mahávánsaf was really not a ch andála but a daughter of Wada-má.Nága, and that the mesalliance was not of caste but only of class or rank. If it was true, it is rather surprising that Duttha gåmani who married a goivánsa lady, the mother of Sáli Kumaraya, should have considered the marriage of his son to a lady of higher rank than his own mother, a mesalliance,
Duttha gamani's younger brother Saddha Tissa had
* Tap., vol. i., p. 40.
The names of Abhaya Riji, Vada-mi-Nga and Tissa appear in Muller's inscriptions Nos. 30, 34 and 94 found at Galgomua, Embulamba and Galkulam respectively.
† Mah. chap. xxxiii.
Tap, vol. i. p. 40.

THE KALINGAS
a son called Kallata Nága, and his brother Watta gámani had a son called Mahá Nága who afterwards earned the name of Córa Nága, on account of the life of a mar auder he led before he came to the throne.f. By the opposition he displayed towards. Buddhism, in destroying several Buddhist temples, he pro led himself to be a Hindu and therefore connected with the northern Nágas.
Bhátika Abhaya had a brother called Mahádáthiya Mahá Nága who ascended the throne in 9 A. D. These names ending in Nág a clearly testify to the fact that one of their parents was a Nága or that in any case they were descendants of Nāgas. Any doubt that may exist regarding the truth of the Nāga connections of these kings will be dispelled by a view of the statue of Vatta gåmani in the rock temple at Damrulla. The holes in his ear lobes and the ornaments, similar to the hood of a cobra, worn in them, are sure signs of his Nága birth. Gold ornaments resembling the hood of a cobra called 'Nagapadam' were till very recent times worn by the women of Jaffna on their ears. Similar ornaments are still worn by the Tamil and Chetty women on the west coast of Ceylon.
Amanda gåmani (21-30 A.D) had a nephew called Ila Nága who, when deposed by the Lambakannas (so called on accouut of the heavy ear ornaments they wore)
* Mah., chap. xxxiii.
+ bid XXXίν.
bid

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72 ANCIENT JAFFNA
who were his attendants, fled to the Tamil country by the way of Mahátittha for the purpose of obtaining the help of the Tamils. It is also said that Vasabha who succeeded Subha, the king who was once a gate porter, was a Lambakanna youth resident in the North, f It is therefore evident that the Lambakannas who were the attendants of Ila Nága and who deposed him were either Nágas or mixed Tamils and Nágas from Nágadipa and became his attendants on account of his Nága connections. So we need not be surprised to read that the wife of Canda Mukha Siva (42-52 A D.) the son of Iļa Nága (38-44 A.D ) was a Tamil lady na med Damila dévi, and that Vasabha’s son Vaňkanásika Tissa (110-113 A.D.) married Mahamatta the daughter of the porter king Subha. Wasabha was a Lambakanna youth resident in the north of the Island (Jaffna) before he took up service innder his maternal uncle who was the chief of the troops at Anuradhapura S. The term Lambakanna applied to him designates that the Nága princes of Jaffna had already mixed with the Tamils.
Vaňka-náisika Tissa's son Gajabálhaka Gámani or Gajabáhu (113-35 A.D) who was invited by the Céra king Sehguttuvan to be present at the inauguration of
游 Mah. chap, xxxv.
Ibid
t Ibid
g Ibid
bid
s

THE KALINGAS 73
the temple built by him for the worship of Kannakai, and who introduced her worship into Ceylon under the name of Pattini Deviyo, married a Nága princess from Jaffna. From the fact that Vijaya discarded his first wife Kuvéni and the absence of any marriage of the Kalinga kings with the royal house of the Yakkhas, it is apparent that they preferred the Nágas of the North for the perpetuation of their royal lineage. W
When Gajabáhu went to conquer the Chólas, he is said to have marched to Jaffna and thence proceeded to “ Soli Rața.” He brought back double the number of captives taken in his father's time, “the foot ornaments of Pattiny Déwey, the arms of the four gods and the
* * கடல்குழிலங்கைக் கயவாகு வேந்தனும்
அன்ஞட்செய்த நாளணிவேள்வியுள் வந்திகென்றே வணங்கினர் வேண்டத் தந்தேன் வாமென் றெழுந்ததோர்குரல்.”
Cilap., canto xxx, ll, 160, 162-164. When king Gajabahu of Lanka, surrounded by the sea, worsihpped (Kannakai.) and prayed to her to appear and grant his prayer at the sacrifice performed on that day, there rose a voice saying that his prayer was granted.
* அதுகேட்டுக் கடல்குழிலங்கைக் கயவாகுவென்பான் சங்கைக்கு காட்பலி பீடிகை கோட்டமுங் துறந்தாங்கு அரங்தை கெடுத்துவரங்தரு மிவ ளென ஆடித்திங்களகவையினங்கோர் பாடிவிழாக்கோள் பன்முறையெடுப்ப மழைவீற்றிருந்து வளம்பலபெருகிப் பிழையாவிளையுணுடாயிற்று.”
Cilap., Uraiperukaturai, 3. Hearing of this, (i.e. prosperity of other countries by the inauguration of the worship of Kannakai) Gajabahu, the king of sea-girt Lanká' first erected altars for the performance of daily sacrifice to the goddess and then built temples and carried on festivals in her honour, with processions along the streets of his city, on Mondays in the month of Adi (July-August), under the belief that she would dispel all ills and grant all prayers. Consequently seasonable rains fell, and the land became prosperous by unfailing
and abundant harvest.
O

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74 ANCIENT JAFFNA
patra Dawtoo of Budhu which had been taken away during the time of the former king ' This account of the Rajvali confirms the statement in the Cilappadikáram that Gajabihu introduced the worship of Kannakai
or Pattini divi to Ceylon.f The arms of the gods and
the "patra Dawtoo' were no doubt spoils of victory, but
the foot ornaments of Pattini dévi were brought for the
first time, for the purpose of worship, after his friendly
visit to the Court of the Céra king who invited him on the
occasion of the inauguration of the temple to Kannakai.
There is no ground to suppose that the foot ornaments
of Fattini dévi were taken away by the Chóla king, during
the time of Gajabáhu's father, as there is no evidence of the introduction of the worship during the time of any of the earlier kings. The anklet and not an image
is still the only emblem which is worshipped in many a
Kannakai temple in the Island.
A colossal statue of a king is said to have been standing opposite to the temple of Kannakai at Anganámaikadavai (afig aná=a goddess) near Kantaródai and broken by an elephant about a century ago. The feet and head of such a statue were found by Dr. P. E. Pieris in the premises of the temple and are now placed in the Jaffna museum. This statue was perhaps that of Gajabáhu who after consecrating the temple for the worship of Kannakai placed his statue in front of it. The reign of Gajabáhu is dealt with very shortly in the Mahávaisa, a fact which is surprising with regard to the great number of inscriptions he has left.
th
* Rajavali, p. 231. * Vide suprap, 73, note : p. 29, notes.

THE KALINGAS 7s
On the death of Gajabáhu, he was succeeded by hit father-in-law Mahállaká Nága (185-141 A.D.). By this time the kings of Anurádhapura had by alliances with the Nágas, Tainuls and others become mixed and so degenerate, that the Nāgas of the North became powerful and began to assert their authority. Mahállaká Nága, unlike his predecessors, took some interest in the land of his birth and built the vihára called Sálipabbata in the isle of Nágadipa in addition to those he built in other parts of Ceylon.
According to the Rajavali, Gajabáhu’s son Bhátri Tissa Rája (141-165 A.D.), the next king, caused the Palupala dagoba to be built at the root of the tree Kiripalugaha, and made, offering to the same.f Kiripalugaha is the same as the rájáyatana tree which Indra held as a parasol over Buddha when he made his visit to Nágadipa, and which he planted there. This dagoba was therefore built at Nágadipa by Bhátri Tissa. The Nága kings who succeeded Mahállaka Nága took similar interest in Jaffna thereby showing their connection with that land.
Kaņițța Tissa, (165-193 A.D ) the se cond son of Mahállaka Nága, who succeeded Bhátika Tissa repaired the edifice constructed over the cetiya at Nágadipa His son Cila Nága, after him his brother Kudda Nága, and after him h s brother-in-law Siri Nága and then the
Mah., chap. xxxv, Rajavali, p. 232 Mah chap. l, lbid, chap, xxxvi.

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76 ANCIENT JAFFNA
latter's son Voháraka Tissa reigned in succession. During the reign of Woháraka Tissa, his minister Muka Nága built a well round Tissa vihára in Nágadipa,f and the king himself gave “constant maintenance to the temple of Model Patiny and caused walls to be built round the temples called Nagadiva Tuna and Tissamaha vihara...";
Woháraka Tissa's brother Abhaya Nága (237-245 A.D.), on his criminal intimacy with the brother's queen being detected, dreading his brother's resentment, fled with his confidential attendants to Bhallatittha and there embarked on board a vessel for the opposite coast. This Bhallatittha may porhaps be identified as the present Valvettiturai on the northern coast of Jaffna. He returned with a large force of Tamils, defeated his brother and reigned for eight years. He was succeeded by his brother's son Sri Nága (245.247 A.D.) after whom his son Vijaya reigned for one year'
Vijaya was killed by three men of the Lambakanna race named Saighatissa, Saighabodhi and G6thabhaya S who, though described in the Mahávaisa, as residents of Mahiyangana, were evidently persons connected with the people of the Northern kingdom. They reigned one after the other.
Mah. chap. xxxvi.
lbid
Rajarat. p. 60.
Mah. chap- xxxvi.
lbid

THE KALINGAS 77
Sanghatissa I (248-252 A.D.) was in the habit" of visiting the island of Pácina attended by the women of the palace and his ministers for the purpose of eating
jambus. The inhabitants of that island unable to bear
the burden of these royal progresses, infused poison into the jaunbus intended for the Rájá, (and placed them) among the rest of the fruit. Having eaten those jambus, he died at that very place.' The isle of Pácina must have been Nágadipa where the Pácina vihára was built by Dávánampiya Tissa.f
Góthakâbaya the minister of Siri Saùghabódhi who succeeded Saighatissa I, turned traitor, fled to the 'North and marched back, with an army from there. against the city. Saighabódhi fled on his approach and he sized the kingdom and reigned for 13 years (254-26f A. D.)
There is a story connected with the flight of Siri Sangha Bódhi which exactly resembles that of the Tamil Chief Kumagan of Mudiram or Kudirai Malai described in poems 158-165 of Puranánáru.S. The liberal and munificent nature of either in offering to take off his head, on which a prize was placed, for the purpose of rewarding a friend, seldom finds a parallel in history. On account of the greatness exhibited by this selfles spirit, the later kings of Ceylon took “Siri Saùgha Bódhi” as one of their alternate throne names. As the poet Perum Citranár who sang the praises of Kumanian lived during the time of Atiya (nán Nedumán Afiji of Takadir who was praised
جی۔
Mah. Chap. xxxvi. lbid. chap. xx. ldid. chap). xxxvi. See supra, Chap: i. p. 25.

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78 ANCIENT JAFFNA
by Ouvaiyár and Paranar, as Ouvaiyár was sent on an embassy by Nedutnán Afiji to the Court of Tuidaimán lam Tirayan of Káficipuran,t and as Paranar sang the praises of Céran Seüguttuvan: who invited Gaja Báhu of Ceylon to his Court, Kumanan must have lived about the middle of the second century A. D., at least a century earlier than Siri Sathgha Bódhi. Kumaņan and Siri Saingha Bódhi. therfore, could not have been one and the same person; and it is clear that Siri Sangha Bódhi emulated the conduct of the Chieftain of Kudiraimalai.
The King Málha Séna who was the younger son of G6thabhaya of the Lambakanna dynasty, was a follower of the Wytulya heresy S which was but an introduction of the worship of the Hindu gods and of Hindu rites into Buddhism, and became very popular after the 12th century A.D. That these Lambakannas were also Nágas can be seen from an inscription found at Karambagala near Koggala, nine miles from the Ambalantota Rest House near Hambántoția, in which Máha Séna is called Nága Máha Séna Mahárájá. ||
The Nāgas had so successfully established themselves on the South and East by founding principalities at Mahágama, Giri Nuvara (Koțițiyár) and Lénadora, that at the
* Puram, 99
bid 95 Padir : 5th pattu 1 Cilap, canto xxx, 1, 160 $ Mah. chap xxxvii
Muller, 21a, p. 3

THE KALINGAS 79
time Ptolemy wrote his geography (about 150 A.D.) the people of South Ceylon were called Nageiroi (Nágas) and those of the East Nagadiboi (Nágas). He also mentioned two towns, one Nakadouba to the north of Hambántota and the other Nagadiba, near Trincomalie. The existence of a village called Naimana (nai=nága), two miles to the north of Matara, with the tradition that there was an ancient Nāga temple at the locality, and of a royal city called Mápápatuna (now called Mákávitta) in the vicinity, clearly shows that the Nāgas once occupied even the extreme South of the Island. Naimana was perhaps the town called Mahá nágakula mentioned, in the Mahávamsa, as the place where the Sinhalese princes sought refuge during the Chóla invasion.
To sum up, therefore, the Kaliinga dynasty of Wijaya and the mixed Kaliiga-Năga line that followed it disappeared with Yasalálaka Tissa in 60 A.D. Several sons of this family, however, though bereft of royal power, lived in different parts of the island, and, if the Mahávansa is to be believed, some of their descendants were from time to time called upon to assume the reins of Government like “Cincinnatus,' straight from the plough. A purely Naga dynasty started with Mahállaka Nága in 135 A.D., and continued till the murder of Vijaya in 248 A.D. Then the Lambakannas, a mixed Tamil and Nága dynasty began with Saiga Tissa in 248 A.D., and continued till the murder of a Sotthi S na by his sister in 434 A.D. Dhatus na, a scion of the old Kaliùga dynasty came to power in 648 A.D.
Thus in spite of the reticence of the Mahāvaisa, very

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probably intentional, it will be clearly seen that for a thousand years after the advent of Vijaya, the principality in the North existed undisturbed, while the central power at Anurádhapura passed through several changes of dynasties and several storms of conquest. First by mere alliance, and then by acquiring control over their neighbours, the kings of the North saw to it that they had no serious difficulties to contend with, and hence their continual reign for such a long period.

CHAPTER III
Foreign Trade and Intercourse
that of the utmost Indian isle Taprobane' had, from the remote past, so excited the cupidity of merchants and mariners, that they braved the dangers of the deep, even in their little vessels, and sailed to the gorgeous East in search of her barbaric pearl and gold." In the shallow waters of North Ceylon, they found safe anchorage and protection from the winds and storms of the Arabian Sea, and of the Bay of Bengal, during the monsoons; and this meeting place developed, in course of time, into the emporium of the East. From its central position in the Indian Gcean, and its contiguity to the Indian Peninsula, Ceylon possessed advantages as an emporium of trade unequalled by any other country in the East. While Indian ports offered their own produce and received the goods of other countries, the marts in North Ceylon not only supplied their own goods and received foreign merchandise, but also served as a centre. for the distribution of trade between the far East and the far West. In the words of Cosmas Indico-pleustes, an Egyptian monk who lived in the early part of the sixth century A.D., “Sieledeba (Ceylon) being thms placed in the middle as it were of India, received goods from all nations and again distributed them, thus becoming a great emporium.”
দু" proverbial wealth of Ormus and of Ind' and
Tennent, vol. i. p. 570 (quotation from Cosmas),

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The location of this ancient emporium has been discussed by eminent scholars, on several occasions, with no satisfactory result, Bertolacci and Pridham thought that it was somewhere in the North-western coast. Sir Emerson Tennent located it at Pt. de Galle; Valentyn and Col. Yule, though not satisfied with previous identifications, were yet unable to suggest anything new. Mr. H. Neville, of more recent years, surmised that it was close to Kalpitiya. An attempt therefore, made with some degree of certainty, will not be without justification.
In remote antiquity, the coasting trade from one half of Asia to the other half must have passed by the deep passages across the Adam's Bridge or by the Straits of Mannar, and consequently, a great port must have risen on the North-west coast of Ceylon, Bertolacci, an officer of"the Ceylon Civil Service, who served in the island for about 16 years, in his book on Ceylon written in the early part of the nineteenth century, was of opinion that the entrepôt of the early Ceylon trade, Western as well as Eastern, was confined to the Northern extremity of the Gulf of Mannar The existence of the extensive ruins at Mátota and of the celebrated Giant's Tank close to it, are indubitable signs of an immense population well advanced in agriculture. This tank is apparently the most ancient work extant in Ceylon, so ancient that it is not mentioned as having been built by any of the kings who reigned in Ceylon after Vijaya. The Giant's Tank must, therefore, have been the work of the remotest times, constructed probably by the ancient Nāgas, who were the people
Bertol, latro pa l.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 83
then living in that part of Ceylon. It was the earliest attraction to the traders of Phoenicia, Egypt and Arabia, and an index of the early civilization and the prosperity of these people.
The proof of this prosperity is the existence of a large number of ruins along the western coast, commencing from Munnéssarain in Chilaw, a temple mentioned in the Rámáyana as one, at which Ráma worshipped during his invasion of Laiká, and extending northward through the districts of Puttalam, Ponparipu (golden plains), Nánáttán, Musali, Mátota, W. dattal tivu, Pallavaráayankattu, Púnakari, Kalmunai, and J ifna. The dilapidate i temples at Munnissaram, Udappu, Karativu, Kallár, Mátoga and Arasapuram clearly prove that the people were Hindus. The temple at Kallár, 7 miles from Marichchikatti whose tottering ruins were being guarded by a solitary brahman priest, even so late as the tiune when J. Hafuer, the Dutchman, travelled on foot from Jaffna to Colombo, says Pridhan, though dilapidated was once so famous, that the priests who officiated in it were allowed
See Infra. chap : i. pp: 15-24.
A fable regarding this temple, heard from the lips of the offic ciating brahman and related by J. Haffner in his “Travels ön fodst through the island of Ceylon," clearly illustrates the Niga origin of this temple. He says that a chieftain was attacked on this spot by a royal serpent of dreadful size, whea he prayed to a goddess who immediately appeared in the form of a beautiful woman, and pluck. ing a hair from her flowing locks and transforming it into a sword cut off the head of the serpent and vanished. In gratitude, the, Chieftain caused this temple to be erected on the spot, which was even then annually visited by pilgrims from all parts of the Island.

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many important privileges, including a moiety of the pearl oysters fished on the banks of Kondachchi. Near Kudirai Malai (Horse mountain), one of the most interesting places regarding the antiquities of Ceylon, stands tae site of a Royal residence, once occupied by an Amazon princess called Ali Arasány, whose amour with Arjuna, one of the heroes of the Mahabhárata, forms the subject of a popular drama in the Tamil districts.
The ancient names of some of this chain of ruined towns are Tammanna Nagaram, Tavirikia Nagaram, Acá Nagaram, Kudirai Malai, Mántai, (Mátoța), Arasapuram and Kadira malai. In addition to stone pillars, carved and uncarved, bricks and tiles, large quantities of beads, bangles and other ornaments of vari-coloured glass are found mixed with the soil, in almost all these ruins. Of these, Mántai and Kadiramalai (Kantaródai) are the most important. Maintai is a hill of piled up ruins. This interesting spot which would probably have yielded sufficient evidence of the trade relations that existed in ancient times between the East and the West, was altogether neglected by the Archaeological Department. Instead of being conserved for careful investigation, it was sold by Government to the Náttucottai Chetties who in their search for the site of the ancient temple of Tirukétisvaram have committed such acts of vandalism, that the possibilities of a scientific investigation hereafter are reduced to a minimum. As for Kadiramalai, archaeological research is no longer possible as the entire area, which contains the ruins, has passed into the hands of private
* Pridham. vol: ii, chap; i.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 85
proprietors. Large quantities of beads of various kinds, and fragments of necklaces of different shapes and sizes, made of glass and coral, cornelian and agate, jade and alumina, with holes perforated for stringing together, had been found here.' Ancient coins, both Roman and Indian, have also been picked up. These finds have almost all been confined to the Western portion of the village, which should represent the residential quarters of royalty while temples and sacred buildings seem to have been placed more towards the East. The coins and beads picked up in such large quantities, point to the length of time the city must have served, as the capital of a kingdom, and as the centre of a large population, floating and permanent, attracted to the place by foreign trade.
Before the use of the compass was known, when mariners could not safely venture far out to sea, but were forced to hug the coast, the ships sailing from the Malabar to the Coromandel Coast had no other alternative but to pass via Danushkóti or through the Straits of Mannar, as it was impracticable to go round the South of the Island of Ceylon, without undue precariousness and delay, caused by the annual monsoons. Even now, when navi gation is much improved, the Jaffna vessels, which ply between Ceylon and the Coronandel Coast, effect only one voyage in the year and wait for the other nonsoon for their return home. If, therefore, in former times, the navigators found it difficult to go round Ceylon, without
* The beads etc. were inspected by Professor Flinders Petrie at Dr. A. Nell's request.The professor, is certain that they are Egyptian of the Ptolemaic period and came by way of trade between Egypt and Ceylon.

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wasting the greater part of the year in the needless venture, it is but right to suppose that they would have 'resorted to the Straits of Mannar and the Jaffna Lagoon. At first, when the vessels were small and extremely light, and the Straits, which later became gradually silted up, were navigable for such vessels, mariners would have passed through these seas to the Coast of Coromandel but afterwards, when larger vessels of heavier tonnage. came into use, the emporium en route at Mátota and Jaffna would have become a necessity. The merchants too, who hailed from Arabia, Persia and the Malabar Coast, would hive preferred to dispose of their goods at these depôts, and to return home laden with the produce of Ceylon and of the Coromandel, at the change of the monsoon. Numberless establishments would have, therefore, arisen at Mátota and Taffna, to serve the requirements of this active cosmopolitan commerce. It must have been this flourishing trade, which made a powerful and popular State grow and expand in so unproductive and uncongenial apart of the Island as Mátota, as it must have been the decline of that trade which made them aband in the town to its present state of barienness and desolation.
The Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Ethiopians, the Persians, the Greeks and the Romans from the West, the Chinese, the Javanese and the Burmese from the East, not to speak of the nations of India, vied with each other at various times to monopolise' the trade of North Ceylon.
Casie Chetty, in his History of Jaffna, says “Thire can be no doubt, the commercial intercourse of the Greeks

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 87
and the Romans with Ceylon was confined to the Northern and North Western parts." The people of the Coromandel Coast had, from time immemorial, intimate commercial intercourse with the parts of North Ceylon. Many came and settled down at these ports, carrying on a brisk trade, and forming connectins with families of the same caste as themselves, as is still the case at point Pedro and Valvețțyturai.
It is on record that about a thousand years before the Christian era, the fleets of King Solomon, piloted by the adventurous and experienced seamen of Phoenicia, called at the sea-ports of South India and Ceylon, in search of materials for the building of the great temple of Jerusalem, and carried away gold, algum trees and precious stones from ()phir. The King's ships also went to Tarshish and “every three years once came the ships of Tarshish bringing gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks."t
Ophir has been supposed to be identical with Tarshish, and it has been conjectured, not without reason, that Ophir was the country of which Tarshish was the sea-port. The site of Tarshish has been identified by Sir Emerson Tennent as Point De Galle in the South of Ceylon, and Ophir, by Cunningham, as Sauvira in the Western coast of
Casie; J. C. B. R. A. S. vol; i. 1847-1848 p: 77, note.
t Bible R. Kings, chap; x, v: 22: il Chronicles, chap : xx, v:
2.
Tap: vol; ii, p : 10.
17 Tennent, vol: i, p : 554, note-l : vol. ii. p. : 102.

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India. If the port of Tarshish was in Ceylon, and not. on the Western Coast of India, it was certainly not Galle, but a place on the North-Western coast of Ceylon. Ophir, it was suggested, is derived from the Greek word “Ophis"-meaning a serpent-and the word' for serpent in Hebrew,' was also supposed to be "the same f It was therefore thought that Ophir designated the country of the Nágas, but the latter was not located at all. If the derivation was correct, Ophir was certainly no other than the northern part of Ceylon, which was, several centuries before historical times, populated by the Nagas, but the derivation is not correct. Although the Greek word “Ophis' means a serpent, yet the Hebrew words for serpent "Nachash" or “Saraph' have no phonetic similarity to Ophir. As it was the Hebrews and not the Greeks who called the place Ophir, to resort to the Greek term 'Ophis" for elucidation would be an error.
We venture to suggest, however, that Ophir was the country of the "Óviyar,' a tribe of Nāgas who lived in and around Mántai (Mátota), as will be seen from Cirupánárrupadai, a Tamil Sahga work referred to earlier. The phonetic similarity between Ophir and Óviyar is certainly striking; and Ophir must have been borrowed in the same manner, as the Hebrew words for ivory, apes, aghil and peacocks-ibha, kapi, ahalim and tukeyim respectively, which are identical with their Tamil names
* Coins, p: 4.
Tap; vol: ii, p: 0. See infra, chap: i, p: 13, note: Cirupin, 1: 122.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 89
ipam, kapi, aghil and tokai. The Hebrew mariners, no doubt, borrowed the names from the Tamil inhabitants of the port. from which they obtained them. In the same manner, the Greeks carried away rice, ginger and cinnamon with their names oryza, gingiber, and karpion which are identical with their Tamil names arisi, inchivér and karuva,f perhaps from the same port. These Tamil names could have been obtained only from the ports in South India or North Ceylon as Tamil was spoken neither in Galle nor in Sauvira.
If Ophir was really the country of the Oviyar, and there s no reasinn why it should not be, the port can be identified as Mántai (Mátota) which was also known as Tirukétisvaram whence, perhaps the corrupted form Tarshish. Tirukótisvaram means the holy shrine of isvara (Siva) worshipped by Kétu, the noble serpent (cauda draconis) of mythology, thus proving that the shrine was built and worshipped by the Nágas from very early times. Ivory, apes, aghil and peacocks could have been easily obtained on the coast of Mátota, and peacocks were abundant in the islands of the Jaffna Sea, even so late as the time of Baldeus, and were exterminated by the Dutch who found them a table delicacy,
The Phoenician History of Sanchoniathonis the earli
* Tamils. chap : iii., p: 31.
Ibid. 3 a. Baldeus, chap : xlvi.
b. "In Pungardiva, there was an abundance of deer, does,
buffaloes and pea-fowl". Ribeyro, chap : xxv. Tennent, vol: i, p: 57.
2

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est record regarding akingdom in the north of Ceylon. He is alleged to have lived before the Trojan war, and is said to have been a contemporary of Semiramis. Acccording to him, "four Kings govern the Island (Ceylon) all subordinate to the paramount sovereign, to whom they pay as tribute cassia, ivory, gems and pearls, for the king has gold in greatest abundance.' After describing the kings ruling in the South, he continues, “the third rules the region towards the north which produces pearls. He has made a great rampart on the isthmus to control the passage of the barbarians from the opposite coast for they used to make incursions in great numbers.' This account confirms the fact that the North of Ceylon was under its own king and that the fortified town “on the isthmus to control the passage of the barbarians' was Mátota. This Phoenician history, however, is supposed to be a spurious one as the description of Ceylon is more like the conditions that prevailed during the fourth or fifth century A.D. than about the 5th Century B. C.
The trade along the coast of lndia and Ceylon, several centuries before the Christian era, remained in the hands of the Arabs and was long and jealously guarded by them against the encroachments of other nations, by the sedulous dissemination of fabulous and blood curdling stories of the dangers of navigation. The baobah trees which form a special feature in the landscape of Mannar and Mántai, perhaps the tree-totems of these early Arabs, testify to the truth not only of their ancient settlements in those parts but also of their animistic worship.
Tennent, vol: i, p: 71

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 9
One Hippalus, a seaman in the reign of the Emperor Claudius, observing the steady prevalence of the monsoons, discovered the shorter route across the Indian ocean to the shores of India aud Ceylon. Since then the trade with the West attained extensive proportions, and the knowledge of Ceylon which, in the times of the earlier writers like Megasthenes and Strabo was very meagre, increased to such an extent as to produce the comuaratively full descriptions of Pliny, written within 50 years of the discovery of Hippalus.
About 50 A.D., when Claudius was Emperor of Rome, a ship in which the freedman of Annius Plocamus was sent to collect the revenues of Arabia, was caught by the monsoon and carried to Hippuros, a point which is still known by its Tamil equivalient Rudraimalai, and which was at the time a land mark of Ceylon for those who navigated the Arabian seas. Here, the mariners were kindly received by the people and taken before their King, who treated them hospitably, and, on hearing from them of the greatness and magnificence of Rome, wished to make an alliance with the Roman Emperor. He sent an embassy consisting of four persons, the chief of whom was one named R chia, to the Court of Cladius.t. That the mariners easily found their bearings and knew their way back home is a fair indication of the previous intercourse which existed between that port and the Red Sea. Although the ship touched a point near Kudiraimalai, it would have been easy thence to reach the then
* Tennent, vol: i, p : 555. t Pliny, lib; vi, chap: xxiv.

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chief port of Mántai (Mátota) or Jaffna. The sailors would not have taken an embassy, nor would the members of the embassy have entrusted themselves to the ship, unless they were assured of the way home. From these envoys Pliny learnt that, “There were five hundred towns in the island, of which the chief was Palaesimunda the residence of the King with a population of two hundred thousand souls.” They also spoke of “a lake called Megisba of vast magnitude giving rise to two rivers, one flowing by the capital and the other northwards towards the continent of India.' They also described the coral which abounds in the Gulf of Mannar. Casie Chetty in his early history of Jaffna, conjectured that Palaesimunda was Jaffna Patam and that Rachia, the ambassador who went to the Court of Claudius, was a Tamil “Aráchchiár' sent by the king of Jaffna, similar to the one (Sellappoo Aratchy) sent later by Bhuvanka Báhu vi, to the Court of Lisbon,i and not a Rájah as fancied by Sir Emerson Tennent, quite apart from the inherent improbability of a King embarking on an embassy to so distant a
country.
i The anonymous author of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, seems to have gone on his travels within a
* Pliny, lib : vi, Chap. xxvi.
t a. Casie: J. C. B. R. A. S. vol. i., 1847. 1848, p. 78, note.
b. It is stated that the King of Cotta caused a figure of his grandson, who was later known as Don Juan Tharmapala, to be made of gold, and sent the same by one Sellappo Arachchi to be delivered to the king of Portugal. The golden image was with great pomp crowned by the King at Lisbon. Rájavali, p. 286.
c, Almanac, p. 26.
Tennent, vol. i., p. 556.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 93
few years of Pliny's death, for his knowledge of Ceylon, except that of the Northern portion appears to have been very faint, but when Ptolemy compiled his great work about 150 A.D., the correct and minute details of Ceylon, as given by him, are clear indications of the extensive information that have been gained by the traders of his period To understand clearly the meaning of the statements made by Ptolemy, it will be better to quote in full the several passages, as given in the translation of his work, so far as it relates to the northern portion of Ceylon, with which alone we are, at present, concerned.
He says:-
Bk. vii, Chap. iv.
“Sect. 1, Opposite Cape Cory which is in India is the projecting point of the island of Taprobane which was called formerly Simoundou, and now Salike. The inhabitants are commonly called Salai. Their heads are quite encircled with luxuriant locks like those of women. The country produces rice, honey, ginger, beryl, hyacinth and has mines of every sort, of gold and silver and other metals. It breeds at the same time elephants and tigers.'
“2. The point already referred to as lying opposite to Cory is called North Cape (Boreion Akron) and lies lon. : 126° and lat. : 12° 30'
* The date of. the Periplus has been determined recently by
J. Kennedy.
J. R. A. S, 1918.p: 106.

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94. ANCIENT JAFFNA
3. The descriptive outline of the rest of the island is
as follows :-
Cape Galiba .... lon. 124° lat. 11 30 Margana, a town ... 128°30' O 2(, Iogana, a town .... 198° 20ካ 8Ꮙ 50! Anarismoundou, a
cape 1220 7° 451
Mouth of the river
Ganges a d 129° 7 • 201 The source of the
river 7 ס97ןo 15 Spatana Haven .... 129. 8 Nagadiba or Naga
άiva, a town 129Ꮙ Oo 30 Pati Bay . , 128° 30' 9° ვ01 Anoubingara, a town. 128° 20' 9° 40: Modouttou, a mart .... 128 20
Mouth of the river
Phasis As 270 11° 2)"
The sources of the
river As 126 80
Talacory (or Aakote),
a mart 126° 20' 11° 201
after which the North cape.”
Then follows a description of the mountains, the rivers, the people, the inland towns and the islands. Of the people are mentioned the Nagadiboi as living in the East and the Nageiroi on the South.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 95
Of the inland towns, Poudouke at 124 3° 40' and Nakadouba 128 30' on the line and of the islands, Nagadiba 135 8° 30'
are mentioned.
Again he says in Book: I, Chap : 13:-
“Beyond the cape called Cory where the Kolkhic Gulf terminates, the Argaric Gulf begins and the distance thence to the city of Kouroula which is situate to the north-east of Cory is 3400 Stadia. The distance right across, may, therefore, be estimated at about 2080 stadia since we have to deduct a third because of the navigation having followed the curvature of the Gulf, and have also to make allowance for irregularities in the length of the courses run. If now we further reduce this amount by a third, because the sailing, though subject to interruption was taken as continuous there remain 850 stadia determining the position of Kouroula as situated north-east from Cory.'
In Bk : vii, Chap. I, are described the towns in
Damurike.
'Sect. 11. Land of Pandion.
In the orgalic Gulf, Cape Cory called also
Kalligikon:
Argeirou, a town. Salour, a mart.
12. Country of the Batoi.
Nikama, the metropolis,

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96.
13
ANCIENT JAFFNA
The keir.
Kouroula, a town.
in Paralia specially so called : the country
of Toringoi.
Mouth of the river Khaberos.
Khaberis, an emporium,
Sabouras, an emporium.'
Before discussing the identification of the places mentioned by Ptolemy, it will be advantageous here to quote the description found in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea, as it will be of great assistance in such identifi
cation.
After giving a description of the roadsteads on the western coast of lndia, it proceeds as follows:
“After Bakari occurs the mountain called Pyrrhos (or the Red) towards the South near all other district of the country called Paralia (where the pearl fisheries are which belong to King Pandion) and a city of the name of Kolkhoi. In this tract the first place met with is called Balita, which has a good harbour and a village on its shore. Next to this is another place called Komar, where is the cape of the same name and a haven................ From Komari (towards the South) the country extends as far as Kolkhoi, where the fishing for pearls is carried O. . . . . . . . Condemned criminals are employed in this service. King Pandion is the owner of the fishery. To Kolkhoi succeeds another coast lying along a gulf having a district in the

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 97
interior bearing the name Argalou. In this single place are obtained the pearls collected near the island of Epiodorus. From it are exported the muslins called Ebargareitides.'
"Among the marts and anchorages along this shore to which merchants from Damurike and the north resort, the most conspicuous are Kamara and Podouke and Sopatma which occur in the order in which we have named them. In these marts are found those native vessels for coasting voyages which trade as far as Damurike, and another kind called “sangara” made by fastening together large vessels formed each of single timulber and also others called “ Kolondiophonta' which are of great bulk and employed for voyages to Khruse and the Ganges. These marts import all the commodities which reach Damurike for commercial purposes, absorbing likewise nearly every species of goods brought from Egypt, and most descriptions of all the goods exported from Damurike and disposed of on this coast of India. Near the region which succeeds, where the course of the voyage now leads to the East there lies out in the open sea, and stretching towards the West the island now called Palaisimoundon, but by the ancients Taprobane. To cross over to the Northerh sideof it takes a day. In thu south part it gradually stretches towards the west till it nearly reaches the opposite coast of Azania. It produces pearl, precious (transparent) stones, muslins, and
tortoise shell.”
3.

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98 ANCIENT JAFFNA
As Ptolemy was not a traveller and as he never visited this Island nor the other places mentioned in his work, but obtained all his information from merchants, strict accuracy of det ails, in the modern sense, could not be expected in his description of the sea-coast, not only of India but also of Ceylon, the latter of which would have presented to him great difficulties of comprehension, on account of the several islands between which navigation had to be accomplished, and of the many turns and twists due to the sinuous nature of the coast. As his ambition was to give a geographical description of the places in terms of longitudes and latitudes, he possibly constructed a map in accordance with the fragmentary hearsay material in his possession, marked the places on it, and then proceeded to draw the latitudes and longitudes before giving a description of the places themselves in his book. Although his latitudes and longitudes are not quite correct, yet to have drawn a map comparatively so free from errors as he did, borders on the marvellous. Even the Portuguese in the sixteenth century did not give as correct a map of Ceylon, as Ptolemy did in the second century A.D.
A map of the coast lines of South India and of North Ceylon reconstructed from geographical information supplied by Ptolemy is appended. From it a very fair knowledge of the conception of Ptolemy can be obtained. According to him, the Jaffna Peninsula which was then an Island, was considered to be on the coast of India and the Island of Nágadipa by which name it was then known was placed very far to the east in the Bay of Bengal, The Elephant Pass Lagoon was made into a broad sea,

ബത്ത
IN DIįAゴエ · M18AĤA.*g%gurゃ
が対 どそおふお*いwrazuag****るいニばu!
Map of South India and North Ceylon According to Ptolemy.
tō
● J?每
●ミシaる 舞&者る●営ま いぞ。* 雄- まワシ!5 * マN *るゴ%A ーレほ\S، e 多タ タ 1娜tae u Icasos 藩&え 磯 

Page 70

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 99
thus proving that the mariners from the west never visited the ports on the northern coast of the peninsula, but used the lagoon as the great roadway to enter the Bay of Bengal. Ptolemy's mistakes are certainly excusable. The names of places, though not their positions, may be taken as correct, and they should be identified with reference to the course of navigation or by comparison with the description given in the Periplus.
The several writers, who attempted to identify and locate the places mentioned by the Greek authors, were not sure of the course taken by the early western navigators, and had the advantage neither of local kilowledge, nor of the assistance afforded by recent archaeological discoveries. They have, therefore, identified some of the towns situated in North Ceylon as towns in South India, under the supposition that, when those early navigators passed Cape Comorin, they hugged the Indian coast till they reached Coromandel; whereas the mariners actually crossed over to Ceylon and sailed through the Elephant Pass Lagoon to the Bay of Bengal, and then northward to the Coromandel Coast. That it how the existence of the river Phasis, as they called "Kanagaráyan-Aru" the only river in Ceylon which flows northwards, could have cone to their knowledge.
What the unknown author of the Periplus knew of Ceylon was even more limited. After making a passing mention of Ceylon he goes on to say that “it (Ceylon) gradually stretches towards the west till it nearly reaches
Vincent, Bishop Caldwell, McCrindle, Tennent and others.


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00 ANCIENT JAFFNA
the opposite coast of Azania,' which is Africa, thereby showing that he had at no time circum-navigated Ceylon. Mr. Casie Chetty was therefore not far wrong when he said that the commercial intercourse of the Greeks and of the Romans was confined to the Northern kingdom.
Komar, Kolkhoi and Salour have been correctly identified; Komar, as Cape Comorin, and the other two as Korkai and Sáliyar,t the celebrated towns in South
See Supra, p: 87 note." t (a) 'தத்து சீர்வாைப்பிற் கொற்கைக் கோமான் ’
Cirupán , 1 : 62 The King of Korkai, which is bounded by the waves of the sea.
(b) * பேருலகத்து மேஎன் தோன்றிச்
சீருடைய விழுச்சிறப்பின் விளைந்து முதிர்ந்த விழு முத்தி னிலங்குவளை யிருஞ்சேரிக் கட்கொண்டிக் குடிபாக்கத்தி தற்கொற்கை,
Mad:. Kai: ll: 33.138 The good (town of) Korkai deserving of praise in being considered by the great as a place of pre-eminence, in which are the coast hamlets of toddy drinking people who fish shining chanks and pearls of ripe age. (As Korkai is said to have been bount ded by the sea, and to have contained the residences of pearl and chank fishers, it must have been in the second century A.D. a seacoast town, although it is now several miles inland.)
(c) * கொடும் புணரிவிலங்கு போழக்
கடுங்காலொடு கரைசோ நெடுங்கொடி மிசையிதையெடுத் தின்னிசையமுரச முழங்கப் பொன்மலிந்தவிழுப்பண்ட நாடாா நன்கிழிதரு மாடியற் பெரு நாவாய் மழைமுற்றிய மலைபுாையத் துறைமுற்றிய துளங்கிருக்கைத் செண் கடற் குண்டகழிச் சீர்சான்றவுயர் கெல்லி னுார்”
Mad:, Kafi: ll : 77-88

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 10
India referred to in Tamil poems of the third Saigam. Korkai was the headquarters of the Pándyan to carry on the pearl fisheries belonging to his kingdom, and the Periplus offers the interesting piece of information " that they are worked by condemned criminals." Korkai was also the residence of the Pándyan sub-king.
The Cape Cory of Ptolemy has also been properly identified as Kóti or Dhanushkóti in the Island of Ramésvaram, but his north Cape "Boreion Akron' lying opposite to it cannot be the one on the North Coast of the Jaffna Peninsula. It rust have been at Talaimannár, where the railway line now ends. The author actually took that as the northern point of Ceylon, and thought that the coasts proceeding South and North from Mannar did really project westward and eastward respectively.
Ptolemy appears to have thought that Simondou was the old name of Ceylon, but according to the Periplus, Ceylon was then known as Palaisimoundon, whereas, according to the informants of Pliny, it was the name of the chief town and royal residence "with a population of two hundred thousand souls.' Many a learned writer has attempted to elucidate this name, some taking it as a
Siliyir, into whose deep harbour of cool waters, come merchant ves. sels, ploughing through the rolling billows, with sails unfurled, drums sounding and flags flying from the masts, and full of success reach the shore for the country to enjoy the profitable merchandise laden therein that the town, surrounded by the crowd of ships unloading goods, appears like a mountain top covered with dark clouds.
* Mr. H. W. Codrington C. C. S. was the first to make this
identification,


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Pali or Sanskrit word and others holding that at one time Ceylon was really called Simondou. The word obviously represented the Tamil name "Palaisilamandalam.' Ceylou was kill own to the ancient Tamils as Jam aud “flamandalam;’ and it has continued to be so know, to the present day. From flam' came 'Silam.' " Sihalam, and “Siinhalam,’f and from Sílam came “ Zeilon” of the Portuguese, 'Ceilan' and Silan' of the Dutch and "Ceylon of the English, The island was also known as Heladiva" or “Heludiva' as Elu was the language of the inhabitants,
* a. Vincent, the translator of the Periplus, quoting from another writer, says that Palaisimoundon represented Parashri Mandalam, Parashri being the Indian Bacchus whom the king worshipped
b. On Palaesimondou, Pidham has the following note-'the Palaesimundi oppidum of the ancients is thought by sorne to have been situate in the Jaffna peninsula, but its precise situation remains to be determined. It is described by the Rachia (the ambassador to the Court of Claudius) as being the principal city, and having a capacious harbour, which would almost induce one to look for it on the north-west coast of Ceylon. The theory of Forbes who traces its etymology to the Sinhalese words palacia -lower, and mandhala - province (in which case it may be teely rendered 'lowlands.) in alusion to the general division of the Kandyan districts into Udacia and Palacia, upper and lower, is very ingenious and even suggestive but can at legitimately be made to extend to a Malabar Province?"
Pridham, vol. ii. p. 51 l.
c. "Palai-Simundu, Lissen conjectures to be derived from the Sanskrit Pali-Simanta, "the head of the sacred law,' from Ceylon having become the great centre of Buddhist faith."
Tennent, vol. i., p, 549, note.
d. A contributor to the Indian Antiquary thinks that the original of Palaesimundou was Parasamudra which was the island of Sinhala (Ceylon), according to the commentator of the Artha Sastra of Kautilya, as the gems from Ceylon were called parasamudra.
Ind. Ant, vol. xlviii, pp, 195-196. t Y.V.M., App. p. xlvii.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 103
and it probably received the name lam from the same source. From "Heladiva' cane Sihaladiva,' perhaps shortened from "Sri Heladiva" and hence “ Sielediba" and “Cieleduba" of the medieval writers. From Silam dipa' came Serendib' of the Arabs The name “Salike" for the island and "Salai' for the people, as stated by Ptolemy, must have been corruptions of Silam,
When the Greek traders came to Ceylon, they heard, perhaps, from the lips of the Tamils who preponderated at the sea-ports, that the Island which was formerly called 'la Mandalam ' or ' Sila Mandalam' or Palaya Sila Mandalam (palaya in Tamil means old) was also called 'Támraparni,' and therefore they wrote that the Island's former name was Palai Si L. ondou dropping the syllable la' in síla and that the name then in use was Taprobane. The name Taprobane was mentioned by the Greek writers and in one of the Asóka edicts. Onesic rates who lived about 400 years before Ptolemy was the first to mention it. Two centuries only had then passed after the advent of Wijaya and his followers, and the Pali name Tambapanni, if its derivation as stated in the Mahávaisa be true, would not have then come into use, and even if it did, it could not have possibly become so current, considering the fixity of Indian habits and grooves of thought, as to have been in common use at the ports where the Tamils were predominant. It is more probable therefore that the name was borrowed by the Greeks from the Tamil Támraparni. Támraparni of which the Pali form was Tambapanni had nothing to do with the copper coloured sand and the palms of the original Kalinga Immigrants-a fanciful derivation of the author of the


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Mahávansa-but was a name given to Ceylon by the Tamil immigrants from the Tinnevelly district, through which runs the river called to this day Támraparni. The North-western coast of Ceylon being opposite to the mouth of that river, the name would have readily suggested itself to those early inmigrants.
If we take the earlier statement in the Mahávaihsa that Vijaya landed in the division of Tambapanni of the land of Laikā,”f as a proof that that part of Ceylon where he landed was then known as Támraparni. and that the earlier Greek traders used to call at a port there and applied that name to the whole island of Ceylon, then the correctness of the statement made in the Periplus, that Ceylon was then called " Palaisimoundon, but by the ancients Taprobane,” will become apparent. As Pliny was the first to make mention of the name Palaisimunda, Taprobane was certainly the more ancient name. Chanakya, the author of the Arthasastra written in the 4th century B.C., mentions two varieties of pearls called * Pándya Kavádaka” and “ Tám"avarnika." The former must have been pearls fished on the Indian coast, when Kavādapuram was the capital of the Pándyan country, and the latter those fished off the coast of Ceylon. This confirms the theory that one of Ceylon's earliest names was Támraparni-so early that it was even so known
* Mah. chap : vii. + bid vi.
Timraparni being originally a South Indian name, it is quite
possible that this appellation was bestowed on the country long previous to Vijaya's landing.
1 Artha. p. 86.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 105
before Kavādapuram was destroyed by an inundation of the sea. As the name Támraparņi or Taprobane is now lost and the name lamandalam still exists, the correct rendering would be as stated in the Periplus and not as stated by Ptolemy, the prefix 'palai' being wrongly applied. It is, however, curious that the wrong prefix palai' should have been applied to Simoundou instead of to Taprobane by the two persons Pliny and the unknown author of the Periplus. Is it in imitation of Megasthenes who called the people of Ceylon Palaigonoi which is undoubtedly a corruption of Palai Nagoi (palaya Nágarancient Nāgas, or la Nágar-Nágas of flam)?
The derivations given by the Sinhalese chronicler to Tambapanni and Sinhalam f are fanciful, and not probable. The people of Ceylon came to be called Sinhalese not because they were the descendants of the lion, but because they populated the land called flam, Silam, Sihalam or Sinhalam. The story of a lion living with a princess was too wild a piece of romance even for the sixth or the seventh century B. C. Legends of this nature belong to a much earlier age, and the fact that Vijaya's grandfather was known as Sinha made it easy for the author of the Mahávafisa to make up a fanciful derivation for the word Sinhalam. As for Tambapanni tamba is copper and panni may also mean the palm of the hand, and imagination supplied the connection between the two.
The phonetic similarity tempts one to conjecture that Palaisi moundou was a corruption of Pisasu mundal
* Ind. Ant. vol. vi, p. 122. t Mah., chap. vii.
4. v


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(devil’s point), which is a promontory in Pallavaráyankațțu. This promontory would have been prominently brought to the notice of the early mariners. and they would not have been slow to apply that name to the chief town, to the river on which it was situate, and lastly to the island itself. There are several promontories on the west coast called by the Tamil name Mundal, and Ptolemy himself mentions one of the name of Anarismoundou.
The lake Megisba of vast magnitude referred to by Pliny must have been the Giant's tank (Tamil-Mahá vávi) and the two rivers rising from it, one flowing by the capital and the other towards the continent of India, must have been the Pálávi, the waste weir of Giant's tank which flowed by the side of Mátota, and the Kanagaráyan Aru which is still flowing northward. The Greeks called the latter “ the river Phasis' perhaps finding certain points of similarity with the river of that name flowing through the district of Colchis and falling into the Black Sea. The envoys who went to the Court of Claudius must have been under the impression that the river had its source in the Giant's tank.
The island of Epiodorus is probably the island of Mannar as there is no other island near which pearl oysters are fished in this region. The extensive trade in pearls, which existed in the first century A.D., can be easily seen from a quotation from Pliny. He says “Our ladies glory in having pearls suspended from their fingers, or two or three of them dangling from their ears, delighted even with the rattling of the pearls as they knock against each other; and now at the present day the poor classes are even affecting them as people are in the habit of

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 107
saying that a pearl worn by a woman in public is as good as a lictor walking before her. Nay even more than this they put them on their feet and that not only on the laces of their sandals but all over the shoes; it is not enough to wear pearls but they must tread upon them and walk with under foot as well.'
The district of Paralia is wrongly located by both Ptolemy and the author of the Periplus. The former calls it the country of the Toringoi (Teluhgar or ChöllaigarChólas) and places it about the mouth of the river Kávéri, and the towns mentioned by him as being situate in that district are also Chóia towns. The latter locates it at the southern most portion of the Indian Peninsula, although somewhat more correctly he places it near the pearl fisheries,
"Arkali' is a Tamil word meaning the resounding Sea' and therefore applied to the Ocean."f Parakali or parafikali from the root 'para' meaning "to spread', “to extend’ or "to be diffused', representing the broad sea,' is the opposite term of 'árkali,' and therefore applied to the shallow sea.' These names appear to have been applied to the lands adjoining these seas also. Ptolemy calls the sea to the north of Ramésvaram “Orgalic Gulf'
* Pliny, chap. ix, 54. t a * ஆர்கலிகுழ் தென்னிலங்கை "
Tiruv., Kuyilpattu, v: 2. Ceylon surrounded by the resounding sea. b, 3 ஆர்கலிமுழவினதிகர் கோமான்,
Puram. v: 91, by Ouvaiyár. The (Céra) king Adikan whose drum is the resounding sea.


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undoubtedly the Tamil word "árkali', and also the country on the Indian coast adjoining it, whereas the country on the opposite coast is called 'Argalou' by the author of the Periplus.
The portion of the mainland of Ceylon extending from Aripu to Pinakari was in ancient times called "Parankali and afterwards corrupted to Perunkali.' The district of Vidattaltivu was called Pringally during the early years of the British rule, the district of Mátota, was called Peringally by Baldeust, and that portion of the mainland lying opposite to the Island of Malinar is still called Peruikalipattu. Pringally, Peringaly and Perumkali are but variations of Paraikali or Parakali and Paralia mentioned by Ptolemy and in the Periplus must therefore represent this district.
Sect: 12, Chap: 1 of Bk: vii of Ptolemy should therefore read:-
12. In Paralia, specially so called-the country of the Batoi
" "In 1810 the district of Pringally or as it is commonly called the district of Werteltivu and the port of Werteltivu were separated from the Mannar Collectorate and attached to that of the Wanni."
Wanni, M.L.R., vol. i., p. 28.
it "Mantote begins to the north of the Salt river, near the village of Pringally extending to the south along the sea shore as far
as the river Aripouture."
Baldeus, chap. xliv, p. 709.
There is evidently a mistake in this sentence, as the words Mantote' and Pringally' should be transposed.)

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 109
Nikama-the metropolis Thel keir Kouroula- a town,
and in sec: 13, the words "Paralia specially so called' ought to be deleted, and it should read:-
13. In the country of Toringoi
Mouth of the river Kaberos Kaberis, an emporium Sabouras, an emporium,
Batoi is the Greek term for Védar (huntsmen) who must have resided in the interior. The Moudouttoi and the Nagadiboi would have been in fact the people residing in this district, but Ptolemy locates them elsewhere and calls the people living in this locality Galiboi.
It was this district of Paralia, which contained the marts and anchorages along the shore, to which the merchants from Damurike and the north resorted. It is wrong to conclude that the words “this shore', in the sentence "among the marts and anchorages along this shore to which the merchants from Damurike and the north resort, found in the Periplus are intended to mean the Indian coast. Damurike represents Tamilakam (sLSpsii), the Tamil country in South India, and if the marts were in the Indian coast, Damurike need not be separately mentioned. By "north' is meant the country near the mouth of the Ganges. The term "Chryse' is the equivalent of gold in Greek and appears to refer to Suvarna Bhimi in Sanskrit. It has been identified with the Malay Peninsula. This shore' is further described as 'another coast lying along a gulf having a district in


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which pearls are to be collected near the island of Epiodorus. W. H. Schoff the latest translator of the Periplus renders the passage which refers to this district as follows:-
“Beyond Colchi there follows another district called the Coast Country, which lies on a bay, and has a region inland called Argaru, At this place, and nowhere else are bought the pearls gathered on the coast thereabouts; and from there are exported muslins, those called Argaritic,' and identifies Argaru with Uraiyar the ancient capital of Chólamandalam. The improbability of Schoff's identification of Argaru with Uraiyir will be clear, when it is known that Uraiyir was not a district but a town, and the Chóla capital, about the second half of the first century A.D., was Kāveriptimpattinam and not Uraiyar. To the north of Korkai, there were no towns on the Indian coast connected with the pearl fisheries, whereas there were some on the Ceylon coast. If the language of the above passage is construed to mean the coast opposite to that of India, the location of the district of Argalou or Argaru from which pearls were collected and muslins exported will be арparent. The word which Schoff translated to 'Argaritic' was perhaps neither 'ARGARITIDEs' as read by him, nor "EBARGARITIDEs as taken by Mac Crindle, but MARGARITIDEs as supposed by Vincent. For the trade along this shore, the most inportant ports were Kamara, Podouke and Sopatma which must be sought for on the coast of Ceylon and not of India. It would be
" Vincent one of the translators of the Periplus says in a note that the reading of this passage by Salmasius was sindones margaritides-muslins sprinkled with pearls.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 11
more correct to say that they were in the district of Paralia or Peruinkaļi.
Sopatma is no doubt Sópattinam which in Tamil means "a fortified town. Therefore the Eyil pattinam of Cirupénárrupadai and the Sopatma or Sópattinam of the Periplus stand identified with Mántai or Mátota, which was a fortified town on the North-western coast of Ceylon. Sites of Roman buildings, once the residences of Roman merchants, in addition to Roman coins and articles of foreign trade have been found here.f Mámalanár,
* The Tamil word cỏ (G34FT) means a fortification.
ct; சோவின் அருமை யழித்தமகன்
Nánmaņi, v; 2. The man who destroyed the strength of the fortification.
t De Couto in his History of Ceylon says:-" And in addition to all these proofs we find today in Ceilao vestiges of Roman buildings, which shows that they formerly had communication with that island. And we may even say more, that in it were found the same coins that this freedman (Annius Plocamus) took, when Joao de Mello de Sao Payo was Captain of Manar in Ceilao, in the year our Lord 1574 or 575 (mistake for 1585), in excavating some buildings that stand on the other side in the territories that they call Mantota, where even today there appear here and there very large ruins of Roman masonry work; and whilst some workmen were engaged in taking out stone, they came upon the lowest part of a piece of foundation, and on turning it over they found an iron chain of such strange fashion that there was not in the whole of India a craftsman who would undertake to make another like it.'
Couto, Dec. v., Bk. i, chap. vii. J.C.B.R.A.S., vol. xx, p. 83.
Pridham commenting on the above passage says:-"I confess I do not see why we should limit ourselves to such a course (that the coins found were brought there by Annius Plocamus) when we know that both Roman and Greek coins must have been in part the circulating media employed in oriental commerce, one of whose emporia was doubtless in this very district.'
Pridham, vol. ii, p. 497.


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one of the Tamil poets of the third Sangam, who flourished about the latter part of the first century A. D. refers to the importance of the port of Mántai and speaks about the wealth brought over the seas by the ships of foreigners. If this important emporium is not the Sopatma of the Periplus, the alternative left is that it was omitted altogether by the author for some unknown reason, while localities far less important receive mention.
Kamara can be easily identified with Amir of Cirupánárrupadai and Aakote of Ptolemy. This same place Ptolemy calls Kouroula in Book I, chap : 13, as lying at a distance of 1350 stadia to the North east of cape Cory. The irregularities of the route deplored by him and on which he based his computation of the distance can be easily appreciated when the town is identified with the
b. “The whole district of Mantota (Maha totam-Great garden) is surrounded with a halo of interest for the antiquary, and it is far from improbable that the measures that cannot fail to be taken, sooner or later, to restore its former fertility to this neglected but very capable district may evoke some relic of the past to elucidate what is now shrouded in mystery.'
Pridham, vol : ii, p: 499. * நன்னகர் மாந்தை முற்றத் தொன்னர்
பணிதிறைகொணர்ந்த பாடுசேர் நன்கலம் பொன்செய் பாவைவயிா மொடாம்ப லொண்ணுவால் நிறையக் குவைஇயன்றவ
g
னிலத்தினத்துறந்த நிதியத்தன்ன
Akam. v; 127. by Mámúlanár. Like unto the treasure left behind in this country (in exchange) for heaps of pepper, by the fair ships of foreigners, which braving dangers have brought over the bending billows, images of gold, diamond and amber, to the harbour of the good city of Mintai.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 13
ancient Kadiramalai, the capital of the Naga kings, which has now dwindled into the insignificant village of Kantaródai, though possessing untold archaeological wealth. If Kouroula was on the Indian coast, there was no necessity on the part of the informants of Ptolemy to speak of the irregular course of navigation. The distance of 1350 stadia or 155 English miles, as stated by Ptolemy, between cape Cory and Kouroula, will be found not to agree with the actual distance between Danushkóti and Kadiramalai. But too much reliance should not be placed on the computation of distances by sea voyages made at this early period, when mariners had no reliable contrivances to register the speed of vessels. If the route, however, ran from Danushkóti to Mátota, and from Matota to Kalmunai and thence to Kadiramalai, the distance as stated by Ptolemy would be almost correct. As illustrating what little reliance could be placed on the distances mentioned by the Greek authors, we need only refer to the distance between Tyndis and Muziris on the western coast of India, identified as the present Thondi and Kodungalir respectively, which is stated in the Periplus as 800 stadia, but which in fact is only about 500 stadia.
It is rather doubtful if Talacory and Aakote represented the same place. Talacory was the ancient Talmunai (Cory and Munai being synonymous) now corrupted to Kalmunai, situated on the narrow arm of the mainland projecting into the Jaffna lagoon towards Colombuturai. It was no doubt an ancient mart, as old
Kadiramalai in the mouth of the illiterate became Kadrahai and
Karalai, which was written Karoula as heard by the writer,
5


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ruins can be seen about the place, and as Roman coins have been picked up there of late. Sir Emerson Tennent believing Talacory and Aakote to be the same, indentified them with Tondaimán Áru. This cannot be correct, as, Tondaimán Áru came into existence only in the early part of the twelfth century A. D., after Karunākara Tondaimán, the famous General of the Chóla king Kulotunga I, and was neither a place of importance before that nor a cape. This error of Sir Emerson Tennent has presumably led the writers on Ceylon geography to call the most north-easterly cape of Jaffna, Palmyra Point. −
If Kamara be Kadiramalai and Sopatma is Mátota, Poudouke should, according to the description given in the Periplus, be midway between the two and can be safely identified with Pinakari. Pinakari, being the first station in the mainland on the line of the great trunk road which led from Jambukóla to the northern gate of Anurádhapura, would have been specially selected for the erection of triumphal arches and for “being decorated with every variety of flowers and lined with banners and garlands of flowers,' on great festive occasions such as the procession of the Bo plant during the time of Dévánampiya Tissa, or during royal visits. Hence, the place would have been most appropriately called Pidiki (gará a-place hung with flowers) and its later transformation to Panakari (city of flowers) is quite natural.
Of the three towns mentioned by Ptolemy as being in the country of the Batoi or, more correctly, Paralia
* Mah. chap: xix.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 15
(sect. 12, chap. 1, Bk. vii), Kouroula has been thus identified as Kadiramalai or the present Kantaródai. Thelkeir is no doubt another form of Talacory. It therefore follows that the metropolis Nikama (Nigama or Niyahgama) should be Mátota. It is not at all surprising to see that Ptolemy should have given two sets of names to the important marts on this coast,
Kouroula and Aakote for Kadiramalai Talacory and Thelkeir for Kalmunai Mondouttou and Nikama for Mátoța.
When we consider that these names were mentioned to him at different times, by different merchants possibly speaking different tongues and that he modified those foreign cames according to the predilections of his own tongue, some measure of confusion would have been inevitable,
It is also clear that Poudouke or Pinakari which was a port when the Periplus was written, had ceased to be one during the time of Ptolemy, and Talacory or Thelkeir, identified as Kalmuņai, had come into prominence. Incidentally, it may be said, that this is a further circumstance in support of the view that Periplus was anterior in date to Ptolemy. Ptolemy who had, however, heard of the name 'Poudouke' assigned to it a place in the interior of the Island, and another further north than Madras.
Larger vessels probably rounded the promontory and found safe anchorage in the inner coast of Talacory or Kalmunai. From this spot, smaller boats called 'sangara' or Sangadam mentioned in the


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Periplus, which could ply in shallow water, carried the goods through Valukkai Áru to Kadira malai. Valukkai Áru which is now a narrow dry channel except during the rainy season, was a salt creek navigated by small boats engaged in the removal of salt stored at Kantaródai even so recently as the Dutch times, and Baldeus calls it a salt river.
Ptolemy mentions a town and an island, bearing the name of Nagadiva, situated on the same latitude, and an inland town Nakadouba, which he locates on the Equator. He also places the Nagadiboi on the East and the Nageiroi on the South, thus showing that the districts of Trincomalie, Mátara, and Hambantota were also peopled by the Nágas. It is difficult for one to believe now that the Nágas were ever living in the South and the East, but a critical study of the history of the period will disclose the truth of the statement. From the third century B. C., when Mahá Nága, the brother of Dévánampiya Tissa and a prince of Nága extraction, established his kingdom at Mágama in the South, his descendants, his Nága connections and a large concourse of Nága followers appear to have gradually settled in and about the districts. Nága princes had also successfully established themselves at Giri nuvara near Kottiár and at Lénadora to the North of Matale. About the time of Ptolemy, a Nága dynasty of kings ruled at Anuradhapura.
It is therefore not surprising that, having heard from the merchants that the Nageiroi and the Nagadiboi were living on the South and the East, Ptolemy should have fixed the towns of Nakadouba and Nagadiba in those
来源 Baldeus, chap: xix.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 17
districts respectively. The present Naimana might have been the ancient Nakadouba, Nagadiba the island should be Nágadipa of the Mahávansa, which has been identified beyond all doubt as the present peninsula of Jaffna, and Nagadiba the town should have been its capital Kouroula or Kadiramalai.
Anoubingara, a town, and Modouttou, the mart, were also incorrectly identified as Katchia Veli and Kokalay respectively. In spite of the unmistakable phonetic resemblance, if not identity, between Modouttou and Mátota, the veneration for Ptolemy's infallibility in the location of these places led to the somewhat violent transfer of this mart to the eastern coast. Anoubingara can be traced to Singai Nagara o: Siihha pura, f a town built and occupied by the Kalinga colonists who accompanied Vijaya, and who are said to have landed at Mahisadipa. It came into prominence and fame during the time of the later Jaffna kings called Arya Chakravartis, and its extensive ruins can still be seen at Wallipuram near Point Pedro.
Close to these extensive ruins is Kudákarai which was in ancient times the actual harbour. It lies between Verugumunai and Kottödai. After the settlement of the Kalinga colonists at this spot, the commercial intercourse between Ceylon and the Coromandel Coast became extensive, for, we hear of elephants having been exported from Ceylon to Kalinga as early as 800 B.C. Aelian on the
Wh
* Nágadípa; J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxvi.
† Siňgai Nagara was transformed to Ana Siňgara and then to Anoubingara by the foreign merchants.


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8 ANCIENT JAFFNA
authority of Megasthenes writing about the elephants of Taprobane says:-
“These island elephants are more powerful than those of the mainland, and in appearance larger, and may be pronounced to be in every possible way more intelligent. The islanders export them to the mainland opposite in boats, which they construct expressly for this traffic from wood supplied by the thickets of the island, and they dispose of their cargoes to the king of the Kalingai'. '
As the information of Aelian was obtained from Megasthenes, it would be clear, that there had been a sea-borne trade between Ceylon and Kalinga earlier than 300 B.C. From the position of Sinhapura or Singai Nagar on the north-eastern corner of the Jaffna Peninsula, and from the fact that, till the early part of the 19th century, elephants from Ceylon were shipped from the port of Kalah or Kayts of which the site of the elephant quay is still shown, it is easy to surmise that the elephants were in those early days exported from Singai Nagar. That the elephants were shipped on specially constructed crafts is known from the fact, that, 'elephant ships' are mentioned as part of the trophies of Kháravela, the King of Kalinga in his Hathigumpha inscription of 160 B.C. f
The necessity for a slight readjustment in the order of places in this region as given by Ptolemy, is not sur. prising when we consider the sinuous nature of the coast on the north of Ceylon. If Nágadipa be taken to repre
* PElian, p; 170.
† J.B.O.R.S. vol. iii p. 465.



Page 81
To face page 119.)
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Wrg/e7 ന്
*んarr”a ( Yale)
 
 
 
 

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 119
sent the larger country of the Jaffna Peninsula, the correct order of the places would be
Anoubingara Siingai Nagara or Siňhapura River Phasis Kanagarӑyan Aru Talacory
Talmuņai or Kalmuņai
Thelkeir Kouroula
Kadiramalai or Kantaròdai Aakote J
Madouttou Mátota,
as shown in the annexed map.
In describing these places, the Periplus furnishes important information regarding the art of navigation among the Tamils. There were small boats called 'sangara' or 'safgadam' to ply between the ports in the shallow inland seas, and larger vessels called "kolondiophonta' built in some of these ports "for voyages to Khruse and the Ganges'. To this day these larger vessels are built at Valvettyturai and Kayts, ports which came into prominence subsequent to the decline of commerce with Rome.
The Jaffna lagoon appears to have been the great roadway for foreign vessels, for after visiting Sopatma and Kamara 'the course of the voyage bends to the east", and through it the Bay of Bengal was reached. Then the narrow sand bank, now forming the isthmus between the peninsula and the mainland, was not in existence, and the sea which is now silted up was navigable for larger vessels. The fact that dead chanks are now being fished in the bed of the Jaffna lagoon at a depth of 15 to 20 feet


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is a clear indication that the sea was then deep enough even for these larger craft.
According to the Periplus, the three ports mentioned above imported all the goods which should reach Damurike (Tamilakam or the Tamil country in South India), absorbing all that was brought from Egypt, and all
species of goods that came from Damurike to be exported to other countries.
Cosmas Indicopleustes, a later Greek writer of the sixth century A. D. while describing Ceylon and its people, says : -'There are two kings ruling at opposite ends of the Island, one of whom possesses the hyacinth and the other the district in which are the port and emporium, for the emporium in that place is the greatest in those parts'." Of the two kings mentioned here, the one who possessed the hyacinth was the king of Anurádhapura, as the gem has been described by several travellers to Ceylon as one of extraordinary size and hrilliance, f and the other was no doubt the king of Jaffna, in whose dominion was the great port and emporium. If the word hyacinth be taken to represent - gems generally and not a special gem, even then the king possessing the country of gems would be the king of Anuradhapura. Sir Emerson Tennent, while referring to this statement of Cosmas, in one passage says that the king in whose dominion was the great port and emporium "was, of course, the Rajah of Jaffna',
* Tennent, vol; i, p: 567. (quotation from Cosmas) f Hiouen Thsang, Marco Polo, Friar Odoric and Ibn Batuta refer to this gem in their writings.
: Chris : p: 4.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 12t
and at another argues that this 'singular kingdom, of which little was known', was somewhere in the south of Ceylon, about Pt: de Galle. It was not probable that Galle had attained its eminence as a port and emporium by the early part of the sixth century A.D., when Cosmas wrote, whereas Sundara Mirty, one of the four Tamil Saiva saints, who flourished about the seventh century A. D., while singing the praises of the Lord of Tirukétisvaram, describes the harbour of Mátota as one crowded with ships.f n
When we consider the fact that the course adopted by the ancient navigators, in order to reach Mátota, was along the several deep channels found between Danushkoti and the island of Mannar, that the sea near Mannar was then not so shallow as at present, and that the Jaffna lagoon was the roadstead for the larger vessels like the Chinese junks, the denial of Sir E. Tennent of “the expediency and the practicability of the navigation' along this route would be found to have no justification. The rapidity with which the sea in those parts became silted up can be readily understood, when one knows that no vessel of any size can now approach within miles of Mátota, that the ancient Pálávi which perhaps served as a safe anchorage is now entirely blocked up, that the land between the Pálávi and the sea is more than a quarter mile in width and covered with heavy jungle and that it is now impossible even for a small boat to navigate the
* Tennent, vol: i, p: 589. + 8 வங்கம்மலிகின்ற கடன்மாதொட்ட நன்னகர் ’ Sundara Múrty's Déváram, Tirukétisvarapatikam, vv: 3 & 5.
The good city of Mátota by the sea abounding with ships.
16


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Elephant Pass lagoon with ease. The era of large ships among the nations of the world so synchronised with the silting up of the lagoon, which gradually became unfit for navigation, that such vessels had, perforce, to seek the protection of other ports. There is reason to suppose that the northern seas were not so shallow formerly as they are at present. If they were becoming shallower on being filled up with sand blown over by the South-West monsoon at the rate of two feet in a hundred years, the water would have been deep enough 1500 years ago, for the largest sized junks to pass through.
It is not necessary to show here that the Tamils and the Nágas took any active part in the commerce and navigation of the period; the country inhabited by them, or in their power, happened by a physical accident to be on the highway of the trade between the East and the West, where the parties to the trade could effect a mutual exchange and save on either side a protracted navigation, The vestiges of great antiquity, which still remain in these districts, combined with the statements of the ancient writers, Roman as well as Tamil, testify to the practicability of the navigation of these seas by the ancients.
When foreign commerce increased and when Arab, Roman and Indian ships began to call more frequently, the Nagas of Mátota and another Tamil tribe, called the Kadambas, evolved into sea pirates. The Nágas con
* 36 துடியன் பாணன் பறையன் கடம்பனென்
றின் நான் கல்லது குடியுமில்லை’ Puram. 335. Tudiyan, Pinan, Parayan and Kalamban, Except these four there are no other Tamil tribes.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 23
fined themselves to the Straits between India and Ceylon and to the Bay of Bengal, but the activities of the Kadambas were more extensive and productive of better results. They had their headquarters at the mouth of the Aripo river, which v as then known as the Kadamba river, and infested the Arabian Sea as far north as Cochin in the Malabar Coast. Their predatory acts were so much feared by the Roman merchants that their vessels loaded with merchandise had to be protected by Roman cohorts carried on board. Pliny had therefore to remark “at the present day voyages are made to India every year, and companies of archers are carried on board because the Indian seas are infested with pirates.' The great Chóla king Karikála subdued the Nāgas and destroyed their hanging fort at Mátota, about the middle of the first century A.D., and the Céra king Sehguttuvan, and his father before him, exterminated the power of the Kadambas, by storming their stronghold and cutting down their totem the kadamba tree, about the middle of the second century A.D. Some of these Kadamba pirates,
who were scattered by Senguttuvan, remained on the west coast of India, and two centuries later became a powerful ruling dynasty with their capital at Banavāsi.
Till about the fifth century A.D., most of the trade with China, was done overland through India. The ambassadors, who went to Rome in the reign of Claudius, stated that their ancestors had, in the course of their commercial pursuits, reached China by traversing India and the Himalayan mountains, long before sea voyages were attempted, and in the fifth century, the Ceylon king,
* See supra, chap, i, p. 22 and notes.


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in an address delivered by his envoy to the Emperor of China, said that both routes were then in use. The first embassy from Ceylon to the Court of China, reached its destination in 405 A.D., having gone apparently overland, as it was ten years upon the road. The sea route to China came into prominence later than the fifth century A.D., when the present ports on the Northern coast of Jaffna became popular. All the sea-borne trade was in the hands of the Nagas, the Tamils and the Arabs; and large numbers of the latter remained in Ceylon for the purpose and earned the name of Marakkalayas (people of the ships; Tamil marakkalam means a ship) from the Sinhalese.
The earliest Chinese writers like Fa Hian and Hiouen Thsang do not refer to North Ceylon in their writings. However, there is a very short passage in the History of the Travels of Hiouen Thsang which may be taken to refer to a place in the North. The passage is :-"Going from this mountain, i.e., Mount Malaya, in a northeastern direction there is a town at the sea dividing; this is the place from which they start for the Southern Sea and the country of Sang-kialo (Ceylon)."f
This town Che-li-ta-lo, (supposed by some to be Charitapura and equated with Nágapattinam), which is so situate as to divide the sea, and from which voyage to Ceylon was continued, was not Kavériptimpattinam as surmised by Dr. Burnell, but Silhapura or Singai
* Cathay, Prelim. Eassy, p: lxvii † Hiouen, p; 233, i Ind. Ant, vol. vii, p: 40.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 125.
Nagar on the north eastern coast of Jaffna. Hiouen Thsang describes two important kingdoms in South India, one Dravida with Kañchipura as the capital, and the other Malakuța. Dravida has been identified as the Pallava country from the name of its capital, but Malakuta, Dr. Burnell cojectured, to be the Chola country, from the name of a village near Tanjore called Malaikita Chidamani Chadur védamangalam found in an inscription. The Chólamandalam was neither called Malaikita nor Malainádu ; and the Malaikúța (Mount Malaya) referred to by the Chinese traveller was really the Céra Country, as at that time the Chóla and the Pándya powers had perhaps dwindled into insignificance, and the Pallava and the Céra were the only powers to speak of in South India. Therefore going from Malaikita or the Malabar Coast, one had to pass the Cape of Comorin, and from there sail in a north-eastern direction to reach the Bay of Bengal. The town on this passage which sounds very much like Che-li-ta-lo is Sinhapura. It was from this place, the voyage to Ceylon which was then more confined to the east coast than to the west, was continued.
In the fifth and sixth centuries, Chinese ships appear rarely to have sailed further west than Ceylon. Thither, they came with their silks and other commodities, those destined for Europe being chiefly paid for in silver, and those intended for barter in India were transhipped into smaller craft adapted to the Indian seas, by which they were distributed at the various ports east and west of Cape Comorin.f
* lnd : ant : vol. vii, p. 40. f Tennent vol. i. p. 565.


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The description of the Indian trade by Cosmas' is so corroborative of the earlier account given by the author of the Periplus, that the existence and the importance of the marts at Måtota and Kadiramalai are beyond all doubt. The ships of Arabia, Persia and the Malabar Coast called at Mátota and Talacory, and despatched their goods to Kadiramalai in smaller boats, called sangadam. Návánturai, lying to the west of the Jaffna Fort, which is still known by the name of Saigada Návántarai, was perhaps the port which gave protection to these smaller craft. As long as the Elephant Pass lagoon was navigable, the Chinese ships too anchored off Talacory, but later they, as well as the ships from Coromandel and the Ganges, touched at the several ports on the northern coast of the Jaffna, Peninsula, and despatched their merchandise either by land or by aea, according to the ports they touched at, to Kadiramali which was certainly the great emporium of exchange.
In the second century A. D., the ships sailing from the Pándyan country in South India to Java and Sumatra,
"As its position is central, the island is the resort of ships from all parts of India, Persia and Ethiopia, and, in like manner many are despatched from it. From the inner countries, I mean China and other emporiums, it receives silk, aloes, cloves, clove wood, chandana and whatever else they produce. These it again transmits to the outer ports, I mean to Male (Malabar) whence the pepper comes, to Kalliyana, where there is brass and sesamine wood, and materials for dress (for it is also a place of great trade) and to Sindon where they get rausk, castor and androstachum, to Persia, the Homeric coasts and Adule. Receiving in return the exports of these emporiums, Taprobane exchanges them in the inner ports (to the east of Cape Comorin) sending her own produce along
with them to each."
Tennent, vol: i, p: 569.
(quotation from Cosmas).

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 127
invariably touched at a port in the Jaffna Pellinsula, as will be seen from allusions in the Manimékalai.
About the seventh or the eighth century A.D., Mátota, perhaps by reason of the difficulty of navigation, was abandoned, the eastern entrance to the Elephant Pass lagoon was blocked up, and Kayts under the name of Kalah (the identification of which is treated in a later chapter) became the centre of trade, and ships from the East as well as the West found safe anchorage at this place. This was the port visited by European and Muhammedan travellers until the 16th century when the Portuguese appeared on the scene.
In Chapter I as well as in this chapter, the great coin finds at Kantaródai have been touched upon. Coins of a period extending from 500 B.C., or even earlier, to about the fourth or the fifth century A.D., have been picked up.
* 6 வங்கமாக்ககெளாடுமகிழ்வுடனேறிக்
சால்லிசை கடுக்கக் கடல்கலக் குறுதளின் மாலிதை மணிபல்லவத்திடை வீழ்த்துத் தங்கியதொரு நாள்"
Mani, Canto, xiv, ll: 75-82. He (one Aputran on his way to Javá) gladly embarked with the merchants, and as the sea became rough on account
of storms, the captain put in at Maui-pallavam, and stayed there a day.
b * கலஞ்செய் கம்மியர் வருகெனக்கூஉ யிலங்குநீர்ப் புணரியெறிகரையெய்தி வங்கமேறினன் மணிபல்லவத்திடைத் தங்காதக்கலஞ் சென்று சார்ந்திறுத்தலும்*
Mani., canto, xxv, l: 124-127.
(Punya Rija, the king of Nigapuram in Jává) calling the ship-builders, repaired to the coast and embarked from there. The ship proceeded calling at no intermediate port and anchored at Manipallavam. ی


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The fact that such a large quantity of Roman coins, not to speak of the many varieties of Indian coins, have been found in one place (Kantaródai) testifies to its ancient commercial importance. The Roman coins found have not yet been studied, but Mr. Sewell who has made an elaborate study of the Roman coins found in India considers that a careful examination of the coin-finds leads to the following conclusions:-
1. There was barely any commeree between Rome and India during the Consulate.
2. With Augustus began an intercourse which, enabling the Romans to obtain oriental luxuries during the early days of the Roman Empire, culminated about the time of Nero who died about 68 A.D.
3. From this time forward the trade declined till the date of Caracala in A. D. 217.
4. From the date of Caracala it almost entirely ceased.
5. It revived again though slightly, under the Byzantine Emperors.
We may therefore estimate 300 years, extending from 50 B.C to 250 A.D, as the glorious period of prosperity of this country which synchronises with the Augustan age of Tamil lierature under the patronage of the third Saňgam of Madura,
* J.R.A.S. 1904, p. 59.

