Page 27
THE CLAS IN SRI I, ANKA 37
There is no means of determining whether the Colas renamed the units called rata in the, Sinhalese system as valanātu or whether such units were entirely new divisions superimposed on the Sinhalese system. In South India undcr the Colas, each valanau was subdivided into smaller units called natu. There is some evidencc to suggest, that there were units called natu in the island. An inscription of Adhirajendra, from the Siva Devale No. 2 at Polonnaruwa mentions the nātā.r.o The referencc to the nā fār, which expression may denote either the inhabitants of a unit calléd , natu or an assembly of the natu, however, presupposes that there. was a natu in the region around polonnaruwa. A contemporary South Indian inscription mentions köturnau. in flam. On the basis of these isolated references it may : be inferred that the units called valanātu in Sri Lanka were
subdivided into several natus as in the Tannil country.
In South Indin the local assemblies flourished in their most developed form under the Colas. The assemblies of the ... Brahmin villages were called Sabhai, while those of the : non-Brahmin villages were generally known as ür. The executive committees of such primary assemblies were sknown variously as Perunkuri mahāsabhai, Peruňkuripperumakkal and Alunkanam. There were also assemblics of other units such as Nau and Nakaram. Evidence relating to such assemblies is found only in one Cola inscription hitherto discovered in the island. A recently discovered inscription from Kantalay shows that a Caturvedimahkalam - a Brahmin settlementnamed after Rajaraja was established at Kanta Jay. From , the reference to Perunkuripperumakkal in this inscription it is clear that the Brahmin settlement at Kantalay, like its counterparts in contemporary. South India, had an assembly for the regulation of its affairs.
12. The Colas, p.' '405 . . 3. SII, vol. Iv. No. 1388
:l 4. ARE, 1917:18, 454 of 1917 15. The Colas, pp. 494 - 495
6. Trincomalice inscriptions, Sories No.
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w
38 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Another Brahmin, settlement, Jayankona calameka caturvedimankalam, is mentioned in a twelfth century inscrip
tion from Mahakirindagama.7 This settlement like the one: at Kantalay may have been constituted during the period of Cóla rule. The first element of its name, Jayankon:a, which
was an epithet of Rajaraja, may have been part of its original name-Jayankona Cola Caturvedimankalam. The
name of this settlement, like that of Rajaraja caturvedi
mankalam at Kantalay may have been changed into Jayafikonta calameka caturvedi mafikalam after the restoration of the . Sinhalese dynasty.
: The isolated reference to the Nattar in a Cola inscription from Polonnaruwa may suggest that assemblies, of the territorial units called nasu were not altogether unknown in the island. However, government by primary assemblies does, not seem to have become, a regular feature of the local. government under the Colas in the island. The system of local government as it prevailed in the Tamil society in India. could not have been grafted on to the society, in the island. where traditionally rural organization was chiefly through, the medium of village headmen. Even among the Tamil, settlements in the island corporate organizations flourished only among groups which were either socially homogeneous. or functionally affiliated and such instances seem to have been. T86C, ",
Cõļa Lańkesvara tever and the official hierarchy ج
The administration of the Cola' possessions in Sri Lanka. was for a time under the direction of... a prince sent from Cola court. Two recently discovered inscriptions from
Kantalay and Manankeni, two villages in the Trincomalee. district, refer to a Cola prince called Ilankesvara tevar. In one of the epigraphs he is referred to also as Sri Cola and Sri Cankavarmar. As both inscriptions are dated in his. : regnat years, Sri Cõļa Ilarkesvaratever must have been au
17. ET, pt. I, p, s, CTI, pt. I, p. 30 18. Trincomalee inscriptions, Scrics No. 1
THE COLAS IN SRI LANKA 39
consecrated ruler. Sri Caňkavarmar and Illañkesvaratevar appear to have been titles which had some political significance. Sri Cankavarmar seems to be an abbreviation of
Sri Carikabodhivarmar which was one of the two alternate
consecration names assumed by the Sinhalese kings on their accession to the throne. The term Lankesvara meaning the Lord of Lanka occurs frequently in Sinhalese inscriptions as a royal epithet. The assumption of these epithets by the Cola prince suggests that le was consecrated as a ruler of the island.
The position of Sri Cóla. Ilankesvaratevar is analogous to that of the Sri Cola pandya princes in the Pandya. kingdom. Rajendra Cola who had to govern and defend an overgrown empire introduced a major innovation in the Cola administration by delegating royal authority to his sons and other princes of the court who were sent to administer somc of thc conquered kingdoms. This System, perhaps partly designed to appease the sentiments of the peoples of the conquered countries, was continued in some measure by his successors until the accession of Kulotunga I (1070-1122) and it brought new strength to the Cola administration which was called upon to face difficult problems, domestic and foreign. Rajendra deputed one of his sons to rule over the Pandya kingdom as his representative and had him consecrated at Madurai.'. All the successive Cola princes who ruled from Madurai until 1070 were styled Sri Cola pandya. Besides, they assumed one of the alternate throne names of the Pandya kings, namely Jatavarman and Maravarman.o lhe prassastis of Rãjàdhiraja and Rājendra II claim that they consecrated several Cola princes as rulers of many Stojcct kingdoms including that of the Pandyas. Such Cola princes heid authority over their respective kingdoms as deputies of the Cola emperor and were assisted by imperial officers in the task. of government.
19. The Colas, p. 465 20. Trincomalice inscriptions Series No. , p, 8 2l. ibid
树
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40 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
The consecration of a Cola prince as the ruler of illam was an extension of a practice which - Rājendra introduced in South India. After the capture of Mahinda the Colas claimed to have conquered the whole island and from their standpoint the Sinhalese monarchy was abolished. The whole island was to be under their rule as an integral part of their empire. But, the Cola emperor in Tanjore could not have audience with the subjects in the island and by any means his rule could not have been regarded as legitimate by the people living in it. Monarchy . was the only form of government familiar to the Sinhalese and to make government effective and meaningful to a people traditionally accustomed to pay homage and render Service to a legitimate ruler the Colas appear to have attempted to provide ... continuity to the institution of monarchy by substituting the Sinhalese monarchy with the Cola monarchy. The consecration of a Cola prince as the ruler of Ilam was a decisive step in that direction. In order to secure legitimacy the Colas adopted some traditions of the Sinhalese court. The Cola prince on his consecration assumed the titles Lańkesvara and Sri Cañkavarmar and presumably undertook to uphold the ideals implied by such titles.
In South India the Cólas had brought into existence a highly organized and thoroughly efficient bureaucracy for the administration of their dominions. The aristocracy of landholders formed thc core of the bureaucracy. Remuneration for service was mostly in the form of land assignments given as life tenure. The Cola administration in Sri Lanka was, for the most part, a replica of that in the Tamil country. The administration was manned by a hierarchy of officials most of whom were pull iodiva fly sent out from South India. The descendants of such offi cials who settled in the island were also presumably recruited for royal service. Most of the dignitaries serving in the island held the rank of Utaiyan and had their original
22. The Côjas, p. 462
THE Col. As N SRI LANKA 4
fiefs in the Tamil country while others held ranks such as Nā tālvãn, ki lavan, peraraiyan, paņimakan and cirutanam. he Cola officials must have come into contact with the local chieftains to some extent at a certain stage but the nature and extent of such relationships is not revealed in the sources brought to light hitherto. The Cola inscriptiot, 5 do not cfer to any person who could be identifical as one who held any rank in thc i! (ligcinous system of administration.
In Sri Lanka, as elsewhere in South Asia, agriculture was thc mainstay of the economy and thc tax on the produce of . the soil was the principal source of revenue for the government. As land was the basis of political and social organisation in the Sinhalese kingdom and the Taihil kingdoms in South India the patterns of economic organization in all these kingdoms sharcd some characteristics in common. Nevertheless, there were essential differences which would partly explain the variations in the modes of governisint and Social organization. In Sri Lanka the dependence on agriculture, especially on paddy cultivation, was far greater than in thc Tamil country where economic activities were much more diversified. The other notable difference between Sri lanka and South India was on the degree of dependence on artificial irrigation works and the dimensions of such works. In Sri Lanka huge reservoirs could be constructed by raising dams across rivers and canals in thc north central plain chiefly because of the uneven character of the terrain. Most of such reservoirs could generally be depended for water Stipply almost throughout the year except in years of prolonged drought.
The essential characteristics of a hydraulic society were to be found in the 1orth central plain on thc cve of the Cola conquest. As the grain tax and the water dues were their major sources of revenue the indigenous kings showed great interest in the development of irrigation works. The major irrigation works were of such a magnitude that their rcpair and maintenance were bcyond the competence of village organizations. They required the resources at the king's dis
Page 30
42. TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
posal and becamconc of the major concerns of the government. An agrarian society which was dependent on a network of reservoirs and canals some of which extended over large stretches of land tended to promote the growth of royal power and precluded the development of village organizations as centres of power and initiative as in South India.
The Cola administrators in the island perhaps could not easily grasp the intricacies involved in the operation of a hydraulic system on account of two reasons. One is. that the officials of the Cola government had no tradition of managing irrigation works of stupendous proportions as the ones found in the island; the maintenance of the medium șized irrigation works in the Tanil country was. largely in the hands of the local assemblies. The other is the character of the Cola administration which was unlikc' that of the first two European colonial powers, the Portuguese and the Dutch, who employed traditional ranks on a large scale. Cola administration dominated largely by an alien officialdom, could not have adequately mobilized the traditional resources for the maintenance and operation of the reservoir systems without the support of local officials. Irrigation works in the island undoubtedly continued to function under Cola rule but we have no means to determine the measure of their capacity and the degree of
conomic prosperity generated by such works.
One of the most remarkable achievements of Rajaraja I was the systematic survey of the lands in his dominions for purposes of revenue Scttlement. In the island the lands in Rajarata were surveyed for the assessment and collection of revenue. Arable iands are knc. win to have been classified at least into two categories, wet land (nir nilam) and dry land (pun cey). The lands in the first category were obviously the ones that were irrigatcd by means of
artificial irrigation works.
T cōLAs N SR ANKA 43
Land survey and revenue assessment by the Colas led to the introduction of methods prevalent in the Tamil country where the system and the units of measurement differed from those in the island. In Sri Lanka, under the Sinhalese monarchy, the measurement of land was according to sowing capacity as in the Canarese and Telugu regions in India. In the Tamil country linear measurements were used by the Côtas. Ulakalantain kÖl and Tiruviahkalaippertiköl are two of the measuring rods that were used by thc Cóla officials in the island.'
In the Cõla kingdom the nilam or vēli was the unit. of measure of land. It was subdivided into mā, kuli,. kāņi and m un tirikai. The system of measurenment by veli was introduced into all subject kingdoms including: ilam. The liquid and dry measures. of capacity as found in South India were also introduced into the island. The atavallan otherwise. called Rajakesari was the standard marakkal that was uscd in Sri Lanka. The Côla system of land-mcasurement by veii and its subdivisions and lincar measurements could not strikc firm roots in the island. The simpler and less accurate method of measuring land according to sowing capacity which had prevailed over the centuries was revived after the restoration of Sinhalese rule. However, the Cola system lingered on in considerable measure among the Tamil settlements in the island. The liquid and dry measures. of capacity as introduced by the Colas were not abandoned soon. They seem to have been adapted into the indigenous system to some extent.
Taxes were collected mostly in kind as under the Sinhalese monarchy. Two kinds of taxes were levied on land: one was a. . quit rent (kanikkatan) payable in money and the other was nel mutal, a share of the produce, Besides, taxes were levied in kind from trees such as (iluppai) which had some utility value. Customs dues, tolls and professional taxes were some of the
23. SII, Vol. 11, No. 92; SII, Vol. IV., No. 144
24, ibid 25. University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, Wol. I, pt. II (Colombo
1960) p. 414 . بر صبر
26. SII, vol. II: No 92
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44 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
other sources of revenue. An inscription from Matutam provides the information that an akkam was levied from people passing through the ferries and pathways leading to A turmoitteva valanau. Taxes were levied on the Weavers, living at Mäto{tam at the rate of an akkam for a month on cach
loom. Tolls were collected from the traders at market places.
A levy of a vaitam on every kacu was collected from the buyer
and seller of cach commodity.’
Social and culturai life
The period of Cola rule was an important phase in the growth of Tamil settlements in the island. These became an important factor in the economic, social and cultural life in the country during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Our knowledge of them is derived mainly from the donative inscriptions set up in the premises of Hindu templcs and the Rajarajap perumpalli and the architectural and iconographic remains from religious sites.
The Nikaya Sangrahaya, a Sinhalese chronicle written in the fourteenth century states that there were Tamils in large numbers in the towns, market places and villages in the kingdom.' This could be an exaggeration. Yet, it gives a vague idea about the nature and extent of Tamil settlements in the island when it was under the Colas. Administrative centres, military outposts and market towns were the localities where Tamils seem to have settled in considerable numbers during the period of Cola rule. The provenance and contents of inscriptions and other archaeological remains may give some indication about the location of Such settlements. Archaelogical remains datable to the Cola period have been found mostly at Māntai, Polonnaruwa, Padaviya, Madirigiriya, Kantaļäy, Trincomalce, Jaffna and Attaragalla. Significantly all these localities, except the last two, werc in the uuitral belt of the northern dry-zone and some of , them were in the neighbourhood of tanks. It would appear that the Colas concentrated mostly in areas which had an abundant supply of grain and water.
27. S!), Vol. IV: No. 1412 28. Nikiya Samgrahaya ed. Dewarakshita Dharma kirti Ssngharaja
(Colombo, l{l07) p. 17
THE COLAS IN SRI LANKA 45
Officials, merchants and soldiers appear to have been the dominant groups in the Tainil settlements that arose in the island during this period. There were also Brahmins and probably artisans and others whose scrvices were needed to meet the religious, social and economic requirements of the dominant classes. As mentioned earlier, a major part of the island which was constituted as a province of the Cola empire was administered by officials mostly scnt out from South India. Officials of high rank seem to have been posted at innportant administrative centres like Polonnaruwa, Mātõțtam and Padaviya. Sri mõkanürulaiyan, Tiruppuvanatevan, Tiyākacintāmani mu vāntavēlān of Tillai, Sri makarinātālvān, pañcanativa nan of Sri Nallür, Mańkalappā ti vēlān and Cõla pallavaraiyan are some of the officials who seem to have been posted at Polonnaruwa.?” Talikumaran-the kilawan (chief)-of Cirukturra nallur in Colamantalam and Cirukulattur uaiyan tevan,a panimakan in the service of Rajendra, were two of the officials who exercised administrative functions in the town of Mato (am. The inscriptions from Padaviya mention a number of dignitaries who had the rank of utaiyan. They had come to the island from Marunkur, Palaippakkam, Tiruccir rampalam and other places in the Tamil country. One of the inscriptions from Rijarajapperumpalli records the donations made by Atittan of putukkui who had the rank of Peraraiyan. r
The evidence from inscriptions on Có la military establishments in the island is very meagre. There is no means of determining thc strength of the Cola armies in the island in terms of numbers. The Cūļavamsa and the Cõla prasastis give vague and exaggerated accounts of the strength of the Cola army in the island. Army units were stationed at military outposts in
29. S. Pathmanathan, 'Cola rule in Sri luan ka' Administrative organi--
zation, 4th corference Seminar, IATR, Jaffna, January 1974. 30. S11. Vol. IV : 1412, 1414 B; CTI, pt. II, pp. 42-46 31. ET, pt. I, p. 34 O 32. ET, pt. I, 4; CTV, pt. I, p. 4 33. Tho claim mndle in tho Cula wann sa that, tlho C5|R ruler sett, v v
army of 95,000 men to subjugato Rõhna \ is undoubtedly a exaggoration. Sce CV 55 : 24 - 25 .
Page 32
THE KINGDOM of JAFFNA . 6ه
Rajarata, Dakkhigadesa and Róhana. Besides, contingents were sent out from India to reinforce the armies in the island "whenevcr necessity arose. The leaders of the Cóla armies were mostly chosen from the landowning and Brahmin classes. Cola inscriptions in the island mcntion the names of only two generals, Jayaikoņa Cōla mavēnta vēļām and Jayamurināțālvan. oThe formerled an invasion of Róhana which rcsulted in the capture of Mahinda V while the latter is known from an epigraph from Sankilikanadarawa. Cirukuļattür uțaiyān tevan who was at Mató am also had some military connections. He is referred to as a member of the group of Peruntanam which was a military tunit in the service of the Colas. Inscriptions show that troops, belonging to groups of the Velaikkarar...and Perunpatai anukkar were serving in the island. A fragmentary inscription from Gal -Oya, a village near Polonnaruwa, which could be assigned to the period of Cõla rule on palaeographic considerations mentions a Velaikkara called Athikaranan caragan." An inscription of Rājendra II from Madirigiriya records a donation to a temple
h
34. Tho Cõļas had nilitary outposts at Muhunnaru, Bndalatt hala, Vāpinagara, Buddhagāma, Tilagulla, Mahāgalla and Maņģa gala in Dakkinadesa. In IRohann they had a finilitary stronghold at Chigama (Cakatnam), Soo CV, 58 : 44-44
35. The general Jayamurinảíãịvãn is montionod in tho inscription from Sankili Kanadarawa. Ho mey bo idontical with A raiyan Rājarājan othorwiso callod Virarajendra Jayanurinātālvān, general and foudatory of Rajondra II, montioned in an inscription from Karuvūr. See The Coas, p. 266; SII, IV : 1411
36. Tho terms ciru tanam and perum tanam occur mostly in connection with military affairs. The Polonnaruwn slab, inscription of the Velaikkaras refers to groups called Cirutanam, Perunta..nam and Pillaikaltanam. Ciru tanatttu Valaňkai Vēļarkkārappaļaika, Ciru Alasflt raguka kā valar and Ciru tanam perum tanam mārāyään are some of the expressions of military significance which occur. in Coga inscriptions.
37. This inscription records some ondowments made by Athikaraņan caranan, a Welaikkara of the Munrukai. The word Mūnrukai is apparently. ah abbreviation of the expression Munrukai makacenai, “tho great Army of tho throe arms'. which was an -important unit in the Cõļa artiny. SII, Vol. IV : 1398.
THE COLAS IN SRI LANKA 47
‘by a member of the unit called perum patai Anukkar. 38 There were some soldiers at Padaviya in the reign of Rajaraja. Some of the donations to the temple of Irav kulamanikka isvaram at Padaviya were made by soldiers as suggested by their epithets pațālakan and kanan. o An inscription from Diyavinna in the central province, which could be assigned to this period, records the name of a soldier Virabhavanan Dahalabha mallan. 40 it would appear that the Cola armies for the most part remained in the island after the liberation of the country under Vijayabahu and subsequently served in the armies of the Sinhalese kings. The Velaikkara and Akampati troops which served in the armies of Vijayabâhu I and his successors must have been the remnants of the Cola armies which once served in the island.
South Indian itinerary, mercantile communities like the Ayyavole Ticaiyayirattuatifiurruvar, which had reached a very high stage of development in South India during the Cola period gained a foothold in the island. The Ayyavole was a composite body which included several sub-groups such as nanadesis, Valaïciyar, Virakkoti, Nagarattar, Cettis and Cettiputras. They are often described as belonging to the eighteen samayas and thirty - two Velarpurams.The mother Goddess Paramesvari seems to have been their favourite deity. As they are described as the children of the goddess of the earth it may be inferred that the mercantile classes represented in the Ayyavoie developed from the peasant communities of South India. They engaged
38. Sotno princes and foudatorics seen to have the word A nukkar suffixed to their names or epit hets, Vira Cõja anukkar was one of them. As he is referrod to as a Nammakkal (our osfipring) by a Cola king, in an inscription, Vira Cölla anukkar may have beon a Colà prince. A Cola king, according to this inscription, mado a gift of tax-free land to a certain Pifkoyif nampi who celebrated Vira Cola anukkar in a poem called Virāņukkãviyam. Anukkar seem to have been a class of warriors, liko the Vēlaikkārar, who were included in tlie composito army unit which was variously referred to as Perumpolai, Maltantra and Mah senai. The Colas, p. 604, ET, pt. I, p. 27
39. ET, pt. I, p. 34
40. Ceylon Journal of Science (G) II, , 191
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48 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
in retail and wholesale trade: Elephants, horses, cotton and silk fabrics, metals and metallic ware, foodstuffs and spices and gems and pearls were among the items of their merchandisc. They employed soldiers belonging to various regiments for the protection of their personncl, caravan and merchandisc. The Ticaiyayirattu annur ruvar who were one of the most cnterprising and prosperous mercantile communities in South India secn to havc actively participated in the sea-bornc trade of the countries of South and South East Asia. They have left behind records of their activities in Sri Lanka, Burma, Siam, Sumatra and
China.
During the Cola period they were one of the three dominant groups in Tamil society, the others being Brahmins and Vellalar. Towns and villages where mercantile interests predominated were at times constituted as Virapat fanas or nakaram and they enjoyed certain privileges accorded to them by royal charter. The mercantile classes, among whom literacy was high, patronized cultural and literary activities. They constructed temples and monasteries and endowed them with various forms of wealth. A part of their surplus wealth was, used for the provision of public amenities and the maintenance of chari
table institutions.
P
The commercial links between South India and Sri Lanka, which usually formed one trading unit, became stronger after the Cola conquest. The South Indian mercantile communities seem to have intensified their commercial activities in the island when it was under Cola rule. They presumably acquired a virtual monopoly over the external trade and a large share of the internal trade. Inscriptions mentioning the activities of the ficai ayirattu annur ruvar, which could be assigned to the period of Cola rule, have been found in Padaviya, Polonnaruwa and Attaragalla.' The evidence from these inscriptions,
4. W. M. K. Wijetunga, "South Indian Corporato Connereia) Organizations in South and South East Asin', Procceedings of the first International Confer eitce Seniliar of lainil Studies (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 1966) Vol. I, p. 506.
42. CTI, pt. I, pp. 54-55; CTI pt. JI, pp. 23. 24; SI, V’o). J V : 141.
TE COAS IN SER I LA N K A 49
although meagre, gives some idea about the nature of their activities in the island. The inscription of the reign of Rajaraja from Padaviya records the gifts made by members of the official, increan tile and military classes to the temple of Iravikulama ikka isvara im. One of the donors secms to have bcen a Nana desi merchant.' Two other short inscriptions at Padaviya show that two of the foundation stones of Siva dc vale No. 1 at Padaviya werc laid by two merchants. Onc is referred to as Taniyappan, the merchant from Padaviya, while the other was a Cețţi of the Nanădesa group.“
A two line inscription of the Ticai yiravar afiurruvar from polonnaruwa, as mentioned earlier, shows that the Ayyavole werc settled in a separate quarter at Polonnaruwa. The presence of the members of this mercantile body in the Futtalam area is indicated by an epigraph of the reign of Rijendra Cola. It records the setting up of an inn (aimbalam) named after the aii iurruvar. Small groups of Tamil traders whose range of activity was confined to particular localities appear to have settled in the island during this period. An inscription of Rajendra Cöla from Mã tõ{{am mcntions the Cankarapātiyar, Vảlakkảy vãụiyar and Verrilai vaụiyar.*7 These groups of traders were dealers in oil, bananas and betel leaves respectively. Unlike the Ticai ayirattu aif urruvar, they were small groups of traders who dealt with one or two items of merchandise. They were presumably settled in the neighbourlood. of the temple of Tiruvirāmisvaram by the Cõla authorities for supplying cetain commodities required for daily use in the temple.
As Matö am, the chief emporia of the island, continued to enjoy some measure of prosperity as in earlier times a prosperous mercantile class must have resided there. A Cula inscription mentions incidentally of a wealthy local merclhant named Kunran Tamán who owned a house, a mansion and a
4:3. ET, -pt. I. : pp. 34 - 35 44. CTI, pt. II, pp. 23 — 24 45. CTI, pt. II, pp. 9 - 12 1. SII, V’ol. IV” : 1 4 1 5 1 ' . Sll, Vol. IV” : 1414B
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50 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA'
garden." If his wealth and influence was typical of the affluent merchants it may be assumed that some of the local merchants resident at Matólam were so wealthy as to afford the luxury of owning mansions. The South Indian mercantile communities which had intcinsified their commercial activities in the island under the Colas were not cntirely dependent on the fortunes of the Côa power. They.. survived even after the fall, of Cola power and flourished in the island for a period of. another century and a half. r
A large number of Brahmins in migrated to Sri Lanka. during the Cöln period. As custodians of the sacred literature and the orthodox traditions of Hinduism the Brahmins were an honoured and influential community in South India. Their influence in Tamil Society during the Cola period was perhaps. greater than ever. This was partly due to the progressive. development of the Hindu temple as the principal custodian of culture and learning in the land. In templc affairs the Brahmins exercisei great authority and influence. Besides, Hindu rituals and ceremonics at the mansions of the court and the humble dwellings of the commoners were performed by, them. In local government under the Colas the organization of the Brahmin dominated Caturvedimahkalam was the nost. dcveloped. M
. The presence of a substantial number of Brahmins in Sri. Lanka when it was under Cola rulc was a result of the growth, of Tamil settlements. These settlements. werc sollöwed by the introduction of the religious and cultural traditions that had developed in South lindia under the Colas. Quite a number of Brahmins were brought into the island to officiate as priests in . the temples set up by the Cólas at various localities in the island.. The organization of the religious. services, in the temples that. arose in the island was modelled on that of the Temples in the Tamil country. The terminology applied to denote, groups of. Brahmin functionaries came to be thus introduced.
An inscription of Adhirajendra from Polonnaruwa, which : records some details about the organization of the temple of.
F. Sll, Vol. V: 39
THE COLAS IN SRI LANKA 5.
Wanavan mate visvaram, mentions a bhata, a kramavitta, a Sivabrāhmaņa, Patipāta mūlappa (u taip pañcācāriyar and Panmā-- hesvarak kankani as some of the Brahmin functionaries attached to the temple. ' The first three categories referred to in the epigraph belonged to different groups of Brahmins well versed in religious matters and temple rituals. They conducted the rituals and ceremonies connectcd with worship offered to the consecrated images of deities. The cxpression Patipatamt) lappattuaip paincacariyar which occurs frequently in the South Indian Cola inscriptions probably denotes a group of five Brahmins of high rank who performed certain dutics in the innermost sanctum. sanctora of the shrines. The designation Panmahesvarakkankani may bc interpreted as one which denoted a group of Brahmins who supervised the work of Panmaheswarar - Brahmin priests attached to Saivite temples, who were presumably to be found in all Cóla Saivite temples in the island. The Nilaveli inscription for instance mcntions the Panmaheswarar in connection with a land grant made to the temple of Könesvaram. The panmahesvarar at times served as trustees of the temples and in that capacity undertook responsibility for thc endowments made to temples.
The Brahmin settlement at Kantalay was sufficiently large asto be constituted as a Caturvedinańkalam. As scen earlier, like its countcrparts in the Tamil country it had an assembly of its own for thc regulation of its affairs. It may be inferred that the Brahmin settlement which flourished at Padaviya during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries had its origins under the Colas. Brahmins of the Kaundinya gotra seem to have lived in Padaviya during this period. A short inscription on a bronze bell recovercd from Padaviya mentions that the bell was donated (to a shrine) by a person who belonged to the Kaundinya gotra. The members of this gotra were also perhaps to be found among the Tamils settled at Vinnantai in ko , ūrmā țu, a territorial division in the island. Two South Indian inscriptions record the benefactions made by residents of Vinnantai in Kot turnau to
49. SI, Vol. IV: 1388 50. Unpublished. 51, CTI, pt. I, pp. 74 - 75
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52 TE KINGDoM oF JAFFNA
the temple of kuttalam in Tinnevelly in India. The interest shown by the residents of Vinnantai in Sri Lanka to a temple in kuttalam may perhaps suggest that they were immigrants from Tinnevelly. Vinnantay and koi ur natu in iam cannot be identified at present. In South India, however, there was a locality called Vinnantay. A certain kauniyan of Vinantay is mentioned in Cankam literature. The name Vinnantai was presumably applied to a village in kofurnau after the settlement of immigrants from Viquantay in South India. Since Cankam literature associates the Kaundinya gotra with Vinnathtay and because members of that gotra were to be found in Padaviya during this period one may be tempted to suggest that Brahmins of the Kaundinya gotra were involved in the growth of a Tamil settlement at Viņņantay in Koțürnāțu in illam.
The substantial architectural and iconographic remains of the Cola period presuppose the employment of architects, sculptors and other artisans taken from the Tamil country. As the Hindu temples and the images of deities of the Hindu pantheon had to be made according to the rules prescribed by technical works of Silpa sastra, it may be assumed that such work was undertaken by artisans familiar with such work and with a long tradition of building temples and casting icons in stone and metal. As the Cola monuments and icons in the island are unmistakably in the Cola School of art it may be inferred that they were produced by artisans sent from the Cola dominions in India where the temple building activities of the Cóla rulers had led to the development of sophisticated techniques in the fields of architecture and sculpture. That such techniques were also introduced into Sri Lanka is evident from the high artistic and distinctively Cola character of Siva devale No. 2 in Polonnaruwa and the bronzes and other icons recovered from the remains of Siva devale No. 5 in that town.
The remains of a substantial number of Cóla temples and icons would suggest that the Cola settlements in the island had sufficiently adequate economic resources to construct and sup
S2. ARE, 1917, 18, 454 of 1917 53. CTI, pt. I, pp. 74 - 75
TlF, CÖLAS IN SRI I,A N K A 53
port temples. But in the absence of adequate information, it is difficult to ascertain what they were and how they were mobilized The mercantile class which was wealthy was largely indencindent of the government and acquired its wealth through its own efforts. It could channel part of its surplus wealth to institutions meant for public use. Among the others, only the official and military classes could have stifficient resources part of which could be directed for cultural and religious activities. The Brahmins, artisans and others, irrespective of their numbers and influence, were economically dependents of the three dominaint classes, namely merchants, officials and the soldiers.
Thc construction of many medium sized temples and their endowments suggest that the Cola settlements had sufficient cconomic resources at their disposal. Evidence from incriptions suggest that the endowmcnts to the temples were made hy the government as well as by individuals.o The landgrants. given to the temples of Rajarajeswaram at Maintai and Maccakesvaram (Konesvaram) at Trincomalee were made by the government. Private donations to religious institutions were mostly in the form of lamps, bells, cattle and money. Such grants, which were at times impressive, suggest that persons serving in the official and military establishments had agricultural resources and sources of monetary income. Private donations of land by Cola officials, although rare, may suggest that they held land grants assigned to them by the government.
Religious conditions: Hinduism and Buddhism
The Colas being ardent Saivites were great patrons of induism in South India. The period of their rule which covercal nearly four centurics was the 'Silver age of South Indian Hinduism'. The most remarkable development in
54. "Two incriptions, frorn Sankili Kanada rawa and . V akada, show that the general Jayatnu ri nā tālvān and Arahkan i råjecnn had enh had land grants to the extent of ono veli two separate trooples.
The Colas, pp. 630 - 637
5
5
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54 TE KINGDOM oF JAFFNA
Hinduism during the Cola period was the rise of the temple as a great centre of religious, social and cultural activity. The ; successive Cola rulers constructed a large number of monumental temples in all parts of the Tamil country. The temple movement spread eveh to the subject kingdoms where many Saivite and Vaishnavite tcimples were set up and in their organization they were modelled on those in the Cola country.