CHAPTER IV
Ancient Civilization
T Nágas living in North Ceylon, being the race
nearest to India, would naturally have been akin to the South Indians-with whom they were in constant communication-in their religion, manners, customs, language, as also in their modes of thinking. There is an ample literature in South India from which we can gain an insight into the habits and manners and into the state of civilization of the people of South India between 200 B.C. and 300 A.D. It is a reasonable presumption that the people in North Ceylon would in all likelihood have evolved for themselves a civilization similar to that prevailing in South India. An attempt, therefore, to describe the civilization of North Ceylon about the beginning of the Christian era will accordingly be by analogy alone, which may find proof and corroboration in future years when Ceylon's untold wealth of archaeological remains comes to be explored.
In addition to the indigenous civilization of the Nágas of North Ceylon, which appears to have been admitted by the Greek writers, the large volume of commercial intercourse which they had with foreign nations would have given them facilities to improve in the arts and sciences, in industries and in their modes of life. If, as has been already shown in a previous chapter, there were so many thriving ports sought for by foreign
* Vincent, in his translation of the Periplus, says that there is a reading of the original Greek, which can be rendered into "Formerly Taprobane, lies out in the open sea to the West. The northern part із ಟ್ಗized and frequented by vessels equipped with masts and Sas


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merchants, and if there was a great deal of enterprise in seafaring among the people themselves, the conclusion is irresistible that there was a prosperous industry in the land; a flourishing trade invariably presupposes a volume of industry. Among the ancient Hindus, agriculture and commerce were considered to be of the highest importance; handicrafts and the fine arts received the greatest patronage.
Long before some of those remarkable, and even stupendous engineering works, in the shape of tanks and irrigation channels, were conceived and constructed, agriculture was the most prominent industry of the people, even before the advent of Vijaya, and it certainly had reached such a state of importance as to constitute the chief source of the wealth of the people. Rice was the staple food of prince and peasant alike. It is incorrect to suppose that the people of Ceylon-the Nágas as well as the Yakkhas, -led such a precarious existence as to procure their sustenance from the produce of the jungle or the chase, for we can trace several passages in the Mahávahsa, in which rice is mentioned as the chief food of the people within a few years of Vijaya's arrival. The pastoral scene in which Girikanda Siva, one of the Governors of Pánduk Abaya, the successor of Vijaya, superintends the reaping of his paddy fields, and his daughter Suvanna Páli takes to him and to his reapers, their repast of rice, as graphically recorded in the Mahávansaf is an interesting episode which confirms the theory that agriculture was the important industry of the people. The mention of this ancient practice by which it became
* Tennent, vol. i., p. 420. t Mah, chap. x.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 31
the duty of the daughter to carry the mid-day meal to her father, although he was rich enough to command a hundred servants, and although one of her palanquin bearers could easily have performed that service, makes one to long for a return of those ancient and happy times.
It was this cultivation of rice which brought in a large revenue to the State and which gave to the country that material affluence which was reflected in the immense tanks and dagobas, the ruins of some of which yet remain to attest the truth. If agriculture was the chief pursuit of the people after Vijaya's advent, according to the ample testimony of the Mahávaisa, it must be presumed to have been so even before that event, for there is not the slightest evidence of his having wrought any change in that direction. When we consider the fact that the last 2000 years have produced no change either in the system of cultivation adopted by the people or in their implements of husbandry, although the country has passed through the sway of some of the most civilized nations of the world, it requires no very prolonged flight of imagination to conjecture how many thousand years should have passed before the people reached that standard of cultivation. All the circumstances therefore show that agriculture was an honourable pursuit; and that it was carried on in an extensive scale by prince and peasant alike. It is, therefore, no wonder that the dignity of agriculture was the subject of praise by the poets of the ancient Tamil-land.
* * உழுதுண்டு வாழ்வாரே வாழ்வார் மற்றெல்லாம்
தொழுதுண்டு பின்செல்பவர் ."
Kural, 1033. Who ploughing eat their food, they truly live; The rest to others subservient eating what they give.


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'woven wind,' and to vapour of milk'; and they are generally described as of such fine texture that the eye could not make out its warp and woof. It is said that a Chieftain named Áay offered to the image of a god under the banyan tree (Siva) one of these priceless muslins which had been given to him by one Nila Nága.f
* a * நோக்குநுழைகல்லா நுண்மையபூக்கனிக்
தரவுரியன்னவறுவை."
Porunar. ll: 82-83. Flowered cloth, like unto the slough of the serpent, and of such fine texture that the eye cannot make out its warp and woof. b * காம்பு சொலித்தன்னஅறுவை."
Cirupán : l., 236. Cloth resembling the fine sheath torn off the bamboo
shoot. c. 8 ஆவியன்ன அவிர்நூற்கலிங்கம்."
Perumpán : l. 469. Clဂူမျိုးဗုade of shining thread, like unto the vapour (of
K. d. * புகை விரிந்தன்ன பொங்குதுகிலுடிஇ."
Puram., v, 398, 1 ; 19. Clad in cloth resembling expanded smoke. e. * கண்ணுழைகல்லா நுண்ணுற்கைவினை
வண்ண அறுவையர்."
Maņi : Canto, xxviii, ll : 52.53. Maidens clad in cloth of excellent quality, woven by hand
and too fine to be distinguished by the eye. , * பாம்புபயந்தன்ன வடிவின்காம்பின்
சழைபடுசொலியின் இழைமணிவாரா ஒண்பூங்கலிங்கம்.”
Puram. v. 383, ll : 10— 12. Bright flowered cloth resembling the slough of the serpent and the sheath torn off the bamboo shoot, with gems along the warp, ... 6 நிழறிகழ்
லோகனல்கிய கலிங்க மாலமர் செல்வர்க்கமர்க்தனன் கொடுத்த LL LL LLL S LLL 0LL LSL S LL 0SL SL L L SL SL SL SL L LLL LLLL LL LLL LLL LL ஆய்."
Cirupin : ll: 95-97. (The chieftain) Aay devotedly offered to the deity under
the banyan the brilliant cloth presented to him by Nila Naga.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 35
According to the Periplus, a kind of muslin sprinkled with pearls, called ebargareitides-evidently a mistake for margaritides-was exported from the island of Epiodorus (Mannar). These muslins, which by reason of their fineness and transparency, were specially sought after by fashionable Roman ladies, who apparently preferred effect to modesty, fetched fabulous prices in foreign markets. Pliny, therefore, exclaimed “so has toil to be multiplied, so have the ends of the earth to be traversed, and all that a Roman dame may exhibit her charms in transparent gauze.'t In a later passage Pliny goes on to say that “India drained the Roman Empire annually to the extent of 55,000,000 sesterces,' (equal to about £487,000) and “this is the price we pay for our luxuries and our women.'
These thansparent fabrics and gauzy stuffs were as coveted by the fair Persian maidens in the harems of Susa and Ecbatana and also by the royal maidens in the Courts of India and Ceylon as they were by the wealthy ladies of Rome. This strange desire on the part of high born dames of India and Ceylon to clothe themselves in ultra diaphanous garments is amply supported by the fresco paintings found at Ajanta and Sigiriya, in which the royal maidens are so depicted as to appear semi-nude in spite of their garments, while their more dusky handmaidens are modestly clothed in cheaper stuff. Whether weaving was an industry also carried on by the Yakkhas, or whether they purchased their raimant from the Nágas is not known; but one thing is clear;-that the Yakkhas were dressed in fine linen and Were aware of the use of such luxuries as the adorning of their beds with curtains.
* See supra, chap. iii, p. 1 10, note* † Pliny, vi, 20.


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This can be gathered from the account of the entertainment accorded to Vijaya by Kuvéni.*
The important industry of pearl-fishing was a Government monopoly even from the earliest times. There were two fisheries, one on the Indian coast and the other on the Ceylon coast.f The Ceylon fishery was the more important one; and Megasthenes, the Grecian Ambassador to the court of Chandra Gupta, writing in the third century B.C., said that Ceylon was more productive of gold and large pearls than India. The population along the sea coast was mostly composed of pearl fishers; and in the deluge which took place in the time of Kelani Tissa, 400 villages of pearl fishers were destroyed. The author of the Periplus says that the Pándyan worked the fisheries with condemned criminals and Ptolemy calls the people on the sea coast Galiboi, perhaps the Tamil word Kallar (thieves). The pearl fishery attracted a large number of western merchants to the coast of north Ceylon and several temples, to which a moiety of the revenue was assigned by the kings, flourished in the land.
Chank fishing, which was carried on in the sea between Mannar and Jaffna from time immemorial, must have given work to a very large number of chank fishers and chank cutters. If, according to Madurai Káfici, one of the Tamil ten idylls, there was a colony of chank cutters at Korkai in the second century A.D.S there must
* Mah. chap. vii. † Sea supra, chap, iii, p. 104.
HElian, p. 62.
“IT Rajavali, pp. 190-191. $ See supra, chap. iii, p. 100, note. † (b)

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 37
have been a larger number of these artificers in Jaffna; and this theory is confirmed by the discovery of cut chank cores in the small excavation made by Dr. P. E. Pieris a Kantaródai. Mr. W. Muttuvélupillai, an old and influential resident of this village turned up cartloads of these cores a few years ago and had them burnt for lime, This is a sure indication that, during the period Kadiramalai was the capital, there was a colony of artificers engaged in cutting chanks and turning them into rings, bangles and other personal ornments as is done at Dacca in Bengal to the present day. Although chank ornaments have now gone out of fashion among the women of Jaffna, millions of chanks are annually exported to North India where they are fashioned into different kinds of ornaments.
Iron implements and brass utensils appear to have been in general use, but excavations up to date have not brought up many brass articles, Iron appears to have been smelted out of ore found in Ceylon, and many iron smelting forges have been unearthed. The iron output, obtained even in this crude manner, must have been large as it enabled the rulers of Mántai (Mátota) to erect an iron fort. Axes and spears, javelins and arrow heads were made of iron. Even the use of scissors was not unknown. F Pottery of different shapes and sizes, glazed and unglazed were in use. This is evidenced by the large quantities of broken pieces found near and around ancient ruins, and in fact indicating, as a sure sign, the existence of
* Nágadipa; J.C.B.R.A.S., vol. xxvi. t 8 மயிர்குறைகருவி மாண்கடையன்ன.”
Porunar : l; 29. Like unto the beautiful loops in the shanks of the haire
trimming instrument, i.e., scissors. 8


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these ruins. The lamps used by the poor classes were made of burnt clay, but brass lamps were used in opulent houses. A lamp, shaped according to the figure of a swan, and the figure of a female, with a raised hand holding a lamp-evidently an introduction of the Roman merchants, - are mentioned in the Tamil Classics. Ceylon was at one time famous for the production of gold, although it is not now found in sufficient quantities to be profitably collected. The name Ponparipo still survives to indicate at least one place where gold was found. Íslam, one of the names for Ceylon, has, on account of such production, become a synonym in Tamil for gold. At a time when rajakaria was rampant, time and labour were matters of no count. Hundreds, if not thousands, must have been employed to collect gold, even in the smallest quantities, by winnowing the sand on the banks of certain Ceylon rivers.
The Nága and the Yakkha kingdoms were the seats of well-ordered and well-organised monarchical governments
* a * யவனாோதிமவிளக்கு”.
Perumpin : ll: 316-317. Swan shaped lamp of the Yavanas (Greeks). 6 யவனரியற்றிய வினைமாண்பாவை
கையேந்தைய கனிறையநெய் சொரிந்து பரூஉத்திரிகொளிஇய குரூஉத்தலை நிமிசெரி.”
Ned : Vád : ll: 101– 103. Lights with flames rising with red-coloured heads from thick wicks set in an admirable bowl held in the hand of a maiden figure artistically made by the Yavanas
(Greeks), and filled with oil. c. 8 பாவைவிளக்கிற் பரூஉச்சுடர் அழல".
Mulai : 1: 85.
A large flame burning in the bowl of a lamp held in the
hand of a maiden figure (of gold).
3. கையமைவிளக்கம் ."
Mulai : 1 : 49. Lamp held in hand (of a maiden figure).

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 139
dating as far back as, or even earlier than,the period of the Rámáyana. The monarchy was heriditary and absolute, and the purity of the royal blood was maintained by means of intermarriages with other royal houses. These kingdoms contained cities, towns and villages. The Nága capitals were fortified towns. In the building of forts and in providing them with weapons and missiles, both of offence and of defence, the Nagas had arrived at a very considerable degree of perfection. Kadiramalai as well as Mántai (Mátota) were fortified, and Mántai had, according to tradition, an iron fort, which is confirmed by another tradition that there was in that city a settlement of expert artisans (Paficha Kammalar). The forts were surrounded by impregnable ramparts from which, at . times of war and seige, sharp arrows were discharged from machines. They were further strengthened by high walls difficult to scale and by deep moats. The fort was also surrounded by thick and impelletrable thorny jungle. The traces of the ancient moat at Mátota are still visible. The iron fort at Mátotal was so high, and it had such a high tower that the Tamil poets called it a hanging fort."f The cities had wide streets well laid
** அருங்குழுமிளைக் குண்டு கிடங்கி
லுயர்ந்தோங்கிய கிாைப்புதவி
னெடுமதினிாைஞாயி
லம்புமிழயிலருப்பம் ".
Mad: Kati : ll: 64-67.
Fortifications surrounded by impenetrable jungle and deep moat and provided with gates under high turrets, encircling walls and bastions from which sharp arrows are discharged (by machines).
t See supra, chap, i, p. 19, noted.


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out : there were houses and mansions built of stone and wood and surrounded by walls containing gateways. They were guarded by armed warders and even by foreign soldiers. t The palaces and mansions were several storeys high containing terraces and balconies; the superstructure having been of wood no ruins have remained to testify to us of their ancient splendour. The royal palaces had banqueting halls large enough to entertain 500 to 1000 guests, state rooms which were supported by pillars covered with gold, wide balconies and windows opening
* a. மோடமோங்கிய மல்லன்மூதூர்
ஆறுகிடந்தன்ன வகல்நெடுந்தெருவில் .”
Ned : Vád: l : 29-30. In the broad main-street which like a river lies in the pros
perous old city of lofty mansions.
நன்னகர்
விண்தோய் மாடத்து விளங்குசுவருடுத்த. "
Perumpán: ll: 368-369. In the good cities where there are skyscraping mansions
be-girt with shining walls. t *கடவுண் மால்வாைகண் விடுத்தன்ன
அடையாவாயில வனருங்கடைகுறுகி."
CirupAn I 205-206. Having approached his towered city-gateway, which though unclosed (to minstrels, sages and brahmans), yet affords no entrance (to others) and which would
resemble the great Méru, the seat of the gods, when it opens but one of its eyes.
t , சோத்திய எணிஏற்றருஞ் சென்னிமாடம் ."
Perumpin : l.: 347.
Mansions with such towering tops that even with the
help of the ladders placed against them it is difficult to climb them up.
b * கிாைகிலைமாடத்தாமியந்தோறும் ."
Mad : Kafi : 1 : 451, ln the upper terraces of well-set storyed mansions. வேயாமாடம் "
Cilap; Canto, v. l : 7. Upper terraces (lit: uncovered mansions).

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 4.
upon the public streets. The existence of cities like Lankápura of "400,000 streets' of the Yakkhas and Manipuram of the Nágas, with parks and flower gardens, not to speak of other cities and towns mentioned in the ancient Epics,-the Rámáyana and the Mahābhārata-is sufficient proof that at that remote period there must have been, as the centric source of this magnificent citylife, a government sufficiently wise to promulgate noble laws and sufficiently strong to enforce them. Even as early as the Rámáyana period (supposed to be about 2000 B.C.) Bhogavati the capital of the Nága kingdom in the Deccan, is described as follows:-
"Near, Bhogavati stands, the place Where dwell the hosts of serpent race; A broad-wayed city, walled and barred, Which watchful legions keep and guard, The fiercest of the serpent youth, Each awful for his venomed tooth; And throned in his imperial hall Is Vásuki who rules them all, Explore the serpent city well, Search town and tower and citadel And scan each field and wood that lies
Around it, with your watchful eyes 't.
* . 'மான்கட்காலதர் மாளிகை."
Cilap : Canto, v, l : 8.
Palatial buildings with windows like the eyes of a deer. b * மழைதோயுமுயர் மாடத்து
வளிைேழயும்வாய்பொருந்தி."
Pattina: ll: 145 & 151.
Drawing close to the windows for the admission of the
(south) wind, in lofty mansions touching the clouds.
t Rámáyaņa, G, vol. iv, p. 205.


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The splendour of the Nága towns can well be imagined from the description given-in the Cilappadikáram,-of the city of Kavériptimpattinam, which is there stated to be the equal and the rival of the city of the Nāgas, the implication being that the latter was in those days the supreme example of wealth and magnificence.
The kings had large armies composed of elephants trained to war, chariots, cavalry and foot soldiers armed with bows and arrows, swords and shields, spears and javelins, axes and slings. Their cities were protected by garrisons of soldiers. The kings were upholders of dharma and were helped in the administration of the country by the five kinds of ministers and the eight assemblies.f The king was the last court of appeal, and justice was meted out to everybody alike, without distinction of class, caste or creed; the names of some of these kings have been handed down to posterity as paragons of virtue and justice. When they engaged in wars against their neighbours, they took special precautions to protect not only their own priests, women and cattle, but also
* நோகரீணகரொடு நாகநாடதனெடு
போக மீள் புகழ் மன்னும்புகார் நகர் ."
Cilap, Canto, i. ll; 21-22. The city of Puhár where lasting fame -a characteristic of the celestial world, and enjoyment of pleasure--a characteristic of the Naga country, find permanent abode. w t “ஐம்பெருங்குழுவு மெண் ப்ோாயமும் ."
ருங்குழு Cilap. Canto. v., l i 157. (The king's) Great Council of five and Great Assembly
of eight. * அமைச்சர், புரோகிதர், சேஞபதியர் தவாத்தொழிற்றூதுவர், சாாணரென்றிவர் பார்த்திபர்க்கைம் பெருங்குழுவெனப்படுமே.”
Tivakaram, 163.
Contd.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 43
those of their enemies. " The fame of their heroes was perpetuated on inscribed stones raised as monuments, t
Ministers, Priestly Astrologers, Generals, Ambassadors of unerring diplomacy and Spies; these form the great council of five to the kings. " காணத்தியலவர் கருமவிதிகள் கனகச்சுற்றங் கடைகாப்பாளர் நகரமாந்தர் நனிபடைத்தலைவர் யானை வீாரிவுளி மறவtனையரெண் போாயமென்ப*
Tivakaram, 163. Administrators, Accountants, Royal dependants (confidential kinsmen, priests, confectioners, physicians and soothsayers), Chiefs of the gate, Urban representatives, Captains of Infantry, Captains of the Elephant squadrons and Captains of the Cavalry regiments; these form the great assembly of eight. * * ஆவுமானியற்பார்ப்பன மாக்களும்
பெண்டிரும் பிணியுடையீரும் பேணித் தென்புலவாழ் நர்க்கருங்கடனிறுக்கும் பொன்போற் புசல்வர்ப்பெரு அதீரு மெம்மம்புகடிவிடுதி நும்மாண்சேர்மின் ."
Pupram. v, 9. Black cattle, Brahmans who are as sacred as the cow, women, the sick and such of you as have not begotten those precious children who have to perform important (religious) rites to the departed spirits (of ancestors), seek ye a safe refuge. I shall discharge my arrows forthwith. * வில்லேர்வாழக்கைவிழுத்தொடைமறவர்
வல்லாண்பது க்கைக் கடவுட்பேண்மார் நடுகற்பீலி குட்டித்துடிப்படுத்துச் தொப்பிக்கள்ளொடு துரூஉப்பலிகொடுக்கும் ."
Akam... v, 35, lI : 6-9. For the worship of the deified hero from among the Marava (soldiers) who live by the bow and wear garlands, a stone (with inscription) is planted (in his honour), and decorated with peacock feathers and with the sounding of the (tudi) drum,toddybrewed from rice is offered and lambs sacrificed. b *விழுத்தொடை மறவர் வில்லிட வீழ்ந்தோ
ரெழுத்துடை நடுகலின்னிழல்."
Akam, v, 53. The shade of inscribed stones planted as memorials to wreath wearing heroic Marava soldiers fallen in battle.


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Chivalry towards their enemies was considered a virtue, and to receive wounds on the back a disgrace. While raising the standard of victory after the defeat of an enemy, a ball and doll were invariably attached to it in contemptuous representation of the effeminate nature of the enemy.if Contempt was further expressed by razing the enemy's capital to the ground, by ploughing the site with donkeys yoked to the plough and by sowing castor
8 நாம்பெழுந்துலறிய திசம்பாமென்முேள்
முளரிமருங்கின் முதியோள் சிறுவன் படையழிந்து மாறினனென்று பலர்கூற மண்டமர்க்குடைந்தனனயினுண்டவென் முலையறுத்திடுவென் யர்னெனச் சினைஇச் கொண்டவாளொடு படுபிணம் பெயராச் செங்களந்துளவுவோள் சிதைந்துவேமுகிய படுமகன் கிடக்கை கானூஉ வீன்றஞான்றிலும் பெரிதுவந்தனளே."
Puram, v, 278. The old woman of lean and lanky shoulders and of slender waist, on hearing from the lips of several persons that her son had turned his back on the field of battle, became enraged and saying that, if her son had shown cowardice while fighting, she would cut off the very breasts which gave him suck, picked up a sword, went to the gory field, turned over the corpses and on finding the body of her son cut in twain was more delighted than on the occasion of his birth. செருப்புகன்றெடுத்த சேணுயர் நெடுங்கொடி வரிப்புனைபந்தொடு பாவைதூங்க."
Tirumu:ll : 67-68. By the side of the high standard of victory raised on the
battle-field, a ball and a doll were hung up.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION I45
and cotton or cereals, in order to make the place overgrown with jungle as speedily as possible. Kings leading their armies to battle had their camps in the battlefield as luxuriously furnished as their palaces. Mutes guarded their bed rooms; it women attended at their meals; dancing girls and musicians amused them through the night hours.
There is ample evidence in the works of Tamil as well as of Greek authors that trade, both by sea and land, was
* a * கடுக்தேர் குழித்தஞெள்ளலாங்கண்
வெள்வாய்க் கழுதைப் புல்லினம் பூட்டிப் பாள்செய்தனையவர் நனந்தலைகல்லெயில்."
Puram, v. 15, ll: 1 —3. You destroyed their broad fortifications and turned the streets, over which chariots had run, with plough to which a number of white mouthed donkeys were yoked. b, 8 அணங்குடை மரபினிருங்களந்தோறும்
வெள்வாய்க் கழுதைப் புல்லினம் பூட்டி வெள்ளை வாகுங்கொள்ளும் வித்தும் - வைகலுழவ."
Puram, v 392, ll: 8— 1 l. You, at the dawn of day, ploughed even the places presided over by the gods with ploughs to which white mouthed donkeys were yoked and sowed white millet (varagu) and gram (kollu). + * உடம்பினுாைக்கு முரையாகாவிற்
படம்புகு மிலேச்சர் உழையாாக."
Mullai. ll: 65 & 66. Coated Mlechchas (foreign mutes) vho use the language of signs and not the language of the tongue, serving as guards. ! a * மண்ணமைமுழவின் பண்ணமை சிறியா ழொண்ணுதல் விறலியர் பாணிதாங்க."
Porunar : ll :' 09.110. The Pina women with shining foreheads bearing small well-tuned lyres in their hands, dancing and singing to the measure of drums smeared with resin. b * விளங்கிழைமகளிர் பொலங்கலத்தேந்திய
மணங்கமழ்தேறல் ."
Mad: Kafi e ll : 779-780, Fragrant wine in golden cups held by bright bangled
WOnten 19


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extensively practised by the Tamils and the Nágas. Masted ships set with sails ploughed the seas. They were loaded with articles of merchandise; pearls and muslins, sandalwood and aghil, cinnamon, pepper and other spices, salt and salted fish.f. North Ceylon, and especially Jaffna, contained the most important marts and emporia for the distribution of trade to the different ports of India and Ceylon and to countries further West and further East. Merchants from Arabia, Egypt and Rome, India, China and Java frequented these narts. According to the Periplus everything made in Taunilakam and the greatest part of what was brought from Egypt came to the ports of North Ceylon, and were distributed from there. A similar reference to the imports at Kavérip-primpattinam, the Chóla capital of the first and second century A.D., can be seen in the Tamil work Pattina
* a. See supra, chap. iii, p. 100, note * (c).
b * பொலந்தரு நாவாயோட்டி ."
Puram. v. 126, l : 15.
Sailing (over seas) in ships for scommercial) prosperity.
* முழங்கு கடறந்த விளங்குகதிர்முத்த
மாம்போழ்ந்தறுத்த கண்ணேரிலங்குவளைப் பாதர் சந்த பல்வேறு கூடல மிருங்கழிச் செறுவிற்றீம்புளிவெள்ளுப்புப் பாந்தோங்குவரைப்பின்வன்கைத்திமிலர் கொழுமீன் குறைஇயதுடிக்கட்டுணியல்
விழுமியநாவாய்."
Mad. Kaifi : il : 315-123.
Well-built ships loaded with bright and lustrous pearls taken from the roaring seas, broad and shining chank bangles neatly cut with saws, different kinds of grain consigned to merchants, white salt manufactured on clayey beds, sweetened tamarind and fish cut into round pieces by strong-armed Timila fishers and salted and dried on sand dunes.
I See supra, chap. iii, p. 97.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 147
pālai. " Large ships intended for this ocean trade were built in some of the northern ports; and the industry, though in a dying state, is still being continued at Kayts and Valvettitupai. On account of this extensive sea faring trade, the necessity to indicate the ports and harbours at night would naturally have arisen, and light
houses constructed out of stone and mortar or of high tree stumps, with lights placed on them, acted as guides to mariners.f The merchandise was stored in large warehouses in packages, on which the seal of the king was stamped to indicate the payment of customs duty. Trade was carried into the inner country with merchan
* See supra, chap. iv, p. 133, note. * + 8 வானமூன்றிய மதலைபோல
வேணிசாத்தியவேற்ற ருஞ்சென்னி விண்பொாகிவந்த வேயாமாடத் திாவின் மாட்டிய விலங்குசுடர்."
Perumpin : ll: 346-349. Bright light lit at night in the dome of a tower touching the sky and presenting the appearance of a column supporting it,the top of which it is difficult to climb even with the aid of the ladder placed against it. b **கங்குன் மாட்டிய கனைகதிரொண்சுடர்.”
Narriqai, v. 219. Bright light put up at nights (as a signal for sailing
vessels). c. 8இலங்குர்ேவாைப்பிற் கலங்கரை விளக்கமும் ."
Cilap. Canto .vi, ll: 141. Lights (on light houses, put up) to direct the course of
vessels from foreign countries. 8 நீரினின்று நிலத்தேறவும் கிலத்தினின்று நீர்ப்பாப்பவும்
* * * * * 字 புலிபொறித்துப்புறம்போக்கி மதிநிறைந்த மலிபண்டம்
Pattina : ll; 129.130, 135.136. Well-estimated goods in abundance being imported and exported with the tiger mark impressed thereon, for the purpose of recovering customs duty. Tiger mark was affixed in Chola ports.


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dise loaded in carts and távalams. For fear of robbers the tradesmen, dressed in coats and sandals, went about with swords hanging from their shoulders; it they were also otherwise armed. Important junctions of trade were guarded by soldiers. In the towns and cities, separate streets were allotted to the different articles of com
* , * நோன்பகட்டுமணர் ஒழுகை ."
Cirupán : l : 55, W The salt sellers' row of carts drawn by strong bullocks. b * சிறுதுளைக் கொடுநுக நெறிபட கிாைத்த பெருங்கயிற்முெழுகை மருங்கிற் காப்பச் சில்பத உணவின் கொள்ளைசாற்றிப் பல்லெருத்துமணர் பதிபோகு நெடுநெறி,"
Perumpin; ll : 62-65. The long highway by which the salt-sellers with many (relief) bulls enter villages crying out the price of salt, their row of carts which are drawn by several bulls tied side by side to a yoke with small holes, by means of strong rope, being guarded on both sides by able-bodied
* நோன்ரு ளடிபுதையான மெய்திப்படம் புக்குப் பொருகணை தொலைச்சிய புண்டீர்மர்ர்பின் விாவுவரிக்கச்சின் வெண்கையொள்வாள் வாையூர் பாம்பிற் பூண்டு. வம்பலர் ."
Perump. 1: 68–72
The merchants on whose chests appear scars of wounds caused by warriors' arrows, wearing coats (on their bodies) and sandals on their (well-exercised) strong feet, while from a striped band resembling a rock-snake thrown over the shoulder and across the breast, there hung on one side glittering swords with white (carved ivory) handles. t , * உல்குடைப் பெருவழிக்கவ%லகாக்கும் - வில்லுடைவைப்பின் ."
Perumpin. Il : 81-82, In towns where there are garrisons of bowmen who guard the (toll-recovering) junctions of roads branching from the main highway. கல்லாமழவர் வில்லிடைவிலங்கிய துன்னருங்கவலை ."
Narrinai, v. 387. Unapproachable junctions where illiterate soldiers rain
arrows from their bows.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 49
merce." Commodities generally changed hands under the system of barter, it but money, both of foreign and Indian coinage, was also a recognised medium of exchange in important centres of trade. Ronan as well as Indian Ooins, as also other unidentified coins-which were possibly coins of local currency-have been picked up in several of the spots where the ancient marts once were.
The caste system, which was introduced by the northern Áryans, had not, during the early centuries of the Christian era, taken a strong foothold in the country. The people were in those days classified according to the nature of the land in which they lived. There were five divisions of land,-kurifici (hill country), mullai (forest and pasture land), marutam (arable land), neytal (sea
* 3, 8 வளர்தலை மயங்கிய நனந்தலேம்றுகு."
Pattina, l : 193. Broad streets teeming everywhere with the wealth of pre
cious goods, which baffle any attempt at estimation. b. See Cilap. canto, v, ll: 9—56. t a * உப்பைமாறிவெண்ணெற்றரீஇய உப்புவிளை கழனிசென்றனள்."
Kurun. v. 269. To exchange salt for white rice, she did seek the salt-pans.
b *அளைவிலையுணவிற் கிளையுடனருத்தி
நெய்விலைக் கட்டிப் பசும்பொன் கொள்ளாள் எருமை கல்லான் கருநாகு பெறுஉம் ."
Perumpän. ll; .163-165.
(Herdsman's wife) feeds all her relations with the rice received in exchange of butter milk; for ghee supplied she accepts not a piece of fine gold, but obtains a she-buffalo, a cow or a black heifer worth its value.


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coast), and pálai (dry and arid land). In kurifici lived the Kuravar and Wédar or hill tribes; in mullai, the Idaiyar or herdsmen; in marutam the cultivators; in neytal the Paratavar or fishers; and in pálai the Maravar or robbers and Wédar or hunters. The people were more or less tribal or were divided into clans according to the land they dwelt in. Each tribe or clan had its own chieftain under a king who ruled over them all. Priests, ascetics or holy men came from all the tribes; they were called Andanar on account of the compassion shown by them to living creatures or Párpár (seers). If These Andanar and Párpár were respected and honoured by the people as beings superior to all the rest.
In the matter of locomotion and conveyances, those early times were not far behind the present day. Royalty rode on elephants, horse chariots including a coach and four were not uncommon; and mechanical contrivances
66 குறிஞ்சிபாலை முல்லைமருதம்
செய்தலைக் திணைக்கெய்திய பெயரே."
Ira. Akap., i, 6. The five divisions of land are named Kurifici (hill tracts), Palai (arid lands), Mullai (sylvan tracts), Marutam (agricultural lands) and Neytal (maritime tracts). There are 14 objects peculiar to each division as originally found there, and they are termed Karupporul (originating objects). They are:-l. Deity, 2. Chiefs, 3. Subjects, 4. Bird, 5. Beast, 6. Town or Village, 7. Water,8. Flower, 9. Tree, 10. Food, ll. Drum, 12. Lyre, 13. Tune and 14. Occupation.
6 அந்தணரென்போர் அறவோர் மற்றெவ்வுயிர்க்குஞ்
செந்தண்மை பூண்டொழுகலால் ."
Kural, 30. Towards all that breathe, with seemly graciousness adorn
ed they live; And thus to virtue's sons the name of 'andanar' men give.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 15
similar to the motor car and the aeroplane appear to have been in use.
The food of the people consisted chiefly of rice, dry grains, vegetables, milk and curds, meat of goats, fowls, etc., and fish and crabs according to the surroundings and conditions in which they lived. Different kinds of sweet meats and even string hoppers were not unknown.f The Andanar, some of whom were family and temple priests, lived in houses the roofs of which were neatly thatched , and the floors of which were daintily glossed over with the dung of the cow. They had their household gods, and used as food rice cooked in a variety of ways, vegetables
* a. We learn from the Rāmāyana, composed about six centuries before Christ, that Rāvana, the Yakkha king of Ceylon, abducted Sita, the wife of Rámá, from Central India and carried her off to Ceylon on an aerial car, that his uncle Kubera had a similar machine and that Indrajit, the son. of Rávana, while fighting against the armies of Rámii, dropped bombs containing poisonous gas on the enemy from an aeroplane and rendered them insensible. b, “ புலவர் பாடும் புகழுடையோர் விசும்பின்
வலவனே வாவான வூர்தி யெய்துப வென்ப"
. PuTam, v. p. 27. (The learned) say that those who enjoy the fame of being
praised by the poets are like unto a car flying through . the air undirected by a driver. c. A car driven by mechanism without the aid of animals attached to it (பூணியின்றிப் பொறியினியங்கும் எந்திரவூர்தி) and a long journey made on an aeroplane are described in Perunkadai, a Tamil poetical work of the 4th century A. D. Peruňkadai, pp : 209, 426, 483. d. A contrivance in the form of a peacock made to fly through the air with the aid of mechanism, is mentioned in the Jivaka Cintámani of the 9th century A. D.
Cintámaņi, pp. 76, 86, 95, 755. f a * சுவைய, வேறுபல்லுருவின் விாகு."
Porunar, 1 : 108. Savoury sweetmeats of shapes many and different b, * இழைசூழ் வட்டம் .”
Perumpan, l: 377. Thread like hoppers,


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fried in ghee, curds, pickles and preserves. These Andanar eschewed meat of all kinds; so clean were they that they permitted neither dogs nor fowls to enter their houses. The Aryan brahmans who emigrated into the Tamil country from North India imitated their habits
* 8 செழுங்கன்றியாத்த சிறு தாட் பந்தர்ப் பைஞ்சேறுமெழுகிய படிவ நன்னகர் மனையுறுகோழியொடு ஞமலிதுன்னது வளைவாய்க்கிள்ளை மறைவிளிபயிற்று மறைகாப்பாளர் உறைபதிச்சேப்பிற் பெருநல்வானத்து வடவயின் விளங்குஞ் சிறுமீன்புரையுங் கற்பினறுநுதல் வளைக்கைமகடூஉவயினறிந்தட்ட சுடர்க்கடைப்பறவைப் பெயர்ப்படுவத்தஞ் சேதாருறுமோர் வெண்ணெயின் மாதுளத் துருப்புறு பசுங்காய்ப் போழொடுகறிகலந்து கஞ்சகாறு முறியளை இப் பைந்துணர் நெடுமாக்கொக்கினறு வடிவிதிர்த்த தகைமாண் காடியின் வகைபடப்பெறுகுவிர்."
Perumpin, ll: 297-310.
If you stop in the village of the guardians of the Vedaswho teach the bow-billed parrots the vedic tune-their dwellings which have porticoes with short posts to which sleek calves are tied, their good houses with floor besmeared with cow-dung and with images of gods installed therein, and which the domestic fowl and dog
do not defile by their presence, you will at sunset be served with what the bracelet wearing (Brahman) house-wife who has a shining forehead and whose chastity is like that of (aruntadi) the small constellation in the beautiful great northern sky, has methodically prepared out of the rice which bears a bird's name (viz., Räijännam), with chips of the green fruit of the Kommatti-matula shrub peppered and spiced with curry leaf and fried in the fresh butter obtained from the curdled milk of the red cow, and with the excellent pickle of the sliced tender fruit which the mango produces in beautiful bunches.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 53
and raised themselves in the estimation of the people as men of the highest caste. The caste system introduced by them would not have obtained a stronghold, had the brahmans not lived the life of those who were considered, on account of their habits and customs, the best in the country. The Wellala priests (kurukkals), who are the remnants of the ancient Andanar, are still strict vegetarians; in their habits they are similar to the brahmans to whom only the terms Andanar and Párpár are now applied. The fact that the vegetarians of a caste are, on account of their conservatism, considered higher than their meat-eating brethren is sufficient confirmation of the above statement. In palaces and royal households, although the general diet consisted of rice and vegetables, yet meat and drink. were not despised. The guests, were entertained according to their inclinations; food and drink were served in golden vessels. The ever-hungry poets and ministrels of the Pána tribe, who frequented the Courts of kings, were first entertained beyond satiation with large quantities of toddy and fried meat; then they were fed with white rice, vegetable curries, milk and
* நுண்பொருட பனுவலின்வழாஅப் பல்வேறடிசில் வாணிறவிசும்பிற் கோண்மீன் குழ்ந்த விளங்கதிர் ஞாயிறெள்ளுங் தோற்றத்து விளங்கு பொற்கலத்தில் விரும்புவனபேணி ."
Cirupin, ll; 240-244.
Serving different preparations of rice made strictly in accordance with the fine science of cookery, in plates of gold which in splendour excel the rising sun surrounded by bright stars in the firmament. 20


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curds. Toddy was brewed from paddy or drawn from the palmyra tree, it and meat was either fried in oil or .
* 8 மகிழ்ப்பதம் பன்னட் கழிப்பியொருநாள்
அவிழ்ப்பதங்கொள் கென்றிாப்ப முகிழ்த்தகிை
முரவை போகிய முரியா வரிசி
விாலென நிமிர்ந்த நிரலமை புழுக்கல்
பால்வறைக்கருனை காடியின் மிதப்ப
அயின்றகா?ல."
Porunar, ll: 11 - 116.
Many days having been spent in imbibing the exhilarating toddy, one day, while at the earnest request (of the king) to partake of rice, we were having well-cleaned and unbroken rice which looked like Jasmine buds, and the grains of which had become elongated like fingers and did not adhere to one another-along with a dish of vegetables fried in milk, so heartily as to fill up to our very throats.
* a * பூம்புறநெல்லடையளை இத்தேம்பட வெல்லையுமிசவு மிருமுறைகழிப்பி வல்வாய்ச்சாடியின் வழைச்சறவிளைந்த வெந்நீாரியல் விரல?ல நறுபிழி ."
Perumpán, Il: 278–281,
High flavoured wine which the fingers stir and help to strain and in the brewing of which (pounded) germinating paddy is mixed (with a porridge of rice) and allowed to remain two days and two nights in a strong-mouthed jar, in order to help fermentation,
b * பினர்ப்பெண்ணைப்பிழி .”
Pattina, l: 89. Toddy drawn from the palmyra palm of rough exterior. c. 8 இல்லடுகள்ளின் தொப்பிபருகி.”
Perumpin, l: 142. Drinking the toddy brewed at home from paddy.
a. " துளங்குதசும்புவாக்கிய பசும் பொதித்தேறல்.’
Malai, K. Il : 463, Toddy brewed from germinated paddy in pots.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 55
roasted on spits. The cultivators-who were much later called the Vellalas-lived in houses thatched with cadjans or in high mansions which had cultivated gardens and spacious flower gardens all round. Their diet consisted of well-cooked rice, vegetables and fruits. The herdsmen's houses were straw-thatched and raised on short pillars. Their doors were low and made of tats. In their yards slept
* a. கோழிற்சட்ட கோழுன்கொழுங்குறை."
Porunar, 1 : 105. Fine large pieces of fat meat roasted on iron spikes. b * கோழுன் குறைக்கொழுவல்சி."
Mad. Kafi, l: 41. Beautiful rice cooked with fatted meat. * வண்டோட்டுத்தெங்கின் வரடுமடல்வேய்ந்த மஞ்சண்முன்றின் மண8ாறுபடப்பைத் தண்டலையுழவர் தனி மனைச்சேப்பிற் முழ்கோட்பலவின் குழ்சுளைப்பெரும்பழம்
0LL0LL LSLLLLL LLLL SLS LLLLLL00LL0L LLLLLLLLS LLLLL C 0LLCL0L S LL é o 9 9 0 e s a s e a s s s s e s
குலைமுதிர்வாழைக் கூனிவெண்பழங் திாளரைப்பெண்ணை நூங்கொடுபிறவுந் தீம்பஃருரா முனையிற் சேம்பின் முளைப்புறமுதிர் கிளங்கார்குவிர் ."
Perumpin, ll: 353-356, 359-362,
If you stop in the grove-dwelling cultivators' houses thatched with the strong withered leaves of the cocoanut palm (woven into cadjans), the front yard of which is planted with turmeric and provided with a fragrant garden, and if you have no relish for the big pulpy jak fruit hanging in cluster, the ripe whitish banana the bunches of which hang down through their weight, the tender fruit of the round stemmed palmyra palm and many other sweet things, you will eat ripe yams with the leaves of the chémbu (Caladium nymphoei-folium.)


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cattle, goats and sheep. Their women, who wore their hair in graceful waves, churned butter and carried the butter-milk in pots for sale.f The men bartered ghee
88 குரம்பைச் செற்றைவாயிற் செறிகழிக் கதவிற் கற்றைவேய்ந்த கழித்தலைச்சாம்பி னதளோன் றுஞ்சுங்காப்பினுதள நெடுந்தாம்பு தொடுத்த குறுந்தறிமுன்றிற் கொடுமுகத்துருவையொடு வெள்ளைசேக்கு யிடுமுள்வேலி யெருப்படுவாைப்பு .”
Perumpin, ll: 148-154.
The hamlet where there are huts with thicket-fringed entrances, rope-made doors and cord-worked bedsteads, covered with varagu straw, and with watch and ward kept by him who sleeps on the hide of the he-goat-where in the front yard are driven short stakes to which are attached long tethering ropes-where under the fences fastened with thorny twigs lie drooping headed sheep and white goats-and where there is an abundance of dung. புலிக்குரன் மத்த மொலிப்பவாங்கி யாம்பிவான் முகிழன்ன கூம்புமுகை யுறையமை தீந்தயிர் கலக்கி நுாைதெரிந்து புகர்வாய்க்குழிசி பூஞ்சு மட்டிரீஇ நாண்மோர் மாறு நன் மாமேனிச் சிறுகுழைதியல்வருங் காதிற்பணைத்தோட் குறுநெறிக்கொண்ட கூந்தலாய் மகள் ."
Perumpán, ll: 156-162. The cow-herdess, with beautiful dark body, earlobes dangling through the weight of the ear rings, shoulders smooth like the bamboo stem and short wavy hair, who, pulling the strings of the churner which creates a sound resembling the growl of a leopard, stirring the sweet curds the creamy surface of which is marked with air globules like the white crests of the mushroom, skimming the foamy cream and setting the (butter milik) pot which has a speckled mouth on a pad of flowers on the head, sells fresh butter milk.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 157
for paddy and cattle, and amused themselves by playing on the flute. Their food consisted chiefly of tinai rice and milk. The Kuravas or hillmen lived in houses thatched with straw which had porticoes supported by large pillars. Cart wheels and ploughs were placed against the walls. Around their houses would be seen flour grinding and aval-making mill stones, sugar cane presses, paddy
See supra, chap. iv, p. 149, note ł b. t 8 மடிவாய்க்கோவலர் குடிவயிற்சேப்பி
னிருங்கிளைஞெண்டின் சிறுபார்ப்பன்ன பசுந்தினைமூால் பாலொடும் பெழகுவிர் .”
Perumpin : ll: 66-168.
If your stop in the village of herdsmen whose lips are contorted (by habitual whistling) you will receive with milk, cooked tinai grain, like unto a swarm of the tiny young of the crabs.
* பிடிக்கணத்தன்ன குதிருடைமுன்றிற்
களிற்றுத்தாள் புசையுந்திரிமாப்பந்தர்க் குறுஞ்சாட்டுருளை யொடு கலப்பைசார்த்தி நெடுஞ்சுவர் பறைந்த புகைகுள் கொட்டிற் பருவ வானத்துப் பாமழை கடுப்பக் சுருவை வேய்ந்த கவின்குடிச் சீறூர்."
Ibid, ll: 186-191.
In the hillmen's hamlets, there are beautiful habitations thatched with (varagu) straw, which in effect look like clouds outspread in the winter sky, each habitation being provided with a front yard where stand clay made granaries like unto a herd of she-elephants, with porticoes where there are grinding stones which resemble the feet of the elephant and with a smoke coloured shed of which the surrounding wall is wasted by stout cartwheels and ploughs leaning against it.


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granaries and children's push-carts. Their chief diet consisted of rice, boiled pulses and cooked fowl. The
* a * புதுவைவேய்ந்த கவிகுடின்முன்றி
லவலெறி யுலக்கைப்பாடு."
Perumpin : ll: 225-226, The sound of the pestle pounding aval rice in the front yard of the round roofed shed thatched with new straw. b, 6 ஏணியெய்தா மீணெடுமார்பின்
முகடு துமித் தடுக்கிய பழம்பல் லுணவிற் குமரிமூத்த கூடோங்கு நல்லிற் றச்சச் சிரு அர் ஈச்சப்புனைந்த ஆரா நற்றேர்.”
e Ibid, ll: 245-249. In (those) rich dwellings where large grain chests which are too high to be reached by long ladders, which contain several kinds of old paddy put in there through lidded openings on the top and which, being made of undecaving wood, have lasted long, do tower, and where
children's push carts made by young carpenters (are found).
c. 8 எந்திரஞ் சிலைக்குந்துஞ்சாக்கம்பலை விசய மடூஉம்புகை குழாலை "
Ibid, ll: 260-261. Smoke roofed sugar-houses where the juice of the sugar cane (is pressed) by ever noisy cane-mills and evaporated and crystallised into sugar. d. Kurun., v. 61.
{ a, குறுந்தாள்வாகின் குறளவிள்ச்சொன்றி
அவாைவான் புழுக்கட்டிப் பயில்வுற் றின்சுவை மூாற்பெறுகுவிர் ."
Ibid, ll: 193.—196. You will have sweet savoury food being an ad-mixture of the small boiled grains of the short-stalked varagu and of good boiled pulses. b. 66 மடியா
வினைஞர்தந்த வெண்ணெல்வல்சி மனைவழளகின் வாட்டொடும் பெறுகுவிர்."
Ibid, ll: 254-256. You will have white rice earned by industrious labourers
together with fried meat of the domestichen.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 159.
fishers lived in low huts made of jungle sticks and thatched with grass, over which pumpkin and gourd creepers Were made to grow. Their yards were strewn with nets and fish baskets. Their diet was generally rice gruel, which they drank out of cups made of palmyra leaves (pilá).f They freely indulged in toddy which they drank with burnt fish. The Védar or huntsmen lived in grass
。灘 88 வேழ நிாைத்து வெண்கோடுவிாைஇத்
தாழைமுடித்துத் தருப்பைவேய்ந்த メ குறியிறைக்குரம்பைப் பறியுடைமுன்றில்."
Perumpin, ll: 263 -265. The nest-like hut with low eaves, built with jungle posts planted promiscuously (under the rafters), with bamboo laths spread over in rows and fastened with the fibre of of the screw pine and thatched with kusa (mána) grass. .....வலைஞர் குடிவயிற் சேப்பி னவையாவரிசி யங்களித்துழவை மலர்வாய்ப்பிழாவிற் புலாவாற்றிப்
ce
s 6 Vß- «» 8 «Ağ
e a s
பெறுகுவிச்."
bid, ll: 274-283. If you stop in the hamlet of the men who work with the fishing net, you will have toddy (brewed) from the beautiful gruelly porridge of uncleaned rice, cooled in an open vessel of palmyra leaf. b * இருங்காழுலக்கை யிருப்பு முகந்தேய்த்த
வவைப்பு மாணரிசியமலைவெண்சோறு கவைத்தாளலவன் கலவையொடு." -
Cirupຕໍ່ກຸ l: 193-195 White rice well cleaned with pounders set with iron rings, cooked and served with curried crabs and vegetables. ! a *.றுேம்பிழி
தண்மீன் சூட்டொடுதளர்தலும் பெறுகுவிர்.
Perumpin, ll: 281-282. When tired, you will have flavoured toddy with half dried
fish roasted. b * பழம்படுதேறல் .....
வறற்குழற் சூட் (டொடு)."
Cirupin, ll: 159-163. Well fermented toddy with roasted tank fish.


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160 ANCIENT JAFFNA
thatched houses in which were stored bows, arrows in quivers and other weapons. Their houses were fenced round with sharp and thorny sticks and were guarded by fierce dogs attached to iron chains. Their diet consisted of red-coloured rice, beef and other kinds of meat. The flesh of the iguana was considered a delicacy.t They had a strong inclination for toddy which they often obtained in exchange for stolen cattle. : The women of
* சாபஞ்சாத்திய கணைதுஞ்சுவியனகர்
ஊகம்வேய்ந்த உயர் நிலைவரைப்பின் வரைத்தேன் புரையுங் கவைக்கடைப்புதையொடு கடுந்துடிதுளங்குங் கணக்காற் பந்தர்த் தொடர் நாயாத்ததுன்னருங் கடிநகர் வாழ்முள் வேலிச் சூழ்மிளைப்படப்பை .'
Perumpin, ll: 121 - 126. (The huntsmen's stronghold has) spacious houses where bows and arows lie about, high ramparts covered with uka grass, porticoes on round pillars on which hang quivers with arrows-the notched ends of which resemble the honeycombs found on the hills-and the tudi drum, houses unapproachably guarded by chained dogs and having a courtyard or garden surrounded by a live thorny fence and a defensive jungle. * சுவல் விளைநெல்லின் செவ்வவிழ்ச்சொன்றி
ஞமலிதந்த மனவுச் சூலுடும்பின் வறைகால் யாத்ததுவயின் முெறும்பெறுகுவீர்."
Perumpin, ll: 130-133, You will have in every house the red coloured boiled grains of rice grown in high lands, together with a dish of the red meat of the iguana big with ova like unto chank beads-which was the game of dogs. ** கேளாமன்னர் கடிபுலம்புக்கு
நாளாதந்து நறவுகொடை தொலைச்சி பில்லடுகள்ளின் முெப்பிபருகி மல்லன் மன்றத்து மதவிடைகெண்டி ."
Perumpin, ll: 140-143. Entering the guarded realms of unfriendly kings, driving their cattle in the morning, exchanging them for toddy, drinking what of home-brewed liquor (is prepared from
paddy) and goes by the name of toppi and slaughtering in the open a fat bull.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 6.
the Wédar class also used as diet a grain called grass rice which they dug up from the ground, and salted meat. Even in the present day during times of scarcity, the poor people of Delft dig up grass roots called musirai arisi and eat them boiled or roasted.
The people, to whatever class or tribe they belonged, were very hospitable and guests were entertained with honour, and respect. That hospitality was considered one of the chiefest of the virtues can be inferred from the fact that the poet Tiruvalluvar allotted one chapter of his Kural in praise of it.:
Men and women wore their hair long, applied oil and combed it smooth. Women either wore it in plaits
举 66 இரும்பு தலையாச்சதிருந்துணை விழுக்கோ லுளிவாய்ச் சுாையின் மிளிாயிண்டி யிருநிலக்காம்பைப் படுமுேடி நுண்புல்லடக்கிய வெண்பல்லெயிற்றியர் வாரு சட்டவாடூன் புழுக்கல்."
Perumpin, ll: 91-94 & 100. Grass seeds without separating the sand and stones in them. are cooked (and eaten) with salted meat by the white teethed Eyina women, who, with crow-bars having chisel-like lips and faultlessly round and strong handles begirt with iron bands on their heads, dig up ant-hills and in turning up clods of earth are be-smeared with the dust of the black-soiled Karampai (hard and sterile land) and gather grass seeds from the ant-chambers. t a * அல்லிலாயினும் விருந்துவரினுவக்கும்."
Narrinai, v. 142. She is delighted at the coming of a guest though it be at
night, b * விருந்து விருப்புறூஉம் பெருந்தோட்குறுமகள் ."
Narrinai, v. 221. My big shouldered lass who is delighted on entertaining ,
guests. Kural, chap, ix, 2.


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62
ANCIENT JAFFNA
(single or five) which they allowed to hang on their backs,
or in
tufts (konde), in the shape of a plantain bud.
a.
6 எண்ணெய் மீவிய சுரிவளர் நறுங்காழ்த்
தண்ணறுர் தகாங்கமழமண்ணி
LLLL STS L SLL 0L LL 0L LL LLL LLL YS L CS S SLLLSL LLL 0L LL L0L LLL LLLL YLLLLL LLLL 0 S SS L LL L0 LLL 0L LL LL
மணிநிறங்கொண்ட மாயிருங் குஞ்சியின் ."
Kurifici, ll: 107, 108, 10, 112. In the regularly oiled copious curly black hair redolent, of the cooling fragrant pomade applied, and of the excellent perfume of the aromatic dark core of the aloes-wood (aghil) burnt for smoke-drying the tresses. * பிடிக்கையன்ன பின்னுவீழ் சிறு புறத்துத்
தொடிக்கை மகடூஉ ."
Cirupin, ll: 191-192. The bracelet wearing woman whose plaited hair like unto the proboscis of a she-elephant, falls on her slender back. ஜேம்பாலாய் கவினேத்தி ."
Kurifici, l : f39. Praising the choice beauty of us who wear the hair in five
different modes. * ஊர்இயல், ஐம்பாலுமட்டியர் ."
Cirupiral. I : 60. Salt selling-women who move about wearing their hair in
five different modes. * ஐவகைவகுத்த கூந்தலாய்."
Aka, v. 48. You (maiden) whose hair is divided into five different
modes (plaits).
Es வாழையீன்றவை யேந்துகொழுமுகை
மெல்லியன் மகளிரோதியன்ன ."
Narrinai, v. 235. The plump and pointed bud of the flower produced by the plantain tree resembling the hair knot of a slender maiden, பெரும்பின்னிட்ட வானரைக் கூர்தலர்
தொன்முது பெண்டிர் "
Mad. Kafi, ll: 408-409.
Ripe old |odies who had their white grey hair tied behind
iri a tuft,

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 63
After a bath the hair was dried with the fragrant smoke of the aghil, which became an important article of commerce, other nations as far as Egypt and Rome, having adopted its use. Jasmine and other sweet-smelling flowers were daily tied round the hair. f Indeed
* , * தண்ணறுக் தசாங்கமழ மண்ணி
ஈயம்புலா விரலுளர்ப் பவிழாக் காழலெம்புகை கொளிஇ ."
Kuçifici, ll: 108-110. Applying the cooling fragrant pomade and separating the hair with the fingers to remove its wetness and smokedrying it with the excellent fumes of the aromatic darkcoloured core of the aloes-wood (aghil). b * அகிலுண விரித்தவம்மென் கடந்தல் .”
Cirupin, l: 263, The beautiful soft hair spread out to be fumigated by the
smoke of the aloes-wood (aghil). ta. *வியல் விசும்புகமழ
நீர்திாண்டன்ன கோதை பிறக்கிட்டு
Mad. Ka fi, ll: 561-562. Tying round the hair-knots wreaths of white flowers looking like bands, as it were, of frozen water, with the result that the expanse of heaven was redolent of their perfume. b, 8 பல்வேறுருவின் வனப்பமை கோதையெம்
மெல்லிரு முச்சிக்கவின் பெறக்கட்டி "
Kuçifici, ll: 103-104. Round our slim dark tufts of hair on the top of our heads
gracefully winding several beautiful flower-wreaths of different colours. e. " சிறுவீமுல்லைப் பெரிதுசமழலரி
தானுஞ் குடினணிளைஞரு மலேந்தனர்."
Narrinai, v. 361. (The chief) wore the fragrant jasmine flowers of minute petals; and the young men (soldiers, who acccompanied him) also wore them. d, * ஒலிபல் கூடந்தனலம் பெறப் புனைந்த
முகையவிழ் கோதை ."
Narrinai, v. Z60. Wreath of open flowers artistically worn to adorn the
well-grown hair.


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64 ANCIENT JAFFNA
flowers played an important part in the social and the religious life of the rich as well as of the poor. Flowers were offered to the gods and adorned their places of worship. Flower garlands were worn by men and women round their necks; fiowers in vases decorated their homes; different and vari-coloured flowers represented the different activities of the soldiers and also feelings of love and hatred. Even the elephants,
* 68 விரையுறுநறு மலாேந்தி."
Tirumu, l: 188. Offering good and strongly fragrant flowers. b * உருவப் பல்பூத்தூஉய்.”
Ibid, ll: 24. Strewing many red-coloured flowe. e, 6 பெருந்தண்கணவீர நறுந்தண்மாலை
துணையறவறுத்துத்தூங்க நாற்றி.”
Ibid, ll: 236–237. Cutting big fresh oleander garlands and others of gocol fresh flowers, into equal lengths, and hanging them out to swing and to present an incomparable sight. 3. 63இல்வளர் முல்லை மல்லிகை மயிலை
தாழிக்குவளை சூழ் செங்கழு சீர் பயில் பூங்கோதைப் பிணையலிற்பொலிந்து ."
Cilap. Canto, v, ll: 191— 193. Beamy with the garlands made of the flowers of homegrown mullai (Jasminum tricho-tomum), Arabian Jasmine (Jasminum Sambac) and Iruvädchi Jasmine, the water lily grown in pots and the sweet-smelling red water-lily (nymphaea ororata), of which beetles are fond. e. The following flowers were worn by soldiers :-
1. Those who successfully removed the enemy's cattle wore the wreaths of the vedchi flower (Gaul -o-ixora coccinea). . Those who recovered the cattle removed by the enemy
wore karandai (striest-ocimum basilicum). - Those who prosecuted war wore varici (aids). . The defenderswore káfici (s"é59--holoptelea integrifolia). The defenders of a fort wore nocci (Q.5 Téf-vitex
trifolia). Those who seized the enemy's fort wore ujifiai (o-sades
--lllecebrum lanatum.) The warriors wore tumbai (sthall-phlomus Indica). . The conquerors wore vágai (aireda-albizzia lebbele).
Contd.)

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 65
chariots and horses which went to war were decorated with flowers and garlands,
Sandal, black paste and kunkumam were the substances with which the forehead mark was made, and these continue to be so used to the present day. The women of 1800 years ago were no whit behind those of their sex of the present day both in the art of adorning their person as well as in the use of scents and cosmetics. Betel chewing was a comunon habit even in
f. The following flowers represent the different feelings of OVE 3-0
a. Union—vénkai (kino, pterocarpus bilobus), kuriñci (calo
phyllum inophyllum) and kántaļ (gloriosa superba).
b. Separation-kurá (webera corymbosa), mará (eugenia
racemosa).
c. Waiting-kullai (tulasi, ocymurn sanctum), mullai (Jasminum trichotomum), tónri (gloriosa superba) and pidavam.
d. Discord, -lotus, water lily (nymphoea rubra) and kuvalai
(pontedaria).
e. Commiseration—neytal (nymphoea alba), tálai (pandana
oderatissima), muņdakam (lotus) and adampam.
a.
மணங்கமழ் நாற்றங் செருவுடன் கமழ ."
Mad. Kafi, ll: 446-447.
The perfume of the scents used by the women diffusing
as far as the street. b, "நன்னெடுங் கூடந்தன.ழவிாைகுடைய
காந்தமாைப்ப நிறுஞ்சாந்து மறுக மென்னூற்கலிங்கங் கமழ் புகைமடுப்ப ."
Mad. Kafi, ll: 552–554.
To make the perfume of the fragrant ointment applied to work into the beautiful longtresses, to pulverize and prepare musk and sandalwood (for cosmetics) and to fumigate clothes of fine thread with fragrant smoke.


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166 ANCIENT JAFFNA
those early days. Arecanut in several forms, chunam and spices were added as condiments.
Men and women wore garments only from below the waist; the upper part of the body was bare, except on festive occasions when they covered themselves with transparent silks and muslins. Cloth woven from cotton yarn, dyed and undyed, in different patterns, as well as silk and wool raiments, f were in use. Cotton cloths
பலர்தொகு பிடித்ததாதுகு சுண்ணத்தர் தகைசெய் நீஞ்சேற்றின்னிர்ப் பசுங்காய் மீடுகொடியிலையினர் கோடுசுடுநூற்றினர்."
Mad. Käi, ll: 399-401.
The sellers of aromatic powder, so fine as to be easily wafted by the wind like the filaments of flowers, and the pounding of which is done by a band of experienced hands, those who sell both the sweet, moist, tender green arecanut prepared with the inspissated esence of ebony--a preparation which helps to beautify the bodyand the leaves of the long and mature betel-creeper, and the sellers of lime obtained by calcining shells.
a. * நேர்கரை
நுண்ணுரற் கலிங்கமுடீஇ .”
Puram., v. 392, ll : 14 8x 15. Ciad in cloth woven of fine thread and with border marked
straight, b. " பட்டினும் மயிரினும் பருத்திநூலிலும்
கட்டுநுண்வினைக் காருகர்."
Cilap. Canto, v, ll: 16 & 17.
Silk weavers who do exquisitely fine work (with the needle) in the manufacture of cloths out of silk thread, the hair of rats and cotton yarn.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 67
with silk borders, and muslins interwoven with pearls were not unknown. The women painted the upper part of their bodies with sandalwood paste or kunkumam; they then drew upon their persons devices of leaves an il flowers called toyil (Oasis usés), or they strewed the pollen of the véingai flower (pterocarpus bilobus) on the paste before it became dry.f Both sexes adorned their persons with
* See Supra, chap. iv, p. 134, note * f & p. 135. + 3, "திருந்திழைத் தொய்யில் வனமுலை."
Narrinai, v. 225, ll: 6-7.
The beautiful toyyil-painted (= streaked with perfumed
unguents) breasts of her who wears faultless jewels.
b. * திண்காழ்
நறுங்குறடுரிஞ்சிய பூங் கேழ்த்தேய்வை தேங்கமழ் மருதினர் கடுப்பக் கோங்கின் குவிமுகிழிளமுலைக் கொட்டி விரிமலர் வேங்கைதுண்டாதப்பி."
Tirumu., ll: 32-36.
To the young breasts like unto the globular flower-bud of the silk cotton tree (Bombax gossypinum) applying the fine coloured sandalwood paste, which is prepared by the triturition of a block of its fragrant hard core, with the result that the application appeared as it were one done with the sweet smelling flowers of the maruta tree (Terminalia alata) and strewing over this (while yet moist) the filaments of the flower of the kino tree (Pterocarpus bilobus).
c. *கரும்பும் வல்லியும் பெருங்சோளெழுதி."
Cilap. Canto ii, ill: 29.
Drawing designs of sugur canes and cret pers on the broad
shoulders (with sandal-lunguent).


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ornaments made of gold and silver, of beads, corals and chanks and of pearls and precious stones. Large quantities of beads made of glass, coral, cornelian and agate, with holes pierced for stringing, and broken pieces of glass and chank bangles found at Kantaródai and other places,f go to prove the great popularity of these trinkets among the common people. Necklaces made of gold and rings set with stones were worn by the
* a * பூங்குழை ஊசற்பொறைசால்காது.”
Porunar. l: 30. Ear-lobes swinging with the weight of the beautiful
ear-rings.
b, "நூலின் வலவா.நூணங்கரின்மா?ல
வாலொளிமுத்தமொடு பாடினிபணிய."
Ibid, ll : 161 - 162.
A gold necklet of delicate workmanship, the parts of which are not strung on a thread but linked togetherfor the dame with the lyre, to be worn with lustrous
pearls.
c. 'தமனியம்வளைஇயதாவில் விளங்கிழை ."
Mad. Kiii. 1; 704.
Glittering Jewels of unalloyed gold set with precious
stones.
d. * முன்கை வலம்புரிவளையொடு,"
Ned. Vád., 1: 142.
With bangles made of right whorled chanks on the forearm,
e, 6 கோடீரிலங்குவளை."
Kurun., vv : l l & 3 l.
Bright bracelets made by cutting chanks. , 6 செவ்விாற்கொளீஇய செங்கேழ்விளக்கம்."
Ned, Vád., l: 144.
Red coloured (coral) rings worn on fair fingers.
Någadipa, J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxvi.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 69
opulent; the breasts of princesses were profusely covered with jewellery from the throat to the waist. The earlobes were weighted with such heavy jewellery that hanging and elongated lobes were greatly esteemed as assets of beauty.f
The Tamil names kulai and todu, now applied for ear ornaments made of gold or even of precious stones, suggest the very ancient and prehistoric times when leaves and flowers were worn. The habit of small girls wearing a leaf shaped pendant made of silver or gold and of women wearing an ornament called mekalai round their waists, E is reminiscent of the times when they wore only leaves to cover their nakedness. Some of the kings of Ceylon beginning with Sanga Tissa i, were of such mixed Nāga and Tamil origin that they were called
* பொலஞ்செயப்பொலிந்த நலம்பெறு விளக்கம்,"
Mad, Kii. 1 : 719. Beautiful rings (set with stones) which are full of glitter in
being made of gold. * நெடுமீர்வார் குழைகளைக்தெனக்குறுங்கண்
வாயுறை யழுத்திய வறிது வீழ் காது.” -
Ned. Vád., Ill: 139-140. Earlobes somewhat elongated by the weight of the ear studs shedding abundant lustre, but which fit well in the small ear holes.
8 இன்னகைப்பருமம் .”
Tirumu., ll: 145-146. Girdle (mékalai) of delectable brightness. b * வண்டிருப்பன்ன பல்காழ்."
Porunar, l: 39. Girdle composed of several strings of precious stones like
unto a swarm of (diverse coloured) beetles.
22


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Lambakannas, on account of the heavy jewellcry they wore in their ears. The statue of a king, which is carved on a rock at Welligama and called by the people Kushta Rája, must be that of one of these Lambakannas, as would be seen from the elongated earlobes and the heavy ear ornaments that are made to rest on his shoulders, Just as the Tamils hail the head of a fish (d5 Tig5op -Makarakkulai) represented in their jewellery, the Nágas had the hood of a cobra represented in theirs. Among the Nagas, the symbol of the cobra was in common use as a favourite ornament. It formed the drop of an earring, the clasp of a necklace and bracelet, the decoration of a lady's belt, the support of a lamp, the royal crest, and the emblem emblazoned on the royal standard and on the soldier's scabbard. An ear ornament in the form of the hood of a cobra can be seen on the statue of Wattagámini in the rock temple at Dambulla. A similar ornament, but smaller in size called nágapadam is still worn by Tamil women along the Western coast. A head dress resembling the hood of the cobra is even now worn by the novitiates for the Upasampada ceremony, a fact which proves that the earliest Buddhist monks were recruited from among the Nagas.
Women enjoyed great freedom and liberty. Young men and women met each other freely in pleasure gardens, in groves and in the fields where the girls were engaged in guarding the crop. They fell in love and later married with the consent of the parents. This form of marriage, known among the Aryans as Gandharva
* See Tolkáppiyam, Porulatikáram: Irayanár Akapporul: Akapporul Vilakkam and other Tamil works on Akapporul.

Vattagámini from the Rock Temple at Dambulla (Insert Head enlarged) To face page 170. Photo by John & Co., Kandy.


Page 108

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION . 7
was called kalapu, and appears to have been widely adopted among the Tamils. The secret meetings of the lovers, their feelings when they became separated from each other and even the degrading and contumelious artifices adopted by disappointed lovers are vividly portrayed in most of the ancient Tamil classics. The theme of love, (akapporul), formed a part of the earliest Tamil grammars. Arjuna, the Pándava hero, met the Nāga princess, Chitrángadai, walking about in he' pleasure-garden unattended;-a circumstance which received special mention in the hands of the Aryan author of the Mahābhārata. Women received as much encouragement as men in the matter of education. Some of the best poems-mostly heroic-found scattered among the several anthologies of the third Saigam are by Tamil poetesses. The women of the Pána tribe, known as Uraliyar, used to dance in the presence of, and compose extempore verses in praise of, their munificent patrons. Ouvaiyár, the authoress of the collection of moral aphorisms, which still forms one of the subjects of instruction in every Tamil school, was a woman of the Pána tribe. Out of the 200 names of poets mentioned as those who composed the verses collected in Kuruntogai, thirty at least appear to be those of women. Perunkópendu was the wife of a reigning Pándya, Adi mantaiyár was a Chola princess, Nannágaiyár, Kuramagal Ila veyini, Míneri Túndalár and Kíran Eyittiyanár appear to be names of Women belonging to tho Nága, Kurava, Paratava and Wéda tribes respectively,
The kings, princes and chiefs were patrons of literature and music; poets and minstrels flocked to their Courts for the purpose of singing their praises and recei.


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ving presents, which included elephants and chariots." Most of the Tamil works now extant, of the period of the third Saingam, are poems composed in praise of royal and wealthy patrons. Cirupé nárrupadai one of the ten Idylls, is a work of that nature composed in praise of one Nalliyakódan, a Nága king of North Ceylon. In the anthological work, Puranániru, there are several poems sung in praise of one Kumanian a munificent Chief of Kudiraimalai.f Tamil poetry was
of three kinds, Iyal, Isai and Nádagam (Classical, and dramatic). Lyrical and dramatic poetry were to music. The tunes were called pan ( 1637) and known by different names. It is said that there
lyric sung
Were
Were
* a *து டியடியன்னதூங்கு நடைக்குழவியொடு
பிடிபுணர்வேழம் பெட்டவை கொள்கெனத் தன்னவை யளவையிற்றாத்தா."
Porunar, ll: 125-127.
Saying "you had better have male and female elephants and baby elephants of shambling gait and having legs like unto a tudi drum;" and presentingone after another whatever he had a mind to give such as chariots, raiment, jewellery, etc., according to his estimate of my wants.
b. “மால்கடல்
வளை கண்டன்ன வாலுளைப் புரவி SS0LSS S 0LS S SLLLL 0SS S LSLS S SLSS SLSS SSS SSS SSS SLLLL S SSSS SSSSLS SSSSL 5ால்குடன் பூட்டி யரித்தேர்நல்கி."
Perumpin ll: 487-490.
Presenting a golden chariot to which are attached four (black) horses with white manes, looking like chanks in
a dark blue ocean. .ே * ஆடுைேடப் புரவியுங் களிறுக்தேரும்
வாடாயாணர் நாடுமூரும்
பாடுநர்க்கருகா வா அயண்டிான்."
Puram., v. 240.
Aay Andiran who gave without stinting horses trained to war, elephants and chariots with profitable lands and
villages to poets.
† Puram., vv : 158—165.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 73
103 different pans or tunes of which 61 were in vogue during the time of Saint Sambhandar. His dévárams sung to 23 different pans, are still extant. With the introduction into Tamil land of North Indian or Aryan tunes, during the time of the later Pallavas and the Chólas, the practice of the Tamil pans began to disappear; they would have been altogether forgotten but for the Dévárams.' But the times have so changed that even dévárams, which were originally composed to the tune of Tamil pans, are now sung to north Indian or hybrid tunes. It is the duty of some Tamil musician to conserve the few remaining pure Tamil pans by setting them to music and by publishing their uotes for the edification of future generations and for the glorification of ancient Tamil music. Music was produced from stringed instruments akin to the lyre and the violin (called "Yál ') of which there were four varieties;f they were played to the accompaniment of different sized drums. For some reason, now unknown, the Yal' has disappeared. Descriptions of these instruments can
* ' ஏழே ஏழே நாலேமூன்று இயலிசையிசையியல்பாய்."
Déviram, Sambhandar's, Tirukalumalam, v. 11. To the 61 tunes (pans) of the lyrical Tamil. it a. The four kinds of stringed instruments were:-
1. Périyal (Gulfurry) of 21 strings 2. Makara Yál (uds truru) of 17 strings 3. Sakóda Yál (FGassrLuttp) of 16 strings 4. Senkótti Yál (Gará3s” lig uty) of 7 strings.
Flutes or pipes were made of bamboo, sandalwood, brass,
redwood and ebony.
b. Drums were of 30 different varieties and size and were known by different names.
For a fuller description of these musical instruments,
See Cilap. Canto, iii, pp. 81-87.


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74 ANCIENT JAFFNA
be found in some of the ancient famil Classics. " The Nágasuram or pipe now used by the Tamil musicians appears from its name to have been borrowed from the Nágas. A similar instrument, but in a less developed state is also used by the Sinhalese musicians. In the 9th century A.D., a part of Jaffna was colonised by the musical Pála tribe, but with the disappearance of their musical instrument the Yál, their music too has disappeared. The only indigenous musical instrument now available in Jaffna is the "udukku,' which can be seen in the hands of mendicant pandárams; but this too is fast vanishing through non-usage. Dancing was indulged in by the people for their own enjoyment; if there were professional dancers among the people of the Pána tribe who performed for the amusement of kings, chiefs and wealthy patrons. f Dancing was also indulged in by certain classes of people in praise and in propitiation of the deities. f The degree of perfection to which music and
* Tirumuru, ll 140-142; Porunar, ll : 5-20, 63; Cirupin, ll : 34—36; Cilap; Canto, iii, Arañgérru Káidai. ta. 18 நூண்வினை
பிழையணி அல்குல் விழவாடு மகளிர் முழங்குதிரையின் சீர்துங்கு மழுங்கன்மூதூர்
Narrinai, v. 138. The ancient village in which the noise made by dancing women wearing gold girdles of delicate workmanship, is like unto the sound of dashing billows. b, 88 முழவிமுழு மகலாங் கண்
விழவுகின்ற வியன் மறுகிற் துணங்கை யந்தமூஉவின்."
Mad. Kiri, ll: 327-529. The extensive village which has broad streets resonant with the music of drums through constant performance of festivals, in which are performed dances known by the names of Tunankai and Kuravai. Contd.J

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 175
dancing had attained during the early centuries of the Christian era can easily be inferred from a careful perusal of the Tamil Epic, Cilappadikáram, and of its commentary.
How far the people of Ceylon had, in the early centuries of the Christian era, advanced in the allied sciences of Astronomy and Astrology can be gauged from the fact that the sciences have made no progress since. This knowledge was confined to a class of people called astrologers and the development of the science has long been stationary for want of munificent patrons. The astrologers in those days cast their own calendars marking the auspicious times for the benefit of their patrons who consulted them as Qccasion deananded; no work of any kind was commenced or a journey started except at an auspicious moment. These calendars are now computed by a few, printed and sold; the village astrologer has therefore lost his custom. But horoscopists still flourish and the number of persons who pin their faith on horoscopes increases with the prosperity of the country. There were in use appliances and devices to measure time. A naligai vattil, a cup which sank in water exactly in a naigai (24 minutes) was in common use among the
c. 8" என்றியாங்
கோத்தகுரவை யுளேத்திய தெய்வ5 மாத்தலைப்பட்டதுயர் தீர்க்க ,"
Cilap. Canto, xvii, p. 40 l. Let the god, whom we worshipped by thus dancing the
Kuravai dance, remove all ills from our cattle.
(For a description of dancing in ancient times and for the
names of the many dances, see Cilap, pp. 63-8.)


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medical practitioners." The ordinary people computed time by the length of the shadows. In cities and palaces men were engaged to proclaim the hours of day and
night.t
What was the earliest language spoken by the people of Ceylon? A language is invariably known from the name of the country in which it is spoken or from the name of the people who inhabit it, and thus a knowledge of the country is necessarily, indispensable to form a conception of its language. However, there are exceptions to this rule, as there are certain instances where a country and its people are primarily known by the language, and there are some languages which have no connection at all with the names of the people who speak
உ. கிேன் குறுமீர்க்கன்னலினைத் தென்றிசைப்ப."
Mullai., 1, 58. Telling the hour by means of horological cups kept in
cauldrons of water. 88 காலமறிவுற்றுணர்தல் கன்னலளவல்லால்
மா?லபகலுற்றதென வோர்வரிது மாதோ ."
Kamban, Kärkálapadlalam, v. 63.
(The day was so dark that) it was impossible to distinguish morning from evening, except with the aid of horological cups (used for measuring time.)
* குறுநீர்க்கன்ன லெண்ணு5ர்.
Akam. v. 43. Those who count hours by horological cups. 1, 8 கோமகன்கோயிற்குறு நீர்க்கன்னலின்
யாமங்கொள்பவர்.”
Mani, Canto, vii. ll: 64-65.
Those who proclaim the hours in the palace of the king,
by measuring time with cups in water.
с. " பொழுதளந்தறியும் பொய்யாமாக்கள்."
Mullai., la 55.
Those who correctly compute the time by the sun.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 77
them or of their countries. The name Lanká, applied to Ceylon, had Lot the remotest connection with its people or with the language spoken by them. The name flam which was also given to Ceylon, has some affinity with its earlier language Elu. The Island murt have been called ilam because Elu was spoken there; or perhaps the language was called Elu because it was spoken in flam. The name illam was undoubtedly given to Ceylon by the Tamils, her neighbours. Was it because Elu was spoken there or was it because Ceylon was famous for the production of gold and toddy, which in Tamil are synonyms for lau? Elu was the language of the common people and therefore the name “flam' must have been given to Ceylon by the Indians. As Ceylon afterwards became famous for its gold and its toddy, the word “flam' later became a Tamil word (an gyo, Guui) to designate gold or toddy metonymically, flam has no root in the Tamil language which can mean either gold or toddy. Elu was only a spoken dialect and had not reached a state of development sufficient to produce any literature in that language. Tamil was, therefore, the Court language. The poets, kings and pandits cultivated it for literary purposes. Tamil continued to be the Court language of Ceylon kings for several centuries. Even after the adoption of Sinhalese in Court, Tamil was not despised as Tamil poets and pandits often flocked to the court of a learned Sinhalese king. It appears that Sarajóti Málai, a Tamil work on astrology received the imprimatur of a Sinhalese king even so late as the time of Pandita Parákrama Báhu IV. The Nága kings, as well as the Nága people appear to have excelled in Tamil literature. One Mudi
Nágaráyar of Murificiyir (perhaps a place engulfed by
23


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the sea) was a poet of the Second Tamil Sañgam established at Kavādapuram and lived during the time of the Mahābhārata War. Several Nága poets graced the third Sangam, and the excellent Tamil verses composed by them are still extalit, and may be found scattered among the anthologies of the poems of the period. One Padan Dévan of slam enjoys the honour of having some of his compositions included in the anthologies.h Cirupanárrupadai was composed by a poet called Nattattanár in praise of the Nága king, Nalliyakódan of Mántai (Mátota), who was also known as Öymán Nalliyakódan. :
Elu, in its imperfect state, could not stand the onslaught of Tamil, Pali and Sanskrit. The first of these languages was introduced into Ceylon at various times by invaders and immigrants. The latter two came in through the introduction of Buddhism. Wijaya and his followers could not have introduced into the Island a new language and imposed it upon the people. They and their descendants would have adopted the language previously spoken in the Island. There would have been an amalgamation of the original language with Tamil and the language of the few Kaliiga immigrants who arrived in the Island, by the time Buddhism was introduced.
The following are some of the Naga poets, whose names are mentioned as the authors of several poems included in the anthological collections:-
1. Attan ven Någanår. 2. Vei Någanár, the goldsmith. 3. Patan la Nãganir, and 4. Marudan lla Naganár, all of Madura, 5. Nan Náganár of Vrichiyúr, 6. Nãganảr of Vellaikudi, 7. Timmati Nagan and 8, Pon Nigan, + Kurun: v. 348; Akam vv, 88 and 337.
a Oymán (stilorer) is the shortened form of Oviyar man (esuilder), the king of the Oviyar.



Page 113
An Upasampada Candidate To face page 179.) Photo by John & Co., Kandy.
 