Inscriptions and other archaeological matcrials show that many temples were constructed in those parts of the island where Tamils had settled in considerable numbers during the period of Cola rule. The names of some of these have been preserved for posterity in the texts of inscriptions. Of thc two temples that are known to have been built at Matóttam one was named Rajarajesvaram while the other was called Tiruvirāmis varam. In the town of Padaviya Swhich was one of the important Cola strongholds the remains of a few Saivite temples and inscriptions have been found The partially damaged long inscription of Rajaraja I from Padaviya mentions the temple called ravikulamanikkesvaram.' Four short inscriptions which could be assigned to the period of Cõla rule on palaeographic considerations show that Siva Devale No. 1 was a Cola monument.' An inscription from Madirigiriya reveals that there was a Saivite temple called Paņdita Cöla - isvaram at Nittavinātapuram which was patronized by the Colas in the reign of Rajendra
I 60
in Polonnaruwa, which was the principal seat of Cola administration, the remains of no less than sixteen Hindu temples have hitherto been brought to light. Some of them
50. Vijayalaya Colesvararn, Muvar-kovil, Rajarajesvaram (Thf Great temple), Gangai konta Colesvaram, Airavatesvaram ( of Darãsurann) and Tribhuvanesvaram (of Kunnlohakonarn) aro some of the most outstanding Cöla monuments.
57. SII, vol. Iv: 1412. 1414 13
58. ET, pt. I, p. 34
59. CTI, pt. II, pp. 23 -- 24
60. ET, pt. 1, p.27
TIE CõLAS UN SRI LANKA 55
were constructed during the period of Cola rule. Identification of Cula temples has been possible only in cases of architectural remains where Cola inscriptions have been found. For instance Siva devales No.2 and No. 5 have been easily identified as C6ta monuments because Cola in o scriptions have been found amidst their remains. Siva
Devalc No.2 was called Vanavanmate visvaram after the quccin mother of Rajendra . No inscriptions which record thc names of the other Cola temptes which were in y Polonnaruwa have survived.
An inscription dated in the 28th regnal year of Rajendra from Atakada mentions the temple called Uttama Colesvaram, which was named presumably after the predecessor of Rajarija I. 6. It is possible that the temples "Vijayarāja-isvaram at Kantalay and Vikkiramacalameka isvaram at Makal were originally Cola temples which were renamed during the period of the Sinhalese rulers. Apart from constructing incw temples in their strongholds the Colas seem to have also supported the older temples of , efC) V.
Two recently discovered inscriptions from Manafikeni and Nilaveli in the Trincomalee district show that the templc of Kōņēs varam was patronized by the Cōlas. The inscription of the Cõļa prince called Ilańkēsvaratēvar from Mānānkeņi mentions Macakešvaram vhich was another hame for Konesvaram. It may be assumed that the missing portions of this fragmentary inscription contained the details of some grant made by the Cola prince to this temple. 61. SII, Vol. IV: 1388 62. SII, Vol. IV: 1411 63. A 12th contury Tamil inscription from Kantajay refers to the templo of Ten Kailasam otho wis callod Sri Wijayarāja i sva - ran at Vijayaraja Caturvedinahkalam. An inscription of Mānābharaņa II, dated in the 8th year of Jayabāhu ( 1 1 10 — l4) refers to the temple of Wikkiranacalamekaj svaran See EZ, Vol. III, p. 310 and vol. IV, p. 19. 64. 8. Guna singham, Kōņēs varam (Perudeniya, 1973), pp. 55-63,
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56 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
The fragmentary epigraph from , , ilā vei , . which could be assigned to the Cola period on palaeographic and other considerations records a grant of 250 vei of irrigable and non-irrigable land in the localities called Urakirikiml Kirikanta and Kirikama to the Saivite temple of Maccakesvaram on thc promontory of Tiru kōņa numalai.’’
The Koņecar kalvelu, a work which purports te giv: an account of the temple of Konesvaram seeins to perpetuate the memory of some Cola activities in Trinco inace'“ The account of Kulakkottan is a major theime in the Könecar Kalvctu. Kulakköttan is associated with the origins of some Tamil settlements in Trincin):a::c and the reorganization of its scrvices. The traditions centering ot) Kulakkottain came to be overlaid with legends and events of later date in the course of their transmission from generation to generation.
Kulakkottain appears to have been a ruler who exercised authority over Trincomalee and the localities surrounding it. His grant of a very large extent of paddy fields, his construction of a major irrigation work and the reclamation of lands carried out under his orders, as claimed in the tradition, imply that he exercised power and authority over that region. The Kulakkotan traditions assume a new importance in the light of the recent epigraphic discoveries in the Trincomalee district which provide a historical basis. for their interpretation. There are some considerations. which strongly suggest that the KÖnecar Kalvettu contains a substratum of traditions relating to the period of Cola rule. Firstly, the Cola inscriptions from the Trinconnalee district show that a Cola prince who exercised authority over the areas included in the Trincomalee district had taken an interest in the affairs of Maccakesvaram whereas the chronicle claims that Kulakkottan who rebuilt Konesvaram and re-organized its institutions was of Côla descent and was ruling over Trincomalee and the surrounding
65. The author is thankful to s. Gunnsingham who game fer his'
pcrusal on s stampago of this unpublishcd inscription. G6. KK, pp. 2 — — 6, 40) — - 42
TIE CöLAS 1N. SR LANKA 57
localities. Secondly, the land grants made by the Colas seem to bc similar in magnitude to the cylic claimed to have becn granted by Kulakkottan. The inscription from Niiveli records a grant of 2,700 a manam of sowing capacity. Thirdly, tradition claims that Kulakkottan brought several families from various social groups in thc Cola country and established settlements around the temple of Kópesvaram. Such a tradition is consistent with the pattern of Tamil settlements that arose in the other regions of the island during the period of Cò la rule.
The temples set up by the Colas as could be judged from their architcctural remains werc (f modest proportions. They consisted of the garbhagriha, altarala, ardhamandapa, mandapa and some times the Mahamandapa as in Siva: devale No. 5 in Polonna ruwa. They werc generally of modest proportions, unlike the principal Cola shrines in South India, and were mostly of brick construction. The only known exception is the Siva devale No.2 in Polonnaruwa which was constructed with dressed slabs of grarite boulders. The latter which is an elegant temple in the best tradition of Cola art is the only Cola monument in the island which has survived the ravages of man and nature.
There are strong grounds to suppose that the Siva devale No. 5 was designed to be a sepulchr al monumcnt ; Eight pots containing human bones were cxhumed along with the walls both inside and outside of thc Mahamandapa. In South India some of the early Cola temples, Vijāyalaya Caļēsvaram, Adityësvaram and Ariñjikai-isvarann were constructed as sepulchral monument s.o Hannan skeleta ) remains have becn found underneath the garbhagrha of such monuments which were generally referred to as payippatai in inscriptions. The Siva devale No. 5 at Polonnaruwa, presumbly, was a similar monument--a pallippatai.
A large variety of icons, in stone and metal, have been recovered from the remains of Hindu temples, notably Sivay 67, ibid. --- SSSS SSSS
68. ASCAR, 1908, p. 8. 69. The Coas, pp. 142 - 143. 153. 53.
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58 E KNGOOM OF JAFFNA
devales No. 1 and No. 5 in Polonnaruwa. The first of these is believed to be a post Cola structure. But among the ruins of the other shrine, which was constructed during the period of Cola rule, eight items of statuary in stone and nineteen bronzes, have been found.7 They include the figures of Nataraja, Ganesa, Wisnu, Daksina murti, kali, Sapta matris - the seven divine mothers, and the scven Saktis. Thesc icons give some idea of contemporary Saivite conceptions of the Hindu pantheon r
A notable feature of Saivism during the Cola period
in S6th India was the great honour and position accor
-ded to the Saivite saints in temple worship and literary
tradition. The revival and the rapid growth of Saivism to
'a position of ascendancy in the Tamil country was largely
due to the work of these saints. The Saivite saints, most
of whom were", of the Pallava period, wandered from place
to place, mingled with the people freely and sang hund
reds of melodious verses in praise of the many forms. of
Siva enshrined in numerous temples throughout the entire
land. Their movement had a wide emotional appeal and the monotheistic Bhakti cult preached by the Tamil Saints was
'claimed to be based on the teachings of the four Vedas.
Most of the hymns of the Saivite Saints are said to have
been collected and classified by Nampiyānar Nampi in the feign of Rajarāja I. His collection with later additions
came to be known as the Tirumurai - the sacred canon of the Tamil Saivites The. hymns of Nanacampantar, Appar,
Cuntarar and Manikkavacakar, whom tradition reckons as the four principal exponents of Saivism in the Tamil coun
try, constitute the bulk of this collection
In the Cola period the collection of hymns called Tirumurai were placed on an equal footing with the four Vedas and thus it became the sacred literature of the Saivites in the Tamil country. Arrangements were made, espeicially by the members of the Côa family, for the regular recital of hymns selected from this collection in all leading
70. ASCAR, 1908, p 7
THE COLAS IN SRI LANKA 59
temples. The inscriptions of Rajendra I show that there was a separate body of royal cfficials to organize this work in the temples. The recital of hymns from the Tirumurai became a regular feature of religious activity in all temples irrespective of their dimensions and the strength of their resources. In such circumstances, the authors of the hymns - the Nayanmar, loomed large in the minds of thc pious and credulous devotees. They camc to be regarded as superhuman beings and were conceded almost divine status. The bronze images of the most important Saivite Saints were installed in the temples and were offered worship. The bronze images of sonne of the leading Saivite Saints discovered in the premises of the Cola tenples in Sri Lanka reveal that the worship of Saivite saints was also introduced in the Cola settlements in Sri Lanka,
Archaeological remains at Natamar Kovil reveal that the ancient shrine at Velgam Vehera was patronized by Tamils during the period of Cola rule. No less than fifteen Tamil inscriptions of the Cola period have hither to been recovered from this site.7 Some of these inscriptions show that velgam Vehera, situated in Abhayāsraya Vaļanātu otherwise called Rajendracinka Valanau and Parakécari Valanau, had another name, Rajarajapperumpal i72. In conformity with the general practice of naming Hindu temples constructed by members of either the royal family or the official hierarchy after the names or epithets of kings, their queens and princes, the Buddhist institution at Velgam Vehera was named after Rajaraja. The excavations undertaken in recent times at this site show that this establishment was rebuilt during the period of Cóla rule. The extensive architectural remains show that the structure had as its principal components a monastery and a pratimāghāra - an image house."o
The architectural remains are of special interest because this monument, in its style and composition, o differed funda -
71, ASCAR, 1953, pp. 9, 12: ET, pt. I. p. 37. 72. ET, pt. I, pp. 44 - 45, 48. 73. ASCAR, 1953, pp. 9 — 12.
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60 THE KNG DOM OF JAFFNA
mentally from all other Buddhist cdifices in the island. Architecturally the Rajarajapperumpalli was a Cola monu
ment. Almost all the benefactors whose gifts are recorded in inscriptions recovered from this site appear to have becn Tamils. Some of them held high positions in the administration as suggested by their epithets while the rest were commoners. An analysis of thc items donated to this in Stitution also seems to confirm the vicw that the Rajarajappcrumpalli was supported by persons in different levels of conomic and social status and influence.
The gifts that were made to this Buddhist institution consisted of cows, buffaloes, money arnd lamps. Such gifts, made for the purpose of burning lamps in the shrine, were intended to secure merit for the donces. Cattle were given over to the institution so that lamps could be burnt perpetually from the ghee produced out of the milk obtained from those animals and their progeny. The institution which was the recipient of such gifts presumably had the facilities for rearing cattle and for the investment of money received in the form of donations. In this respect the Rajarajappcrumpai seems to have shared the charactcristics of the other Buddhist monasteries in Sri Lanka.
The fact that Velgam Vehera was renamed after the Cola Monarch, Rajaraja, may suggest that it received Cola support and recognition. Another consideration in support of the vicw that the Rajarajapperumpa Ji had enjoyed government support is the inclusion of the prasasti of Rajendra Cola I in some inscriptions found in its remains. The prasasti or historical introduction was usually prefixed to the texts of official documents issued by the kings or the court officials. The inclusion of the prasasti in the texts of some of these inscriptions shows that the institution was supported by officials serving in the Cola administration. A further consideration which suggests official involvement in the transactions relating to this palli is the support it received from persons who could be regarded as oficials of the Cila
74. ET. pt 1. pp. í ! - 42. 45, 18.
T1 E CõLAS IN SRI LANKA 6
government. Atittan of Palavan Putuk kıți who made a dona'tion to this institution had the title Peraraiyan, which signi. fied a rank in the Cola administration. Another donor was
Amutan cattan, an official in the service of the Cola government, 7
75. Ibid, p. 4): CTI, pt. I, pp. 14 - 15, 1U.
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III
Tamil Settlements in the Polonna ruwa Kingdom
The Tamil settlements which had sprung up in several parts of the island in the preceding centuries continued to flourish during the Polonnaruwa period. Close contacts between the kingdoms of South India and Sri Lanka, especially in the fields of commerce and Culture, led to furthcr. migrations of Dravidians resulting in the growth of some new settlements in the island. Under Vijayabahu I and his successors the Tamil settlenents were smoothly integrated into the political and social systems of the country. Several Taunils held positions of power and influence in the administration and thc army. The designation Damiadhikara was borne by several dignitaries during this period and this may suggest that the number of Tamils in royal Service was much larger than in carlier times.
A remarkable feature of this period was the degree of harmony that was maintained between the two major conmunities; Sinhalese-Tamil relations were, perhaps, more harmonious than ever. Even the historical writings of this period are relatively frce of racial bias and this is all the more remarkable as the restoration of Sinhalese sovereignty was achieved after decades of warfare againt the Colas who had occupied a major part of the island.
The main achievements of the Polonnaruwa period were confined to the reigns of three rulers namely, Vijayabahu I (1055-1110), Parakramabahu I (1153-1186) and Nissankamalla
1. αν 69 , 6, 15: 19-20, 70 και 30.
TAML SETTLEMENTS IN TI POLONNAR UWA KINGDOM 63
(1887-1196). The reign of Vijayabâhu was essentially one of reconstruction. He revived the traditional system of administration and restored a number of irrigation works and religious monuments which were found to have been in a state of disrepair. The Buddhist monastic orders were reconstituted and revived and the stage was set for the resurgence of Buddhist intellectual and artistic activity.? Close connections were established with Burma and some of the Indian kingdoms including Kalinga. Vijayabahu married Trilokasundari, a Kalinga princess, and also Lilavati-who was of Rajput Lineage. His sister Mitta was married to a Pandya prince who seems to have had a C6'a princess as his second.
consort.“
Since the reign of Vijayabahu the power struggle that developed between his son, Vikramabahu (I 12-1132), and his cousins led to the division of the kingdom. When Jayabihu, a brother of the previous ruler, was consecrated as king in Polonnaruwa, the rank of Yuvaraja was conferred on Manabharana and not on Vikramabāhu who according to custom had the strongest claim to it. Vikramabahu who was governing Rohana Soo in proceeded to Polonnaruwa, dislodged his rival cousins and their protege, the monarch Jayabahu, from power and brought Rajarata under his control. ânăbharaņa II and his two brothers, Siri Megha and Siri Val
2. As thore was not a sufficient number of ordained monks in the
island Vijayabahu had several thoras brought from IBurma Rind. under thoir direction many individuals wore ordained and admitted to tho order. Besides, Vijayabahu is said to have supported all the throo sects liberally. see UCHC I (ii) pp. 563-564.
3. Lilavati who became the Mahesi of Vijayabahu was a daughter of Jagati pala who had cqnne from Ayodhya and ruled over Rohana for a short period, when the Clas held sway over the rest of the island. CV. 59: 23-25, 29-30. Α'
4. The evidenco from a Tamil inscription from Budumuttava suggests that Cuntamalliyavar, a daughter of Kulottunga Coatovar, was a consort of the Pandya Prince who was the fathor of Manabharana I, See S. Paranavitana 'Two Tamil Pillar Inscriptions from Budumunttäva.” EZ II, pp, 302-3l2.