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 79
Upon the introduction of copious Pali and Sanskrit works, a new language came into existence, with a ground work of Elu and Tamil and a superstructure of Pali and Sanskrit. Pali and Sanskrit were dead languages; they, therefore, could not furnish the foundation of a living language, but were only instrumental in furnishing a voluminous vocabulary to the new language. In a similar manner were formed Malayalam and Telugu ; from their copious vocabulary of Sanskritic words it is now almost impossible to trace their origin to Dravidian dialects. While the process of forming the Sinhalese nation was going on by the continual mixture of the Yakkhas, the Nágas, the Tamils and the Kaliigas, the Sinhalese language tuo was growing and expanding. That the earliest Sinhalese and the earliest converts to Buddhism were the Nágas can be seen from the dress worn even at the present day by a candidate for the Upasampada
ceremony. Although several centuries have passed since
the introduction of Buddhism to Ceylon, yet the dress worn by the ancient Nágas is still continued to be worn at the ordination ceremony, thus proving, as if from
within, the nationality of the persons who first became Buddhist Monks. The Sinhalese language, which was in an infantile stage in the 3rd century B.C., as will be seen from the undeveloped phraseology used in the Cave inscriptions of that period, took about 1500 years to reach that degree of development which is necessary for the composition of literary works in that language, for the first work was composed in the reign of Liflávati. Thus it will be seen that the mixed population from PointPedro to Dondra Head known by the name of Sinhalam, with the exception of those living in the maritime


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districts must have, during the early centuries of the Christian Era, spoken one language. This proposition is further supported by most of the place names in Jaffna. which have an Elu or semi-Sinhalese origin. They became divided only when the Wannias came in and intervened between them. From that time the people in the North became estranged from their brethren in the Centre and the South and progressed altogether on Tamil lines, whereas the Sinhalese grew into a new nation absorbing into themselves even the millions of pure Tamils who remained in Central and Southern Ceylon after the Chóla power had declined, -a process which can be witnessed even today in the Western coast. The difference must have become accentuated after the downfall of Buddhism in Southern India, and after a large number of new Tamil colonists began to settle down in North Ceylon, for we find that even from the 10th to the l5th century A.D, the Sinhalese element was so strong in the North that there were constant troubles between the Sinhalese and the Tamils in Jaffna.f. It was about that period that the Tamils in the North began to grow so powerful as to challenge the right of the Sinhalese for dominion over the whole Island.
It is supposed that there are no writings extant in India earlier than the Aska inscriptions and none in Ceylon earlier than the Cave' inscriptions aid that the people of India and Ceylon were not acquainted with writing of any nature, because they did not leave any rock inscriptiolis behind. The argument is also often advanced that the Indians were ignorant of painting and
Place Names.
t Y. V. M. pp: 13, 19, 25, 8x 33.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 181
sculpture before the Greek invasions, because examples of such painting or sculpture are not now extant. Negative evidence such as the absence of rock inscriptions, prove little or nothing.
Tolkāppiyam, one of the earliest Tamil grammars which is considered by learned authorities to be anterior to Pánini's Sanskrit grammar, contains a chapter on letters and their forms. The sound form (olivadivu) and the written form (varivadivu) are treated in that chapter." This grammar is said to have been composed about the end of the first Sangam or at the beginning of the second, and was the authority specially followed by the poets of the second and the third Saigams. The first Sangam was at Southern Madurai, the earliest capital of the Pándyas, which was destroyed by the sea about 2400 years before Christ. f There is not the slightest doubt that writing was in vogue in India and Ceylon for centuries before the advent of Vijaya to Ceylon, but as that writing was committed to palm-leaves they were not preserved for any length of time. That is how the Tamil works of the first and second Sangams have been altogether lost.: This is not in the least surprising when
攀 Tolkáppiyam, Eluttu adikáram. See supra, chap: i, p: 42. "எாணமுருவம் யோகமிசைகணக்கிரதஞ்சாலர் தாாணமறமே சந்தங் தம்பரீர் நிலமுலோக மாரணம் பொருளென்றின்ன மானநூல்யாவும்வாரி வாாணங்கொண்டதந்தோவழி வழிப்பெயருமாள." பழங்கவி Treatises on logic, painting and sculpture, yoga (philosophy), music, mathematics, alchemy, magic, architecture, virtue, poetry, overcoming the nature of the elements, water, soils, metals, (causing of) death, (acquiring of) wealth and many other subjects have been, alas swept away and swallowed up by the sea, so completely that even their very traditional names have disappeared.


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we consider that some of the works that were extant in the 13th and 14th centuries are not now forthcoming. The Nágas who were living in Ceylon must also have committed their language to writing, but the absence of any of their ancient inscriptions does not at all prove that writing was unknown to them. Their language, as well as that of their neighbours the Yakkhas, was Elu, a Dravidian dialect intermixed with Tamil introduced by the Tamilian settlers from South India. The earliest characters known to us as used by them are those found in the Tónigala and other similar inscriptions. Mr. Parker discovered similar characters on pottery unearthed from the ruins of Tissamaharama and on bricks used in the building of the Mahárama and Yattala dagobas which were erected by Mahá Nága about 240 B.C. Some of them were written with the finger, a few traced with a pointed stick and several others were deeply and beautifully stamped in intaglio with excellent dies apparently made of hard wood. “Writing" says Mr. Parker “must have been long practised before the idea of cutting dies with which to print the letters was originated." These characters written by low caste potters and brick makers are clear indications of the spread of education in those early days; for, knowing as we now do how few of the castes are even able to read and write now-a-days, those inscrihed bricks and pottery speak volumes of the knowledge attained by the people.f How far the ancient Nágas had advanced in the art of writing may be surmised from the fact that the Aryans borrowed their characters from the Nágas and called them Déva Nágari,
* J. C. B. R. A. S. vol: viii, No. 27, p. 169.
libid.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 183
and their advancement in civilization is shown by the word nágarika' (state of the Nágas) used by the Aryans as well as the Tamils for the word Civilization.'
The art of painting and sculpture was not foreign to the Nāgas. The Tamil word Oviyam used for a figure painted or sculptured, appears to have been derived from the word Oviyar, the tribe of Nagas who were living in North Ceylon. Similarly the word kalingam came to be used in Tamil for cloth as the Kaliigas were the first to introduce a certain quality of cloth into the Tamil country. The work of the Oviyar would naturally have been called Oviyam. The following narrative fully proves how advanced in painting and sculpture the Óviyar artisans living at Mántai (Mátota) in the 2nd century A.D. were. Kumanan was a Tamil chieftain ruling at the town of Kudiraimalai (Acá Nagaram), He was a great patron of learning, as many other Tamil chieftains were in South India during the period, and poets and minstrels flocked to his court. He (Kumanan) was deposed by his ambitious brother, and to save his life on which a prize was placed by the usurper, he was hiding in a jungle, A poet named Peruntalai Cátanár met Kumanan in his retreat and begged for aid describing his state of extreme poverty. Kumanan pleaded that he was himself not above want when the poet replied in verse “are you so extremely poor as not to be able to release me from the clutches of poverty? Rivers may run dry but do they not possess sufficient moisture as to relieve thirst "f
* Purám, vv: 158—165. t "ஆறுபெருக்கற்றருந்திடர் தான் பட்டாலும்
ஊறலமையாதோ வுலகாற்றத்-தேதின்
வறியையே யானுலும் வன் கலியை மாற்றச்
சிறியையோ சீர்க்கு மணுசெப்பு.”


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Kumanan was, however, equal to the occasion and handed over his sword, (like Sri Saiga B6 of later times), to the needy poet and requested him to cut off his head and earn the reward set on it by his brother. The poet refused to do such a dastardly act, but went to a sculptor of Mántai (Mátota), who made a head resembling that of Kumanan which, on its production, so deceived the usurper that he began to lament the fate of his elder brother. The poet, finding that the usurper had relented, pretended to bring Kumanan back to life and reconciled the brothers." This shows us that in those early days there lived artists at Mátota who could carve and paint a head in so lifelike a manner as to deceive even the eyes of a brother. It was these royal artisans of Mántai who later developed into the great Sinhalese artists and sculptors, whose handiwork can still be seen at Sigiriya, Galvihára, Dambulla, Degaldoruwa and Lanka tillaka. Unlike the present-day artists whose decorative art has deteriorated and declined by the contamination of Western ideas-as will be seen from a study of the mural paintings at the Welligama and Dikwella viháras in the Southern Province-the art of the early artisans improved by the introduction of the Dravidian, North Indian and Roman art. The Sinhalese art was therefore of a composite nature without, however, losing its own individual characteristic. Dr. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, who made a special study of Ceylon art, therefore said : " “ Si fihalese decorative art is thus in a sense both freer and wider than that of Northern India in later times, gentler, less grotesque and more akin to Medieval European than Dravidian art of Southern
* See supra, chap: i, p. 21, note "; p, 25, note

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 85
India'. The walls of temples and palaces were decorated with paintings delineating stories from the Epics or from the Jataka Tales.f
Hinduism was the religion of the people before Buddhism was introduced during the time of Dévánampiya Tissa, and Siva was the chief deity as will be seen from the temples at Munnésvaram, Rámésvaram, TiruKétisvaram, Kónésvaram and Nakulésvaram -temples which came into existence centuries before the advent of Vijaya. According to the Rámáyana, Rāma, during his invasion of Lahká worshipped at the temple at Munnésvaram. The Rámáyana, in spite of its attempt to describe the ancient Yakkhas as devils and demons, does not fail to paint in glorious colours the religious devotion of Rávana, their king. He is said to have been a devotee of Siva and to have sung his praises to the accompaniment of music in which he was an accomplished artist. It is also said that he worshipped at Kónésvaram and performed the last rites of obsequy to his mother at the hot springs of Kanniya. From its name of Munnésvaram, this temple appears to have been the first of its kind and the other isvarams were of a later origin. The earliest one in Jaffna was Nakulésvaram close to the sacred waters of Nakulam, visited by Arjuna. When Vijaya landed in Ceylon in the fifth century B.C., there were
* Med : Siñh : Art, p : 254.
a. "வேறுபட்ட வினை ஒவத்துவெண் கோயில்.”
Pațțifia, ll. 49-50. White walled temples with a variety of paintings on them. b, " புனை சுவர்ப்பாவையன்ன." -
Narrinai, V. 252, ll: 6 &k 7.
Like unto a figure beautifully painted on wall.
24


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186 ANCIENT JAFFNA
several Saiva shrines in the Island, and Vijaya himself added to their number. “In the East he erected Konésarkóyil at Thampala-Kámam; in the west he re-built Tiruk
kétich-churan-kóyil which had long been then in ruins; in the south he raised Santhira-sekaran-koyil' (later known as Nága-risa-nila temple) at Dévi Nuvara or Dondra," and on the north he constructed Thiruth-thambalésuran-koyil at Thiruthampálai at the foot of Kirimalai." He also re-built the temple at Kataragama, but the author of Yalpána Vaipava Málai mistook the trádition and stated that he built the Kadira Andavar kóyil near Kiri malai. Kónésvaram at Trincomalie was rebuilt and enlarged by Kulakóttan, an Indian prince, in the fifth century A.D.t
During the early centuries of the Christian era and for centuries before Christ, Gods, representing the five different sections of land, were worshipped as protectors of the countries in which they were respectively worshipped. The forest country was under the special protection of Máyón, who was later equated with Vishnu and Krishna; the hill country under that of Murugan or Kumáravé, the arable lands under that of Indra, the coast territories under Varuna and the desert land under the goddess Korpavai who was later equated with Durga.: Siva, the three eyed deity, was the supreme god of all. Indra and Varuna appear to be Aryan introductions, and it is not now possible to discover by what names the gods worshipped in those tracts were previously known, as the
* Y. V. M, p: 3.
t Ibid. p: 6.
Akapporuļ. Stras: 20-24.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 87
literature earlier than Tolkāppiyam is lost. There were temples in South India dedicated to Báladéva too, but the worship of Indra, Varuna and Báladéva, the Aryan deities, was never popular, and there are now no temples for their worship. It is not now known whether Siva was at any time considered a protector of any special tract of country. Except that of Indra and Báladeva the worship of the other gods was popular in Ceylon. The oldest temples in Jaffna, dedicated to Râmâ and Krishna, were at Vallipuram and Punnilai respectively, and they are mentioned in the Kokila Sandésa. Lakshmana, the brother of Rámá, and-curiously-not Rámá himself appears to have been worshipped in the Sinhalese districts under the name of Saman Deviyo.
In addition to the worship of the Hindu gods, demonology too was practised to a very great extent by -all classes of people. Although Buddhism became the prevailing religion of the Island in the third century B.C., it did not at any time prevent the people from worshipping some of the Hindu gods and other local deities or from practising demonology. The God of Kataragama, who was known by the name of Vélaņi, Murugan, Kandan, Kumaran and several other names, was the most popular God. Every village had a shrine consecrated to him, and annual festivals were conducted in his honour when acts of high religious fervour were displayed. The priest or the Kapua became possessed of the god and predicted either good or evil for the following year. After offering sacrifices of boiled rice mixed with the blood of animals, generally of goats, the Worshippers indulged in a dance
* Kok San: v.252-253.


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called kuravai kattu. The worship of Pattini was introduced by Gaja Báhu in the second century A.D., and her worship too became as popular as that of Murugan. There are many temples in Jaffna consecrated to Pattini (Kaņņakai).
The anger of certain demons who were supposed to be the cause of misfortune, diseases and pestilence made the people engage themselves in their propitiation; and ceremonies necessary to please the demons were conducted in every household. The names of some of the demons suggest their having come into existence and vogue both before and after the introduction of Buddhism. Most of
* e. "மத வலி நிலைஇய மாத்தாட் கொழுவிடைக்
குருதியொடு விாைஇய தூவெள்ளரிசி சில்பலிச்செய்து."
Tirumu, ll: 232-234. Offering pure white rice mixed with the blood of a fathe
goat of strong and sinewy limbs, b. "நெடுவே
ளணங்குறுமகளிாாடுகளங்கடுப்ப."
Kurifici : ll, 174-75. Like the jerking of blood in the field of sacrifice where goats are decapitated in the ceremonies of exorcisms performed to cure women possessed by the spirit of Murugan. ,ே "கணங்கெழுகடவுட் குயர்பலிதூஉய்ப்
பாவினம்."
Narrimai, v. 358. We worshipped the god attended by dependant celestials
by offering great sacrifices. d. "குன்றகச் சிறுகுடிக்கிளையுடன் மகிழ்ந்து
தொண்டகச்சிறு பறைக்குரவையயா."
Tirumu, İl 196-197. Those who live in the small hamlet on the hill side and their relatives clasping each other's hand with joy and dancing the 'Kuravai' dance to the music of the "tondaka' drum,

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 89
them being local names, this proves their indigenous origin rather than their alien introduction. Dandris de Silva Gunaratne Mudaliyár, in his "Demonology and Witchcraft in Ceylon,” says "Many fresh additions were made to demonism, both in the number of demons, and especially in the introduction of a large number of charms or spel', recited at every demon ceremony now ; so much, indees, does this appear to have been the case that more than seven-eighths of the charms, belonging to Sinhalese necromancy, are in the Tamil language, a circumstance which has led many to believe, that demonism is altogether an importation from the continent.'
The Tamil charms and incantations are chiefly used in Haniyam and Billi ceremonies, in the exorcism of devils and afijanam eliya or clairvoyance-branches of the black art-to which the Sinhalese are indebted to the Tamils, and which appear to have been introduced into Ceylon in very early times. But the Bali ceremonies, which seem to have no analogy in the Tamil land are altogether indigenous. The equation of the word Yakkha' with 'devil' or "demon was due to the extensive practice. of demonology which existed among the ancient Yakkhas,
With the introduction of Buddhism Jaffna, rose into eminence and importance as a place of Buddhist pilgrimage, for it attracted a large number of pilgrims from all parts of the Buddhist world on account of the exist ence of the shrine of the gem set seat-which is referred to in the Manimékalai as one worthy of disclosing to the worshipper his or her previous births-and of the impres
* J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. iv, no.13, p : 1-1 17.


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190 ANCIENT. JAFFNA
sions of the feet of Buddha. Fa Hien, the Chinese pilgrim who visited Ceylon in the year.4.13 A.D., remarks briefly “By the strength of his divine foot he (Foe, i.e., Buddha) left the print of one of his feet to the north of the royal city (Anuradhapura) and the print of the other on the summit of a mountain.'" Of these two foot prints the one on the 'mountain was no doubt the same as the one on Adam's Peak; but the other was the one in Jaffna, (referred to in Manimékalai as an object of pilgrim worship), the site of which is still called Tiruvadi Nilai (position of the sacred feet) at the beach near Chulipuram.f The place where the shrine was is now covered by the sea, but the villagers assure that the foot prints can still he seen on a rock in the sea in a fathom of water some distance away from the shore. A large number of Buddhist viháras and dágobas arose not only in the Peninsula but also in the adjacent islands, and Kantaródai on account of its importance as the place of Buddha's second advent to Lafiká and as the capital of the North, received special marks of royal favour, as is evidenced by the number of Buddhist remains that are found scattered over the village.
In the early days when Buddhism flourished in North Ceylon, the outlying islands of the coast of Jaffna contained important monasteries and viháras. The Mahávansa-Tika, while commenting on the story of Sáli Kumáraya, the son of Dutugámini, and his romantic love towards a Chandala woman says that they were husband and wife in a previous existence and when they desired to
* J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. v., p: 63. † Nágadipa. : J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxvi.

ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 19
feed eight prominent theras with the flesh of a pig which
they had prepared, it was the thera Dhammadinna of Piyahgudipa who divined the wish and went to the village
with some of his companions. Piyangudipa was the
present Puingudutíve and was called Puvaňgu divina in
the Sinhalese Nampota. It is said in the Abitta Jataka
(Buddha's Birth Stories) that the brahmin sage Akitta
(Agastya P), desiring isolation, went from Benares to
Kavéripattinam and then flew over to the island of Kára
set over the island of the Nágas. He dwelt in a rock cell
in this island of Káradipa and subsisted on the leaves of the Kára shrub (wehera tetrandra) which he used to boil
and eat without salt or spices.f This island of Káradipa
set over against the island of the Nágas (Nágadipa) was Kárativu or Kárainagar lying to the west of Jaffna the ancient Nágadipa. These islands, which are mentioned
in the ancient books, must assuredly have been well
known, enjoying fame as places of Buddhist worship.
Since the downfall of Buddhism in India-mainly
through the aggressive influence of the Saiva SaintsSambandar, Appar and Sundarar, the Déváram hymners, and Mánikkavásagar-in whose time it is alleged that the
Buddhist monks who went from Ceylon were defeated in
a controversy with him-Hinduism began to gain ground
in Ceylon. Although the prevailing religion was Buddhism, yet the worship of Hindu gods was practically
admitted in Buddhist temples, and when the rule of the
Kaliiga kings became predominant in the North,
Hinduism once again became the prevailing religion
there.
Dip: and Mah: p. 37. † Contributions, p, 49,


Page 120
CHAPTER V
Foreign Trade and Intercourse-C Continued)
dom of Jaffna, and the important part it played
between the ninth and the fourteenth centuries, can be gathered from the writings of early Muhammedan travellers and from medieval European writers. These works, which are only found in the British Museum or in continental libraries, have been consulted in the original by writers like Col. Yule and others, and the conclusions given here are based solely on quotations given by them. Sir Emerson Tennent, who drew largely from those works, has given us only his conclusions; unfortunately he has overlooked those passages which indicate conclusively the identity and location of the Northern Kingdom.
& GREAT deal of information regarding the King
The Arabian traders-not merely did they preserve the Greek traditions but they also made considerable additions to them by personal study and travel. Men like Suleyman (851 A.D.), Abu Zaid (916 A.D.), Mas’udi (956 A.D.), El Edirisi (11th century) and El Kazwani (1275 A.D.) who have left records of their travels, had a fuller and more adequate conception of India and Ceylon than any Christian writer before the fifteenth century.
The Accounts of India and China' by the two Muhammedan travellers Suleyman and Abu Zaid* are
* The first part of this book was written in 851 and the second part in 916 A.D. (See Cathay and the Way Thither, p: cii),

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 193
among the earliest and the most descriptive. According to them, the Island of Ceylon was then subject to two kings, one of whoun-presumably the king of Jaffna,-was ruling over an Island called “Zapage' or "Zabage,' a name which was employed to include some other Islands dependent on the principal one.f. We are also informed by the same writers that the Province of Zapage' is opposite to China, and a month's sail distant therefrom by sea, or less if the wind be tair. The king of this country was
called Mehrage, and "they say it is 900 leagues in circumference and that this king is master of many Islands which lie round about. Among those Islands there is one called Serbeza which is said to be 400 leagues in circuit, and that also of Rahmi.' The same writer informs us in another place that, among the Islands of the sea of Harkend towards Serendib, one ' is called Ramni and is under several Princes, being 800 or 900 leagues in dimension." “In this Kingdom,' it is continued, "is the Island of Cala which is in the mid-passage between China and the country of the Arabs. This Island, they say, is four score leagues in circumference, and hither they bring all sorts of merchandise, wood aloes of several sorts, camphor, sandal wood, ivory, the lead called cabahi, ebony, red wood, every kind of spice and many other things too tedious to enumerate. At present the commerce is most usually carried on from Oman to this Island and from this Island to Oman.”
* Tennent. vol. i, pt. v. chap. ii, p. 584. t Nights, Vol : iii note 12 of chap. xx.
Ibid 啊 bid
25


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Mas'udi, in his "Meadows of Gold,” written in the 10th century A.D., says that "the Maharaja of Zabedi or king of the isles possessed Zanig, Kalah, Sarendib and other Islands lying opposite to the Kingdom of Komara." He mentions Zabedi as one of the countries he visited and adds that the Kingdom of Rahma extends both inland and Οη Sea.f
Col. Yule identifies the Island of Rahmi or Ramni as Sumatra and Cala or Kalah-bar (called elsewhere a dependence of Zabaj), as some part of Malacca, perhaps Kadah, commonly spelt Queddah, Zabaj, representing some great monarchy then existing on the Malay Island, probably in Java, the king of which was known to the Arabs by the findu title of Maharaj.
An Officer of the Ceylon Rifles, in his book on “Ceylon,” discusses at length the location of Kalah, but leaves the question in as nebulous a state as the previous Writers on the subject, although he disagrees with the identification of Sir E. Tennent and seems to uphold the views of Col. Yule. The Island of Rahmi or Ramni or Rahma in the sea of Harkend, a name applied by the Arabs to a portion of the Arabian Sea and of the Bay of Bengal, “towards Serendeeb" (Ceylon) must be the Island of Rámésvaram (cf. Rahmancor of the Portuguese). And
* “ Haec terra regno Mahraj regis insularum, quae sunt Zanig Kalah Taprobana et aliæ, opposita jacet regnum igitur Kumarense.” Mas’udi in Gild : Scrip : Arab : p. 150, quoted by Rifles, Vol. i, p. 225, note. vn
† Cathay, Intro: p. cx, §. 83.
ibid p. ciii, $ 79.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 195
this Island, being one of the many over which the Mehrage (Maharája) of Zapage was master, Zapage must have been Yá pánam or Yálpánam. The incredible exaggerations as to their size and dimensions, a common failing of all travellers of that age, appear to have led Col. Yule to think that they referred to the Islands of the Malay Archipelago. For obvious reasons, all students of such writers as these would agree that their impressions as to the distances, the measurements and the relative sizes of countries and their natural features cannot be accepted as accurate or made the sole, or even the main, basis of conclusions regarding the location or identification of countries. The Island being under several princes, such as those of Rámi svaram and Mátota, discloses the fact that the petty chiefs under the Maharaja arrogated to themselves kingly powers in different parts of the kingdom. As Cala was said to be one of the Islands in the same kingdom, and in the mid-passage between China and the country of the Arabs, it must have been an important harbour and port of distribution and should be sought for in the Kingdom of Jaffna. The description of the commercial articles brought to this port is similar to the one given by Cosmas four or five centuries earlier, clearly showing that this port served as an emporium of exchange for the merchants of the East and the West. Cala, which was also known as Kalah and as Kalah-bar, represented Kalam, now called Kala Bhimi, a part of the Island of Káraitive opposite to the port of Kayts. The place must have received its appellation Kala Bhumi' (land of ships) after the advent of the Kalinga kings to J affna as names ending in “bhami were peculiar to the Kalinga country; and there are, in that land, towns called Singhbhum,


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196 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Manbhum, etc., to the present day. Kalabhimi was shortened to Kalah or Calah by foreign merchants and was later changed to Kalabhami. The harbour was also variously called Koillam, Coulam and Coulon by later European writers and it can be safely conjectured to be a corruption of Kólam, a shortened form of Kóvalam, which is the point on the North-Western corner of the Island of Káraitive, where the light house stands at present right opposite to the Port of Kayts. The three points on the Northern Coast of Jaffna are called Kóvaļam, Jambu Kóvaļam and Kal Kóvaļam respectively. The Arabian, Persian, Indian and Chinese ships sought this safe anchorage after trade with Rome had declined and after the Eastern entrance to the Elephant Pass lagoon had become blocked up by a sand bank. The mound of ruins lying at Kalabhami, close to the shore, may, if investigated disclose proof of the period of its commercial greatness.
El Edirisi, another Arab traveller of the 11th century, describes this Island of Cala in the same manner as the authors of The Accounts of India and China, and adds that in the neighbourhood of this Island are situated those of Jabeh, Selahit and Heraj; each about two leagues from the others; he further states that they all obey the same king named Jabeh. Here, we are told, the Arabs, on their voyage to China, took in water; then they entered the sea of El-Harkend and, having sailed across it, they touched at Lajabulus or Najabulus.
As Lajabulus (or Najabulus) has been identified by Col: Yule as the Nicobars, there is no room to doubt
* Nights, vol. iii, note 12 of chap. xx.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 197
that Jabeh was the Island of Yálpánam, close to the Island of Káraitive, on which was Cala, or Kalam, where the Arab navigators took in water before proceeding to the Bay of Bengal. It is also noticeable that the king was also called Jabeh, after the Island over which he ruled, from the fact that the land was named after Yalpánan, the minstrel to whom it was given as a gift. Selahit was probably Eluvaitive and Heraj must have stood for Karamban, the Tamil name of the Island of Kayts, or Saravanai.
Many a European writer was led astray in the identification of these places by taking for truth the exaggerated accounts of the size of these Islands as given by the Muhammedan writers. Although Renaudot placed the kingdom of Zapage near the point of Malabar, Langles, Col.: Yule and others thcught that it was extremely improbable, and conjectured that either Borneo or Sumatara was the Island referred to. But Sir E. Tennent, having persuaded himself that Cala was Pt. de Galle, thought that there was a Kingdom in the South of Ceylon under a Maharájáh whose sway extended as far as the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and Borneo.f The Muhammedan writers themselves were to some extent responsible for this confusion, for it is clear from the vagueness of their accounts that their knowledge of the countries from India to China was not only meagre but also wanting even in a correct conception of relative magnitudes. Their works consisting largely of notes of their own experiences and also of information collected from other
* Cathay, lintro. p. ciii, $ 79. t Tennent, vol. i. p. 589.


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198 ANCIENT JAFFNA
travellers, naturally produced a confusion of place names, and a mingling of the, commercial products of the various countries was only to be expected.
It is said, in the Garshasp Namah, a Persian poem written in the tenth or the eleventh century A. D. by one Asedi, that Zobak-or Dhobak-a king of Persia, (alleged to have been a contemporary of Solomon, but he was in fact a Monarch of the tenth century) sent his general, Garshasp, with a numerous fleet and an army to help a Maharájah of India, in order to chastise a rebellious prince on whom he (the Maharájah) had bestowed the government of Ceylon. "Hasten to India," said the Persian Monarch to his General, " and avenge his (the Maharájah’s) wrongs on the Shah of Serendib, the king of Ceylon. Seize Bahu, drag him thence in bonds to the court of the Maharájah and there let him be hanged.' Garshasp landed at Kalah, so it is alleged, attacked l6,000 war elephants and two million soldiers, whom Bahu had assembled at a distance of two days march from Kalah, and inflicted a severe defeat on Báhu. Whatever might have been the actual cause of this expedition, it appears that Zobak, a king of Persia of the tenth century, sent a fleet to punish one Báhu, a king of Ceylon, for some insult real or imaginary offered by him either to the king of Persia or to an Indian king who was a friend and ally of the Persian Monarch. During that period there was no king of Ceylon with a name ending in Báhu, and the king referred to must therefore have been One of the kings of the Kalinga dynasty holding sway over Jaffna; moreover the Kaliiga kings were
Ousley, pp. 48-52 and notes,

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 199
the earliest of the Ceylon kings with names ending with the suffix 'Báhu.' If the surmise that the king defeated by Garshasp was a king of Jaffna be correct, the distance from Kalah to the place at which Báhu awaited with his army gives us the clue for the identification of tie Port of Kalah as Kayts or Kalabhúmi. The exaggerated account of the numerical strength of Báhu's army whether he was a king of Ceylon or of Jaffna, can safely be dismissed from consideration.
El-Edirisi, while describing the seas of India and China, says:-"From Serendib to the Island of Lankalous is ten journeys, and from Lankalous to the Island of Kalah six journeys. Kalah is a very large Island, situated in the neighbourhood of Selahat and contains an abundant mine of tin. The king is called Jabah ur the Indian Prince.”* In this passage, if Serendib and Lankalous be taken to refer to the same Island of Laiká (Ceylon), -perhaps to different parts of it-then the position of Kalah under the kiug of Jabah (Jaffna) is quite clear. By Serendib a port near Mannar was meant and by Lankalous another port, probably Dondra in the South. As Edirisi has called Nicobars Lajabulus or Najabulus,t he would not have used the name Lankalous also to mean the same Island. The mention of tin mines is, of course, an error. It is no wonder that Edirisi, who never visited
* “De Serendib á l'ile de Lankalous 10 journies, de Lankalous á l'île de Kalah 6 journies xxxxxx qui est tres grande et ou demeure un Roi quôn nomme Djaba, ou prince Indien. Il y a dans cette île une mine abondante d'étain." Edirisi, trad; Jaubert, i, 77, 80; quoted by Rifles, vol. i., p. 221, note,
t See suprap, 196, note.


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India or Ceylon thought that Serendib, Laṁká aud Kalah were three different Islands in the sea of Harkend.
Kazwani (1275 A.D.) mentions two Ceylons, one as Sarandib and the other as Sailon. In one place he says, "Sarandib is an Island in the sea of Harkend, at the extremity of India, 80 parasangs in extent, producing all kinds of aromatics and perfumes, agallochum (aghil), nux indica (cocoanuts), musk from deer, and several kinds of hyacinths. It has gold and silver mines, and pearl fishery.' In another place he says, "Sailan, is an extensive Island, situated between China and India, 80 parasangs in circumference. Sarandub is a part of it. It contains many towns and villages and has several kings who obey none. In the ocean around it there is a sea called Salahat. From it are brought sandal wood, spikenard, cinnamon, cloves, brazil wood and various aromatics. It has also gem mines and abound in every luxury."f From these passages it is evident that some of the Arabian writers thought that the northern part of Ceylon, which contained the important ports, was called Sarandib and the Southern part Ceylon or Laihká.
Rifles, vol. i., p. 247.
† "Sailan ampla insula est Sinas inter et Indiani, ambilis octoginta parasangarum. Sarandib in ea interiore est. Multos vicos et urbes habet et reges plures, nemini obedientes. Mari circa eam nomen maris Salahath est. Veniunt inde res mirae, etiam Santalem, spicanardi, cinnamomum, caryophyllum, bresillum, et alia aromata, quibus prae esteris terris excellit, etiam jemmarum fodinas habere dicitur, et omnibus bonis abundare.” Kazwani, opera Gild: Script: Arab : p. 208 quoted by Rifles, vol, i, p. 247, Tennent, vol. i. p. 599.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 20
Ibn-el-wardee, a writer of the fourteenth century,calls the Island of Kalah Kulleh, and adds "it is a great Island; in it are trees rivers and fruits. A king of the sons of Jabah, the Indian, dwelleth in it; in it are mines of tin and camphor trees, one tree of which shadeth a hundred men and more, in it also is the Indian cane; and among its wonders are such things that the describer of them would incur disbelief'. It is clear that the writer has here made a mistake between two places of the name of Calah. (Kalah : or Kulleh as he calls it), one being that in which the king of the sons of Jabah dwelt, the other being that in which tin mines were found. Similarly he has confused the tree which produces camphor with the banyan tree which provided shade to hundred men and more. "The king of the sons of Jabah' is a clear allusion to the gift made to Yálpáņan.
It appears that in the Malay Peninsula there was a place called Qualah (Queddah), which was also known as Calah or Kalah, and this place was often confused by some of the Muhammedan writers with the port in Jaffna. The result was the production of very misleading informations as will be seen from the following quotation from Dulif Misar Ibn Mohalhal, an Arab traveller of the tenth century. He says "leaving Sindabil (the Capital of China) the traveller proceeded to the sea coast and halted at Kalah, f the first city of India (from the East) and the extreme point made by ships going in that direction. If they go past it they are lost. This is a great city with high walls,
Nights. vol. iii, note 12, chap. xx. f ibn Mohalhal visited China in 941 A.D. (see Cathay, intro:
p. ci, S 84).
2


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202. ANCIENT JAFFNA
gardens and canals. Here are the mines of lead called Qalai which is found in no part of the world except Qalah. Here also are made the swords of Qalah, the best in India. The inhabitants rebel against their king or obey him inst as they please. Like the Chinese they do not slaughter animals. The Chinese frontier is about 300 parasar gs from the territory. Their money is of silver worth three dirhems and is called fahri. Their king is under the king of the Chinese and they pray for him and have a temple dedicated to him'. From Kalab, Ibn Mohahal proceeded to 'the pepper country' an appellation by which Malabar is often described.'
Col. Yule disagreed with Renaudot, who thought that it was the Kalliyana of Cosmas, and surmised that it was the modern Singapore, or Malacca, and very possibly Kadah (9neddah).t. It is, however, clear that the traveller has mixed up more than one plate in his description, possibly Queddah in the Malay Peninsula and Cala. Kalam or Kovalam in Jaffna, from which he proceeded to “the pepper country'. The place where the best swords were made and where the silver coin called Fahri was used may probaly refer to a third. Whether the king of Jaffna was ever under the Chinese king is doubtful, but the fact that the Chinese professed to have exacted homage from several foreign kings is confirmed by Marco Polo who says, “China's intercourse in the form of homage succeeded in 1286 with the kingdoms of Mapaeul, Sumantala, Sumenna, Sengkili, Malantan, Luaillai, Navang and Zingho ul” : Mapaeul was probably
* Cathay, Intro ; p. ci. it bid.
Ibid, Intro: S55, quoted from Marco Polo.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 203
Yálpánam, and Sumantala Ceylon, from Samanala and Sumanta, native names for Adam's Peak. Sumerana and Setgkili were kingdoms in India, and the rest were probably places in the Malay Peninsula, although the last sounds very much like Sinhalam and might have referred to Ceylon too. 1. Pauthier says that “Ceylon is named in the list of ten kingdoms that paid tribute to Kubali Khan in 1286 A.D."
There is a great deal of confusion in one of the passages in the Acuounts of India and China.' It is said tha', contiguous to India, was a king of Ruhmi, Rahma or Rahman by name, who was at war with the Jurz and the Balhana. He was not a monarch of great consideration, though he had the largest army and was accompanied by some 50,000 elephants and 15,000 washermen Muslins that could pass through a ring were made in his country. Gold, silver, aloes wood and cowries were also found in it. Cowries were the money used; and in the forest was the rhinoceros, which is particularly described under the name of Karkodan.
Commenting on this Reinaud says, "this seems to me to answer to the ancient kingdom of Visiapur.' Lassen, on the other hand, is quite sure that it fits none but the kingdom of the Chalukyas of Kaliyani (in the Dekkan) And Yule thinks that this place was Rahmaniya (Burma).f But the kingdom of Vijayanagar had not then come into existence. Though the Chalukyas of Kaliyani were then very powerful and possessed a large army at the time,
Rifles, vol. i., p. 23. † Cathay, prelim : essay, p. clxxxv.


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there was no reason to call the king Ruhmi or Rahman. Rahmaniya (Burma) too does not fit in with all the details of the description and it is evident that the statement contains confused and exaggerated allusions to several kingdoms. It may more reasonbly be suggested that the kingdom of Rahma or Rahman was that of Rámésvaram, which was then under the overlordship of the king of Jaffna. Muslins that could pass through a ring were made there, and gold, aloes wood and cowries (chanks) were articles of commerce found there. Cowries might have been the currency then in common use, there as elsewhere. Of course an army as large as the one mentioned in the passage was not possessed by any king of India at the time, but these numbers are always a matter of imaginative license. Besides, Karkodan was the name of a fabulous serpent, never of the rhinoceros. It is, therefore, not surprising that a country could not be found to fit in perfectly with the description.
The Island of Mihiraj is described in the Accounts of India and China' as “extremely fertile, and so very populous that the towns almost crowded one upon the other.' It is also said that the palace of a former Mihiraj was "still to be seen” in the time of the author ‘ “ on a river as broad as the Tigris at Bagdad or at El-Basrah.' And it is added "the sea intercepts the course of its waters and sends them back again with the tide of flood; and during the tide of ebb it streams out fresh water a good way into the sea.' It is easy to identify the palace of the former Mihiraj with that at Kantaródai (Kadiramalai) which had, only a short time
ni MerwerNederer
Nights, vol. iii, note 12, chap, xx.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 205
previously, been abandoned by the Jaffna king Ugrasingan, who transferred his capital to Singai Nagar. The river, which was exaggeratedly compared to the Tigris, was no other than the small streamlet Valukkai Áru, the course of whose waters is intercepted by the sea and sent "back again by the tide of flood'; and although during the tide of ebb' it does not stream out fresh water a good way into the sea,' it was about the tenth century much broader and deeper than it is at present and navigable for boats as far as Kadiramalai (Kantaródai).
“This river' it is further said in the 'Accounts of India and China,' " is led into a small pond close to the king's palace'. Into this pond gold was thrown by an officer of state every morning right through the reign of the king and on his death it was all taken out and distributed among the members of his household and among the poor. This was perhaps a custom then prevailing; it is referred to by several writers,t and the description
Nights, vol. iii, note 12, chap. xx.
t (a) Mas'udi in his Meadows of Gold" gives a story similar to that in the 'Accounts of India and China' regarding the Maharaja of the Isles. His palace was over a tank which communicated with the sea. Every morning the Treasurer threw in a gold ingot. At the king's death the accummulation was taken out and divided among the dependents and the poor. (Cathay, p. 82, note 2).
(b). But Friar Odoric attributes the practice to a temple in South India. After describing the realm of Mobar (Coromandel) in which is laid the body of St. Thomas the Apostle, he proceeds to describe a temple, its worshippers and its festivals and continues to state that "hard by the Church of this idol there is a lake, made by hand, into which the pilgrims who come thither cast gold or silver
or precious stones in honour of the idol and towards the maintenance (Contd.)


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that the palace overlooked a pond is true as regards the palace at Kadiramalai; also that the pond was connected with the sea by Valukkai Áru.
Marco Polo, the great Venetian traveller who visited Ceylon in 1284 A. D., on his way from China to the West, appears to have landed at a port in the North, for, he says:- But the North wind there blows with such strength that it has caused the sea to submerge a large part of the Island, and that is the reason why it is not so big now as it used to be. For, you must know that on the side the North wind strikes, the Island is very low and flat, in so much that on approaching on board ship from the high seas you do not see the land till you are right upon it.' This description of the Northern part of Ceylon, coupled with the fact that Brazil wood or aghil is mentioned as a special article of merchandise, confirms
of the church, so that much gold and silver and many precious stones have been accumulated therein. And thus when it is desired to do any work upon the Church, they make search in the lake and find all that has been cast into it." (Cathay, p. 82, S 9.) He, however, calls the place where the temple and tank are situated an Island, (Ibid, para. i. S 20 as rearranged.)
(c). Odoric's story is corroborated by the Masalak-al-Absar. which says that among the towns in the South of India conquered by Mahomed Taghlak (a few years after Odoric's visit) was once standing by a lake in the middle of which was an idcl temple which enjoyed a great reputation in that country and into which the people used continually to cast their offerings. After the capture of the city the Sultan caused the lake to be drained and the wealth which he found accumulated in it sufficed to load two hundred elephants and several thousand oxen." (ibid, p. 82, note 2; p. ccxliii.)
* Marco, vol. ii, p. 295.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 207
the theory that he landed at the Northern Port. In describing the people of the Island, he says, “they have a king there whom they call Sandamain and are tributary to nobody. The people are idolators and go quite naked except that they cover the middle. They have no wheat but have rice and sesamum of which they make their oil. They live on flesh and milk and have tree wine such as I have told you of and they have brazil wood much the best in the world.' The king he mentioned was evidently the king of Jaffna and the fact that he was independent without paying tribute to any other king is particularly to be noted. Sesamum is gingely, which is still an important produce of Jaffna and the palm wine is palmyrah toddy. He further says that a great deal of brazil wood is got there which is, called Brazil Koilumin from the country which produces it and that it is cf very fine quality.f The mention of a place called Coilum, from which the brazil wood is exported, leaves one rightly to conjecture that the port of Coulom or Coilum which he describes as lying five hundred miles south-west of Mabar (Coromandel) before reaching Komari (Cape Comorin) and where the merchants from Manzi (China), Arabia and the Levant called with their ships and their merchandise was no doubt. Kóvaļam, the Kalah of the Muhammedan travellers and not Quilon on the Malabar coast.
A Missionary Friar, John of Montecorvino, speaking of vessels passing through the Northern passage in his time (1292 A.D.) says that a large number of them must
* Marco vol. ii, p. 296.
bid p. 363.
bid p. 364.


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have availed themselves of this channel, for, as many ss sixty of them were wrecked annually on those coasts. The places where these vessels were probably wrecked were on the coasts of Nainative and Neduntive (Delft). These casualties must have been so frequent that Parákrama Báhu in the 12th century A.D., promulgated an edict concerning their disposal and had it engraved on stone, as will be seen from the inscription found at Nainative.t
Cathay and the Way Thither, vol.
The following fragmentary inscription was found in a stone slab lying opposite to the temple at Nainative. The lower portion of the slab is broken off and has been built into the wall of the shrine. The first portion of the inscription is atogether obliterated by the artisans who built the temple by sharpening their tools on it. The inscription on the reverse side which lay against - the ground has escaped mutilation. It is engraved in archaic characters of the llth or 12th century A.D. s. The edict appears to have been promulgated by one Parakrama Bhuja who is taken to be Parakrama Bahu the Great.
ஊசாத்துறையிற் பரதேசிகள் வந்து இருக்கவேணுமென்றும் இவர்கள் ாகைடிப்படவேணுமென்றும் பு (அ)"துறைகளில் பாசேசிகள் வந்த (ாலிச்) துறையி(ேல) சந்திக்க ()ே வணுமென்றும் நா (வாய) ஆனை குதிாையொடு (ம்) பண்டார சேவைக்கு ஆனை குதிரை கொடுவந்த மரக்கலங் கெட்டதுண் டாகில் காலத்தொன்று பண்ட (ா) ரத்துக்கு கொண்டுமூன்று கூறும் (உ)டை யவனுக்கு விடச்கடவதாகவும் - வாணிய மாக்கலங் கெட்டதுண்டாகில் செம பாகம் பண்டாரத்துக்குக்கொண்டு செமபாகம் உடையவனுக்கு விடக்கடவதா கவும் இவ்வ்யவஸதை *** தித்து *** தனையுங் கல்லிலுஞ் செம்பிலும் எழுத்து வெட்டுவித்து இவ்வ்யஸதை செய்து கொடுத்து தேவ பராக்கறம
(227.ཚོ ༈ ༈ ༈ ༈ ༈ ༈ ནི་
Foreigners must land and remain at Uraturai (Kayts), and they
must be protected. If foreigners land at new ports, they should meet
Contd.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 209
There is some confusion also in the version published by Col. Yule in his “Cathay and the Way Thither," of the manuscripts of Friar Odoric, who visited Ceylon in 1322 A. D. The para: of $ 24 which refers to the immolation of a wife at the funeral pyre of her husband, must go as the last para: of S 19, and the last para: of $ 24 as the first of S.25 which must be numbered 20. Then it will be seen that S 19 in which the temple and tank are described refers to a rich well-endowed temple in South India, presumably that at Sidambaram. And S 20 which evidently refers to Jaffna will read as follows:-
"S 20, But the king of this Island or Province is passing rich in gold and silver, and precious stones. And in this Island are found as great store of good pearls as in any part of the world'.
“And the king of that country weareth round his neck a string of three hundred very big pearls, for that he maketh to his gods daily 300 prayers. He carrieth also in his hands a certain precious stone called a ruby, a good span in length and breadth, so that when he hath
at this port. If ships laden with elephants and horses, carry elephants and horses for the service of the Treasury, and are wrecked, a fourth share should be taken by the Treasury and the (other) three parts should be left to the owner. If merchant vessels are wrecked a half share should be taken by the Treasury and the other half left to the owner. These edicts are inscribed on stone and copper. These edicts are promulgated by Déva Parakrama Bhújó.
Paråkrama Bahu i, is called Srimat Parakrama Bhuja in the Pandawewa inscription (Muller's, No. 142).
* Cathay, p. 84, et seq.
27


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this stone in his hands it shows like a flame of fire. And this, it is said, is the most noble and valuable gem that existeth at this day in the world, and the great Emperor of the Tartars of Cathay hath never been able to get it into his possession either by force or by money, or by any device whatever. This king attends to justice and maintains it and throughout his realm all may fare safely. And there be many other things in this kingdom that I care not write of.'
The possession of pearls and of the pearl necklace stamps the owner as the King of Jaffna. The ruby said to have been of 'a good span in length and breadth' was perhaps the same as described by Ibn Batuta to have been in the possession of Arya Chakravarti. According to the latter writer it was a saucer made of ruby as large as the palm of the hand in which he kept oil of aloes. This gem was also mentioned by Marco Polo as having been in the possession of Sandemain and described to be a "palm long.' He too spoke of the attempt made by the “great Khan of China' who sent an embassy to purchase it, and of the excuse given by the king that it belonged to his ancestors and that he could not therefore part with it.f This ruby related by Marco Polo, Friar Odoric, and Ibn Batuta to have been in the hands of the king of Jaffna was perhaps the very one referred to by Hiouen Thsang and Cosmas as the gem which glowed like fire on the top of the dágoba at Anurádhapura when the sun shone on it. It might have found its way to Jaffna as one of the spoils after the sack of Yápáhu and ultimately fell into the hands
* Batuta, p., 187. † Marco, vol. ii, pp. 295-296.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 2
of the Portuguese when Jaffna was plundered by Braganza in 1560, but the Portuguese historians do not make - any mention of it.
Ibn Batuta, the Moor traveller from Tangiers, while returning from the Maladives in 1344 A.D., had, on account of the inclemency of the weather, to seek a port in the kingdom of Jaffna which he called Battala wrongly identified as Puttalam. Battala was equated with Puttalam only on the similarity of sound. Neither the fact that between this city and the Malabar (Coromandel) districts there was a voyage of one day and night nor the itinerary given by Ibn Batuta while travelling from Battala to Adam's Peak was taken into account. If he proceeded from Puttalam there was no necessity to cross a river by boat, to enter the city of Manar Mandali or to pass the port of Salavat' modern names easily recognisable as Mannar (Mandalam)and Salávaturai. When we compare such mutilated names like Zapage, Zabedj and Jabeh given by other Muhammedan travellers, Saba by Marignoli and Nepālam by Telugu poets, to Yálpánam, the name Battala given by Ibn Batta is not surprising. Battala might have stood for pattinam. From the time Yalpânan and his followers settled at Páisaiyar and Karaiyar, the place would have been naturally called Yálpána pattinami like all other villages on the sea coast (neytal tracts); it was a port for foreign vessels and would have been known as . Pattinaturai. The great navy of the Arya Chakravartis would have been collected at this safe anchorage as they
* Batuta, pp., 187—191. t See infra, chap. vi.


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were manned and officered by men of the Karáva. community, the descendants of the Pána settlers. It was there that Ibn Batuta appears to have landed and seen the fleet of ships belonging to Arya Chakravarti. When the Portuguese couquered Jaffna, they built their city close to the Pána settlement and called it by the same naine as the settlement was previously known viz., Yálpána pattinam or according to their parlance Jafana Patao. It was at this port of Patanao (ao in Portuguese is pronounced af), that the Portuguese army under Braganza landed on the 20th October, 1559, to fight against the forces of Saikili. This port must have been close to the present Jaffna Customs and quite distinct from Pannaitupai and Colomboturai lying at a distance of olie and two mulles respectively to the west and east of it. It was due to the existence of this port that Yálpána pattinam or Yápápatuna was more known to the outside world than Singai Nagar, the capital of the Arya Chakravartis. It is also curious that some of the Portuguese writers too have called the place Jafana Putalaof (Jafana patalafi) (changing n into l)in the manner Ibn Batuta did. Ibn Batuta called the king of
* Queiroz, p. 283.
t "Antes de tratar do Reyno de Candea falarey no de Jafanapatao q.'taobem foy todo da Coroa de Portugal e todo Christao; sua cabeca fica, em forma de penisala, na ponta boreal da ilha de Ceylao, em 10 graos, a dous tercos de elevacao; cujo nome. sem conupcao, dizem ser Jafana-en-putalao, q. val tanto como; Povoacao do Senhor Jafana, e he o nome do sen pro. povoador. Outros querem fosse o nome Jafana-Patanao-ture q.' qr. dizer porto comprido. Donde parece q.pr.zombaria ilhe chamassem Napunay-Patanao, q.' vertido diz: Terra de ruym gente."
Queiroz-p. 37.
Contd.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 23
Ceylon Ariya Chakravati the Biruda borne by the kings of Jaffna, and described his city of Battala as small and surrounded by two wooden fences. According to him the king had “considerable forces by sea', a statement which confirms the story of the strength of his navy-a navy that carried the forces that fought later before the walls of Kótte. The sea-shore abounded in cinnaman wood, bakum and Kalanji aloe, articles of merchandise distributed from this centre to the other parts of the world. The king treated him as his honoured guest and furnished him with an escort of four yogis, four brahmins, palanquin bearers and provision carriers to accompany him to Adam's Peak. On the first day he crossed a river on a boat made of reeds. This river was no doubt the Jaffna lagoon which he had to cross near Pinakari in order to reach the mainland. He passed through Mannár and Salávaturai, and reached the city of Kankár the seat of the Emperor of Ceylon built in a valley between two hills upon an estuary called the estuary of rubies, and the Emperor was called Kónár. The city was no doubt Kónagar (the city of Kón) not Kurunegala as wrongly surmised by some and the name of the person
"Before dealing with the kingdom of Kandy I shall speak of that of Jafanapatam which also entirely belonged to the Portuguese Crown and which was all Christian; its capital is in the form of a peninsula, on the northern point of the Island of Ceylon at ten degrees and two-thirds of elevation; whose name, in its uncorrupted form, they say, is Jafana-en-putalao (Yalpinan pattanam) which is equivalent to the city of the Lord Jafana, which is the name of its first peopler. Others would have the name as Jafanapatanamturai which means Long port. Hence it seems that it was in derision that they called it Naypunaypatanam which being translated means Land of bad people.


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who was in charge of the city supposed by him to be the Emperor was Alagakónár whose name was mutilated to Konár by the traveller, Kónagar was the Fort Kótte built by Alagakónár, the bold and adventurous henchman of the king of Ceylon reigning then at Gampola, and was referred to as Kotte by Marignolli who visited Ceylon in 1348 A. D. Col. Yule says that it was first mentioned as a royal residence in 1314 A.D., and it became the capital of the Island in 1410 A. D.f It appears in Fra Mauro's map as Kotte Civitas. Ibn Batuta gives a minute description of the route taken by him to reach Adam's Peak and of his return journey via Devinuvara, Galle and Colombo From the description given it is evident that he climbed the peak by the steep ascent on the Ratnapura side. Of Devinuvara, the present Deundra or Dondra, he gives the information that the town was large and inhabited by merchants, that there was an idol inade of gold and as large as a man placed in a very large temple in which there were “about a thousand Brahmins and Jogues and five hundred young women, daughters of the nobility of India who sing and dance all night before the image.'
In 1348 or 1349 A. D., John de Marignolli, the Papal delegate to the Court of the Great Khan, on his return from China landed at Columbam. He remained with the Christians there for one year and four months, and after erecting a stone memorial in the corner of the world over against Paradise' (supposed to be at Cape Comorin) he went to see the famous queen of Saba
• Cathay, p. 369. t Ibid , note 4.

FORMLA DO PAGOD 总 DETANAVARE
Naga-risa Nila Temple at Devinuwara
from a Portuguese drawing. To face page 214.} With permission of C.B.R.A.S.


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FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 25
by whom he “was honourably treated" and then “proceeded by sea to Seyllan' (Ceylon.) His reference to Saba and its queen are widely dispersed throughout his writings and his repeated mention of her whenever opportunity offered testifies to the great respect in which he held her. According to him Saba " was the finest Island in the world', it in it there was a lofty mountain called Gyheit or the Blessed with which legends of Elias and of the Magi were connected, and at the foot of which there was a spring the water of which he tasted. He frequently saw the queen, gave her his benediction, was present at one of her magnificent banquets and was cured of an attack of dysentry he was suffering from for eleven months, by a female physician of the queen, with only the aid of a few herbs. The queer, owned chariots and elephants and he himself rode on one of her elephants. The queen bestowed on him a golden girdle such as she was wont to bestow upon those who were created princes and also bestowed 150 whole pieces of very delicate and costly stuff and other raiments. When he left the country of Mynibar on his way to the shrine of St.Thomas the Apostle, he was caught in a storm and driven to a Port in Seylan called Pervilis over against Paradise,S where he was robbed of everything he possessed, including the girdle presented to him by the queen of Saba, by a Pirate called Coya Juan. He also speaks of his visit to
* Cathay, p. 346.
bid 389. Ibid 391-392 Ibid 392.
S bid 357


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26 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Kóte and gives a vivid description of Adam's Peak and its neighbourhood which he called Paradise. Marignolli appears to have thought that the Queen of Sheba who visited the Court of King Solomon was a queen from the country of Saba and stated that the Island was generally ruled by women.f Col. Yule says that Saba and its queen offer the most difficult problem in all the disjointed story of Marignolli's wanderings, as it is difficult to locate the place. Now Marignolli visited the queen once on his way from Columbum and again on his way back from Mayilapore where stood the Church of St. Thomas the Apostle. Saba ought therefore to be on the Southern extremity of the Indian Peninsula. The Queen has been surmised to be either the Queen Kadija of the Maldives visited by Ibn Batuta a few years earlier or Rudramba the daughter of the Kakatiya King Ganapati of Warangal.S. If she had belonged to the Maldives, Marignolli would not have called the Island the finest in the world. Nor could the queen of the Maldives, who possessed only a single horse during the time of Ibn Batuta, have become possessed of elephants and chariots in a few years. Rudramba too could not have lived during the time of Marignolli as her reign extended from 1260 to 1290 A.D., quite half a century earlier. The
* Cathay, p 354, et seq.
bid 389, bid 32. lbid 322. S bid | Batuta, p- 182.
** M, E. R. 1907.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 27
Port Columbum seems to be confounded with two places, with Quilon in Malabar, the pepper country, and with Kólam, Koulam or Kóvalam in Mynibar. If Columbum the port at which Marign lli landed first be taken as the one in the country of Mynibar, it would have been only too easy for him to visit the Queen of Yálpánam. Now, Muha in medan travellers two or three centuries earlier called Yalpáņam, Zapage, Zabajor Jabeh; and “Saba” is a better phonetic transcription of Yalpânam or Yá pánam than any of the earlier names given by the Muhammedan travellers, including Battala the name given by Ibn Batuta. Jaffna too was at the time of Marignolli's visit a flourishing kingdom. It is therefore probable that Marignolli visited Jaffna which was then ruled by a queen whom he for some reason called "famous.'
The Catalan map of 1375 A.D., in which Ceylon is called by the name of “Illa Iana,” a corruption of the native name of flam, represents a female sovereign as ruling part of the Island. An Officer of the Ceylon Rifles in his work on “Ceylon' thought that that was “an allusion to the Queen of Wanney, a district of Ceylon at one time ruled by women.' He, relying on Turnour, committed an anachronism by confounding this queen with the later Vannichchis who ruled over different parts of the Wannis later than the Portuguese times. The statement of Marignolli that Saba (Jaffna) was ruled by a queen during his visit has, strangely enough, received confirmation from a totally independent authority like the Catalan map.
Rifles, vol. i., p. 21. 28


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28 ANCIENT JAFFNA
It is, however, strange that the Yálpána Vaipava Málal which gives a list of the rulers of Jaffna from perhaps the l3th to the end of the 16th century does not mention a queen as one of the reigning sovereigns. In 1844 A.D., the year in which Ibn Batuta visited Jaffna, the country was governed by a king, and from the statement made by Marignoli, it can be surmised that the king died soon after the visit of Ibn Batuta and was succeeded on the throne perhaps by his minor son for whom the mother acted as regent. If she was the rightful heir to the throne and there was no objection to female succession, her name would have appeared in the dynastic list. The 'lofty mountain of Gyheit' referred to as ' Blessed,' with which Marignolli connected the legends of Elias and the Magi was evidently the unpretentious hill Kirimalai sacred to the Hindus, and supposed to be the residence of holy ascetics in ancient times. The spring at the foot of the hill, the water of which Marignolli professed to have tasted, was, no doubt the sacred tirta of Kirimalai which was and still is an attraction to thousands of pilgrims. Marignolli after twisting Yálpánam into Saba applied it to the country of Saba referred to in the following prophecy in the Bible:-"The kings of Tharsis and the Islands shall offer presents, the kings of the Arabians and of Saba shall bring gifts." He therefore thought that one of the three Magi who went to Bethlehem to adore the child Christ was from Jaffna. The Yogis and ascetics haunting Kirimalai which Marignoli calls Gyheit must have lent additional confirmation to his theory. This account was perhaps the original of the later garbled version of
* Psalmr, lxxi, v. lo (Douay version)

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 29
the Portuguese historian de Barros who said that a king of Ceilam named Perimal on being warned by a Sybil at Coulam (Kovalam) of the birth of Christ set sail in a ship and joined two other kings on their way to Bethlehem.
In one of the maps of Bernard Sylvanus (1511 A. D.) Ceylon is called "Insula Caphane', which name also occurs in the itimerary of John of Hese who says “ Insula Caphane vel Taprobane.” : Insula Caphane no doubt represents the Island of Jaffna. The mistake made by these European writers in styling the whole of Ceylon as 'Jaffna' was perhaps due to the necessity of their touching at one of the ports of Jaffna on their voyages. This is perhaps the earliest record in which Yálpánam was called Jaffna (Caphane) by the European writers.
In the “Thousand and One Nights,' commonly known as the Arabian: Nights Entertainments, which possesses a world wide reputation and which was written about the 15th century A.D., is given a description of the wonderful voyages made by Es-Sindibad of the seat The accounts of these voyages were evidently founded upon the exaggerated reports of various Arabian and other Muhammedan travellers of the period, and disclose the author's intimate knowledge of those writings. In the first voyage, a graphic description is given of Sindibad's escape from being drowned by an immense tortoise, the back of which the sailors mistook for an Island. Sindibad was washed ashore on the coast of an Island governed by El-Mihiraj,
* de Barros, dec. iii, bk. vii, chap. ix. t Rifles, vol. i., p. 22.
Nights, vol. iii.


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where he was met by the grooms of the king's horses and taken before the Mihiraj. The latter received him kindly, treated him "with beneficence and honour" and appointed him “Superintendent of the Sea-port and Registrar of every vessel that came to the oo st'. In the Court of the said Mihiraj h-) met a party of Indians who told him that "among them there were Shakireeyeh (Kshatriyas) the most noble of their races, and Brahmins, a people who never drank wine". He also saw an Island called Kasil in the dominions of the Mihiraj in which was heard the beating of tambourines and of drums during the night, and also saw in the sea of that Island a fish 200 cubits long and another whose face was like that of an owl.
We may take it that the coast where Sindibad was said to have been washed ashore was close to Kudiraimalai, that the Mihiraj was the Mahárája of Jaffna and that the sea-port to which he was attached was Kalah or Kóvaļam. The Island of Kasil, the beating of drums and the meeting with fish of enormous size are all matters copied from the Muhammedan writers. The people still believe that strange noises are heard om certain nights near Kudiraimalai and in the Island of Iranaitive. Kazwani (13th century) and Ibn-el-Wardee (14th century) relate that in the sea of El Kulzam is a fish in the form of a cow which bringeth forth its young and suckleth like a cow. The fish here referred to is the dugong which is found in the gulf of Mannar and in the Jaffna, seas, and gave rise to many an exaggeration among the early writers regarding its form and size. The Greeks, it is
Nights, vol. iii, chap. xx, note 49.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 22
believed, received their idea of the mermaid from this fish, and even so late as the time of the Portuguese, it is mentioned in a work called 'Histoire De La Compagnie de Jesus' that in 1560 A.D., seven mermaids were caught in the neighbourhood of Mannar by the fishermen, were taken to Goa and there dissected by a physician on instructions from the Viceroy. Kulzam was no doubt Kalam or Kóvalam.
In the fourth voyage, Sindibad, after his escape from the cavern in which he had been buried alive with the body of his wife, pursued his course until he arrived at the Island of the Bell whence he proceeded to the Island of Kela in six days, Then he came to the kingdom of Kela which is adjacent to India, and in it are a mine of lead and places where the Indian cane groweth a 'd excelleat camphor; and its king is a king of great dignity, whose dominion extended over the Island of the Bell. In it is a city called the city of the Bell which is two days' journey in extent, The word which the translator has rendered into Bell' is 'Nakoos'f which evidently stands for ' Ná gas,' The Island of the Bell and the city of the , Bell would therefore represent the Island and the city of the Nágas (Mátota) and "the king of great dignity whose dominion extended to the Island of the Bell' was the king of Jaffna. Kela was the port of Kalah. The lead mine, the Indian cane and the commercial product found there are taken from the confused writings of the other Muhammedan writers.
* Pridham, vol. ii, p. 500.
Nights, vol. ii, chap. xx, note 59.


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In his 5th voyage, it is said that Sindibad passed by an Island in which was cinnamon and pepper, a large quantity of which he took in exchange for cocoanuts. He then passed by the Island of El Asirat where was the Kamaree aloes wood. After that he passed by "another Island the extent of which was five days' journey' and in it was the Sanfu aloes wood which was superior to the Kamaree, but the inhabitants of the Island were “worse in condition and religion than the inhabitants of the Island of the Kamaree aloes Wood; for they loved depravity and the drinking of wines and knew not the call to prayer nor the act of prayer'. He went “after that to the pearl fisheries.' These disconnected statements show that the voyage was made round about the island of Ceylon and that places in it were also called islands. Aloes wood (Aghil)t was in those days obtained from the eastern coast of Ceylon. Most of the aloes wood and cinnamon appear to have been exported to the Jaffna ports from Komari which was situated to the South of Batticaloa. Cinnamon then grew wild in
Nights, vol. ii, chap. xx, note 60. t Aghil was the hardcore of the tree cactus (square stemmed), the fragrant smoke of which was used for perfuming the hair.
* கள்ளிவயற்றின கில் பிறக்கு மான் வயிற்றின்
ஒள்ளரிதாரம் பிறக்கும் பெருங்கடலுட் பல்விலை யமுத்தம் பிறக்கு மறிவார்யார் Fல்லாள் பிறக்குங் குடி ’
Nánmani : v. 6. The fragrant Aghil is formed in the core of the Cactus (Kalli) tree, the shining orpiment in the stomach of the deer, and the priceless pearl in the womb of the deep ocean, but does any one know in which family will the good and chaste woman be born.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 223
the forests of Uva and the Eas'ern Province and was removed for export to Komari which, though now possessing a rugged coast, had probably in those days a harbour at which sailing vessels appear to have called. The author of Kamoos says that the Sanfu aloes wood was inferior to that of Komare, In the "Accounts of India and China' which mentions the Komaree aloes wood, the Island of Kamar (or Komar) is said to be divided from the kingdom of the Mihiraj" by a passage of ten or twenty days sail with a very easy gale.'t El-Edirisi says that Kamaree is near Sanf separated only by three miles. Ibn Batuta describing the kingdom of the Arya Chakravarti of Jaffna says tha', “the sea shore abounded in cinnamon wood, bakum and Kalanji aloe which however was not equal to the Komari or the Kakuli in scent.' From these scattered writings it is apparent that Aghil was brought to Jaffna from Komaree, Sanfu, Kakuli and Kalanji for distribution to other countries. As regards the depravity of the people referred to by Sindibad, it was perhaps what Mas'udi said that there was a race of Indians descended from Cain in the country of Kumar where the aloes wood came from S. The bay of the pearl fishery was no doubt the gulf of Mannar, the one described by Marco polo as the "bay that lies between Malabar and the Island of Ze ilan.” II
* Nights, chap. xx, note 12.
lbid.
Ibid. 9. Batuta, p. 184. $ Cathay, prelim : essay, p ccxlvi | Marco, vol. ii, p. 313.


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In the sixth voyage, Sindibad came upon Ceylon in a miraculous manner by drifting on a raft down stream on a river which passed through a mountain, and then met people who "were of the sown lands and the fields' and who accidentally came upon him when they went to irrigate their fields, A short but a very correct description of Ceylon and of the Adam's Peak is given, and no better description than "the lands of fields and sown lands' for the Northern part of Ceylon (as it then was), could have been thought of.
These scattered references to the Kingdom of Jaffna and to the port of Kalah, not only in the writings of the Muhammedian travellers but also in the Arabian Nights, clearly indicate the route taken by sailing vessels in those early days, and how the port of Kalah or Kóvalam was used as an emporium for the commerce between the East and the West. Sir E. Tennent overlooking the fact that Kalah was mentioned as an important port and emporium of Ceylon by the Muhammedan as well as the European writers after the 9th century A.D., proceeded to show the errors into which he thought Bertolacci and other writers on Ceylon had fallen and to adduce reasons which to him appeared plausible, to prove that the ancient Kalah was the modern harbour of Galle. His enthusiasm at his supposed successful identification based as it was on a mere similarity of sound, made him assert that Galle was not only the ancient Kalah but also the Tarshish of Solomou's fleets and the rendezvous of Arabs, Greeks, Romans, Egyptians and Chinese in still more ancient times,
Tennent, vol. i. p. 560, et seq.

FOREIGN TRADE AND INTERCOURSE 225
Col. Yule was not at all satisfied with the supposed identification and Mr. Hugh Neville too did not agree with him. “The cramped and rocky creek known as the Galle harbour" thought Mr. Neville, could not be indentified" with the capacious limen or lagoon and tranquil inland harbour often spoken of in connection with the emporium of Kalah” and “the numerous Islands lining the shore , which formed such a striking description of the coast by the earlier writers' could not be found in or near Galle which “owed its civilization to comparatively recent times" and “possessed few ancient historical tradit tions and no historical remains', and that the purely Tamil district of Kalah which “ owned the sway of the Maharajas of Zabedj, the Sultans of the Isles' could not be traced to any part of the Southern Province. He also rightly thought that the North Western coast of Ceylon extending from Kalpitiya to Jaffna contained the port which was a great centre of trade from 500 B.C., to a comparatively recent time, and “that it was separated from the capital of the Sinhalese by jealousies that account for the silence of the Sifnhalese chroniclers' He was, however, not sure of the location of Kalah, and was inclined to hold, perhaps on accouht of the similarity of sound, "that the coast around and opposite to Kalpitiya formed the centre of trade and that the emporium was not one defined spot, but a cluster of pretty ports, all bartering the luxuries of the Far East for silver, and the wares af Europe, Persia and Ethiopia; while the site of Tammanna Nuvara with the adjacent ruins of Mahatabawa was the capital of the ruler who governed under the Sultans of Zabed."
J. C. B.R.A.S., vol. vii, pt. ii, pp. 57, et seq.
29


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Professor Q. Muller Hess of Bern in the “Perigrinations of Indian Buddhists in Burma and in the Sunda Islands,” while speaking on the situation of Kalah said that he would substitute the North-West coast of the Island of Ceylon for Point de Galle.
Thus it will be seen that “the central emporium of commerce, which in turn enriched every country of Western Asia, elevated the merchants of Tyre to the ranks of princes, fostered the renown of the Ptolemies, rendered the wealth and the precious products of Arabia a gorgeous mystery, freighted the Tigris with "barbaric pearl and gold, and identified the merchants of Bagdad and the mariners of Bassora with associations of adventure and romance' was neither Point de Galle nor Kalpitiya, but Mátota, Kadiramalai and Kayts in the kingdom of Jaffna.f
* lnd. Anti... vol. xlii, p. 4. t Tennent vol. i. p. 392

CHAPTER VI
Sources and Synchronisms.
ROM the fourth to the ninth century A.D., very little F can be gathered about the history of the Northern Kingdom. The Mahávaisa mentions only a few stray events and Tamil literature is almost blank during this period. Whatever can be pieced together should be taken from the Mahávaihsa and the Yálpána Vaipava Málai and tested in the light of South Indian inscriptions. As the Waipava Málai is a work written independently of the Sinhalese Chronicles, it will not be out of place to look into some of the chronological puzzles raised by it as we proceed.
The Waipava, Málai, like the Mahávaisa, says that Vijaya died a short time after his marriage with a "woman from Pándi', that he left noiseue, that his minister took charge of the kingdom for a year, that his brother's son Panduvása came from Láda and that he “was the founder of an illustrious dynasty which continued to reign over Laikā for numerous generations.'
The events concerning the Northern kingdom as far as the fourth century A.D., have been already narrated in Chapter II, and the events here related are those after that period. ܫ
It is said that in Saka 358 or 436 A.D., Kuļakkóțțu Mahá Bájá, a Chóla king, came to Trincomalie and began
勒佐 Y. V. M., p. 4.


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to make extensive repairs to the temple Tirukónésar Kóvil at Tambalagámam, while Pándu Mahá Rájá was ruling Lanká from Anurádhapura, and that the latter expelled the Mukkuvas who were helping the Sinhalese "traders who supplied dry fish to foreign markets.' from Kirimalai in Jaffna. Being a Tamil and perhaps a Hindu, it is no wonder that Páindu was instrumental in driving away the Mukkuvas who were desecrating such a holy place as Kirimalai, and thereby were a source of great annoyance to the Hindus. The Chiefs of these Mukkuvas, who afterwards settled at Batticaloa, are still remembered locally by the application of their names to Usmán Turai and Séntánkalam, places close to Kirimalai from which they were expelled. The year of Kulakkóttan's arrival at Trincomalie falls within the reign of Pándu who, according to the Mahávaňsa, held Anurádhapura from 484 to 439 A.D.f
The Waipava Málai closely follows the description given in Tirukónésala Purálam regarding the building of Tirukónésar Kóvil, the appointment of the Wanniyas to manage the temple and its temporalities and the attempted interference of King Pándu's queen during the absence of Pándu at Jaffna. But it does not mention the construction of the Kautalái tank by Kulakkóttan with the help of the Sinhalese minister of king Páņdu, as described in the Puráņam. į From ara inscription found near the Kantalái Tank it is supposed that Mahá Séna who reigned between 275 and 301 A.D.
* Y. V. M.. pp. 48x 5. t Mah., chap. xxxviii. i Tiruk. P., Tirukulam Kanda Padalam.

TRIQVILLIMALE
). BALA DOS ARcoe19
سس) کمحصہہحکس
Sketch showing the position of the Temple of Tirukónésvaram
from a Portuguese drawing.
To face page 228. (With permission of C.B.R.A.S.


Page 140

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 229
built that tank. But it is not included in the list of the sixteen tanks mentioned in the Mahavafisa as those that were built by him. As Mahá Séna is chronologically placed about 150 years earlier than Kulakkóttan, it is but reasonable to suppose that the tank was built by Mahá Séna and that Kulakkóttan repaired and enlarged it for the purpose of irrigating the lands at Tambalagámam which he specially reserved for he maintenance of the temple.
According to the Könesar Kalvettu and the Tirukönesala Puránam, Kulakkóttan first introduced the Wanniyas into Ceylon as managers of the temple at Trincomalie. It does not appear why the Wanniyas should have been imported as temple managers in preference to all others. Evidently the Wanniyas, who belonged to a fighting caste in India, accompanied the several Tamil invaders who came over from India, for the purpose of conquest, and remained behind. Later they set themselves up as petty Chiefs in different parts of the Island and usurped the management of the Trincomalie temple which possessed a considerable revenue. The two solitary Vanniya Chiefs said to have been brought here in 486 A.D., could not possibly have multiplied so fast and so effectively within a period of 150 years as to occupy all the important places in the Vannis and to make it necessary for Aggrabdhi I, the king of Anurádhapura, to take very elaborate steps in 593 A.D., to put them down. These Vanniyas, who became the petty Chiefs of the tract of land lying between Trincomalie and Mannar, served for a
* Mah. chap. xxxvii.


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long time as a buffer state between the Sinhalese of the South and the Tamils of the North, being at times independent and at times submissive to the one or the other as occasion demanded.
A copper plate grant of the Western Chalukya king Pulikésin I of Saka 411 (489-490 A.D) mentions the Simhala king as having paid tribute to him. This must have been during the time of Kassapa I or Kumára Dása. This is perhaps the earliest mention of the word 'Sinhala' in an authoritative Indian record.
The new dynasty of kings beginning with Mahá Nága, though said in the Mahávansaf to be of the Móriya or of the Okáka race, appears in reality to be a blend of the Nága and the Tamil. There is no mention either of the Móriya dynasty or of the Okáka (Ikshváku) before the time of Mahánága whose name belies such a supposition. This portion of the Mahávaisa was written in the twelfth century A.D., and it is no wonder that a high-sounding title was given to these kings who rose suddenly like mushrooms. Their Naga origin and their Tamil connections are clearly seen from the Nága, name of the first king and from the several Tamil armies raised by them to wage war. The statue on the side of a rock at Welligama in the Southern Province commonly known as Kushta Rájá is probably that of Aggrabódhi I, as the vihára, close to the rock is known as Aggrabódhi vihára. The pendent earlobes loaded with heavy ear ornaments including that of the head of a snake stamps him as a Nága or a Tamil.
* lnd. Ant, vol. vii, p. 215. t Mah., chap. xli.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 231
In the year Saka 515 (593 A.D.,) Aggrabódhi Mahá Rájá perceived that the then reigning Vanniyas were elated with pride and fancied themsolves independent kings. He therefore reduced them to their true position, namely that, of Adikaris, with which they had ever afterwards to remain content. This king must have been Aggrabódhi I who reigned from 564 to 598 A.D., according to the Editors of the Mahávansa, and from 583 to 617A.D., as calculated from the date of accession given in the Rájaratnácari to Ambaherana Salamé want
Aggrabódhi II built the Relic house Rajayatana in Nágadípa.: During the reign of Síla Méghavanna (614-623 A.D.) Sri Nága the Chief, the uncle of Jettha Tissa-and probably the ruler of the Northern dominion-proceeded to India, gathered together a great number of Tamils, returned to "the northern part of the country' and tried to take it. But the king having heard of it went up with an army, gave battle at the village called Raja Mittaka, killed Sri Nága, captured a great number of his followers and after he had treated them most cruelly gave them away as slaves to different vihāras in the Island.
The Pallava king Simha Vishnu, who, according to Professor Jouveau Dubreuil, reigned from 590 to 618 A.D.S. says in one of his inscriptions that he vanquished "the Sinhala king who was proud of the strength of his
* Y. V. M,..., p. 7. † Mah., Editor’s List of Kings; Rajarat., p. 77. ; lbid chap. xliii, v. b2. ༤ T Ibid xliv, vv. 70— 73, § Palavas, p, 73,


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arms," but no mention of such an invasion is made in the Sinhalese Chronicles. The army of Tamils brought by Sri Naga for the purpose of invading the northern part of Ceylon, might have been very probably a Pallava army given by Simha Vishnu and hence his boast of a victory in spite of a defeat.
Aggrabódhi III who was defeated and driven away by Jettha Tissa came back with a large army of Tamils and defeated Jettha Tissa who committed suicide on the battle field.f. In the 15th year of the reign of Aggrabódhi III, Dáthásiva the general of Jettha Tissa, who was sent by the latter to collect an army before he took the battle field, returned with an army of Tamils and defeated the king who fled to India. During the reigns of Aggrabódhi III and Dáțhóp atissa I, all the viháras and public buildings were despoiled of their wealth to keep up the Tamil armies of both parties.'
Dáthopatissa, who was defeated by Kassapa II, returned with an army from India, fought against Kassapa and was killed. S During these reigns the Tamil influence had become so great that they held all high offices and supreme power. The Tamil armies brought
* S. I. I., vol. ii, p. 356.
The Kasakudi plates state that Simha Vishnu vanquished the Malaya, Kalabra, Maļava, Chóla and Pándya (kings), the Simhala (king) who was proud of the strength of his arms and the Kéralas.
† Mah., chap. xliv, vv. 05—— li l2.
Ibid 25-28. lbid (31-35. S. bid 53.
lbid xlv, v. 12.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 233
to Ceylon during this period must have been obtained from the Pallava kings of Káfici, for the Pándya and the Chóla Powers were in their wane and were not heard of during the few centuries of Pallava supremacy.
On the death of Kassapa II, his nephew Dappula I took charge of the kingdom and attempted to rid the country of the Tamil officers of influence but Hattha-dátha, the nephew of Dáthopatissa, who fled to India on the death of the latter, on receiving a message hastened to the Island with an army of Tamils. Whereupon all the Tamils who dwelt in the Island deserted the king (Dappula I) and joined Hattha-dātha, He having won over the great men of the Tamil party seized the royal city and proclaimed himself king under the name of Dáțhópatissa III.*
The continuous influence and authority of the Tamils during this period is further indicated in the reign of Aggrabódhi IV who succeeded Dáțhópatissa III, by the . tradition that a wealthy Tamil named Potha-Kuttha built a house of devotion called Mátambiya, the commander of the king's army named Potthasáta built a parivéna at the Jetavana Vihára, a Tamil named Mahakanda built a parivéna and called it by his own name and another built the Cullapantha parivéna. This king Aggrabódhi IV was the first to take his abode at the town of Pulathi or Polonnaruwa.f After his (Aggrabódhi's) death the wealthy Tamil Potha-kuttha took over the control of affairs into his own hands leaving his creatures Datta and
* Mah, chap: xiv, vv. 18-22.
t Ibid. xlvi.
. .30


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Hattha-dátha to bear the name of kings one after the other.'
Mánavamma, the son of Kassapa II, who succeeded Hattha-dátha. II, after his marriage with Sangha, the daughter of the Rája of Malaya, remained in concealment with her in the Northern country until it came to the ears of Hattha-dátha. I. Then he went over to India and entered the service of Narasinha who must have been the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I. He, by his feats of valour, so pleased the Pallava king as to win his support and the gift of an army to go and fight for his kingdom. He was, however, defeated by Dáthopatissa (Hathadatha I?) and had to return to his patron for further help. Returning to the attack with another army given to him by Narasimha, he appears to have landed at a port in Jaffna, for it is said that after resting for three days at the place where he disembarked he began to fight, took the northern country and subdued the inhabitants thereof. He then marched towards the city of Anurádhapura, net Potha, kuțțha and Hattha dá tha II in battle, defeated them and raised the imperial banner of sovereignty over all Lanká.f. As Mánavamma escaped to India during the time of Dáthopatissa II and came on his second expedition at the end of the reign of Hatthadatha II, he must have remained with Narasimha for 25 years.
According to the Kasakudi plates of the Pallava king Nandivarman II (717-779 A.D.) one of his pre
* Mah., chap : xlvi. Ibid xlvii. į S. I. l., vol. ii, p. 343.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 235
decessors on the throne, Narasimhavarman I, who defeated the Chalukya king Pulikesin II at the battle of Vátápi, where the Saiva, Saint Siru Tondar is alleged to have fought on the side of the Pallavas, is said to have surpassed "the glory of the valour of Ráma by his conquest of Lanka'. The help rendered by Mánavamma to Narasimhavarman I in defeating Pulikesin II who was otherwise known as Chalukya Vallabha, perhaps at the battle of Wätápi, is described in the Mahávaisa.f The reign of Narasimhavarman I is said to have lasted from 630 to 668 A.D., a period of 38 years.: The second expedition of Mánavamma to Ceylon was therefore in 668 A.D., or sometime earlier. But according to the editor of the Mahávansa Mánavamma began to reign in 691 A.D., which shows a discrepancy of 23 years. The mistake committed by Mudr: Wijesiňha in marking out the reigns of the kings of Ceylon can easily be tested in this instance.
The earliest historical date of absolute certainty connected with the chronology of Ceylon kings is that of
* 88 மன்னவர்க் குத்தண்டுபோய் வடபுலத்துவாதாவித்
தொன்னகா ந்துகளாகத்துளை நெடுங்கை வரையுகைத்துப் பன்மணியு நிதிக்குவையும் பகட்டினமும் பரித்தொகையு மின்னணவெண்ணிலகவர்ந்தே யிகலாசன் முன் கொணர்ந்தார்"
Periya P., Sirutonɖarpuráņam. He (Sirutondar) led the (Pallava) king's army, destroyed the ancient city of Vátápi (Badami) in the Northern country and brought before the king gems and treasure, crowds of horses and elephants and other countless spoils of viotory.
† Mah., chap. xlvii, vv. 15—27. * Dekkan, p. 70. 1. Mah., Table of Ceylon Kings, No. 90.


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the coronation of Sáhasa Malla, which is given in one of his Polonnaruwa inscriptions, as Tuesday the 12th in the bright half of Binera, 1743 years, 8 months and 27 days after the death of Buddha.' Dr. Fleet has examined this date and has found it to agree with the 23rd day of August 1200 A.D.f Taking this date as the basis and calculating backwards, allotting the traditional regnal years as given in the Mahávaisa to each sovereign, the following table of the dates of accession of 45 sovereigns from Mánavamma to Sáhasa Malla, has been prepared. The only difference is that 48 years as stated in the Mahávansa and not 36 as incorrectly given by the editor, are assigned to Mahinda V, on the suggestion made by Dr. E. Hultzsch. According to this list it will be seen that the date of accession of Parákrama Báhu II (ll53 A.D.) agrees with that given by Nikāya Sangrahawa (1696 A.B.),S but there is a difference of four years between the date of accession of Séna I (823 A.D.) as found in this table and that given by Nikāya Sangrahawa (1362 A.B.). The dates of accession of the kings who ruled before Séna, I. calculated from the date found in the Nikāya Sangrahawa are therefore included in the table for comparison.
* Muller, No. 156.
J. R. A. S. 1909, pp. 327, 331. i Mah., chap. lv, v. 33.
J. R. A. S. 1913, p. 523, $ Nik. San., p. 20. it bid p. 18.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 237
v { Amended Date as për Duration No. Names of kings. date. || Nik. Sang. I of reign,
90 Māņavamma ... 668 A.D. 664 A.D. 35 91 || Aggrabödhi v #"*1 # 6 92 || Kassapa iii 709 705 6 93 || Mahinda i ... 75 Z! 3 94 | Aggrabódhivi ... 78 74 40 95 | Aggrabódhi vii ... 758 754 6 96 || Mahinda ii 764 760 20 97 Dappulai 784 780 5 98 || Mahinda iii 789 785 4 99 || Aggrabódhi viii 793 789 100 || Dappula iii ... 804 800 l6 101 || Aggrabódhi ix ... 820 86 3 102 || Séna i ... 823 89 20 l03 || Séna ii ... 843 a 35 104 || Udaya i 878 ●●● 105 || Kassapa iv 889 O 17 106 Kassapa v 906 10 107 || Dappula iv ... 916 -.7. 108 | Dappula v ... 97 O O 12 109 || Udaya ii 929 ooe 3. | 0 || Séna iii 932 oo 9 l l l || Udaya iii 94. OP 8 Il 12 || Séna iv 949 OOOO 3 Il 13 || Mahinda iv 952 O AO 16 | l4 || Séna v 968 as O l l5 | Mahinda v ... 978 as 48 li6 Interregnum
Vikrama Báhu ... 1026 e se 2 117 Kitti the General ... 1038 a -----8 ll8 Mahålåna Kitti 1038 P. P. 3 l 19 | Vikkama Pándu 104 & D fix
20 | Jagatipala 042 se a 4 121 | Parákkama 1046 ... 2 122 || Lokessara 048 e o O 6 123 | Vijaya Báhu i ... 1054 OO 55 l24 || Jayabáhu ... 109 Op 8 125 | Vikkrama Báhu i ... 110 8 p. 2 126 | Gaja Báhu ii ... 113 ge e 22 127 | Parákkrama Báhu i 53 ... 33 128 || Vijaya Báhu ii ... 1186 60 op 1 129 || Mahinda vi ... 1187 a 0-0-5 l30 | Kitti Nissanka ... 187 9 13l | Vikkrama Bähu ii 196 ... 0-3 132 || Códaganga ... 1196 8 0.9 l33 || Lilavati ... 197 OOO 3 134 |Sáhasa Malla ... 200 O99 2


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If 668 A.D. be taken as the correct year of Mánavamma's victory in Ceylon and therefore of his accession, he could not have been present at the battle of Vátápi which took place in 642 A. D., as his stay in Narasimhavarman's Court did not exceed 25 years. He must have reached Káfici at least three years before the battle of Vátápi, i.e., in 639 A.D. Twenty five years from that date would be 664 A. D, the date calculated according to Nikāya Saingrahawa. Therefore 664 A.D. is more likely to have been the date of Mánavamma's accession than 668 A.D., and the synchronism between the events in South Indian history and of the Mahávaihsa is thus established. The reigns of the kings of Ceylon referred to hereafter are according to the above table.
The archaic Tamil inscription found at the village of Sendalai and inscribed by one Perumbidugu Muttaraiyan Svaran Máran, supposed to be a feudatory and general of the Pallava kings, in which his conquest of Malalar (Jaffna) is mentioned, may presumably refer to the conquest of Jaffna by Mánavamma with the help of the Pallava general. The conjecture of Mr: Gopinath Row that Swaran Máran was a contemporary of Paramésvaravarman II cannot therefore be correct.
* Dekkan, p. l. l. t 88 பேய்-புண்ணளைந்து கையூம்பப் போர்மணலூர் வென்றதே
மண்ண?ளர்தர்ே மாறன்வாள்.”
S. Tamil, vol. vi., p. 11. The sword of noble Miran who enjoyed his possessions, conquered the warlike Mánalir (Jaffna) so that ghouls feasted (on the dead bodies left on the battlefield).
S. Tamil, vol. vi., pp. 9 & 10.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 239
It also appears from Chalukya and Pallava inscriptions that Mánavamma helped the Southern confederacy to which the Pallavas belonged, with an army in 674 A. D. when the Chalukya king Vikramāditya was defeated at Uragapuram (Uraiyar) on the southern banks of the Kávéri. The Chalukya king had to contend against the Pándya, the Chóla-the king of the Kávéri,-the Sinhala and other kings. It is therefore not unlikely that Mánavamma who was the friend of Narasimha was also attached to Paramésvaravarman I, the then king of the Pallavas. So when the latter "was in danger it was his duty to act according to the dictates of the simplest feeling of gratefulness.'
In the Vakkaléri plates of the Chalukya king Kirtivarman III, of 757 A.D., it is said that Vinayaditya Satyasraya one of his predecessors levied tribute from the “rulers of Kávéra, Parasika, Simhala and other islands."f By the words 'other islands' were meant 'Jaffna and its dependent islands', and it can be inferred that a separate king was ruling over them. Thirty years after the date of this grant, according to Wilson, the Buddhists were expelled from the neighbourhood of Káficito Ceylon. In 788 A.D., Ahalanka, a Jain teacher from Sravana Belgola, who had been partly educated in the Buddha college at Ponataya (near Trivalir, south of Káfici) had a discus
* Kuram plates (S. I. l, vol. i, p. 154.)
Udayendiram plates (S. I. l., vol. ii, p. 371.) Gadval plates (Ep. Ind., vol. x, No. 22.) Kendur plates (Ep. Ind, vol. ix, No. 29)
i lnd. Ant., vol. viii, p. 28.


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sion with them in the presence of the last Bauddha prince, Hémasi tala, and on his overcoming them, the prince became a Jain and the Buddhists were banished to Ceylon.
Mahinda II (764-784 A.D.) the son of Aggrabódhi VI (718-758 A.D.) was at the time of the death of Aggrabódhi VIII (758-764 A. D) living at Mahathitha (Mátoța) having gone to the sea-board on some business of the king. When he heard of the king's death, he hastened back to the capital. "Meanwhile the chieftains and land-lords of the Northern districts took possession of the country by force and withheld its revenues and when he came to hear of this he proceeded to the Northern country with a large force and subdued all the chieftains together with their servants.'t Dappula, a cousin of Mahinda, was possessed of great wealth and influence and took up arms against him. During this civil war the Northern country was greatly neglected although it is said in the Mahávaisa that after the defeat of Dappula, Mahinda had again to take an army to the Northern country to suddue the rebellious chieftains.
As stated at the beginning of this chapter very little is known of the doings of the kings of Jaffna from the fourth to the end of the eighth century A. D. The authority wielded by the later kings of Anurádhapura was spasmodic and if a kingdom actually existed in the North, it is not now known if the Nāgavamsa kings
* Mackenzie, voli, p. lxv. t Mah., chap. xlviii, vv. 80, 83, 84.
Ibid 95, 96.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONSMS 24
continued to rule or the country was under chieftains whose power was ephemeral. The last authoritative account of the existence of a separate king in Jaffna was that of the Greek writer Cosmas in the fifth century A. D.
Simhavishnu, a Pallava king, has left epigraphical records that he conquered Ceylon about the end of the sixth century and a Pallava army helped Mánavamma to conquer Ceylon about 664 A. D. During these invasions the Pallava armies must have landed at Jaffna and occupied that country first and there is evidence that there was continual intercourse between Ceylon and the Pallava country during this period. As Káficipuram was the centre of Buddhistic culture such intercourse would have been natural enough. Buddhagosha of Ceylon fame was a native of Káficipuram. Vatsyāyana the author of Nyaya Báshya was a Tamil of Káfici and lived about 400 A.D. He was known by the name of Pak fla Swāmi, a name which designates his Ceylon origin. Dig Nága of 500 A.D., Dharmapála of 600 A.D. and other Buddhist logicians lived and flourished at Káficipuram. In 640 A.D., when Hiouen Thsang the Chinese traveller was at Káfici and intended to go to Ceylon, 300 monks came from there and said that the king had died and there was famine and disorder in the country. His intended visit was therefore abandoned. This must have been on the death of Dáthopatissa II and when Potha, Kuttha, the Tamil, had taken the Government into his own hands.
* S. I. l., vol. ii, p. 356; Anc. Ind., p. 425,
Ind. Ant, vol. xliv, p. 87.
i Anc. Ind. ; Pallavas.
3.


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242 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Traces of Pallava occupation are found in Jaffna even row. Pallvaráyankattu a division in the Pinakari district, the worship of P6tharáyer, a title by which Pallava kings were known and the existence of such families as Nolambaráyar and of the name Nanni (asylum of truth), a biruda of the Nolambas of Dharmapuri, a Pallava offshoot, clearly testify to some sort of Pallava occupation. The surmise that Jaffna was during this period under the authority of the Pallavas will therefore not be far wrong.
About the ninth century the Pallava supremacy in South India began to wane overshadowed by the rising power of the Chalukyas and about the end of that century the Chólas began to reassert their supremacy. Among the . Sinhalese, internal dissensions were rife. Tamil influence was gaining ground in the Sinhalese capital. Tamil nobles held all positions of rank and power in Court and Sinhalese princes were fighting against each other with the aid of Tamil armies. It is therefore not surprising that Ugra Singan found an opportunity amidst these factions and party-struggles to seize the throne of Kadiramalai and to establish himself as an independent sovereign.
“In 717 Sáliváhana" (795 A.D.) it is said, that "Ugra Singan, a prince of the dynasty founded by king Vijaya's brother made a descent upon Lanká with a numerous force from Vadathesam (India) and after a severe struggle possessed himself of one half of Lanká which had been lost to his dynasty for a long time. He reigned at Kadiramalai while another king reigned

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 243
over the Southern territories.' The fact that he was mentioned as a prince belonging to the dynasty of Pánduvasa, Vijaya's nephew, by mistake called brother, and that later on he transferred his capital from Kadiramalai to Singai Nagar as related below, stamps him as a descendant of one of those Kaliiga colonists who emigrated with Vijaya and settled down at Singai Nagar or Sinhapura.f Conjecture has identified him with Kaliiga Magha who according to the Mahávansa conquered the North of Ceylon in 1215 A.D.; for he too "after a severe struggle possessed himself of one half of Lanká." The later doings ascribed to Ugra Siňgaņ in the Vaipava Málai, if true, will not admit of such an identification; and on the other hand Kalinga Magha reigned at Polonnaruwa and mot at Kadira Malai. The statement that Ugra Singan reigned over the Northern portion of Lanká with his capital at Kadiramalai while another king reigned over the Southern territories clearly defines the position of Kadira Malai, and refutes the idea that it is identical with Kataragama in the South, as stated in the Kailāya Málai and believed by the author of the Waipava Malai. Ugra Singan was probably the progenitor of that virile dynasty that supplied Kalinga Chakravarties to the throne of Polonnaruwa and Arya Chakravarties to the throne of Jaffna.
We may safely pass over the legends that have gathered round the name of Ugra Singaņ and his son
* Y. V. M., p. 8. t Vide supra, chap. ii, p. 54. † A theory propounded by the Hon'ble, Mr. H. W. Codring
ton and Rev. S. Gnanapragisar,


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borrowed perhaps from similar legends connected with Vijaya and admit only such facts as are of historical worth: that he belonged to the Kalinga Chakravarti race, that he conquered North Ceylon and reigned at Kadira Malai; and that he fell in love with Márutappiravikavalli, a Chóla princess who came on a pilgrimage to Kirimalai, carried her off forcibly and married her"-a political move intended perhaps to raise himself in the estimation of his people by making sure that his consort at least had royal blood in her veins.
Ugra Siñgan passed throngh the Vannis, received the voluntary submission of the seven Wanniyas and imposed a tribute upon them, f perhaps the incident referred to in the Mahávaňsa as the insubordination of the chieftains of the Northern countries and their subjugation by Mahinda II.
Ugra Singan assisted his wife to complete the building of the Kandaswamy temple at Mávittapuram which she had begun before her marriage. At her request her father the Chólá (?) king sent a Brahman family to officiate at the temple together with the necessary images. They landed at the place which is now known as Káilkésanturai. This port which was previously known as Gáyáturai, or the place of embarkation for Buddhist pilgrims to Gáyá, and afterwards corrupted to Kásáturai, was from this date called Káhkésanturai the harbour or port at which the image of Kángéyan (Kandaswamy) was landed.
* Y. W. M. pp. 9— 1 1.
bid 9. † Mah., chap. xlviii.
; Y. V. M., pp. 10-t t.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 245
After some time Ugra Singan transferred his capital from Kadira Malai to Singai Nagar, either because the latter was his birth place or at any rate in order to live among people of his own country and race. The statement in the Waipava Málai that he removed to Seigadaga Nagar" (another name for Kandy) is certainly incorrect. It must have been a clerical error of a later copyist, or perhaps of Mailvágana Pulavar himself, who being ignorant of the existence of Siigai Nagar, in spite of the fact that the name appears in almost all the Tamil works composed during the time of the Jaffna kings, deliberately changed it to Seiigadaka Nagar, in order to make it fit in with the mistaken view that Kadira Malai was the present Kataragama. The etymological difference between the two names is indeed very little.
While reigning at Singai Nagar, Ugra Singan had two children-a son and a daughter-who, according to the Waipava, Málai, were united in incestuous marriage and the son succeeded his father under the name of Jeyatunga Vara Rája Singan. The legend of a brother marrying a sister belongs really to a much earlier age and the author of the Mahávaisa too made a similar use of it in the case of Wijaya's parents. Whatever the truth of this tradition may be, it is safe to assume that it was during the reign of this Jeyattunga, that a minstrel, a Pánan by caste, as all minstrels of that time were, came to his Court and was presented with a sandy uninhabited portion of Jaffna as a
* Y. V. M. p. 12.
bid 12 & 13. i Mah., chap, vi.


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reward for his music and his songs. That he was presented with a region called Manattidal in the northern part of Laiká, that he was made the sovereign thereof by the king of Kandy, and that the place was occupied by the colonists brought over from India by the minstrel are no doubt vague statements made by the author of the Waipava Málaif without understanding the purport of the existing tradition. He was unaware of the mischief that was to be caused by such ignorance and recklessness on his part. Seiigadaka Nagar was not in existence then; no Jeyatunga ever reigned at Kandy; and never within historical times was Jaffna a sandy desert fit only to be presented to a Pánan. The improbability of the story induced one of the later writers of Jaffna, history to alter “Sengadaka Nagar ' to " Anura, dhapura' and to change the name of Jeyatuliga into Eléla, who had lived and died a thousand years earlier. He even went so far as to mutilate the Tamil verse ascribed to Vira Rágavan to fit in with his theory. It
* Y. V. M., p. 13.
Ibid. The verse ascribed to Kavi Vira Righavan isநாைகோட்டிளங்கின்று நல்வளநாடு நயந்தளிப்பான் விாைபூட்டுசார்ப்புய வெற்பீழ மன்னனென்றே விரும்பிக் கரையோட்ட மீதின் மாக்கலம் போட்டுன்னைக் காணவந்தால் திரைபோட்டு நீயிருந்தாய் சிங்கைபூப சிசோன்மணியே.
Tani Padal, vol. ii, p, 2. I came sailing along the coast on a vessel with the idea that the king of Ilam will graciously grant me a grey young tusker and fertilelands, but you the crest Jewel of Singai sat behind a curtain
(to receive me).
The words "Rios gu' in the above verse were altered to
a Cajasis" by the author of the Tamil History of Jaffna.)

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 247
did not, however, strike him that a man of the Pána caste and a blind one to boot as supposed by him, would
never have been invested with sovereignty even by a
foreign potentate ignorant of all ideas of caste. The
original mistake of changing Singai Nagar into Sengadaka
Nagar had to be followed up with these other mistakes
and misconceptions in order to make a plausible story
out of the tradition.
The author of the Waipava Málai has fallen into another error in calling the Pána minstrel the blind poet Vira Rághavan." He has mixed up Andaka Kavi Vira Rághava Mudaliyār, a blind Wellála poet, who visited the Court of Pararájasékaran at Jaffna at a much later period, f with the Pána minstrel who was honoured by Jeyatuinga. The legend of the ministrel appears in Kailáya Málai, Vaiyápádal, Trincomalie Kalvettu and Dakshina Kailāsa Puránam. In none of these is the name of the man given; nor is he anywhere described as blind. The legend in the Dakshina Kailāsa Puránam takes the lutist to the time of Wibishana and is clearly a later interpolation.
Kailiya Malai does not state that Yalpinan was blind or that his name was Vira Raghavan.
*-மங்காத பாவலர்கள்வேந்தன் பகருமியாழ்ப்பாணன் காவலன்றன்மீது கவிதைசொல்லி-நாவலர்முன் ஆனகவியாழினமை வுறவாசித்திடலும்."
K. M., p. 4, † Vide infra, chap viii
There are two printed versions of the Puránam, in one of which the verses regarding the lutist are omitted as interpolations,


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The Pánan returned to India and probably induced some members of his tribe as impecunious as himself to accompany him to this land of promise, and it is surmised that their place of settlement was that part of the city of Jaffna which is known at present as Pásaiyar and Karaiyar. As some Pánar were also fishers by profession, in Jaffna too they probably took to fishing for want of a better occupation. The settlement would have been in honour of the lutist ordinarily called “Yalpánam' and coming to be so known to the mariners and traders who called at the ports which were close by, it would have lent its name in course of time, particularly among such strangers, to the chief town and ultimately to the district itself. But the name did not become popular among the inhabitants of Jaffna until the Portuguese built the town close to the Pána settlement and called it Jaffna, and although the name is now used in a wider sense to include the whole district, yet to the people of Jaffna the town only is still known as Yalpánam.
The earliest mention of the word 'Yálpánam' in Tamil literature is found in the Tirupugal of Arunagiri Nátar, in which it is called Yálpána Náyanár Pattinam.f The author mistook the lutist of the Jaffna legend to be
* This theory was first propounded by Rev. S. Gnanapragásar, O. M. I.
t "ஏத்தாநாளுந் தர்ப்பண செபமொடு
மீத்தார் ஞானம் பற்றிய குருபர யாப்பாாாயுஞ் சொற்றமிழருடரு . . முருகோனே
எற்போர் தாம்வந் திச்சையின் மகிழ்வோடு
வாய்ப்பாய் வாழும் பொற்ப்பை நெடுமதில் யாழ்ப்பாணுயன்பட்டினமருவிய . பெருமானே"
Trup.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 249
the Yálpána Náyanár who accompanied the Saint Sampanda Marti and set his Dévárams to music. Arunagiri was a contemporary of Williputtarar who was the Court poet of Alkondan, the Kongu king, at whose request he is said to have composed the Mahābhārata in Tamil. Alkondin reigned about the middle of the 15th century, A.D. Yalpánam is mentioned in several inscriptions of the Sétupatis in the first quarter of the 17th century,h and it is referred to in the mutilated form Népálam in some Telugu works also of the 17th century. The K6kila Sandésaya, a Sinhalese work of the middle of
* S. Tamil, vol. vii, p. 405.
† (a) In a copper plate grant of Saka 1526, Mutu Vijaya Raghunatha Sétupati is said to have destroyed Ilam, Kambalam and Yalpina town and had an elephant hunt (" ratgp4 thuat Giplbuty பாணமும்பட்டணமும்அளித்துகெசவேட்டைகொண்டருளிய").
(b) In a copper plate grant of Saka 1607 granted by Hiranya Garbhayaji Ragunatha Sétupati Katta Tévar the following words
OCEur :- * ஈளமுங்கொங்கும் யாப்பாணப் பட்டணமும் இம்மண்டலமுமளித்து கெத வேட்டைகொண்டருளிய'
Arch. S. S. l., vol. iv. (Similar eulogies appear in several inscriptions of other Sétupatis extending even as far as Saka 170ó, an empty boast which had not the slightest foundation of truth, as by the time the Sétupatis were made Chieftains of Ramnad (1604) A.D.) Jaffna had come
under the influence of the Portuguese.
i Raghunithabhyudayam of Vijayaraghava Nayaka
Sáhitya Súdha of Góvinda Dikshita Sáhitya Ratnikara of Yagnia Naráyana Dikshita Raghunathabhyudayam of Rámabadramba
Sources
32


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250 ANCIENT JAFFNA
the 15th century calls the capital Yápápatuna. Some therefore seem to think that the name is a contraction of Yápápattina or Yahápat pattina, a Sinhalese translation of Nallur,f as Nallir was the capital at the time the Sinhalese work was composed. Now, Nallar was not ouilt before the Singai Arya kings reached the Zenith of their power, But the name 'Yálpánam' was certainly known to the Muhammedan travellers of the tenth and eleventh centuries though in the mutilated form of Zapage, Zabajor Jabeh. Some others are of the opinion that Yálpánam is the Tamil adaptation of the Sinbalese name "Yápane' which like many other Sinhalese names of places in the district existed prior to the Tamil occupation. The Tamils are alleged to have tamilized it into Yá pánam and Yálpánam and to have invented a fanciful derivation for the word by weaving the impro
* “ Ran dada kikini del bendi på peleti rendu
Tentena sadá, minimuttu digata aluvidu Nan siri sapiri niti kindu rinduge purabandu Santósa venuh gos Yápápațiun vadu.”
Kók. San., v. 243.
Yapapatuna-which consists of rows of stately buildings decorated with golden flags, and which sheds an extraordinary brilliance on account of its valuable gems and stones glinting everywhere and which in point of splendour and charm can be compared only to the city of Alakamanda of god Vaisrávana-enter this city and worship it.
t This derivation was first suggested by Mr. S. W. Coomaraswamy, the author of "Jaffna Place Names."
: Yápane may be a name of pure Sinhalese origin like Habarane, Tumpane, Balane, Ranne, etc.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 25t
bable legend of the lutist. The surmise which is based on phonetic similarity only holds good for a similar derivation vice versa, and will have to remain a surmise until the town or village which was previously known as Yápane is located. Was Yápane different from Yápápatun or did both the names represent one and the same place? The present town of Yálpánam could not have been the Sinhalese village of Yápane as it was a jungle before the Portuguese conquest, and there are no grounds to believe that the fisher folk inhabiting Pásaiyar and Karaiyir which form a part of the town were Sinhalese at one time. On the other hand, even the Sinhalese fishers occupying the coast towns of Ceyloa were at one time Tamils and the process of metamorphosis can still be seen at Negombo, Maravila and Chilaw. Yápaņe or Jápáņe as the Siňhalese now call it must certainly be taken to be the Sinhalese form of Yápánam or Yálpánam and not vice versa. It is not at all surprising to see the name appearing in Sinhalese and Indian works earlier than in Tamil writings of Jaffna, for it appears that the application of the name for the whole district did not become popular among the inhabitants until the Portuguese period.
Owing to the confusion created by including Yálpánan among the rulers of Jaffna, there is nothing in the Vaipava Málai to indicate that the descendents of Jeyatufiga ruled over Jaffna, until the time of Vijaya Kalaikai Singai Arya Chakravarti. From the time of Külankai to the conquest of Senpakap Perumál or Sapumal Kumaraya, the kings of Jaffna ruled indepen
* The Hon’ble Mr. Horsburgh in the Ceylon Antiquary, vol. ii, pt i, pp. 57 & 58.


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dently without a break and it is therefore reasonable to think that the time of Kalaikai who was in fact the first to secure the throne of Jaffna on a sound basis should be placed somewhere in the 13th century, although the Waipava, Málai places him soon after Jeyatuliiga and Yá pánan. Three centuries passed between the time of Jeyatuliga and that of Kalaikai and during this long interval, although the kings of the Kalinga dynasty of Ugra Singan passed through many vicissitudes and lost their independence several times over, yet they continued to reign even as feudatories and were slowly emerging into prominence as powerful rulers.
During the reign of Séna I (823-843 A.D.) the
Pándyan king very probably Varaguna invaded Ceylon and soon made himself master of the northern part. He defeated Séna who fled from the capital and took refuge in the Malaya country. Prince Mahinda the king's brother committed suicide and Kassapa another brother fled. Polonnaruwa was sacked and the Pándya carried away as spoils the sacred ornaments of the temple, the golden images, the jayabera and the bowl of Buddha. After plundering the capital he recovered a suitable ransom from Séna for the permanent retention of the Island and left the country.f A record in North Arcot mentions a victory of the Pándyas over the Gaigas (who were about this time feudatories of the Gaiga-Pallavas) which occurred about the middle of the ninth century at Tiruppirambiyam near Kumbakónam. According to the
* Y, V. M., p. 14.
† Mah., chap. L ; Puja., p. 31.
į S. l. II., vol. ii, p. 381.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 253
Udayéndiram plates of the Bána king Prithivipathi II the Pándya referred to was Waraguna as he it was that fought at Tiruppirambiyam. So the Pándyan who made “an unprovoked assault' on Ceylon during the reign of Séna I must have been Varaguna, mentioned in the Sinnamanar plates as the successor of Rájasimman. The confusion in the traditional history of Jaffna which omitted to mention the successor of Jeyatuliga and placed a crown on the brow of the low born Yálpanan was perhaps due to the invasion of Varaguna. The conquest of Manarri referred to in a Kóvaiverse quoted in Irayanár Akapporul if was that of Jaffna by Varaguna during this period.
Mr. K. S. Srinivasa Pillai of Tanjore in his able work called Tamil Varaláru while discussing the age of Mánikkavásagar, one of the Tamil Saiva Saints, gives several reasons, of which the mention of the Pándya king Varaguna in his Tirukóvaiyár is one, to prove that
* S. L. I., vol. ii, pt. ii, No. 76. {t) மின்னேரொளி முத்தவெண்மணன்மேல் விரைநாறுபுன்னைப்
பொன்னேர் புதுமலர்த்தாய்ப் பொறிவண்டு முரன்று புல்லா மன்னோழிய மணற்றி வென்முன் கன்னிவார்துறைவாய்த் தன்னேரிலாத தகைத்தின்றியான் கண்டதாழ்பொழிலே.
lra. Akap., p. 52. Tamil Varaláru, pt. ii. T The words "the Lord of Sittambalam praised by the Pindyan k'ng Varaguna" found in the following verse :-
* மன்னவன் றெம்முனை மேற்செல்லுமாயினு மாலரியே றன்னவன் றேர்புறத்தல்கல் செல்லாது வரகுணஞர் தென்னவனேத்து சிற்றம் பலத்தான் மற்றைத்தேவர்க்கெல்லா முன்னவன் மூவலன்னளுமற்முேர் தெய்வ முன்னலனே."
Tirukóvaiyár, v. 306.


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Mánikkavásagar was a contemporary of Varaguna. His theory receives confirmation by the fact that Séna I of Ceylon was according to the Sinhalese chronicles converted to Hinduism by “an ascetic clad in the robes of a priest." Although the Tamil puránam which treats on the life of Mánikkavásagart does not mention that he ever visited Ceylon, it is said that the Ceylon king went with his dumb daughter to Sidambaram to witness the religious controversy between the Buddhist priests of Ceylon and Mánikkavásagar and that on the latter performing the miracle of making the dumb princess to speak, the king and his retinue including the defeated priests of Buddha became Hindus,
Perunturai (great harbour) to which Mánikkavásagar went to purchase horses for the Pándyan and of which mention is repeatedly made in his Tiruvásagam, was very probably Mátota. Mátota was frequented by Arabian and Persian traders and horses were imported for the benefit of Eastern potentates. The god of Perunturai to whom the spiritual enlightenment of Mánikkavásagar is specially attributed was the Lord of Tirukkétisvaram whose praise was sung by the Déváram hymners. The Perunturai of Mánikkavásagar and Periaturai of De Couto appear to be the Tamil equivalents of Mátota.
In the reign of Séna II (843-878 A.D.) " a prince of the royal family of Pándu having formed a design to
* Nik. San. p. 18.
Rajarat., pp. 81 & 82.
Tirup, W. A. P. (புத்தாைவாதில் வென்ற சருக்கம்.) {ူ V. P. P., p. 247

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 255
overthrow that kingdom, because he was illtreated by his king” took refuge in Ceylon and sought the aid of the king. Séna saw an opportunity for avenging the Pándyan invasion of the Island during the reign of his grand-father Séna I, and despatched an army from Ceylon. Madura was taken by seige and the Pándyan “fled from the field of battle on the back of an elephant and gave up his life in the wrong place and his queen also died at the same time'. The account of this invasion is corroborated by the Nikaya Sangrahawa which says “After the death of king Matvalasen (Séna I) the Maháraja Mungayinsen (Séna II), who succeeded to the throne of Laihká set out with a Sinhalese army and invaded the kingdom of Pándi, and having slain and routed the Tamils he recovered the drums of victory and the gem set bowl which had been captured in the days of king Matvalasen and then returned to Lanká."f As according to South Indian epigraphy the Pándya Varaguna varman, the grandson of Varaguna who fougit at Tiruppirambiyam came to the throne in 862 A.D., the prince who sought the assistance of the Sinhalese king was probably Varagunavarman and the Pándyan who was killed by the Sinhalese army was Srimara Parachakra Kolahala, the son of Waraguna who invaded Ceylon during the time of Séna II. The Sinnamanúr plates on the contrary state that Srimara vanquished Máya Pándya, the Kérala, the king of Sinhala, the Pallava and the Wallabha. The
* Mah., chap. Li, v. 38. + Nik. Sam., p. 18; Rajavali. p. 3l. į M. E. R., 1906, p. 71, $ 25. 9 bid 1907, p. 68, 23.


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mention of Máya Pándya as an enemy of the reigning king implies the existence of factions and parties in the reigning family of Madura, and the mention of the Sinhalese along with Máya Pándy a confirms the theory that the king against whom the Sinhalese army fought was Srimara. Séna II in an inscription left at Medirigiriya called himself Madhuradunu (conqueror of Madura).*
In the time of Kassapa V (906-916 A.D.), it is said, king Pándu who had warred with the king of Chola and suffered defeat, sent many presents to Kassapa V and solicited his help. An army which was despatched under Sakka Sónapáti, the son of the king, was defeated by the Chólas and the Sénapati died of some epidemic diseasef there. This account would naturally be taken to refer to the encounter between the Chóla king and Rajasimha Pándya mentioned in verses lo and 11 of the Udayéndiram plates of the Ganga Bána king Hastimalla, where the defeat of the Sinhalese troops is recorded in the following terms. "Having slain in an instant at the head of a battle an immense army despatched by the Lord of Lanka, which teemed with brave soldiers and was interspersed with troops of elephants and horses he bears in the world the pregnant name of Samgraha Rághava (Rámá in battle)'. An inscription of the 12th year of Parántaka I, found at Tirupítkadal in the North Arcot district refers to a defeat of the Pándyan and the king of
* Ceylon Ant., vol. x, pt. ii, † Mah., chap. Ilii, vv. 70—78. † S. I. I., vol. ii, p. 387,

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 257
flam at the battle of Vélair. As the 12th year of Parántaka I falls in 919 A.D. and the last year of Kassapa V in 916 A.D., the battle of Vélur must have taken place before 916 A.D. When Parántaka in the inscriptions of the third year of his reign called himself Madurantaka or Madurakonda, the allusion probably was to his earlier conquest of Madura referred to in the Mahávaňsa in the words “King Pándu who had warred with the king of Chola and was routed', and in verse 8 of the Udayéndiram plates. The defeat of the Sinhalese army must therefore have taken place between 910 and 916 A.D. There are two inscriptions in Ceylon one at Elawaewa Pánsala and another at Aetaviragolleva, of Abha Salamévan Dappula (V) in which it is stated that his father Sri Sanga. Bo (Kassapa. V) “in the ninth year after he had raised the royal umbrella, ransacked the kingdom of Pándi and having won victory and glory, enjoyed his splendour'. Although this statement is not in agreement with the result of the expedition as recorded in the Mahávaihsa and in Parántaka's inscriptions, yet it confirms the truth of the expedition and helps to fix the date of the battle of Véliar with some degree of exactitude. As the kingdom of Pándi was said to have been ransacked in the ninth year of Kassapa V, the battle of Vélir must have taken place in 915 AD.
During the reign of Dappula V (917-929 A.D) “King Pándu because he feared the Chólialus left his country"
* S. I. I. vol : ii. No. 98; M. E. R. No. 693 of 1904.
M. E. R. of 1906-1907, No. 29 of 1907. Mah., chap, lii, vv. 70 et seq.
“T Muller, Nos. 116 & 1 17.
33


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258 ANCIENT JAFFNA
and came to Ceylon to obtain help against the Chóla. While the king was preparing an expedition, internal dissensions arose in the Island and the Pándya had to go away leaving his crown and royal apparel behind.' And during the time of Udaya III (941-949 A.D.) who was a drunkard and a sluggard, the Chólas attempted to obtain possession of the crown and apparel but though successful at first were eventually defeated.f. It was probably after this invasion that Parántaka called himself the conqueror of Madura and İlam, for in an inseription of his 37th year (944 A.D.), he is referred to as the conqueror of Madura and flam, whereas in one of his 36th year he is called the conqueror of Madura only. A record of his 40th year (947 A.D.) mentions Parántaka's invasion of Ceylon.S Consequently Parántaka's claim to have invaded Ceylon cannot be altogether unfounded and even if he failed to defeat the Sinhalese king he must have at least subdued the Northern kingdom. His invasion of Ceylon is described in the Tiruvalangádu plates of Rájéndra Chola I as follows:-"(All) the waters of the sea were not (enough) to quench the fire of his (the Chola king's) anger which consumed the enemies and which was put out (only) by the tears of the wives of the (king) of Simhala cut and killed by the king's weapons.”H Udaya III during whose reign this invasion by Parántaka took place was not killed, and the king who was "cut and killed by the
* Mah., chap, liii, vv. 5—9.
Ibid 41-45. M. E. R., 1903-1904, Insc. No. 375 of 1903. 9T S. I. I., vol. iii, No. 109.
§ Ep. Ind, vol. vi, p. 1. || M. E. R. 1906, p. 67, $ 16.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 259
(Chóla) king's weapons' must have been therefore the king of Jaffna through whose territories the Chóla army had to pass before reaching the dominions of Udaya.
The crown and the robes of state left behind by the Pándya were, however, seized at a later date by the Chóla king Rájarája I when he invaded Ceylon, for in an inscription of his tenth year (995 A.D.), he claims to have taken “the crown of the king of flam who came to close quarters in fighting, the exceedingly beautiful crown of the queen of that country, the crown of Sundara and the pearl necklace of Indra which the king of the South had previously given up to that (king of Íslam); the whole ilamandalam on the transparent sea." It is however curious that Rájéndra Chóla I too in an inscription of his sixth year (1018 A.D.) claims to have taken the jewels of the same description as those taken by Rájarája I, from the Ceylon kingf
The conquest of Ceylon by Rájarája I and Rajéndra Déva I is corroborated by the Mahávansa, for in it, it is , said, that in the 36th year of Mahinda W “they (the Cholas) took the queen with all the jewels and ornaments and the crown that was the inheritance of the kings and priceless diamond bracelet that was the gift of the gods, and the sword that could not be broken and the sacred forehead-band; and having made a false show of peace, they took the king prisoner in the fastnesses of the forest where he had taken refuge through fear.'. This
I. I., vol. ii, No. 54. I. I., vol. iii, No. 205.
S. S. 3 Mah., chap. Ilvi, vv. l6—19,


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description of the spoils removed by the Chólas is very much like that of the panegyric in the Chóla inscriptions. The 36th year of Mahinda V who came to the throne in 978 A.D. falls in the year 1014 A.D. which corresponds to the second year of Rájéndra Chóla I. The Chóla invasion evidently therefore began about 995 A.D during the time of Rájarája I and continued till the second year of Rájéndradéva I, when the Ceylon king (Mahinda) was
ultimately captured.
The Rashtrakita king Krishna III, known as Sri Wallabha and Kannaradeva Wallabha, in his Karhad plates of 958 A.D, says that he exterminated Káfici and Tafijai, made the Céra, Pándya and Simhala, his tributaries and erected a high column at Rámésvaram. In an inscription of his found at Kallangattai near Sólapuram and in his Átakir inscription, it is said that he killed Chóla Rájáditya at Takkólam and entered Tondaimandalam in 949 A.D.f. If he did invade Ceylon it. must have been about that time, very probably in 950 A.D. He is supposed to be the Vallabha who invaded Nágadipa during the time of Mahinda IV (952-968 A.D). If Krishna III invaded Ceylon during the time of Mahinda IV, it must have been later than 952 A.D., the year of Mahinda's accession, which is doubtful. The word *Vallabha" found in the Mahávañsa might in all probability be the Tamil word 'Wallavan' which is the same as Wallabha, an epithet applied to the Chóla kings, for it
* Ep. Ind., vol, iv, No. 40. t Ep. lnd., vol. vii, p. 194. i Mah., chap, liv, v. 12; Ceylon Ant, vol. iv, pp: 34 & 35,

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 26
appears that a Chóla invasion of Ceylon took place during the time of Mahinda IV. It is stated in an inscription of Râjarája I, that One Siriya Wéʻlar, a, Ch6la officer died in a battle field in Ceylon in the 9th year of Sundara Chóla Parántaka II*. This must have been about 966 A.D, in the reign of Mahinda IV. It is very likely that Wallavarkónpallam near Mávittapuram in Jaffna was the scene of this battle and was so named after the event. As the Chóla was called 'Wallavan' his palace came to be known as “Wallavu (Walawwa). The term was later applied to the residences of Chiefs and is still used in the Sinhalese countries for the same purpose, but its application in Jaffna has deteriorated and every compound is known by that name.
There is an inscription at Tiruvottiyar temple dated the fifth year (954 A.D.) of Gandaráditya,f the son of Parántaka I, who ascended the Chóla throne in 949 A.D., on the death of Rájáditya who was killed by the Rashtrakita king Krishna III. According to it one Kaduttalai Nágaimaiyaņ son of Siňgamaliyaņ one of the Nobles (Perundaram) of Udaiyár Sri Uttama Chola Déva accompanied the latter to the temple at Tiruvottiyūr and donated 90 sheep for burning lamps and an ilavilakku (a lamp stand made in Ceylon), to the temple. A reasonable doubt may arise why Uttama Chóla was given the title of a reigning king while Gandaráditya was the king. Uttama Chóla was actually the Chóla Viceroy of Ceylon at the time and the donor in the
M. E. R., 1896, Insc. No. 116 of 1896. t M. E. R. 1912, Insc. No. 246 of 1912; S. I. I., vol. iii,
No. 115,


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inscription accompanied him from Ceylon and hence the donation of an ila vilakku. This Uttama Chóla was the paternal uncle of Rájarája I, and succeeded Parántaka II, to the Chola throne. As Polonnaruwa had not then fallen into the hands of the Chólas, the Chóla viceregal capital must have been either at Mátota or Padaviya where Chola inscriptions have been found. Thus it will be seen that, in 954 A.D., Ceylon or a portion of it was under the Chola rule, and Uttama Chóla was reigning there as the Viceroy of Gandaráditya.
Rājarāja I (985-1012 A.D.) extended his rule throughout the Madras Presidency and in some directions even beyond it. On the west his sway extended as far as Quilon and Coorg, on the north-east to the borders of Orissa, and his conquests included Ceylon and "the 12,000 ancient islands of the sea'. As parts of Burma and the Malay Archipelago were added to these dominions by his immediate successors, “the ancient islands of the sea' included Jaffna and its dependent islands, the Maladives and the Laccadives. Many ancient islands whose old great guard was the ocean, which makes the conches resound, an expression invariably found in the Chola inscriptions must indubitably refer to the Jaffna islands surrounded by seas in which chanks abound.
Rájarája's and Rájéndra Chöla's conquest of Ceylon seems to have been complete enough to bring the whole of the island under the dominion of the Cholas. Ceylon was made a province of the Chóla Empire and named
* 8 சங்கதிர்வேலைத் தொல்பெருங்காவற் பல் பழந்தீவும்.'

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONJSMS 263
Mummudi Chóla Mandalam, after one of the well known birudas of Rájarája. Polonnaruwa the capital was called Jananátapuram or Jananálta Mangalam. Má tota was renamed Rájarája puram and the Sivan temple there Rájarája isvaram." They built several Hindu temples at Polonnaruwa, Mátota and Padaviya; the bronze images of Nadarája and the Saiva Saints, now placed in the Colombo Museum, were found in a ruined Chóla temple at Polonnaruwa. A Sivan temple in honour of Rájéndra Chóla's wife was built there and called Vánavan Mádévi isvaram.f Several inscriptions of Parakésarivarman Rájéndra Chóla I, were found not only at Polonnaruwa but also in other parts of the Island. The village of Chembiyanpattu, perhaps a name originally given to a district, is at present the only reminder in Jaffna of the ancient Chóla occupation of the Peninsula.
Rajádhi Rájá I (1018-1052 A.D.) says in his inscriptions that he inherited the kingdom of his father (Rájéndra Chóla 1) “who had captured Ganga in the North, Lanka in the South, Mahadaya (Cranganore) on the West and Kidaram (Lower Burma) in the East.”f After Rájádhi Rájá I, Ceylon was under three Chóla kings, Rájéndra Déva II, Víra Rájéndra and Adhi Rájéndra. Adhi Rájéndra who was the brother-in-law of the Chalukya
From a Tamil inscription of the time of Rájéndra Chóla I, found at Mátota and now at the Colombo Museum.
* From two Tamil inscriptions found on the walls of Siva temple No. 2 at Polonnaruwa.
M. E. R. Insc, No. 75 of 1895 at Tirumalaivádi, and No. 96 of 1896 at Cape Comorin.


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king Vikramaditya II, was, in spite of the assistance ren dered by the latter, killed by Kulottunga I, before he could have secured the Chóla crown. Adhi Rájéndra was the Chóla Viceroy at Polonnaruwa during the time Vira Rájéndra was the Chola Emperor, and has left two inscriptions there."
The northern part of Ceylon came under the Chóla. dominion during the time of Parántaka I about 944 A.D., and the whole island of Ceylon in 1012 A. D., when Mahinda V was captured by Rájéndra Chola I, and continued till 1070 A.D. the year of accession of Kulotuliga I, a period of 126 years. But Nikāya Sangrahawa, and Pajavaliya state that Ceylon was under the Chóla yoke for only 86 years,f a mistake calculated perhaps from the accession of Rájarája , According to the Mahávafisa the Chólas were driven out of Ceylon in the 15th year of Wijaya Báhu I which agrees with the year of Kuláttuhga's accession. On account of the internal dissensions between two rival claimants to the Chóla throne, Kulottunga and Adhi Rájéndra, who had to leave Ceylon on the death of Vira Rájéndra, the power of the Cholas in Ceylon was weakened, their affairs in the Island were neglected and they were ultimately obliged to leave the country. The fact of the Wölaikkara army taking service under Vijaya Báhu and of their insurrection when Vijaya Báhu proposed to lead an expedition to the Chóla country testifies rather to the voluntary evacuation of Ceylon by the Chólas than
* On the walls of Siva temple at Polonnaruwa ; vide supra p. 263. note
ł Nik. San. p. 19; Puja., p. 33.
i Mah., chap. lviii, v. 59.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 265
to their forcible expulsion as claimed by Vijaya Báhu' and as elaborately described in the Mahávaisa.
During the Chóla supremacy it was not likely that there was an independent kingdom in the North. The Jaffna kings must have been Chóla feudatories. There is no reason to doubt their existence. As for the Ceylon kings during that time, the Mahávais a gives a list of those who are alleged to have reigned in unbroken succession except for a short interregnum of 12 years from 1012 to 1024 A.D. It must, however, be taken that after the capture of Mahinda V, in O2 A.D., to the accession of Vijaya Báhu in 1054 A.D., these kings exercised an ephemeral authority off and on for a period of about 16 years somewhere in the South of the Island.
Kulottuiiga I, made several conquests as far north as Kalingam and as far south as Ceylon, and his conquest of Ceylon is mentioned in his inscriptions. Kulottunga's reign extended to 1118 A.D., and Vijaya Báhu died, in 1109 A.D. The Mahávafisa says that, Vijaya, Báhu made preparations to lead an expedition against the Chólas in his 30th year (1084 A.D.) and again in his 45th year (1099 A.D.) both of which, however, did not come to pass. A Chóla invasion of Ceylon either during the latter part of Vijaya Báhu's reign or after his death is not mentioned in the Mahávahsa. If Kulottunga ever led an expedition to Ceylon it must have been between 1109
* In his Manipravila (Tamil and Grantha) inscription at Polonnaruwa; j.C.B.R.A.S, vol: xxix, pp: 266 et seq:
† Mah, Nos. 1 16 to 122 in Mudr. Wijesinha's list.
Mah, chap. lx, vv. 36 & 46.
34


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and lll8 A.D., after Vijaya Báhu's death. According to one of his inscriptions found at Srinivasa Nallar in the Trichinapoly district inscribed in his 42nd year (1112 A.D.) the conquest of Kalinga mentioned in it should have taken place in 1111 A.D. His conquest of Ceylon was before that event as will be seen by an allusion in Kalingattu Parani, a Tamil poem composed in praise of his famous general Karunākara Tondaimant It was this Karunākara Tondaimán who opened Tondaimán Aru for the purpose of removing salt from the salterns of Karanavey and Wellaipparavai in the North of Jaffna, and it was this expedition in search of salt which was perhaps magnified into a conquest in the inscriptions. The author of the Waipava Málai has erroneously placed this event in the reign of Ugra Singan. Karunākaran while being engaged in collecting salt lived at Inuvil and built there a temple for the worship of Pillaiyár which is still called Karunākara Pillaiyār temple. It now lies
* M. E. R., 1900-1901, p. 9,
M. E. R. of 1905, p. 51, S 13; Insc, No. 608 of 1904. t (a) இலங்கை யெறிந்த கருணுகான்ற
னிகல் வெஞ்சிலையின் வலிகேட்பீர் கலிங்கமெறிந்த கருணுகான்றன் களப்போர் பாடத்திறமினே You who have heard of the prowess of Karunakara's bow when he conquered Ceylon, open (your doors) to hear the poetic praises of Karunakara's war in which he conquered Kalingam.
(b) ஒதஞ் குழிலங்கைப்போர்க்
கொட்டிாட்டி கலிங்கப்போர்
Kaling, Péymuraipádu, v. 20. The Kaliiga war was as doubly fierce as the Ceylon war
Y. V, M, p. 8.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 267
within the village of Urumparay, There is a stone inscription in the temple of the year 1567 A.D., in which the temple is mentioned as Karunakara Pillaiyár temple.
Within a century of the departure of the Chólas, Ceylon was able to take the offensive against them. The great Parákrama Bahu whose reign of 33 years stands out as a glorious record of able administration in greatly improving the resources of the country, was perhaps the only king of Ceylon who believed in an imperial policy. He was as ambitious as Alexander the Great and his invasions into the Chóla territories seem to have been only the preliminaries of a greater and more formidable scheme for bringing the greater part of India under his sway.
During his reign two rival candidates began to fight for the Pándya crown and one of them Kulasé kara was assisted by the Chólas, and the other Parákrama Pándya sought the aid of Parákrama Báhu who sent a powerful army under Lankapuri Dandanayaka. The expedition of Laikápuri is described in two long chapters of the Mahávaihsa, and it is said that after devastating the Pándya and Chóla dominions and defeating Kulasékara and the Chóla armies, Lankápuri crowned Vira Pándya the son of Parákrama Páņdya at Madura and returned to Ceylon covered with glory. He is even said to have built a town in South India by the name of Parákra una puram and struck coins to commemmorate his victory. But there is a stone inscription on the south wall of the Tiruvatisvara temple at Árpakkam,f a village 8 miles from
* Mah., chap. lxxvi and lxxvii. t M. E. R., 1899-1900, Insc. No. 20 of 1899,


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Káficipuram, dated the fifth year (1168 A.D.) of Parakésari Rájádhi Rája II which also speaks of the invasion of the Sinhalese army sent by Parákrama, but flatly contradicts the Mahávaisa as regards the result of the invasion. The inscription, after dealing with the devastation and havoc committed by the Sinhalese army, goes on to state that at the earnest request of one EdiriliSóla-Sambuvaráyer whose son was leading the Chóla army, one Umapathi Sivam was pleased to worship Siva for 28
days continually praying for the defeat of the Sinhalese
army, and that Laikápuri and the other generals had to
run away. The Madras Epigraphist commenting on the
statement of the Mahávaihsa that the Sinhalese army went
back to Ceylon of its own accord after placing Wira Fándya on the throne of Madura, states that “unlike the
Mahāva insa which does not record even a single victory
gained by the Chóla king, the inscription though referring to the Sinhalese in words expressive of contempt and
abhorrence does not fail to acknowledge the victories
gained by them,' and that “this circumstance alone
apart from being a record of contemporary events, entitles
the inscription to greater credence than the chronicle.'
It was therefore he thought that the Sinhalese army was
actually defeated and compelled to leave India.
A stone inscription of the 8th year of Rájádhi Rájá. II (1170 A.D.) has since been found at a temple at Pallavaréyanpéttai in the Tanjore Taluq, according to which a Chola minister named Tiruchittambala Mudaiyan Peruman ambi alias Pallavaráyar went to the aid of Kula
* M. E. R. 1899-1900. p. 13, lnsc: No. 36.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 269
sékhara Pándya on the command of the Chóla King and defeated the invading army of Ceylon. Laikápuri Dandanayaka and his generals were put to death, and their heads were nailed on to the gateway of Madura. Necessary precautions were taken against the future annexation of the Pándyan territory to flam, and Kulasékhara was reinstated on the throne of Madura. After all this was done, the minister Pallavaráyar died of some disease. In recognition and in appreciation of the faithful services rendered by him to the State, gift of lands was made to his relations, and this inscription contains a record of such gift.
The early success of the Sinhalese army and the defeat of the Chólas is attributed to the part played in the war by a traitor named Sri Vallabha, in another of Rájádhi Rájá's inscriptions found at Tiruvalaigádu.f The title “who was pleased to take Madura and Ceylon" found in another Tiruvalangádu inscription was evidently assumed by Rájádhi Rájá after the victories achieved by the Chóla. armies sent to assist one of the claimants to the Pándyan throne. There are other inscriptions, one of his 18th year (1176 A.D.) at the Kailasanātha temple at Attampákkam and another of his 14th year at Máyavaram, S in which he is described as one “who was pleased to take flam and Madura.” The earliest record in which this
A. R. S. I. E., 1923-1924, p. 104, Insc. No. 433 of 1924, M. E. R., 1905-1906, Insc, No. 465 of 1905.
bid - p. 70. T M. E. R., 1909-1910, insc, No. 73 of 1909 at Kailāsanita
a.
temple at Attampakkam.
S M. E. R., 1911-1912, Insc. No. 300 of 1911 at Mayavaram.


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270 ANCIENT JAFFNA
epithet appears is dated the 18th year (1175 A. D.) and he must have assumed it after the war of the Pándyan succession and after the defeat of the Sinhalese army. He never led an invasion to Ceylon and hence the above surmise.
It appears from other South Indian inscriptions that the assistance given by the Sinhalese to the Pándyan in his prolonged struggle with his opponent did not end with the death of Laikápuri. Kulasékhara died soon after the events described in the Mahávaihsa and his son Vikrama Pándya continued the war with Vira Pándya's son and his Sinhalese allies. Some of the details of this campaign are recorded in an inscription at Tirukkalambudir of the fourth year of Kulóttuinga III (1182 A.D.)** According to it the son of Vira Pándya was defeated and the Sinhalese soldiers had their noses cut off and they rushed into the sea to escape from the Chóla troops. According to another inscription of his ninth year (1187 A.D.) found at Sidambaram, Parakésari Kulottuinga III assisted Vikrama Pándya against the son of Vira Pándya drove the Siňhalese army into the sea, took Madura from Víra Páņdya’s son and bestowed it on Vikrama Páņdya.f
It will thus be seen that not withstanding the glorious account of success detailed in the Mahávafisa during the time of Parákrama Báhu the Great, the
Sinhalese troops were twice defeated, once in 1175 and
again in 1182 A. D. It is, however, difficult to say
* M. E. R., 1899-1900. Insc. No. 1 of 1899.
Ibid p. 14 S 38. f Ep. Ind, vol. vi, p. 169.

SOURCES AND SYNCHRONISMS 27
now on which account more reliance can be placed as it can never be imagined that the Chóla kings would have admitted in their inscriptions their defeat at the hands of the Sinhalese. This of course is not the only instance where each of the contending parties has claimed the victory for itself. On the other hand, had Parákrama Báhu succeeded, the author of the Mahávaisa would have developed the idea of imperial policy more clearly. The discovery of the inscription at Pallavarayanpéttai in 1924 in which the death of Laikāpuri is specially mentioned clears all doubt as to the issue of the earlier campaign and to the unreliability of the Mahávansa as a historical narrative.


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CHAPTER VII
The Origin of the Kings of Jaffna
a town beyond the limits of the Jaffna Peninsula, and that a Yálpánan to whom Jaffna was presented as a sandy district, colonised it and reigned over it, a belief founded on the quasi-historical writings of a later period, has been refuted in the last chapter. The events which are recorded as the natural consequences of such misconceptions have also to be tested and verified. According to the Kailāya Málai there was an interregnum after the death of Yálpánan. Then a chieftain named Páņdi Malavaņ of Ponpaririyúr, a colonist, went over to South India and fetched a prince described as the son of a Pándyan in the Kailāya Málai and as a Chóla prince in the Waipava, Málai.f. This
দূ"; prevailing belief that Ugra Singan reigned in
கோலநகர்ச் * செல்வமதுாைச்செழிய சேகான் செய்மாதவங்கள்
மல்கவியன் மகவாய் வந்தபிரான்-கல்விநிறை
தென்ன நிகரான செகராசன் தென்னிலங்கை
மன்னவனுகுஞ் சிங்கையாரியமால்"
• K. M., p. 5. Singai Aryan, the king of Lanki, Segarijan (Segarājasékaran) full of learning like unto Yama (the god of death), the son of Cheliyan (Pandyan) of the beautiful and wealthy Madura, born as the result of his (Pandyan's) religious austerities.
(Segarájasékaran was contracted to Segarājan in order to suit versification)
+ Y. V. M., p, 14.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 273
prince who was known as Segarásan and Singai Aryan was afterwards called Vijaya-Kilafikai-Chakravarti on account of a defect in one of his arms. He is said to have built the town of Nallar and his successors were called Arya Chakravartis. It has already been stated that most of the fictions found in the Kailāya Málai were unconsciously taken over by the author of the Waipava Málai. As the later kings of Jaffna claimed no relationship with the lowborn lutist, the pious author of the Kailāya Málai was obliged to state that the Pánan died without issue, and as the real origin of the Arya Chakravartis was not known to him, his fertile imagination invented the story of Pándi Malavan, the crown-giver. In spite of the fact mentioned in the Kailáya Málai that the first king was the son of a Pándyan, Mailvágana Pulavar described him as the son of a Siňgha Kéthu, a son of Tisai Ugra Chólan the father of Márutapiravikavalli.f Had he any authority for that statement? Having naturally taken the list of kings either from Pararájasékaran Ulá or Rájamurai, he must have woven the story in such a manner that Vijaya Kalaikai, the first named king in the list, fitted in with the prince alleged to have been brought by Pándi Malavan. He found that the statement made in the Kailáya Málai that the prince was the son of a Pándyan did not agree with tradition. The later kings of Jaffna claimed no affinity with the Pándyans; they called themselves Aryas' a name which a Pándyan would have scorned to adopt. The poet therefore made him out to be a scion of the Chólas whom he thought to be of Aryan
* Y. V. M., p. 14.
Ibid. 35


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origin. It was perhaps this idea which led even later writers like Casie Chetty to think that the Chólas were of Aryan origin. The present day scholars engaged in historical research have taken the list of kings given in the Waipava Málai as correct, and having found from other sources that Jaffna was conquered by Sapumal Kumáraya about 1450 A.D., during the reign of Kulasékara Siigai Áryan, have allotted an average reign of 25 years to each king before him, and have arrived at the conclusion that Wijaya Kúļainkai must have come to the throne about 1250 A.D. This conclusion coupled with the peculiar interpretation of a stray verse regarding the year in which the town of Nallir was built has led an erudite scholar like Mr. W. Coomaraswamy to identify Vijaya Kalaikai with a prince of the Telugu Cholas of Nellore or Wickrama-Singhapuram, who were about 1257 A.D., conquered by Jatávarman Sundara Pándya I. (12511271 A.D.). To him, Tika Vikrama became Tisai Ugra, Tika’s son Kéta became Singha Kétu, Vikrama Sihha Puram became Sinhapuram or Singai Nagar and Nellore became Nallir. These plausible inferences led him so
* Rajavali, p. 269. t “ இலகிய சகாப்தமெண்னூற்றெழுபதா மாண்டதெல்லை" About the Saka year 870.
[Im translating a similar verse “ 67 Gär Gaafuu FS a ús QDGiorgiggyTb Goufeir Gudó' relating to the date of the imprimatur of Kamban's Ramayanam, a writer to the Sen Tamil (vol. iii, p. 178-79) has interpreted the words ' 676ā gI bGpGp ’ to Saka 107, taking the word “ 67 out to mean a special number 1000. In the same manner the year referred to in the Jaffna stray stanza was also construed to mean Saka 1170.)
: In a paper read before the Jaffna Historical Society and afterwards published in the Hindu Organ.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 275
far as to surmise that the prince lost his arm in the war with Sundara Pándya. This theory of the presentation of a captured Chóla prince by the Pándyan does in a way explain the contradictory statements made in the Kailāya Málai and the Waipava Málai. But if the assertion in the Waipava Málai that Vijaya Kalaikai was the grandson of Tissai Ugra Chóla, be taken as correct, the earlier statement that Máruthapiravika Valli was the daughter of Tisai Ugra Chola should also be taken as correct. She married Ugra Singan about 800 A.D. A nephew to be 450 years younger than his aunt appears incredible. This theory can be partially maintained if Ugra Singan can be identified with Kaliiga Magha. But there are several difficulties in the way of such identification as research will disclose that kings of the Kaliiga dynasty calling themselves Aryas' reigned at Jaffna earlier than the 13th century.
The Mahávańsa says that Mahinda IV (952—968 A.D.) married a princess of the Kalinga Chakravarti race and made her his chief queen. What was the Kalinga Chakravarti race if it did not refer to the Kalinga dynasty ruling in Jaffna P Did it refer to a dynasty ruling in Kalingam (Orissa)? The Eastern Gangas had not by this time established their power at Kalingam, and Mahinda could not have found a wife among them; he must therefore have married a princess of Jaffna. He appears to have been married before he came to the throne for he made his sons Governors within his reign of 16 years. This fact points to the probability of his alliance rather
* Mah., chap. liv, vv. 7—16.


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276 ANCIENT JAFFNA
with a royal dynasty in Ceylon than with one in a far of country. His concern in sending his Chief Captain Séna with an army to fight against the hosts of Wallabha who were trying to subdue Nágadipa' points to the same inference. No doubt that at the time Mahinda contracted his marriage, the Jaffna kings were not known as Chakravartis, but at the time this portion of the Mahávafisa was composed they were so known and hence the designation.
When Séna V, the son of Mahinda IV by the Kaliňga queen, killed the son of his Chief Captain and fled from the capital fearing the wrath of the latter, the queen and her younger son the sub-king did not fly with him, but she sent for the chief Captain to whom she did not show any anger. Being thus favoured by her, the Chief Captain assembled together the Tamils and made over the country to them.f The favour shown to the Chief Captain by the queen clearly verifies the Tamil origin not only of th Queen but also of the Chief Captain. v
The reference in the Persian work called Garshasp Namah of an expedition sent by a Persian Monarch to chastise a king of Ceylon called Báhu, in the tenth or the eleventh century A.D., has been already mentioned. This Báhu was probably the king of Jaffna. Some of the later kings of Jaffna and the Kaliiga kings of Polonnaruwa were known by such names as Jaya Báhu, Parákrama Báhu, Vijaya Báhu, etc., and the existence of a Kalinga king in Jaffna with his name ending in Báhu cannot therefore be doubted.
* Mah ; chap. liv, vv. 12—16. lbid νν. 63-68. Ousley, pp. 48-52 and notes. See supra, chap. v. p.: 198

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 277
Vijaya Báhu (1054-1109 A.D.) being "desirous to prolong and establish his race sent forth and brought a princess of exceeding beauty and delicate form born of the race of the kings of Kalinga whose name was Tilakasundari and anointed her as his queen.' Three princes her kinsfolk, Madhukannava, Bhimarája and Balakkára by name also came from Siflhapura and were favoured by the king.f The princess and her kinsmen might have come from Sinhapura, the Singai Nagar of Jaffna. Although the names of the princes appear very much like the Kalinga, names of the Eastern Gangas, the Sinhapura they came from could not have been that of Orissa as it had by that time sunk into insignificance.
King Vijaya Báhu built the Jambukóla Vihára and Jumbukóla Lénakai which must have been at Jambukóla. (Sambuturai) in Jaffna, and also Ballataka Vihára probably at Valvettytupai, an instance of his interest in Jaffna perhaps due to his marriage with a Jaffna princess. In the 19th year of his reign, Vijaya Báhu, in order to put down certain rebels in the Rohana and Malaya countries “sent into the field an Officer born of his wife's brother's race.'S If the translation in the Mahávahsa is correct, it clearly shows that his wife's brother was a ruling prince and if our surmise is correct he must have been the king of Jaffna. Vikrama Báhu, the son of Vijaya Báhu, appears to have been a follower of Hinduism, his mother's religion, for he
* Mah., chap. lix, vv. 29-30, lbid vv. 46-49. Ibid lx, v. 62. “T Vide supra, chap ii, p: 76. S Mah., chap, lix, vv. 18-21.


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despoiled the vihár as and allowed his Tamil soldiers to dwell in them. The priests therefore removed the Tooth Relic and went to Rohana.
An inscription of the 29th year (1046 A.D.) of the Chóla King Rájádhírája II, found at Maņimaihgaļam, f records that “ of the three allied kings of the South, the king
* Mah., chap. lxi, vv. 54——6l
+ "திங்களேர் தருதன்முெங் கல்வெண் குடைக் கீழ்
கிலமகனிலவ மலர்மகடபுனர்ந்து செங்கோலோசசிக் கருங்கலி கடிாது தன சிறியதாதையு திேருத தமையனுங் குறிகொள தனனிளங் கோககளையும நெறியுணர் தனறிருப்புதலவாதமமையும துன்றிய தெறு சிலவானவ ன மலலன. மீனவன கங்கனிலங்கையாக கிறைவன புலங்கழற பல்லவன கனனகுசசியா காவலனெனப
பொனனணிசசுடாமணி மகுடஞ குடடிப
படாபுகழாங்கவாக கவா நாடளித்து பாங்குறு தெனனா மூவருள மானுபாணன பொனமுடி ஆனுப் பருமணிப பசுநதலை பொருகளததரிருது வாாளவிய கழல வீரகோளனை முனை வயிறயிடித்து தனததிவாாணக கதககளிறமு னுதைப பிததருளி அ16தமில பெரும புகளச சுந்தா பாணடியன கொறறைவெண குடையுங் கறறைவெண கவரியும சிங்காதனமும் வெங்களத திழருது தன முடிவிழததலை விரிததடி தளாடுதோடத தொலலையமுலலை யூாததுரத்தி ஒலகலில வேணடடாசை சேணுடடொதுககி மேவுபுகழிாாம மகுடமூவா கெடமுனிச்து விலைகெழு விலலவன குடா மடிக கொணடு
4 *
ஒருதனித தணடாறபொரு கடலிலங்கையா கோமான் விக்கிாம வொஹ-ரவினமகுடமு முனறனக குடைந்து தெணடமிழ மணடல
வது மிமக்தேமகட முழுவதி மிழாதேழ Contd.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 279
லீழமபுககவிலங் கேசரநாகிய விகதிாம பாணடியன பருமணிமகுடமும் காணடகு தனனதாகிய கனனகுசசியினு மாாகலியீழஞ சீரிதெனறெணணி உளங்கொளதனனடு தனனுறவொடும புகுந்து விளங்கு முடிக வித்த வீாசலா மேகன பொருகளத்த ஞ சிதனகராக களிறிழந்து சவவையிறமுேடக் காதலியொடுதேன றவவையைபபிடித்து தாயை மூக்கரிய ஆங்கவமானம நீங்குதறகாக மீட்டுமவந்து விடடொழில புரிந்து வெங்களத்துலாநத வசசிங்கள வாைசன பொன்னணி முடியுங் கன்னான வழிவர் துரைகொளீழத்தாைச நாகிய சீா வல்லவ மதனாாஜன மெலலொளித தடமணி முடியுங் கொண்டு’
S. I. I., vol. iii. pt. i, p. 54. "While the goddess of earth was flourishing under his fringed white parasol, which resembled the moon (in coolness) (he the king) wedded the goddess of fortune, v.ielded the sceptre and destroyed the dark Kali (age).
(He) bestowed crowns of gold adorned with brilliant gems on his father's younger brother, his elder brother, his distinguished younger brothers and his sons who knew the right path, as the following rulers, Vánavan (Chéra), Mallan (Chalukya), Minavan (Pándya), Gangan, the king of the people of Lanka, Pallavan of wide ankle rings and protector of the people of Kannakuchchi (Kanyakubja) and granted to these relatives of great renown the dominions of these (hostile kings).
Among the three allied kings of the South (he) cut off the beautiful head of Manabharanan wearing a golden crown set with large jewels on the battlefield, seized in battle Vira Kéralan (Chéra) of wide ankle rings and was pleased to have him kicked by his furious elephant Athivárana and drove to the Mullayir Sundara Pandyan of endless great fame, who lost in battle his royal white parasol, his fly whisks of white yak's hair and his throne and ran away dropping his crown with dishevelled hair and wearied foot. (He) sent the undaunted king of Vénádu to heaven and destroyed Contd.)


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cut off on the battle field the beautiful head of Mánábharana adorned with great gems and a golden crown; captured in fight Wira-Kéralian of the wide ankle rings and was pleased to have him trampled to death by his furious elephant Attivárana, and drove to the ancient river Mullaiyár, Sundara Pándya of great and undying fame who lost in the stress of battle his royal white parasol, his fly-whisks of white yak's hair and his throne and fled leaving his crown behind him with dishevelled locks and weary feet." Of the three kings of the South who allied themselves to fight against the Chola sovereign, the
in anger the three (princes) of the famous Irámagudam. While the strong Villavan fled from his country with bowels protruding and hid himself in the jungle, (the Chóla king) wearing a new wreath of vanji flowers destroyed his fleet at Kandalir Sālai.
ቋ“ sk *ረ
By despatching a single army (he) took the crown of Vikrana Bahu the king of the people of Lanka on the tempestuous ocean, the crown of large jewels of the Lord of Lanka, Vikrama Pándyan who having been previously defeated by him (the Chóla king) and having lost the whole of the Tamil country, had entered Ilam (surrounded), by the seven oceans; the beautiful golden crown of the king of Sinhala Vira Saliméghan, who believing that I am (surrounded) by the ocean was superior to the beautiful Kannakuchchi (Kanyakubja) which belonged to him, had entered (the Island) with his relatives and his countrymen, and had put on the brilliant crown; who had fled ignominiously from the battlefield having lost his black elephant; and who, when (the Chóla king) seized his wife and his elder sister and cut off the nose of his mother, had returned in order to remove the disgrace (caused) thereby, and having fought with his bow dropped his crown in the battle field; and the extremely brilliant crown of large jewels of the king of Ilam, Sri Vallavan (Sri Vallabha) Madana Raja whohad come from Kannara and settled here."

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 28
Pándya and the Céra are mentioned in the inscription separately and the third king Mánábharana cannot therefore be a Pándyan as surmised by Dr. Hultszch. The Ceylon Chronicles do not mention a Mánábharana as a king iruling in Ceylon during the period but another Manimangalam inscription of the 4th year (1055 A.D.) of the Chóla King Rájéndra Déva calls Mánábharana the King of Ceylon. He was therefore in all probability the King of Jaffna. The former inscription further states that Rájádhi Rája deprived of their crowns four Ceylon kings, viz. :-Vikrama Báhu, Vikrama Pándya, Víra Sálamégha and Sri Vallabha Madana Rája. The first two of these Ceylon Kings can be identified with Vikrama Báhu and Vikrama Páņdu being Nos. 116 and 119 respectively of Mudlr: Wijesinha's table in the Mahávansa. The former died in 1038 A. D., and the latter in 1042 A.D., eight and four years respectively before the date of the inscription. But who were Vírasalá Mégha and Sri Vallabha Madana Rája? Vira Salá Mégha is described in the inscription as the
* 88 தென்றிசை வயிற் (போர்ப்படை நடாததிக
காாக் கடலிலங்கையில் (விறறபடைக் கலிங்காமன வீாசலா மேகனைக் (கடறகளிற முெடுமகப்படக்
கதிாமுடிகடிவித் திலங்கையிற் கிறைவன மானுபாணன் காசல விருவரைக் களத்திடைப் பிடித்து ’
Ep: lind; vol. vi, pp. 24-38. S. I. l., vol. iii pt. i, p. 61.
(The Chóla king) led a warlike army to the Southern region captured in Lanká (surrounded) by the dark ocean, the Kalinga king Vira Saláméghan who had a powerful army with his oceanlike elephants and cut off his head with the brilliant crown, and seized
on the battlefield the two sons of Minabharana the king of Lanká,
36


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King of Sinhala (Ceylon) who came from his country Kannakuchchi, (which Dr. Hultzsch thought was Kanyakubja) “to flam with his relations and countrymen" and had put on the crown. Kannakuchchi is here used to represent the country of Kannakuchchiyar, a word employed earlier in the inscription to denote a certain type of people. Kannakuchchiyar' appears to have been a derisive term used for the Malabar immigrants in Jaffna, who had their hair tied in a knot on the side of the head and who perhaps formed the majority of the population, by the other Tamil and Sinhalese inhabitants who had their knots tied on the back of the head. Till very recent times most of the Tamils of Jaffna had their hair knots tied like those of the modern Sinhalese and even now some may be seen in villages further away from the town wearing their hair in a similar manner. When Sapumal Kumáraya invaded Jaffna one of the Tamil regiments that opposed him was composed of “ Conta Cara Demalis ” (Qasrairao List passLSpi-Tamils with knots on the back of the head) according to Valentyn.f The relic of the Malabar custom of wearing the side knot also continued in Jaffna till about 40 or 50 years ago. The Malabar immigration having taken place perhaps a short time before the Chóla invasion referred to in the inscription, and the Kalinga kings too having usurped the kingdom of Jaffna only about two centuries earlier, the King Vira
* The important passages in the inscriptions are fully quoted (notes in pp. 278-281, 283) with the translations given by Dr E. Hultzsch so that our rendering of the word 'Kannakuchchiyar" may be currectly appreciated.
t J.C.B.R.A.S., vol. xxii, p. 38: quotation from Valentyn.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 283
Salá Méghan was also supposed to have come from the same place as the immigrants. Kannakuchchi did not therefore represent Kanyakubja but the country of the Malabar immigrants of Jaffna. The people having been called Kannakuchchiyar, the country from which they emigrated and the country in which they settled were also called Kannakuchchi as would be seen in another inscription of Rájéndra Chóla.“ Víra Salá Mégha who was deprived of his crown by Rájádhi Rája was very probably therefore the King of Jaffna and his proper designation, Kalinga King' is given to him in an inscription of Rájéndra Chóla.* Sri Vallabha Madana Rája is also stated in the inscription to be one descended from Kannara, a term wrongly employed for the Kalingas. He too was probably a prince of the Kalinga dynasty of Jaffna and was perhaps a brother of Vira Salá Mégha.
The other Manimangalam inscription already referred to, of the fourth year (1055 A. D.) of the Chóla. king Rájéndra Déva, reports that he despatched an army to Ceylon and the Kalinga King Vira Salá Mégha was
ቋ“ ጇሩ مم ،، *
அன்பொடுகருது காதலருள்
%ዶ *ጵ“ ※ *
செந்தமிழ்ப் பிடிக லிாட்டபாடிகொண்ட சோழனை தொல்புவியாளுடைச் சோழகன்னகுச்சிய ராஜனென்று
%ቋ“ %° பருமணிசுடாமணி மகுடஞ் சூட்டிப் படிமிசைந்திகழு நாளினில்?
S. I. I., vol. iii, p. 6 l. (He) bestowed high crown resplendent with large gems on Irattapádi Konda Chólan who was the rock of support to pure Tamil, one of his affectionate sons (with the title) Chóla-Kannakuchchiya Raján, the lord of the ancient earth.


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decapitated and the two sons of the Ceylon king Mánábharana were taken prisoners. This Víra Salá Mégha was probably the same king who was deprived of his crown by Rájádhi Rája, and Mánábharana, whose sons were captured by Rajéndra Déva, was the King whose head was cut off by Rájádhi Rája as mentioned in the previous inscription of 1046 A. D. Mánábharana who went over to India to assist the Céra and the Pándya was killed perhaps sometime earlier than 1038 A.D. In 1088 A.D., Víra Salá Mégha was deprived of his crown by Rájadhi Rája when Vikrama Báhu was killed, and Sri Wallabha Madana Rája was killed in 1042 A.D., with Vikrama Pándu. Vira Salá Mégha appears to have seized the throne of Jaffna after he was deprived of his crown in 1038 A.D., and he would have been killed by Rájéndra Déva, sometime before 1055 A. D., when the two sons of Mánábharana were captured. When Mánábharana was killed the heir to the throne was very likely a minor and hence the necessity for Vira Salá Mégha and Sri Wallabha who were perhaps the heir's uncles, to rule successively in Jaffna during the minority of the heir. The Mahimangalam inscriptions do, therefore, make it plain that three kings of Jaffna were killed during the Chóla invasion, one before 1038 A.D., another in 1042 A.D., and a third in 1054 A.D.
From a compendium of Tamil poems called 'Tamil Návalar Saridai' it appears that a Tamil poet named Pughaléndi visited the Court of one Arya Ségaran of Singai who presented him with thousand pieces of gold and an elephant which the poet removed to Madura. A verse which he uttered when the Pándyan went to his

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 285
house in order to secure the elephant, and another when he heard of the death of the Arya Kingf are extant. The poet also visited Kataragama travelling via Colombo where he composed a verse in praise of a ferry boatman.
* * பாவலன் வாசலில் வந்திபம் வாங்கப்படி புரக்குங்
காவலர் நிற்கும்படிவைத்த வாகண்டி யொன் பதினும் மேவலர் மார்பினுங் கிண்டோளினுஞ் செம்பொன் மேருவினுஞ் சேவெழுதும் பெருமான் சிங்கையாரிய சேகானே.”
Y Tam. Náv. S., p. 146. He who made crowned heads to attend at the door of the poet and to beg for his elephant was Singai Arya Sékaran who inscribes (his emblem) "the Bull' on the nine kandies (continents), on the breasts and broad shoulders of his enemies and on the golden Méru. Here the word Segarājasékaran or Pararājas karan is contracted to Sékaran.
* * அஆ விதியோ வடலாரியர் கோமான் எஏ வலாாலிழந்த நாள்-ஒஒ தருக்கண்ணிலுங் குளிர்ந்த தண்ணளி தந்தாண்ட திருக்கண்ணினுஞ் சுடுமோ தீ.” V Tam. Náv. S., p. 144. Oh, is it fate? (Curse) the day in which the great Arya king was carried away by the messengers of Death Will fire burn his sacred eyes which were beaming with grace and were even cooler than the eyes of the young fruit of the palmyrah?
* கயக்காவிநாறுங் கொழும்பிற் பிரசண்டா
காாோர்கொடைச் செங்கை யாரோ தன் மைந்தா இயக்காநின்மார்பிற் செழும் புன்னையந்தார்
இப்போது மீ நல்கிலென் பேதை தன்மேற். சயக்காமவேளம் புதையாது முத்தின் தாமஞ் சுடாசந்தனம் பூசினலுக் தியக்காதுவேயுஞ் செவிக்கும் பொறுக்குக்
தீயென்றுமூளாது திங்கட்கொழுந்தே."
Tam Niv. S., p. 146. Oh! Prasandi (strong and brave man) of Colombo ever smelling of fish ! Oh Yákka ! .. the son of Ardan with the hand of beneficence similar to the dark cloud! If you hand over at once the garland of Punnai flowers you are wearing on your breast, the arrows of Cupid will not wound her etc.