5. ᎤᎳ , Ꮾ1:Ꮞ
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64 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
labha acquired power over the rest of the island. The principality of Dakkhilades a correspending to the Western and North Western provinces and a part of Sabaragamuva came under thc rule of Mãnãbharana whereas R. ^haạt correspondiạg to Uva and the Southern and Eastern provinces was divided between his two younger brothers. Siri Megha took the South-Western portion of it whilc the other half of the principality was assigned to Siri Vallabha. Thc succession war waged by Minabharaa and his associates against Vikramabahu proved to be inconclusive and the latter remained in firm control of Rajarata which at that time was the most productive and populous part of the island. The methods of guerilla warfare adopted by the combatants of either side caused considerable damage to agriculture, irrigation and society. Besides, they produced a sense of insecurity among the ruling classes, privileged orders aid the people living in the frontier districts.
The wars waged by Parakramabahu I, the son of Manabharaa, (ed to the re-unification of the whole island. He was the greatest monarch of medieval Sri Lanka and in traditional. iiistory his reign is chronicled in epic proportions. Barakramabahu excelled as an organizer, administrator and builder. Numerous irrigation works were restored during his reign while Several Lew ones including the giant Parakramasamudra were constructed. The irrigation works of Parakramabahu had led to un precedented agricultural prosperity. The surplus revenues enabled the ruler to undertake the construction of numerous buildings, provide public amenities and maintain a large and composite army. In art he initiated a phase of development characterized by the construction of monuments of gigantic proportions. Parākramabāhu made his power fit outside the island; he sent a navel expedition against a ruler of Burma, Alaungsithu otherwise called Bhuvanaditta, and actively intervened in the war of Pangya succession in South India. The work of Parakrama was continued by his nephew, Nissankamalla, a prince who had come from Kalinga in India and who was the last great ruler of Polon
at Wa.
Du ing the Polonnaruwa period the Sinhalese court had close contacts with several kingdoms in India and South East Asia and as a result of such contacts the ruling classes
TAMIL SETTLEMENTS 1N THE POLONNAR UWA KINGDOM 65
ecame receptive to foreign influences. The ideas, traditions and institutions of foreign peoples were adopted and assimilated
In this period monarchy was supported by an ideology of state power which emphasized the heroic and superhuman qualitics of the king. The traditional theocratic conception which stressed the unity of the monarchy, the Buddhist Sangha and the Sinhalese nation was considerably modified by ideas of kinship that were fashionable in certain contemporary societies. The court of Polonnaruwa seems to have been imbued with and animated by ideas which emphasized that the monarch was superhuman and potentially divine. Such a conception of state had the effect of enhancing royal power and authority in a society that had lost its homogeneity owin
to the penetration of Hindu influences at all levels of socie
and in successive stages. -
un
Archaeological evidence reveals that society in Sri Lank
was heterogeneous during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Architectural and iconographic remains and inscriptions show that the population in important towns like Polonnaruwa, Padaviya, Kantalay, Pindu-vas-nuwara and in several other localities in Rajarata, in the northern part of Dakkhinadesa and in the eastern littoral was a mixed one-Sinhalese and Tamil. The art and architecture of this period such as they appear to have been from extant remains, represent two culturesBuddhist and Hindu-which flourished together and in general harmony. The engraving of Tamil inscriptions recording the transactions of the Sinhalese rulers with their Tamil subjects would also suggest that the Tamils were an important and influential section of society.
As we enter the Polonnaruwa priod Archaeology and literature shed much welcome light on the social and cultural life of the Tamils living in the island. Yet our knowledge of the Tamil settlements in the Polonnaruwa kingdom remains vague and incomplete owing to the limitations of the source
6. The Culavamsa devnies twenty eight chaptes to the reign of
Prākramabāhu.
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: 66 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
inaterials. We have no means of determining the proportion of the Tamils and other Dravidians in the population of the island as the sources pertaining to the pre-colonial history of Sri Lanka are totally deficient in statistical information. Besides, the evidence from extant sources relates to merchants, warriors, Brahmins and artisans who were among thc most important aid influential groups in society. The mercantile communities presumably formid th: most important section of the Tamil settlers in the island.
Mercantile Communities
The settlement of Tamil nerchants in large numbers in the island was a result of the active commercial intercourse between Sri Lanka and the Tamil kingdoms of South India. From ancient times Sri Lanka had had trade relations with several other countrics but the life-line of her economy was her trade with South India. She was dependent on South India for her import of textiles and metals while some of her most valuable products such as pearls, gems, ivory and spices were taken to the South Indian ports, from where they were re-cxported to many parts of the world. The Indo-Ceylon trade was . largely in the hands of traders opcrating from Malabar and the Coromandal during this priod of , growing commerce among the littoral countries of the ndian Ocean. Since the teath century the South Indian mercantile communities which were organised on a corporate basis had gained a foot-hold , in Sri Lauka." As they had reach cd their high st stage of development, during the time when the Cola and Calukya empires were attle peak of their power and prospcrity, these mercantile communities had intensified their activities in the island and in several other countries outside India.
Their growing strength and influence in Sri Lanka during the eleventh and twelfth centuries were due partly to the pace of economic development and the relatively higher degree of material prosperity that were sustained in the island at
۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔
7. Reo Chaptor II.
AML SETTLEMENTS IN THE POLDNNARUWA KINGOOM 67
*ihat time and partly to the support and encouragement they received from the local rulers. Vijayabâhu I and Parakramabahu I are said to have taken steps to promote trade with foreign countries with a view to augmenting their resources, and the latter even issued an edict guaranteeing protection to the Paradesis, a group of foreign merchants, who brought elephants and horses to the port of Uratturai (Kayts for the king.
A remarkable feature of thc mercantile communities of South India is their role in political and administrative organization. They were essertially autonomous communities
enjoying specific privileges and immunities and in this respect their townships were in some respects similar to the free cities of medieval Europe, They were in most cases constituted as separate administrative units governed by the mercantile classes. In such uaits the mercantile communities had their twn arrangencints for providing public security, settling disputes and collecting revenue. Such a system was consistent with ths Indian political tradition, which generally favourcd die volution of power and authority. Another important feature. of these communities is the corporate basis of their organization and activities as in the case of the contemporary territorial assemblies in local governmeh. In all important natters prtaining to the whole community resolutions were adopted atter summoning representative gatherings of the members.
"; hic Dravidian mercantile communities which are refcrred to in inscriptions in various localities of the island are the Ticai Ayiravar Añiñür ruvar, the Nānādesis, the Vira'Valañciyar, bc Virakkoti, the Cettis, the Cettiputras, the Paradesis and : hic Nakarattār. Most of these- communities seem to have been found at several places in the island and are referred to in several inscriptions. The Ayyavoie, otherwise called the
s. K. Indrapala, "The Nainativu Tair il Inscription of Parakramabohu I' Univorsity of Ceylon Review, XXI, No.1, April 1903. P.70. 4. "B", W. Malhalingam, South Indian Polity, (Madras, 1955) p. 332. A. Appadorai, Economic Conditions of South India (Madras) p.401-402
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68 - The KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Ticai Ayiravar Aihfitirruvar, occupied a leading position among: the Dravidian mercantile groups settled in the island and their activities were more widespread than those of any other mercantile group. Epigraphic records set up by the Ayyavole have
been brought to light in several localities in the littoral and
the central parts of the island. Their settlements or tjading establishments were to be fourd at Polonnaruwa, Anuradhapura, ladaviya, Vā halkada Vilharehinna, Detiyamulla, Galtcnpitiya, A. nauiundāva, llakkātu Eba, Ataragalla and Kalutara. "o
The Ayyavole merchants in Sri Lanka, like their COInc. terparts in Scuth India, had the privilege of prefixing their epigraphic records with a Prasasti giving a brief account of - their origins, affiliations and activities. Like the military community of Velaikkirar the Ayyavole were a composite group consisting of a number of communities some of whom were microantile while the rest belonged to a Variety of other professional groups. The Prasastis of their inscriptions sound. in the island mention the mercantile communities of the vira Valaficiyar, the Virakkoti, the Cettis and the Ceț țiputras as . their associates. The Ticai Ayiravar Ainurruvar 'probably enjoyed a supreme position among the Dravidian mercantile communities and the fact that they alone among the mercantile classes were conceded the right of using a Prasasti Suggests that they held a pre-eminent position in society. They were, certainly, the leaders of a confederate body the formation of which represented the highest stage in the development of corporate activity in South Indian commerce.
The Vira Valañciyar, corresponding to the Vira Baņigas of the Canarese inscriptions, came next to the Annurruvain order of importance in Social affairs. Their intimate conce. tions with military conn) unities is borne out by the slab. inscription of the Velaikkiras from Polonnaruwa. They were Sunmoned to the meeting of the "Great Army dominated by
10. D. M. cle Wickr n is singhe, "The slab Inscription marked J), 8 of .
Qucen L.ilavati EZ, I p. lS0, CTI, I, pp, 44-57, 74, 7-22 1. SII, IV: 1393. WM
TAML SETTLEMENTS IN TIE POLONNAR U WA KINGDOM 69.
the Velaikkirar when the latter accepted responsibility for protecting and maintaining the Tooth Relic temple a Polonnaruwa during the first half of the twelfth century. As the Valanciyar are referred to in this inscription as "our elders' ‘by a section of the Velaikkarar it may be inferred that Valaficiyar were this acknowledged, leaders of one of the Wo sections-Valaikai and Ilankai-into which all Dravidian a communities were divided in medieval times.'
The Valanciyar merchants living in the island during this pariod had become so naturalized as to be referred to as Tennilankai Valanciyar, she Valanciyar of Southern Lanka's in contemporary South Indian inscriptions. Two South Indian 'inscriptions, one from Nannilam Taluk in Tanjore and the other from Tittandapuram from Ramnad, provide evidence of the activities of the Valaiciyar of Sri Lanka in the Tamil country. The Valanciyar were evidently one of the important communities which participated in the Indo-Ceylon trade during this period.“ - -
The Ninadesis, another Dravidian mercantile community, are referred to in at least four inscriptions in the island. One of these, a Sinhalese inscription of the reign of Queen Lilavati, shows that the Ninadesis had a settlement at Anuradhapura where they collected the dues at the customs post and maintained an alms hall. The other three are Tamil inscriptions of the Ayyavole at padaviya, Viharehinna and Detiyamulla, where the Nanádesis were to be found in association with the Ainin ürcuvar. Besides, it may b2 inferred that they had a settlement at Vahalkada as that town was named after them.
The Virakkoti was yet ano. her inuportant trading commuinity in Sri Lanka during this priod. They were often found in association with the Afifi urruvar and are referred to in
l2. ilbidi.
3' ARE, 1927 p. 93: ARE; 1922, No. 505: p. 32 14. i bidil 15. EZ, I, No. 14.
Page 44
70 T - E 3 I ND ) M Co Aoo Ni A
four Tamil inscriptions at Vaha'kada, l'adaviya, Galtenpiliy:: - and Magalkcgi." General y referred to as patinenpümi Virakkotiyar, thc Vrakkoti of the cighteen lands, they took it prominent part in the activiti2s of the Anitirruvar. Son: inscriptions of the A inin vir i v var mcntion the work done by the: Virakkoti on thir bahal. The not uncommon currency of the prsonal name Weerakody among the Sinhalese provides some indication of the cxtent of their influence on Medieval society. Thc V. rakkoji sccm to have bc.cn assimilatcd into the Sinhalcse population in the course of time. .
The Celtis and the Ce:tiputras arc two other trading communities mentioned in some of thc inscriptions in the island. The Celis' who seem to have been a caste of trader: (as they are in modern times), arc of cn described as patinell pūņi nāc cettis. Ce! ti was also a generic term which, denoted a trader. There arc instances where some of Nanadesis and /Ainñürru var have heen referrcd to as Ceti.* The Nagarattár, a leading mercantile community in the Tamil Country in modern times, had a widc distribution (vci in medieval South India and were mainly concerned - with internal trade. They do not, however, seem to have settlecl. in large numbers in the market towns of the Polonnaruwa kingdom although in course of time, especially after the decline of the corpc rate commercial organizations, the Celtis of the Nagarattar community acquired for themselves a considerable share of the Indo-Ceylon trade. The Paradesis referred to in the Nainativu inscription of Parakramabahu scem to. have been confined to the ports and were presumably engaged. for the most part in the island's foreign trade. They are mentioned in the South Indian inscriptions as one of thc many communities associated with the Aiii tiruvar.
16. sce CTI . J. p. 54, CTI. n. I. pp. 8, 20. - The inscrip ion fron ,
Mannike its not y't he lished.
.55 ,d ؟. ,{:5 ,(t , l, plرCTI, l .7[
J8, CTI, pt. I, puy. r. 24.
TAM, STILMENTS N T E POLONNARUWA NINGOOM 7 I
in the compositic group dominated by the Ayyavoc the warriors were, in Sri Lanka as elsewhere, an important element. A very large number of armed retainers seem to have been maintained by the Ayyavole merchants; their inscriptions in the island mention the military communities of Konkava lar, lañcińlkavirar, Ańkakkārar, Erivirar, Munaivirar as well as the valankaip perumpatai which were in their service.'. Besides, thc references to the Valanciyar Cenapati and the Valaikaiyantán in thc inscriptions show that the Ayyavole settled at Valhalkada, Padaviya, Viharehinna and other places had large numbers of armed retainers under the charge of commanders. Such retainers protected their caravans, merchandisc and other belongings on their journeys and helped to maintain authority over territorial units that had come. under their charge. The artisans formed yet another important clement in some of the settlements established by the Ayyavolc and other mercantile communities. The artisans made jewels, metallic artefacts and other items of merchandise,
in Sri Lanka, during the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Ayyavole and other Dravidian mercantile communitics were found in substantial numbers and in sufficient strength to constitute townships which were autonomous like those of their counterparts in South India. The settlement of thc Ticai Ayirattu Aiurruvar at Vahalkada, which is referred to as Kalianeri in their inscription, was constituted as a Nana teciya Virapatinam.' Another settlement which developed into such a mercantile town was Ayyampolil pattinam at Padaviya. Similar towns appear to have flourished in the neighbourhood of Pandu-was-nuwara, the premier town of Dakkhinadesa, and at Vilharehinna in the Matale district. The reference to a patinerpumip pastinappatai, a pathway leading to the town of the merchants from the eighteen countries in an inscription at Detiyamulla suggests that there was a mercantile town dominated by either the Aniurruvar or their 19. CTI pl. I, pp 53, 5,56. 2. ibid, p. 54.
. CTI, pt. II, p. 20.
Page 45
THE NT NG DOAi ()F TAFF:NA
2 sso:ates sp.: where a T3. Pagd- va s-nu vara. The inscrip. tion of tha. A firguvar at Viharenna mintions a Virapattinal and in fact refers to the establishment of a great town which appears to have acquired some form of political authority.'
The units called Virapattinam, which were mainly settlements of merchants, mercenaries and other professional groups affiliated with mercantile interests. had markets in them and were to some extent centres of production where artisans manufactured certain items of merchandise. They were the principal strongholds of the Ayyivole and other mercantile bodies from where traders want out in all directions with their pack-bulls distributing and collecting items of merchandise.
The tavalam, another centre of commercial activity often mentioned in the inscriptions of the Ayy, ivole, was a place where traders met priodically for the distribution and collection of merchandisc. The inscriptions of the Ainur ruvar at Valhalkada, Wilharehinna and other sites, refer to prosperous Celtis and Celtiputras who engaged in commercial transactions at the taivaiams. The Tamil and other Dravidian mercantile Communities in the island seen to have set up tavalams at SCVeral places in the island during this period and in course of . time the word tavalam crept into Sinhalese usage.
The fact that the Ayyavole and their associates had settlemints at several localities in the interior parts of the island and the evidence from their inscriptions about their commercial activities show that they had secured for themselves a considerable share of the island's interial and external trade. , Pepper and other spices seem to have been among the main items of their merchandise. As seen earlier, some of them also brought elephants and hors as for Prakrainabilhu . Presumably they Supplicd uvury articles and it her rare commodities to the court and bought from the rurs commodities which were
22. it id., p. 6, 23. A Virapaţţina a is in lioncil i' this inscrition found at Vihre
hina. Se? (T, i , op. 5-57,
TA MTL sETTLEME:', rS IN THe PoLONNA R : \V A K [NGDo vt 73
royal monopolies. Their leading role in the island's commerce and the privileges and rights conferred on them presuppose close and harmonious relations between them and the state.