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Pughaléndi is well known as the earlier contemporary of the famous poet Ottakattan who was the Court poet of three Chóla kings, viz., Vikrama Chóla, Kumara Kulótuinga III and Rája Rája II, as will be seen from Saṁgara Chóllan Ulá.* Wikrama was the son of Kulótunga I and reigned from lll 8 to 1143, Kulotunga II from 1143 to 1146, and Rājarāja lI from 1146 to 11 63 AD. Pughaléndi lived during the time of Vikrama and Kulétuiiga II. From the above, it will be seen that kings calling themselves Arya Sékaran (Pararájasékaran or Segarájas, karan) were reigning at Singai Nagar in Jaffna during the early part of the 12th century. It was with the help of this king that the pcet made his pilgrimage to Kataragama as did Ibn Batuta to Adam's Peak with the help of another in the 14th century.
The earliest mention of the Aryas is made in the Mahávaisa Chapter LXI. During the time of Vikrama Báhu (1121-1142 A.D.) the son of Wijaya Báhu I, it is
带 * கூடலா
ரும்பாணிகொள்ளக் கொள்வித் தொருகலிங்க வெம்பரணி கொண்ட விறலோனுஞ்-செம்பதத்துக் கூடிய ர்ேதந்த வென்றெடுத்த சுடத்தனுலாச் குடிய விக்ரம சோழனும்-பாடிய வெள்ளைக்கலியுலா மாலையொடு மீண்டுமவன் பிள்ளைத்தமிழ் மாலை பெற்முேனுந்-தெள்ளித்தம் முன்னுயகரினவன் மூதுலாக் கண்ணிதொறும் பொன்னுயிரஞ் சொரிந்த பூபதியும் ”
S. Ch. Ulá. Kalingattuparani was composed in honour of Kulétunga I. Vikrama Chólan Ulá 99 Vikrama Chóla. Uls, and Pillai Tamil Kumara Kulótunga II
of which Kittan was paid 1000 gold coins.
+ S. Tamil, vol. ii, p. 393 et seq.
An Ult for every verse
py Rájarája II

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 287
said, that "a certain valiant and furious man named Wira Déva who was born in the country of the Aryas and was the Chief of Pálandipa landed at Mahatittha with mighty men,' invaded Ceylon and defeated Vikrama Báhu who fled for security to the fastnesses of the mountains in the centre of the Island. By the country of the Aryas, no doubt, was meant the kingdom of Jaffna For, Pálandipa of which Vira Déva was the Chieftain must be the insignificant island Pálaidivu which at that time might have been populated and possessed a chieftain strong enough to invade Ceylon. It is not possible to conceive of any other island or of any country in India which the author of the Mahávansa would have called by that name.
It appears from an allusion in the Tamil work Chola Mandala Sadagamt that at a time of great famine in Ceylon, a thousand boatloads of paddy were sent by Sadayan o'r Saday appa Mudali of Puduvai (Pondicheri) to Pararájasigan, the King of Kandy, to relieve the distress. Sadayappa Mudali was a wealthy Wellála Chief who had his residence both at Puduvai and at Tiruvennai
* Mah... chap. lxi, vv. 36 —45.
t சேஞர் தொடையார் பாராசசிங்கப் பெருமான் செழுந்தமிழ்க்குக்
கானர் நெல்லின்மலைகோடி கண்டிநாடு கரைசோக் கூஞர் கப்பலாயிரத்திற் கொடுபோயளித்த கொடைத்தடக்கை
மானகான் சங்கான் சடையன் வளஞ்சேர் சோழமண்டலமே."
Ch. Man. S., v.
Sahgaran Sadayan of the liberal hand, who sent mountain loads of paddy in thousand ships to the country of Kandy for a Tamil verse (in his praise) composed by the king Pararájasingan wearing the honey dripping garland, was of Chóla Mandalam.
/


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Nallar and was the patron and benefactor of Kamban, the author of the Rámáyanam in Tamil. As Kamban was the later contemporary of Ottakittan and appears to have survived him and his patroll, and as the Chóla power declined after his death as the result of a curse uttered by him at his death, he must have been killed by the Chóla king Kulótuṁga III (1178-1216 A.D.). Kamban, when he fell out with the Chóla king sought the patronage of Rudra I the King of Warangal, who came to the throne about l162 A. D. He would not have done so, if Sadayan had been alive at the time. Sadayan must have died soon after the Rámáyanam had received its imprimatur in the reign of Rája Rája ll. Parakrama Báhu came to the throne of Ceylon in 1154 A.D., and it must have been some famine such as this immediately before his accession that made him undertake the construction and restoration of several large tanks in the Island, in order to prevent the recurrence of the famine. It was actually during this period that Sadayappa Mudali lived and his munificent donation to relieve distress in Ceylon would not have been an exaggeration. About the middle part of the 12th century there was no king reigning at Kandy and the Tamil Chóla Mandala Sadagam which contains a reference to the event, being a recent composition composed at a time when Kandy was well known as the Capital of €eylon, the author mistook Pararájasingan who received the bounty for one ruling at Kandy. This Pararájasingan was, therefore, a King of Jaffna and a descendant of Jayatunga who was himself known as Pararájasigan or Wararájasing an as stated in the Waipava Málai. A beautiful Tamil verse in which the thanks of the King

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 289
were couched and sent to Sadayappa Mudali is also extant.
According to the historical introduction of a Tamil inscription of the 20th year (1236 A.D.) of Máravarman Sundara Páņdya I (1216-124 4 A.D.) found at Tirukólúr, he conquered the Chóla king, drove him into the forest, set fire to Tanjore and Uraiyilir, anointed himself as a hero, cut off the head of one Pararája and went to Sidambaram. While there, the Chóla king came to him and begged for his crown and he (Sundara) accordingly granted him back his crown and the kingdom.f The Pararája whom the
* 6 இரவு நண்பகலாகிலென்பகலிருளரு விாவாகிலெ (லென்
னிாவியெண்டிசை மாறிலென் கடலேழு மேறிலென்வற்றி
மரபுதங் கியமுறைமைபேணிய மன்னர் போகிலெனுகிலென்
வன்மையின்புறு சோழமண்டலவாழ்க்கை காரணமாகவே
கருது செம்பொனி னம்பலத்திலோர் கடவுணின்று நடிக்குமே காவிரித் திருருதியிலே யொருகருணை மாமுகிறுயிலுமே
தருவுயர்ந்திடு புதுவையம் பதிதங்கு மன்னிய சேகான்
சங்கான்றருசடைய னென்ருெ ருதரு மதேவதைவாளவே."
S. Tamil, vol. iii, p. 6.
+ “ х ک ቋ<
தஞ்சையு முறந்தையுஞ் செந்தழல் கொழுத்தி
ጓፉ 2Ꮉ s کو செம்பியனைச் சினமிரியப் பொருதுசுரம் புகவோட்டி
24
சோாவளவனபிஷேக மண்டபத்து
வீராபிஷேகஞ்செய்து புகழ்விரித்து
நாடும்பாாாச காமத்தலை பிடுங்கி
மூடுந்தறுகண் மதயானைமேல் கொண்டு
2ቋ< ቋ« தெய்வப் புலியூர் தெருவெல்லையிற்புக்கு”
S. Tamil, vol. xii, pp. 346-350. He (Sundara Pandya) set fire to Tanjore and Uraiyar,
fought the Chola, defeated him and drove him into the forest, spread his fame by annointing himself as a hero in the coronation hall of the Cholas, severed the head of the Pararaja and riding on an elephant entered the streets of the holy city of Sidambaram,


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Páņdyan killed was no doubt a Pararájasiňgaņ or Pararájasékaran of Jaffna. The word “Pararája' is used in the inscription in the sense of a specific king and does not admit the interpretation of “an enemy king.' The Jaffna king must have gone to the help of the Chóla sovereign in the prosecution of the war against the Pándyan as the itinerary described in the historical introduction precludes the possibility of the Pándyan army landing in Ceylon. The event must have taken place before 1224 A.D., for in an inscription of the same Pándyan of his 8th year found at Alvár Tirunagari, he is described as the Sri Sundara Pándya Dévar who was pleased to return the Chola country (to its ruler).
From an inscription found at Tiruvandipuram, of the time of the Chóla King Rájarája III, it appears that in the 14th year of his reign (1231-1232 A.D.), Hoysala Narasinha II went to the help of the Chóla king who was captured by one of his chieftains Kópperufijinga of Séndamangalam.f. In the early part of the 13th century, the Chóla power in South India had become so weak as to bring about the disintegration of the Empire. Several chiefs who were once the vassals of the Chola kings and who had helped in the expansion of that great and powerful Empire, fortified their own towns and citadels and began to set themselves up as independent lords of their own little principalities. The foremost among them was Kópperufijinga Déva the Pallava chieftain of Séndamafigaļam. Narasiilha III of the newly risen Hoysala Ballala
* சோணுகி வழங்கியருளிய பூரீ சுந்தா பாண்டியதேவர்
S. Tamil, vol.xii, p. 498. t Ep. Ind, vol. vi, p. 163: M, E. R, 1902. § 9 p. 15: Insc.
142 of 1902

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 29
dynasty of Halebid, who was related to Rájarája III by alliance, having heard of the misfortune that befell his relative, led an expedition, defeated Peru.fijiiga and his allies, released Rájarája from his captivity and replaced him on the Chóla throne. The inscription also adds that among the partisans of Perufijinga, were Parákrama Báhu the King of Ceylon and three of his Officers, and that Parákrama Báhu lost his life in the course of the war. Who was this Parákrama Báhu? He was evi
dently the King of Jaffna. Kaliiga Magha or Vijaya Báhu was, from 125 A.D., reigning at Polonnaruwa and he was also the King of Jaffna, as his forts extended from Cratota to Colombo, and from Colombo to Cottiár. Parákrama Báhu who is betrayed by his Kalinga name as well as the Pararájasingan who was killed by Máravarman Sundara Pándya I in 1224 A.D., were probably the viceroys or sub-kings ruling in Jaffna. Parákrama Báhu having thrown his lot with the other Chóla chieftains fought on the side of Kópperufijinga and was killed in battle. It was perhaps the part played by Parákrama Báhu, which is alluded to in the historical introduction of the astrological work Segarájas Skaram' where an ancestor of the Jaffna kings is said to have fought the Poysala (EIoysala) king The earlier portion of the verse
* 66 சென்றுகருநாடகரை யந்தாவல்லியிற் பொருது செயித்த
(வேந்தும் கன்றிவருமத வேழக்காந்துணித்துப் போசலனைக் கடிந்தவேக்
(தும் Sega. A., Sirappupayiram, v. 6. The king who went, fought and conquered the Canarese at An
taravalli, and the king who punished the Poysala (Hoysala) by cutting off the trunk of (his) enraged elephant (that came against
him.)


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states that a king fought the Kannatas at Antaravilli. Hoysala Narasifiha is called a Karunada (Kannáda) king in an inscription of Jațávarmaņ Sundara Páņdya II.* The two events mentioned in the verse might refer to the part played by the same king at the same time. Was Antarayilli another name for Séndamangalam P
It was perhaps to avenge the act of the abovenamed Parákrama Báhu which was not forgotten by the Chóla kings, that a Chóla army invaded Jaffna during the reign of Rájendra Chóla III, the successor of Rájarája III, as will be seen by his Srirailgam inscription of the 7th year (1258 A.D.) and by the one at Lépaka in the Cuddapah District,f which described him as a great hero "a very Rama (in destroying) the northern Lanka which was renowned as the abode of Virarákshasas." The heroism displayed by the Jaffna army is acknowledged in the epithet "Virarákshasas.' It is perhaps a battle field of this invasion which is alluded to in a verse in Angádipátam (anatomy), a portion of the Tamil medical treatise “Ségarájasékaram' as the one where the bodies of the Vadakkar (northerners) were rolled over.
* See infra chap, viii. p. + M. E. R. of 1912, S32. p. 69; insc no. 64 of 1892 & no. 42
of 1911. * 'இயம்பிய வுடலுமூலு மென்பு நாடிகளுமற்றும்
செயம்பெறுசிங்கை நாடன் செகராச சேகரன்மா லுயர்ந்தவாழ் வடக்காாக முருட்டிய கழத்தின்மீதே அயஞ்சிறிதுளது தீர வழங்தழந் தறிந்த தாமே."
Sega. M. Aŋkádipátam. (The information as regards) body, blood, bones, arteries and veins above described was, to dispel whatever little doubt that remained, obtained by repeated measurements on the bodies of the Northerners, which the great sword of the victorious Segarájasékaran of Singai had rolled on the battle-field.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 293
From the foregoing allusions found in the Mahávansa, Tamil literature and Indian inscriptions, it can be gathered that Kaling a kings calling themselves Aryas were reigning in the loth, 11th and 12th centuries and in the early part of the 13th century in Jaffna. They were probably the descendants of Ugra Singan who pounced upon the throne of Jaffna in 795 A.D, as stated in the Waipava Málai. The mention made by the Mohammedan travellers of the 10th and 11th centuri s of “ a Mihiraj of Zapage' adds confirmation to this inference
Why the Kaliiga kings of Jaffna called themselves Arya Chakravartis is a matter worthy of further investi. gation. The kings who reigned at Jaffna up to the 17th century until the kingdom fell ultimately, in 1618 A.D., into the hands of the Portuguese, claimed that they were descended from two Brahman kings who were appointed by Ráma himself, after his conquest of Ceylon and the establishment of the Rám svaram temple, to rule over the Northern District of Ceylon including Rámésvaram. It
* 1. 'எழில்வாய்ந்த மணி மெளலித்துளவண மாறசாதன்சேயென
(வந்தெய்திச் செழில்வாய்ந்த விளவலொடு சென்று முனிவோனினருள்
(சுரந்துகாத்துப் பொழில்வாயந் தமிதிலைநகர்வில்லிறுத் துத்திருவை மணம்
(புரிந்து வெண்சன் குழிவாய்ந்த மணிகொழிக்குக் தன்னகர் வந்தன்னை தரு முாை
(யைவேண்டி 2. மின்னுடனெடிய கானகம் புகுந்து விசாதனை மாய மாரீசன்
றன்னை வாலியை யேம்மராமரங்கனை வெஞ்சாயக மொன்றினற் [ற டிந்து மன்னு சீர் வேலை யடைத் தடலிலங்கை வளநகர் புகுந்தெழிற்
LOL கன்னனையாக்கர் கோவினைச்செயித்துக் கமலநாயகி ఏకాఫీ
Contd.)


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294 ANCIENT JAFFNA
3. கருங்கடற்சேனை வெள்ள முந்தானுங் கந்தமால்வரைப் புறத்
a a 8 (தனுக விருங்கதத்தாக்கன் சாயைவிட்ட கன்றவியல் பினைத்திருவுளத்
(தெண்ணி வருங்கலைப்பொதிய மாமுனிக் குாைப்பவ வினுமத்தலத்தின
(தியலபைப் பெருங்கதைப்படுத்த வதிசயத் தந்தப் பெருங் கதையாதாம்
(பிணிப்ப 4. அந்தமாதலத்தி லான்றனைத் தாபித்தருச்சனை புரிந்து தன்
s - o ன மஞ் சிந்தையாலருளியப்பதி தனக்குத் திருப்பெயான்னதேயாக்கி நந்தலில் பஞ்சக்கிராம வேதியராய் நான்மறைப் பொருளுளம்
|பிரியாப் பைக்தொடைப் பாசுபதர்களைஞ்னூற்றுப் பன்னிருவரை வா
(வழைத்து 5. பூசனை செயர்மினிரெனக் கருணைபுரிந்தவர் தங்களிலிருவர்
காசினிதாங்கும்படி வாங்கொடுச்துக் கமழ் செழுந்துளப மாலி
(கையு மாசறு சுருதியாரியவேந்தென்றணி மணிப்பட்டமும் கொடுத்
LL SSLLS S SAAAASqS SSL (அதுத் தேசறு குடையு மொற்றையும் வெற்றித்திகழ்விடைத்து வசமு
[# ဓါ).#" Sega. A., Sirappupiyiram, vv. 1-5 l. The tulasi wreathed Vishnu having incarnated as (Rima) the son of Dasarata of the beautiful gem set crown, he (R.ima) with his valiant younger brother went and guarded (the sacrifice of) the Rishi (Viswimitra) whose grace he received. He bent the bow at the green groved Mitilai and married Lakshmi (Sita). On - his return to the city where the dust of white chanks are washed on to the river banks, obedient to the wishes of his mother,
2. he repaired with his wife to the impentrable forest where he killed birida, the wily Marisa and Bali and shot through seven gigantic trees with a single arrow. He dammed the sea of broad waters, entered the beautiful city of forest clad Lanki, conquered the mighty Kumbakarna and the king of the Yakkhas (Ravana), and rescued his lotus faced wife from captivity.
3. When he with his vast army like unto a dark ocean approached the Kandami danam hill, the shadow (the stain of the guilt of killing) of the Rikshasa of great iniquity (Rivana) which haunted him, vanished from his presence. Having noted this peculiar occurrence he related the same to the learned rishi (Agastya) of the Potiya hill. The latter revealed to him the (sacred)
Contd.)

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 295
is also said that Ráma gave them the title of Arya kings and granted to them the parasol, the single conch, the bull standard and the emblem of Sétu. * It cannot be now denied that they were called Arya kings. That naille appears not only in the literature of the period but also
importance of the place which roused his wonder and being impressed with the (Puranic) sacredness of the story,
4. he established the worship of Siva at the place, and involuntarily gave the God and the sacred place his own name, and having sent for 512 brahmans of the Pasupata sect whose minds were full of the knowledge of the four Vedas,
5. he gracefully directed them to officiate (at the temple) and invested two of them with the authority of sovereignty, granting to them the wreath of the sweet smelling Tulasi, the title of the spotless vedic Vrya king, the beautiful parasol, the single (conch) and the victorious bull flag.
That 512 brahmans first came from Benares and settled at Rimésvaram is confirmed by the following lines from a Tamil work called Dévai Uli composed by Palapattalai Chokkanáta Pulaver.
* மெய்நூற்றுறையின் விகிவழியே பூசிச்கும்
ஐந்நூற்றுப் பன்னிருவர் ஆரியரும்--இங்கிலத்திற் றேற்று மலையத்தனையுஞ் சேதுபந்த மீது குடி யேற்றுலக நாதமுனி யென்போனும் ” The use of the word Arya for brahmans in the above lines is noticeable.)
* a. Sega. A., Sirappupiyiram, v. 5.
b, 8 அடற்கரிமூவாயிரத்தோடெழுநூறு பாவருலக் களித்தகோவும்
விடைக்கொடியுஞ்சேதுவு மீள் கண்டிகளொன்பதிற் பொறித்து (மிகைத்த கோவும் வடக்கெழுவாடைக்கு மிளங்சென்றலுக்குங் தன்குலப்பேர்
(வழங்குகோவுங் கடக்கலுழியத்திதனை யிாவலர் தங்கட்களித்த கருணைக்கோவும்
Ibid. v. 7. And the king who presented 3700 wild elephants to poets, and the one who inscribed the bull flag and (the emblem) Sétu in profusion on the nine continents, and the king who gave the name of his dynasty to the north wind and the south wind and the ruler who presented elephants to the beggars.
* Fair Fastig sQatt 6öruH) ub Gutiés s7" is in the printed version but we have corrected it to “ểair as 6siar 49. & GaITT 6örugsjö GQuir ffigy”; vide Pughaléndi's verse; supra, p. 285, note.)


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in several later works and inscriptions. The fact that they called themselves Aryas must have been due either to a Brahman origin or to Brahman connections. The Brahman origin is certainly mythical and appears to have been one adopted by the later kings after they attained power and eminence, in the same manner as most of the Indian royal dynasties manufactured a Puranic geneology in order to trace their origin back either to the Sun or to the Moon. That the Kings of Jaffna wore a sacred thread over their shoulders,f an emblem not worn
s (3) 1 சந்தமலையாளியர்கோன் செகராச சேகாமன் கங்கைநாடன்” Sega. A., Sirappupáyiram v. 11.
Segarajasskaran the Arya king of Kandamadanam and of the
Gaňgakula.
(b) * வென்றிசோரிய வாரியர் குலாதிபன்’
Sega., A., p. 69, v. 9 The king of the victorious Arya dynasty.
(c) * மன்னர்மன்னு செகராச சேகான் மணஷையாரிய வரோதயன்
ibid p. 69, v. 10 Segarajasekaran the king of kings, the Arya king of Manavai.
(d) * சிங்கை நகாாரியனைச் சோாவனுாேசர்?
Kotagama insc.; Bell The lords of Anurai who did not join the Arya king of Singai
(e.) * கங்கையாரின் பதுமத்தாள் ” Ragu, Pad.x. v. 223.
The lotus like feet of the Arya of Ganga (vamsa) “As iš606 uum fesör a96.0- u S6OT GJIT 60rfi” Raghu. Pad. xiii. v. l07.
The Bull banner of the Arya of the Gaṁga (vamsa) * ரிேயசெயற் பாராச சேகா
air fusir p-to-sair' Raghu. Pad. vii. v.63.
The wide fame of Pararájasekara the Aryan.
f * முத்தமிழ்தேர் செகராச சேகா மன்றிருமார்பின் முன்நூ
(லென்ன"
Sega., A. p. 53, v. 37.
Like unto the sacred thread worn on the breast of Segarijasekaran learned in the three kinds of Tamil (classic, lyric and drama
tic.)

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 297
by any other kings of South India or Ceylon, is a sure
sign of their Aryan origin, whether they wore the thread
as brahmans or as kshatriyas. There is no earlier record of any brahmans having reigned in any part of Ceylon either at Rámésvaram or elsewhere. It was perhaps after hearing of these brahman kings that Bertolacci wrote, “The town of Mantota is said to have been the capital of a kingdom founded by the brahmans who had possession of almost all the northern parts of Ceylon including Jaffnapatam.' The earlier kings of Jaffna were Nâgas and in the beginning of the 9th century came Ugra Siňgan the first Kalinga king, and it would be seen that after him
Kalinga kings occupied the throne of Jaffna. The first Arya king was, according to the Waipava Málai, a Chóla.
prince and, according to the Kailāya Málai, a son of the
Pándya king. If he was a Pándyan or a Chóla how did he
become an Áryan ? The clue to this problem is, however, given by the Portuguese historian De Quieroz. He says : “In process of time there came some brahmins natives of Guzerat, called Arus and with the favour of the Nayak of Madura got the temple Ramanacor, whence they came for trade and friendship with the kings of Jaffna and one of them married a daughter of that king and finally his descendants became heirs of that kingdom.f' Simon Casie Chetty, without referring to De Queiroz, says “some accounts represent Singha, Ariya as sprung from the
stock of Chola by a brahmin female of Manavy in Ramnad,
and hence he is said to have assumed the ambiguous title of
* Bertol, Intro. p. 12. t Quieroz, liv. i, cap. vii, Translation by Rev. S. Gnanapra
gasar. 38 &


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Ariya to signify both sides of his parentage, for the word Ariya' is a synonym for the Chola kings as well as for the brahmins." Whatever might have been the authority of Casie Chetty for the above assertion, he was not correct in stating that a brai, man female married a Chölla, or that Manavai was in Ramnad or that "the title Ārya was ambiguous and was a synonym for the Chóla. The Chólas never called themselves Aryas and Manavai was a contraction of Manalir or Manavir one of the ancient names of Jaffna.f Casie Chetty, taking the statement in the Yálpána Waipava Málai that the first king of Jaffna was a Chóla prince as true, and hearing of the brahman marriage, wove out a story from his own imagination. The marriage might have taken place in the manner described by De Queiroz. He too has oommitted two anachronisms in his statement. He confuses the Indian emigrants from Guzer at to Java in the 7th century; and the Sétupatis, the earliest of whom received Rámnad from the Nayak King of Madura in I604 A.D., with the brahmans of Rámésvaram. That the brahmans went for trade to Jaffna is doubtful, but that one of them married a princess of Jaffna which was then known as Manavai is
J. C. B. R. A. S. vol. i. p. 76, note. See supra chapi, pp. 37, 38.
"The Javanese chronicles state that about 603 A. D., a ruler of Guzerat forewarned of the coming destruction of his kingdom, started his son with 5000 followers, among whom were cultivators, artizans, warriors, physicians and writers, in six large and 100 small vessels, for Java where they laid the foundation of a civilization that had given to the world the sculptures of Borobudur.”
Ind. Ship, p. 49.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 299
highly probable. When did this marriage take place and who was the first of the Arya kings P. We have seen that the name Arya as applied to the kings of Jaffna was first mentioned in the Mahávahsa and by the poet Pughal (ndi about the early part of the 12th century. So the brahman alliance with the royal house of Jaffna must have taken place much earlier than the I2th century and the kings called themselves Arya kings, and when they had grown strong enough to invade the rest of Ceylon they called themselves Arya Chakravartis. One is, however, led to surmise that 948 A.D. as stated in the first line of the stray stanza referred to earlier denotes the date of accession of the first king of the brahman parentage. Brahman alliances with ruling dynasties were not uncommon in South India. As late as the 14th century A.D., Virupadevi, a daughter of Bukka I of Vijaya Nagar, was married to a brahman named Bommanna Odeya who enjoyed the position of Governor of certain districts which were called Árya Rājya after him, and members of his family became the hereditary governors of that Rájya.f
Either because Rámésvaram was under their sway or because the brahman progenitor of their dynasty came from Ráimésvaram, they took the legend “ Sétu ” as their emblem and saal. The fact that they called themselves "Sétukávalan' or "Sétukávalavan't clearly proves their dominion over Rámésvaram. The Setupatis became the
* See supra, p. 274, note, t Ep. Ind. vol. xv, p. 12.
a." சேதுக்ாவலவன் விஞ்சைவிஞ்சு செகாாச சேகரன்'
Seg. A p. 40, v. 5 The learned Segarájasékaran the protector of Sétu.
1, 6 ங்ெகையாரியன் சேது காவலன்'
ma Dak. K. P. Sirappupáyiram,
Siņgai Aryan the protector of Sétu.


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Chiefs of Rámnad including Rámésvaram during the reign of Muttu Krishnappa Naik of Madura. Sadayakka Udayān, the obscure chief of Pogalir, was granted the title of Udayan Sétupati and made the Over-lord of all the Maravars for acts of conspicuous bravery and loyalty. From that time the Sétupatis exercised authority over Rámésvaram. Sadayakka Udayán received his appointment in 1604 A.D, and the inscriptions of the Sétupatis are all subsequent to that date.
The fact that the kings of Jaffna used the legend “Sétu” as their emblem can be seen from the Kotagama inscription f where it is used as an invocation in place of Svasti Sri found in the Chola and the Sinhalese inscriptions, and from the coins issued by them. There are several varieties of these coins and about 20 of them are shown in the paper “The forgotten coinage of the Jaffna kings.”: The Jaffna as well as Polonnaruwa kings imitated the coinage of the Chólas; but while the Polonnaruwa coins were the exact replicas of the Rájarája type, the obverse only of the Jaffna coins was of the Chóla type. The reverse on the other hand contained the crest and emblem of the Jaffna kings in imitation of the coins issued by the Gaiga kings of Kalingam. Four gold coins found at Garijam and described by Dr. E. Hultzsch in his paper entitled “Miscellaneous South Indian Coins' published in the Indian Antiquary, had a recumbent
* Ind. Ant, vol. xlv, p. 105.
t Bell; Inscription slab in the Colombo Museum.
We were the first to suggest that the bull coins with the legend "Sétu' were issued by the kings of Jaffna and it was later confirmed by Rev. S. Gnanapraghsar in his "Forgotten Coinage of the Kings of Jaffna."
T lnd. Ant., vol. xxv, p. 322.

A、2ミ2 2
Jaffna Coins (Obverse)
·-with the kind permission of Rev. S. Gnanapragasar O. M. I. To face page 300.]Photo by S. K. Lawton.]


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Page 178
['nowe T (x :SÁq oqoqa['IO, ə8ed əəej o L "I (W "O Jesɛ8ældeneno os oaasi jo tiosss!uuəd puis eq, q&soa
(əsiəaəYI) susoɔ euges
 

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 30
bull facing the left with the Sun, Crescent or Linga in diflerent positions as regards the bul), with the legend on the reverse supposed to be the regnal year of Anantavarman an Eastern Ganga king who came to the throne in 1078 A.D. In the list of "Doubtful coins of Southern India' published by Robert Sewell in the Indian Antiquary, ** three (Nos; 48 a, 48 b and 43c) which were not identified by him, are coins issued by the kings of Jaffna. In them the legend o Sétu ’ is written with the letter “ tu ” above the * sé '' with a line between. There is no bull and the obverse is of the debased Chóla type. These coins perhaps belong to an issue earlier than the type contain. ing the recumbent bull and to a time in which the Jaffna kings had not adopted the bull as their emblem. Did they then use the lyre for their standard and does the lyre flag referred to in one of the verses of the Kalingattu Paranif as one conquered by the Chóla Kings
* Ind. Ant., vol. xxxii. p.
* கேழன்மேழி கலையாழி வீணை சிலை கெண்டையென்றினைய பல்கொடி தாழமேருவிலுயர்த்த செம்பியர்
தனிப்புலிக் கொடிதழைக்கவே."
Kalin., Saptamâtar Tuti, v. 18. Several flags like the boar, the plough, the stag, the lion, the
lyre, the bow and the carps went down and the single tiger flag of the Chólas which was raised on (Mount) Méru only flourished.
The boar represented the Chalukyas.
, plough Yádavas.
stag sp Palas of Bengal. , lion 99 Sihhalese.
bow Céras.
carps Piņdyas.
Did the lyre represent the Jaffnese? Its position in the verse next to to the Sinhalese and bafore the Céras and the Pandyas is evident confirmation of the surmise.)


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302 ANCIENT JAFFNA
represent the Jaffna flag of the period P If the lyre flag was ever used by the kings of Jaffna it must have been earlier than the twelfth century, A.D., for the literary works composed in and after the twelfth century speak of the bull flag only.
It is now impossible to say whether the Jaffna coins were earlier than those of Parákrama Báhu, I. It is also not knowl: if Jaffna had any gold issue as no gold coin of the type has yet been found. The scarcity of gold coins may perhaps be due to the fact that they were melted down as soon as they were found.
The recumbent bull with the crescent and the sun was represented not only on their coins but also on their banners and flas. There are several allusions to the bull flag in the literature of this and of later periods. There were several dynasties in India who had the device of the bull on their flags and coins. The Pallavas had a standing humped bull as well as a couchant bull with the
* a Sega. A., Sirappupāyiram, v. 7; supra, p : 295, note * b.
b * விடலாண் வயமா விளங்கிய கொடியான்"
Dak, K. P., Sirappupāyiram. He of the bull flag. e *அண்டருலக நிமிர்ந்த்ாடும் பரிசுடைத்தாய்
கொண்டவிடைகாட்டுங் கொடியிஞன்"
K. M., p. 5. He who possessed the flag displaying the Bull and waving as high as the region of the gods.
d. “வெற்றிவிடைக்கொடியார் மேலாரிய குலத்தி
னுற்ற மடப்பளியிலுள்ளோரும் ”
Kilai V.T., v. 152. The Malapallis who belong to the high Aryakula and who are entitled to the flag of the victorious Bull.
(The Madapallis, a special class of Vella as nowadays, claim to have descended from the kings of Jaffna.)

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 303
crescent, sun and one or more stars on their crest. " The Maitrakas of Valabi who flourished circa 500 A.D., had for their crest a bull couchant facing right with the legend “Sri Bhabakkah" underneath, f The Rashtraksitas of Malkhed who reigned from 675 to 1000 A.D. had a bull with the sun above it, and a cow and calf with the moon above them. The Kalachuris of Kalanjara had the banner of a golden bull. S. The kings of the Nimbara dynasty of the North Western Provinces who were powerful in the ninth century AD. had for their seal emblem a couchant bull. The seal of the Buddhist kings of Uttara Tosali in Orissa bore the figure of a bull couchant on a short pedestal. Several Gaiga families reigned at different places in Mysore, in Talakhad, Malkhed, and Kuvalálapuram (Kolar). The Gangas of Talakhad had an elephant as their emblem" and those of Kuvalálapuram a couchant bullff The East rn Gangas of Kalinga who reigned from Kalingapuram (modern Mukhalingam) had for their crest a couchant bull facing left. The Reddi Chiefs of Rájamahéndra who exercised an ephemeral sovereignty for a short time in the 15th century had for their crest a
* Ep. Ind., vol. viii, p. 144, Maidavélu plates of the 8th
century.
Ibid vol. vi., p. 84.
lbid vol. viii,
bid vol. vi.
S Ibid vol. v. p. 257, Ablur inscription.
TV Ind. Ant., vol. xxv. ፖ
| Ep. Ind., vol. xv, p. l, Neulpur grant of Subhakara.
* bid vol. vi.
th bid vol. vi.
†† Ibid vol. iv, p. 243; Nadagam Plates.


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couchant bull and a sun and noon". The Reddi Chiefs of Kondaividu who were related to the Chiefs of RajaMahendra had for their seal a couchant bull with the sun and the crescent moont.
Did the Kings of Jaffna who used the couchant bull with the sun and the crescent moon as their emblems belong to any of the above families. Did they borrow their crests fron any of them as a matter of right or was it an imitation? It is indeed a very difficult matter to apply the process of elimination unless we enquire into their vamsa.
The kings of Jaffna claimed to belong to the Ganga Vamsa. There were several Ganga chiefs who held high offices of state under the Chól as and the Pallavas. Laikapuri the General of Pará krama Bahu I, who went to
* Ep. lnd, vol. v., No. 9, Konkuduru plates of Alleya Dodda. t Ibid vol. iv, No. 46, Tottaramudi plates of Kaleya
Vima.
, 'கந்தமலையாரியர்கோன் செசாாச சேகாமன் கங்கை நாடன்”
Sega. A., Sirappupiyiram, v. 11. Segarájasékaran, the Arya king of Kandamádanam, and of the Gaigakula. b * கங்கையாரியன் பதுமத்தாள் "
Raghu, Pad, x, v. 223. The lotus like feet of Gangai Aryan c. 16 மன்றுகண்டருளுங் கங்கையாரியன் விடையின் வானி "
Raghu. Pad. xiii. v. 107.
The bull flag of the Aryan of the Ganga (vamsa) who dispenses Justice in his Audience Hall. d. **கங்கைநாடன் கற்றவர்திலகன்"
Dak. K. P., Sirappupàyiram, He of the Ganga country (vamsa), a forehead mark among learned men.

ORIGN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 305
India with a large army to help one of the claimants to the Pándyan throne and to fight against the Chólas “went against the country of Vira Ganga and laid waste Kannappu Nallar,' and out of the chiefs taken by Kulasékara to give battle to Laikāpuri were Gángéyar and Vira Gangaf According to the Tamil work Tondai Mandala Sadagam, Karikála the Great brought a number of families from the Gangetic valley (and on that account said to belong to the Gaigakula) settled them in the 24 districts (K6ttam) of Tondai Mandalam and bestowed on them rich gifts. These were the progenitors of the Gaňga Chiefs who later fought on the side of the Pallavas and of the Cholas and whose names appear in several of their inscriptions. It is significant that the Telugu Chólas of Vikramasiilhapuram from whose family, according to Mr. V. Coomaraswamy, came the first of the Árya Chakravartis did not belong to the Gaiga vamsa. There is no tradition that they belonged to any family of the Ganga Chiefs of Tondai Mandalam or Chólamandalam.
In an inscription belonging to the 27th year of the Chóla king Kulótunga III (1205 A.D.) found at Káñci,ST
* Mah., chap. lxxvi, vv. 133—134.
Ibid νν. 139 - 144,
காவியமாகிய காமீகங்கண்டுங்கங் காகுலத்தோ ரோவிய குத்திாசாக விருபத்து நான்குயர்ந்த மேவிய கோட்டத்திலுங் கரிகால வளவன்மிக்க
வாவியமேன்மை கொடுத்தளித்தான் ருெண்டைமண்டலமே.
Ton, M. S., v. 97. TT Ep. Ind. vol. viii, p. 293.
Siya Gaňga is described in the inscription as “ iš LopG5avarray புா பரமேச்வான் கங்களுலோற்பவர் சீய்யகங்கன்அமாாபரணன்"
Siya Ganga Amaraparanan born of the Gangavamsa a supreme ruler of Kuvalālapuram, cf. சன்னூல் சிறப்புபாயிரம்,


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306 ANCIENT JAFFNA
one Siya Ganga the patron of Pavanandi, the Jain author of the Tamil grammar Nannial, is mentioned as the ruler at Kuvalálapuram (Kólar). Siya Gaiga was the feudatory of Kulotunga III, Was the first king of Jaffna, a scion of this family? We shall first try to trace the history of the Ganga family and that of its several branches and see which of them has an early mythical history similar to that of the Jaffna kings.
Mr. Hira Lal, B.A. of Nagpur says "Orissa is the country where the Ganga vamsa originated. King Indra Warman of Kalinga Nagara is spoken as the “establisher of this spotless family of the Gangas.' This name was a mafronymic and was carried to other places thau Orissa. Regarding the tendency, which always existed and still exists to adopt eponymous names under the influences of the gradual brahm, anising of castes, it would not be surprising to find a family with a dubious patronymic insinuating a non-brahmanical origin, preferring a matronymic connected with so holy a deity as the Ganges.”*
The earliest genuine Ganga prince was Satyasraya Dhuruvarája Indravarman of the Goa Grant, according to which he was a viceroy under the Western Chalukya kings Kirtiwarman I, Mangalé sa and Pulikésin II, under an appointment running from 591-592 A.D. He was an ancestor and probably the grandfather of Rájasimha Indravarman I, the first king of the earlier Ganga dynasty of Kalinga, who adopted the era of 591-592 A. D., as the official reckoning in his dominions f
* Ep, Ind., vol. ix, p. 43.
(p. vol. vi, pp. 59-592.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 307
These early Ganga kings of Orissa and Kaliiga who
reigned at Pishtapura and Sinhapura appear to have
been suppressed by the Chalukyas about the 7th century
A.D. and supplanted by the kings of the Késari dynasty
who were feudatories of the Maghadas and the Kósalas
and were reigning at Cuttack. Their seal was Lakshmi
with an elephant on either side. They were replaced
by the Eastern Gaigas who came from the South
(Gangavádi) about 1038 A. D. Kings of the Ganga
dynasty were also ruling at Talakhad under the name of Western Gaigas and at Kuvalálapuram or Kólalapura calling themselves pure Gangas. About the end of the 9th century this dynasty was overthrown by the Chólaś and not long after, the Hoysala Ballallas of Dwára Samudra rose to power in that country. It thus appears that when
the final catastrophe occurred the family dispersed chiefly
northwards. Some members of the same line founded the
Ganga Vamsa dynasty of Orissa, the founder of which was Vajrahasta who was also known as the Lord of
Kólahala, but some also went southwards as would be seen from the number of Ganga Vamsa chiefs who
flourished in the Chóla territories in the 12th century.
Vajrahasta I, the first Eastern Ganga king, came to the throne in 1038 A.D. and ruled at Kalinga Nagaram which has been identified as Mukhalingam. In his Nádagam plates, it is said, that these kings belonged to the Atréya Gótra and had received their royal insignia, - viz.:-the unique conch shell, the drum, the five mahāsabdhas, the white parasol, the golden chauri and the excellent bull crest by the favour of Gókarnaswamir of
Ep: Ind; vol. iii, Records of Samavasi kings of Cuttack.


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308 . ANCIENT JAFFNA
Mount Mahéndra. In the Vijagapatam copper plates of Anantavarman Chódaganga who came to the throne in 1077 A.D., the full geneology of the Ganga kings in addition to the above information is given f According to it the earlier Ganga kings reigned at Kolahalapur (Kuvalálapuram or Kólar) in the Gangavádi district, and the fifty-first of the line, a king named Kamarnava I (Indravarmanp) 'gave over his own territory to his paternal uncle, and with his brothers set out to conquer the earth and came to the mountain Mahéndra. Having there worshipped the God Gókarnaswamin, through his favour he obtained the excellent crest of a bull; and then decorated with all the insignia of universal sovereignty, he went and conquered King Baladitiya and took possession of the Kalinga countries. This was perhaps a reference to the earlier Gaiga invasion of Kalinga.
The description given in the above inscriptions, of the receipt of the insignia of sovereignty by the kings of the Eastern Gangas, appear very much like the one given in Sekarájasekaram. Acqrding to these inscriptions one of their kings is said to have "given away a thousand elephants whose throats were trickling with rut” to mendicants,f a statement which is reproduced with more exaggeration in the Sekarájasákaram and applied to an unnamed ancestor of the Jaffna king. It will be interesting to note the coincidences and parallel passages of geneological and historical interest contained in the inscriptions of the Eastern Gangas and the description given in Sekarájasékaram.
* Ep: Ind: vol. iv, p. 243, Nadagam plates.
t lnd. Ant. vol. xxviii, p. 170.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 309
Eastern Gangas Jaffna Kings Vamsa Ganga Gaňga Gótra Atréya Páisupada Temple at which In
၃:fia were recei- Mahéndra *ဗူးမ္ယက္းမ္ယားဇုံ or
From whom received. Gókarnaswamin Ráma
Single conch shell (Single conch shell
White parasol White parasol
Bull crest Drum - Panjamahasabdhas || The title "Arya king, Golden chamara lTulasi wreath
Insignia received - Bull crest
Presented 1000 elephants to Elephants to mendimendicants, { cants and 3700 elleBrother decorated phants to poets. { with a necklace King decorated with
(Kanthika). tulasi wreath.
These parallel passages clearly indicate that the kings of Jaffna belonged to, claimed connection with or imitated the Eastern Gaigas who went from Gangavádi and settled at Kalinga. If the earliest king of Jaffna came from among them, it must have been Ugra Singan, for it was after his time that the Kings ruling in the North were called Kalingas, Whether Ugra Singan was a member of the Eastern Gaigas or not, he came down with a large army of Kalingas to secure the throne of Kadiramalai for himself. As it is said in the Waipava Málai that he was a prince of the dynasty founded by King Vijaya's brother' it may be surmised that he was a member of one of the Kalinga families that came with Vijaya and settled at Singai Nagar near Wallipuram. it is impossible to believe that the colonists at Singai Nagar were totally isolated from their people in Orissa.
See supra chap. vi., p. 243.


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30 ANCIENT JAFFNA
The position of their town was such that commercial intercourse must have been maintained for centuries and Ugra Singan whether he came from Kalinga Nagaram or was a local celebrity, seems to have been aware of local conditions before he made a bold bid for the crown of Jaffna. The Pallava authority, if there was any, had dwindled to a mere nothing; and the Sinhalese kings of Anurádhapura at that tiune were busy with their own chaotic affairs; so that no great effort was necessary on the part of Ugra Singan to seat himself on the throne of Jaffna. His later alliance with a Chóļa (?) princess strengthened his claims to Royal rank and it is not unlikely that his descendants continued to occupy the throne of . Jaffna, and to adopt the insignia of royalty in imitation of those of the Eastern Gaigas with whom they were in constant touch, basing their claims for such adoption on the right of their being Kalingas.
Thus it would be seen that a brahman of Rámésvaram married a princess of the Kaliiga dynasty of Ugra Singan in Jaffna and his descendants adopted the patronymic of Arya' and the 'Sétu crest but retained their maternal vamsa name and the insignia of royalty.
The reason given above for locating the city of Singai Nagar or Sinhapura at Vallipuram on the east coast of Jaffna has still to be verified. The name Singai Nagar came into prominence only after the Arya Chakravartis, and although its earlier existence may be proved by its identity with one of the ports mentioned by Ptolemy and with the place to which Ugra
* See supra chap. iii, p. l 17.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 311
Singan transferred his capital from Kadiramalai, there are scholars who try to establish that Nallar was the place known as Siigai Nagar.f. In the Kotagama inscription, the town is described as Singai Nagar of resounding waters, thus showing that it was on the shore of some boisterous sea, whereas Nallir is not even on the coast of a lagoon. If the surmise that the town to which Ugra Singan transferred his capital from Kadiramalai was Siigai Nagar, be correct. Siigai Nagar was certainly other than Nallir. The latter was not built till long afterwards. Its position on the eastern coast of Jaffna with perhaps a harbour, had the advantage of continuing the early commercial relationship with Orissa and other parts of the Coromandel coast. This was the town which gave birth to Parákrama Báhu the Great who rebuilt, enlarged and embellished it, and this was the town where the father of Nissaika Malla, and Sáhasa Malla lived and reigned.
It will not be out of place here to consider the origin of Parákrama Báhu I, in the light of certain other statements made in the Mahávansa, in order to test the truth of the earlier statement that the husband of Mitta the sister of Vijaya Báhu was a Pándyan prince. The author of the Mahávansa, in his attempt to ignore the importance of the Northern kingdom and the part it played in the history of Ceylon from the 12th to the 15th century, has
* See supra chap. vi., p. 245 t Mr. V. Coomaraswamy of Jaffna maintains this theory.
'பொங்கொலிற்
சிங்கைநகர்’
Singai Nagar of resounding waters.


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312 ANCIENT JAFFNA
in several instances, unconsciously revealed the truth. The suppression of these facts was obviously intentional and he had to turn and twist facts to suit his own purpose. Some of the glaring inconsistencies found in the Mahávafisa are given below, Mitta, the sister of Vijaya Báhu I, married a Pándyan prince, says the Mabávafisa, thus making Vijaya Báhu prefer a Pándyan prince of the race of the Moon to a reigning Chóla king belonging to the dynasty of the Sun, although the latter had entreated him often.' But this appears to have been quite contrary to the practice of the early royal dynasties. The Chóla king of the time occupied almost the whole of Ceylon and one in the position of Vijaya Báhu would not have rejected such an alliance, which would have led to the possibility of his sister's son inheriting the crown of Ceylon in the event of his failure to obtain it. This very Wijaya Báhu who, for the purpose of establishing his own race, gave his son in marriage to Sundari, the sister of the three Kalinga princes who came to his court, would not have sent for a Pándyan prince to marry his sister. It is more reasonable to think that the husband of Mitta was a prince of the Kalinga royal house of Jaffna as the sequel will show. The author of the Mahávansa made a mis-statement presumably on purpose to conceal the actual origin of the grand-father of Parákrama Báhu, the greatest of the kings of Ceylon. When Sri Vallabha desired to give his son in marriage to the daughter of Mánábharana and Ratnavalli, she (Ratnavalli) is alleged to have said “when the prince Vijaya slew all
Mah., chap. lix, vv. 40-41.
bid v. 49.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 313
the evil spirits and made the Island of Lanká a habitation for men, from that time forth came the race of Wijaya to be allied to us, and we gave not in marriage save unto those born of the race of Kalinga; and so long as there remain princes born of the race of the Moon, how can an alliance take place between us, and this prince who is only known unto us as an Áryán, albeit born of you.' Sri Vallabha was Mánábharana's brother and Ratnavalli was his wife's (Sugala's) aunt. Then where was the difference in rank between them? Ratnavalli said to have been an ornament of the race of the Sun' was the daughter of Vijaya Báhu who refused to give his sister to another ornament of the race of the Sun, the Chóla king, and yet she glories in alliances with members of the race of the Moon. Her daughter according to the Mahávaihsa, belonged to the race of the Moon and was therefore not fit to marry the son of Sri Vallabha, the brother of her own husband who also belonged to the race of the Moon. In his anxiety to belittle the royal family of Jaffna, the author of the Mahávansa put such glaring contradictions into the mouth of Ratnavalli. If Sri Wallabha was an Aryan as Ratnavalli calls him, his brother who was her husband must have been an Aryan also, in the sense in which the term was applied to the Jaffna kings. Therefore their father must have been a prince of the dynasty of the kings of Jaffna and his Pándyan connection which the author of the Mahávafisa tried to emphasize appears to have had no foundation in fact. How unceremoniously the kings of South Ceylon attached themselves to the Solar race or to the dynasty of
* Mah... Chap. lxiii, vv. 1 l— 15.
40


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34 ANCIENT JAFFNA
some supposed great and divine personage can be seen from many of their inscriptions. Dappula W was the earliest to mention the Ikshváku family. Mahinda W and Vijaya Báhu I mentioned the same family, but the family of Mahinda IV the father of Mahinda W was unknown to the author of the Mahávaňsa. Pará krama Báhu I whose parentage is well known, is described in the inscription found at Padivil kulam, perhaps his earliest, as Parákrama Báhu Chakravarti descended from ancient princes. In other inscriptions he is called Srimat Parákrama Bhúja, Sri Laihkádinádha Parákrama Báhu and Sri Sangabo Parákrama Báhu Lankésvara, but in the Galvihára inscription, perhaps his latest, he is said to have descended from the unbroken line of Mahasammata and the others born of the Solar race. From these inscriptions it will be seen how the status of his ancestors rose in proportion to his power and eminence. He was the first to claim a descent from a divine personage mentioned in Buddhistic legendary lore. The General Kirtl Séna, the consort of Queen Lilavati, claimed to be not only an Abha Salaméwan but also a descendant of the Ikshvaku family. S Kalinga kings Nissanka Malla and Sáhasa Malla claimed that they belonged to the Ikshváku dynasty. Parákrama Báhu VI made out that he was of the family of the Sun and descended from Mahasammata; and Sri Vijaya Báhu V not satisfied with the respect
* Müller, Nos. 116 & 1 17.
t Ibid No. 121.
† Mah., chap. LIV.
“TT Müller, No. 137.
S libid No. 157,
| Ibid Nos. 148, 149 & 156, ** Jbid No. 160,

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 315
ability of the Sun and Mahásammata proclaimed that he was an illustrious progeny of Vaivasanta Manu! !* These boasts were not a peculiar failing of the Ceylon kings alone. It was quite common among all the royal dynasties of India. Whatever the caste or family of a man, he had only to become a king in order to claim descent from the Sun or the Moon. It was perhaps necessary in those days to impress upon the common people the greatness and the divine right of kings.
To return to the subject under discussion-it is more than probable that Tilakasundari the Kaliiga princess who was married to Vijaya Báhu I was from the Kaling a house of Jaffna, and it must have been her brother, and not a prince from Páidyan lands, that married Mitta, the sister of Wijaya Bahu. Mánábharana, whose two sons were oaptured by Rájéndra, was the father of the prince who married Mitta, and her son was named Mánáhbarana after the grand-father. Her other sons too were named Kirti Srimégha and Sri Vallabha, perhaps after their father's uncles whose names are mentioned in the Manimangalam inscriptions. These very names were again given to the sons of Prince Mánábharana by Pabbhavati and Mitta the sisters of Parakrama Báhu I. This Mánábharana was a son of Sri Vallabha, the brother of Parákrama Báhu's father, by Sugala daughter of Víra vamma and grand-daughter of Vijaya Báhu I. The following geneological table prepared from information given in the Manimangalam inscriptions and in the Mahávansa will show how closely connected were the Kalinga kings of Polonnaruwa to the dynasty of the Kings of Jaffna.
* Müller, No. 172.


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ANCIENT JAFFNA
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ORIGIN OF THE. KINGS OF JAFFNA 317 The frequency with which the names Mánábharana, Salámégha or Srim$gha and Sri Vallabha appear in the above table is not only striking but also strengthens the conjecture that the earliest Mánábharana, who was a king of Jaffna, was the grandfather of Mánábharana, the father of Parákrama Báhu land that the latter Mánábharana was not a Pándyan prince.
Mitta, the sister of Vijaya Báhu, had three sons, Mánábharaņa, Kírti Srimégha and Sri Vallabha. *
After Jayabâhu and his confederates were defeated by .
Vikrama Báhu who occupied Polonnaruwa, the three brothers, his cousins ruled over different parts of the
Island independent of Vikrama Báhu. According to the Mahāvansa all the three brothers reigned in the southern districts : Kirti Srimogha at Mahanágacula, Sri Valla
bha at Uddhanadwára and Mánábharaņa at Punkhagaua.f The location of these places is not known, but
when Vikrama Báhu began to fight against them and
proceeded northwards, after defeating them at three different places he won a fourth victory over them at Kálavápi
and a fifth at Uddhanadwāra. The latter place there
fore must have been somewhere to the north of Kálavápi. Punkhagama must have been Panangámam in the Tunukai district of the Northern province, which became afterwards the seat of some of the later Vannian chieftains. It will - thus be seen that while Kirti Sri Mégha was ruling at Mahánágacula in Rohana, the other two brothers Mánábharana and Sri Wallabha were ruling at Punkha
* Mah., chap lix, v. 42. t lbid chap, lxi, vv. 21-27.
bid v. l6.


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3l8 ANCIENT JAFFNA
gama and Uddhanadwara respectively, which places were to the north of Polonnaruwa. When Vikrama Báhu heard of the birth of a son to Mánábharana, he exclaimed that he (the child) would “be a sparkling central gem in the chain of kings beginning with Vijaya.' Is not the Kaliiga connection here expressed? If Mánábharana's father was a Pándyan prince, how were the links in the Vijayan chain forged?
On the death of Mánábharana, his brothers Kirti Srimégha and Sri Vallabha hastened thither and Kírti Srimegha took possession of his elder brother's country and gave the other two kingdoms to Sri Wallabha who took his abode at Mahánágacula.f Was it the northern kingdom that was ruled by Mánábharana and later taken possession of by Kirti Sriméghap
Wheu Parákrama who was staying with his mother's sister thought of going to the land of his birth, where he expected to be at least a sub-king, he surely must have meant the kingdom of Jaffna where his uncle Kirti Srimégha was reigning. On his way, he went and stayed at Sangathali, which might be Sangattár Vayal near Elephant. Pass, where Kirti Srimégha came to meet him and escorted him in great pomp to the city the name of which is advisedly omitted in the Mahávaihsa. In an inscription found at the Giant's Tank, Parákrama Báhu
* Mah... Chap. lxii, vv. 56-57.
it bid lxiii, vv. l-2.
* B bid • v. 43.
1. "Srimat Sihapuré játa Sri Parákrama Báhu makaritan visva lokátu karyavya pàritat mamà.”
"Made for the benefit of the whole world by the prosperous Sri Parakrama Báhu born at Sinhapura minded of what was fit
to be done.'
Parker, p. 250,

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 319
claims that he was born at Sihhapura, which signifies that his father Mánábharana, notwithstanding the author of the Mahávaihsa, was ruling at Siflhapura or Singai Nagar in Jaffna, and was therefore a king of the Kaliiga royal family of that place. It is, however, curious that the Rajavali should say that the father of Parákrama Báhu was Kit-Sri-Newan-Rajah. (Kirti Srimégha) who was really his uncle.
Although the tonsure and the Upanayana ceremonies were performed on all the youths of the Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya castes, these ceremonies performed on Parákrama Báhu are specially mentioned in the Mahávahsa.† This leads one to surmise 1 hat Parákrama belonged to the Brahman-Kalinga dynasty of Jaffna. The kings of South Ceylon claimed to be Kshatriyas and to be long to the Ikshváku dynasty, but there is no evidence that the Upanayana ceremony was ever performed on any of them or that they wore the sacred thread over the left shoulder. Even the Chólas and the Pándyas who claimed descent from the Sun and the Moon respectively did not appear to have worn the sacred thread.
According to the Mahávahsa when Parákrama Báhu fled from his uncle's palace and went on collecting an army from place to place, he appears to have travelled from north to south, although the places mentioned cannot be identified. When he was still a Governor and in charge of the kingdom left by his father he enlarged Pándavápi or Paduvilkulam on the borders of the Mullaittivu District
* Rajavali, p. 252. " † Mah., chap. lxiii, v. 5; chap. lxiv, v. 13.
lbid lxvi.


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320 ANCIENT JAFFNA
and called it the sea of Parákrama Báhu. He must have therefore been the Governor, if not the King, of the Northern Kingdom.
The existence of an ancient trunk road along the eastern coast of Jaffna from Singai Nagar perhaps to Polonnaruwa can be inferred from the remains of ruined buildings in the following places:-Kudattanai, Porrodai, Amban, Nágarcóil, Kudá rappu, Chempianpattu, Nelliyán, Dévaduravu, Marudankérni, Turukkitidal, Udutturai, (Uddanadwara?) Vettilaikérņi, Katlaikādu, Vaņņänkuļam and Vettukérni, along the route. Broken bricks and pieces of ancient flat tiles and pottery indicate vestiges of ancient occupation. This trunk road, the course of which beyond the Peninsula may be traced without difficulty through the Vanni to the centre of the Island, indicates that there was constant communication between Siigai Nagar and Polonnaruwa, during the period of the Chóla occupation and of the Kalinga kings.
After Parākrama Báhu became the sole monarch of Ceylon, he caused three smaller cities to be erected, viz: Rájavési Bhújáhga, Rájakulantaka and Vijitapuraf It is also said that he built the Kisinára vihára at the branch city of Sinhapura. Now Sinhapura is not mentioned as one of the new cities built by him, and must therefore have been the old one already in existence. In all probability it was the Siňhapura of Jaffna. Or if Rájakulantaka was a town built close to Polonnaruwa
* Mah, Chap. llxviii, vv. 39-40.
bid ΙΣΧίii, νν. 151-153. Ibid lxxviii, v. 87.



Page 189
Nissanka Malla from a wooden Statue in Dambulla Vihara To face page 321.) (Photo by John & Co., Kandy.
 

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 321
and was also called Sinhapura, it must have been so named after the town of his birth.
If the traitor Sri Vallabha in the camp of the Chóla king, who is referred to in the Tiruválangádu inscription of RájádiRája II, was the king of Jaffna,' he would have been the uncle of Parákrama Báhu I, and either succeeded Kirti Srimégha, his brother, to the throne of Jaffna or led his army which went to the help of the Chóla king. It appears incredible that the Jaffna king should have gone in person to help the Chólas against the troops of Parákrama. The Jaffna kings had always been the allies and for sometime before this, feudatories of the Chóla Emperor. Knowing only the feud which previously existed between the kings of North and South Ceylon, and ignorant of the new relationship between them, he (the Chóla king) would have ordinarily sought the aid of his old ally. And the Jaffna king, perhaps with the knowledge of Parákrama, might have readily agreed with the ultimate object of betraying his friend. It is impossible to believe that Parákrama was not a party to the treacherous designs of his relative who must have at that time been his viceroy at Jaffna.
The couchant bull, the emblem of the Jaffna kings, carved on several Buddhist shrines built by Parákrama Báhu, especially on the Nága Guard stones in front of Jetawanaráma at Polonnaruwa and of the ruined Vihárasat Vijitapura, and the sacred thread over the shoulders found on his statue carved out of a rock on the bund of Tópawewa t and on the statue of Nissanka Malla in the rock temple at Dambulla clearly
۔ـــــــــــــــــــــــیــــــــــــــ ــــمستحسنشیہ ۔ --سم*
* See supra, chap. vi, р. 269,
t See Frontispiece
41


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stamp them as the scions of the royal house of Jaffna. It was perhaps after looking at the statue at Tópawewa and reading about the Upanayana ceremony in the Mahávaisa that Farrar, one of the latest writers on Ceylon said that Parákrama Báhu was a brahman of the Hindu religion. The idea of religious tolerance practised by Parákrama Báhu can well be described in the words of Farrar. “The oriental from the very dawn of history, has always understood that all good men are of one religion; tolerance, to his view, is not even a virtue, it is simply an inevitable result of logic and reason; and intolerance is not so much a sin as folly, amounting almost to imbecility. Parákrama, then, observed a decent kindly line; there is no idea that he ever renounced his Hinduism, as his Hindu buildings at Polonnaruwa are as beautiful as anything there; but, not only, no doubt, from tolerance, but also from policy, he showed the greatest consideration and munificence towards the religion of the land. Perhaps his very position as an alien and an outsider made it easier for him to embark on that thorniest of all paths that of a peace-maker in ecclesiastical quarrels."f
Nissanka Malla in his Dambulla inscription derives his descent from the race of King Vijaya of the dynasty of Kalinga, and in his Ruanweli inscription describes himself as “having come from the royal line of the Ikshváku family having become like a forehead mark to the royal family of the Kalinga emperors born at Sinhapura.” In his Galpota inscription, it is said that
Müller, No. 143. bid No. 145.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 323
he was born of the queen Párvati and King Jayagópa “ the glory of the dynasty which reigned in the city of Siahapura" and on being “invited by the king (Vijaya Báhu II) landed with a great retinue on Laiká" and was in the office of Aepa under his senior kinsman' Vijaya Báhu III.* His wives were Kaliinga Subadrádévi and Gaigavamsa Kalyäņamahadévi.
Where was the city of Sinhapura where Parákrama Báhu and Nissanka Malla were born? Was it in the country of Kalinga (Orissa) or in the Jaffna peninsula? Nissailka himself says that he was the son of Jayagópa who was the reigning king at Sinhapura. Was there a king reigning at Sinhapura of Orissa during this period The earlier dynasty of the Ganga kings of Sinhapura was supplanted by the kings of the Késari dynasty and it was the second line beginning with Vajra Hasta that was reigning from 1088 A.D. at Kalingapuram. Jayagópa the father of Nissanka Malla must therefore have reigned at Sinhapura of Jaffna. But how could Vijaya Báhu, the son of Gaja Báhu and Buddhavati the sister of Parákrama Báhu I, be the "senior kinsman' of a prince of Orissa. On the other hand, if it was true that he was invited by Vijaya Báhu II, the nephew and successor of Parákrama Báhu I, to be his sub-king, there was no necessity for Vijaya Báhu to go so far as Orissa to get a sub-king. It is doubtful whether within a short reign of one year he could have sent for a prince and made him his sub king. There were Mánábharana and Kirti Srimégha the sons of two sisters of his own mother. This Jayagópa, the father of Nissanka Malla, must have been a son and successor of
* Müller, No. 148.


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Kirti Srimégha, the uncle of . Parákrama Báhu, reigning at Singai Nagar.
Sáhasa Malla too, in his inscription at Polonnaruwa, says that he was born at Sinhapura to Góparája and his queen Bahidālóka. He must, therefore, have been a half-brother to Nissanka Malla. The inscription goes on to say that he was brought over by the Chief Mallik Arjuna and established in the Ch6la country at Kahacondapattanam. The necessity for this additional information does not appear, wherever Kahacondapattanam might have been. It is a story remarkably similar to that of Pándimalavan and Kalankai.
The author of the Málhavafisa who allots several chapters to the reign of Parákrama Báhu disposes of the reigns of Nissanka Malla and his successors in a few verses, although the glories of some of them, in spite of all their troubles and strife are well enough indicated in their inscriptions. They seen to have been passed over because of their leanings towards Hinduism, although they really were exceptionally tolerant. Nissaika Malla's long inscriptions appear to have been intended to impress upon the people the necessity of selecting one of the Kalinga princes as their sovereign and not one of their own men who were described as of the Govi tribe. It is stated in the Daladamandirama inscription that "nobody should take the Crown of Lanka except those descended from the Kalinga vamsa-not one of the Govi tribe."f Strangely enough, most of the later kings of Ceylon were of Tamil origin, although the Chronicles attempt to trace
* Müller, No. 56. t Ibid No. 149.

ORIGIN OF THE KINGS OF JAFFNA 325
them to the lineage of Sri Sangha Bódhi and the kings speak of themselves in their inscriptions as of the Ikshváku dynasty. “The high estimation.” says Casie Chetty, “ in which Tamil blood had always been held, became in later times an article of political faith; and it prevailed to the end of Sinhalese sovereignty so much so that no individual of pure Sinhalese extraction could be elevated to the supreme power.' But there is also the less sentimental view of Sir Emerson Tennent who thought that the acquiescence of the Sinhalese to the rule of the Tamils was due, possibly, to the fact that they recognised to some extent the claim of the Tamils, founded as they were on their relationship to the old lawful dynasty that had ruled over the Island, f
* Gaz., p. 229. t Tennent. vol. i. p. 396,


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CHAPTER VIII
The ότya Kings of Jaffna.
the Kalinga dynasty of Ugra Singan was reigning
in the kingdom of Jaffna, which included the northern part of Ceylon and the Island of Rámésvaram. In the twelfth century they were known by the name of Arya Kings. During the ninth and tenth centuries and the first half of the eleventh century their fame was not known outside, for during the occupation of Ceylon by the Cholas these kings were their feudatories and subservient to them. But when Wijaya Báhu ascended the throne of Ceylon and married a princess of the Jaffna dynasty, many of her relations flocked to the Court of Polonnaruwa. The extent and the nature of this intercourse are shown clearly by the number of ruins found scattered along the Eastern coast of the peninsula from Point Pedro to Elephant Pass. We have seen that a king called Mánábharana was reigning before 1088 A.D., and two others of the name of Vira Salamégha and Sri Vallabha, Madana, Rälja after him. The latter two were killed by the Chólas before the accession of Vijaya Báhu, and were succeeded by their nephew, the son of Mánábharana. This was the prince who married Mitta the sister of Vijaya Báhu. He had three sons Mánábharana, Kirti Sri Mégha and Sri Vallabha. After the death of Vijaya
F" the ninth century onwards, it has been shown,
* Vide supra, chap. vii. p. 320.

THE ARYA KlNGS OF JAFFNA 327
Báhu and an unsuccessful wal with Vikrama Báhu, the three brothers ruled over separate districts of Ceylon independently of Vikrama Báhu (but with his knowledge and consent). Of these three divisions, the Northern was ruled by Mánábharana. It was perhaps at his instigation that Vira Déva of Páladivu invaded Ceylon during the time of Vikrama Báhu. Mánábharana died sometime before Vikrama Báhu's death which took place in 1181 A.D., and he was succeeded by Kirti Sri Mégha, his brother, during the minority of his son Parákrama Báhu. Parákrama Báhu, even after he attained the age of discretion, refused to take up the reins of government out of gratitude to the uncle who had brought him up with loving care and tenderness; and it was not until Kirti Sri Mégha died during the reign of Gaja Báhu II, that Parákrama Báhu succeeded him as the king of the Northern Dominion. This must have been about 1140 A.D. It was probably the Court of Parákrama Báhu or of his uncle that was visited by the Poet Pughaléndi. The famine which devastated the north of Ceylon and which necessitated the munificence of Sadayappa Mudali must also have occurred during the time Parákrama Báhu was reigning in Jaffna. It was perhaps the memory of this famine and a desire to prevent the recurrence of similar disasters that induced Parákrama Báhu to take up the stupendous task of restoring and constructing some of those large tanks that are still the admiration of the world. The public works carried out by him during the 33 years of his wise and beneficent rule are enumerated in detail in the Mahávaisa. He became king of Ceylon ir
* Mah, chap. lxiv.


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1153 A.D., and the king who reigned at Jaffna during the rest of his reign was very likely his viceroy. His choice would naturally have fallen on his uncle Sri Vallabha. And it was Sri Vallabha who was called a traitor in the Árpakkam inscription of Rájádhi Rája III.* Jaya Gópa the father of Nissaika Malla and Sáhasa Malla and perhaps the son of Kirti Sri Mégha the uncle of Parákrama Báhu, must have been a later king. Vijaya Báhu II perhaps fearing his power and influence sent for one of his sons to be his sub-king in place of Kirti Sri Mégha and Sri Vallabha, kinsmen though they were.
The next king of Jaffna to rise to power and fame was Kaliiga Magha who overran the whole island of Ceylon and who, according to the Sinhalese chronicles, destroyed many Buddhist temples in a fine frenzy of fanaticism.t He erected fortresses in different parts of tke Island, viz. :-Polonnaruwa, Pullaccéry, Kotasara (Cottiár), Gantala (Kantalai), Kandupulu, Kurundu, Padimana (Padivil or Padaviya), Matugona, Debarapatun (Demalapațaņam-Jaffna), Uratota (Kayts), Gomudu, Mipatota, Mandali and Mannaram, He took Colon Nuwara (Colombo) and placed Malabars at Mahagama. S As he and his men are described as Malabars and Tamils by the chronicles and as he was known as Kalinga Vijaya Báhu, it is plain that he was a king of Jaffna. The
* M. E., R. No. 465 of 1905.
† Mah., chap. lxxx., vv. 56-79
Rajavali, pp. 256, 257.
i Nik. San, p. 23
17 Rajavali, pp. 256, 257.
S Ibid.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 329
power wielded by him for 21 years as the over-lord of all Ceylon leads one to surmise that he probably was one of the better known of the Segarájasékarans, either the first Arya Chakravarti or perhaps Kalankai himself. For, the name of Kúļaňkai was Vijaya Kúlaṁkai Chakravarti which bears a remarkable resemblance to Kalinga Magha's full name Kalinga Vijaya Báhu.' The name Kalaikai, a sobriquet acquired by the loss of a forearm, first appears in the Yálpána Waipava Málai and not in any of the earlier works like Kailáya Málai or Waiyápádal. It may, therefore, be surmised that it was a misreading for Kálinga, Káliga in Tamil manuscripts can be easily mistaken for Kúļaňkai and Wijaya Káliňga Chakravarti was thus mutilated to Vijaya Kalankai Chakravartif either by Mailvágana Pulavar himself or by some later copyists. It is, however, to be noted that the first king is called Segarájan (Segarájasékaran) in the Kailáya Málai.it
According to the Editor of the Mahávaňsa, he (Kalinga Magha) reigned from 1215 to 1236 A.D. It has, besides, been shewn that a Pararájasigan was killed by Máravarman Sundara Pándya I in 1224 A.D., and that a Parákrama Báhu was killed by Hoysala Narasimha II
* Nik. San. p. 22. i A theory for which we are indebted to Rev. Father S. Gnanapragasar.
தென்னநிகரான செகராசன் றென்னிலங்கை
மன்னவனுகுஞ் சிங்கையாரியமால்.”
K.M. . Singai Aryan Segardjan (Segarájasékaran) the king of Ceylon like unto the Pándyan.
4.


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at Séndamangelam in 1231 A.D. These two were probably the viceroys of Kaliiga Magha at Jaffna. It is stated in the Waipava Málai that Kalankai built the city of Nallar and directed his Minister Puvinéya Váku. (Bhuvanéka Báhu) to build the Kardaswamy temple at Nallar which he finished in the year Saka 870 (948 A.D.).f We have seen that most of the Árya Chakravartis reigned at Simhapura or Singai Nagar, and that this place was not Nallar. There can be no doubt that Mailvágana Pulavar borrowed the story of the building of the oity of Nallar from Kailāya Malai and obtained the date of the Kandaswamy temple from the stray stanza which mentions the year. Kalafikai could not have built Nallar and made it the Capital because the most eminent of the Arya Chakravartis who succeeded him certainly reigned at Singai Nagar the site of which is found at Wallipuram as already stated in the last chapter. It is true that when the Portuguese invaded Jaffna, the capital was at Nallar and had been there during the reigns of some of the
* Vide supra, chap. vii. p. 290-292. h Y. V. M., pp. 14, 17.
* இலகியசகாப்தமெண்ணுற்றெழுபதாமாண்டுசன்னி
லலர் பொலிமாலைமார்பனும்புவிநேயவாகு நலமிகுந்திடு யாழ்ப்பாண நகரிகட்டுவித்து நீல்லைக் குலவிய கந்தவேட்குக் கோயிலும் புரிவித்தானே." lin the year Saka 870, Puvinéya Váku (Bhuvanéka Báhu,) wearing the garland of flowers, caused the city of Yalpanam to be built and erected a temple for (the worship of) Kandaswamy at Nalúr.
(It should be noted that as the present city of Jaffna did not come into existence before the time of the Portuguese, this verse must have been composed later than that.)
; Y. V. M., p. 25.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 33
predecessors of Saikili. But a clue to the time of the transfer of the capital from Singai Nagar to Nallar is found in the Waipava málai itself. All the kings up to the conquest of Senpahap Perumál were called Singai Aryans, an epithet placed after their names, but the son of Kanakasáriya who reconquered the kingdom after the departure of Bhuvanéka Báhu to Cótte, was called Singaip-Pararájasékaran. It is therefore probable that when Kanakasiriya returned from India on the departure of Bhuvanéka Báhu he must have found that his old capital had been razed to the ground and that a new and beautiful town had risen at Nallir. He therefore took possession of it and he and his successors resided at Nallir. It appears therefore that Sapumal Kumaraya alias Senpahap-Perumál who ascended the throne under the name of Bhuvanéka Báhu built the town of Nallar and the author of Kailáya málai took him to be the Tamil minister of the king. It is not unlikely that there was also a Tamil minister of that name. According to the Vaipava málai, he was a Tamil scholar and poet, he extemporised certain Tamil verses in praise of the feast given to him by the Brahman priest of the temple at Mávippapuram. * Sempahap-Parumál alias Bhuvanéka Báhu was himself the son of a Tamilt and his knowledge of Tamil may have been such that he was able to compose verses in that language. It may therefore be presumed that Bhuvanéka Báhu the Sinhalese conqueror was the first to establish the seat of Government at Nallir and that the Jaffna kings who succeeded him reigned there.
* Y.V.M., p. 17. į Couto, Dec. v, bk. 1, chap. v.; J.C. B.R.A.S., vol. xx, p. 69,


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A Tamil verse, quoted by Mr. Mootootambypillai in his "History of Jaffna,' alleged to have been found in an unpublished work called Visvanátha Sástriar Sambavakkurippu (menorandum of notable events by Wisvanátha. Sástriar) says that Bhuvaneka Báhu who caused the Jaffna Town and the Nallir temple to be built was known as Sri Sanghabódhi, a title borne by the Sinhalese kings. The surmise of Dr. P.E. Pieris that Bhuvanéka Báhu who is daily invoked in the kattiyam of Nallir Kandaswamy temple was Senpahap-Perumálf is there. fore correct. In the Kattiyam too he is referred to as Sri Sainghabódhi Bhuvanéka Báhu,f The year Saka 870 given in one verse and .874 in the other T are, however, both incorrect. The mistake may have been made either purposely to obscure the Sinhalese origin of the town and the temple, or honestly and unintentionally
* 'இலகியசகாத்த மெண்ணுற்ருேடெழுபத்து நான்கி
னலர் திரிசங்கபோதியாம் புவனேகவாகு நலமுறும் யாழ்ப்பாணத்து கேரிகட்டுவித்து நல்லூர்க் குலவிய கந்தனர்க்குக் கோயிலொன்றமைப்பித்தானே." ln the year Saka 874, Sri Sangha Bódhi Puvanéka Váhu (Bhuvanéka Báhu) caused the good city of Yalpinam to be built and a temple for (the worship of) Kandaswamy erected at Nallur.
† J.C.B.R.A.S., vol. xxvi, pt. i, p. 16.
The following is a part of the Kattiyam daily repeated at the Kandaswamy Temple at Nallur during festivals :-
“ Sriman Mahảrájáti rájáya ahandla Púmaņdala pratiyati kandara visvànta kirti Sri Gajavalli mahầvalli saméta Subramanya pádára vinda janatir úda Sódasa mahádána Súryakula vamsótbhava Sri Sahgabódhi Bhuvanéka Báhu smuhá.”)
† Vide supra, p, 330, note i.
TV Vide supra, note *.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 333
in the attempt to fix a date regarding which only the cyclic name of the year was known to tradition, or perhaps the years given in these verses may have a confused reference to the time when the descendants of the Rámésvaram Brahman and the Jaffna princess came to the throne of Jaffna, and so started the line of the Arya Chakravartis,
The author of the Kailaya Málai has perpetrated another anachronism in stating that the temple of Kailāya Náthar at Nallar was built by the first king. author of the Waipava Málai has blindly copied this mistake in his work and credited it to Külaikai.f The Kailāya Málai calls this temple the third Kailāyam : The first was in India, the second at Trincomalie and the third at Nallar. The Dakshina Kailāsa Puránam composed during the time of king Segarájasékaran of the great literary period, was in honour of the temple at Trincomalie which was called Dakshina Kailāyam or Tenkaiyilai. If the temple at
K. M., + Y. V. M.. p. 18.
*நந்தமிர்தச் சித்திாகைலாசமொடு சென்கையிலையில்லிாண்டு நித்தமுளமோர்ந்துறையு நேயபத்தி-யத்துடனே முக்கைலேயாக நல்லமூதூரினென்றமைந்த தக்கைலை மீதினமர்ந்துறைய"
K. M., T That there was a Tamil Sangam in Jaffna can be found from the following lines in the Kailayamālai.
“புவிதிருத்தியாண்டுவைத்த சங்கச் சமுகத்தமிழாளன்' The Tamil king who built the town and established the Sangam there.


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Nallir existed then, the Puránam would have been of right composed in honour of it. It is also said that the priest to officiate at this temple was obtained from Ramésvaram through the help of Sétupaty, the Rajah of Ramnad. Raméswaram was under the sway of the Jaffna kings for a long time as is shewn by their title Sétukávalan and the term Sétu on their crests. So if they required a priest from Ramésvaram they need not have asked for the aid of the Rájah of Ramnad for that purpose. On the other hand the first appointment of a Sétupaty was given by Muttu Krishnappa Naik of Madura in 1604 A.D., to Sadayakka Thévan an obscure chief of Pogalir for loyal services rendered by him.f. If we consider that the Kailāya Málai was composed at the time the Kailāsanáta temple was consecrated, we, should place the time between 1604 and l620 A.D., for there was no king of Jaffna after 1620 A.D., and there was no Sétupaty before 1604 A.D. It is impossible to conceive that a big temple such as that described in the work could have been built at a time which was the most troublesome period he history of the Jaffna kings. They were at that time harassed a great deal by the Portuguese and were busy
* * அந்தணருளாய்ந்திங்கனுப்புமெனச்-செந்திருவார்
சேதுபதிக்குச் செழும்பாசுரமனுப்பி யாதிமறையோர்கள் புகழாசிரியன்-வேதமுணர் கங்கா தானெனும் பேர்க்காசிநகரோனையினி திங்கேயவனனுப்ப வெய்தியபின்’
K. M. When he (the king) sent a letter to S&tupathy asking him to select and send a Brahman, he sent a Brahman of Kasi (Benares) learned in the Vedas, and a teacher praised by the ancient Vedic priests, of the nameof Gangadhara.
t lind, Ant, vol. xlv, p. 105.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 335
devising ways and means to overthrow the power of the invaders begging for aid, for instance, from the Naik of Tanjore and the king of Kandy. It follows therefore that the temple must have been built before 1604 and that the Kailāya Málai was composed after that date. The building of a temple under this name would have become necessary only after the Jaffna kings were deprived of . facilities for visiting the shrine, at Trincomalie. Such a necessity did not arise till the conquest of Sapumal Kumárayå. The temple must therefore have been built by Kanakasiriya or his successor after the year 1467 A.D., and earlier than 1519 A.D., the probable date of . Sankili's accession, as it is not at all likely that a tyrant like Sankili would have conceived of such an undertaking.
Mailvágana pulavar has also taken over the names of the Velála colonists from the Kailāya Málai. It would not have been possible for a prince to collect a number of respectable and influential chieftains from different parts of South India, from Káfici on the East to Vafiji on the West, persuade thern to leave their ancestral lands and go abroad as colonists with their relations and retainers. Even a severe famine would not have driven them. Dishonour and loss of prestige and caste to themselves and their women were the only forces which could have made them leave the country of their birth and abandon the fertile lands of their ancestors. This, we may suppose, happened during the l8th and l-lth centuries when the Chóla and Pándya kingdoms had suffered disintegration and were hard pressed by the Hoysalia
* Y. V. M., pp. 15- 16; K. M.


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Vijayanagar Kirgs, when Malik Kafur and other Muhammedans invaded and ravaged Southern India, and when Visvanatha Naik planted Telugu Polygars all over the Madura and the Tanjore Districts. In times such as these many respectable Velála families may have emigrated to Ceylon. Some of them settled in Jaffna and others sought refuge under the Sinhalese kings and having accepted positions of honour and trust became the progenitors of some of the most respectable Velála families of the South. Such a migration of respectable Velála chieftains is highly probable; and there are hundreds of families in different parts of the Jaffna Peninsula, who trace their descent from one or other of these early colonists.
While Magha was reigning at Polonnaruwa another prince called Vijaya Báhu, also of Kalinga origin, established his kingdom at Dambadeniya and began to collect together the scattered Sinhalese forces, to foster Buddhism and to protect its priests. His son, Pandita Parákrama Báhu III, became so powerful that Magha and his satellites had to quit Polonnaruwa and retreat to safer places, perhaps in the Northern kingdom. f. Before they were expelled from their strongholds, says the Rajaratnacari, the Sihhalese army had to fight “ twelve pitched battles against the Malabar king, Tambalingama Rajah.” į: Was this Tamil Kalingam Rájah or another name for Magha ?
* Rajarat., p. 94. † Mah., chap. lxxxiii, vv. 2l—-34; Rajavali, p. 260. į Rajarat., p. 94.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 337
The Mahávahsa records that, in the 11th year of Pará. krama Báhu’s reign, one Candabhanu alleged to be a Malay (Jávaka) prince overran the whole of Lanká but was defeated by Parákrama Báhu's forces. A few years later, the said Candabhanu “collected a great number of Tamil strong men from the Pándu and Chóla countries, and descended again upon Maháthitha, with a host of Malays. After he had subdued the inhabitants of Padi, Kurundi and other countries he proceeded to Subhagiri (Yápáhu) and encamped there.”f There Vijaya Báhu the son of Parákrama Báhu surrounded his army, and utterly routed it. Vijaya Báhu after putting Candabhanu to flight "took his chief women and all his horses and elephants, his swords and other weapons many in number, his great treasure, his royal chank and the royal umbrella, the royal drum and the royal banner.' Who was Candabhanu ? Was he a Malay as stated in the Mahávafisa and the Pujavalia? If he was a Malay prince or even a Malay pirate how could he have landed at Maha thitha P. How could he have collected a great number of Tamil strong men from the Pándu and the Chóla countries P. On the other hand the Rajavali says, “a short time afterwards, another Malabar king called Chandra Báhu Rájah made a descent on Ceylon and gave battle to the king Alese, and was opposed by the second king, or Parákrama Báhu's youngest brother, who vanquished the army of Malavas, and extirpated the whole out of the
* Mah., chap. lxxxiii, vv. 36—47. t bid chap. lxxxviii, vv. 62-75.
bid.
43


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Island.' Thus it will be seen that it was the Tamils who in those days were called Malabars, Malavas and also Malays. It was once supposed on the strength of certain inscriptions of Jatávarman Sundara Pándya I (1251-1270 A.D.) found on the walls of the Sidambaram temple, that Candabhanu or Chandra Báhu was an error for Sundara Pándya. One of them records that Sundara Pándya fought the Kongus with the elephants he recovered as tribute from the king of flam.f The historical introduction of another inscription states that he went aginst Séndamangalam after recovering tribute from the Kannata (Hoysala) king and the Ceylon kings. The
* Rajavali, p. 260.
t "கொங்கருடல் கிழியக்குத்தி யிருகோட்டெடுத்து வெங்கணழலில் வெதுப்புமே-மங்கையர்கண் குழத்தாமம்புனையுஞ் சுந்தாத்தோள் மீனவனுக்
கீழத்தானிட்டஇறை '
S. Tamil, vol. iv, p. 493. The elephants given as tribute by the king of Ilam to the Pandyan of beautiful shoulders wearing the garland of flowers and surrounded by women, pierce the bodies of the Kongtis, remove their entrails on their tusks and dry them with the fire flying from their eyes.
88 நண்ணுதல் பிறாாலெண்ணுதற்கரிய
கண்ணநூற்கொப்பத்தைக் கைக்கொண்டருளிப் பொன்னிகுழ் செல்வப்புனனட்டைக் சன்னிநாடெனக் காத்தருள் செய்யப் பெருவரையானிற் பின்னவருக்காக்கிய கருசடாாசனைக் களிறுதிறைகொண்டு துலங்கொளிமணியுஞ் குழிவேழமு மிலங்கைகாவலனை யிறைகொண்டருளி வருநிறைமறுத்தங் கவனைப்பிடித்திச் கருமுகில்வேழங்காலிற்சேர்த்து வேந்தர்கண்டறியாவிற்றிண் புரிசைச் சேந்தமங்கலச் செழும்பதிமுற்றிப்
பல்லவனடுங்கப் பலபோாடி’
S. Tamil, vol. iv, p. 515.
Contd.)