Military Communities
The Tamil settlements in the island during this period 'ncluded those of the military communities, which were to be found in greater strength than in earlier times The Velaikkarar and the Akampatis, the most important among these communities were, presumably, the descc.ndants of warriors who had settled in the island when it was under Cola rule.
In South India the Velaikkirar, who were a permanent and dependable body of troops, were usually under special oaths to serve and defend their masters under any circumstances and even at the risk of their own lives. Thry were distinguished by their high sense of loyalty and thrir fighting quality and were widely used as body-guards by kings, princes, feudatories and chieftains. Besides, the Velaikkarar were an effect live fighting force in the Cola armies and in course of time they spread over many parts of the Cola empire. The inscriptions of Rijaraja I and his successors make mention of a number of Valaikkira regiments named after the epithets or titles of Cola kings and princes.
The Velaikkarar were a composite group which included persons of many communities, some of whom held positions of high rank in society. Some Velaikkarar werè feudatory princes: the Vanniyar chiefs of Malayan inifu and the Banas were Velaikkirar. The Bana princess who became the chief quxen of the C51a king Rijaraja III (1216-1253)) is said to have been a Velaikkiri.
24. For details soo Tho Colas, S3cond Edition (Madras 1955;) p 68 and T. V. Minh nlingam, South Indian Polity ( \Il lr ls l') 55) pp. 258 - 269. 25. A RE, 1934-35, pp. 61-63, Nos 25, Si, 88, 90; ARE,
1937/38, No. 38 : SI I VIII: Nos l l 7, 20. 26. The Colas, p. 439.
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74 " " | 1 FE R İNCİLD () Mil ()* JAFFINA
n Sri lanka lie Veaik kā ar vcrc an important group i the aimics of the Sir halcse kings during thc Polor natuwa period. The Culla vamsa resers to them in connection with the rcigns of Wijayabá lh u II, Gajabē hu l I and Parākramabahu I. In the rcign cf Wijayabâ lhu hc Vëllaikkā ar rebellcd a gainst thc iking when he assimbled a force at Māntai to launch an cxpcdition against the Cò a k ing c ( mr. " le r t llic n (ur. ( c c ut to bc a fontdable cinc ard thc projet t d invasic n r g in s t the C. las had to be abandoned. The rcbels for a time secured control over Polonnaruwa and forccd the king to flee to Dakkhina desa. The royal palace was burnt down and Mitta, the king's sister and her childrc 1) sell into rbci hands. The king, however, returned to Polonnaruwa after some time and subdued the rebels with the aid of trcops supplicd by his brother, Virabahu, who was administering the principality of Dakkhinadcsa. The magnitude of the success in the initial phase of their rebellion. suggests that the Velaikkara army in Polonnauwa was a large and powerful one.
Latch, when Gajabâhu li, a gra adson of Vijayabâhu held . Sway over Rajarata, his uncles, Kit Siri Megha and Kit Siri , Vallabha who controlled the rest of the island, managed to bring the Velaikkara army at Polcinnaruwa under their influence. On their instigaticin the Velaikkarar revoltcd against Gajabahu just at the time when he was attacked by his uncles. Gajabahu, however, quelled the rebellion, repellcd the attacks of his rival kinsmen and successfully defended his position in Rajarata. The Velaikkarar are again mentioned in the account of Parakramabahu I recorded in the Culavamsa. During his reign a Velaikkara army is said to have been postcd at Kofiyiram:
o
Inscriptions in Sri Lanka show that the Ve:aikkarar were uscol in the island, as they were in South India, also for the protection and naintcinance of religious institutions. An Epi
27. Cy, G(): 35—44. Y 28. C/. 63: 24-2), 2. C. 74: 44-4.
R.
TAMIL SETTLEMEN'S IN TIF Polon NARUWA KINGDOM 7६
graph of the time of Vijayabahu at Pa'amattai in the Trincomalee district records that a monetary cndowment to the Temple of Ten Kailāsan at Kantalay by a Brahmin widow for the mcrit of her husband was placccd in thc custody of a Velaikkā rara who undcr took to administer thic endowments.o
A major undertaking by thc Velaikkarar was in con incetion with the templc that housed the Tooth Relic in Polonna ruwa. At the request of the ministers of state and the Royal preceptor, Mahathera Mugalan, the Vê a ikkāra r: undertook to protcct and maintain the Tooth Relic temple constructed in the reign of Vijayabahu. They took an oath to the cffect that they would protect by all the means at their disposal the Tooth Relic temple, its treasures, the villages and the people attached to the shrine and all those who sought refuge in the temple and in these villages. A. force was constituted specially for this task by assigning one soldier fron each of the many units of the Velaikkara army fo it. For the maintenance of this force each one efits. nnenbers was assigned a veli of land from the holdings of the Velaik Riirar. Moreover, the Tooth Relic temple was givcn. the rew name Ve: aikkara daiadayapperuapai
The cvidence flom the inscription of the- Velaikkårar stron Polonnauw a shows that their army in Polonna ruwa was.
a large onc consisting of many units. The Vélaikkarar,
presumably, had a permanent settlement in Polonnaruwa, where they were held in high esteem in influential circles whose members wiclided power and aut hority in. the state and. in religious matters.
The Ve: aikkara a my was a conpositic one: persons of di sferent linguistic con mi nities like the Tamils, the Telugus and the Malaya is were to be found within its ranks. The social groups that were included in the Velaikkira army are Cirutanam, Pillaikaltanam and Parivilakkontam A notable feature of the Velaikkara army in Po onnaruwa was that it.
3(). EZ, V: No. 20) 3. Sil. IV: 303.
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76 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
included persons or groups belonging to the Valafikai and the It aikai, the two broad divisions of medieval Tamil society. Another interesting feature was th: corporatic basis of their organization and activities. When the requist regarding the protection and maintenance of the Tooth Relic temple Was made to them a meeting of the Mahatantram, “the Great army, was summoned and resolutions pertaining to that request were made jointly in the assembly of the Velaikkaraf which included all units of their army. Ο
The Velaikkirar settled in Polonnaruwa had some close con lections with mercantile con munitics. Two of the mercantile Connlunities, the Valaficiyar and the Nagarattar, were also invited to the meeting of the Malha-tant ram. In their inscription the Velaikkirar refer to the Valainciyar and the Nagarattar respactively as their mutataikal and as afikaloi u kutivarum nakarattarui jr. However, the precise nature of the relationship between the Velaikkarar and the illericantile communities is not clear, for while the term enkalou kuti varum unkarattaru Jitor translates "those including the - nagarattar who accompany us', the term mutataikal has
Seva ral meanings; it may denote ancestors, elders, leaders. or bencfactors.32 −
-The relatio a ship between the Vēļaikkrar and the Valañi ciylr could by explain cd in three different ways on the basis
32. Commonting on tuis Parannvitana observors: “As tho Valanjiyars arc said to have been tho loadors (mütätni) of tho Valnikköra troops, it night, b) conjoctured thit this later migratod to Ceylon vith the Valanjiyar vyhom thgy sor ved". Nil v kanta Sastri disagroce with this view and romarks: 'Th9 translation of mtitataikal into "lotulers' is not quito accucato; tho word lit orally inoans "grand f:lith Ars”, a tad what is meant calon not bɔ physical d Isc on when it is nuo corporation claiming this relation to not har, dina muust imply si ono kiud of spiritu al or e Institutinol rotati a.” D M. do S. Wickromnsinghe has translatƏd tho word mütã taikat as olders. Soc Paranavitana, “The Polonnaruwa Instription of Vijayabahu I EI, XVIII, p 355: K. A. Nilankunta Sastri, Vijayabahu, The Fiborator of Ceylon', JRAS (B) N. S., IV, 1954, p. 70; EZ, II, p.252.
TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN THE POLONNARuwa KINGDOM 77 .
of our interpretation of the expression Mūtātaikal. Firstly, if the expression is to be understood in its literal sense as ancestOS One has to assume that the implied relationship was one of kinship. As R. C. Majumdar suggests one may find in the Velaikkarar an example of a Kshatriya Sreni the members of which pursued commercial and military activities.. However one should not jump to hasty conclusions on this point since soclcar evidence for the (xister ce cf such a Sreni in medieval South India has hitherto come to light.
Secondly, the interpretation of the word Mittataikal as "leaders' or "elders' would suggest an explanation that may be valid when cne considers the pattern of relationships among the various cc mn unities in medieval Tamil Society. As mentioned earlier, from Medieval times Tamil. society was divided broadly into two blocs, the right hand bloc ard the left hard bloc. Some of the communities which belcnged to either of the two blocs had the members of certain. mercantile communities as their leaders. The Valaficiyar and the Nanadesis were annong the leaders of the Valafikai, while the Nakarattar were ancing the leaders of the lafkai'. As the Velaikkara army in Polonnaruwa included groups which belonged to both the Walshkai and the Ishkai it may be assumed that the Valaficiyar and the Nagarattar were invited to the meeting of the Mahatantram in their capacity as leaders respectively of the valankai and Itafikai divisions of society.
Thirdly, if the expression Mutataikal was used in tie. inscription in a sense different from the ones mentioned. earlier we may be compelled to adopt the view that the Velaikkarar were mercenaries of the mercantile communities and accompanied the latter on their journeys to protect their caravans and merchandise. Such a view may seem to be supported by the reference to the Nagarattar as those who,
acompany the MabātaDtrann.” In medieval Sri Lanka there
33. R. C. Majumdar, Corporate Life in Ancient India, p. 3. 34. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, XVIII, Pp. 198-99.
Page 48
TE KINGl:òM1 of J AI I'NA אור
had been several mercantile communities which alaintainid groups of warriors but there has hitherto been no clear evidence of the Velaikkâtar ever being used as mercenaries by mercantile communities. Moreover, the tone and contents of the inscrip'tion of the Velaikkarar suggest that they were an autonomous group which entered into agreements with othcrs through their leaders. If they had been mercenaries of the nercantile communitics it is unlikely that the ministers of state and the Malathera Mugalan would have made an agreement regarding the footh Relic temple directly with the Mahitantran,
The Akampa is unlike the Velaikkirar were a hoaogeneous community of warriors who in course of time developed into an endogamous caste. In recent times they llave been con. : centrated mainly in the districts of Madurai, Pudukottah aud Arcot in Tamil Nadu.' Akanpati seems to be a compound of the Sanskrit Word ahati meaning day and the Tauli word psi meaning wage and it may, therefore, be inferred that originally (he Alkamp is werc a military commutlity receiving daily wages." In South India they came into prominence under the imperial Colas during the tenth and eleventh . cen:urics.
References to the Akamp is in the sources te'a ing to the Polonnaruwa period are incidental and date from the first half of the twelfth century. A 1) inscription of the time of Gajabãhu [ from Hingurakdanana records ી donation made to a Buddhist shrine by a certain Umpila Ayittan, who belonged to the group of Akampa is Srving under. Gajabhudevar. 37 His successor Parākramabihu, cnployed hundreds 9 Akampati :3. A. F. Co Cox, Manual of North Arcot, I, P.2ill; N; Thiagarajan,
A Manau.nl cf thc Pudulkottai stato, pp. 2 2--203. 3G. Tho orplanation givon by modern foxicograpluora tuat tho expression Akan pairar is a compound of tho T'lumil words akampu (inside or inner opartmont) and a lis' (st rvants) does not soo:n to bo convintring. "h": Tinvill ww ft"vł for “lur nu: o “intor apartncint." is akam nind not, akamptı. Aker il pa!irar crian tot he doived
by comlining tlu wot als zska 'n ruti
7 CII, i. pp. : ... 3: ET. 1. . . . . .7.
fAMIL Shi i LEMBN TS N T t rOLONNARUWA NENGDOM 79
soldiers in his army and they are said to have fought in his foreign campaigns. Nissankamala (87-196) is also known to have maintaind Akampai soldiers." Akampati troops were used in increasing numb3rs by the Siahalese kings in the subsequent periods. The kurukulau was one of the Tamit communities which supplied mercenaries to the Sinhalese kings. T le parasasti of Viraràjendra montions a certain Kurukulattaraiyan annong tha Simaatas of Vijayabihu defeated by the Cola armies. As one of their leaders had attained the position of a feudatory under Vijayabâhu it may b2 inferred that the community of Kurukulam was of som2 importance in society during his reign. Members of this con munity were to be to:ind in increasing numb3rs in the south-western littoral during the post-Polonnaruwa prio and they were gradually assimilated into the Sinhalese population.
During the Polonnaruwa period, as in the tenth century, kic Tamil warriors employed by Sinhalese kings scem to have been placed under the charge of officials called Daniladhikara. There were, for instance, two such dignitaries under Parakraanabahu I. Some of the leaders of these Tamil troops rose to the position of genrrals, Kilivai Apinnarnan* : ind Minlay: 'iyar wire two stich g : trills. Th for incr is known about from an inscriptijn at Kanta lay while this other is said to have led the troops which campaigned in this northwestern littoral.' Yet, another Tamil general was . Matinān paicarai who served under Nissankamalla.
Remuneration to the Tamil military communities in royal -service was geacrally in the form of land assignments given
38. NKS, p. 18.
3). CJSC. (G), II p. 137.
40. El XXI, p. 245. e
4. Two of his genorals, lakkhin and Adicca, had tho designation
Damilādhikara.
«42. S1 II, ' IV: 397.
3. CV, 70: 62.
44. JK. G. Krishnan, “Notos on the Tamil Inscription fronin Pandu
vasnuvara", UCR, XX, No. 1 (April, 1962) p. 15.
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80 TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
on service-tenure. The Velaikkirer, for instance, scen to have held large extents of land and they were able to assign from. their holdings one Veli' of land to each of those who were placed as guards of the Tooth Relic temple. The military communities which received such re. In unelatic n had a stake in land and in course of time a d under changctl circumstances they pre umably bcca me ag it ulı 11 al t. t n m ritie s as was: the casc with tlhc Mo ; kuvar of thc Da, stet in littoral.
Brahmins
The Brahmins wicre an important cle ment in the Tamil settlements that flc ut ished in Rejarata ard the rorthern part of Dakkhinadesa during this period. They were mainly associated with temples where they were required to perform rituals and propitiate the deities. They also conducted at homes. domestic ceremonics which had any religious signific nce. Brahmin influence in Society, however, was not restricted to the Hindu communitics. During this pe 1 iod Sinhalese society became more receptive to Hindu influences than in earlier times. The court generally showed solicitude for tibral mins, through whom it became acquainted with Hindu literature on politics, administration and Warfare. indian treatises on astronomy, astrology, mathematics and medicine were also presumably interpreted to the Sinhalese literati by Brahmins. Some of the 'ulers of this period had blindu rituals and ceremonics regularly performed at court by Brahmins. Vikrama. bahu and Gajabahu are believed to have had Hindu leanings' while Manibharana , Parakramabāhu and Nissankamala, despite their strong leanings towards Buddhism had patronized Brahmins.'
45. A Veli is equivalcnt to 6.74 acres.
46. Siri na Kiriba mune, “The Royal consecration in Medieval Sri Lanka: The 'roblem of Vikramabahu I and Gajabahu Yi'. SLJSAS, I, No. 1 (January, 1976) pp. 13-6.
47. Cy, 62:33, 45, 52; CW 74 : 243,
TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN THE POLONNARUWA KINGDOM 81
inscriptions set up in the eleventh and twelfth Centuries provide some information about two notable Brahmin settle
ments. One was at Kantaly and the other Was the one mentioned in the Tamil inscription at Hingurakdamaa. Te Brahmin settlement called Rajarajacaturvedimaikala lt Kantalay which had had its origins under the Colas, conti. nued to flourish throughout this period with some leaSure of support from the Sinhalese monarchy. Under Vijayabâhu I the original name of this scttlement was changed to Vijayarajã caturvcdinman kalam.** . Some of thc Brahmin rcsidents of the locality seem to have been of Telugu eXtraction. The names of Karāmpacce! tu yajña kiramavittan and his spouse Nankaiccani, which are recorded in the Tamil in Scription at Palamötai in the Trincomalee district, Suggest Some Telugu connections. An inscription of Gajabihu II refers to the Brahmadeya of Kantalay and suggests that its boundaries were re-defined on the king's instruction.9 The same Settles ment is referred to as Caturvedi Brahmapura in the Kantaļāy stone seat inscription of Nissankamalla, who had Cau Sed the Saivite institution of Parvati sattra to be set up in the Sa te locality. Another Brahmin settlement was Jayańkoņța calimeka caturvedimaikalam, referred to in the Tamil epigraph at Mahakirindegama, which could be assigned to the early years of Gajabāhu II. According to this epigraph the Brahmin settlement had, owing to some reason, lost its rights over some land and this land is said to have been bought from a certain Vallapar and handed back to the Brahmins.si
Artisans
The construction and maintenance of many Hindu temples suggest the presence of Tamil artisans familia with the
48. S. Paranavitana, 'A Tamil Inscription from Palamottai” EZ IWr
p. 194
49. CTI, II, p. 37.
50. EZ, II, p. 286.
51. CTI, I, p. 30; EZ, I, p.8
Page 50
&2’ THE KNG DOM (by JAFFNA
techniques of the Dravidian style of architecture. The provenance of many Tamil inscriptions in Rajarata and Dakkhinadesa shows that the services of Tamil artisans trained in the art of stone carving were available whenever inscriptions had to be engraved on stone. There is somc cvidence to show that Tamil artisans were used in the construction of some architectural monuments and works of public utility. Mason's marks with Tamil letters have been found annong the architectural remains of Buddhist monuments in Padawiya and Poonnaruwa. One such monument is the timous Lotus Bath of Parakramabahu in Polonnaruwa. Moreover, a Sinhalese inscription mentions a certain Kanan, Pilantan Wallan in connection, with the construction of a minor irrigation work. Artisans and others were brought from South India during the reign of Parakramabahu for the construction of architectural monuments as sufficient numbers of craftsmen were not sound in the island. The king's general, Lankapura, had sent to the island a large number of Tamils captured by Sinhalese armies which had campaigned in South India.' The people were mostly used for the renovation and construction of Buddhist monuments. T hic Ratnā vali Cctiya was onc of the important monuments which were renovated by Tamil prisoners captured in the war of Plāņçlya succcssion. The Mahat hupa, o one of the major architectural undertakings of Parakramabahu's reign, came to be known as Damia thupa as it was constructed by
Tamils.
A Tamil inscription of Minabharana at Budumutava. suggests that there were Tamil castes of blacksmiths and washermen in Dakkhinadesa during the twelfth century. 55 The inscription records the settlement by five officials of Manabharana of an inter-caste dispute that had a risen over
52. ACSAR for 1954, p. 20 • 53. Ez, var . 54. Cy, 76: 103-104; CV, 77: 103. CV, 78: 76-77. 55. S. Paranavitana, "Two Tamil Pillar Inscriptionfi from Budunaut
tavao EZ, III, No. 33.
A Mt L St TLEMENTS IN THE POLONNARUWA KINGOM 83
certain rights and obligations. The setting up of a Tamil inscription by court officials recordil:g the scttlement of a dispute between blacksmiths and washermen in a predominantly Sinhalesc region suggests that the black Smiths and washermen concerned were Tamils. Gajabahu I scens to have employed Tamils to perform certain services at his court. Some of his palanquin bearers werc Tamils. The Tamil inscription at Mafikafidy mentions a certain Mintan kottan, who was the overseer of the palanquin bearers o' Gajabahu.56
. Social and Religious Conditions
During the Polonnaruwa period the Tamils were found in greater numbers in the island than in earlier times. Archaeological 'vidence scens to suggest that their settlements were mainly concentrated in the north-eastern and north-western littorals and in the interior towns such as Polonnaruwa, Padaviya Anuradhapura, Magalla and Sripura. They were an important and influential elein eit in Society and exerted considerable influence on the social and cultural institutions of the Sinhalese. besides, they played a key role in commercial and military all it's.
The social and cultural institutions of the Tamils settled in thc island continued to be more or less the same as those found during the period of Cóla rule and did not differ funuamentally from those of contemporary South India. They were vitalised by the streams of Indian cultural influences that flowed from South India as a result of the close contacts that existed between Sri Lanka and that region. The stratification of Society into a number of mutually exclusive cindogamous castes and the division of society as a whole into two broad categories called valaňkai and itaňkai—the two main characteristics of medieval Tamil society-were to be witnessed in the island during this pericci. Evidence from inscriptions suggests that the laws regarding the privi
56. K. Kanapathypillai, "Mankanai inscription of Gajabahu II' UCR,
XX, No. I, p. li2.
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84 THE KNGDOM OF ...", FNA
leges, rights and mutual obligations of the various social groups were strictly adhered to. The landgrants and monetary endowments made to religious institutions by some Tamiss suggest that they were quite affluent and possessed both. movable and immovable property
As the Tamils came into close contact with the Sinhalese at almost all levels of society Tamil influence on the Sinhalese language during the twelfth and thirteenth centurics was considerable. Many Tamil loan-words relating to administration, weights and measures, handicrafts and musical instruments crept into Sinhalese usage. The transactions which the king and his officials had with the Tamils were mainly in Tamil and the drafting of official documents in that language suggests that there were court officials conversant in Tamil. Indeed, the Panakaduva copper plates of Vijayabâhu I refer to Tamil, clerks serving under him."
Among the Tamil inscriptions of this period some were
issued by the court while others record the transactions of either private individuals or groups of persons. Inscriptions ... were indited in Tamil letters with an admixture of "Grantha. characters. Sanskrit words and expressions were usually written in Grantha characters. The Tamil inscriptions of the Polonnaruwa period represent a distinct stage of palaeographical evolution and some of thc letters are in a more advanced state of development than those found in the C5la inscriptions of the tenth. and eleventh centuries. As in the period of Cola rule each line of the text of inscriptions was usually indited neatly between horizontal straight lines carved out on stone slabs or pillars. These inscriptions contain only a few grammatical errors and their language and orthography conform to contemporary, South Indian Tamil inscriptions.
The drafting of records in Sanskrit and Tamil by court offlicials and others and the engraving of such records by
57. The inscription refors to a register of Tanil elerks.
"TAMIL SET I LEMENTS IN THE POLONNARUWA KINGDOM 85
artisans in stone and metal with precision and accuracy presuppose a fairly high standard of literacy and education among the officials and the artisan communities. The occurrencc of Tamil versesoo and prasasti in the texts of - inscriptions suggests a familiarity with iterary conventions and poetic traditions. It may be assumed that the traditional type of education was imparted to the children of the dominant classes in society. The Brahmins were expected to be familiar with the vedic literature in order to discharge the duties traditionally assigned to them. Some of the artisans had to study the manuals on architecture and iconography. The knowledge of Sanski it : 'd thc familiarity with Grantha scripts which many artis is had during this period show that they had been taugh, the Sanskrit language in order that they could acquaint theimselves with Sanskrit texts, which were recorded mostly in Grantha characters. Elemcntary arithmetic, Tamil prosody and the lëvāram were some of the subjects which may have been taught to all those who received some kind of informal elementary cducation.
ln Sri Lanka, as in contemporary Sou! 1: India, most of the Tamils were Saivite Hindus while the rest were Buddhists. The relationship between Hindus and iBuddhists in the island has gcncrally bec in one of harmony and co-existence. In the Sinhalese kingdom the king was expected to be a Buddhist. He had to uphold and maintain Buddhism and Buddhist institutions. Yet, Buddhism was not the state religion in the sense that Christianity was in some of the medieval European states. It was never claimed that the Trion of the ruler should be the religion of the people. Even a zealous Buddhist ruler could worship Hindu deities and support Hindu institutions and
58. The expressions Kallilum cempilum relikuluttom found in the slab inscription of the Velaikkarar at Polonnaruwa shows that thore were two copies ef tho inscription; one was indited on stone while the other was ongraved on copper platrs.
59. Tamil verses are found in the inscriptions at 13 ladu-vas-nuwara and Padaviya, Seo UCIR XX. No. 1, p. ; tud CTI, pt. 2, p.28,
命
Page 52
, 86 TI; KINGDOM OF JA EN A
such action on his part was not regarded as detrinental to Buddhist intcrcsts. But the non-conformity on the nart of a
ruler with thc rcquirement that he should be a Buddhist and support Buddhist institutions was met with strong disapproval from the Sangha and traditional ranks. It could have led to succession disputes and unrest within the kingdom.
Some of tho succession diputc.; wlich contributo iowarls the declinc and fall of Polonnai uwa Seem to have hcci) caused by religious factors. The two success () is of Vii valbahut' and Gajabahu II, are believed to have had strong learing towards Hinduism. Thcir rcligious an liv i ic s are rf:red to in the Cülavams a in un savourablc (crms. Vik råmabâhu is said to have despoiled the monastcries, rcvoked the land grants made to thcm by previous rulers and convcrtcd them into residences for thc warriors scrving undcr him.9" The samc work claims that Gajabahu had brought heretical nobles from broad. Moreover, an inscription issued by him records a land-grant made by him to a certain Hinabi who had made an image of Skanda for thc king." In local Hindu tradition Gajabahu is depicted as a great patron of Saivism. It has been suggest cd with some degree of plausibility that Vikramabāhu and Gajab hu werc denied the royal consccrations hccausc 1 hey wcre mot
Buddhists.'
Hinduism and Hindu institutions were generally supported by all rulers during this period. Hindu inscription, perhaps received a greater measure of support from Vikramabāhu and Gajabahu I than from others. In the elevcinth and twelfthcenturies there were many Hindu shrines in Sri Lanka. Trinco
60. C / (G]: 54. 6l 61, CV 70: 53-55
(62. C: IE. (; dln lkınlıura. ' Knpuriiva duoyn I'illa: Inscription of
(njahã hin' EZ„V", No, 38. 63. Sirinn Rit iba nino, “Tho Royal Cons:c nt i en ) rn Medivnil Sri
Jinnika. Thic Problem:s of Wikra mab â hu | and (injnböhm II', The Siri l. n nkn Journn of South Asia St ulics; Woł. l, No. 1
3--7.
TA MI. SETTEMENTS IN THE POLONNARU"V" KINGDOM 37
malce, Kantalay and Padaviya were some of the strongholds of Hinduism. In Polonnaruwa itself the architectural remains of sixteen temples have been discovered. Except in a few cascs little has remained of the structure above the ground plan of such shrines and it will not be possible to determine when such monuments were constructed unless inscriptions or other datable objects are s, , , ! among their remains. Only a systcmatic archaeologi ... survey of the sites where Hindu architectural remains are found would throw somc' light on the archicctural dimensions and artistic quality. of Such monuncints.
There is somc information in inscriptions and literature about a few Hindu temples that existed during this period An inscription from Palamóttai refers to the Saivite temple of Ten Kailasam at Kantalay.66 in the ign of Vijayabahu this (cmple was renamed Vijaya raja-3 varam. A Brahmin widow had made substantial cindowments to this shrine. A crown of thc weight of six kalance of gold and a gold chain of three kalaicu were donated by her to the shrine. She deposited a gold coin of one kacu for the lighting of a perpetual lamp. Besides, the compound interest on eight kact deposited by her was to bc used for maintaining a flower garden in the templc premises. She also .cposited twentythree kact for the maintenance of seven evadasis who had to perform certain services in the temple. The endowments
64. Tho nrchitecturnil rennins annidst, which the Palamọțtai inscription
wns found are Trobably those of Ten kailasam otherwise called Vijay
raja-isvarnim. Among thc remains of this temple are a fragmentary image of Parvati and several stone pillars of an architectural stylo rominiscont of the olevonth and twr. : f4 h centurios, The remains of minny Hindu shrinos datable t , nis period have been innenrthed at Padaviyin. Sco ASCAR, f 3, p. 8; IASCAR. 189), p. 10. ASCAR, 1961 162, p. 67. 65. MSCAR. 1902, pp. 7-8; ASCAR, 1901, pp. 3-l-m; ASCAR. 1999
p. 17; IASCAR, 1934, pp. 16--17.
66. S. Parn navit nnn, 'A Tnni Slab infeription from Palamo kai
PFZ, IV, p. 194.
Page 53
THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA 88
were placed under the custody of a Velaikkaran who belonged to the military unit called - Vikkirama calamekatterinta Valankai, a division which was presumably named after VikramabÄhu.
Another important Saivite shrine was the one called Vikkirama calameka isvaram in the town of Makal, otherwise called Vikkirama calamekapuram, in Dakkhinadesa." The shrine, which was in all probability named after Vikramabahu, had received some donations from the princes called Cuntamalli alvar, who is described as a daughter of Kulot tunga :nd the consort of Virapperumal.
Konesvaram, the ancient and famous temple at Trincomalee, continued to be one of the leading religious institutions in the country during the eleventh and twelfth ccnturies. Traditions recorded in the Kõnēc8 r kalveļu Taksiņa kailā - capuranan and other works claim that Gajabahu who was a great devotee of Siva, visited Koneswaram at a time when religious scrvices had been interrupted there as a result of a controversy between the Buddhists and Saivities. The king is said to have summoned thc wanipam, the tanattar and the varippattu, inquircd about the affairs of the temple and had its institutions and religious services restored. On the king's initiative Brahmins were brought from a foreign country to be appointed priests at the Temple. Tradition claims that the king made a gift of a thousand pieces of gold coins to the temple and endow cd it with substantial revenues from land and other sources.
The traditions about Cajabahu's religious activities as found in the Tamil Saivitic texts are, to some extent, confirmed hy the details about his career and religious outlook as could be gleaned from inscriptions and traditional Sinhalese history.
67. S. Paranavitana, "Two Tami Inscriptions from Budunut nava"
EZ II, p. 31 l. - 68, ibid.
99. Т. кk. р. 11-13 ткр, т: 87-97
TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN THE POLONNA P. t.) WA KINGDOM 89
Although Gajabahu supported both Hinduism and Buddhism it would appear that his leanings towards the former were
stronger. His religious activities were viewed with anxicty by some section of the Buddhist Sangha; the Cullavamsa records
that Gajabahu filled the land with nobles of heretical faith brought from abroad.70 As secn earlier he had patronized Brahmin settlements and had propitiated Skanda. Thc King spent the last days of his reign at Kat day, which had a Hindu environment and perhaps prov, Jed him with a greater measure of security and a sense of relief from the troubles that had beset him in Polonnaruwa.
The architectural remains of many Hindu temples databie to this period are found at Pada viya. Some of these temples were supported and maintained by mercantile communities, who formed an important element in that win. The Ayyav.jle of the Ayyampo il pa 14 inam of Pada X t arc said, in one of their inscriptions, to have dedicated themselves to the service of (a temple of) Siva.
Another epigraph in the same locality resers to ti : gift of an image of a deity made to the temple by the nerchants of the locality. It also mentions a group called Káli kanam, who were presumably the managers or trustees of a temple of, Kåļi.7? Yet another Tamil i Scription, which could be assigned to the late twelfth century on palaeographical grounds, records a verse composed by a local poet in praise of a temple dedicatcd to Siva and referred to as Valakali.'
Some of the Tamil inscriptions set up during this period record donations made to Buddhist institutions by Tamils, Some of whom were Buddhists. An epig I anh at Hingurakdamana records the gift of an annanam land to a Buddhasthana by an Akampati soldier called pila ayittan, who held
70, CV, 70. 53-55. 71. CTI, pt. II p.55 72. CTI. pt. II, pp. 19 - 2). 73. CTI, pt. II, p. 28.
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90 KINGDOM OF JAF 1 NA
an assignment of lands, at the locality called Patani macar.'
Another Tamil cpigraph, at Moragahawclia, Innentions the dona
tion of a veli of land by a soldier of the Mtin rikai (mahasenai)
division from his lands at Pitilaya.75 As the Panti-vas
nuvara inscription of Nissankamala. which , 'ccords the
construction of a monastery at Sripura under the care of the
general callcd Matinirpaincaran76, is in Tamil it may be
assumed that there we'e Tamil But hists in this (twin. It
may bc surised that some of the V claikk rar in Polonnaruwa were Buddhists as they had ind rtaken to protect
and maintain the "Tooth Rclic templo. Tihc in scription which records their activities in relation to this shinc scens to suggest that thcy undertook this responsibility as an act of religious piety.