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 339
Hoysala king was no doubt Soméswara the successor of Narasinha II who presented the Chóla country to Rájarāja III, and the Ceylon king from whom he recovered tribute of gems and elephants must have been Parákrama Báhu II. But who was the king whom he tied to the leg of his elephant for refusing to give tribute? He was certainly the king of Jaffna. Sundara Páņdya fought Kó Peruñjiňga of Sénda Maňgaļam in 1257 A.D. Therefore his invasion of Ceylon must have been a year or two earlier, perhaps in 1256 A.D. Parákrama Báhu came to the throne in 1240 A.D., according to the editor of the Mahávansa, or in 1236 A.D., according to the Dambadeniya Asna and other Sinhalese records. If the latter date is accepted as correct, 1247 A.D. is the 11th year of Parákrama Báhu II, when Sundara Páņdya had not come to the
He (Sundara Pándyan) was pleased to take Kannantlir Koppam inconceivable by anybody else and in order to preserve the fertile country of the Chóla surrounded by the Kavéri as a land of the Kumari (Pandyan country) recovered tribute of elephants from the Kannada (Hoysala) king who in his bounty returned it (the Chóla Country) to its ruler (Rājarāja III), was pleased to recover tribute of gistening gems and elephants bedecked with jewels from the king of Ilam, chained him, who refused to pay tribute, to the leg of his elephant similar to a dark cloud, reached the beautiful city of Séndamangalam containing a fortress guarded by strong bowmen and {ူးht several battles to make the Pallava (Kó Perufijinga) tremble.
" " Buddha varshayan ekwa dahas ata siya sa vissakvu
avurudu vap mañgal karana dineyehi Nambara Kalikala Saňgita Sáhitya Sarvagñiña Paņdita Parákrama Báhu nam maharajaya eyi kiya otuna pelenda rajaya karana samayehi”.
Damba.
In the year of Buddha 1824. having been crowned on the day of the sowing feast, as Nambara Kalikāla Sangita Sahitya Sarvagnifia Pandita Parākrama Bahu Maharāja, and whilst he was reigning.
The year 1824 mentioned here is from the year of Buddha's enlightenment and not from his nirvana. The Atanagalavansa too gives the same date for Parākrama Báhu's accession.)


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throne. Candabhanu, therefore, might have been a Malay pirate as stated in the Mahávaihsa and other Sinhalese records, and having been defeated and driven away by Parákrama Báhu, he perhaps took service under the Pándyan king and accompanied him in the second invasion which took place in the 20th year of Parákrama Báhu's reign or 1256 A.D. This year agrees with the date of the inscriptions. The second invasion was therefore Sundara Pándya's and if as we conjecture Candabhanu came as his general, the second invasion too would naturally be attributed to the Malay. This would account also for the statement that he collected "a great number of Tamil strong men from the Pándu and Chóla countries." But in spite of his overthrow in this war, the Jaffna king appears to have gone to the help of Kó Peruñjiinga during his war with Sundara Pándya, for there are certain other inscriptions in the same temple which describe him as having inflicted a severe defeat on the Teluigas at Mudugar slaughtering them and their allies the Aryas. The Aryas mentioned here refer probably to the army sent up by the king of Jaffna. In the Tirukalukunram inscription of Sundara Pándya of 1259 A.D., he is described as a second Rama in plundering the Island of Laihkā.f. He is said to have penetrated as far as Nellore where he had himself anointed as a hero.
There is an inscription at Kudumiyamalai of Jatavarman Vira Pándya (1252-1267) which records that “he killed one of the two kings of Ceylon, captured his army, chariots, treasures, throne, crown, necklaces, bracelets,
* M.E.R., 1915, Nos. 332,340 and 361 of 1914.
Ep. Ind, vol. vi, p. 145.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 34
parasols, chaurie, and other royal possessions, planted the Pándya flag with the double fish on Kónamalai and the high peaks of Trikutagiri mountain, and received elephants as tribute from the other king of Ceylon." The two kings mentioned in the above inscription were in all probability Parákrama Báhu III and his contemporary of Jaffna. The king who was killed by Vira Pándya must have been some successor of Kalankai. The double fish engraved on the stone pillars now supporting the gates of Fort Frederick at Trincomalie may have been those engraved by Vira Pándya at Kónamalai, but the mutilated section of a verse appearing below the carps seem on palaeographic evidence to have been the work of a much later period. The second invasion of Candabhanu described in the Mahávailsa must have, therefore, been that of Vira Pándya. Directly contradicting the boast of Vira Pándya, the Mahávahsa claims the victory for the Sinhalese. Could it be that the victory was obtained by sacrificing a number of elephants and much treasure to the rapacity of the Pándyan army ? It is however. strange that the spoils of Vijayabahu's victory are almost similar to those mentioned in Vira Pándya's inscription. The victory claimed by Sundara Pándya appears to have been the same as that of Vira Pándya, for the former too recovered tribute from one Ceylon king and punished the other by tying him to the leg of his elephant,
Parákrama Báhu II was succeeded by his son Vijaya Báhu but, within 2 years of his reign, he was murdered by his Sinhalese general Mitta, who with the 'brethren of
* M.E.R., of 1912. No. 366 of 1906.


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the Munasinha family' and the Sinhalese soldiers turned traitors to the king. But the army of "Aryan warriors" is said to have stood by his brother Bhuvanéka Báhu. They put Mitta to death and raised Bhuvanéka Bahu to the throne.' Who were these “Aryan warriors" who stood by Bhuvanéka Báhu against the Sinhalese rebels? Their acts of allegience and loyalty on the one hand and the traitorous dealings of the Sinhalese on the other clearly show that Bhuvanéka Báhu and these Aryan warriors were alike of Tamil origin. If they were Tamils and were called Aryas, they must have come from north Ceylon. If they were at Dambadeniya during the time of Vijaya Báhu, they must have been there during the time of Parákrama Báhu II too. If that is so, it points to an alliance, or at least a friendship, between Parákrama Báhu and the king of the northern dominion. Surely all the story of the defeat and expulsion of Magha from Polonnaruwa as stated in the Sinhalese Chronicles cannot be fiction. The description of this event as given in the Rajavalif leads one to surmise that Magha left Polonnaruwa on the understanding that while Parákrama reigned at Dambadeniya, he himself should be satisfied with the Northern Kingdom. Unless peace and friendship existed between these two kings it would be hard to account for the presence of a Tamil army of Aryan warriors at the Court of Dambadeniya.
It is also said that Bhuvanéka Báhu drove away his Tamil foes Kálinga Ráyer and Códagangat. Who were
* Mah., chap. xc. † Rajavali, p. 260. i Mah., chap. xc. v. 32.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 343
they? There were, no. doubt, chiefs so named belonging to the Gaigavamsa in the Chóla country. Did they come over to fight against the Sinhalese? But these were also names borne by the Eastern Gangas to whose family belonged the kings of Jaffna. They may have been princes of the Royal Family of Jaffna attempting to secure the Government of some outlying provinces of Ceylon or Wanni chieftains as surmised by Mr. W. Coomaraswamy of Tellipalai. ܚ
It is doubtful whether the kings whose names are given in the Vaipava málai reigned in the, order there given, and it is impossible to state with any degree of certainty whether Vijaya Külankai was the first of the Arya chakravartis or when he began to reign. Mr. Mootootambipillai distributed the ll kings named in the Vaipava málaibetween the years 101 B.C. and 1460 A.D., eight from 101 B.C. to 130 A.D. and three from 1260 to 1460 A. D.f. A more arbitrary method of distribution could not have been imagined. It has been now surmised that Kalinga Magha of the Mahávahsa was "Vijaya Kalankai and it has been noticed that during his reign at Polonnaruwa one Parákrama Báhu probably the sub-king reigning at Jaffna was killed by Hoysala Narasimha II at Séndamangalam and another king by Jatavarman Sundara Pándya I, or by Vira Pándya. We shall now try to find out from other sources if there are any important events which can be made to fit in with the time of any of the kings mentioned in the Waipava málai.
* The Hindu Organ. † Jaf. Hist. p. 9 et seq.


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The Mahávaissa says that after the death of Bhuvanéka Báhu I, during a famine in the country "the five brethren who governed the Pándyan kingdom sent to this island at the head of an army, a great minister of much power who was a chief among the Tamils, known as Arya Chakravarti, albeit he was not an Arya," that “when he landed and laid waste the country on every side, he entered the great and noble fortress, the city of Subhagiri (Yápáhu)," that "he took the venerable Tooth-Relic and all the solid wealth that was there and returned to the Pándyan country” and that "he gave the Tooth-Relic unto the king Kulasékhera.'" It also adds that when Parákrama Báhu III, the son of Buvanéka Báhu, “ raised the canopy of dominion,' finding that the Tooth-Relic was to be obtained by conciliation alone “he proceeded with a certain number of crafty and strong men' to the Pándu country and having pleased the Pándyam by his pleasant conversation, “ obtained the Tooth-Relic from the king's hands."f This is corroborated in every detail by the Rajaratnacari. But the Yá pána Waipavamálai relates as follows:-"In the year 1380 of the Salivahana, Sakaptam, this celebrated young king (Jeya-Vira-Singai-aryan) had a misunderstanding with Puvinéya-Váku (Bhuvanéka Báhu), king of Kandy, touching the pearl fishery. Both kings rushed to arms, and after severe losses on both sides victory declared herself in favour of Jeya-Vira-Singai-Aryan. The victor became master of the territories of the vanquished and
" Mah., chap. x.c., vv. 42-47. Ibid 52-54-س. į Rajarat, pp: 107-108

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 345
one flag, the flag of Yalpánam, waved over the whole Lanká. This state of things continued for twelve years, when the king of Yálpánam restored the kingdom of Kandy to Prakkirama Vaku (Parákrama Báhu) on his undertaking to pay a tribute. The amicable arrangement was brought about by the interference of the Pándyan who personally guaranteed the due payment of the tribute by the king of Kandy and Kandy continued to be a tributary of this Kingdom for a number of successive reigns.' . An investigation of this will show that the Jaffna tradition is more probable and that the Sinhalese chroniclers have attempted to conceal the truth. About the time of the death of Bhuvanéka Báhu (1288 A.D.), there were five kings reigning in the Pándyan country although they were not brothers, f They were
1. Máravarman Sri Vallabha 1257-1292 A.D.
2. Máravarman Kulasékhara II 1268-1310 3. Jațavarman Sundara III 1270- 1302 4. Jațavarman Sundara III 1276-1293 , 5. Jağavarman Vikrama Circa . 1280 or
Máriavarman Vikrama 1283-1291 A.D.
This fact is confirmed by Marco Polo who says, “In this province (Maobar) there are five kings who are own brothers............... At this end of the Pruvince (he was writing from Kayal) reigns one of those five Royal brothers, who is Crowned King and his name is Sundar Bandy Devar.' Wassaf speaking of the same king under the name 'Dewar Sundar Pandi’ says he had 'three
* Y.V.M., p. 22. it. New Dates; Ind: Ant., vol. xlii.
i Cathay, vol. ii, p. 267.
44


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brothers each of whom established himself in some different country.' Had any of them a minister called Årya Chakravarti.?
A mutilated Tamil inscription found at the left entrance of the Gopura of Jagannathaswami temple at Tirupulláni and inscribed in the 37th year (1805 A.D.) of Máravarman alias Tribhuvana Chakravarti Kulasékhara Déva "who conquered every country' records an order of a certain Arya Chakravarti. f. It is, therefore, suggested that this Arya Chakravarti must have been the minister mentioned in the Mahávaisa as the one who conquered Ceylon during the time of Bhuvanéka Báhu I. The inscription is so mutilated that no further details of this Arya Chakravarti can be gathered from it. It was quite as possible for the king of Jaffna who was a friend, feudatory and ally of the Pándyan to build a portion of the Gopura at Tiruppulláni which is close to Ráméswaram, as it was for the Pándyan minister. Rámé svaram was at that time under the sway of the Jaffna kings who may have exercised some kind of influence over that portion of the Ramnad district where Tirupulláni is situated. On the other hand, many residents of Ceylon have left records in South India of their charitable acts and donations to the temples of that country. It is again suggested that there was a chieftain called Malawa Chakravarti who fonght against Lankápuri, the general of Parákrama Báhu I. So there is no improbability in there being a chieftain named Arya Chakravarti as a high officer in the
* Cathay, vol. ii, p. 269.
M.E.R., of 1904, No. 10 of 1903.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 347
Pándyan Court. There may possibly have been about this time a Pándyan minister named Arya Chakravarti, but there is no further record in India, regarding such a minister; the event itself is not mentioned in Kulasékhara's inscriptions. These considerations, coupled with the fact that the Arya Chakravartis of Jaffna had at that time become powerful, support the view that the person who conquered Ceylon, during the time of Bhuvanéka Báhu I, was the king of Jaffna. The tradition recorded in the Vaipava málai that the Jaffna king defeated Bhuvanéka Báhu, ruled over Ceylon for 12 years and restored the kingdom to Parákrama Báhu, through the mediation of Kulasékhara, on the Sinhalese king undertaking to pay tribute to him seems to be more reliable. The records of this event in the Mahåvansa and the Yålpåna Vaipava Málai corroborate each other in almost every detail, except that in the Mahávafisa a Pándyan minister is substituted for the Jaffna king and that no mention is made of the undertaking given by Parákrama Báhu to pay tribute to the Arya Chakravartis.
The Rájaratnacari calls Árya Chakravartithe ambassador of the five brothers of the coast of Coromandel, and the statement in it that the Tooth-Relic was sent as part of the spoils to Kulasékara, the king of the Carnatic,f confirms the theory that the Arya Chakravarti referred to was the king of Jaffna. There was no necessity to send the spoils to Kulasékara if the victor was the minister or the ambassador. He could have taken them with him. The cause of war between the two kings who had apparently
* Almanac. p. 259. † Rajarat., pp. 107-108.


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been friends previously must have been the dispute regarding the ownership of the pearl fishery as stated in the Waipava málai.
The ability of the king of Jaffna to send Ibn Batuta from Jaffna to the Adam's Peak in 1844 A.D. with an escort, unchallenged by any other king of Ceylon, and the description by Ibn Batuta himself of the naval supremacy and power wielded by the Arya Chakravarti and the fact that the Sinhalese kings had been driven to seek new kingdoms in the fastnesses of the mountains for reasons the Sifnhalese chroniclers are careful not to disclose, clearly prove the overlordship of the Jaffna kings, during the fourteenth century, established after the memorable victory gained at Yápáhu."
The year of the above invasion is given in the Vaipava Málai as Saka 1380 (1458 A.D.).t i But this is a mistake of the poet, due to a wrong calculation of the cyclic year. The name of the cyclic year for Saka 1880 is identical with that of Saka 1200, and rectifying the confusion and calculating on the latter basis we find that the date ought to be 1278 A.D., which is within a pardonable margin of 10 years from the date worked out by the editor of the Mahávahsa. South Ceylon, after this memorable conquest, was under the sovereignty of the
* In an able paper entitled "The Overlordship of Ceylon during the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries" read before the C.B.R. A.S., Dr. S. C. Paul M.D. has treated this matter of the conquest of the Arya Chakravarti most exhaustively, and readers are referred to Journal C.B.R.A.S., vol. xxviii, pp. 83 et seq.
t Y.V.M. p. 22.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 349
Jaffna kings for 12 years, and the Sinhalese kings were feudatories of the Jaffna kings until the conquest of Jaffna by Sapumal Kumaraya. The Sinhalese kings, therefore, removed their capitals from place to place, so that only the most powerful of the Jaffna kings were able to recover tribute from them. This tradition of the supremacy of the kings of Jaffna during the latter part of the 13th century and during the 14th century is confirmed by Marco Polo and Ibn Batuta. When Marco Polo visited South India in 1284 A.D., the king of Ceylon, according to him, was Sandamain." The name has not been identified but in all probability it was intended to be one of the Kings of Jaffna.
If the surmise that the Sandamain of Marco Polo was a king of Jaffna is correct, and if he was the king of all Ceylon during the visit of Marco Polo, the battle of Yápáhu must have been earlier than 1284 A.D. The year 1278 A.D. as deduced by us from the traditional year given in the Waipava Málai may therefore be correct. If the date of accession of Parákrama Báhu II be taken as 1286 A.D. as mentioned earlier, Bhuvanéka Báhu I must have come to the throne in (1236 plus 35 plus 2) 1273 A.D. The invasion by the Jaffna king took place in 1278 A.D., the fifth year of Bhuvanéka Báhu's reign and not after his death as stated in the Mahávaihsa and the Rajaratnácari. It is not stated in the Waipava Málai that Bhuvanéka Báhu was killed in this campaign. He died perhaps in the llth year of his reign (1284 A.D.) and there was no king for 12 years after his death. Parákrama Báhu,
* Marco. vol.


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his son, sought the aid of Kulasékara, obtained the Tooth Relic and became a feudatory of the king of Jaffna in 1296 A.D., and hence the statements in the Waipawa Málai that the Jaffna flag waved over the whole of Laňká i for 12 years." The dates of accession given to the kings of this period by the editor of the Mahávaisa are not quite correct. The date of accession of Parákrama Báhur IV can be fixed from other sources. According to a Tamil astrological work called Sarajóti Málai, it received its imprimatur at the Court of Parákrama Báhu of Dambadeniya in the year Saka 1282 or 1310 A.D.,f the
Y.V.M., p. 22.
The Jaffna flag was not "the Gemini and the Lyre, as stated by Mr. Brito in his translation of the Vaipava Malai but 'the Couchant Bull' as would be seen in the literature of the period.
+ * உரைத்த சசுவருடமுறுமாயிரத் திருநூற்
ருெருநாலெட்டினிலிலகு வசந்தந்தன்னிற் றரித்திடுவைகாசி புதன் பனையிஞளிற் றம்பைவளர் பராக்கிரம வாகுபூய விருத்தவையிந் சரசோதிமாலை யீசர்
றெய்து படலதுாற்முென்பான் மூப்பானன்காம் விருத்தமாங்கேற்றினனற் போசாச
விஞ்சைமறைவேதியனும் புலவாேறே."
Saraj. Mälai.–8plutu9riä. Sarajóti malai containing twelve chapters and 934 verses was composed by the Brahman poet Bhója Raja Pandita, and was exhibited at the Court of King Parakrama Bahu of Damba (deniya) on Wednesday in the month of Vaikisi (May-June) in the spring of the Saka year 1232 under the asterism of Anusha.
The above statement was tested with the help of Mr. SwamiKannupillai's "Indian Chronology" and it was found that the asterism of Anusha in the month of Vaikasi of Saka 1232 fell on a Wednesday.)

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 35
7th year of his reign. Two Parákrama Báhis, the Second and the Fourth, reigned at Dambadeniya according to a Sinhalese work called Dambadeniya Asna. According to another Siilihalese book called KurunegalaVistaraya, after the massacre of Wastuhimi, the Muslim usurper, the prince who was at Kalundéwa was installed as king under the title of Pandita Parākrama Báhu and he removed the seat of government to Dambadeniya.f Therefore the patron of the author of Sarajóti Malai was Pandita Parákrama Báhu IV. If to 1236, " the year of accession of Parákrama Báhu II, the following periods are added:-
35 the reign of Parákrama Báhu III
2 the reign of Vijaya Báhu III
11 the reign of Bhuvanéka Báhu II
12 years under the Jaffna flag
5 the reign of Parákrama Báhu III 2 the reign of Vathimi Bhuvanéka Báhu Ili
303 we get t503 which is also the year when, according to the Sarajóti Málai, Parákrama Báhu IV came to the throne. That the invasion of Yipáhu took place in 1278 A.D.
'aarstafuocyl-65 (59. காசினியனைத்துங்காக்குச்
தனிமதிக்குடைக்கீழ்ச்சிங்காசனத்தின் மேலினிதிருந்து மனுசெறிநடாத்திவாழுமங்கலவாண்டோாேழி -مر வினியசோதிட சன்னூலைத் தமிழினலியம்பென்குேத”
Sara. M. F?äyiram, v. 7. In the auspicious seventh year after his coronation while he was reigning with justice seated on the throne under an umbrella : which protects the whole earth and which is as cool as the moon,
he (Parikrama Báhu) directed that a work on astrology should be composed in sweet Tamil.
J. C. B. R. A. S., vol xiii, pp.45-46.


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according to the correct calculation made from the traditional cyclic year given in the Yalpâna Waipava Málai, and that Ceylon was under the sway of the king of Jaffna for 12 years before the accession of Parákrama Báhu III, have thus been proved to be true by the independent evidence of the Sarajóti Málai. The Kurunegala Vistaraya which records the reigns of the kings who ruled at Kurunegala says that Parákrama Báhu IV had to remove his capital from Dambadeniya to Kurunegala, on account of an insurrection of the people of Yápápatuna. The insurrection of a people living more than a hundred miles away would certainly not have made any king remove his capital from one place to another. The cause of this change was really the pressure brought to bear on him by the king of Jaffna for the payment of tribute. Otherwisa we shall have to imagine a similar insurrection in later times to explain thẻ abandoning of Kurunegala for the mountain fastnesses of Gampola. V
In Quatremère's memoir on Egypt and the Mamelouk Saltans translated from Arabian manuscripts, there is an account of an embassy, which arrived at Cairo during the reign of Melek Mansour Qalâyoon one of the Mamelouk Sultans, from a sovereign of Ceylon, named Abu-NekbahLebabah. The object of the mission was to establish commercial relations with the Sultan of Egypt. It says:- “In the year 682 of the Hegira (1288 and not 1304 A.D.) there arrived in the Court of Egypt an embassy from the Prince of Ceylon and the king of India. The Ambassador, named Al-adj-Abou Othman, was accompanied by several persons. According to their statements they embarked in a Ceylon vessel, and after having touched at

THE ÁRYA KINCS OF JAFFNA 353
this island, they arrived at the port of Ormus, proceeding up the Eupharates to Bagdad, and thence to Cairo. A letter from the king was presented to the Sultan, enclosed in a golden box, enveloped in a stuff resembling the bark of a tree. The letter was also written in indigenous characters upon the bark of a tree. As no person in Cairo could read the writing, the ambassador explained its contents verbally, saying that his master possessed prodigious quantity of pearls, for the fishery formed part of his dominions, also precious stones of all sorts, ships, elephants, muslins and other stuffs, bakam wood, cinnamon, and all the commodities of trade which the Sultan obtained from the Banian merchants.' The ambassador also stated that his master received an envoy from the Prince of Yemen, proposing an alliance, but he had rejected his overtures on account of the Sultan.
The embassy is stated to have been well received by the Sultan and dismissed with a letter to the king; but nothing appears to have resulted from the mission.'
There appears to be no doubt that the prince of Ceylon and the king of India named Abou Nekbah was Bhuvanéka Ba or Bhuvanéka Báhu and it has beer surmised that Lebabah is a misreading for Yápáhu. The alliance desired by the Sinhalese king Bhuvanéka Báhu I was perhaps intended for the purpose of strengthening his position against the aggresions of Arya Chakravarti, the king of Jaffna, who had defeated him in 1278 A.D. The mention of pearls and of the Pearl Fisheries in his letter appear to be a special inducement offered to elicit
* Rifles, vol, i, pp. 247-248.
సి {^ . " * _ • #' . 45 ជំd& {} នៃស ខាន់ ,


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the Sultan's sympathy and to arouse his desire with the ultimate object of wresting the fisheries from the hands of the king of Jaffna. Bhuvanéka Báhu I died in 1284 A.D., perhaps before the return of the embassy. The bark of the tree on which the letter was written was clearly a piece of Ola. It is impossible to guess the ambassador's name which has received a thoroughly Muhammedan rendering although “ Othman ” sounds very much like ' Uttaman.
When Ibn Batuta visited Ceylon in 1344 A.D., the Arya Chakravarti was the Sultan of Ceylon. On his way to Adam's Peak he passed Kótte the city of Alagakónar, but the latter raised no objection as Ibn Batuta was travelling under the protection of the king of Jaffna.
The Jaffna king to whom the victory at Yápáhu is attributed is alleged to be Jeya Wira, the ninth in the list of kings given in the Waipavamálai.f. If Jeya Vira is taken to have lived in 1278 or 1288 A.D. then the reign of one king only intervenes between him and Kanakasiriya, in whose reign Sapumal invaded Jaffna. It is known from other sources that the invasion of Sapumal took place about the middle of the i5th century. It is therefore clear that Mailvágana Pulavar by fixing the traditional year of the above conquest at Saka 1380 allotted it to one of the later kings in the list or, as conjectured by Dr. Paul, he has fallen into the error of
拳 Batuta,
Y. V. M., p. 22. Ibid 23.
Rajavali, p. 265.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 355
giving the “terminal date Saka 1380 as the year of commencement of the great series of events which started with the establishment of the suzerainity of Jaffna over the rest of Ceylon and ended with the capture of Jaffna.'
The Vaipava Málai says that in the reign of Waróthaya Siňgai Áryan, Santhirasékara Páņdyan, king of Madura, driven from his kingdom by foreign invasion wandered into Lataká in search of an asylum. Varótaya befriended him, brought together his scattered army, added to it numerous forces of his own, crossed the sea, beseiged Madura, took part in many bloody engagements, routed the usurpers and reinstated the Pándyan on his throne.t Who was this Pándyan?
Máravarman Kulasékhara I, who reigned for about 40 years, had two sons Sundara Pándya by his lawful wife and Vira Pándya an illegitimate child. He designated the latter to be his successor. Sundara Pandya enraged at this, slew his father and seized the throne, but Vira Páņdya, drove him out of Madura. Sundara Páņdya sought aid from the Muhammedans, which led to Malik Kafur's raid in 1310 A.D.: This raid is perhaps referred to as the "foreign invasion' in the Waipava Málai. Malik Kafur who conquered Madura in 1310 A.D. returned immediately, and Madura was invaded by the Céra king in 1313 A.D. The Céra occupation was also transitory; for a Mussalman dynasty was shortly after
* J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxviii, No. 74, p. 90. h Y. V. M., p. 2 i.
Ep. Ind, vol. x, p. 145. TY Ibid vol. iv, p. 146.


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wards established at Madura, If the king of Jaffna assisted the Pándyan to regain his kingdom, it must have been soon after Malik Kafur's raid, when the Pándya had the satisfaction of occupying the throne of Madura for three years. The Mussalman dynasty was replaced by Kampanna Udaiyár, the viceroy of the king of Vijayanagar, in 1365 A.D. It was Sundara Pándya's name that has been transformed to Sandrasegara. As soon as Malik Kafur's back was turned on Madura, Vira Pándya must have again driven away Sundara Pándya and hence the latter's appeal to the king of Jaffna. The assistance rendered to the Pándya king is referred to in the historical introduction to the Astrological work Segarájasékaram, the episode, however, being attributed to the Segarájasékaran the patron of the author."
During the absence of Warótaya on the continent trying to regain his kingdom for the Pándyan, the Vanniyar appear to have risen in revolt and to have sought the aid of the Sinhalese. They failed because the Sinhalese king was unable to help them and they were compelled to submit once more, to Warótaya and appease
* 8 கோமாறன் காகமல மோடை பட்டங்குளமீது குவியக்கண்டு
மாமாரிமதக்கலுழிக்கிளையானை செம்பொனுடன் வழங்கு
வேந்தன்" Seg. A., Sirappupayiram, v. 9. The king (Segarājasékaian) on seeing the lotus like hands of the Pandyan joining together on his forehead (i.e., worshipping him) presented him with gold and a herd of elephants pouring streams of must.
The words sool, ulti-th and got is are here used to mean'
forehead. -

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 357
the King's resentment with costly gifts. If the appointment of a Vanniya Chieftain, as the ruler of a country referred to in Segarájasékaram, refers to the creation of a new chief at Ómantai it must have been on the suppression of this attempted revolt.f Ómantai was for a long time the seat of a Vanniya Chieftain.
Warótaya is the 8th king in the list of the Waipava mālai, and it will be seen that an event of 1310 or 1311 A.D. is attributed to the 8th king and one of 1278 A.D. to the 9th king. It is therefore clear that Mailvágana Pulavar who knew the several events which happened during the period of the Arya kings of Jaffna either from oral tradition or from one of the works mentioned by him as his authorities, has distributed them promiscuously among the several kings mentioned in the list not conscious of the anachronisms he was perpetrating.
If it was the same king who went to help the Pándyan, who appointed the Vanniya chieftain, he was the Segarájasékaran during whose time Jaffna rose to the Zenith of its power and fame. He was a patron of learning
* Y. V. M., p, 2 1. + 1 பாய்மாவு நிதிக்குலமும் பட்டமு டோசுரிமைப்பதியுமிக்க
தேமா?ல புனைபுயத்தோமங்தையர் கோன்றனக்களித்த செங்கை
வேந்தன்" Sega. A., Sirappupayiram, v. 9. And he (Segarájasékaran) presented the Chief of . Omantai who wears the honeyed wreath, with prancing horses, heaps of treasure, a title and right to govern a country.
LiuáGasudaiadasui Gá star is another reading and the present rendering, is on the suggestion of Rev. S. Gnanapragasar.


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and poets and pandits flocked to his Court. He established a college of literati (Tamil Sangam) and several works on astrology and medicine and translations from Sanskrit Puránas were composed during his time. The king himself rivalled his pandits in learning. Segarájasékaram, a work on Astrology, from which several quotations are cited in this book, and a work on medicine in all its different branches, Dakshina Kayilása Puráņam and several other works received the imprimatur of his Court. The fact that Sinhalese kings paid tribute to him is proved by an allusion made in a verse of Sarpasástram (a work on snakebite) which is a portion of a treatise on medicine. The plural word "kings' used in the verse is sufficient confirmation of the fact that at that period there were several kings reigning in different parts of Ceylon,
* Vide supra, p. 333. note T.
+ போரிலுள்ள குத்திானும் பாம்புபுற்றிற்
பரிந்திருக்குமிாையெடுக்கிற் பலவுந்தின்னு
மேருடனே தானுடிற் பத்மராக
மிலங்குமணிமுடிபுனையுமிலங்கைவேந்தர்'
சீரியபொன் திறையளக்கச் செங்கோலோச்சுஞ்
செகராசசேகாமன் சிங்கைமேவு
மாரியர்கோன் வெண்குடையினிழலேசெய்யு
மவனிதனைப்பார்த்து கின்றேயமர்ந்தாடும்மே."
Sega. M., Sarpa Sastram, No. 8.
The Sudra variety of the cobra lives in ant-hills, feeds on whatever it pleases him, and plays spreading his hood looking at the earth-the earth which is covered by the shade of the white umbrella of Segarájasékaran, the king of the Aryas, residing at Singai, who weilds his sceptre so that the kings of Ceylon wearing crowns resplendent with sapphires measure their tribute in gold,

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 359
such as, Kurunegala, Gampola, Péradeniya and K6tte, The reign of his successor Pararájasékaran was equally illustrious. The encouragement given by the latter to literature resulted in the composition of the very able and learned work called Raghu Vamsam by Arasakésari, afterwards the son-in-law of the king, and of another work on medicine called Pararájasékaram.f "she fact that there is at Nallár a land called Arasakésari Valavu points to the time when Arasakésari lived and when Nallar was the capital of Jaffna. It is therefore submitted that Pararájasékaran the father-in-law of Arasakésari was the son and successor of Kanagasiriya who established himself at Nallar after the town had been abandoned by Senpahap-Perumāl (Bhuvanéka Báhu VI of C6tte). As this Pararájasékaran reigned between 1478 and 1519. A.D.,f the Raghu Vamsam was composed about the end of the 15th or at the beginning of the 16th century. Antaka Kavi Víra Rághava Mudaliar, a blind Vellála poet, said to have been a contemporary of Kacciappa Pulavar, the author of the Tamil Kandapuránam,: visited the Court of a Pararájasékaran, and at the king's request composed a work called Árar Ulá, which received the imprimatur of his Court. After an exhibition of several rare feats of memory by the poet, the king not only
* Sen Tamil, vol. xii. p. 81.
- Jaffna Kings-p. 54.
† Vide infra p. 374.
! So says the compiler of Tamil Navalar Saridai on the authority of a verse composed by Kachchiapper in praise of Vira
Raghavan.
Tam, Nav. S. p. 103, v. 242.


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composed a verse in his praise, but also presented him with a nugget of gold.t. As the name “ Gaṁgakula Kulasékara' is mentioned in a verse sent to the king apprising him of the intended visit of the poet, the Pararájasékaran in whose Court the poet flourished was Kulasékara Pararājasekaran the immediate successor of Kalinga Magha (1246-1256 A.D.). The Tamil Kandapuránam, therefore, received its imprimatur at the Court of a Chóla sub-king reigning at Káficipuram about the middle of the 18th century. The supposition of certain scholars that Vira Rághavan visited the Court of the king of Jaffna, during
* The following verse was composed by the king when Arir Uls, was dedicated to him:-
*புவியேர்பெறுந்திருவாரூருலாவைப் புலவர்க்கெல்லாஞ்
செவியேசுவைபெறுமாறு செய்தான் சிவஞானவனு பவியேயெனு நங்கவி வீாாாகவன் பாடியகற் கவியேகவியவனல்லாதபேர்கவி கற்கவியே’
Tam, Na, S., V. 256. : + 8 பொங்குமிடியின் பந்தம்போயதே யென்கவிதைக்
கெங்கும் விருதுபந்தமேற்றதே-குங்குமந்தோய் வெற்பந்தமான புயவீாபா ராசசிங்கம் பொற்பந்தமின்றளித்தபோது”
Tam. Na, S. v. 243. My bondage to poverty disappeared, and my poetry raised the banner of victory when Pararájasingan whose vermilion smeared shoulders resembling (two) hills, presented me today with a nugget of gold.
ஏடாயிாங்கோடியெழுதாது தன்மனத்தெழுதிப்படித்தவிாகன்
இமசேதுபரியந்தமெதிரிலாக்கவி வீரராகவன் விடுக்குமோ?ல சேடாதிபன் சிரமனிசத்திடும்புகள் பெற்றதிரிபதகைகுலசேகரன்
தென்பாலை சேலம்புரந்துதாகந்தீர்த்த செழியனெதிர்கொண்டு காண்க பாடாசகந்தருவ மெறியாதகந்துகம்பற்றிக் கொலாதகோணம் பறவாத கொக்கனற்பண்ணுத கோடைவெம்படையிற்
ருெடாதகுந்தம் குடா தபாடலம் பூவாதமாக்தொடை தொடுத்துமுடியாத சடிலஞ் 3.சொன்னசொற்சொல்லாத கிள்ளையொன்றெங்குந்துதிக்க
வாவிடல்வேன் டு ே
Tam. Nav. S. v. 25l. Sífussos g56vGeér sör = Gaúgakula Kulasókara.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 36
the time of Edirmanna Sinha Pararájasekaran who died in 1614 A.D., cannot, for obvious reasons, be maintained.'
About this period there lived a man called Alaga Kónara or Alakéswara whose actual origin is not known, but of whom various facts are alleged to match the greatness he attained in after-life The Mahávaisa says that he was a mighty prince dwelling at Pérádeniya; but according to the Rájavali, he was the minister or Adigar of a king called Vijaya Báhu and lived at Raigam Nuwera, The Kìrti Sri Mewan inscription on the other hand describes him as the tenth rin succession to Nissa aka Alaga Kónara, the chief of Varijipura, and a member of the Girivamsa.f His ancestor must have hailed from Vafiji the capital of Malayalam (Malabar) and hence the adoption of Giri or Malaivamsa. The Chiefs of Tirukkóvalur are also said to be of the Malaiyakula, but Alagakónár's family could not have been from Tirukkóvalur because they are specially mentioned as natives of Vafijipura. He was a man of lofty ambitions and low cunning, and, knowing well the weakness of the Sinhalese kings, and the inability of the Jaffna king to oppose a powerful enemy far away from his capital, he started to fortify the village which was afterwards called K6tte or Jayawardhanapura, ostensibly for the purpose of befriending his puppet king, but with the ulterior object of becoming the king of the Sinhalese countries, if not the overlord of the whole of Lafiká.
* Place Names, p. 126. † Ceyion Ant., vol. i, p. 154.
Ep. Ind., vol. vii, p. 135, Inscription of Krishna iii, No. 362 οι 1902. 6
4.


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The Sinhalese chroniclers are not agreed as to the exact time when he started to fortify Kótte. According to the Mahávaisa it was in the time of Vikrama Báhu' who came to the throne about 1851 A.D., but the Rajavali says that it was after Vijaya Báhu was captured and taken as a prisoner to China.f But according to the Chinese records the Sinhalese king was captured by the Chinese in 1409 A.D.: The statement in the Rajavali cannot therefore be true. Ibn Batuta visited K6tte in 1844 A.D., when Alagakónár pretended to be the king thereof. As it was not called Kótte then, he might have just started building the town about that time; but when Marignolli visited it in li48, it had taken the form of a fort and was called K6tte. Alagakónár was therefore king de facto from about 1840 A.D. and was fortifying Kotte with the sole object of overthrowing the power of the Jaffna king. As soon as he had sufficiently fortified the place and made his position secure by getting into the town the necessary provisions and weapons for withstanding along and strenuous seige, he threw down his challenge by seizing and hanging the emissaries of the Jaffna king who went to collect tribute. The king of Jaffna on hearing of this outrage declared war and despatched his army in two divisions: one by land and the other by sea. On being informed of the arrival of the first division at Matale, the Sinhalese king fled from Gampola. The division despatched by sea landed at Colombo and Pánadure.
* Mah., chap. xci, v. 7. † Rajavali, pp. 263—264. † J.C.B.R.A.S.. vol. xxiv, No. 68, p. 97 and note. 11 Rajavali. pp. 264-265.

THA ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 363
Aiakesvara, attacked and defeated them at Dematagoda. and Gorakavana and burnt the ships at Pánadure. The people of Udarata joined togethar and completely routed the division that reached Matale. This is the version of Rajavali.' If a victory of so splendid a nature did actually release the Sinhalese kings from the position of being feudatories to a small kingdom like that of Jaffna, why has the author of the Mahāvaisa suppressed it P. He has also omitted to mention the later and the more glorious victory of Sapumal. Did the saintly author think that even the mention of the kingdom of Jaffna was a shame or a crime, or did he intentionally suppress the fact in order that the payment of tribute by the Sinhalese to the Tamils for more than a century and a half, might not be known. The Nikāya Safigrahawa says that Árya Chakravarti came, “with a mighty host of Tamils at once by sea and land with war-like purpose all clad in armour of various hues, bearing weapons, and with visapelali, (poison screens) nadasala (dancing girls?) and marasi, in support. All these he (Alakésvara) put to flight, and he captured their encampments at Colombo, Wattala, Negombo and Chilaw and defeating the mighty hostile hosts who were swarming (in these places) caused his fame and glory to spread in all directions.'t The Nikāya Saingrahawa does not mention the division that went to Matale. The half. hearted and improbabale manner in which the story of the invasion and of its result is narrated in the Rajavali and the Nikāya Saingrahawa leads one to suspect that the victory was not altogether Alekésvara's, and a Tamil
* Rajavali, pp. 264-265. † Nik. San., p. 26.


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inscription, found by Mr. H. C. P. Bell at Kotagama in the Kegalle district, confirms the suspicion. It is a record of victory left by the king of Jaffna and it is impossible to believe that in his headlong flight after a crushing defeat he would have stayed at Kotagama to put up this inscription. On palaeographic grounds the inscription must be attributed to this or to a later period. The characters are not archaic and are quite similar to the letters in the Jambukésvaram inscription of Akkola Rája of the year 1482 A.D The letter ra which retains the archaic form is the same in both the inscriptions. It continued to be so written till
* 36 சேர
கங்கணம் வேற்கண்ணிணையாற் காட்டினர்காமர்வளைப் பங்கயந்கைமேற்றிலதம் பாரித்தார்.பொங்கொலிற்ே சிங்கைநகராரியனைச் சோாவனுாேசர் தங்கள் மடமாதர்தாம்"
Bell; Adm. Rep. of 191 1. The women folk of the Lords of Anurai who would not submit to the Aryan of Singai Nagar of resounding waters shed tears from their eyes that glinted like spears and performed the rites of pouring water with gingely seed from their be-jewelled lotus like hands.
The language used in the first two lines of this verse is rather obscure. It contains a figure of speech called (Gas Tlil Seir colousof, known to Sanskrit grammarians as Asangadi Alankara (gFis guajids it trib). The word sié 300T is means "a bracelet' as well as "drops of water' (tears). and sasis "a fore-head mark' stands for 5 Gevirass th 'libation of water poured on gingely seed placed on the palm of the hand held downwards' as a last rite for departed souls. This rite is never performed by women, but they had to do so in this instance as there were no rinen relations left. Such is the inference.
[The Sinhalese Chieftains are here called Amurésar (AnuraiIsar, lords of Anurai or Anuradhapura). An inscription of Parákrama Pāņdya Arikesari Deva of the 5th century cals the capital of the Sinhalese "Anurai' although Anuradhapura had been abandoned centuries earlier. (Travancore Arch. Series, Pt. vi.)
! Ep. Ind., vol. iii, p. 7.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 365
a very late period. Mr. Bell very correctly assigned the inscription to the 15th century, but unless proof of a later invasion and victory by the king of Jaffna is forthcoming, it will not be unsafe, on the strength of the inscription, to consider that tho Ấrya Chakravarti was victorious, that Alakésvara was lefeated at least by one section of the Jaffna army and that the Sinhalese kings continued to pay tribute. This invasion according to Dr. S. C. Paul took place in 1391 A.D.
In the Ariyur plates issued in 1390 A.D. by Virupaksha I, of Vijaya Nagar, he is said to have conquered Ceylon.f In his Sorakkavur plates issued in 1886 the conquest is not mentioned. Virupaksha's invasion of Ceylon must have, therefore, taken place between 1386 and 1890 A.D. This conquest is probably the one referred to in the Raja vali as the Malabar invasion of Maha Désa Rajah, in which Vijaya Báhu the king of Gampola was captured and taken away and four of his brothers killed. The Rajavali, of course, confuses the capture of Wijaya Báhu with that of Alakesvara by the Chinese in J409 A.D. As this invasion preceded that of the king of Jaffna, it was Virupaksha that captured Wijaya Báhu and left a viceroy in Kandy who is called Sojawna Sevo Raja in the Rajavali and Jothia Seti or Jothia Stoenum Raja by Valentyne.S. He or his successor was later defeated and driven away from Kandy by Ambulagala Kumara who
* Paul; J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxviii, No. 74, p. 115, i Ind. Ant, vol. xxxvii, p. 12. † - Ep. lnd., vol. viii, p. 398.
%f Rajavali, p. 263.
s J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xxii, No. 63, p. 37; Philalathes, p. 39.


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366 ANCIENT JAFFNA
had been sent with an army for the purpose by Parákrama Báhu VI in the 52nd year of his reign (1467 A.D.).* It is also stated that wher. Vijaya Báhu was captured, his queen Sunetra Dévi fled with her infant son who afterwards became king Parákrama Báhu VI. As he came to the throne in 1415 A.D., and as he was an infant in 1889 A.D., when Virupaksha conquered Ceylon, he must have been more than 26 years of age when he came to the throne and not 16 years as mentioned in the Rajavali. Alakesvara must have declared himself king of Ceylon in 1389 A.D., as soon as Wijaya Báhu had been captured, and he reigned 26 years before he was killed by Parákrama in 1415 A.D. If he started building the town of Kótte in 1340 A.D as mentioned earlier he must have been a centenarian at the time he was murdered.
It appears that a Pararájasekaran was reigning in Jaffna in 1414 A.D., for there were inscriptions on the base of the chief shrine at Rámesvaram, which recorded that the principal shrines there were built by Pararáiasékaraņ in Saka l386.f The stones vere hewn at Trincomalie, numbered on the spot ready to be put together and then transported to Ramésvaram. Most of these inscriptions, however, were either destroyed or removed, and forged ones inserted during a suit between the priests and the Rájáh of Rámnad about 1866 A.D.
During the reign of Déva Rája II of Vijayanagar (1422—1449) Lakkaņņa Dandaņáyah , his general, crossed over to Ceylon about 1432 A.D. and evidently compelled
* Rajavali, p. 270 t. Arch. S. S. l., vol. iv, pp. 56, 57; Shrines.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 多67
the Island to acknowledge the suzerainty of Vijianagar' The Nayar inscription of the same king of the year Saka 1860 (1488 A.D.) describes him as one who recovered tribute from Ceylon (Fypigeopolás it airl).f Nuniz says that the king of Ceylon (Ceylao) paid tribute to Dé varáya II. Was it Parákrama Báhu VI or the king of Jaffna or both who were forced by Lakkanna to pay tribute This invasion was probably the one alluded to in Philalates' History of Ceylon as having taken place in 1451 A.D. − −
The Pándya king Jatavarman Parákrama Arikesari Déva (1422-1468 A.D) in one of the inscriptions of his 28th year (1450 A.D) on the Visvanátaswāmi temple at Tenkási records that he defeated his enemies at Singai and Anurai besides other places in South India. But no mention of any such Pándyan invasion or conquest is made either in the Sinhalese chronicles or in the Vaipavamálai; and the inscription may have been merely an empty boast. It serves to show, however, that the Sinhalese kings were even then described as kings of Anurádhapura, although this ancient city had ceased to be their capital centuries earlier.
Parákrama Báhu as a preliminary to the conquest of Jaffna appears to have led an expedition into the Vannis, subjugated the Vanniyar who had grown very powerful and very troublesome and exacted tribute from them.S
• Ind. Ant, vol. lii, p. 10. t M. E., R. of 1917, No. 144 of 1916.
Arch. S. R., 1907-1908, p. 259, note 10, 9
rav. A. S. No. vi., pp. 89, 9.
S Perak. S. and Para. San.; J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. ri No. 63, p. 26. ܖ


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368 ANCIENT JAFFNA
The subjugation of the Wannis and making the Wanniyar submit to him was a skilful move, intended to prevent them from joining forces with the king of Jaffna against whom he intended to proceed. And “accordingly having assembled his forces he placed then under the command' of Senpahap-Perumāl alias Sappumal Kumaraya' who was the son of an Indian Tanikkan by a Sinhalese lady and adopted by Parákrama Báhu as his own son,t and sent them against the kingdom of Jaffna. Sapumal raided the frontiers of the kingdom and returned with a few captives. He was sent out again with a larger force and proceeding along the Western coast via Chilaw, Puttalam, Mannar, Púnakari and Chavakachcheri, he entered the city of Jaffna itself and made himself master of the Ports thereof. Mounted on a black steed he "sprang among the enemy like a tiger on his prey' and “made such carnage that the streets of Jaffna ran with blood that day as if it had been a river.' Arya Chakravarti fled the country with his wife and children, but the Rajavali will have it that Sapumal seized him and put him to death and taking his wife and children to Kóte presented them to Parákrama Báhuo The conquest of Sapumal is passed over in the Waipava málai as a rebellion of the Sinhalese subjects of the king of Jaffna, assisted by the Vanniyar, on account of the king's unjust rule and weakness. Like the priestly authors of the
* Rajavali, p. 268, 269.
De Couto, Dec. v., Bk. 1, chap. v.; J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xx, No. 60, p. 69; According to Kokila Sandesa (v. 258) he was
Parákrama Bahu's own son.]
. ! Kók. San, . ; ";
ʻ si Y. V. M. p. 23." ` -ờ$ cị ,ềề ai
* a . ۔۔۔ ۔ ۔ ۔ ۔” : "" } జ7 ". . . . ۹۶ ؛ په د63. غ،

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 369
Sinhalese chronicles, the author of the Vaipava Málai too intentionally suppressed an event, which, to him, appeared as a dishonour and a disgrace, ሥ,
Parákarama Báhu VI came to the throne in 1410 A.D., according to the Mahāvaisa, and in 1415 لمه.D., according to other Sinhalese works.f Mr. H. C. P. Bell favours the latter view. Parákrama Báhu VI reigned 52 years and died in 1467 A.D. As Sapumal reigned in Jaffna for 17 years : before he was called away by the death of Parákrama Báhu his conquest of Jaffna must have taken place in 1450 A.D. Kanakasiriya was the king reigning in Jaffna at that time. If we allow ten years as the length of his reign prior to Sapumal's invasion, then it follows that his predecessor Gunavira must have died about 1440 A.D. Magha whom we considered to be Kalaikai started reign at Polonnaruwa in 1215 A.D. He went back to Jaffna in 1236 A.D. As Magha started to reign at Jaffna earlier than 1215 A.D. he must have reigned for a long time. We may, therefore, assign another ten years for his reign in Jaffna after 1236 A.D. So his successor must have come to the throne about 1246 A.D, It was perhaps his successor who is called Kulasékara in the Vaipava Málai and who was killed by Sundara Pándya in 1256 A.D. Between him and Kanakasiriya there were 8 sovereigns the lengths
* Mah., chap. xci, vv. 15, 16.
† Rajavali, pp. 265, 267. (The year of Paråkrama Bahu’s accession is incorrectly stated to be the year of Vijaya Bahu's capture, but note the astrological agreement.)
Muller, No. 60; Pepiliyana Vihara inscription,
Каvуа.
; Y. V. M., p. 24.
47


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370 ANCIENT JAFFNA
of whose reigns aggregates to 184 years, from 12561440 A.D. This gives an average of 23 years for each sovereign which is by no means unreasonable.
From the fact that there had been kings who called themselves Pararájasékaran and Segarájasékaran before the conquest of Sapumal, and that the Portuguese Historians called those after Saikili by similar names, it appears that the kings of Jaffna, following the custom which prevailed among the kings of the Chóla, Pándya and Sinhalese dynasties, called themselves by the alternate names of Pararájasékaran and Segarájasékaran. f The author of the Waipava Málai who mistook these titles for names thought that there was only one king of the name of Pararájasékaran and that the other was his brother.
The following list of kings who reigned at Singai Nagar from the 13th to the middle of the 15th century is adapted from the Vaipava málai giving the probable dates of accession according to the average :- Vijaya Kúļaņkai Segarájasékaran circa 1210 A.D. (Kalinga Magha)
Kullasékara Pararajasékaran 1246 , Kulóttuinga Segarājasékaraņ 1256 , Vikrama Pararajasékaran 1279 Warótaya Segarajasekaran 1302 , Mártánda Pararājasékaraņ l325
* The Chóla kings were called Rajakésariwarman and Parakésarivarman, the Pándyas' Maravarman and Jatavarman and the Sinhalese Sri Sangha Bodhi and Abe Salamévan, alternately.
i Mr. H. W. Codrington, C.C.S., was the first to propound this theory.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 37
Guņapūshaņa Segarājas ēkaraņ 1848 A.D Virótaya Pararājasékaraņ 1871 Jayavíra Segarājasékaraņ 1394
or more probably I380 , Guņavira Pararājasékaraņ 1417 ,
or more probably 1410 Kanagasariya Sekarájasékaran 1440 ,
་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་”a (Seņpahap Perumāļ) 1450
According to the above table it would appear that Kavi-Vira Rághavan visited the court of Kulasékara; that Kuláttunga was responsible for the victory at Yápáhu; that in the reign of Vikrama, Marco Polo visited Jaffna and called him Sandamain and Pará krama Bahu III obtained the tooth relic from him; that Varótaya was the Segarájasékaran who went to the help of Sundara Pándya and established the college of literati; that Mártánda reigned during the visit of Ibn Batuta and died in 1348; and that his successor Gunapashana being then a minor, his queen mother was perhaps acting as regent during the visit of Marignoli to Jaffna. There is a discrepancy as regards Jayavira and Guna Vira, for in 1414 A.D., a Pararájasékaran built the shrine at Rámésvaram. Ginavira to whom the Waipava, Málai ascribes a long reign had perhaps ascended the throne before 1414 A.D. As Jayavira too is said to have reigned so long, the dates of Jayavira's and Gunavira's accession may be safely set back to 1880 and 1410 A.D. respectively, thereby reducing to nine years the reign of Virótaya who according to the Waipava Malai too reigned only a few years and died young. Then it would be Jaya


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372 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Vira who fought against Alakésvara and left the inscription at Kotagama,
Sapumal, when he went to Parákrama Báhu with the spoils of victory, was sent back to Jaffna to reign there under the throne-name of Bhuvanéka Báhu." He was the son of a Tamil and therefore a Hindu but he practised tolerance towards the Buddhists. The Sinhalese in the district who were still Buddhists continued their worship without any interference and during his reign a large number of Buddhist shrines were built, the ruins of which can still be identified in different parts of the Peninsula. One at Chunnagam and another at Point Pedro excavated by Dr. P. E. Pieris belong to this period. It was Bhuvanéka Báhu in all probability, who built the town of Nallar and the temple of Kandaswamy in it. The other temples at Nallar seem to have been built later. Before building Nallir he destroyed the town of Singai Nagar and razed it to the ground. The Sinhalese work Kokila Sandésa (the Cuckoo's message) composed by the priest of Irugalkulaprivena at Mulgirigala near Dondra Head in the Southern Province, in order to send his blessings to Sapumal Kumáraya who was then reigning in Jaffna, contains a description of the town which he calls Yápápatuna, f It is not clear whether Singai Nagar or Nallar was meant. According to the itinerary given in the Sandésa the Cuckoo after leaving Mannar passes through Mávatupatuna (Mátota) and flying over jungles and forests and passing Jāvaka Kótte (Chávakachchóiri)
* Rajavali, p. 269. t Kók. San, vv., 243 254.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 373
and Kalmunai reaches Yápápatuna. From this doubtful itinerary of the bird it may be inferred that Sapumal was then reigning at Nallar but the Shrines of Yápápatuna are said to be one dedicated to Ráma and another to Sakra (Indra?) at Punnala, The temple of Rama was at Wallipuram and the other where Krishna is worshipped is at Punnalai near Moolai. The Siňhalese author has therefore used Yápápatuna to mean the capital as well as the District,
Sapumal Kumaraya alias Bhuvanéka Báhu reigned in Jaffna for 17 years and on hearing of the death of Parákrama Báhu and the accession of his grandson (called Jaya Bahu by the Mahávansaf and Vira Parákrama Báhu by the Rajavali :) to the throne of Kóțițe, he hastened with an army to K6tte, murdered the rightful heir and ascended the throne under the name of Bhuvanéka Báhu (VI.) §
On coming to know of the departure of Bhuvanéka Báhu from Jaffna, Kanakasiriya who had been living in South India as a refugee returned to Jaffna with his sons. S He found that one Vijaya Báhu had usurped the throne lately vacated by Bhuvančka Báhu, Vijaya Báhu was defeated and killed, and Kanakasiriya, after an absence of l7 years, again ascended the throne of his forefathers. $
The Period extending from 1467 to 1620 A.D., when the Portuguese became the sole masters of the kingdom
* Kók. San., vv., 252,253. t Mah , chap. xcii, v. l.
Rajavali, pp. 271, 272. ş Y. V. M.. pp. 23, 24.


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374 ANCIENT JAFFNA
of Jaffna, has been exhaustively treated by Rev. S. Gnanaprakasar, O.M.I. of Jaffna in abrochure entitled " The Kings of Jaffna during the Portuguese Period" and published in 1920, and it is unnecessary for us to go over the same ground. We shall, however, deal here with such events and matters as have not been touched upon by him. According to him the following kings reigned at Nallar from 1467 A.D. :-
l. Kanagasiriya Segarájasékaran 1467 A.D. 2. Pararājasékaran 1478 , 3. Sankili Segarájasékaran 1519 , 4. Puvi Rája Pandá
a. Pararājasékaran 1561 , 5. Kachi Nayinar Pararajasekaran C 1565 ,
(usurper)
6. Periya Pulle Segarájasékaran C 1570 , 7. Puvirāja Paņdāram Pararājasékaraņ C 1582 ,
8.
Hendarmana Cinga Pararājasékaraņ l591 ,
(Edirmanna Siingha) 9. A minor som under the Regency of
1. Arasakésari i615 2. Saikili Kumára 1617 10. Philip de Oliveira, Portuguese Governor, 1620 ,
An important event that took place during the reign of Pararájasékaran (No. 2 above) was the arrival at his Court of a remarkable visitor in the person of one Subhaditta Miuni and his prophecy regarding the future rulers of Jaffna. The prophecy was to the effect that his royal descendants would not inherit his crown and that the kingdom would pass into the hands of strangers. He
99
s

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 375
also foretold that the Parangis (Portuguese) would be the first to seize the kingdom and after a tyrannical reign of 40 years, it would pass into the hands of the Ulanthes (Hollanders) whose cruel reign would last 140 years. Then the Inthirésu (English) would wrest the kingdom and reign with justice for 79 years. In the latter part of his reign the Inthirésan would not reign with the same justice as he did at the commencement. When the Inthirésan had governed his allotted years the Piráfichu Rásá (the French king) and the Ulanthes king would take the kingdom by fraud and reign in Colombo. Then the Government of the whole of Ceylon would be handed over to Walasiigan. This prophecy is contained in four Tamil verses found quoted at the end of a manuscript copy of the Waipava Málai. f. It is, however, difficult to say
* Y. V. M., pp. 25 et seq. 一r士 + (1) *திருமருவுயாழ்ப்பாண நாட்டையாண்ட
சிங்கையாரியன் குலத்தைத் தீங்குசெய்து
பெருமையுடன் காலயுத்தியானிமாசம்
பிலிப்பனெனும் பறங்கிகிளை யாசையாண்டு குருநெறியுமனுவெறியு மில்லாதாக்கிக்
கொடுமையுடன் நாற்பஃதாண்டளவும் போக்க உருமருவு முதயகிரியிாவிபோல
-வுலார்தேசுமன்னவன் வந்துதிப்பன்முனே"
After destroying the dynasty of the Singai Arya kings who reigned over the country of Yálpinam, the band of Parangis (Portuguese) of the name of Philip shall from the month of June in the year Kállayutti, rule with pride for a period of forty years with neither rectitude nor justice and committing acts of tyrrany, when the king of the Ulanthes (Hollanders) will rise like the sun over the hilltops on the East.
The cyclic year Kállayutti agrees with the year 16181619 A.D.)
(2) உதிக்கின்ற விளம்பிதனிலானிமாச
மொன்பதனிலுலகுபுகள் உலாங்தேசண்ணல் மதிக்கின்றமனப்பறங்கிக் கிளையையெல்லாம்
வாள்வலியாலுயிர் தொலைத்துவாரியள்ளிக்


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376 ANCIENT JAFFNA
கொதிக்கின்றதென் கடலிலடையவீசிக்
கோட்டையொப்புக் கொண்டேற்றுக்கொடியுந்தூக்கித்
துதிக்கின்றயாழ்ப்பாண நகரிதன்னிற்
சோதிதிகள்மணி மகுடஞ்குட்டுவானே"
The Ulanthes king praised on earth, shall, on the 9th day of June in the year Vilambi, put the whole band of the Portuguese to the sword, throw their bodies into the boiling southern sea as so much refuse, seize the fort, raise his flag and be crowned with a crown sparkling with gems, in the town of Jaffna.
The cyclic year Vilambi agrees with the year 1648649 A.D.)
(3) * குட்டியபின்னூற்றின் மேலையெட்டாண்டு
தொல்வினைபோல் வல்வினைகளெல்லாஞ்செய்து ஈட்டுபொருளுள்ளதெல்லாங் கவர்ந்து தேடி
யிடர்விழைத்து யாவரையுமிளிகோலாக்கிக் கூட்டுறுமின்மினி வீழ்ந்தக்கினியின் மாய்ந்த
கொள்கையெனவவன் குலமுடூாசமாக நாட்டுபுகள் யாழ்ப்பாண நாடெங்கெங்கும் நன்மைபெற நல்லரசு நடக்குந்தானே
After the coronation, his dynasty shall reign for 140 years committing such wicked acts as if they were the results of past sins, avariciously amassing all the wealth that could be made, doing harm and making everybody poverty stricken, and shall be destroyed like a firefly that falls into the fire. Then good and just rule shall obtain throughout the land of Jaffna.
The duration of the Dutch rule was not 140 years but 148 years (1648-1796 A.D). The reading might be a corruption for "குட்டியபின்நூற்றின்மேலா றெட்டாண்டு.”)
(4) நல்லரசு நடத்திவிட்டானனைவோருக்கும்
நன்முக யிராக்கதக் கன்னி தொட்டு
வல்லபுகழிங்கிலேசர் எழுபத்தொன்பான்
வருஷமாசாண்டு மனுநீதிதப்பித்
தொல்லைவரிகுடிகளுக்குச் சுமத்துநாளில்
தொன்மைபுகழ் பிரஞ்சு பிறர் துணைவரோடும்
அல்லல்வழநாடு வவ்விவாலசிங்க
மகிபனுக்குமணிமகுடம் வளங்குவானே.
The English after reigning wisely and righteously for 79 years from the month of September in the year Rakata (1796. A.D.) shall then swerve from the path of justice and burden the subjects with troublesome taxes. Then the French of ancient fame shall with the help of others wrest the country from them and hand over the same to Bálasingam and crown him king.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 377
whether these verses were the source from which Mailvágana Pulavar transferred the details of the prophecy to the lips of Subhaditta Muni. While the periods assigned in the prophecy to the rule of the Portuguese and the Dutch are correct, the total number of years for each of the other nations is not given. How could Mailvágana Pulavar who wrote during the Dutch times have predicted the rule of the English? There must have been a genuine Prophecy in his time or the passage in question must be an interpolation of later times. It is, however, true that a prophecy of a similar nature, though not in such details existed in the country before the arrival of the Portuguese; for a portion of a verse containing such a prophecy can still be seen inscribed in a stone door jamb removed from the Konésar temple and now placed at the entrance to Fort Frederick at Trincomalie." In a despatch sent to
* * முன்னுட்குழக்கோட்டன் மூட்டுந்திருப்பணியைப்
பின்னுட்பறங்கி பிடிப்பனே-பொன்னரும் பூனைக்கண்செங்கண் புகைக்கண்ணனண்டபின்பு தானுந்தமிழாய்விடும்" The temple built by Kulakkóttan in ancient times will be later seized by the Parangi (Portuguese) and after the successive reigns of the catseyed, the red eyed and the smoke eyed (nations) it will voluntarily revert back to the Tamils.
The visible and readable portion of the inscription as it now
appears on the door jamb at the entrance to Fort Frederick is as
follows :-
னனேகுள காடமுடடு ருபபணியை னனேபறங்ெ ககவே மனன னபொண்ணு னையயறற தேவைத
9ܘܘ
saf


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378 ANCIENT JAFFNA
the king of Portugal by Constantine de Sa, between 1624 and 1627 A.D., he describes the temple as follows:-"The land of the Pagoda is 600 fathoms long and 80 feet at its broadest narrowing to thirty feet, which is the place where the Fort stands. The place is impregnable owing to the high cliffs and the village which lies therein could with very few fortifications be made one of the strongest places of the whole of India. When I went there to make this Fort, I found engraved on the Pagoda among many other inscriptions one which ran thus:-"This Pagoda has been built by-. Nevertheless shall the time come that a nation of the Fraigis will destroy it and thereafter shall no king of the Island of Ceylon rebuild it." The existence of the inscription is confirmed by de Queiroz who says that it was afterwards translated by some
According to the interpretation given by Constantine de Sa and Queiroz it can be reconstructed as follows :-
(மு) னனேகுள (க்)
()ே காடன மூடடு (ε)
(தி) ருப்பணியை (ப்)
(பி) னனே பறங்கி (பி)
(ரி) ககவே-மனன (வ)
(பி) ன பொண்ணு (ச)
(த) னையியறற (வழி)
(ச்) தேவைத் (து)
(எண்) னு (ரேபின்)
(னாசர்) சள் முன்னே குளக்கோடன் மூட்டுந்திருப்பணியைப் பின்னே பறங்கி பிரிக்கவே - மன்னவயின் பொண்ணுததனையியற்ற வழித்தேவைத்து எண்ணுரே பின்னாசர்கள்.
Found among the Portuguese manuscripts at the Hague by Mr. E. B. Reimers, the Covernment Archiviat.



Page 219
FORMA
Do PAGoDE DETRiQviLLiMALE.
Temple of Tirukönésvaram from a Portuguese drawing. with kind permission of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch.)
To face page 379.
 

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 379
Ceylonese skilled in ancient writings and sent to the king of Portugal. He gives a copy of which the following is a translation. "Manua Raja Emperor of this Lanka erected this temple to the God Vidia Malmanda in the year (equal to 1300 B.C.). There is a nation called Francos who will destroy it, and there will be no king in this island who will rebuild it once more.'
If the ellipsis in De Sa's copy is supplied with the word “Kulakkóttan" it will tally with the portion of the verse now extant on the door-post at Fort Frederick. But the Ceylonese skilled in ancient writings' appear to have added their own explanation to the words appearing in the verse, in the translation given by de Queiroz. As Kulakkóttan was the son of Manu-niti-kanda-Chólan or Manu Wéntan,f he was called Manua Raja, 'ancient times' were supposed to have been about 1300 B.C., and the sacred edifice constituted the car-street and the first hall (asguyth Gudgold airl.ucplin). The first two lines of the prophecy therefore were as they are now extant and the other two lines were to the effect that there-- after shall rise no other king of the Island who will rebuild it. The prophecy is after all not a myth. The existence of such a prophecy before the arrival of the Portuguese is proved by the despatch of Constantine de Sa. The last two lines of the verse now extant are probably a later addition in place of the lines obliterated from the stone door-post, for neither de Sa nor Queiroz says
* Queizor, p. 57. * Dak. K. P. Tirunagara Carukkam, vv. 27, 34,37.
Y.V.M. pp. 4, 5.


Page 220
380 ANCIENT JAFFNA
anything about the cat's eyed, red eyed and smoke eyed nations who were to succeed the Parangis. The palaeographical appearance of this mutilated inscription will not admit the possibility of placing it before the 15th century and therefore it must have been the echo of the Jaffna prophecy which reached Trincomalie in time to be engraved before the arrival of the Portuguese. If there is any truth in the statement that a Saint named Subhaditta Muni visited the Court of the Jaffna King, it must have been during the time of the Pararájasékaran, son of Kanagasiriya, who began to reign at Nallar in 1478 AD, and to whose reign points the tradition embodied in the Waipava Málai. It was probably in the second part of the verse manufactured later that Mailvágana Pulaver discovered the allusion to the Dutch, the English and the French.
During the reign of Vijaya Báhu VII, of Kótte, his three sons Bhuvanéka Báhu, Raigam Bandára and Máyádunne fearing punishment at the hands of their father fled to Jaffna in 1534 A.D. They are said to have besought the aid of the king of Jaffna against their father, and Máiyádunne then went to the hill country to obtain the aid of the king there. With the forces obtained from the kings of Jaffna and Kandy, the three princes went to Kotte, defeated the forces of their father and murdered him. The eldest of them became king of Kótte as Bhuvanéka Báhu VIII. * The Jaffna king who befriended these princes must have been Saikili as he came to the throne about 1519 A.D. f although it is said that
* Rajavali, pp. 281-285.
De Couto, Dec. v., Bk., v, chap. v ; J.C.B.R.A.S., vol. xx, p. 72. Jaffna kings, p. 6.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 38
he was not crowned." The author of the Vaipava Málai has evidently confused him with the other Safikili who about 1617 A.D. usurped the throne putting out the eyes of the real king who was a minor under his guardianship. It is doubtful whether the former who was known as Segarájasékaran was the illegitimate son of his predecessor, as stated in the Waipava Málai.
According to the Portuguese historians the Christian converts at Mannar were massacred by Safikili in 1544 A.D.,f but according to the Vaipava Målai this event took place in the month of Adi (July-August) of the cyclic year Khara which agrees with the year 15311532 A.D. The year mentioned in the Jaffna chronicle is therefore incorrect, for Francis Xavier who was responsible for the conversion of the Kadeyas at Mannar did not reach Goa till 1542 A.D.
An interesting fact which came to the knowledge of the Portuguese in the expedition of Martin Affonso de Sousa of 154S in which the ships of the expedition were driven by the monsoon to Neduntivoe called Ilhas das Vacas (Isle of Cows) was that the largest of the goats that were slaughtered there for the Armada contained bezoar and "it afterwards became a custom for the Bengal ships to call at this Island for these concretions."
In 1555 A.D. Vídiye Bandára, called Tribule Bandar (Teruwe Paņdáram) by the Portuguese historians, on being defeated by Rája Sinha, the Lion King, fled with
* Y. V. M., p, 36,
t Jaffna Kings, p, 9.
! Y. V. M., p, 33, 17 J, C. B. R., A, S., vol. xx, p, 120, Note 4,


Page 221
382 ANCIENT JAFFNA
his son to Jaffna and sought refuge in the court of Safikili. He was encamped near Tárákulam. Soon afterwards at a festival in the temple, presumably that at Nallar, suspecting the accidental firing of gunpowder to be an attempt made on his life, Vidiye Bandára drew his sword; a fracas ensued and he and his son were killed by Safikili's men and all his treasures including the Tooth Relic fell into the hands of Sahkili.
When Constantine de Braganza entered the city of Nallar in 1560 A.D. and destroyed several villages and temples, the Tooth Relic was one of the articles included in the plunder. Braganza chose to destroy it by fire, rather than sell it to the king of Pegu who offered him 800,000 lirves for it.t The author of Ceylon during the Portuguese Era' says that the tooth destroyed was a model of the Relic set in gems 1 and gold and carried, perhaps for the purpose of private adoration, on the person of Vidiye Bandára during his flight to Jaffna : But Quieroz who gives a minute description of its capture and destruction will have us believe that the tooth destroyed was the genuine one. The offer of the king of Pegu and the grim determination of the Portuguese to destroy it, both suggest that the Portuguese did then believe it to be the original Danta Dátu.
After the massacre of the Christians Saikili's insane fury longed for more victims and he fell upon the
* Pieris. vol. i. pp. 136. 137, 157.
t Rebeiro, chap. xii; Reb. Ceilao, p. 49, Couto; Dec. vii, Bk. ix, chap. xvii
Pieris. vol. i. p. 136.
Queiroz, pp. 251, 260, 293.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 383
Buddhists of Jaffna who were all Sinhalese. He expelled them beyond the limits of the country and destroyed their numerous places of worship. Most of them betook themselves to the Wannis and the Kandyan territories, and those who were unable to do so became the slaves of the Tamil chieftains and are now known as 'Kovia, a caste peculiar to Jaffna alone. The term is no doubt a corruption of the Sinhalese word "Goviya or Goiya.' and that their original status was equal to that of the Wellálas can be inferred from certain customs which are still in vogue in Jaffna. The Tanakáras and Nalavas of Jaffna should also be considered as Sinhalese remnants in spite of the fanciful derivation of the word 'Nalava" given by the author of the Vaipava Málai.f The Nalavas were perhaps originally the Sinhalese climbers and received the Tamil name on account of their peculiar way of climbing trees. They too became the slaves of the Tamil Chieftains. The Tanakáras were the ancient Elephant keepers and those who supplied the necessary fodder to the stables of the king (Sinh: Tana grass). They perhaps on account of the service rendered by them were not expelled from the country and later became inseparably mixed with the Tamils among whom they had to remain. The Pallas were the only slaves who accompanied their aristocratic masters from India and were employed in cultivating the fields of their lords. They
down with their vassals and slaves (kudimai and adimai). The
places where they settled can be traced through Palla occupation. Those who did not possess Palla slaves did not belong to the Chieftain class.


Page 222
384 ANCIENT JAFFNA
took to climbing trees at a much later period when the Kóvia slaves became too numerous. When slavery was abolished the Pallas and Nalavas retained their tree climbing occupation while the Shánár who were numerically few gave up their original pursuits and took to agriculture. The Kóvias became domestic servants and being attached to the houses of their Wellála masters ousted the Pallas from their customary occupation of cultivating their master's fields. The fact that the Kovias, Tanakáras and Nalavas were originally Sinhalese can be seen from the peculiar dress of their women who wear the inner end of their cloth over the shoulders in a manner quite strange to the genuine Tamils.
That Jaffna was occupied by the Sinhalese earlier than by the Tamils is seen not only in the place names of Jaffna but also in some of the habits and customs of the people. The system of branding cattle with the commuual brand by which not only the caste but also the position and the family of the owner could be traced, was peculiarly Sinhalese. The very ancient way of wearing the hair in the form of a korade behind the head, a habit of the ancient Nāgas, was very common among the people of Jaffna till very recent times. The women's fashion of dressing their cloth across their breasts and men's of wearing their tufts of hair on the side of the head, as was the custom in Jaffna, were introduced by the Malabar immigrants.
Several of the kings of Vijayanagar state in their inscriptions that they conquered Ceylon. An inscription
--- ---------.-ه
* Place names.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 385
of Krishna Déva, Ráya (1509-1530) of the year 1528 found at Piranmalai asserts that he conquered the Island of Ceylon in 1522 A.D. The inscriptions of Achayuta Ráya (1530-1542) call him conqueror of Ceylon An inscription in Rájagópála Perumál temple in Tanjore dated 1539 A.D. informs us that Achayuta conquered flam (Ceylon). He is said to have planted a pillar of victory at Táqraparni and married the daughter of the Pándyant If this is true, his conquest of Ceylon cannot absolutely be a piece of fiction. Inscriptions of Sadá sivá Ráya (1542-1565) say that he was the conqueror of all countries and of Ceylon,f Was the boast of the these successive kings of Vijayanagar an empty one, or did the Ceylon kings conciliate them by paying tribute as did. Parákrama Báhu VI to the kings of Jaffna and of China P
According to a Telugu work called Sinhaladwipe Katá, Kumāra Krishnappá, the Naik king who reigned at Madura (1562-1572) conquered Kandy, killed the king, sent his wife and children to Anuradhapura and placed his brother-in-law Vijaya Gopala Naidu as his viceroy in Kandy. Krishnappá's supremacy, if true, must have been short-lived. The king of Kandy about this time was Dom Joao Periapandar alias Don Juan who about the year 1580, on being defeated by Rája Sinha, fled with his family and attendants in the direction of Jaffna. The
* Ind. Ant, vol: xlii, p. 45: M, E R., of 1904, No. 149
of 1903,
lbid p. 186; M. E. R. No, 40 of 1897
and Nos, 49 & 50 of 1900,
lbid p. 230, Note.
g bid xlv, p, 18.
49


Page 223
386 ANCIENT JAFFNA
Portuguese historians as well as the Rájavali give different versions of this event." It is just possible that these accounts are confused versions of Krishnappa's invasion.
In a copper plate grant of TirumLalai Udaiyán Sétupati of Saka 1530 or 1608 A.D. there appear the words meaning," he who conquered the army of Pararájasékaran, the Arya Chakravarti.”f The king reigning in Jaffna in 1608 A.D. was Edirmanna Singa Kumara who was a Pararájasékaran. But the same words also appear in another grant of Raghunátha Sétupati of Saka 1581 or 1659 A.D.: when the Dutch had already wrested tha kingdom from the Portuguese. No reliance can therefore be placed on these inscriptions.
Allusions to the help given by the Naiks of Tanjore to the kings of Jaffna during this period are found in certain Telugu works. It is said that during the time of Achayuta Naik, a king of Jaffna, who had been dispossessed of his kingdom by the Portuguese, went to his Court with his family and attendants and begged of him (Achayuta) to render him the necessary help to regain his kingdom. Achayuta took pity on the deplor. able condition of the refugees, gave them one of his own palaces to live in and promised to send his army in the following autumn against the Portuguese. The king who went for help must have been Saikili Knmara who had murdered Arasakésari, the regent uncle of the minor king,
* De Couto, Supplt. to Dec. ix ; J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. xx, pp. 258-259 : Rajavali, p, 307.
ł Arch. S. S. l., vol. iv, No, 2.
lbid No. 5,
9. Sah. Rat., Sarga viii: Sources.

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 387
and usurped the regency The Portuguese drove him out and he with an army under Kheen Naik of Tanjore returned and defeated the Portuguese army and established himself on the throne. The Portuguese then recognised him as king but ultimately dethroned him and occupied Jafna.“
Again during the reign of Raghunátha Naik the king of Jaffna went to Tanjore and complained that the Portuguese had stormed his capital during his absence and that he had to flee in a ship and to seek refuge at Tanjore. Raghunátha rode out in state to the sea-coast at the head of an army and crossed over to the Island by means of a bridge of boats. The Portuguese resisted his landing but were defeated and leaving behind them their treasure, arms and ammunitions escaped by sea. Raghunátha. then placed his own garrison in the Island and celebrated the coronation of his ally.f From the above details it does not appear who the king was who was |86 assisted. Whether Sankili went over a second time, obtained the necessary assistance and had himself crownęd before Oliveirã's forces came up and captured him or whether the story is a confused account of the help given to the prince of Rámásvaram on whose behalf the people of Jaffna revolted against the Portuguese, it is difficult to say.
When the kingdom ultimately fell into the hands of the Portuguese all the members of the royal household, the nobility and the chiefs became Christians. Some of
* Port, lind, vol. ii, chap, viii. t Ragunath. R., sargas vii & ix; Sources.
Jaffna Kings, pp. 58, 74.