LSSMMSSSLSSSMSSSMMSSSLeLSLSLSLSLSqeLLMLMSMMSBBSLSLSkSkkkSkSTLSekTkeLeLSSSLLLSLLLeSeSLSLSSASSSAASS S ASLSSL SCSS SSSSSSMSSSSSLLLSSLSLSSLSCLCSLSqSLSASSA ALALSeeSSqSLLSS SLLLLSLSq qSqqSL SAS SSASASqSSSS SS
74. CTI, pt. I, p. 34.
75. K. Knnapathypillai, 'A Pillar inscription from Maringaha wra'
Ut R. XVIII (Jnnunry-April 1960) pp. 47--49.
76. Kinnapat hypilai, 'A Tamil inscription from Panduvns nuvarn'
UCR, XVIIl (July--October, 1960) pp. 157-162.
I V
The origins of the Kingdom of Jaffna-1 Magha's Conquest of Polonnaruwa
The Origins of the Kingdom of Jaffna which comprised tlhc ʼl: mil districts in the northern part of the island may be traced from the cvents of the early thirtecinth century which culminated in thc conquest of a major part of tie island by Magha of Kalinga in 1215. Nagha's Iping reign in Rajarata and thc eastern littoral was , some ways a period of transition in the Island's history. , t brought to an end an era charact crizcd by a relatively high degree of central control, monumental architecture and agriculture by innea is of cxtensive artificial irrigation. It led to the pit manent dislodgement of Sinhalese political power from Rajarata and its drift to centres in the hill country and the South Western lowlands. The Tamils and other Dravidians who were found. in considerable numbers in Rajarata and he north eastern littoral becamc prcdominant in the nortiernmost parts of the island and in most of the eastern littoral.
The Kingdom of Polonnaruwa declined in power soon. after the death of Parak ranhabahu I and an era of peace, prosperity and security ushered in largely by his achievemcnts was te ".minated by a scries of ever: ' S which occurred after thc demise of Nissankamala (18 196). The history of this decline is somewhat confuscd ind complicat d and the main events connected with it are briefly referred to in local chronicles. The author of the Hatthavanagalia Vihiravamsa, a contemporary of Parakramabāhu II, cxplains the dccline of Sinhalese political power ir, thc following manner:
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92 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
“When (those) lords of Laikā, who vere likc unto ornaments to (the island of) Lanka who were endowed with immensely meritorious and miraculous prowess, who were devoted to the Triple gem, (ha3% passed away) leaving but their aura of glory, and when the (other) lords of Lanka who had gone astray from the path of justice, who were deficient in the customary canons of statecraft, who (were) weaklings lacking in fortune (bhagya), and also when ministers of a similar nature were living cmbroiled in mutual antagonism, then as a result of a heinous evil deed committed by the dwellers of Lanka in the past the enemy forces from , different regions who were ignorant of the Dispensation of the Teacher, who have entered the thicket of wrong beliefs, having arrived here from Jambudvipa converted the whole island of Lanka into one of confusion and danger.'
The author of this passage, perhaps, had a clearer perception than any other Sinhalese chronicler of the causes that led to the decline of Polonnaruwa. In his view, which may be considered as characteristic of the religieuox of the land, the monarchs of this period were weak, ineffective and devoid of the charismatic qualities of their predecessors. The ministers, who were of a similar nature were divided into mutually hostile factions and their conflicts tended to aggravate instability. Under such circumstances the country was overrun and occupied by Indian adventurers who were hostile to Buddhism. Such an analysis is a remarkable one for a thirteenth century local chronicler. But an examination of the sources relating to the history of this period, while reinforcing the chronicler's conclusions to some extent, shows that there were also other fundamental causes.
The history of the two decennia that preceded Magha's conquest exhibits features which are in many ways peculiar.
Jl. HVV, 30; A Liyanagamage, The Declinic of Polonnaruwa and
The Rise of Dambadeniya, (Colombo 1968): p. 67.
93 THE ORIGINS OF THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
it saw a quick succession of thirteen reigns almost all of which were terminated with violence, resulting in the death or deposition of the rulers. Succession dish is served to divide thc court into mutually antagonistic festions. Dissensions at court and the incompetence of rulers encouraged local adventurers to play the role of king makers and gain control of state power. There were a number of foreign invasions directcd from the Cola, Pandya and Kalinga Kingdoms in India. The raids of foreign armies had the effect of accelerating. further the proccss of declinc.
Some of thc developments which .uok place after the reign of Parakramabahu i vere, in sor, O measure, f.e result of the policies which he had followed. His irrigation works, building activity and long wars had overstrained the human. and material resources of the Kingdom. His extravagance had led to excessive taxation and his two successors, Vijayabahu II and Nissankamalla, had to allav popular discontent with relief measures such as the abc lition or reduction of taxes, restoration of confiscated proper to their respective. owners, and the release of piisoners and political victims. ?
Parak ramabahu’s intervention in the war of Pàndya succession was a costly adventure which ended in defeat and disaster. The active involvement in Pandya affairs by him and later by Nissankamala failed to achieve the objective of securing permanently the Pandya throne for the princes who sought Ceylonese support. The Cola intervention - Pindya affairs. eventually proved to be decisive and th: Colas succeeded insecuring the Pandya kingdom to their subordinate allies. Moreover, the Colas countered Parakramabhau's activities by organising retaliatory expeditions against the island from time. to time. Such invasions tended to aggravate the political instability in the island. M
The fact that there were eleven reigs in about twenty, years between the demise of Nissankamal and the invasion
2 CV, 80: 2-4 UCHC, Vol. I pt. ii, p. 518. 3. See UCIIC, Vol. I, pt. ii. p. 846
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94 E KNGDOM OF JAFNA
o: Magha is itself indicative of the cxtent of confusion and instability that prevailed in the country. Eight of the ten ruler; who occupied the throne a ster Nissan ka mall were Kalingas and most of them were membrs of his family. /\} o' them turncol out to be weak rulers and thcir short igns we c terminated with violence resulting in their deposition of assassination. Nissankannallas son, V. rabilu, was killed on the second clay after his accession by the gcinct,
varu divas succeeded by his Incle Viramabahu. The littor was killed by Codaganga, a nephew of Nissankannala'. The general Kitti deposed Codaganga and administered the Kingdom or three years by placing on the throne lilavati, a widow of Parakramabahu I. Lilavati and her supporters could not command the loyalty and support of some sections of the court and of the traditional ranks.
A rival action led by the ministers Abona van and Ludalina van managed to oust Lilavati from the throne and, the eater, held power for about eight years by raising to the throne successively Sahasa malla, Kalayalavati, who was one of the consorts of Nissankannala, and an infant' princeling called Dhammasokadeva. A niganga, who is refer cd to as Mahadipada in the Culavaniya and who was the at her of Dhammasokadeva rose against the faction that held at thority at Polonnaruwa, kitcc its principal leader Aboni van and secured for himself the throne which h was not destincti to occupy for long.' Aniganga was climinated by the gencial Vikranta C annunaka with whose support I. i lavati secured the tinrenc for the second time."o Lokcs vara, a nother aspiran or kingslip, deposed Lilavati and held authority for a perid
4. Virabahu was a son of Nissankamalla; Vikramabahu and Codaganga wore, respectively, the brother and nephew of Nissankanalla. Sohasamalla was his co-brother, while Kalya avati was lais chief queen.
5. Cy. 80:28.
(i. C/ 80:29.
7. C’. 80:3,32.
3. C’, 8:33 ----45; PJ V, p.3l, EZ, Ill N o 36.
!). C., 80:42-44.
. (). Cf., 60:45-46.
T" ( , (ORIGINS Of TJE KING DOM (F JAFFNA - 1. 95
of nine months.' Lilavati was once gain restored to the throne by thc general Parakrama. She was finally eclipsed from power by the Pillagya armies under the leadership of Parak ranna Pol, tydy: who occupied Polonnaruwa in 1212.2
The history of this period has been described as one of a struggle between the Kalinga and Pangya actions at court. A mong the rulers of this period Lilavati and irkra Padya w cre of På çdya descent while almi i all others WᎧᏟfᏯe Kalingas, mostly relatives of Nissankanala. Yet, the a SSumption that there were two factions of royalty Competing with one another for power does not seem to have any vali toundation. There was hardly any Pandya faction at the court during this period. There is no justification for assuming that Lila vati and Parâkrama Paņçdya were Closely connected. The latter was an invader who lik advantage of the chaotic conditions in the island to tlquer it. The fact that Lilavati was ousted by Para kram Palgya may SuggСst that Lilavati was not at any stage supported by the Pandyas of Madurai. It may also be recalled that f’ard kramabahu who was of Padya descent through his father, nominated Vijayabahu I, a Kalinga prince, as his successor, Moreover, the Kalingas were badly divided and were never united in their opposition to Lill vali and the dignit: 'is who Supported her. Their rivalries led on two occasions J the aSSassination of their own kinsmen or those who sur Orted some members of their family. Vikramabahu, the brother of Nissankamalla was, or instance, killed by the latter's nephew, Godaganga. The activities of Maha diplda Aniga nga and the generals Tavaru and Abon van clearly show that there were no Strong bonds of loyalty and unity, between the members of the Kalinga family and the dignitaries who serve, under them. It
ll. CV, 80 : 47-48.
12. CW, 80 : 49 -53.
l3. Si rit na Wickron) nsinghe and IuliyanagamOge refsr to Pāçdya ana
Kaliuga, is not ions. Soo. UCIC, Wol, I, Ptهii, p۰ 5l7, 527, The Decline of Polonnaruwa......, p. 57.
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96 T E KINGID (OM OF ! A fi FNA
would appear that these genirals were bint on consolidating their power and position and were not at all motivatcd by considerations of loyalty to this Kalingalynasty. Court disunity, however, served to undermine the influence and power of the royalty and led 'to the ascendancy of generals and minist crs.
In medieval Sri Lanka, as in most oth r countries administrative efficiency depended on the power and personality of the monarch who stood at the apex of a hiciarchy of traditional ranks. The weakness of rulers need not necessarily always lead to anarchy and civil war. Whenever a king was incapacitated or was incompetent it was usual for a prince, or a senior member of the royal family or a trusted minister to manage thc affairs of the kingdom. The consusion, and anarchy that followed Nissankamalla's reign seem to have been the cumulative effect of several factors, some of which, as mentioned earlier, were peculiar to... this period.
Dissensions at court and the incompstence of monarchs encouraged local adventurers to play the role of king makers and seek to gain control of state power. Such a situation had arisen partly as a result of some of the changes which took place in society during the Polonnaruwa period. An important development during the eleventh and twelfth centuries was the growth of the power and influence of the aristocracy, which consisted mainly of landholders of the agricultural caste (Govikula) who held positions of high rank in the army and the administration. Some of them had considerable influence at the court and had close connections with the Buddhist Sangha. Besides, they dominated the provinces and ran their affairs. They also enjoyed several privileges including exemption from punishment for such offences as treason.'
14. Tho Panakaduva Copper plates of Vijayabahu furnish some evidonco of tho grant of im unities and privileges to the genoral Budnina (van) who moy havo beon an ancestor of
Budalnavan, who was associated with Abonavan in inviting Sahasarif, lln tho itilfintl. Sce, Z, V. ^ p. 1 - 27.
TE ORIGINS OF TIME KINGDoM o JAFFNA - 1 97
lu a society organised on a hiciarchical basis the Support of the aristocracy was essential for the effective exercisc of royal power. Under the successors of Parakramabāhu I the aristocracy ceased to be an instrument of state power. Its activities had the cffect of untiermining the authority of the ruler, and in a contemporary inscripti, they are accused of having obstructed the cstablishment o a Strong governmcnt with a vicw to promoting their own personal interests. 15 During thc time of Nissankamala the court began to entertain doubts about the loyalty of some of the dignitaries and possible challenges to royal authority from sections for the aristocracy seem to have been anticipated by the king. His exhortations to thc people to keep members of the Govikula away from the thronc may suggest that some dignitaries aspired to secure royal power, The T vileges and immuinities granted to the dignitaries by rulers during earlier times were now used by them to entranch themselves in positions of powcr at the expense of the crown.
The growth of the military establishment on an unprecedented scale during the Polonnaruwa period had the effect of enhancing further the power and influence of the aristocracy. The wars of unification and c quest waged by Parâkramabāhu I had led to the creati in of a large and composite army under the charge of many able and experienced generals. Under weak rulers who had no charismatic . qualities they proved to be overnighty Subjects. In the . Sinhalese Kingdom as in many others, the Senapati or general was one of the most important functionaries whose loyalty and support were essential fo. a monarch's Security and survival. During this period there were any generals who chcrished disloyal ambitions. Circumsta ces cnabled them ίΟ
مسح مس لمف 15. An inscription of Sāh asamalla a:38erts that tho two ministers Budalnivan and Abonavan secured the crown for Sahasamalla 'after having subdued tho ovil ininist : s who wero causing obstruction with tho object of gaining perso il power for themselves and so wero not desirou8 of having kings, , EZ, II, No. 36, p. 220.
lö. U v.CHC, Vol. I, pt. II, 510.
Page 58
98 THE KINGT)OM OF JANA
play the role of King-makers and thereby relegate the royalty to the background. In fact the generals were the central figures in the power politics of this period. They were grouped into rival factions under the leadership of the more prominent among them. Tāvaru (nāvan) Abonā (van) and Budalina (van) were the leading generals who cxerciscot a dominant influence in the kingdom for brief periods by raising members of the Kilinga family to the throne. The assassination of Virabahu by Tavaruni and the deposition of Sahasa malla and Kalyanavati by Abona show that they were not motivated by any considerations of loyalty to the Kalithga dynasty. It would be misleading to describe them as supporters of the Kalinga faction. They did, of course, form a particular faction among the dignitaries who were bound together by common interests and aspirations. Their rivals, however, were consistent in their support to Lilavati, who was acceptable to them.
There were a number of foreign invasions of the island during this period and most of them were organised or inspired by the Colas. Besides, some of the contenders for the throne brought armics from the Tainil Kingdoms in India in order to fight against their rivals. Parakramabahu's intervention in the war of Pandya Su:cession against the Colas and the Păndya princes who received CJ la support lcd to a rengwal of hostilities between the Coas and the rulers of Polonnaruwa. After having decisively decated Parakrannabahu's armies in the Pandya Kingdom the Colas followed up their success by organizing an Cxpedition against Parakramabahu under the leaderslhip of his nephew, Siri Vallabha, who had fled from the island and perhaps sought to enlist foreign support for his cause. This expeditionary force is said to have destroyed Parikramabãhu's fortifications at Mãtõttam, Mattival, Valikamam and Uratturai and raided extensively
17 The Pali chronicle refers to Abonā van as Āyasmanta. Tā var
Senevirat was probably identifiablo with Vijayasingu Tavaruna who was in all probability known Vijayasingu T'avaruna. For a dot ailed
discussion on tho identity of those gonerala aoo The Decline of Polonnartu wa... pp. 52-55.
TiE ORIGINS OF THE KINGUOM OF JAFFNA - 1 99
along the littoral and carried away elephants and men as booty."* The expectations of Siri Vallabha were not fulfilled but the fact that the Colas used him fo neir own ends may suggest that they may have been inclir, 2d to intervene in the wars of succession that developed in the island at a later stage.
Sinhalesc-Cola hostilitics continued through thc rcign of Nissankamala when both parties claimed victorics over cach other. Nissankamall a claims to have sent his armies to India to wage war against the Colas and Pandyas and some of his inscriptions even assert that he led somr the campaigns there.9 His Cola contemporary, Kulis -unga III, from his ninth year onwards claims victories over i Jam and one of his prasastis even asserts that his sway extended in the South up to Anuradhapura The details of these wars are obscure and as both sides had a tendency to make exaggerated claims it may be assumed that little or no decisive gain was made by either side.