Page 224
388 ベ ANCIENT JAFFNA
them were removed to Goa while those who stayed behind were treated respectfully and given high appointments under the Government. According to the Waipava málai the descendants of the last kings of Jaffna were called Madapallis, a title said to have been created by Saikili to please, the disappointed heir to the throne. The story runs that seven sons of the prince were given that title and made chiefs of districts and their descendants were called Rája or Kumára Madapallis. But there were in Jaffna two other sets of Madapallis supposed to be lower than the Rája or Kumára Madapallis. Most of the Kalinga colonists in Jaffna must have been emigrants from the village called Madapalli in Orissa (not Mottupalli as conjectured by Mr. W. Coomaraswamy) and called Madapallis after their original home.
The name is by no means unknown. There have been two villages in recent times known as Madappulli, one near Madhina, a station on the Nizam's State Railway, and the other near Ellore. The ancient Madapalli was said to have been in the District of Nathavádi in the Kalinga country. An inscription has been found at Bezwada which records a gift to a temple by one Mahamandalésvara Rudradeva, Rája of Madapulla in Natavádi, the son of Buddha Rája who was the brother-in-law of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. The date of the inscription is 19th April 1201. There is another inscription on a pillar at Amaravati of Bayyamamba, or Kota Bayyala Mahadévi, the daughter of Mahamandalésvara Rudradeva Maha
warrious
* Y, V. M., pp. 37, 47,

THE ARYA KINGS OF JAFFNA 389
Rája who resided at Madapalliin the district of Natavádi.“
From these inscriptions it appears that Madapalli was a seat of royalty and the petty kings ruling there were connected with the Kakatiya kings by marriage Names like Sathanapaļļi, Chintapaļļi, Móțupaļļi, Kéta. palli, etc ending in palli are common in the Kaliiga country.
Márudap-pira vika-valli supposed to be a Chóla Princess who came to Kirimalai on piligrimage and who was forcibly carried away by Ugra Singan might have been a princess of this family of petty kings who resided at Madapalli. Singha. Ketu and Tissa Ugra mentioned in the Waipava Málai f and Madhu Kannava, Bhima Rája and Ballakkara mentioned in the Mahávansa appear to be names of princes perhaps of this district. Immigration of relations and dependants would have naturally followed the marriage of Márudap-pira-vikavalli with Ugra Singaņi. The Vaiyápádal says that Madapallis were immigrants and colonists. As the kings of Jaffna were Kalingas, their descendants too were called Madapallis and given the epithet Rája or Kumára in order to distinguish them from the rest. Although the princes of Jaffna took their wives from Wellála families and although their daughters too were often married among the Wellálas, the Madapallis perhaps on account of their royal origin considered themselves higher than
* Ep. Ind, vol. v, pp. 156–159. t Y. V. M., p, i4. i Mah., chap, lix, pp, 46-49. 9IT Y, V, M,, p, 47.


Page 225
390 ANCIENT JAFFNA
the Wellálas. Their struggle for supremacy continued for a very long time and became so troublesome that the Portuguese and after them the Dutch Governments had to secure peace by treating them exactly alike in the matter of honours and offices. The Dutch Governor Van Rhee writing in 1697 had to exclaim, “I think it necessary to state that a bitter and irreconcilable hatred has always existed in Jaffnapatam between the caste of the Bellalas and the Madapallis so that these may not be elevated in rank and the offices of honour one above the other. For these reasons the two' writers of the commander are taken from these two castes to that one of them is a Bellala and the other a Madapally."
J. C. B. R. A. S., vol. vi., p. 12.



Page 226

N DEX
A
ಸಿಟ್ಗ 14, 94.12, 13, 114, 115, Any Andiran) sa chieftain) 134,
Abha Salaméwan 314, 370
Dappula v. 257 Abhaya Nága 32, 69, 76 Abhaya Rája 68, 70 Abhi Anuridhi 64, 65, 68 Abitta Játaka 191 Ablir inscription 303 Abou-Nekbah 353 Abulfeda 39 Abu-Nekbah-Lebabah 352 Abu Zaid 192 Aca Nagaram 25, 84, 183 Accounts of India and China 192, 196, 203, 204, 205, 223 Achayuta Naik 386 Achayuta Riya, inscriptions of
385 Adam's Bridge 35, 82 Adam's Peak 56, 190, 203, 2il, 23, 24, 26, 224, 286, 348, 354 Adhikari, N. S. 12 Adhi Rijéndra 263, 264 Adikan 107 Adimai 383 Ädi Mantaiyàr 171 Adiyárku Nallár |0, 49 Adule 26 Aelian 117, 18, 136 Aeroplane 51 Aetaviragollewa inscription 257 Agastya (Akitta) 191, 294 Aggrabodhi i. 229, 230, 23 l
ii. 231
Aggrabódhi iii, 232
s 1ν. 233 v. 237 g vi. 237, 240 vii. 237, 240 viii. 237 ix. 237
Aggrabódhi vihara 230 Aghil (agallochum, aloeswood)
13, 88, 146, 162, 163, 200, 206
N -different kinds of 222
-places of growth and export
O Agriculture, ancient industry of
82, 130, 31;
-no change in the system of
-building of tanks for 32 Ahalaňka 239 Aihgurunúru 21 Ajanta, frescoes at 135 Akam (nánúru) 124, 143, 162,
176, 178 Akapporu, 170, 171
ga , Irayanan, 0, 38, 4 ,
150, 170, 253 , Vilakkam 170, 186 Akkola Rája 364 Alagakónára 24; death of 366: defeat of the Jaffna army by 363; fortification of Kótte by 36 l, 362; Nissanka 361 Alagakónar, city of 354 Alakamanda, city of 250 Alakéswara 36 l, 363, 364, 366,
372; capture of 365 Alese, king 337 Alexander the Great 267


Page 227
N O E
Al-hadj Abou- Othman 352 Alkondán 249 Allahabad pillar inscription 6 Alleya Dodda 304 Alli (Arasáņi) 34, 84 Alli Arasáņi Málai 34 Almanac for 1833, Ceylon 92,
347 Alvir Tirunagari inscription 290 Amanda Gamani 68, 7l Amarávati inscription 388 Ambaherana Salamèwan 231 Ambalantota Rest House 78 Amban 320 Ambulagala Kumara 365 .Ãmúr 13, 14, 1 12 Anantavarman 301 Anantavarman Chúlagaiga 308 Anaris Moundou 94, 1 06 Anasingara i 17 Ancient Ceylon; by Parker 2,
45, 46, 65, 38 Ancient Geography; by Cun
ningham 5
Ancient lindia, as described by
Megasthenes and
Arrian 18, 136;
, by V. Smith 241
, Coins of; by Cunningham 88
Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon;
by Muller 25, 257
(Andaka) Kavi Vira Rághava (n) Mudaliyar) 246, 247, 359, 360,
Andanar, food, dwellings and
habits of the 50-53 Anga (country 50 Ańgádipätam 292 Anganámaikadavai 74 Anjanam Eliya 189 Anklet. Epic of the 29 Annius Plocamus 9 l, l l l Annual Report of S. I. Epigra
phy 269 Anoubingara 94, 1 1 7, 119 Antaravalli 291, 292
(Anthony) Bertolacci 25, 32, 82,
224, 297 Antiquary, Ceylon 251, 256, 361
Anula 68
Anuràdhapura 38, 59, 61, 72, 80, 190,210,234,246,
385; , Bo tree planted
at 64 , Kings of 62, 75, 120, 229, 240, 310,367
, Nága kings at 116 , Northern gate of
62, 63, 14 , Shortened form
of 38, 364 , Tamil kings at
66, 228 , Trunk road from Jambukola to 62, 63, 64 Anurai 38, 296, 364, 367 Anurésar 364 Anusha, asterism of 350 Appar, saint l9l Aputran, 127 Arabia. 83, 86, 91, 126, 146,
207, 226 Arabian Nights(Entertainments)
18, 29, 224 Arabian sea(s) 17,
52, 81, 91, 123, 194 Arab(iian) travellers 38, 39, 96
20, 29 Arabian writers on Ceylon 192,
200 Arab navigators 197 Arabs, the 86, 90, 103, 124, 93,
194, 195, 196, 224
Arichchiár, Tamil 92 Arasakèsari 359, 386
妙 钟 , regency of 374 Arasapuram 83, 84 Archaeological Report of the Kegalle Dt. ; by Bell 38, 296, 300, 364

N DE x iii
Archaeological Series, Travan
core 38,364, 367
Archaeological Survey of South
India 249, 366, 386
Archeological Survey Report (S
l.) 367.
Archivist, Govt: 378
Argalou 97, 108, 1 10
Argaric Gulf 95
Argaritic 40
Argaritides 110
Argaru l 10
Argeirou 95
Arikésari Deva, Jat: Pariikrama
367
Arikésari Deva, Parákrama Pàlya : inscriptions of 38, 364
Aripouture 108
Aripu 108, 123
Arittha 62
Ariyar plates 365
Arjuna, his amour with Alliara
sáni 34, 84 -his battle with Vavravahan
42-44 -his marriage with a Naga
princess 34, 71 -his visit to Manipuram 33
36, 40, 185 Arkali 107, 108 Aródan 285 Arpakkam inscription 267, 328 Artha Sastra 102, 104, Artisan rulers of Mantat 15, 16,
20, 21, 139 Arunagiri (Nátar) 248, 249 Arir Uls, composition of 359 Arya Chakravarti (s) || 17, 310,
344, 348, 354, 386; aggressions of 353; capital of the 212, 330; first of the 305, 329, 343; flight of 368; Invasion of Kótte by 362-365; kingdom of 223; Navy of the 211-23, 348; not a Pandyan minister 346-347; origin of the 273, 293-299, 333; progenitor of
the 243; ruby in possession of 210; sack of Yápáhu by 344, 345, 348
Arya kings of Jaffna in li lth
century 284, 293 Arya kings of Jaffna in 12th
century 286, 293 Arya kings of Jaffna in 13th
century 290,293 Aryan Brahmans, Tamil Anda
ņar imitated by l52, 53 Aryans, advent of the 4, 5,50
, , the 2, 5, 44, 149, 170
182, 83, 364,
∆မ္ဘ warriors of Dambadeniya
34
ಸಿಖ್ಖ-೩ dynasty of Jaffna 273, Aryas, Brahman origin of the
296-299
∆ွှဲဖွဲkaran. (Siňgai) 284, 285,
Aryas, mention in the Mahá
Y vansa of the 286, 287
Aryas, the 273, 275, 340, 342.
358
Aryavarötayan, Manavai 37 Asangadi alankara 364 Asédi (Persian king 198 Asiratisland) 222 Asma, Dambadeniya 339, 351 Asóka (Emperor) 17, 62, 103
, inscriptions 180 Assam 44 Assemblies, eight 142 4ಜ್ಜogical work 29, 350, 356,
Astrology, science of 175 Astronomy, science of 75 Asuras, the 2, 15, 58 Asvaddhá man 31
Aswa nagar 25 Atakir inscription 260 Atiyamán Nedumáņ Añgi : 77. 78 Atréya (gótra) 307, 308 o Attampákkam 269 Attanagalaváńsa 339


Page 228
iv м D Е х
Atta, Veņ Náganáir 178 Augustus 128 Azania, coast of 97, 100
B
Badármi 235
Bagdad 204, 226, 353
Bahidalóka, Queen 324
Báhu a Jaffna king 98, 199,
276
Bakari 96
Báladéva 187
Báliditya, king 308
Balakkara 277; 380
Balane 250
Bálasingam 326
Balldeus 89, 108, 1 i6
Baldeus; A description of the Isle
of Ceylon, by 89, l08, 6
Balhana 203
Bali [of Vishnu Purana] 50
Báli brother of Sugrival 294
Bali ceremonies 189
Balita 96
Bána king 253
Banavási 123
Banner, snake 6
Baobab trees 90
Baroach 49
Barros; Da Asia, by J.de.219
Barter 125, 149, 156
Bassora 226
Bastir State 6
Batoi 95, 108, 109. Il 14
Battala 217; identification of
211-22
Batticaloa 222, 228
Batuta: Travels of Ibn 2l0, 21 l,
26, 223,354
Bay of Bengal 17, 54, 8,98, 99,
19, 123, 125, 194, 97
Bayyala Maha Devi, Kota 388
Bayyamamba, inscription of 388
Belgola, Sravana 239
Bellalas, caste of the 390
Bell; Arch : Report of Kegalle Dt., by H. C. P. 38, 296, 300, 364
Bell, Island of the 221 Bell, Mr. H. C. P. 38, 364, 365,
369 Bengal , 39, 44, 47, 48, 50, 37,
301, 381 Bengal, Bay of 7,54, 8,98, 99
19, 123, 125, 194, 197 Bern 226 Bernard Sylvanus, Maps of 219 Bertolacci, (Anthony) 25, 32, 82
224, 297 JV Bertolacci; View of the Agricultural etc. Interests of Ceylön, by A.33, 82, 132,297 Bethlehem 218, 219 Bezvada 388 Bhaddakachchana 67 Bhallatit tha 76 Bharadvaja Gótra 3l li harukachcha 49 Bháskara Chárya 12 Bhati ka Abaya 68, 71, 75 Bháitika Tissa 3 l, 69, 75 Bháitri Tissa 75 Bhima 50 Bhima Rája 277, 389 Bhógavati 14l Bhója Rája Pandita 350 Bhuvanéka Bá 353 Bhuvanéka Bihu Jaffna king, accession of 331, 369, 372; building of Nal-litr by
331. 372; departure to Kötte of 331,
372; religious tolerance of 372 Bhuvanéka Bahu minister of
Jaffna king 330, 331, 332 Bhuvanéka Báhu i, 343, 344, 345, 346, 349, 351, 353, 354 Bhuvanéka Báhu vi. 92, 359, 37l,
373 Bhuvanéka Báhu (vii.) 380 Bible, the Douay version 218 s Revised version) 87,
218 Billi ceremonies l89
Biruda-213, 242, 249.

No Ex w
Bishop Caldwell 99 Black sea 106 Blessed Thomas, the apostle 39 Boar flag 301, 302, 304 Bo (branch, plant, tree) 62, 63,
64, 65, 4 Boghavati 6 Bombay 19, 47, 49 Bommanna Odeya 299 Boreion Akron 93, 10 Borneo 197 Borobudur, sculptures of 298 Bow flag 10, 301 Braganza, (Constantine de) 2,
22,382 Brahman alliances
nections 396 Brahman-Kaliiga dynasty 39 Brahman kingdom 32 ;—kings 293, 297 :-poet 350;-progenitor 299 Brahman, Ramésvaram 333 Brahman warrior3} Brass fort I9;-lamps 138;-uten
sils 37 Brazil Koilumin 207 British Museum 92 British, the 43, l08, 33 Brito, Mr. C. 350 Buddha 7, 8, 63. 64, 75, 190,236,
252, 339 Buddha college 239 Buddha Dása 69 Buddhagósha 24 l Buddha Rája, son of 388 Buddha's Birth stories 19 Buddha, seat of 8, 27 Buddhism 7, 71, 78, 178, 185,
187, 190, 191, 336 Buddhism, Nāgas and 7, 170, 179, 90; downfall of 180, 191; Hindu rites in 2, 78; introduce tion of 78, 79, 188-190 Buddhistic culture, centre cf 241 Buddhistic ruins 4, 60, 190 Buddhist monks 170, 79, 191 Buddhists, Expulsion from
Káfici of the 239, 240
299;-con
Buddhist temples, destruction of
71, 328
Buddhyankcura 31
Bukka i, daughter of 299
Bull banner (flag 295, 296, 302, 303, 304;-coi ns 300;-couchant 302, 303, 304, 32 , 350 ; -crest 307, 308, 309:-(emblem) 285, 300, 301, 302, 303.
Burma 133, 203, 204, 226, 262,
263
Burmese, the 86
Burnell, Dr. 124. 125
Byzantine Emperors 128
C
Cairo, 352, 353 Cala (h) (Island of J, 193, 195, 196, 197, 20, 202 Calany 9 Caldwell, Bishop 99 Canarese, the 29 Candabhanu 337, 338, 340, 341 Canda Mukha Siva 68, 72 Cape Comorin ll, 35, 99, 100
25, 26, 207,214, 263 Cape Cory 93, 95, 10 1, 1 12, 13 Cape Galiba 94 Caphane (Insula) 219 Caracala 128 Carps Flag 10, 43, 301 Casie Chetty, (Simon) 86, 92,
100, 274, 297, 298, 325 Casie Chetty, (Simon); History
of Jaffna, by 4, 87, 92,298 Caste System, 49, 150, 50, 383,
384, Catalan Map 27 Cátanáir, Peruntalai 183 Cathay & the Way Thither 39, 40, 124, 192, 194, 197, 201. 202 203, 205, 206, 208, 209, 24. 25, 26, 223, 345, 34 Cathay, Tartars of 210 Catupitty Madampe 9 Cಟ್ಗ Inscriptions. 25, 65, 179,
194,


Page 229
vı بر N d Ek
(ပုပ္မ္ဟုမ္ပm, Ceilan, Ceilao 102, lll. Central Asia 4 Central India 32, 51 Central Provinces of India. 6 Céra Country, the, 25 Céra King, the 21, 22, 40, 41, 72,
74, 107, 23. 355, Céral Atan, Neduñ 22 Ceramin Perum Corru Utiyan
Cċaralià tan 40, 4 | Ceras, flag of the 10 Cုန္ the 260, 279, 280, 284,
30 Ceylao 367 Ceylon, A description of the lsle of; by Baldeus 89, 08,
16 Ceylon Almanac for 1833, 92,
347 Ceylon, Ancient; by Parker 2, 45,
46, 65, 318 Ceylon, Ancient inscriptions in;
by Muller 25, 78,236, 315, 32 324, 369 Ceylon, An Historical Account of; by Pridham 5, 20, 84, 102, 1 11, 12, 22 Ceylon Antiquary 25, 256. 36: Ceylon, a Portuguese History of: by de Couto 45, lll, 331, 368, 380, 386 Ceylon, A Portuguese work on ;
by Ribeyro 89, 382 Ceylon, Arabian writers on, 92, 200: architecture in 40, 42 Ceylon Art, Music & Dancing 17, 175; Painting & Sculpture
83, 185 Ceylon, A view of the Agricultural &c. Interests of ; by Bertolacci 33, 82, 132, 297 Ceylon, Buddha's foot prints in
19 building of Temples in 58, 60, 185, 186. 228, 229, 244, 300, 333 buildings in 40, 15
Ceylon, by an Officer of the Ceylon Rifles 194, 199, 200, 203, 27, 219. 353 ,, . by Tennent 4, 18. 45, 8, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 102, 20, 21, 25, 26, 130, 193, 197, 200, 224, 225 , , Chyla invasions of 9, 20,
258-26 , Chóla occupation of 261
264 , , Christianity in ; by Ten
nent 120
Ceylon Chronology, adjusting errror in 226, 238; basis of 236 Ceylon Civil Service 82 Ceylon, Coin finds in 44, 85 27,
28, 149, 300 Cဗုံး Commerce 29, 130, 145Ceylon, contlict between Naga kings of 7, 8; decline of Chola Power in 264, 235; Demon worship in 87-89. Ceylon, Demonology &Witchcraft in ; by D. Gunaratne 189; domestic life in 130, 15-17. Ceylon during the Portuguese
Era ; by Pieris 382 Ceylon, dynasties of 79, 80, 314 35; early inhabitants of , 3; early prosperity of 83, 84, 106. 28-30, 139-142, 45-49, embassy to China from 124; embassy to Egypt from 352; 353; embassy to Rome from 91; expulsion of Káfici Buddhists to 239; famine in 24, 287, 327; foodstuffs exported from 133; fusion of races in
3, 66, 67, 75, 179, 180, 230.
Ceylon Gazetteer; by Casie
Cheti y 325
Ceylon. Historical, etc. Account of ; by Pridham 5, 20, 84, 102, | 1 , | 12 22; History of; by Philalathes 365, 367

N DE X vii
Ceylon Industries, Agriculture 30-133; Chank and Pearl fishing 119, 36-37; Metal work 137-38; Weaving 33
36. Ceylon, Intoxicants of 54, 159,
177, 207 Ceylon kings, Chronology of 236, 237, 238; Mahivaisa Editor's list of 235, 265, 28 Ceylon, Languages in 76-180 Ceylon Literary Register 3 Ceylon, Niiga kings of 31, 32, 42, 43, 67-76, 78-79; Nga settlements in 7, 8, 78, 79; names of 23 56, 8, 93.97, 101, 104, 177, 199, 217, 219; Old; by Farrer 322; Over Lordship of; by Dr. Paul 348, 365; Pe llava invasions of 231-233, 234, 235. 238, 24, 242; Pándyan invasions of 252, 253, 255, 290, 338-341, 344, 345, 367; Pattini worship in 73, 74, 188; piracy in 7, 19, 22, 122, 123; Portuguese History of; by de Couto 45, Il 1 , 331, 368, 380, 386 : Puranic dynasties of 33—35; Rashtrakuta invasion of 260; religions of 9, 15, 185, 382, 383, Ceylon Rifles, An Officer of the
194, 217
Ceylon, roads in 62, 64, 114, 320; Roman remains in lll, 4; ruined cities of 32, 54, 59, 82-84, ill-, 14; submersion of parts of 9, 1, 2, 30
Ceylon trade 81-28, 45-49; Emporium of 8l. 82, R4, 86, l 12, 120, 121, 126; marts of 82, 94, 95, 97, 109, 13, 117. 20, 26; prosperity of 83, 84, 90, 91, 06. 28.30, 39
42, 45-49
Ceylon, Travels on foot through the Island of; by Haffner 83
Ceylon, Vijayanagar kings' invasion of 365-367, 384, 385; Vira Diva's invasion of 287 Chadurvỡci manga}am, Malaikuta
Chūdamani 125 Chakrakīta 6 Chaldean system of Notation ll Chalukya inscriptions 239 Chalukya king(s) (Western) 6,
230, 235, 239, 264,386 Chalukyas, the 203, 242. 301,307 Chalukya Vallabha 235 Chamara, golden 309 Chámakya 104 Chandra Báhu (Rája) 337, 338 Chandra Gupta 12, 136
Chanks, cutting of 137; exportation of 137; fishing of 19, 136, 137; ornaments made of
37
Charitapura 24 Chávakacheri 368, 372 Che-li-ta-lo 24, 125 Chembiyan, origin of title 19, 20 Chembiyanpațiu 263, 320 3. Chicacole 50, 5 Chilaw 83, 251, 263, 368
China 39, 193, 197, 200, 201, 206, 24, 362; Embassy to 124, homage to 202.362,385; merchants of 146, 弘67赛 trade with 86, 123, 25, 126, 195,
196,224
Chinese Junks 12 Ch nese, the 86, 202, 362, 365 Chinese writers, Reference to
Ceylon by 24, 362 Chinapalli 389 Chitrang, dai 34, 42, 17l Chitrarèka 16 Chitravà han 34, 37, 42, 43 Chòdagaủga, Anantavarman 308 Chokkanáta Pulavar, Palapatița
dai 295 Chola capital, destruction of the
26, 27, 29, 10 r Choia Coins 300, 301


Page 230
viii
Chola Empire, decline of the 125, 180, 233,288, 291, 335 Chola inscriptions 260, 262,300; Chola invasions of Ceylon 19, 20, 74, 79, 14, 23, 258, 261, 265, 279, 284, 292, 326 Chöla-Kannakuchiy a Rájan 283 Chola king, building of Trincomalie temple by a 227, 228 Chola king, Nága alliance of a
26, 28, 6. Chola kings, throne names of
the 370 Chòla mandalam, Gangetic set
ters in 305, 306 Chòia mandalam, Mummuli 263 Chòla mandlala sadagam (Tamil)
287, 288 Chòịan, Irattapálikonda 283 Chola occupation of Ceylon 26,
264, 312,320, 326 Chola prince, First Arya king
was a 275,297, 298 Cholas, evacuation of Ceylon by the 264, 267; flag of the 10, 300 301; Ganga Chiefs under the 304, 305,307 Christianity in Ceylon; by Ten
nent 20 Chryse 109 Chuļipuram 64, 190 Chunnagam 372 Chutu Nagas 32 Chutus, the 32 Cielediba 103 Cilappadikāram 9, 0, 9, 2, 22, 29, 41, 49, 73, 74,78, 140, 14, 142, 147, 149, 64, 166, 167, 173, 174, 175 Cincinnatus 79 Cintamani, Jivaka 151 - Cirupán ár rupadai 13, 14, 19, 23, 24, 65, 88, 100, ill, 112, 132, 134, 140, 48, 153, 159, 162 163, 172, 174, 178 Claudius, (Emperor) 91, 92. 102,
106, 123 Cobrahood ornament of the Nagas
170, 230
N DE X
Cochin 123 Códagaňga 237, 342 Códagaňga, Anantavarman 308 Codrington Mr. H. W. 101, 243
370 Coilum 207 Coins of Ancient India; by Cun
ningham 88 Colchi(s) 106, 110 College of Literati 358, 371 Colombo 83,214, 285, 29.1, 328,
362. 363, 375 Colombo Museum, the 263, 300 Colomboturai l13, 212 Colon Nuwara 328 C႕ၾbam (port) 39, 40, 24, 216, Comorin, cape ll, 35, 99, 100,
125, 26, 207,214, 263 Conjeevaram 28 (Constantine de) Braganza 21,
212,382 Constantine de Sa 378, 379 Conquista Temporal e Espiritual de Ceylao; by Queiroz 212, 297, 379,382 Consulate, the 128 Conta Cara Demalis 282 Contributions-Some Contributions of S. India to Indian Culture; by Krishnaswami Aiyangar l9l Convegances 150, 15l Coomaraswamy, Dr. A. K. 84 Coomaraswamy, Mr. S. W 250 Coomaraswamy, Mr. V. 274, 305,
31, 343, 388 Coorg 262 Copper Plates-Aiyur 365; Asoka's edict cm i7; Gadval 239: Goa 305; Karhad 260; Kasakudi 232, 234: Kendur 239 ; Konkuduru 304; Kuram 239; Maidavolu 303 ; Nád ag arm 303, 307, 308; Neulpur 303; of Raghunata Sétupati 249, 386; of Raghunala Setupati Katta Tévar 249; of Tirrumalai Uday án Sétupati 386; Rayakotte

N D X ix,
31 : Sihinamanúr 34, 44, 253, 255; Sorakkavür 365: Tiruvalahgidu 258; Tottaramudi 304; Uday énıdiram 239, 253, 256, 257; Vakkaleri 239; Vélúrpalayam 30; Vizagapatam 308
Cora Nága 68, 71
Coromandel (coast) 39, 85, 86, 验 99, 117, 126, 205, 207,211,
Sav, cape 93, 95, 101, 12,
Cosmas (Indico-pleustes) 81, 12, 126, 195, 202, 20,
Cotte (Kótte) 92, 213, 214, 216, 331, 354, 358, 359, 361, 362, 366, 368, 373, 380
Cottiar 29, 328
Cဖွဖုံznf Bull 302,303, 304, 32,
5
Cစ္သည္ဟုန္m (Coulon) 196, 197. 207,
Couto, a Portuguese History of Ceylon; by D. de 45, ill, 33.368, 380,386 Cowries (as money) 203, 204 Coya Juan 215 Cranganore 263 Crescent (moon), the (emblem)
301, 302,303, 304 Cuckoo's message, the 372 Cuddappah District Cula Abaya 68 Cula Nága 32, 69, 75 Cull apantha parivena 233 Culodana 7 Cunningham; Ancient Geogra
phy, by 5 Cunningham; Coins of Ancient
lndia, by 87 Cunningham (General) 51, 87 Cuttack 307
D
Da Asia; by J. de Barros 219 Dacca 137 ‘
B
Dakshina Kailása Puránam 247, 数 302, 304, 333, 334, 358, Dakshina Kailáyam 333 Disamendirama inscription Dambadeniya 338, 342, 350,
351, 352 Dembadeniya, Aryan warriors of
342 Dambadeniya Asna 339, 351 Dambulla 71, 170, 184 Dambulla inscription 322 Damiladé vi 68 72 Dámódaran 58 Damuike 95,97. 109, 120 Dancing 174, 175 Danda náyaka, Lakkanna 366,
367 - (Danilanáyaka), lahkápuri 267,
268, 269, 304 346 Dendris de Silva Gunaratne
Mudaliar 189 Duppulai 233 Duppula ii 237, 240 Duppula iii 237 Duppula iv 237 Duppula v (Abhe Saleméwan)
237,257,314 Dasarata, son of 294 Dā.tha Siva 232 Dáthópartissa (i) 232, 233 Dáthópatissa (ii) 233, 234, 24 Debarapatun 328 ራ De Barros; Da Asia, by 219 (De) Braganza, (Constantine)
21, 212.382
Deccan, History of the ; by J.
Dubreuil 30, 235. 238 Decimal system of the Tamils
11 De Couto 30, 52, 54, 1 l 1, 254 De Couto; Portuguese History of Ceylon, by 45, 11,331, 368, 380, 386
Deg; Notes on the History of
Hughli Dt. by N, 51


Page 231
繁 N D E X
Degaldoruwa 184 Dekkan, the 2, 5,50, 14, 203 Delft 16, 208 Delhi 6 Demalapataram 328 Demalis, Conta Cara 282 Dematagoda 363 Demonology & Witchcraft in Ceylon ; by D. de S. Gunaratne Mudaliar 189 De Queiroz 297 De Queiroz; Conquista Temporal &c., by 212, 297, 379, 382 De Sa, (Constantine) 378, 379 De Sousa, Martin Affonso 381 Deundra 214 Dévaduravu 320 Dévai Ulá 295 Devakanmi, daughter of a 15, 16 Déva Nágari 182 Dévánamoiya Tissa 58, 62, 63, ಸ್ಟ್ರೀ5, 67. 68, 69, 77, l 14, 16,
Deparam (hymns) 121, 173, 191,
249,254
Déva Ráya ii, Invasion of Cey
lon by 366, 367
Déva Ráya ii, inscriptions of
367
Dévi Nuvara 186, 214
Dėwar Sundar Bandy (Pánili)
345
Dhammadinna 191
Dhanushkóti 85, 101, 113, 12
Dharmapála 24
Dhamapala, Don Juan 92
Dharmapuri 242
Dhatu Séna 79
Dhobak 198
Dictionary, Tamil-English; by
Winslow 54
Digaya 67
Diha Gámani 67
Dig Nága 24
Dikwella 184
Dipavaissa 47, 49, 19
Dipavaińsa & Mahávaňsa ; by
Geiger 19 Dom Joao Periapandar 385 Dondra (Head) 177, 186, 199,
- 214, 372 Don Juan 385 Don Juan Dharmapala 92 Doubtful Coins of Southern
India; by R. Sewell 30 Dravida (a kingdom) 125 Dravidian art 184 Dravidian dialect(s) 79, 18 Dravidian Element in Indian
Culture; by Slater Dravidians, intermarriage with
Nagas of the 6 Dravidian tribes (old) 2, 3, 50 Drum insignial 307.309 Dubreuil, Professor Jouveau 132 Dugong, la fish) 229 Duff Misar Ibn Mohalhal, 201,
202 Duo-decimal system. Durga, la goddessl 186 Dutch Governor, 390 Dutch, the 59.83, 89, 102, 116,
376, 377, 380, 386390 Duttha Gamani, 68, 69, 70, 190 Dwàraka, 19 Dwara Samudra, 307 Dynastic List, lof Jaffinal 2l8 Dynasty of the Sun, 27, 296, 315,
E.
Eastern Gangas, inscriptions of
the, 308 Eastern Gaigas, the 275. 277, 303 307, 308,309,310,343 Eastern Province, of Ceylon
222 East indian Railway, 5 Ebargareitides, 97, 110. 34 Ecbatana, harems of 135 Edict (s) of Asoka, 17. 103 Edirili-Söla-Sambuvaråyar, 268 Edirmanna Sihha. (Kumara)
(Pararajasekaran) 361,374, 386

i N DE x xi
Egypt, 83, 85,97, 119, 146, 163 Egypt & the Mamelouk Sultans,
Memoir on 352 Egypt, Embassy to 352, 353 Egypt, Sultan of 352 Elala, Elara, 65, 66, 246 El Asirat, island of 222 El;awa Pansala inscription
7 El Basrah, 204
(El) Edirisi, 39, 192, 196, 199,
223
Elephant Pass (Lagoon) 98, 99. 122, 126, 127, 196, 318, 326 (El) Harkend sea 193, 194, 96,
200 Elias, legends of 25, 218 Elini, 25 (El) Kazwani, 192, 200, 220 El Kulzam, sea of 220 Ellore, 388 Elu language 102
179, 180, 182 Eluvaitive, l97 Embulamba, (inscription) 70 Enemies, Chivalry towards 144 English, the 102, 375, 376, 377,
380 Epic of the Anklet, 29 Epics, the 2, 29, 50, 141. 185 Epic times, 47 Epigraphia lindica. 6, 3, 239, 258, 270, 28, 290, 299, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 340, 355, 361, 364, 365, 389 Epigraphist, Madras 268
177, 178,
Epigraphist's Report, Madras. -See under Madras Epigraphy, Annual Report of
South Indian 269 Epigraphy, South Indian 255 Epiodorus, 97, 106, l 10, 135 Equator the 12, 116 Erumai mullai, a plant 53 Erumai (mulai) tivu 53, 54 Erupotanakanda, 64 (Erythroean sea), Periplus (of
the) - See Periplus
(Es) Sindibiad,—See Sindibad Ethiopia, 4, 12, 225 Ethiopians, the 86 Eupharates, the 353 Europe, 25, 225 European Art, Medioeval 184 European travellers, 38, 127 European writers, 192, 196, 197,
219, 224 Eyilpațținam, 14, l l l Eyina women, 16l
F Fa Hien. 3. 124. 190
, , Travels of; by Prof.
Legge 3 Fahri, (silver coin), 202 Farrer, (Reginald) 322
, , Old Ceylon; by R 322 Female Sovereign, 217 First Tamil Sangam, 41, 42, 18 Fishers, their dwellings 159;
their diet 59 Fish flag 10, 43, 30 Flag, the boar 30, 302,304; the bow, 10, 30; the bull, 295, 296 302; the lish (carps) 10, 43, 301; the Gemini & the lyre, 350; the lion, 43, 301; the lyre, 30, 302; the palmyrah, 43; the plough, 3Ul; the stag, 30 ; the tiger, 10, 30 Fleet, Dr. 236 Floucers, use of 63, 164, 165 Food of the people 15 Foe, (Buddha) 190 Foot prints, of Buddha 190 A Forbes, 102 Forgotten Coinage of the Jaffna
Kings, 300 Fort, Brass 19 Fort Frederick, 34, 377.379 Fort, Hanging 19, 20, 123, 139 Fort, Iron 16, 18, 9, 137, 39 Fortress of Ravana, 9 Forts, description of ancient 139 Four Vedas, the 295 Fra Mauro's Map, 214


Page 232
xii N DE x
Franciscan Friar 39 Francis Xavier, 381 Francos, la nation) 379 Frangis, Nation of the 378 French, the 376 380 Fresco paintings, 135 F; Franciscan 39; Missionary
207 Friar, Odoric 38, 39, 20, 205,
206, 209, 210
G
Gadval copper plates 239 Gajabáhaka Gimani 72 Gaja Báhu (i) 29, 67, 69, 72, 73,
74, 75, 78, 188 Gaja Báhu ii 237, 316, 323, 327 Galgomua (inscription) 70 Galiba, cape 94 Galiboi 109, 136. Galkulam (inscription) 70 Galle, harbour of 224, 225 ; (Point de) 82, 87, 88, 89, 121, 197,214, 224, 225, 226 Galpota inscription 322 Galvihára 184 Galvichára inscription 314 Gampola 214, 352, 358, 362, 365 Ganapati (Kakatiya king) 216,
388
Gandaraditya 26l, 262 Ganga-Bána king 256 Ganga chiefs 304,305;-(coun
try) 265, 304 Gañgådhara 334 Ganga dynasty, origin of the 304,
309 Gaňgai Aryan 304 Ganga kings, coins issued by the, 300; Royal insignia of 307, 308 Gaigakula 5 l, 296, 304, 305 Gaigakula Kulasekhara 360 Ganga-Pallavas, feudatories of
the 252 Gaigas, the 252, 303, 307
Gangas, the Eastern 275, 277, 303, 307, 308,309, 310,343 Gangas, the Western 307 Gagavádi 307, 308, 309 Ganga (vamsa)51, 296, 304, 305,
306, 309 Ganga vamsa Chiefs 307, 343. Gစ္သဖ္ရvamsa Kalyáha Mahádévi Ganges, the 22,94, 97, 109, l 19,
126, 133, 306 Gangetic Settlers 51; Gangetic
valley, the 3,305 Ganjam 51, 300 Gantala 328 Garshasp, his ဇွnding at Kalah
, -,his battle with Báhu
198, 199, 276 Garshasp Namah 198, 276 Gá) á 244 Gáyáturai 244 Gazetteer, Ceylon ; bv Chetty 325 , , Tanjore 26, 28 Geiger 29, 53; Edition of the
Mahāvansa, by 29 Gemini and the lyre 350 Gem mines 200 Gem-set throne 7, 8 Geography, Ancient; by Cun
ningham 5l Geography of the World; by
Ptolemy 23, 30, 79 Ghats, Western 26 Giant's Tank 82, 106.318; extent of cultivation under 132;-inscription 318
Girikanda Siva 67, 130 Giri Nuvara 68, 70,78, l 16 Girivamsa 36l Gnanapragasar, Rev. S. 243,248,
297, 300,329, 357, 374 Goa 22, 381, 388 Goa, grant 306 Godaveri, the 36 Goddess of the Sea 27
Casie

i N DE x
God of Death 272 Gods, arms of the 73, 74 Goiya 383 Gokarna 34, 35 Gokarnaswamin 307, 308, 309 Gold, collection of 138 Gold mines 200 Gomudu 328 Góparája 324 Gopinath Row, Mr, 238 Gorakavana 363 Gotha(ka)baya 68, 69, 76, 77, 78 Gotra 309 Government Archivist 378; (Ceylon) 84, 133. 136, 331,388 Govia, 383 Govinda Dikshita, 249 Govi tribe 324 Grammar, Panini's Sanskrit 18 Grantha, Tamil and 265 Great Khan 39, 20, 214 Grecian Ambassadors 12, 136 Greek Authors, dentification of
places mentioned by 99.17
names given to Ceylon by 103 Greek Coins ll
, , the languagel 109, 129 Greeks, rendezvous of the 224 Greeks, the 20, 86, 88, 89, 100,
103, 106, 138, 220, 224 Greek traders 103, l04;-travellers
26;-writers 103, 119, 29, 24 Guard stones, Naga 32 Gမ္ဘpushaba (Segaràjasèkaran) Gunaratne Mudlr. Dandris de
Silva 189 Gမ္ဘwira (Pararajasekaran) 369,
71 Gurzaras, King of the 6 Guzarat, 47, 48, 52, 297, 298 Gyheit mountainl 215, 28
H
Habarane, 250
Haffner J. 83
Haffner, Travels on foot through
Ceylon; by J. 83
xiii
Hague, the 378 Hair, system of wearing the 16,
l62; drying the 163 Halebid, 291 Hambantota, 78, 79, 1 l6 Hanging fort, 1920, 123, 139 Hanuman, 5 Harkend, sea of 193, 194, 196,
200 Hastimalla, 256 Hathigumpha inscriptio, 18 Hatha Datha, 233. 234 * Hatha Datha ii 234 v Hebrew language 88; mari
ners 89 Hebrews, the 88 Hegira, year of the 352 Heladiva Heludiva 102, 103 Hemasitala, 240
Henderman Cinga Pararàja
sèkaran 374
Heraj 196, 197
Ferdsmen, dwellings of 155;
their women 56; their games & diet 57 Heroes, Memorials to l43 Hese, John of 219 Hess, Prof: Q. Muller 226 Himalayan Passes Himalayas, the 56, 23 Hindu History; by
Muzumdar 4, 40 Hinduism, Kings professing 254, 322, 324 ,, . , prevalence of 185187, 191 Hindu Kings, destruction of Buddhist temples by 71,278 Hindu Organ, 274, 343 Hindu rites in Buddhism 74,78,
19 Hindustan, 2 Hindus, the 53, 7, 83, 30, 28,
228 254, 372 Hindu temples, 83, 185, 228,
254, 263, 322, 372, 373. Hiouen Thsang, lé, 17. 19, 20,
124, 125, 20, 34
A. K.


Page 233
xiv.
Hiouen Thsang, History of the
Travels of 17, 19, 124
Hippalus, 91
Hippuros. 26, 9
Hira Lal, Mr. 306
Hiranya Garbhayaji Raghunata
Sétupati Katta Tévar 249
Histoire de la Campagnie de
Jesus 22 Historical Account of Ceylon :
by Pridham 5, 20, 84, 102, ll,
12, 22, Historical Society. Jaffna 274 History of Ceylon, Portuguese;
by de Cс uto 45 111, 331. 368,
380,386
修》 , by Philalathes
365, 367
History, Hindu ; by Muzumdar
4, 40 History of India ; by T. Wheeler
4 History of Indian Shipping; by
K. Mooker jie l7, 298 History of Jaffna; by Casie Chetty 4, 86, 87, 92; by Mootootamby Pillai 332, 343 : by S. John 33 History of the Deccan; by
J. Dubrueil 32 235, 238 History of the Hughli Dt: Notes
on the; by N. Deg 51 History of the Travels of Hiouen
Thsang l7, 19, 124 Holy thirthai. 34 Homeric Coasts, the 126 Horsburgh, Hon'ble Mr 251 Horse mountain, 84 Horse sacrifice 42 Hospitality, as a Chief Virtue 6 Hoysala Ballala dynasty 290,
29 Hoysala Ballalas, the 307 Hoysala King, Jaffna King's conflict with 291 ; Sundana Pándya recovening tribute
from 338, 339
N DE X
Hoysala Narasiilha ii, Ceylon king killed by 329, 343; Expedition against Séndaman
gaļam by 290
Hoysala Vijayanagar Kings 336
Hughli, 5 I
Hပ္#ch, Dr. (E) 236, 280, 282,
Huniyam Ceremonies 189
Ibn Batuta 120, 2 10, 216, 217, 218, 349,371 ; Description of Jaffria by 213, 223, 348; his landing at Battala 2 l; his visit to Adam's Peak 212, 286, 348, 354, 362; identification of places mentioned by 21-214; reference to a Ceylon Ruby by 120, 20; Travels of 210, 21, 216, 223,354 Ibn El Wardee 201, 220 Ibಖ್ಖdhatha, Dullif Misar 201, Idayar 150 Idyllis(ten) 13, 136, 172 Ikshvaku dynasty 230, 313, 314,
39, 322, 325 Ilam 102, 1C5, 178, 217, 249, 258,
269, 280, 282,385 , , metonymical meanings of
177 lamandalam 102, 103, 105, 259 Ilam, derivation of 103, 138,177; king of 246, 256, 257, 259, 280, 338,339 llampúranar 10 la Nága 68, 71, 72
ļa Niganār, Marudan
Putan 178 Illa Nágar 105 I lai Ki) i 30 I laikó, 30 Ilantiraya, Tondaimán 28, 30, 31 Illa vilakku 261, 262 lilhas das Vacas 381 Illa lana 217
178;

N D S X xv
India, Alicient; as described by Persian help to a king of 198;
Arrian 18, 136 Ptolemy’s description of the , , Ancient; by V. Smith 241 Coast of 98; river between , , Ancient; Coins of; by Ceylon and 2; Tamil armies Cunningham 88 from 230, 232,234, 238; trade lndia and China, Accounts of; of 17, 90, 9,97, 99, 110, 122, 192, 196, 203, 204, 205, 223 126, 146, 196; submersion of India, armies of the kings of 204; parts of 9, 11, 12
art of writing in 180, 18; Bud Indico-pleustes, Cosmas 81, 120, dhism in 180, 19; Buddhistic 120, 26, 195, 202, 210, 24 Sculptures in 4: commercial in- Indra 8, 26, 27, 50, 75,81, 146, tercourse with 44, 86-88, 123, 186, 187, 259, 373 137; emigration to Java from Indrajit 15 298; exaggerated ancestry of Indravarman, (King) 306, 308 the kings of 315; flags and Indravarman, Satyasraya Dhurucrests of the dynasties of 302- varija 306 304; History of, by T. Wheeler Indus, the 47, 50, 5 4; homage to China by the Industries, agriculture 30-132; kingdoms of 202, 203; influx chank fishing 119, 136, 137; of Aryans into 4 cotton growing 33: pearl Indian Antiquary 6, 2, 23, 102, fishery 10, 104, 106, 36; 105, 124, 125, 230, 239, 241, Shipping 19, 147; weaving 300, 301, 303, 308, 334, 345, 133, 168, 203
365, 367,385 Inscription(s), Ablur 303; AetaIndian Buddhists, Peregrinations viragollewa 257; Allahabad of; by Q. M. Hess 226 pillar 6; Vivir Tirunagari 290: Indian Chronology, by Swami- Amaravati 388; Asoka 180; kannupilai 350 Atákir 260; Bezwada 388 ; Indian Coins 32, 44, 60, 85, 128, Cave 25, 65, 179, 180; Chalu140 kya 239 ; Chóla 260, 262, 300; Indian Culture, Dravidian Ele- Daladamandirama 324 : Damment in; by bulla 322; Elawewa Pansala
Slater ll 257: Embulamba 70: Galgo
, Some contribu- muwa 70; Galkulam 70: Galtions to; by pota 322; Galvihara 3 14 ; S. K. Aiyan- Giant's Tank 38; Hathi. gar 19l gumpha lon. A Indian Ocean. 52, 81, 91: Indian inscriptions in Ceylon, Ancient; Pemiliai2,438, iô7, 26 Mei, 33.49709336, Indian Shipping, History of; by 257, 35,322,323,324, 369
**
R. Muker jie 17, 298 Inscription(s), Jambukesvaram Indians, the 35, 50, 56, 177, 180, 364; Kailasanatha Temple 201, 220 269; Kallangatai 260; Kañci
lndian works, Yápánam in 251 305 ; Kantalai Tank 228;
lndia, Paråkrama Bähu's inva- Karambagola 78; Kirti Sri sion of 267, 27 l; pearl fishery Méwan 361; Kotagama. 38, on the Coast of 96, 104, 136; 296, 300, 311, 364, 37 ; Kudu


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miya malai 340; Lepaka 292; Manimaňgalam 278, 281, 283, 284, 35; Manipravaļa 265; M%yavaram 269; Medirigiriya 鄒 Nainitive 208: Nayar No. 64 of 1892 (M.E.R.) 292; No. 75 of 1895 263; No. 96 of 1896 263; No. 16 of 1896 261; No 40 of 1897 385: No. 1 of 1899 270; No. 20 of 1899 267; No. 36 of 1899 268; No. 49 cf 1900 385 : No. 50 of 1900 385; No. 142 of 1902290; No. 362 of 1902361; No. 110 of 1903346: No 149 of 1903 385; No. 608 of 1904 266; No. 465 of 1905 269, 328; No. 366 of 1906 341; No. 73 of 1909 269; No. 42 of 19 292; No. 300 of 1911 269; No. 246 of 192261; No. 332 of 1914340; No. 340 of 1914 340; No. 361 of 194 340; No. 144 of 1916 367; No. 433 of 1924 269; of Achayuta Ráya 385; of Bayyamamba 388; of Déva Ráya ii 367 ; of Jatawarman Sundara Pandya i 292; of Jatavarman Víra Pándya 340; of Krishna Déva Ráya 385; of Krishna iii. 361; of Kulasékara i 347; of Kulötuiga i 265, 266; of Máravarman Sundara a Pándya i 289, 290; of Parákrama Pándýa Ariké sari Déva 38, 364; of Rájádhi Rája i 263, 269, 278; of Rajádh Rája ii 268, 328; of Räja Rája i 259, 261 ; of Rája Rája iii 290; of Rájéndra Chóli i 259, 263, 283; of Rájéndra Chólá (iii 292; of Rajendra Deva i 281: of Sadasiva Riya 385; of Sétupatis 249,300; of Sundara Pandya i 340; of the Eastern Gaigas 308; Pallavaráyampéțițai 268,
Nissanka Mallás 324;
N DE X
27l : Pándawewa 209: Parántaka's 257; Pepiliyana vihára 369; Piranmalai 385 ; Polonnaruwa 23ú, 324; Rájagóipala Perumál Temple 385; Rámés. varam 366; Ruanveli 322; Sendalai 238 ; Sidambaram 270; South Indian 227, 232, 234, 239, 241, 252, 253, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 270, 277, 28, 283 Inscription(s), Srinivasa Nallar 66; Srirangam 292; Tenkasi 38, 367; Tirukkalambudur 270; Tirukalukunram 340; Tirukolúr 289; Tirumalavadi 263: Tirupátkadal 256: Tiru. válagadu 269, 321 : Tiruváņdlipuram 290; Tiruvatísvara Temple 267; Tiruvottiyur Temple 261; Tönigala 182; Trincomalie 377, 378; Urumparay 267 Insula Caphane 219 w Intermarriages raciall 6, 15, 57,
72, 139, 230 Inthirésan, Inthiresu 375 Inundation-destruction of Chóla Capital by 26; destruction of Kavádapuram by 105; devastation of Ceylon by 1, 2, 30 Inuvill 266 logana 94 Iramagudam 280 Iranaitive 220 Irațtapádikonda Chóllan 283 Irayanár Akapporul 10, 38, 4,
150, 70, 253 Iron city 17, 18;-fort 16, 18, 19, 137, 139;-implements 137; -prison l7 Irugalkulaprivena, priest of 372 Isai 172 lsle of Cows 38 Isles, the 205, 225 Isvarams 185 Isvara, shrine of 89
Iyal 172

1 N D E/X
J
Jabah, Jabeh an Island 196, 197, 199, 202, 21, 217, 250
Jaွှ† Jabeh a king 196, 197,
O
Jafana-en-putalao 23 Jafana patalan, Jafanapatam, Jafanapatanam turai, Jafan) Patao, Jafana Putalao 212 213 Jaffna, Arjuna's visit to 33-36, 40-44; arrival of Vellala colonists at 335, 336;-as a place of Buddhist pilgrimage 189; Buddhism in 189-19, 372, 383; Buddhist shrines at 63, 64, 65, 74, 75, 76, 372; certain castes in 383, 384;. Chota invasion of 26 30, 259,263,264, 284, 292; -chronicles 57, 38; coins of 149, 153, 300 301, 302; conversion of Chiefs &c. of 389, 390; cotton growing in 133; duration of foreign rule in 375 377 ;—Emblems 43, 295, 297, 299, 300, 30, 302, 304, 30, 321; expulsion of the Sinhalese from 383; fetching an Indian prince to rule 272 273, 275:- flag 302, 350, 351;--fort 126; - Hinduism in 85-88, 9
Hindu temples in 55, 332, 333; -Historical Society 274
Jaffna History, later writers of
246, 247 Jaffna, History of; bv A. Mootootamby Pillai 332, 343 ; by S, Casie Chetty 4, 86, 87, 92; by S. John 33 Jaffna, Kalinga dynasty of 195, 198,275, 283; Kalinga king(s) of 276, 282-284, 293, 318; Kalinga Magha's Viceroys at 329, 330 Jaffna kingdom, 32, 38, 6, 90, 193, 204, 217, 241, 242, 251, 282, 287, 293, 318, 349, 361,
C
χνii
362,363, 368;-Battala a port in the 210—211 : Cala (Kalah) in the 195, 224, 226; extent of the 326; flourishing state of the 217; pearl fishery in the 39, 348, 354 w Jaffna king(s) adoption of Bull flag by the 304-310; alternate throne names of the 370; \ryan origin of the 293-299, 333; Brahman alliance of the 296.299, 310; Ceylon kings paying tribute to the 345, 349, 350, 38, 362,363, 385; crest of the 300;-duration of the rule of the 2 l 8, 274, 369, 37 l ; -during the Port: period; by Rev. S. Gnanapraga sar 359, 380,381 387: Forgotten Coinage of the ; by Rev S. Gnanapragasar 300; --help of Tanjore Naiks to the 386, 387; help rendered to Pandyan by the 355, 356; invasion of Ceylon by the 344-349, 362-365; Kaliiga origin of the 273, 275, 283, 293, 297, 306, 309, 30;-killed during Chota invasion 259, 284; Lyre flag of the 301, 302; - no descendants of the lutist 273; over-lordship of the 348, 349, 355; sacred thread worn by the 296, 297; Sadayappa Mudali's relieftoa 288, 327: Subhadittamuni's prophecyre 374–377; their similarity to Eastern Gaigas 309; their vamsa 30430;-traitor in the Chola camp 269, 32 Jaffna lagoon, l 13, 126, 127, 213; as highway of trade 86, 99, 3. 12; chanks fished in the Jaffna, Madappallis of 388-390; Malabar customs in 282,384; Mayadunne's flight to 380;


Page 235
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Jaffna Museum 74. Jaffna,Nágadipa & Bud: Remains in ; by Pieris 8, 137, 168, 190 Jaffna, Niiga kings of 6, 12, 26, 32, 44, 61, 7, 297; other names of 37-39, 53, 54, 117, 193, 200, 204, 213, 248, 287, 298 ; På na occupation of 212, 248; Pandyan invasion of 38, 252,253, 255, 338,339, 340, 344 367; Parakrama Bahu i, a prince of 37-322, 327; Parakrama Bahu’s Viceroys at
321;
Jaffna patam 33, 92, 297, 390
Jaffna Peninsula 2, 35, 44, 53, 54,98, 102, 17, 18, 119, 126, 127, 133,272,323,336
Jaffna, Place names of: by S. . Coomaraswamy l80, 250, 36, 384; ports of 20l., 219, 222, 234, 368 ; Portuguese invasion of 330, 334, 373, 374, 382, 386, 387;--presented to a Panan 245, 246; queen of 28: Roman coins found in 32, 60, 85, 14, 28, 49; sacred waters in 34, 35, 28; salterns in 266; Sapumal Kumaraya's invasion of 25, 274, 282, 331, 335,349,354, 368-373; Jaffna seas, dugong in the 220 ;
Islands of the 18, 89;
Jaffna, Sinhalese customs in 384; Sinhalese occupation of 250, 251, 331, 332,383, 384 synchronisms of notable events in 37; traces. of Chola occupation in 263; traces of Pallava occupation in 242; trade in 44, 85,90,91, 97,99, 10, 19, 122, 126, 127, 133, 146, 196, 207, 222, 223 ; Ugra Siigan’s usurpation of 293, 310: Vellala Colonists of 335-336, 389;
N D E X
Vijaya's landing in 52-56, 60, 61 : Vira Räghavan's visit to 359-36 Jaffna women, ornaments of 71,
168, 169 Jagannathaswami temple 346 Jagatipāla 237 Jain author 306; Jain teacher
239 Jambuköla 62, 63, 64, 65, l 14, 277; Jambukòla pattana 63, 64; trunk road to Anuradhapura from 62, 63, i 14; vihàras at 64, 277 Jambukövaļam 196 Jambulus 4 Jananata mai galam 263; Jana
natapuram 263 Jantu 69 Japane 25 l Jataka tales 185 Jatiwarman Parakrama Arikésari
Déva 367 雷》 Sundara (Pàndya i), 274, 275,292, 338, 343; inscription of 292 Sundara ii 345 穷镑 Sundara iii 345 罗弹 Vikrama 345
Vira Puniya, insciip
tion of 340 ήνη 50, 126, 127, 146, 194, 298 Jävaka Kötte 372; Jivaka prince
337 Javanese, the 86, 298 Jáya Báhu (brother of Viiaya
Bálinu i] 237, 276 317 Jaya Bà hu grandson of Parà
krama Bahu vi) 373 Jayag 'pa king 322, 323, 328 Jayatunga, descendant of 288 Jayavira, (Segaràjasékanan) 371,
372 Jayawàrdhanapura 361 Jerusalem, temple of 87
Jétavana Vihára 233

i N 6 e. k xist
Jètawanarama 321 Jettha ifissa 69, 231, 232 Jewellery, wearing of 168 Jeyatunga (Vara-ràja-siňgan) 245, 246, 247, 25, 252,253; advent of Panaminstrel to the Court of 245 - Jeyavira (Singai Aryan) 344, 354 Jivaka Cintämaņi 15 Joao de Mello de Sayo Payo l l l Jogues 214 John; History of Jaffna, by Mr. S. 33 ;-of Hese; Itinerary of 219; John of Montecorvino 207 Jothia Seti 365 V− Jothia Stoenum Rajah 365 Journal of Bengal Branch of R.
A, S, 39, 51 of Bihar & Orissa Research Society 18 , of Bombay Branch of R.
A. S. 12
, of Ceylon Branch of R. A. S. 4, 8, 30, 32, 44, 45, 54, 60, 65, 87, 92, 11, 17, 168, 182, 189. 190, 225, 265, 282,298, 33,332, 343, 346, 348, 35. 355, 362, 365, 367, 368,380, 38, 386,390 , of Royal Asiatic Society
93, 128, 236 Jouveau Dubreuil, Professor 23 Jumna 27
Juz 203
K
Kacciappa Pulavar, Kachchiap
par 359
Kင့; Nayinar (Parar á jasékauan)
Kadah 194, 202
Kadamban (Kanta Kumaral 122
Kadamba pirates 23:-river 123;
-(tree) 22, 58, 123
Kadambas, the 122, 123 Kadeyas, conversion of the 38 Kadijah, Queen 216 Kadiragoda 59 Kadirai Āndavar 60, 186 Kadiramalai, as capital of Jaffna kingdom 32, 33, 6, 137, 139, 205, 242, 244, 309; identified with Kamara 114 ; identified with Kouroula 1 13, identified with Nagadiba 117, mart at 126, 226 ; not Kataragama 60, 243; other names of 15, 119: Pacinavihāra at 64; palace at 204, 206; position of 58, 59, 243; present name of 59; ruins at 84, 85; transfer of capital from 245, 31 l; Vijaya's sojourn at 52, 55, 58, 61 Kadirgáman 58 Kaduttalai Nágaimaiyan 261 Kahacondapaitanam 324 Kailāsanáta temple at Jaffnal
333,334 Kailāsanita temple inscription
269 Kailayam, third 333 Kailáyamàlai 58, 243, 247, 272, 273, 275,297, 302, 329, 330, 331, 333,334. 335 Kajaragama 60 Kakatia king(s) 26, 388, 389 Kakavanna Tissa 68, 69, 70 Kakuli aloe 223 Kala. Bhmi 195, 196, 199 Kalabra kings 232 Kalachuris, the 303
Kalah (Cala), a port in Jaffna l 18, 27, 198, 200, 207; a port in Malacca 194, 202; confusion
of the position of 20l., 202; emporium of 225; identification of 95, 96, 199, 201, 220; not Galle 224, 225, 226 ; not Kalpitiya 225; other names of
Kalahbar, 194, 195


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Kalakaņņi Tissa 68 Kalam 95, 197, 202, 221 Kalanjara 303 Kalanji (aloe) 213, 223 Kalavu 70 Kalinga a king) 50: antiquity
of 50 ; Kမ္ဘးa Chakravartis) 243, 244,
7 Kalinga colonists 50, 54, 13, 17,
78. 243, 309, 388 Kaliňga (country), Kaliṁgam 195, 265, 266, 275, 300, 303, 306, 307, 308,309, 323,388, 389 Kaliňga dynasty / 9, 198, 232. 275, 283, 30, 315, 322 326 Kaliga kingdom 50, 5, 52, 7,
8
Kalinga king (s) 50, 66, 73, l 18, 191, 195, 198, 276, 277, 28, 282,283, 293, 297, 314, 315, 320 Kalinga Magha 242 275, 370; forts built by 328 ; his viceroys at Jaffna 291, 329, 330,343 Kalingam cloth 83 Kalinga-Naga line 79 Kalingapuram 20, 203, 266, 323 Kàlińgaráyar 342
alingas, colonies founded by the 50; country of the 33, 36, 48, 49, 50, 52 Kalingas, the 3, 45, 50, 66, 179, 183, 283, 309, 30, 312, 313, 324, 389 Kalınga Subhadradévi 323 Kalingatuparani 20, 266, 286, 30 Kalingavamsa 324 Kaliňga Vijaya Báhu 328, 329 Kalitògai 10 Kaliyani 203 Kal-kövalam 196 Kallangatai inscription 260 Kallar 136 Kalát (u) 62, 83 Kalata Naga 71 Kalligikon 95 Kalliyana 126, 202
N DE X
Kalmunai 83, il 13, 1 15, 1 19, 373 Kalpitiya 82, 225, 226 Kalundewa 35l Kalvettu, Konesar 229, 247 K;ဖွဲa mahadévi, Gangavamsa K} [Kelaniya) 6, 7, 9, 67, Kamar, Kamaree, Komar, Koma
ri 222, 223 Kamara 97, 1 10, 1 12, 1 14, 119 Kamaree Island, identification of
222 Kamarnawa i 308 Kambala Chetty 27, 28 Kambalam 249 Kanuban 288 Kamban’s Rámáyaņam 16, 176,
274, 288 Kamoos, author of 223 Kampanna Udayar 356 Kampılya 6 - Kanagaräyan Aru 99, 106, 119 Kanagasabai 1, 23 Kanakasuriya (Segerjasékaran) 331, 335, 354, 359, 369, 371, 373,374,380 Káfici, expulsion of Buddhists
from 239, 240 Káfici inscription 305 Káñici (puram) 28, 29, 30, 78, 25, 233, 238, 24, 260,268, 335, 360 Kanda Kumara 15, 58, 60 Kandalùr Sálai 280 Kandamádanam 7, 294, 296, 304,
309 Kandan 187 Kင့ငှါpurtnam Tamil) 15,359,
Kandaswamy temple, (Mavittapuram) 244, 33 l; Nallur 330, 332, 372 ; Paraļay 64 Kander cudde, Kandergoda 59 Kandupulu 328 Kandy 23, 245, 246, 287, 288, 335, 344, 345, 365, 380,385 Kandyan districts 102, 383

I Nò È X
Káingéyan, image of 244 Kanijanu ifissa 68 Kanitha Tissa 32, 69, 75 Kankar (city of) 23 Kankésanturai 244 Kannada king 292 Kannakai 29, 73, 74, 188 Kannakuchchi 279, 280, 282, 283 Kannakuchchiyar 282, 283 Kagakuchehiya Râjan; Chóla
8 Kannanur Koppam 339 Kannara 280, 283 Kannaradeva Vallabha 260 Kannataking 338,339 Kannatas, the 292 Kannavaddhamána mountain 7 Kanniya, hot springs of 185 Kannuvar artisans 15 Kantalai (Tank) 228, 328;-ins
cription 228 Kantarédai 32, 62, 13, l 15, 19, 28, 204, 205; antiquities at 84, 85, 168, 190; chank industry at 37, 168; coin finds at 32, 60, 27; excavation at 44, 60, 74, 85, 127, 128, 137; identity with Manipuram 44; origin of 59; Pacina vihára at 63; Pattini temple near 74; salt stored at 116 Kanthika 309 Kanyakubja 279, 280, 282, 283 Kanyakumari b6 Kapua, the priest 187 Karadipa l9l Karai tive, Karai Nagar 25, 83,
191, 195, 196, 97 Karaiyúr 2l 1, 248, 251 Karambagala inscription 78 Karamban 197 Karanavay, salterns of 266 Karawa community 22 Karhad plates 260 Karikála (the Great)
123,305 Kárkólan 203, 204 Kártikéya 58
19, 20,
xxi
Kartikeya grama 60
Karunada king 292
Karunákara Pillaiyar Temple
266, 267
Karunákara (Tondaimán) 114, 226; salt collection by 266
Karuvai Nallúr 14 -
Kásákudi plates 232, 234
Kásáturai 244
Kashmir 6
Kási Benares) 334
Kầsil [an lsland 220
Kassappa (brother of Séna il 252, Kassappa i 230; Kassappa ii 232, 233, 234 ; Kassappa iii 237; Kassappa iv 237; Kassappa v, (Sri Sañga Bo) 237, 256, 257
Kataragama “8, 186, 187, 243, 245, 285, 286; building of Temple at 60
Katcbia Veļi 7
Kathiawar 47
Katirkámam 60
Kattailkádu 320
Kattiyam 332
auravas, war of the 4
Kautilya 102
Kavádaka, Páņdlya 104
Kavādapuram, destruction of 9
12、39ー42、う7, 105
, Tamil Sangam at
178
Kávéra, Kavéri (country) 239 Kávéri, the river 19, 23,36, 107,
133,239,339 Kåvéri (púm) pattinam 26, 29, 36, 10, 24, 132, 142, 146, 147, 191 Kaviräyar, Sidambara Tandava
Madura 14 (Kavi) Vira Rághavan 246, 247,
359, 360,371 Kávyasékhara 369 Káyal 345 Kayts 1 18, 1 19, 127, 147. 195, 196, 197, 199, 208, 226, 328


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Kazwani (El) 192, 200, 220
Kegalle District 364
Kegalle District, Arch: Report of the ; by H. C. P. Bell 38, 296, 300, 364
Kela [an Island) 221
Kelaniya 9
Kelani (ya) Tissa 12, 30, 42, 67.
68. 136
Kendir plates 239 Kennedy J.93 Kérala(s), the 232, 255 Késari dynasty 307, 323 Kéta 274 Kétapalli 389 Kétu (Serpent] 89 - Khaberis temporium 96, '09 Khaberos river 96.109 Khallata Nága 68, 7 | K;း (of China), Creat 39, 210,
24 Khara (Cyclic year) 38i Kharavela il 18 Kheen Naik 387 Khruse 9, 19 Kidáram 263 Kiliyanur 14 Killai Vidu Tútu 30. Killi 27, 28, 29. 30 Killi Valavan 26, 28, 61 Kingdom of Jafana patam; by
P. E., Pieris 59 Kings of Jaffna during the Portu
guese Period 359 King Solomon, fleets of 87 Kiran Eyițițiyanár l7l Kirimalai, 53, 186, 244, 389; Arjuna's visit to 32-35; expulsion of the Mukkuvas from 228; Marignolli's visit to 28 Kirindi Oya 45, 52 Kiribalugaha 75 Kirti Sena, General 314 Kirti Sri Mégha 3 l 5, 316, 317, 38, 319, 321, 323,324, 326, 327,328 Kirti Sri Méwan inscription 36 l Kirtivarman i 306
i N b E х
Kirtivarman ii 239
Kit-Sri-Newan-Raja 39
Kițţi, General 237
Kitti Nissanka 237
Klings, the 50
Kodungalur l 13
Koggala 78
Koillum 196
Kokalay l l7
Kökīla Sandésa(ya) 116, 187,
368, 372, 373
Ko-killi 28
Kolahala, Kolahalapur, Kolala
pura 307, 308
Kólam (Kóvalam) 196, 217
Kólar 303, 306, 308
Kolkhic Gulf 95
Kolkhoi 96, 100
Kollam 10
Kolondiophonta 97, 1 19
Komara, Komaree, Komar, Komari (kingdom and portl 194, 222, 223
Kင့ၾri Cape Comorin 96, 100,
Komuki 30 Kónár 213, 14 Kónagar 213.214 Kóņamalai 34l Kón, City of 213 Kondáchchi 84 Kondaividu 304 Konesar Kalvettu 229, 247 Kónésar Kóyil, Kónésvaram 185,
186, 377 Kongu(s), (the) 248,338 Końkuduru plates 304 Kó Peruñjinga (Déva) 290, 339,
340; defeat of 29 Koppam, KannanúI 339 Korkai 100, 101, 1 10, 136 Korran 25 Korravai 186 Kósalas, the 307 Kota Bayyala Mahádévi 388 Kotagama 38,364;-inscription,
38, 293,300, 31, 364, 372 Kotasara 328

硅狮欧巴X
Kotam 305 Köţţe 23, 214, 216, 354, 358, 361, 362,366.368, 373, 380 Kótte Civitas 214 Kottiyár 78, 1 l6 Kottudai 17 Kouroula 95, 96, 109, 1 12, 1 13,
15, 117, 119 Kövaļam, Koulam 96, 202, 207,
217, 29, 220. 22, 224 Kóvias, as remnants of Sinhalese
goviyas 383, 384
K၄;na Hindu God 186, 187, Krishna iii 260, 26; inscription
of 36
Krishna Déva Raya, inscription
of 385
Krishnappa's invasion 385, 383
Kဇ္ဖုဒ္ဒswamy Aiyangar, Prof:
Kshatriya(s) The 6, 220, 297,319
Kshemendra 17
Kubali Khan 203
Kubera l6, 151
Kulakarai l li7
Kudarappu 320
Kulattanai 320
Kudda Naga 32, 69, 75
Kurdimai 383
Kudiraimalai 24, 25, 77, 78, 84, 9, 220; a Naga kingdom in Ceylon 25; chiet (tain) of 78.
72 83
Kudumiyamalai inscription 340
Kugan, Kulagan 58
Kulai 169
Kuļa(k) köttan 186, 229, 377, 379; Kanta'ai Tank built by 228; repairs to Tiruksnésvaram by 227, 228
Kùļaņkai (Chakravarti), (Vijaya) 251, 252, 324, 329, 330, 333, 34, 343, 369, 370; earliest Arya king, 273, 274: equated with Kalinga Magha 329; not a Telügu Chóla 274, 275, time of 252
xxiii
Kulasékara, Gaiigakula: (Pararájasékaran), (Singai Aryan) 374,360,369, 370, 371 Kulasékhara (Déva) i, Maravar
man 345, 346. 355 Kulasékhara (Pándyan) 267, 268, 269, 270,344, 347, 350, 371 Kulasékhara's inscriptions 347 Kulaséklhara, Tribhuvana Chak
ravarti 346 Kulotuiga i (Chóla king 114, 264, 265, 286; invasion of Ceylon by 266; invasion of Kalih gam by 266
Kulótuàga ii 286; Kulótuhga iii
(Parakésari) 270, 288, 306 Kulótunga iii, inscription of 305 K;{unga (Segarajasékaran) 370, Kulzam (El) 220 22 Kumalan 25, 72; parallel bet. ween Sri Sanga Bodhi and 77, 78; story of 83, 84: time of 77, 78 Kumàra Dás a 230 Kumara Krishnappa 385 (Kumara) Kulótunga ii 286 Kumara Kulótuff, gan Ulá, 286 - Kumara Madappalis 388 Kumaran, Kumarav é 25. 58 77,
78, 172, 183, 184, 186, 187 Kumar, country of 223 Kumari, Cape-See Cape Comorin :-Hill 9, 10, land of the 339:-river 9, 10, 35
Kumbakarna 294 Kumbakõlam 252 Kumakarai States 10 Kunkumam l65. 167 Kunya States 0 Kural 131, 150, 161 Kuramagal llaveyni 171 Kuram plates 239 . Kuravai kuttu 174, 175, 188 Kuravar, Kuravas 50, 56; diet of 58; dwellings of 157; implements of 57


Page 238
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Kurava tribes 7 Kurinci 149, 150 Kurincipáttu 162, 163, 188 Kurukka(s) 53 Kurukshétra 41, 42 Kurumpanai States 10 Kurundi, lnhabitants of 337 Kurundu 328 Kurunégala 213, 352, 358;-Vis
taraya 35 , 352 Kuruntogai 21, 23, 149, 158, 168,
17, 178 Kurus, the 34, 4, 50 Kusa grass 59 Kushta Rája 170, 230 Kusin ára Vihára 320 Kuttuvan (Mántai) 21, 22 Kuvalálapuram 303, 305, 306,
307, 308 Kuvéni 46, 55, 57, 73, 136
L
Laccadives, The 262 Lada 47, 48, 49, 57, 227 Laggala 55 Lailai, kingdom of 202 Lajabulus 196, 199 Lajji Tissa 68 Lakkanna (Danilanáyaka) 366,
367 Lakshmana 187 Lakshmi (goddess 294; (seal
307 Lala 47, 48, 51 Lalitankura 3 Lal, Mr. Hira 306 Lambakanna (dynasty) 7, 76,
78 Lambakannas, origin of the 72, 79; the 69, 71,78, 19, 170 Lamps, clay and brass 138
Land, dioisions of 149; objects
peculiar to each 50 Langles 197 Laks, ancient 12, 13 Lahkadipa 47
N) E X
La};", Equator passing through
Lankalous Island 199
Laiká of Rávana; by M. S.
Adhikari 12
Lahkápura 2, 16, 14 !
Lahkápuri (Danilanáyaka) 267, 268,269,304, 346; cause of early success of 269; death of 270, 271; his defeat by the Chólás 268, 270; invasion of India by 267
Lanká, Rima's invasion of 83, 185, several kings ruling over
13, 14 Laikatillaka 184 Lanka, Ugrasigan and one half
of 242
Lassen 102, 203
Lead mines 202
Le babah 353 :
Lಳ್ವ/the lutist (minstrel) 247,
250
Lenadora 70,78, l 16 Lepaka inscription 292 Levant, the 207 Light houses 147 Lilavati 179, 237; Consort of
Queen 314 Linga mblem 30 Lion flag. the 301 ; ligin king, the
38; Lion Standard, the 43
Lisbon 92
List of Kings, Mahiwa sa Edi
tor’s 23 l
Literary Register, Ceylon 3;
Monthly 17, 19, C8
Literati, College of 357, 37
Litင့;ture, Kings as patrons of
7
Loadstone 18
Lok éssara 237
Lord of Serpents 3
Lothario 44
Lyre flag 301, 302
Lyre, Gemini and the

N D Ex
Mabar 207 Mackenzie Collections 240 Madampe, Catupitty 9 Mಣ್ಣpali8, Kumara, (Raja) 388,
3 Madapalli village 388, 389 Madapally, Madappulli, Mada
pulla 388, 390 Madhina 388 Madhu kannava 277, 389 Madhurudunu 256 Madras. 115; Madras Epigra
phist 268 Madras Epigraphist's Report 30 34, 216, 255, 257, 258, 26, 263, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 290, 292, 328, 340, 341, 346, 367,385 Madras Presidency 262 Madura, Alli Arasany, a queen of 34; Capital of new Pandyan kingdom 0, 37, 40, 42, 56; Céra occupation of 355, 356; invasion of 255-257, 267,269, 270; Naga poets of 178 ; pioximity of Manalir to 36; ဖြိုး"d Tamil Sangam at 12, Madurai Kifici 100, 136. 39, 140, 145, 146, 155, 162, 163, 165, 166, 168, 169,174. Madura Kavináyar, Sidambara
Tàndava 14 Madurakonda 257 Madura Mánmiyam 37 Madura, Nayak king of 297, 298 Madurantaka 257 Mဒူးမှုးa. Southern 4, 42, 56, 57, Madura States 10 Magadha 6, 62 Magama 70, l l 6 Maghadas, the 307 Magha, expulsion of 342 Magha, (Kalinga) 242, 275, 29, 328,329, 336,342,369,370 Magi, legends of the 25. 218
w
Mahābhirata, interpolations in the 33;-period 42; Sanskrit (version of the) 33; Tamil version of the 35,249; the 5, 31, 33 35, 37, 41, 42, 43, 44, 50, 84, 141, 171 Mahábhárata ; Manmatha Nath Dutt's translation of the 33
; Protap Chandra Roy's translation of the 42 9 ; Ramanuja Chariar's Edition of the 25 Mahabhárata war 41, 178 Maha Culika 68 Mahadal.hika Mahá Nága 68, 7l Mahagama 78, 328 Mahakanda 233
Ma(ha) Laíka (i) 23, 24
Mahalla Ná(ga) 31, 65, 69, 75
79
Mahalana Kitti 237 Mahamandalésvara Rudra Déva
388 Mahamatta 68, 69, 72 Mahanága 58, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71,
15, 182, 230 Mahanágak(c)ula 79, 317, 318 Mahanama 69 Maharaja of the Isles 205 Maharama dagoba 182 Mahasabdhas, five 307 Mahasammata, (line of) 34, 315 Maha Séna 69, 78, 228, 229 Mahatabawa, ruins of 225 Mahatittha 72, 240, 287, 337 Mahāvaisa, author of the 57 245, 27, 287, 31, 312, 313, 314, 319. 324, 363; chronology of the 234-238; derivation of “Sinhalam” in the 165 ; derivation of Tambapanni in the 03, 104, 105; Editor(s) of the 231, 235, 329, 339, 348, 350; expedition of Lankápuri in the 267, 270; expulsion of the Cholas according to the


Page 239
XXνι
264, 265; Geiger's translation of the 29, 53: Mahávaňsa in Pali,
Edition 53 : Sri Sumangala's Edition 53; Mahāvanse, List of Kings in the 29, 31; misconceptions in the 268, 312, 313, 319, 361, 362, 369, 373 ; Moriya or Okaka dynasty in the 230; omissions
in the 6, 265, 318, 348;
Mahavaisa, reference to Aryas in the 275, 276, 277,278, 286, 287, 293, 299, 344; reference to Jaffna in the 62-72, 74-79; reference to Yakkhas & Niigas in the , 6-8; rice mentioned as chief food in the 130, 13; Source for Jaffna History 45, 48, 227, 325; suppressio veri in the 311, 312, 317, 345;
Mahävansa Tika 190 Mahivansa, unreliability of the 27, 34, 344, 347; use of linen by the Yakhas as related in the 86; Vijaya's land. ing place according to the 45, 47, 49, 52-55, Vijaya's marriage according to the 57 Mahavavi 106 Mahéndra (mount] 36, 308;
temple 309 Mahiladipa, Mahindadipa 53 Mahinda, prince 252; Mahinda i 237; Mahinda ii 237, 240, 244; - Mahinda iii 237; Mahinda iv 237, 261, 275, 276, 314; Mahinda v 236, 237, 259, 260, 264, 265, 314; Mahinda vi 237 Mahisadipa 53, 54, 1 17 ,55 yaigans, MaiyaňganaنپوM Mahodera 7 Mahomed Taghlak 206 Maidavólu plates 303
Geiger's
N D Ex
Mailvàgana Pulavar 245, 273, 329, 330, 335, 354, 357, 377, 380
Maitrakas, the 302
Makarakulai 170
Makara Yal 173
Makavitta 79
Malabar (coast) 85, 86, 123, 25. 126;-Custom 282;-(districts) 21,36;-immigrants of Jaffna 282, 283, 384;-invasion 365; --king 336, 337 Malabars, the 328,338 Malacca 194, 202 Maladives, the 21, 26, 262 Mala(i)kúta, Malainádu 125 Malaikúta Chúdamani Chadun •
védi Maiigal am 25 Malaipalukadlám 154 Malaivamsa, Malaiyakula, adop
tion of 36 Malange, 23, 41 Malantan, kingdom of 202
Malava kings 232; Malavas,
army of 337 Malawa Chakravanthi 346 ;
Malawas, the 338 Malaya country 41, 234, 252,
277; Malaya kings 232 Malayállam 179, 36 l Malaya, mount 124, 125 Malay Archipelago 95, 262; Malay lsland 194, 195; Malay Peninsula 109, 197, 201
202, 203; Malay pirate 337, 340: Malay(s) 50,337, 338,340 Málé 126 Malik Kafur 336,355, 356 Malkhed 303 Mallan (Chalukya) 279 Mallik Arjuna 324 Malmanda, Vidia 379 Malvatu Oya 62 Mamelouk Sultans 352; Memoir
on Egypt and the 352 Mámůlanár l ll, l 12

N to x
Mánábharauacn) of Manimalgaļam insc : 279, 284, 326; a king of Jaffna 280, 28, 312; 莞 a Pindyan prince 33, 36 317
Mánábharana (father of Parakrama Bahu i 316, 317, 318, 319,326, 327
Mánábharana
323
Ma-Naga-Danaw 70
Maņalpuram, Maņalr, Manalirpuram 18, 36, 37, 40, 42, 238, 298
Maņaltir, Maņipuram, Identifica
tion of 34-44, 14
Manar Mandali 211
Manarri38; Varaguna's conquest
of 253
Manarridal, Manavai 37, 38,
246, 296,298
Manavai Arya-Varótayan, Mana
vaiyarkón 37
Min avamma 236, 237, 239, 241 , his service under Narasimha 234; invasion of Ceylon by 234, 235, 238
Manavůr 37, 38, 298
Manavy, Brahmin female of 297
Manbhum l95
Mandali 328
Maņddari 5
Manes, the 36
Mangalésa 306
Maniakkhika 7
Manialoae 8
Manibar 39
Manikdanaw 70
Màniikkavásagar 19, 253, 254
Manimangalam inscription(s)
278, 28, 283, 284,315
Manimékalai 7, 8, 26, 27, 30, 33, 49, 53, 6, 127, 34, 176, 189,
90
Manipallavam 8, 26, 27, 28, 30,
31, 38, 27
Manipravila inscription 265
Manipur 35
(son of Sougala
xxvii
Manipuram, Mamalůr, identifi
cation of 34-44, 14
Mannar 9, 12, 92, 10, 106, 108 110, 121, 133, 199. 21, 23, 229,368, 372;
Mannaram 328 W
Mannar, a Monograph of; by Boake 133 ; Baobab trees in 90; Chank fishing in the sea οι 36
Mannar Collectorate 108
Mannar, Gulf of 82, 92, 220, 223 ; Kadeyas of 381 ;-(mandalam) 2 l l ; massacre of Christiars at 381; mermaids caught near 22; muslims exported from 35
Mántai 16, 7, 8, 21, 23, 88, 12, 184; equated with Eyilpattinam 14, l l ; equated with Ophir 89; iron fort at 16, !8, 19, 123, 137. 139; Nága artisan rulers of 15, 6, 20, 2, 137, 139, 178, 184, 195; Nága sea pirates of 7, 8, 22, 122, 123; ruins at 84, ill; sculptors of 183, 84; trade of 86, 90, ill, 12; also see M. tota.
Mántaippal 14, 15, 6, 18 Mántota (Mantote) 32, 08, l l l
112,297 Manua Rija 379 Manu Kollarji i 5 Manu-Niti Kanda Choian 379 Manu Véntan 379 Manzi, merchants from 207 Maobar (province) 345 Mapeul, kingdom of 202 Mapapatuna 79 Marakkala yas 12-i Maravar l50
Máravarman 370; Kulasékhera (Déva) i 345, 346, 355 ; Sri Vallabha 345; Sundara Pándya i 289, 291, 329
Máravarman Sundara Pándya i
inscription of 289, 290


Page 240
xxviii
Märavarman Vikrama 345 Marava Soldiers l43 Márávila 251 Marco Polo, 120, 202, 206, 210, 223, 345,349, 37; his landing in North Ceylon 206, 207; The Travels of 206, 207, 20, 223, 349 Margana 94 Margaritides 10, 134 Marichikațţi 83 Marignolli, (John dr) 40, 211, 24, 26; 218, 362; his visit to Saba 39, 215, 217 Màrtaņda (Pararájasékaran) 370,
371
Martin Affonso de Sousa 38
Maudan lļa Naganár 78 Marudankerni 320 Marutam, inhabitants of 49, 150 Márutap-pira-vika Valli 244, 273,
275,389 Masalak-al-Absar 206 Mas'udi 192, 194, 205, 223 Matale l 16, 362, 363 Matambiya 233 Mátara 46, 79, l l 6 Mātota 14, 17, 18, 21, 23, 55, 88, 89, 106, 108, 122, 123, 132, 178, 183, 184, 195, 22 Má tota, as a chief port 33, 92, 126, 27; as a fortified town 90, l l 1, 139; as capital of Nága kingdom 32; as capital of the Chólas 262,263; Emporium at 86. 12; equated with Madouttou and Nikama il 15, 117, 19; equated with Mavatupatuna 372; equated with Periature and Perunturai 54, 254; equated with Sopatma and Sopattinam lll, lla; ruins ༈། :2, 83, 84; sea route via Máthurai 56 Matugona 328 Matvala Sen, king 255 Mávatupațiuna 372
1 N б E х
Mávilaúgai 23 Mávittapuram 224, 261 ; Kanda
swamy temple at 244, 33 Máwata 62 Maya la Dévakanmi) 15 Mayadunne 380 Maya Páņdya 255, 256 Mayā (Tachchar) 15
ay awaram inscription 269 Mayilapore 216 Máyón 186 Mayarawansa 70 Mc Crindle 99, 1 10 Meadows of Gold 94,205 Medicine, trealise on 292,358, 359 Medieval European Art 184; Medieval Sinhalese Art, by Dr. A. K. Kumaraswamy 185; Medieval writers 103
Medirigiriya inscription 256 Mဗုးthenes 12, 9, 105, 18,
Megisba 92, 106, 132
Mekalai 69
Melek Mansour Qalayoom 352
Memoir on Egypt and the Mam
elouk Sultans 352
Menik Daraw 68 Menik Gaga 60 Merchandise, Articles of 146 Mermaid 220, 222 Méru, mount 140, 285,301 Metta 69 Mihir, j, kingdom of the 204, 220 223; Mihiraj of Zapage 293 Mimavan 279 Mineri Tăndalár 171 Minibar 39, 40 Minicoy, its connection with Ceylon 11, 12; notation of 1
Minister Puvineya Váku 330 Ministers, five kinds of 142 Mípatota 328
Miscellaneous South Indian
Coins 300 Missionary Friar 287 Mitilai 294

i N p P х
Mitta princess 3 1, 3 2, 315,
316, 317, 326 Mitta. General 341, 342 Mlechcha kingdoms 50 Mlechchas, Coated 145 Mobar 39, 205 Model Patiny 76 Monarchical Govt : 138, 39 Mongols, the 2, 4, 5 Monibar 39 Monograph of Mannar, A.; by
Boake 133 Montecorvino, John of 207 Monthly Literary Register 7,
19, 108 Moolai 373 Moon, dynasty of the 296, 304,
312, 313, 315, 319 Moor travellers 2 Mootootamby pillai, Mr. A. 332,
343 Moriya dynasty 230 Motor Car 5 M6t(t)upai 388. 389 Mo(u) dout tou 94, 109, il 15, 1 17,
19 Mudaliyar Wijesih ha's List of
Ceylon Kings 265, 28 Mudi Niàga Ráyar 41, 42, 177 Mudiram Hull 23, 77 Mudugúr 340 Muhammedans, the 336, 355 ; Muhammedan travellers 27, 192,207, 2,27. 29224, 250, 293 ; Muhammedan writers 18. 197, 201, 207, 220, 221, 224 Mukhalingam 303, 307 Mukha Naga 76 Mukkuvas, the 228 Mulgirigala 372 Mullat, inhabitants of 49 150 Mulaipittu 138, 45, 176 Mullaitive 45, 52, 3 19 Mullayar 279, 280 Muller, Ancient inscriptions in Ceylon; by 25.70.78, 209, 236, 315, 322, 323,324, 369 Muller Hess, Prof. O. 226
XXix
Mummu di Chóla Madalam 263 Munasiha family 342 Mundal 106 Mungayinsen, Mahárája, 255 Muni, Austere [Buddha 8 Munnésvaram 46, 83, 185 Munpalai States 10 Muriñciyor 4 , 177 Mဖူးဖူးan iGod 50, 60, 186, 187.
8 Musali 83 Museum, the Colombo 263. Music, instruments of 73, 174; kings as patrons of 17, 172 Musirai Aris i 6 Muslim usurper 35 Muslins 34, 35, 203; export of 10; prices fetched by 35 Mussalman dynasty 355, 356 Muta Siva 67, 68 Muttaraiyan Swaran Perumbidugu 238 Muttoi layiram 20 Mಟ್ಟ! Krishnappa Naik 300, Mutu Vijaya Raghunatha Sétu
pati 249 Mutu velopillai, Mr. W. || 37 Muzirus | l3 Muzumdar, Mr. A. K. 4, 40 Mynibar 40, 25, 217 Mysore 305
Måran,
N
Nachash 88 Nachchinárkiniyar 23, 29 Nadagam 172; plates 303, 307.
308 Nalarája, bronze image of 263 Niiga a king 65 Nágabhatta 6 Nágadatta 6. Nágadiba 79, 94, 95, 1 16, I 17 Nágadiboi 79, 94, ! 9 | 16 Niigadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jaffna ; by Pieris 8, 32, 44. 137, 68. 190


Page 241
X翼翼
Nágadipa, conflict between Nága kings at 7, 8; identification of 1 17, 1 19, 19 l ; Nága settlėments in 6; remnant after submersion 12; viháras at 75, 76, 77, 23; works of Ceylon kings at 73-76
Nyဖွdiva 94, 1 16:-Tuna vihiral
7
Nga dynasty 68, 79, 1 16:
-guard stones 32 Nága kingdom(s), Antiquity of 139; Capitals of 5, 59, 139, 141; extent of 12, 13; Government of 38, 139;-in North Ceylon 32, 33, 34, 44; Manipallavam as a 26, 32, 33, 44; Monarchical government of 139; submersion of 12, 70 Nága king(s), armies of 142;-of Ceylon 3, 32, 67, 75; ministers of 142, 143; ornaments of 71; places of 2, 24 26, 42. 44, 61, 69, 75, 78, 79, l l 3, 172 297; Tamil literature and 177 Nága Máhá Séna 78 Ná.gamaiyan, Kaduttalai 26 l Náganádu 26, 27, 28 Nága names 67, 7, 230 Náganár 178 ; Attan Ven 178;
Marudan ļa l78; Nágaar, Nan 178; Plútan Ila
178 ; Ven 178 Nagan, Pon 178; Tinmati 178 Nága origin of Ceylon kings 57.
58, 67-71, 73, 69, 230 Nágapadam 71, 170 Nágapattinam 6, 24 Nága pirates 17, 22, 22, 23; -poetesses 7; - poets 78 Naga princess. Arjuna's marriage to a 34, 42, 43, 17 : Asvad. dhiman's marriage 'to a 31; Chóla king's marriage to a 26 -29; Vijaya's marriage to a 57, 67, 73 Nágapuram 5, 127 Nágarcoil 6, 320
N ) E
Nágarcot 6
Nagarika 183
Naga-risa-Nila temple l86
Nágarjuna 6;-Hills 5, 6,
Nagar, palaya 105
Niigas, absorption of Yakkhas into the 3; ancient 82, 105, 179, 182, 384; city of the 142, 22; civilization of the 29, 30, 139, 141, 174, 179; cobra symbol in the ornaments of the 170; conversion to Buddhism of the 7, 8, 63; emblem of the 43; emigration from Assam of the 44
Nagasena 6
Niigas, food of the 130; island of the 19l, 225; Mongolian descent of the 5 ; Northern (Branch of the) 70, 71; origin of the 3-5; painting and sculpture among the 183; seaborne trade of the 122, 124, 129, 146; settlements of the l, 5-7, 116; stronghold of the 6, 7, 14, 17, 19, 23; their
fusion with other races 6, 32,
Nagasuram 174 Nagas, weaving among the 133i35; writing among the 182. Niága temple 73, 79, 89 Nága towns. description of 142;
destruction of 44 Nága tribes 13, 14, 15, 88, 17 li Nágavamsa kings 6, 240 Nágavardhana 6 Nageiroi 79, 94, 1 16 Naggadipa 53 Nagpur 5, 6, 308 Naik king of Madura 385 :-, -of
Tanjore 334 Naimana 79, 1 17 Naimative inscripticn 208 Najabulus 196, 199 Nakadouba 79, 95, 1 16, 1 17 Nakkávaram 53 Nakkirar 10; commentary of 10

N DE X
Nakoos 22
Nakulam 10, 35, 185 ;
waters of 85
Nakulesvaram 35, 185
Nalavas, Sinhalese origin of the
383. 384
Naligai vattil 175
Nallúr 250, 273. 274. 31 1, 331, 333, 359, 373, 380, 382; Kandaswamy temple at 332; kings who reigned at 374; not built
sacred
by Kalankai 374; temple(s) at 334, 372 h Nambara Paņolita Par krama
Báhu (ii) 339 w Nampota, Siňhalese 59, 191 Nánaittáin 83 Nandivarmam ii 234 Nånmainkadigai lll, 222 Nannágaiyar 17l Nannáganar 23, 178 Nanni, name 242 Nannul, Tamil Grammar 306 Narasinha ii, (Hoysala) 290,
292, 329, 339, 343 Narasinha (varman i) 234, 235,
238,239 Narri mai 20, 2i, l47, 148, 161, 162, 163, 167, 174, 185, 188 Nathavadi, district of 388, 389 Nattattanár 13, 178 Nattucottai Chetties 84 Natural History; by Pliny 9,
92, 135 Naval expedition by Céra 2 Nával Niravi Malai 64 Navang, kingdom of 202 Navanturai, (Sahgala) l26 Navy, Arya Chakravarti's 21 Nayáhkúra 3 l Náyar inscription 367 Naypumaypatanam 213 Nedumàn Afiji, Atiyamán 78 Nedunalvádai 138, 140, 168, 169 Neduñ céral Atan 22 Neduntive 208, 38 l Negombo 25, 263 Nell, Dr. A, 85 .
xxxi
Nelliyan, 320 Nelore 274, 340 Nepäļam 2, 249 Nepaul 6 Nero 128 Neulpur Grant 303 Neville, H. 46, 47, 52 70, 82,
225 New Dates of Pindyan kings; by
Swamikannupillai 345 Neytal (tracts) 149, 150, 21 ; in
habitants of 150 Nicobars 53, 196, 199 Nigama il 15 ۔ Nights, Thousand and One 193, 196,201, 204, 205, 219, 220,221, 222, 223 Nikama 95, 109, 1 15 Nikáya Saủgrahawa 236, 238, 254, 255, 264,328, 329, 363 Nila Naga 34 : Nimbara dynasty 303 Nissańka Alagakónara 36 l Nissañka (malla) 3 1 1, 314, 322, 323, 324, 328; inscriptions of 322, 323, 324; statue of 32 Niyangama 1 5 Nizam’s State Railway 388 Nolambarayar 242 Nolambas, the 242 Non-Aryan race 5 North Arcot 252, 256 North Cape 93, 94, 10 North Ceylon 89, 98.99, 244, 342; Buddhism in 8, 63, 64, 189, 190; civilization of 29; commercial intercourse with 87, 136; emporium of trade in 81, 82; Gangetic settlers of 51; Island monasteries of 190 191;-in Chinese writings 24; Marco Polo's description of 206, 207; marts in 81, 136, 46; Nága kingdom in 1, 32, 33, 44, 90, 172; Niga tribes of 14, 24. 31, 183 ; palmyrah flag of 43; ports in 89, 146; ship building in 147; Sindibad's


Page 242
XXXii
description of 224; Tamil
Colonists in 180; trade of 86,
87 Northern Country 234,235, 240 244:-dominion 44, 231, 327, 342 Northern India 184 Northern kingdom 227, 31, 320, 326, 342; commercial intercourse with the 100; invasion of the 258; Lambakannas of the 76; location of the 192; Minabharana's rule of the 38 Northern Lanka 292 Northern passage, Kalah on the 214; wrecks in the 207. 208 Northern port(s) 147, 206. 207; —principality ( 6, 80;-seas 122 North India 3, 44, 137, 152 North Indian Art 184; -tunes
73 North Western Province 303 Notation, Chaldean system of 11
Notes on History of Hughli Dt ;
by N. Deg 51
Nuniz 367
Nyaya Bashya 24 |
O
Öļaikurichchi 59 -
Odoric, (Friar) 38, 39, 20, 205,
206. 209, 210
Officer of the Ceylon Rifles, An
217
Officer of the Ceylon Rifles, Ceylon; by an 194, 199, 200. 203, 217, 219, 253
Okaka dynasty 230
Old Ceylon; by R. Farrer 322
Olivadivu l8
Oliveira, Philip de 374, 387
Olukkuļam, 62
(man 193
Ömantai 357
Onesicrates 103
Ophir 87, 88, 89
Õphis 88
No E
Orgalic Gulf 95, 107
Orissa 50, 5, 262, 277, 303,306,
307, 309. 311, 323,388
Ormus 8 l, 253
Orthora 29
Othman 354
Ottakuttan, (poet) 286, 288
Ousley; Travels in the East, by
Sir W. 198, 276
Ouvaiyár, 78, 107, 7l
Over Lordship of Ceylon; by
Dr. Paul 365
Oviyam l83
Odiyar 3, 4, 5, 88, 89, 178,
183
Oviyar man l78
Oymân, Nalliyaköylan 178
P
Pabbhavati 3 1 5 3 16 Pacina, island 77;
vihara 63, 64, 65, 77 Padawiya 262, 263, 328 Paddy, export of 32 Padi. inhabitants of 337 Padim na 328 Padirrupattu 22, 78 Padivil (kulan) 314, 39, 328 Padmakoma'ai l5 Pahruli river: 10 Pak-Ila Swami 24 | Palaces, description of 40: food
in 153 Pladivu 327 Paloesi moundou, Paloesi munda
92, O2, 104, 105 Paloesi mandi oppidum 102 Palai, inhabitants of 150 Pit laidivu, island 287 Palaigonoi, Palai Nagoi 105 Palai Sila Mandalam l02 Palaisi Moundon 97, 10, 102,
()3, 104 Palai. Simundu 102 Palamoli 19 På landipa, Chief of 287 Palapatalai, Chokkanata Pula
var 295
Pacina

N D : X
Palas of Bengal, the 30
Palaya Nágar 105
Paļaya Silla Mandalam 103
Pálávi 106, 121
Pali language 54, 60, 102, 103,
178, 179
Palisimanta 102
Pಬ್ಡಿ, as original Tamil slaves
Pallas, the 383, 384 Pallava Country, Ceylon's inter
course with the 241 Pallava inscriptions 239 Pallava kings, help to Ceylon's kings by the 231-235; invasion of Ceylon by the 232,238,241 Pallavam 3l Pallavan 279 Pallava power, ascendency of
125,233 Pallawariyankattu 83, 106, 242 Pallavaráyanpéttai inscription
268, 271 Pallavarayar 268, 269 Pallavas, authority over Jaffna of the 242; Ceylon's help to the 234, 235, 239; dynasty of the 30; downfall of the 242; emblem of the 302; Ganga chiefs under the 304; Origin of the 30-31; the 6, 173, 255, 305,339 Pၦဒုzi, The; by Prof. Dubreuil Palmyrah flag 43;
Point 114 Palupola dágoba 75 Pana Caste 247 Pánadure 362, 363 Pana minstrel 247 Panan 122, 245, 246, 248, 273 ; presentation of Jaffna tu a 245, 246 Panańgámam 317 Pana settlement 212, 248;-settlers 22 ; tribe 153, 71, 174;--women 146 Panca Kammalar 139
Palmyrah
xxxiii
Paffichavan 34 Pandarams, Mendicant 174 Pandava hero 171 Páņdavápi 319 P&ndava princes 33 Pindavas, the 41, 42, 50, 7l Pindawewa inscription 209 Pándi, kingdom of 255, 257 Pándí malavan 272, 273, 324 Pindion (king) 95, 96 Páņdita Parákrama Báhu ii 336 Pändita Parákrama Báhu (iv)
177,351 Pindi, women from 227 Pandu Country 337,340, 344 Panduk Abhaya 67, 130 Pandu Pandyan king 256, 257 Pàņdu (Ceylon kingl 228 Pánduvása (Déva) 67, 227, 242 Páņdya Kavádaka 104 Pándyaņ(s), Ārya Chakravarti a minister of the 344, 346, 347; capital of the 10, 34, 36, 37, 40, 41, 42, 57, 101, 104, 181; Ceylon's help to the 255-258; flag of the 10, 43,301, 34 l; invasion of Ceylon by the 252, 253, 255, 290, 338, 339, 341, 344, 367; Jaffna's help to the 355, 356 Pándyan kingdom, disintegration
of the 335 Pandyan kings. Some New Dates of the ; by Swamikannupillai 345 Pāņdyan prince, first Arya Chakravarti a 272, 273; Mánábharana a 311, 312, 317-319 Pandyan princess, Arjuna's marriage to a 34, 44; Vijaya's marriage to a 56, 57 Pāņdyan, Santhirasékara 355 Pandyan territory, submersion of
9, 10, 11, 42, 57 Pándya power, decline of the
125, 233 Pandyas, throne names
370
of thę


Page 243
xxxiv
Panikkan, Indian 368 Pénini 181; Pánini's Sanskrit
Grammar 81 Pañjamahasabdhas 309 Pan naiturai 22 Pan(s) 172, 173 Papal delegate 214: Papal Le
gate 39 Pāradi, Sangaraliiga 14 Paradise 40, 214, 25, 216 Paraka Street 30 Parakésari Kulóttuhga iii 270; Rajádhi Rája ii 278 Parakesariwarman 370 Parakésarivarman Rajèndra
Chòla i 263 Parakkama 237 Parákkirama Váhu 345 Parákrama Arikésari Déva Jata
varman 367 Parákrama Báhu (i) accession of 236, 288; birth place of 318, 319, 323 ; ceremonies performed on 319; coins of 302; construction of Tanks by 288, 320, 327, Farrer on 322; geneology of 315, 36; Gene ral of 304, 346; his assistance to the Pandya 267-271; his other names 314; his viceroys in Jaffna 32, 328; Jaffna emblem on shrines of 321; Nainative edict of 208, 209; origin of 311-317, 321; sea of 320; smaller cities built by 320; uncle of 32, 324, 327, 328 Parákrama Báhu Laňkésvara, Sri
Sañga Bo 314 Pးama Bahu of Jaffna 291,
34 Parákrama Báhu (ii) (Pandita), Candabhanu's invasion during the time of 337-341; Nagha's retreat due to 336; reign of 351 Parákrama Báhu, Sri Lahkádhi
Nita 314
N X
Parákrama Báhu iii 344, 345, 349, 371; accession of 352; reign of 351 Paràkrama Báhu iv 177, 352
date of accession of 350,351 Parákrama Báhu vi 314, 366, 368 369, 372, 373, 385; subjugation of the Vannis by 367 Par krama Bhuja (Bhujo), (Déva)
(Saimat) 208.209, 3 i 4 Parā krama Paņdya 267 Parákrama Pándya Arikésari Déva, inscription of 38,364 Parákramapuram 267 Paralay Kandaswamy temple 64 P¥}|a 96, 107, 108, 109, 11, Paramésvaravarman i 239 Paramésvaravarman ii 238 Paranar 78 Parangi(s), the 375, 377,380 Para(n)kali 107, 108 Parantaka i 256, 257, 258, 261,
264 Parantaka ii, Sundara Chóla 261,
262
Paraf4ja 289, 290
Pararajasékaram (medical work)
358
Pararájasékara(n) 285, 286, 290, 296, 358,359, 366, 370, 371, 374,380,386 Pararájasékaran, Court of 247,
359, 360 Pararájasékaran, Edirmanna Siħha 361, Kulasékhara 360 Pararajasekaran Ulla 273 Pararājasingan 287, 288, 290,
291, 329, 360 Parasamudra 102 Parashri mandalam 102 Parasika, rulers of 239 Parasol, uwhite 307, 309 P¥};var 150; Paratava tribes
7 Parawi Sandesaya 367 Parker, Ancient Ceylon, by H.
2. 45, 46, 65, 318

N DE X
Parker, Mr. H. 1, 2, 45, 46, 47,
52, 56, 64, 65, 82 Parpar 150, 153 Parutiturai 133 Párvati, Queen 322 Pásaiyúr 21 1, 248, 251 Pasupada Gótra, Sect 295, 309 Pasu (tank, vihira Pàtaliputra lZ, 62 Patanao, port of 212 Pati Bay 94 Patra. Dawto 74 i Pattinapalai 133, 141, 147, 149,
154, 185 Pațţinaturai 21 l Pattini devi(yo) (kadavu) 29,
73, 74, 188 Pattunagam [pattinam) 9 Paul, Dr. S. C. 348, 354, 365 Paul; Over Lordship of Ceylon, by
Dr. S. C. 348, 365
Pauthier, M. 203 Pavanandi 306 Pavarkuļam 62
Pearlfishery (fisheries) 96, 101, 10, 136, 200, 222, 223, 344, 348, 352, 353, 354
Pearl oysters 84, 106 Pearls, trade in 106, 107 Pégu, king of 382 Peninsula, South Indian 12
, the Jaffna 31, 35 119, 190, 263, 320, 326 Pepiliyána vihára
369 Pepper country 202, 27 Péradeniya 358, 36 l Perakumba Sirita 367 Periapandar. Don Joao 385 Periature 45, 52, 54, 254 Perigrinations of Indian Buddhists
226 Perimal 29 Peringally 108
Periplus, Description of North
Ceylon in the 96-97.
inscription
KXV/
Periplus (of the Erythrean Sea) 92, 93, 96, 99, 101, 102, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116, 119, 120, 126, 29, 135, 36, 146 Périyál 173 Periyapulle Segarájasèkaran 374 Periyapuráņam 235 Persia 86, 126, 198,225 Persian monarch 198, 276 Persians, the 86 Perumaka(n) 65 Perumál, Senpahap 25 l, 331, 332,
359, 368, 371 Perumanambi, Tiruchittambala
Mudaiyán 268 Perumbidugu muttaraiyan Sva
ran Máran 238 Perumkili 29 s Perumpanar rupadai 28, 29, 134, 138, 140, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 172 Perunarkilli 28 Peruichitranár 77 Peruñcórru Utiyan Céralátan,
Céramán 40, 4 1 Perundaram 261, Peruñjiṁga 29 Perunkadai 151 Perumkali(pattu) 108, 111 Peruńkópendu 171 Peruntalai Cáltanáir 183 Peruntóțam 21, 23 Perunturai, identification of 254 Pervilis 215 Petrie, Prof : Flinders 85 Phasis, river 94, 99, 106, 119 Philalathes' History of Ceylon
365, 367 Philip 375 Philip de Oliveira 374, 387 Phoenicia 83, 87 Phoenician History 89, 90 Phoenicians, the 86
Pii.5FE 56,74, 137,332,
372


Page 244
SKSV
Pieris; Ceylon during the Portu
guese Era by Dr. P. E, 382 Pili Valai 26, 27, 28 Pillai Tamil, [Kumara Kulóttun
gan 286 Pillaiyár, worship of 266 Pillar inscription, Allahabad 6 Piraichu Risa 375 Piranmalai inscription 385 Pirates of Mantal 17, 22 Pisasu mundal 105 Pishtapura 307 Piyangudípa 191 Place Names of Jaffna, by S. W.
Coomrasuwamy 180, 36 , 384 Pliny 91, 92, 93, 101. 104, 105,
106, 107, 123, 132, 135 Plough flag 301 Poets, presents to 72 Pögalir, Chief of 334 Point Pedro 87, 117, 133, 179,
326, 372 Polonnaruwa 276, 315, 317, 318, 321, 326, 328; as capital of Magha 243, 291, 343, 369; as Chóla Capital 262, 264 olonnaruwa Coins 300 Polonnaruwa, expulsion of Magha from 336, 342; first king of 233; Hindu buildings at 263, 322; inscriptions at 236, 324; Pandyan's invasion of 252; Trunk road from Singai Nagar to 320,327 olonnaruwakings, a Jaffna dynasty 312, 313,315-323,327; their alliance with Jaffna Royal family 35, 326 Polygars, Telugu 336
onataya 239 Pondicheri 287 Pon Nagan 178 Pomparipo 83, 38 Ponpattiyúr 272 Porrodai 320 Porter king 69, 72 Portugal 92, 378, 379
ortuguese Conquest 387
N р в х
Portuguese, defeat of the 376 Portuguese Era, Ceylon during
the 382 Portuguese Government, trou
bles during the 390 Portuguese historians 21 l, 219,
297, 370 38 1,386 Portuguese History of Ceylon; by de Couto 45, l 11, 331, 368, 380,386, Portuguese in India, the ; by
Danvers 387 Portuguese in Jaffna, landing of
the 22, 213 Portuguese manuscripts 378 Portuguese Period; Kings of Jaffna during the 359, 380, 38 1,387 Portuguese, the 59, 98, 102, 127, 194, 21, 212, 217, 221, 248, 249, 293, 330, 334, 373, 374, 375, 377, 379, 380, 38, 382 386, 387, 390 Porunararrupadai 134, 137, 145, 151, 154, 155, 166, 168, 169
72, 174 Potha-kuttha 233, 234, 241 Póthar áyar, worship of 242 Potiya hill 294 Pottery 137 Potthasala 233 Poudouke 95, 97, 10, 114, 15 Poysala king 291 Prasanda 285 Pre-dravidian tribes 1, 2 Pre-Epic period 2 Pridham. H. 20, 25, 82, 83, 84,
102, 11, 112, 221 Pridham, An Historical Account of Ceylon; by H. 5, 20, 84, 102, 111, 12, 22 Pringally I08 Prithivipathi ii 253 Ptolemaic period 85 Ptolemies 226 Ptolemy 14, 23, 29, 79, 101, 103, 105,106, 107,108, 109, 12, 113, 14, 115, 116, 117, 118, 136,310

N DE x
Ptolemy, description of North
Ceylon by 93-96, 98, 99 Ptolemy, Geography of the World;
by 23, 30, 79 Púdan Dévan 78 Púdúiki I 14 Puduvai 287 Pughaléndi poet 34, 299; his pilgrimage to Kataragama 286; his visit to Jaffna 284, 285, 327; time of 286 Puhár 29, 142 Pujavaliya 264, 337 Pulaccery 328 Pulathi 233 Puliaňkulam malai 64 Pulikesin i 230 Pulikesin ii 6, 235, 306 Púnakari 108, l 14, l 15, 213, 3t.8;
- district 2, 4, 83,242 Pärdivu, (Pungudutive) 89, Punkhagama, identification of
317 Punnala(i) 187. 373 Punya Raja 127 Pura(m) Nanuru 19, 23, 24, 25, 41, 77, 78, 107, 22. 134, 144,
45, 146, 15, 166, 72, 183
Puranas, coins 44; the ancient
2, 6, 16, 42,50 Puranic geneology 296 Pútan Ila Náganáir 178 Puttalam 45, 46, 47, 52, 83, 21 1,
368 Puvanéka Váhu, Sri
Bòdhi 332 Puvinéya Vaku minister) 330;
(Bhuvanéka Bahu i) 344 Puvi Rája Pandáram Pararaja
sékaran 374 Pyrrhos a mountain) 96
Sangha
Qalah 202
Qalai 202 Qalayoon, Melek Mansour 352 Quallah 201, 202 Quartre Mere's Memoir 352
XXXνii
Oueddah 194, 20 l, 202 Queen Bahidaloka 324 Queen Lilavati, consort of 314 Queen Parvati 323 Queiroz, Conquisita Temporal etc. of Ceylon; by F. de 212, 297, 379,382 Qဖ္ရစ္သ;၀z, de 297, 298, 378,379 Quilon 207, 217, 262
R
Rachia 91, 92, 102 Rada 51 Ragunath Abhyudayam; by Ramabadramba 249, 287 臀罗 , by Vijaya Raghava Nayálka 249 Ragunátha (Naik) 387 Ragunátha Sétupati 386; cop
perplate Grant of 249, 386
Regunátha Sétupati Katta Thé
var, ccpperplate grant of 249
Ragunatha Sétupati, Muttu
Vijaya 249 Raghuvamsam 296, 304; com
position of 359 Rahma, kingdom of 194,203,204 Rahman, king 203, 204 Rahmancor 194 Rahmaniya 203, 204 Rahmi, Ra(h)mni 193, 194 Raigam Bandara 380 Raigam Nuvara 361 Railway, East Indian 51 Raja Abaya 68, 70 Rájádhi Rája (i) 263. 278, 281, 283, 284, 316; inscriptions of 263,269,278 Rájádhi Rája (ii) (Parakésari) 268, 269, 321; inscriptions of 268, 328
Rájáditya, death of 261
Rajagopala Perumāl temple, in
scription in 385 Rajakaria 138
àjakésarivarman 370
Ràjakulantaka 320


Page 245
XXXνiii
Ràja Maɖapallis 388 RàjaMahendra 303, 304 RàjaMittaka 23 1 Rajamurai 273 Rája Raja i 259, 262, 263. 264; conquests of 259, 262; dominions of 262: inscriptions of 259, 261; time of 260 Ràjià Ràja Īsvaram 263 Ràjarájapuram 263 Raja Rája ii 286, 288 Raja Rája iii 290, 291, 292. 339;
inscription of 290 Rája Rája type of Coins) 300 Rajaratnacari 8, 76, 231, 254,
336, 344, 347, 349 Rájasimha Indravarman i 306 Rájasimha Pàndya 256 Rájasimman 253 Ràjasińha 381, 385 Rajaoali 9, 12, 19, 42, 56, 57, 74, 75, 92,136, 274, 319,328,336, 337, 338, 342, 354, 361, 362, 363, 365, 366, 368, 369, 372, 373 380, 386 Rájavesi Bhujanga 320 Ràjayatana [Relic Housel 231 ;
treel 75 Rájéndra 315 Rájéndra Chóla i (Parakésarivarman) 258, 259, 260, 263, 264; conquest of Ceylon by 262; inscriptions of 263, 283 Rájéndra Chóla iii 292; inscrip
tion of 292 Rájéndra (Déva) i 259; capture of Mahinda v by 260; inscriptions of 281 Rájéndra Déva ii 263, 281, 283,
284,315 Rákata cyclic yearl 376 Rākshasa of inicquity Rävaņa
294 Rákshasas the 2, 17, 56 Rámá 5, 83, 151, 185, 187, 235, 鄒 292, 293, 294, 295, 309,
73 Rámabadramba 249
N DE X
Ramanacor 297 Räma-Rá vana war 41.42 Rà masundaran 14 Rama, temple of 373 Ramayana 3, 5, 15, 16, 40, 41,
50, 83, 139, 141, 151, 185;
Dutt's translation of the 5; Griffith's translation of the 141; mention of aeroplane in the 151; mention of Poison gas in the 51
Ramayanam [in Tamill 16, 176, 274; author of the 283; time of its imprimatur 288
Rà mésvàram 7, 101, 107, 185, 194, 195, 204, 293, 295 297, 299, 300, 309, 326,334, 344 366, 371, 387 ; Brahman(s) of 298,310, 333
Râmésvaram inscriptions 366 Ràmnàd 249, 297, 298, 300, 334,
346, 366 Ranne 250 Rashtrakita king 260, 26 Rashtrakitas, the 303 Ratnadvipa 17 Ratnapura 214 Ratnavalli 312, 313, 316 Rávana 3, 9, 12, 15, 16, 42, 15, 294; religious devotion of 185 Ravana, Lanka of; by N. S.
Adikari 12 Ráyakotta plates 31 Rebeiro's Ceilao; by P. E. Peiris
382 Recumbent Bull emblem 300,
301, 302 Red Céra 22 Reddi Chiefs, the 303, 304 Red, the mountain 96 Red Sea 9l Reimers, Mr. E. B. 378 Reinaud 203 Relic House 231 Renaudot 197, 202 Ribegro; A Portuguese uvork on
Ceylon, by 89, 382

| ND EX
Rifles; Ceylon, by an Officer of the Ceylon 194, 199, 200, 203, 217, 219, 353 Rishi(s), the 36, 294 Rishi Viswamitra 294 Robert Sewell 128, 30 Rohana (country) 277,278, 317 Roman Art 184 buildings lll Cohorts 123;-Coins 52, 60, 85, 111, 114, 128, 149; Emperor 91;-Empire 128, 135 Roman ladies, muslins sought
for by 135 Roman merchants lll, 123, 138; ruins l l l ; ships 22 Romans, the 86, 87, 100, 128,
224 Roman trade 196; writers 122 Rome 119, 128, 135, 146, 163;
commerce with 119. Rome, embassy from Ceylon to
91, 123 Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon
Branch of the 348 Royal brothers, five 345 Royal dynasties, Indian 296 Ruanweli inscription 322 Rubies, Estuary of 23 Rudradéva Rája, Mahamandalés
vara 388 Rudra i 288 Rudramba 216 Rಟ್ಗ king 204;-kirgdom
0
Ruhuna Magama 46 Runa Rața 56
S
Saba a kingdom) 40, 21 1, 214 ; description of 215, 2lu ; identification of 216, 27, 28; Marignolli's visit to 25 Sabour as an Emporium 96, 109 Sa, (Constantine) de 378, 379. Sacred thread 296, 319, 321 Sacred waters 33, 34, 35
xxxix
Sacrificial horse 42, 43 Sadasiva Raya, inscription of 385 Sadayakka Udayan (Thevan)
300,334 Sadayan, (Sahgaran) 287 288 Sဒမ္ပိyappa Mudali 287, 288, 289. Saddha Tissa 68, 70 Sahasa Malla 236, 237, 31 1, 314,
323,328 Sâhitya Ratnakara 249, 386 Sahitya Sudha 249 Sailon 200 Saint Sambhandar (Sampanda
Múrti) 173, 191, 249 Saint Sundarar (Sundara Múrti)
121, 191 Saiva Saint(s) (lamil) 121, 191, 235, 253; bronze images of the 263 Saiva Shrines 186 Sakka Sénapati 256 Sakoda Yal 173 Sakra 373 Salahat (Sea of) 200 Salai people 93, 103 Sala Megha 317 Salamewan, Ambaherana 231 Salavat, port of 21 | Salavaturai 2 l 1, 213 Salike 93, 103 Sali Kumara(ya) 70, 190 Salipabbhata Vihára 75 Saliváhana (Sakáptam) 242, 344 Saliyúr 100, 101 Salmesius 1 10 Salour 95, 100 Salt river 108 Samanala 202 Saman Deviyo 187 Samavasi kings 307 Sambavakkurippu, Visvanatha
Sastriar 322 Sambhandar, Saint (Sampanda
M' rti) 173, 191 249 Sambuturai 62, 277 Sambuvarayar, Edirili-Sòla 268 Samgraha Rághava 256


Page 246
xl N DE X
Samuddhásana Sála 63 Samudra Gupta 6, 31 Sanchoniathan 89 Sandamain 207, 210, 349, 371 Sandraségara 356 Sanf(u) 222, 223 Saňgada Nàvánturai 126 Sangam, First Tamil 41, 42, 181; Second Tamil 42, 178, 181; Third Tamil 12, 23, 43. 112, 128, 171, 172, 178 Saňga period 13; Ten Idylls of
the 13 Saiga poets 19 Saမ္ဟra (Sañgadam) 97, 1 15, i 19
Sangara Cholan Ulla 286 Sangaralinga Páradi 14 Sangaran Sadayan 287 Saňgathali 318 Saňgathar Vayal 318 Saňgha 69, 234 Sañghabödhi 76, 77 Saňghamitta 62, 63 - Sangatissa 69, 76, 77, 79, 169 Sang-kialo 124 Sစ္ဆji (Kumara) 374, 381, 386,
87 Sahikili (Segarájasékaran) 212, 33,335, 370, 374, 380, 388, capture of Tooth Relic by 382 massacre of Christians by 38 Sanskrit grammarians 364 Sanskrit Grammar, Panini's 18l Sanskrit (language) 4, D3, 102,
109, 178, 179 Sanskrit Mahábhárata 33 Sanskrit Puráņas 358 Santhirasékaran Kóyil 56, 186 Santhirasékara Pindyan 355 Sapumal (Kumaraya) 251, 274, 282, 331, 349, 371, 372, 373; invasion of 335, 354, 363, 368, 369,370 Sarajóti mállai 177, 350, 351, 352 Sarandib 194, 280 Sârâph 88 Sarasvati 51
Saravaņai 197 Sarpasastram 358 Sátavahanas 6, 32 Sathanapalli 389 Satyasraya Dhuruvaraja Indra
varman 306 Satyasraya Vinayaditya 239 Sauvira 87, 89 Schneider, Captain 13 Schoff, W. H. 1 10 Scythic Niigas 4 Sea-pirates 17, 22, 122, 123 Seဗူrd Tamil Sangam 42, 178 Segará(s)an 272,273, 329 Segarajasekaram (astrological
38, 291, 293, 295, 296, 299, 302, 204, 308, 356,357, 358 Segarajasekaram [medical] 292,
358 Segarájasékaran of literary fame
357, 358 Segarájasékaran(s) i8, 272, 285, 286, 292, 296, 299, 304, 329, 333,356, 370, 371, 381 Seilan 102 Sékaran 285 Selahat, Selahit 196, 197, 199 Sellappoo aratchy 92 Semiramis 90 Séna, Chief Captain 275 Séna i 236, 237, 252, 254; V, Varaguna's invasion during the time of 253. 255 Séna ii 237, 254, 256 ; invasion of Pándyan Country by 255 Séna iii 237 ; Séna iv 237; Séna
v 237, 276 Sendalai inscription 238 Séndamaigalam 290, 292, 330
338,339, 343
Sengadaka Nagar 245, 246, 247 Sehgkili 202, 203
Seňká dan 58
Senkottiyal 173
Setuvan 21, 22, 29, 72, 78,

N u E K
Senpahap Perumál 359, 37 ; invasion of Jaffna by 25, 331, 332, 368, 369; Religion and tolerance of 372 Sen Tamil 20, 238, 249,274, 286,
289,290,338, 359 Séntånkalam 228 Serbeza 193 Serendib. (Serendieb) 103, 193,
194, 198, 99, 200 Serpents, lord of 3 Serpent worshipoers 4 Seruva vila Vistara 70 Sessional Papers 62 Sétu (Adam’s Bridge) 35 Sétu Coins 300-302 Sétu Crest 310, 334 Sétu, émblem of 295 Sétukávalan, (Sétukåvallavan)
299, 344 Sétu, origin and use of the
legend 299, 300, 301,334 Sట్టati, appointment of the first
Sétupati(s) 249, 298, 299, 333. 334; inscriptions of the 249, 300; origin of the 300,334 Sétu, protector of 299 Sewel), (Robert) 128, 30 Seyllan 40, 215 Shakireeyeh 220 Shá nár, the 384 Sheba 216 Ships, Parākrama Bahu's edict
re wrecked 208, 209 Shrine of St. Thomas 39, 40 Shrines, South Indian 366 Sidambara Kaviräyar 14 Sidambaram 209, 254, 289 Sidambaraminscription 270:-
Temple 338 Sidambara Táņdava Madura
Kaviráyar l4. Sidambara Udayár l4 Sielediba (Ceylon) 8, 103 Sigiriya 135, 184 Sihaladiva 103 Sihalam 102, 105
F
xli
Silaharas, the 6 Silam 102, 103, 105 Silamaņļalam (Palaya) 103 Sillamdipa 103 Sila Meghavanna 23l Silpa [Sirpi] 15 Silver mines 200 Simhala 230, 231, 232, 239, 260 Simhavishnu 23 l, 232, 24 l Simoundou 93, 10 l, 102, 105 Sinda bil 201 Sindibad(Es), first voyage of 219, 220, 221; fifth voyage of 222; fourth voyage of 22; sixth voyage of 224 Sigai Arya kings 250, 375 Sińgai Ayan, Jeyavira 344 Siňgai Aryan(s) 272, 273, 299,
329,331 (Singai) Arya Sékaran 285, 286 Singai (Nagar) 38, 22, 247, 274, 277, 284, 286, 292, 296, 358, 367,370 Singai Nagar, Aryan of 364; colonists at 39; elephants exported from 18; equated with Anoubingara 7, 9; equated with Che-li-ta-lo 124; location of 18, 25, 245, 277, 310, 3, 330; not Seigadaka Nagar 246; origin of the city of 54, 17, 309; Parikrama Bihu born at 3 318-39; site of 17, 311, 330; transfer of capital to 205, 243, 245; transfer ol capital from 330. 331, 372; trunk road from 320 Singaippararájasékaran 33 || Singamaiyan 26 Singapore (Singapura) 50, 202 Singha \riya 297 Singha Kétu 273, 274, 389 Siṁghbhúm 195 Siňgúr 5l Siñha 48, 49, 10 Siňha Báhu 48, 51 Siħhaladwipa Katà, 385


Page 247
xlii
Sinhala, earliest mention of 230 Sinhala king(s) 23, 232, 239,
255, 258, 280, 282 Sinhala(m), derivation of 102, 103, 05; race 3, 179, 203 Sinhalese army, invasion of South India by the 255.257, 268-270; traitorous act of the 342 Siူ႕ese artists, origin of the
8 Siùhalese Art, Medioeval 185 Sinhalese Capital 225, 242, 364; -Chroniclers 53, 57, 6, 105 225, 345, 348, 362;–Chronicles 227, 232, 254, 328, 342, 367, 368, 369 Sinhalese fishers, transformation
of the 25 Sၦlese flag 301; origin of the
4
Sinhalese king(s), as feudatories to Jaffna kings. 349, 358, 363, 365; capture by the Chinese of the 362; decline of the power of the 242, 30, 348, 356, 361; Embassy to Egypt from the 352-353; Nága connections of the 69-76; throne names of the 370.
Sinhalese language), composition of literary works in k9; origin and development of 177-179 Sinhalese Nampota 191 Sinhalese Place names in Jaffna
37, 59, 60,250, 332 Sinhalese princes, place of refuge
of the 79 Siúhalese [racel, ancient Notation of the l; decorative art of the 184; expulsion from Jaffna of the 383; hair dressing of the 282; musical instruments of the 174; necromancy of the 189, origin of the 2, 3, 179; religion of the 187-190
No E
Sinhalese remnants 372,382,383,384
Sinhalese sovereignty, eligibility
of Tamils to 325
Sinhapura of Orissal 48 307, 323; Ganga kings of 323; locatios of 49-5
Sihhapura(m) of Jaffnal 38,274, 321, 322; as branch city of Polonnaruwa 320; founded by Vijayan colonists 54,117, 243; location of 323-324; refer. ence by Hiouen Thsang tc 124– 125; vide Singai Nagar
Sinnamanlir (copper) plates 34.
44, 253, 255
Siri Meghavanna 69
Siri Näga i 32, 69; Siri N;äga ii
32, 69, 75, 76
Siri Sahgha Bć (dhi) 69, 76, 77,
78, 184
Siriya Vélar 26l
Siru Tou)lar 235
Sisu Näga 6
Sitá, 5, 151, 294
Sittambalam, Lord of 253
Siva God 0,89, 134, 85, 186, };/. 268. 295; Siva king 68, 7
Sivali 68
Sivan temple 263,264
S;မ္ဘိah ga (Amaraparanan) 305,
Skanda Sishya 31 Slater Snake banner 6 Snake bite, work on 358 S6jowna Sevo Rāja 365 Solar race 313, 314 Sóla Sambuvarayar, Edirili.268 Solir ta 73 Solomon, (king) 87, 198, Zió,
224 Solomon's fleets 224 Sóma Dévi 68, 70 Somésvara 339 Sopatma 97, 1 10, ł, l l, l 12, 114,
19
in Jaffna

N DE X
Sópattinam ll | Sorakkavur plates 365 Sothi Séna 69, 79 Sources of Vijayanagar History
249,386,387 South Arcot 14 South Ceylon. immigration of Tamil Chiefs to 336; kings of 33, 39, 32; Nigas in 79; -under Jaffna kings 348; Vijaya's voyage to 56 Southern Confederacy 239;- India 1, 10, 39, 180, 85,336 : Sಿಟ್ಜn India, Doubtful Coins of Sqဖူhern kingdom 57;-Lord Southern Madura(i), submersion
of 41, 42, 56, 57, 181 Southern Ocean 37;--Province 184,225,230,372; region(s) 8, 28 ;-sea(s) 35, 37, 124, 133; Southern States, Pándyan 10 South India, Arch: Survey of 249
366, 386 South India, Brahman alliances with Royal houses of 299; Chóla power in 290; civilization of 129; Damuri ke in 109, 120 ; Dravidian tribęs of 3 ; literature of 129; Marco Polo’s visit to 349; Nagas in 5 South Indian Arch: Survey Re
bort 367 South Indian Coins, Miscellaneous
300 South Indian Epigraphy 255;
Annual Report of 269 South Indian Inscriptions 227,
xliii
255, 256, 267-269, 27, 290, 32; temples of 187,205, 209, 346; Velála emigration from 335 South, Niiga settlements in the 78, 94, 16; king of the 90, 259; port in the 99; Sea 35; Sinhalese in the 180, 230; temple in the 186, 243 South-West Monsoon 22 Spatana Haven 94 Sport No. 2 of Siva 10 Sravana Belgola 239 Sri Bhatakkah [legend 303 Sri Heladiva 103 Srí Kakola 50 Sri Laih kådhi Báhu 314 Srimara (Parachakra Kólahála)
255, 256 Srimat Paräkrama Bhija 34 Srimėgha 3 17 Sಬ್ಡg8, Tamil armies of 231,
Sri Nivasa Nallúr inscription
66 Srinivasa Pillai, Mr. K. S. 253 Sriraih gam inscription 292 Sri Sangha Bòdhi 332, 370 :- Bhuvanéka Báhu (Puvánéka Váhu) 332 ; lineage of 325 Sri. Saigha Bó Kassapa V. 257 Sri Sángha Bó Parákrama Báhu
Lankésvara 314 Sri Sumaňgala 53 Sri Sundara Pindya Dévar 290 Sri Uttama Chòia Déva, Udaiyār
26, 262 Sri Vallabha (Jaffna kirg) 269, 321 ; [Parákrama Båhu’s nep
Náta Parakrama
232, 234, 239, 24, 25, 253,2%hew) 36, 317 ; Parakrama
256, 257, 258, 259, 26, 270, 277,281, 283, V− South Indian Shrines : by Jaga
tisa Aiyar 366 South India, Pallava supremacy in 242; sea ports of 87, 89; Sinhalese invasion of 73, 74.
Bahu's uncle 312, 313, 315, 316, 317, 318 : [Rashtrakúta king) 260 Sri Vallabha (Vallavan) (Madana Rāja) 280, 281, 283, 284, 36, 326, 327,328 Sri Vallabha, Māravarman 345


Page 248
xiv
Sri Vijaya Bihu V. 34 Srutáyu 50 Stag flag 301 State, the 13, 269 Strabo 9l Straits Settlements 50 Straits, the (Palk's) 123 St. Thomas (the Apostle) 39, 40,
205, 215, 216 Subha 69, 72 Subha Déva69 Subhaditița muni, (saint), Jaffna prophecy by 374-377, 380 Subhadra Dévi, Kalinga 32 Subhagiri 337, 344 Subhikara 303 Submersion of 49 Tamil lands 9, ll, 2, 42; Submersion of the Niiga kingdom 2, 70; Submersion of a part of Ceylon 9, 12; Submersion of Ravana's kingdom 9, 12 Sudha Samhita 35 Sidra variety of Cobra 358 Sပ;üa 315, 316; Sugala's aunt Suleyman 192 Sultan of Egypt 352, 353 Sultans of the Isles 225 Sultans of Zabedi 225 Sulu Ná 32 Sumana, an ascetic 65 Sumanakúța Parvata (Sumanta)
56, 203 Sumantala, (kingdom of) 202,
203 Sumatra 12, 126, 194, 197 Sumenna, (kingdom of) 202. 203 Sumerian system of Notation ll Sunda Islands 226 Sundara Chöļa Parintaka i: 26 Sundara, Crown of 259 Sundara (múrti), Saint i 2 l, 191 Sundara Panlya 355, 35b. 369 Sundara Pandya i, Jatāva man 274, 275, 292, 343, 356, 371: defeat of Pararija by 289,290;
inscription of 340; invasion
N DE X
of Ceylon by 338,339, 340: invasion of Séndamangalam by 338,339 Sundara Pàndiya i, Máravarman
289, 29, 329 Sundara Pándya(n) 279, 280, 341 Sundara ii, Jatávarman 345 Sundara iii, Jatávarman 345 Sundar Bandy Dewar 345 Sundari 312 Sun, (dynasty of the) 27, 296,
312, 313, 314, 315, 319 Sunetra Dèvi 366 Supara 49 Suparaka 49 Súra Panma 15 Suras, the 2 Survey Report, Arch: 367 Susa, harems of 135 Suvanna Páli 67, 130 Suvarna Bhúmi 109 Svaran Māram, (Perumbidugu
Muttaraiyan) 238 Svasti Sri 300 Suvamikannu Pillat's
Chronology 350 Sybil, a 29 Sylvanus, Bernard 219
South Indian
Indian
Takadúr 77 Talboys Wheeler 4 Talacory 94. 113, 1 14, 115, 1 19,
126 Talaimannar 101 Talakhed 303, 307 Talmunai 113, 119 Tambalagamam 228, 229 Tambalingama Rājah 336 Tamr toanne, division of 45 Tambapanni (Nuvara)45, 46,47, 52, 53, 55, 56, 103, 104, 105 Tamilakam 109, 120, 146 Tamil and English Dictionary by
Dr. M. Winslow 54
Tamil and Grantha inscription
265

N D x
Tamil Éirachchiár 92 Tamil armies, Sinhalese kings
and 76,230-233, 24 Tamil astrological work 350 Tamil authors 8, 145 Tamil charms in Sinhalese
necromancy 89 Tamil Chiefs, Vihiras built by
233 Tamil Chieftain(s) 183,383 Tamil classics 20, 25, 138, 17,
74 Tamil colonists 66, 180;
Gonquerors 65,66; - country (countries) 33, 72, 109, 120, 152, 83, 280; district(s) 84, 225 Tamil, dramatic 296 Tamil Epic 7, 49, 175; grammars l7l : (Tolkappiyam) Nannul
10, 170, 81, 87; 306 Tamil History of Jaffna 246
Tamil influence in Sinhalese
Capital 232, 233, 242 Tamil influence on Hebrew 88
89. Tamil inscription(s) 38,238,264,
289, 345, 363,364 Tamil inscription, Kótagama 38,
296, 300, 3,364, 37 Tamil Kalingam Rájah 336 Tamil Kandapuranam 359, 360 Tamil land 131, 173, 189 Tamil lands, submersion of 9,
1, 1 Tamil language 20, 58, 59, 89, 103, ill, 133, 177, 178, 179, 182, 183, 189 Tamil, as Court language of
Ceylon 177 Tamil literature, allusion to Kalinga kings in 293; allusion to North Ceylon in 227; Augustan age of 128; mention of "Yalpánam' in 248; proficiency of Nigas in 177; three kinds of 21, 296
xlv
Tamil, lyrical 73,296
Tamil Mahabharata 35, 44 :
manuscripts 329;-medical treatise 292 ;–minister 331:
name(s) 60, 88, 89, 102, 106, 169, 197,383
Tamil Navalar Saridai 284, 235,
359, 360
Tamil origin, kings of 69, 276,
324
Tamil pandits 177 ;-pans 173; poem(s) 01, 266, 284:–poetesses 7. :- poet(s) 12, 132, 139, 77,284, 33 : poetry l72
Tamil, Rámayanam in 288 Tamil Saiva Saint(s) 12 l, 191,
235, 253 Tamil Sangam, first 4, 42, 181; in Jaffna 333, 358; Second 42, 78, 181; third 12, 23, 43,
10, 171, 172, 178 TFamil Sainga work 88 Tamils, army of 232, 233 Tamil Scholars, South Indian 20,
21, 26 Tamils, Coast towns occupied by 25l ; drincing among the 174-175; decimal system of the l l ; dress of the 384; ear-ornaments of the l69, 70, 230 Tamils 1800 Years Ago; by
Kanagasabai 1, 23,89 Tamils, fusion of other races with the 66, 72, 75, 179, 180, 230, 383; hair dressing of the 282; heroic god of the 60; immigration of the 3; marriage custom among the i7; music of the 172- 174; name given to Ceylon by the 77; navigation among the 19, 122,
24, 146;
Tamils of the North 230
Tamils, other names of the 328, 338; payment of tribute by the Sinhalese to the 363;


Page 249
xlvi
sea-ports inhabited by the 103 Sinhalese acquiescence to the rule of the 325 Tamil tribe(s) 3, 122 Tamil tunes 172, 173: Conser
vation of 73 Tamil paralaru 253 Tamil verse(s) 178, 246, 287,
288, 33,332, 375 Tamil women, Nagapadam worn
by 7 1, 170 Tamil word 65, 107, 08, 1,
136, 77, 183 Tamil work(s) 14, 245, 287, 295, 305; destruction of 81; iron fort mentioned in 18; mechanical conveyances mentioned in 15 l; submersion of land mentioned in 9: theme of love treated in 170, 171; trade referred to in 45, 146 Tamil writers 2, 122;-writ
ings 25 Tammanna Adaviya 46;-Nagaram 84;-Nuwara 46, 60, 225 Tammannatöta 56 Tampalakamam 186 Támraparni 20, 55, 103, 104, 105:
river 104,385 Tamravarnika 104 Tanakáras, Sinhalese origin of
the 383,384 Tanipadal Tirattu 246 Tañjai 26C Tanjiers Z1 1 Tanjore 125, 253, 289, 387;-
District 336,385 Tanjore Gazetteer 26, 28 Tanjore, Naik(s) of 385, 386 ;
Taluq 268 Taprobane 8, 82, 93, 97, 103, 104, 105, 129; devastation
round 30; elephants exported from 18; India separated by a river from 12; Jaffna called by the name of 29; trade of
A6
| N 5 * SK
Taprobanian, the 46, 47, 70, 87,
88 Tarakeswar 5 l Tārākuļam 382 Taranankura 3 l Tarshish 87, 83, 89, 224 Tartars of Cathay 210 Tavalams 48 Tawirikya Nagaram 84 Tellipalai 343 Telugu Cholas 274, 305; Telugu
language 179 Telugu poets 2:-polygars 336; work(s) 249, 385, 386 Telungar 107, 340 Temples, building of 55, 186:
wall paintings on 85 Tenkasi inscription 38, 367 Ten Idylls (Tamil) 13, 136, 172 Tenkaiyilai 333 Tennent: Ceylon, by Sir E. 4, 18, 4.5, 81, 87, 89, 90,91, 92, 102, 20, 12, 123, 26, 130,
93, 197, 200, 224, 225
Tennent, conclusions from Muhammedan writings by
92
Tennent, (Sir Emerson) 18, 45, 82, 87, 99. 14, 120, 121, 192,
194, 197, 224, 325 Terunnanse 9 Teruwe Pandáram 38 l Thampala-kámam 86;
Tambalagámam Tharsis 218 Thelkeir 96, 109, 15, 119 Theigu States 10 Théras !91 Thibeto-Burmans 4 Third Calender, story of the 18 Third Kailayam 333 Third (Tamil) Sangam 2, 23, 43, 0, 178: Anthologies of the 17; Naga poets in 178; period of the 72
vide
Thirthas, Tirta, 34, 35, 218
Thirutampiālai 186 ; vide Tiru
tampálai

N D X
Thirutampalāsuran Köyil 186 ;
vide Tirutambalésvaram
Tုဂ္ဂmas the apostle), Blessed
9
Thondi. 113 Thousand and One Nights 193, 196, 201, 204, 205, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223 Throne names 77, 370 Tiger crest 6:-flag 0, 30 ;
mark 147 Tigris, the 204, 205, 226 Tika Vikrama 274 Tilakasundari 277, 315, 316 Time, instruments to measure
175, 176 Timila fishers 146 Tinmati Nāgan l 78 Tin mines 199, 20 Tinnevelly District 104 Tirayan 28, 29 Tiru Chittambala
Perumānambi 268 Tirukalambudur inscription 270 Tirukalukunram inscription 340 Tင့ဖြိုးtisvaram 84, 89, 121, 185,
4 Tirukkétichchuran Kòyil 186 Tirukkóvalir, Chiefs of 36 Tirukolar inscription 289 Tirukonesala Puranam 38, 228,
229 Tirukónésar Kóvil 228 Tirukovaiyar 253 Tirrumalai Udaiyān
Copper plates of 386 Tirumalaivadi inscription 263 Tirumurukārrupadlai 144, 164,
167, 169, 174, 188 Tirupatkadal inscription 256 Tiruppirambiyam 252, 253, 255 Tirupugal 248 Tiřupuläni 346 Tirutambalésvaram 53, 55, 186 Tirutampálai 53, 54, 186 Tiruvadi Nilai 190 Tiruvalangadu inscription 269,
321:-plates 258
Mudaiyán
Sėtupati,
xlvii
Tiruvalluvar l6l Tiruvandipuram inscription 290 Tiruvasagam 107, 254 Tiruvatavur Adigal Puranam 254 Tiruvattisvara temple inscrip
tion 267 Tiruvilayadal Puranam 10, 36,
37; (prose) 254 Tiruvennai Nallúr 287, 288 Tiruvottiyar, temple at 261 Tigottiyár temple inscription Tಚ್ಡಿ! Ugra (Chóļa(n)) 273, 274,
75
Tissa 68, 69, 70 Tissamaharáma, inscribed bricks
at 82; ruins of 182
Tissamaharāma tank 46
Tissamahå Vihåra 64, 76
Tissa Maluva 64
Tissa Rája 9
Tissa Vihára 76
Tissa Ugra 389
Tioakaram 42, 143
Tiyagi 21
Tငု႕y. drawing and brewing of
54
Todu 169
Tolkappiyam 10, 170, 181, 187
ondai creeper 29
Todaimän Aru 114, 226
Tondaimandalam 28, 30, 31, 305
Tondaimandala Sadagam 305
Tondai may lan Tirayan 28, 30,78
Tondaka drum 188
Tönigala inscription 182
Tooth Relic 278, 344, 350; capture by Sahkili of the 382; destruction of the 382
Topawewa 321, 322
Toringoi, country of the 96, 107,
109
Tottaramudi plates 304
Towns, description of ancient 140; destruction of enemies' 144
Toyil painting 167


Page 250
a 4 KY.
Trade, articles of early 39, 87, 88, 117-118, 125, 132-133, 35, 46, 163, 200, 222-223, 228; depôts of 44, 82, 86, 87, 13,
146, 226; early mode of 3,
49; internal 48 Trade Junctions guarded 148 Trade of the Arabs 90, 124;-- Greeks 100; Kaliñgas 1 17 - 18: Phoenicians 89-90; 古R° 100, lil, 123, 128, Trade routes 17, 62, 85, 15, 117, 12, 23-24, 224; -through the Jaffna lagoon 98-99, 119,
2, 26-27 Trade with China 23-125;
Egypt 85;-North India 44 Tუქნ with Tavatams and Carts
4. Travancore 2, 22 Tಙ್ಗCore Arch: Series 38,364
7 Travels in the East; by Sir W.
Ousley 198, 376 Travels on Foot through the Island of Ceylon; by J. Haffner 83 Trapels of Ibn Batuta 2 l0, 211,
216, 223,354 Tree-totem(s) 22,90, 123 Tribhuvana Chakravarti
sékhara Déva 346 Tribule Bandār 38 Trichinopoly District 266 Trikatagiri Mountain 34 Trincomalie 45, 52, 70, 79. l6, 186, 227, 228. 34, 366, 380 Trincomalie inscription 377,378; interpretation by de Sa of the 378; interpretation by de Queiroz of the 379; reconstruction of the 378, 379 Trincomallie Kaloettu 247 Trincomalie, shrine at 335; tem
ple at 229, 333 Trivalúr 239 Trojan war 90
Tudi drum 160, 172
Kula
N. D.
Tudiyan 122 Tulasi 295, 309 Tullata Nāga 68 Tumpane 250 Tunankai dance 174 Tunukai district 37 Turnour 217 Turukkitidal 320 Tutucorin 9 Tuvashta (Kannār) 15 12,000 Ancient Islands 262 Tyndis 1 13 Tyre, merchants of 226
U
(Udaiyār Sri) Uttama
(Déva) 261, 262 Udappu 83 Udarata, people of 363 Udaya i 237 : Udaya ii 237:
Udaya iii 237, 258, 259 ; Udaya iii, defeat of the Chólas
by 258 Udayéndiram plates 239, 253,
256, 257 Uddhana D wara 317, 3l8, 320 Udukku 174 Udutturai 320 Ugra Singa, dynasty of 252, 293, 297, 309, 326; exploits of 244; identification of 243, 275; marriage of 244; reign in Jaffna of 252, 266, 272; seizure of the throne of Jaffna by 242, 310: subjugation of the Vanniyas by 244: time of 242, 297; transfer of capital by 205, 245, 311 Uka grass i 60 Ulla, Kumara Kulotungan 286 Ula Pararájasékaran 273 Ulla, Sankara Chóian 286 Ulanthes (Dutch) 375, 376 Ulipi 42 Umāpati Sivam 268 Ummada Citta 66 Unique Conch Shell 307
Chóla

N DE X
Upanayana Ceremony 319. 322 Upasampada Ceremony 170, 179 Upasampada novitiates, head
dress worn by 170 Upatissa 69 Upper indus 50. Uragapuram 239 Uraiyúr 29, 1 10, 239 Urantai 30 Urátota (Uráturai) 208, 291, 328 Urumparay inscription 267 Usmanturai 228 Utiyan Céralátan, “Peruñcórru 40, 41 Uttama Chóla (Déva), (Udaiyár
Sri) 261, 262 Uttaman 354 Uttara Tosali 303 Uttiya 64, 65, 68 Uva, forests of 223
V
Vadakkar 292 Vada-mi-nāga 68, 70 Vadathesam 242 Vaipava Málai, author of the 243, 246, 247, 266, 273, 333, 369, 370, 381, 383 : kings in the 257, 343, 354; translation of the 350 Vaipava Málai, (Yálpina), vide
Yäipiņa Vaipava Mālai Vaisiya Caste 319 Vaisravana, god 250 Visanta Manu, progeny of
3 Va'yapadal 247, 329, 389 Vajra Hasta(i) 307, 308, 323 Vakkaleri plates 239 Valabi 302 Viļai Vaņan 26 Yklasingam 375 Valavan 26 l Valavarkónpalam 26l Valavu, signification of 261 Valentyn S2, 282, 365 Vallabha, Chalukya 235 ; Chóla
255, 276
Cèramán
xlix
Vallipuram 54, 7, 187, 309,
310,330,373 Valukkai Aru 205, 206; gable for boats l6 Valvettiturai 76, 87, 1 19, 147,
277 Vamsa 304, 309, 310 Vánavan (Céra) 279 Vinavan Madévi īsvaram 263 Vanga Bengal) 48, 50 Vañji 335, 36l Vafijpura 361 Vankanåsika Tissa 69, 72 Vannánkulam 320 Vannárpanne 14 Vanni(a)(n) Chief(tain)s 229,
317,343, 357 Vannichchis 217 Vanni(s) as a buffer State, 180, 230; cotton cultivation in the 133; expulsion of Sichalese' into the 383; Naga kingdom extended to the 1254; occupation of the 229; Queen of the 27; trunk road through the 62, 320; Ugra Singan’s invasion of the 244 Vanniya(r)(s), management of Trincomalie temple by the 228, 229; origin of the 229; reduction to Adikaris of the 23; subjugation of the 356, 357, 367, 368 Van Rhee 390 Vapour of milk 134 Varaguna 254, 255; conquest of Managri by 253; invasion of Ceylon by 252 Varagullavarman 255 Vararájasiňgan 288 Variadicu 18 Varitaya (Segarajasékaran) 356,
357, 370, 371 Varéthaya Singai \ryan 355 Varuna 186, 187 Våsabha 69, 72 Vása Mayilai 26 Vastuhimi, massacre of 35
navis


Page 251
N DE X
Vasu, curse of 34
Vásuki 14 | Vátápi, battle of 235, 238 Vathimi Bhuvanéka Bähu ii 351
i Vatsyáyana Z4
Vattagâmani 68; ear ornaments
in the statue of 7, 170 Vavraváhan 34, 42, 43 Védar 109, 150, 151, 61; diet of 160-161 ; dwellings of 160 Védas, the 2, 152. 295,334 Véda tribes 17 Veddahs, the 1, 2, 3, 152,334 Vedic period 47 Védic priests 324 Velaikára army 264 Vélan 14, 60, 187 Veligama 37 Veļļaikudi 78 Veļļaipparavai, salterms of 266 Velála Colonists, arrival in Jaffna of 335, 336; arrival in South Ceylon of 336 Vellala poet, blind 24, 359 Vellalas, the 153, 155,302, 343,
389,390 Vélúr of Naliyakódan 14 Vélir, battle of 257 Vélirpálayam plates 30 Vénédu, king of 279 Venetian traveller, the 206 Vengai flower 167 Ven Niàganáir 178 Ven Náganár, Attan l78 Verugumunai 117 Vettilaikérni 320 Vettukérni 320 Vibhishana 247 Vidattaltivu 14,83, 108 Vidia Malmanda, god 379 Vidiye Bandara 381, 382 Vihara Dévi 68, 69, 70 Vijagapatam Copper plates 308 Vijaya, Agriculture not intro
duced by 30-31 Vijaya [Arjuna) 34 Vijaya Båhu i 237, 286, 313, 316, 317; accession of 265, 326;
death of 266; expulsion of the Chólas by 264,265; family of 34, 316; marriage of 277, 35, 326; marriage of sister of 31, 32,315, 36; Vihiras built in Jaffna by 277 Vijaya Báhu ii 237, 323, 328, 341 Vijaya Båhu iii, victory of 337,
34,351 Vijaya Báhu v, Sri 314 Vijaya Báhu vii 380 Vijaya Bihu, Kali nga Maghal 291. 328, 329 c. Vijaya Båhu [of Dambadeaiya)
336, 342 Vijaya Báhu [of Gampola), Adigar of 36 l; capture of 362, 365, 366, 369 Vijaya Báhu of Jaffna 373 Vijaya, building of temples by 55, 60, 61, 186; capital of 60: destruction of iron fort by 19 Vijaya Dharma Nádagam 14, 15,
8 Vijaya, emigration of 52 Vijaya Gopåla Naidu 385 Vijaya Káliňga Chakravarti 329 ijaya, Kalinga kings tracing descent from 242, 243, 309, 312, 313, 318,322 Vijaya Kilankai (Singai Arya Chakravarti) 25 l, 272, 273, 274. 275,329, 343, 370 Vijaya, landing place of 45-47 52-57, 04; landing place of the followers of 45-47, 53-55, 17; language not introduced by 178; legends connected with 244; lion flag anterior to 43; marriage of 56-58, 66, 67, 73, 136, 227; Vijayanagar 203, 299, 356, 36,
366, 367, 384, 385 Vijayanagar History, Sources of
249, 386,387 w Vijayanagar kings, Hoysala 336 Vijaya, parentage of 48,245 Vijayaraghava Nayaka 249

N b Ex ii
Vijaya, residence of 52, 55, 57
59, 61 Vijaya's successor 59, 6, 130 Vijaya successor of Siri Nága ii)
32, 69, 76, 79 Vijaya, voyage of 49 Vijitapura 320, 321 Vikkama Pändu 237 Vikrama Bahu defeated by Rajadhi Raja) 280, 281, 284 Vikrama Báhu (i) 237, 317, 318 ; Hinduism professed by 277, 278;---defeated by Vira Déva 286, 287, 327 Vikrama Báhu (of Gampola) 362 Vikrama (Chóla) 286 Vikrama Chólan Ulá 286 Vikramäditya 239 Vikramáditya ii 264 Vikrama, Jatávarman 345; Mára
varman 345 Vikrama Pándu 28 l, 284 Vikrama Pandya(n) 270, 280, 28 Vၦန္ma Pararajasekaran 370,
37 Vikramasinghapuram. 274, 305 Vilakkam, Akapporul 170, 186 Vilambicyclic yearl 376 Villavan 280 Villi åtan 24 Villiputtiürar 2-49 Vinayaditya Satyasraya 239 Vincent 99, 102, 10, 29 Vira Déva, invasion of Ceylon
by 287, 327 Víra Ganga, country of 305 Vira Kéralan 279, 280 Vira Påņdya, Jatávarman, inscription of 3-0; invasion of Ceylon by 340, 34, 343 Víra Pándya son of M. Kula. sékhara il 355, 356 Vira Pandya (son of Parákrama]
267, 268, 270 Vira Parákrama Báhu 373 Vira Rághava(n) (Mudaliyar), (Antaka Kavi) 2-46, 247, 359, 360, 37
Vira Rájöndra 263, 264 Víra Rákshasas 292 Víra Sala Mégha(n) 280, 28,
283, 284, 316, 326 . Víra Vamma 35 Virchow, Prof. R. 2 Virotaya Pararajasékaran 371 Virupa Dévi 299 Virupaksha i 366; Ceylon by 365 Vishnu 50, 58, 186, 293 Vishnu Gópa 31 Vishnu Purana 50 Visiapur, kingdom of 203 Visvakarma 15, 16, 20 Visvanátha Naik 336 Visvanátha Sáistriar Sambavak
kurippu 332 Visvanáta Swami Temple 367 Visvañña (goldsmiths) 15 Ψίσυαρurαnαπη 14, 16 Viswámitra Rishi 294 Viyäsa 43 Voharaka Tissa 69, 76 Von Hammer 39 Vraliyar 171 Vrichiyúr 178
W
invasion of
Wada-má-Naga
åga Walawwa see Valavu Wanney, Queen of 217 Wanni 108 ; see Vanni Warangal 216, 288 Warp and woof 134 Waste weir 106 Weaving industry 133 Welligama, rock statue at 170 230; mural painting at 184 Werteltivu 108 Western Aryans 2: Asia 226; -Chalukya king (s) 230, 306 ;——Gańgas 307 ;--Ghats 26, 133; merchants 36: -navigators 99;-ocean
see Vadamá


Page 252
lii N DE X
West, ships from the 127; trade x the 84, 86, 91, 122, 195,
Wheeler, Mr. Talboys 4 White parasol 307, 309 Wickrama-Singhapuram 274; see Vikrama Sinhapuram : . Wijesinha, Mudr. L. C. 53,235 Wijesinha's List of Ceylon kings)
235, 265, 28 Vikrama, Tika 274 Wilson 239 V− Winslow, Tamil-English Dic
tionary; by Rev. M. 54 Woharaka Tissa 32 Women, social liberties of 70;
education of 171 World, Geography of the ; by
Ptolemy 23 Woven wind 134 Writing, early existence of 80, 8 : in Tissamaharāma bricks '82 Wytulya heresy 78
Χ
Xavier, Francis 381
Y
Yadava Country 9, 49, 5
Yadavas, the 47, 51, 30
Yầgña Náráyana Dikshita 249
Yahapat Pattina 250
Yakkhas, alliances with the 55, 57, 73; capital of the 16; civil lization of the 3, 4l; conquest by Vijaya of the 55, 57; description of the 1, 2, 185; food of the 130; fusion with other races of the 66, 179; kingdoms of the 2, 3, 55, 138; king of the 3, 5, 6, 15, 294; linen dresses of the 135; monarchical Government of the 139; practice of demonology by the 89; system of barter among the 3
Yal 173, 174: Yal, makara 173 Yalpánam, city of 332; earliest mention of 248, 249; flag of 345 ; king of 345 ; names corrupted from 195, 203, 2, 1, 217, 218, 219, 249; not the Tamil adaptation of Yipane 250,251; origin of the name of 248,250, 251; Queen of 27; reference to 249, 250, 330, 375 Yápánan 197, 20, 21 l, 247, 251,
252,253, 272 Yápàna Náyanáir 249 Yipina Náyanar pattinam 248 Yင့ူးa(၈) paţținam 2ll, 212, Yå på na town 249 Yáipána Vaipava málai, advent of Vijaya according to the 45: building Nallir according to . the 330, 331; confusion of the name of Saṁ kili in the 381 ; derivation of Sinhalam in the 102; distribution of kings named in the 343; exploits of Ugra Siógan in the 243 ; expulsion of the Sinhalese in the 383; fiction from Kailaya Málai transferred to the 273, 333; first king of Jaffna according to the 272, 275,297, 298, 329; help rendered to the Pindyan according to the 355; Jaffna flag flying over Ceylon as per 35 l ; Kuļakkoțtan’s family in the 379; landing of Vijaya according to the 52; legend of the lutist in the 246; list of Jaffna kings in the 28, 274, 343; Mahivalisa and the 227; name given to Jaffna in the 37 , origin of the Madapais in the 388, 389; Pándya" invasion of Jaffna as per 367; prophecy in the 374375; return of the Jaffna king as per 373; revolt of the Vanniyas according to the 356

N E X
357; rulers of Jaffna as per 25, 252; sack of Yapahu in terms of the 34-4, 345, 48, 349, 352, 354; salt expedition of Tondaiman according to the 266; Sapumal's conquest omitted in the 368; Sapumal's reign in Jaffna in terms of the 369; Sinhalese-Tamil disturbances in Jaffna according to the 80; subjugation of the Vanniyas mentioned in the 231, 244; temple building by Vijaya according to the 55, 56. 60, 186; Tirukónésalapuranam and the 228; Tirutambalésvaram mentioned in the 53; tradition re Nallir according to the 380; transfer of capital by Ugra Siňgan in terms of 245: Ugra Singan and the throne of Jaffna as per 293: Ugra Siñgan's dynasty according to the 309; Virotaya's reign in terms of 37
Yal, Peri 173 ; Sakoda 173; Sen
kotti 173
Yámá 272
Yápáhu 210, 237, 353, 354, 371 ; Mahávansa version of the sack of 344 ; Vaipava Málai version
of the sack of 344, 345; year
liii
of the sack of 348, 349, 35, 352,355
Yစ္ဆိုam, Yápane 195, 217, 250,
Yápápat !ina, Yápápațiun(a) 212, 250, 25, 352, 372, 373; not the Suihalese form of Nallir 250
Yasalaka Tissa 68, 79
Yattala Dágoba 182
Yattala Tissa 68
Yavanas, the 138
Yemen 352
Yogis, the 28
Yuh-chi, the ancient
Yule, Col. H. 40, 82, 195, 196, 197, 202, 203, 209, 214, 26, 225; consultation of early Muhammedan writings by 192: identification of Calah by 194
Z
Zabage 193 Zabaj 194, 217, 250 Zabed 94, 211,225 Zanig 194 Zapage 193, 195, 197,211, 217,
250, 293 Zeilan, island of 223 Zeilon 102 Zinghoeul, kingdom of 202 Zobak 198


Page 253

Page 10, Notes, line 26,
ERRATA ET CORRIGENDA.
14, , „ 6, , prased 15, , , , 1, , artizans 16, , , 16, ..., Visva 警徽 20, line 11, , with artisans .. 2, Notes, line 19, 6G522. อ. , 28, ... Náltukádai 23, line 12, , Mavilangai's 23, line 4, for Cirupiunárrupadai , 23, Notes, line 2, for I. A. 譬射 24, line 7, for Cirupihárrupadai 24, Notes, line 13, for fresh 24, , .., 27, ... such, is $列 25, lines 1 and 3, Kudira 警登 25, Notes, line 13 , 57. 35, , 7 , சுகுலம் 35, „, „, 7 , , of g 38, , , 6 , தென்டிாை 39, line 7, , hence the . 43, , 2, , Ceylon king , 45, , 11. for Kirindi Oya and ; 翰鲁
others 45, , 13, , Trincomalie the 49, Notes, line 5, for Sinha 静制
for Ahapporul read Akapporul.
praised. artisans. Visva : P. with the artisans. வரூஉங். Váltukádai. Mávilaigai. Cirupáņárrupaɖai. Ind : Ant. Cirupáņárrupadai. flesh. such is. Kudirai. Je Surff, (ாகுலம்). (G f). தெண்டிாை. hence. Ceylon kings. Kirindi Oya -- and
others. Trincomalie-the,
Sinha.
52, line 14, delete comma alter the word Guzera t,
55, Notes, line 1, addpp. 104-105.
72, line 6, for lisnald read 76, , 3. , well 像数 78, , 8, therfore 锦酸 78, , 6, , become 80, , , 6, , controlr
Island. . wall. therefore. became. control.


Page 254
ii
ERRATA ET CORRIGENTIDA
Page 82, line 8, for Nevill read Neville.
, 83, , 9, , Laņki, „, Leňká.
89, , 17, delete the word and ' at the end of the fine. . , 89, 19, for apes and read apes, aghiland. , 92, , 17, „ Báhuvi „, Báhu vi 94, , 26, , and l the and the.
, 100, , 8, town towns.
, 102, , 4, ,, as a Īlam , as Ílam.
04, 9, , Laņkā «, 1 aiذki.
77, 翰》 l, , Lankà „, Laňká. 177, , 26, , a l learned , a learned.
178, Notes, line 9, , a Oymān Oymán. , 247, , ,, 8, add pp. 359-360 after viii. , 283 line 12, substitute t in place of after the word Chóta. , 283, Notes, add F, vide note * on page 28. , 292, Note ", add 338, note t, after p. , 293, line 3, for Kalinga read Kalinga.
, 293, Notes, line 10 for மரங்கனை read மாங்களை.
296, ..., , 14 & 16 , கங்கையாரின் , கங்கையாரியன். 30, , add 33-325 after p.
2, jor கலேயாழி read கலையரளை
307, . . . . for Samavast read Sómavitsi. 31, , 5 ,, Singai ,, Sigai. , 32, line 27, , Viharasat , Viharas at.
33, , , 4, , Singai Siùgai. , 333, , ll, , author , The autor.
, 346, , 17, ..., Ráiméswaram ... Ráimésvaram.
, 349, Note, line . add ii, p : 297 after Vol : , 360, Notes, line 27, for Galair QG read Gaiar QCup. , 364, , , 13, remove bracket before Gas it - il Saradic , 367, line , for Vijianagar read Vijaya Nagar. , 368, , 9, , substitute 5.
369, ..., 16. , started reign read started to reign. , , 373. , 13. ,, Mahávaņsa ,, Mahávańsa. , 382, , 13, ,, lirves » livres.



Page 255



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