Aftcr the demise of Nissankamalla is successors were not in a position to send armies to South India and as their capacity for resistance was greatly reduced Cola raids on the island were felt with greater intensity.
Kulottunga once again claimed victories over flam in | 1992 and the evidence from a contemporary Sinhalese work, the Sasadavata written during the reign of Lilavati, shows that this particular claim of the Cjla mrtiarch was not altogether without foundation. This text lakes it clear that there were some Cola invasions during Illavati's reign and it credits the general Kitti with having defeated the Colas.2
18. V. Vonkatasubba Aiyyar, "Tiruvalafgadu Inscription of Rajadhiraja
l, EI, O. 86.
19. Ihe Decline of Polonnaruwa . pp. 49-50.
20. SII, II, p.86.
2. Sada 8iva Paņtāratār, A History of the later Cõi : *', pt. II, (Annn
malai, 195 ).
22. El, W 1 T, p. 174; SIII, I [JI, p. 2.05.
23. JRASCB, XXXI, pp. 384-87; The Decline of Poloir a a ... p. 57
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100 THE KING DOM Q R J ATP NA -
The prose version-Sann(-of this text asserts that the Colas; invaded the island on threc occasions during the reign of Lilavati. On two occasions they are said to have landed, at Matöta and proceeded to Anuradhapura. On the last occasion the Cóla armies are said to have landed at Chilaw and advanced on Sripura in Dakkhinadesa. These invasions. probably formed the basis of Kulottunga's claim of victories over the island as well as of the claim that his sway extended, up to Anuradhapura. The claim made in ash inscription of the twenty-first year of Kulottunga that he adorned with. his feet the crown of thc Ceylonese king in order that he may prosper,o may perhaps suggest that hic supportcd a prince-in all probability Sãhasamalla who claimed and, secured royal authority over the island,
Some years later, around 1209, the prince Aniganga, who had held the rank of Mihadipada but who had for some; reason been kept cut of the succession by the generals who controlled affairs in the Kingdom, is said to have brought an army from thc Cola Kingdom, kilcd the general Ayasmanta (Abona) and his protege, the ruler Dhammasokadeva, and ascended the throne." The same event seems to have been referred to in the Minipe inscription of the
eighth year of Kalyi ravati as the Tamil invasion which resulted in the death of the minister Ati (Abonavan) and the flight of the queen from the stronghold of Minipe,27 In J210 Lokesvara seized power in Folonnaruwa with the aid of a Tamil army brought from India. During his short reign.
24. JRASCB, XXI. p. 385. . 25. ARE, 170 of 1902.
26. Cν, 80 : 43-4".
* 27. According to the Cūta, amsa and tho chronicles, Кnlyanлvati'є. reign from Polonnaiuwa lasted for six years. It would appear that some parts of the Kingdom continued to owo allogianco to hor ove after her dislodgcmcnt from Folonnaruwa and thet she exercised nutholity from:Minipc after her sixth yolar. EZ, V, No. 12, p. 158.
28, CV, 80 : 47-4S.
TTE ORIGINS OF TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA - 1 Ol
(1210-121 ) the island was invaded by the Côlas, perhaps 'for the last time.29
When C5)a power declined the Pindy's began to assert their power in South India and their revival ad almost immediatc repercussions on the island. In 122 Parākrama Pandya came with an army from South India, deposed Lilavati and ther general and, thcreafter, administered the country fron Polonnaruwa for a period of three years. As the Culavamsa rcfcfs to him in complimentary terms, it has been suggested that he could be identified as the price Madhurinda, otherwise calcd Madurapperumal (a), who was being trained for kingship during thc reign of Lilavati. Although this is possible there is no evidcnce to prove it. The complimentary rejerences to Parākrama Pandya may rathcr suggest that he was a benign ruler favourably disposed towards Buddhism than imply that he had any lcgitimatic claim to thc throne of Polonnaruwa before his con: quest of thc island. Parakrama Pangya, presumably, belonged to the Pandya line of Madurai but his precise relationship with the contemporary Pandya ruler, Jatavarman Kulasekhara (1196– 1215), is not at all clear.
During the two decennia that followed the reign of tissankamalla the kingdom of Polonnaruwa had declined steadily and on the eve of Magha's invasion the decline had reached an advanced static. Disputes over the succession and the raids of foreign armies may have resulted in the dislocation of the administration and the loss of central control. The rulers, who were confronted with court intrigues, rehillions, and other problems, were not in a position to m (oilise resources for organizing defence and for maintaining large irrigation works and architectural monuments. Chaotic conditions in the country and successive raids by foreign armies inay have caused a sense
گہ
29. The only inscription of this rulor that has come to light provides tho informabion that he was a prince of the Kalinga dynasty and that ho had to fince an invasion of tho island by Cóia aridies. Seo EZ IV, pp. 87-88.
30. CV, 80 : 51-53.
31. He is said to have ruled without transgressing the precepts of Manu
V
Page 60
102 THE KING)OM OF JA NA
of insecurity in the minds of the pcople. The largc number of mercenaries brought by Aniganga, okesvara, Parikrama Pindya and others could have been a source of tension and anxictyo causing shortages in food supplies and dwellings at Polonnaruwa and other important towns The presence in large numbers of the se strangers who were ever ready to scrve any master on the promise of substantial rewards was a potential threat to a tottering political order. As the institutions which safeguardcd life and property under such conditions had becom incffective organized plunder and looting, as later events proved, were already imminent. The palace, the aristocracy, the richly cindowed public institutions and the mercantic towns which possessed wealth in different forms could have been expected to be the targets of attack.
it was against such a background that M. gha invaded the island in 1215. Mãgha occupied a large part of the island, and ruled it for a long time from Polonnaruwa. As no inscriptions, coins or mcdals issued by Mãgha have come to light modern studies on Mãgha’s conquest have becn basco on literary evidence, mainly from the Pujavaliya, Culavamsa, and other Pāli and Sinhalese chronicles, which give a fairly leng descriptions of the events of his reign. The Tamil chronicle Mattskkalappu pūrva caritiram ("The Ancient History of Batticaloa) contains useful information on Magha which to a certain extent corroborates and supplements the details found in tradi. tional Sinhalese history.
In the view of the local chroniclers Magha's reign represented the climax of a dark age in the history of the island. In certain respects the religious and social institutions in certain parts of the island suffered greater damage in later centuries. under conquerors more resourceful, and virile than Migha. But he ravages of such conquerors are not chroniclcd in traditional history. As the misdeeds of Mãgha loom large in the local chronicles, under the force of tradition the effects of Magha's invasion have been emphasized and blown rather out of proportion even in modern historical writings. The details relating to Magha as found in the chronicles are by no means adequate
THE ORIGINS OF THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA - 1 103
for a full and proper study of his invasion and conquest of the island and of the nature and effects of his rule. Yet, enough has been recorded to enable us to get a glimpse of some of the
main cvents which brought about important notical and social changes in the island.
The Cui lavamsa gives the following account of Māgha:
'But since in consequence of thc enormously accumulated, various evil deeds of the dwellers of Lanka, the devatas who were everywhere entrusted with the protection of Lanka, failed to carry out this protection, there landed a man who held to a false creed, whose heart rejoiced in bad st; esmanship, who was a forest fire for burning down of bushes in the forest of the good-that is generosity and the like - who W was a sun whose action closed the rows of the night lotus flowers-that is thc good doctrine - and a moon for destroying the grace of the groups of day lotusesthat is of peace - (a man) by name Magha - an unjust king sprung from the Kalinga line, in whom reflection was fooled by his great delusion, landec as the leader of four and twenty thousand warriors from the Kalinga country and conquered the island of Lanka.'
This poetic description implies that magha who was of Kalinga descent invaded the island with a large army. The chronicler believed that magha was a non-Buddhist whose activities caused considerable damage to Buddhism and its institutions. The author of the Cūlavamsa bi i fie ved that mã gha was a tyrant whose reign caused a grill deal of confusion in society. As regards the Kalinga descent of magha there is unanimity among the Sinhalese chroniclers.o The Maakkaļappu
32. Cy, 80 : 54-60.
33. The Cuyavamsa in one instance, however, refers to Magha as a Damia King. The Pujavaliya calls Magha a Kalinga king at first and a Dravida or Tamil king later on. This confusion was due to the fact that Magha, who was of Kalinga extraction, led an army which
consisted mainly of Dravidian warriors. All the chronicars, however, claim that Magha was of Kalinga frt cent. See CV, 83:15,
FᏗ Ꮴ, pp . ]08, 1 ]Ꮞ, ] 1Ꮾ.
Page 61
104 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
porva carittiram provides thc additional information that Magha was the third son of king Manuvaratan of Kalinga." Mahga was presumably connected in some way to some of thc Kalinga princes and princcsscs of the Polonnaruwa court, who arc described as belonging to either the Kālinga cakravartti Vamsa or the Ganga vamsa. Thc landing of Codaganga--whose name was common among the Eastera Gangas of Kalinga-at Trincomalee during the reign of Mãgha may perhaps suggest, as claimed in the historical traditions of the Batticaloa Tamils, that he had thc support of the rulers of Kalinga.
Magha had the longest reign among the Kalinga princes who held sway over the island from Polonnaruwa and his reign of forty years suggests that he had the support of a large army. Magha is said to have invaded the island with an army of twchtyfour thousand men. Many years later when he was attacked by Parakramabahu II Magha is said to have had at his disposal an army of sorty-four thousand inen." Although these numbers are incredible the claims made in respect of the strength of his army during the time of his invasion and during the latter part of his reign suggests that Magha had considcrably increased his military Strength aficr his occupation of Polonnaruwa. It would appear that a large number of Dravidian mercenaries and soldiers who were in the island on the eve of his invasion had come under his influence and leadership.
The Pali and Sinhalese chronicles are not very precise about - the composition of Magha's armies. The Calavamsa, for instance, mentions at one place that Māgha came from Kālinga
34. The Maakaappi Mänmiyan (MM) edited by F.X. C. Nadarajah (Colombo, 1962), was tradional y known as Matakkalappu Pürva Carittiram, Soo, MM, p. 52.
35. Nissankamalla and Sahasamalla re dcscribed in their incriptions as scions of tho Kalinga cakaravirtti Vansn wherons Kniyanavati, a consort of Nissankainalla, is said to have belongod to tho Gagawansa.
36, CV 80:59.
37. CV,83: 20,
TIE URIGINS OF THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA - 1 105
with an army of twcnty-four thousand mcn. In the whole Colavamsa account Magha's soldiers arc referred to in three places as Kcra las, in eight places as Tamils and in onc placc as Tamils ar: Keralas. The Hatthavanagalla Vihãravamsa and its Sinh .ese version refer to Mãgha and his armics as “the many thousands of enemy forces with their Kings, the Colas, Keralas and the like, who had destroyed the sasana and were living in Pulat thipura.' Despite their lack of precision the chronicles clearly show that Magha had a large and compositic army which consisted mainly of Dravidian warriors recruitcd from Kerala and the Tamil Kingdoms of South india. Tt may be assume that the Keralas figurcd promincintly in his army during he ic of his invasion and that subsequently other Dravidians joined them in large numbers. The Ancient History of Betticaloa asserts that the Mukkuvar came from Calicut as the allies and supporters of Magha and that the latter occupied Polonnaruwa (Toppāvai) with thc support of the Pataiyalci Wanniyar and placed its territories under their charge. The account of the a mil chronicle implies that Magha placed the administration of thc 'lconquered territorics under the charge of war for chiefs.
Magha's armies were divided into many units and were posted at military outposts mostly along the lit total. Most of these were located in the north west, the north and the north east of the island. Vallikagama (Valigamam) and Uratota (Kayts) were in th: Jaffna Peninsula. Kotthasaragama (Kottiyāram) Gonarațilha (Trincomalee), i Gangitalāka 38. Си, 80; 61, 70, 76.81:3, 14:82:6, 26; 83:13, 13, 20, 24: 87:25. .39. The Decline of Polonnaruwa...p, 109.
40. MM, pp. 95, 104. .41. CV, 83:15-19.
Tho Pali chroniclo testifies that fortin ions were maintained at other places also. They are, however, not mentioned by name. Tho namo Debarapatan, which does not ocur in the CV, is montioned only in the PJV. It could porhaps refer to Dev aippatinam in the South-castorn coast of tho Pandya King lom. '', 'Ancient History of IBatticaloa assorts that Magha had brous Ramesvaram undor ... his control. See. MM, p. 54. The Decline of olonnaruiya...p. 106.
Page 62
06 TE KINGDOM (OF VANA
(Kantalāy) Kā kalayāgāma (Katukkuļam) and Padira tha
( Padaviya) were in the North-cast crn littoral, Maha Littha
(Main tai ;, Mannñ r{ a), Mip v toʻa (Iluppaiikkñtavai) wcrc thc
fortifications maintained by Magha's armies in the north
western littoral. Polonna ruwa, Kurundi, M1 inåmatta, Pulacceri
and D charapatan were other important military stronglholds
of Mãgha. Thc maintenance of a numbCr of military strong
holds at the ports and other important centics along thc coast
suggests that Mãgha took Such precautionary measurCS in anticipation of an invasion of the territorics under his rule by a fleet. Presumably, Magha had to face the threat, posed by the Jivakas under the leadership of Candrabhanu of the Malay
paninsula and also possibly by the Padyas.
he chronicles mention another ulci callcd Jayabahu in connection with Mãgha. Jayabahu is said to have been an associate of Miã gha.“? Ti he recently discovered short and undated inscription from Rankot Vihara in Polonnaruwa sccms to refer to this ruler. Thc inscription provides the interesting information that a Velaikkaran called cetarayan was scrving a certain Jayabahudevar. The latter as suggested by his name -cnding devar was a person of royal or princely rank The initial portion of thc inscription which runs 'lam eluntirrukkatam yerificu Kontaruliya Ceyapakuievar nilal Velaikkaran' implies that Cetarayan was a Velaikkaran serving under Jayabahudevar and that a conquest of the island was effect cod either by Jayabahudevar himself or by the Velaikkaran on behalf of his master.
i he historical value of the evidence from this inscription depands to a large cxtent on the identification of Jayabahudevar mentioned thcrein. Only two persons who had thc name Jayabahu are mentioned in traditional history relating to the Polonnaruwa period One was thc younger brother and immedi
42. Cy, 83 : 15. 43. G. T!, pt,. F, pp, 24-20ö. 44. ibi (l.
w − THE ORIGINS OF THE KNGDOM of JAFFNA - 1 07
atc successor of Vijayabihu I and the other was the associate Of Mogha. It is difficult to idcntify Jayabãhu mcntioned in the inscription with the brothcr and successor of Vijayabâhu I because the claim of the conqucst of ilam made in thc inscription is totally inconsistent with the account of Jayabahu as found in traditional history. According to the Culav imsa and other chronicles Vijayabahu's brother who enjoyed a short spell of power was dislodged from the throne by Vikramabahu, the Sc in of Vijayabahu. Vikramabahu is said to have been uniformly successful in all his engagements against Jayab hu: and his supporters. From the account of Jayabâhu in traditional history (ne gains the impression that Jaya bi, u was a weak ruler
who is not known to have gain cd an military victory over any rivals.
The palaeography of the inscription is another important consideration against identifying the person referred to in it as thic younger brother of Vijayabahu I. Its palaeography re presents a more advanced stage of development than that to the slab inscription of the Velaikkaras froin Polonnaruwa and
resembles that of the Panduvasuuvara i scription of Nissallkamalla." It may, therefore, be suggested that Jayabahudevar mentioned in the present record is different from and later than Jayabahu, who had a bricf spell of power over Rajarata ; during the sccond decade of the twelfth century.
Jayabahut evar of our inscription was a conqueror of princely rank who had a Velaikkaran among his principal Supporters. Mãgha, who had Jayabảhu ai, nis associate, conquered and dominated a part of the island with the aid of
45. I nynbāhu, was consecrated king at Folonnaruwa in 1010 by the enders of tho Sangha and the sons of Mitta.Tho son of Vijayabahu, Vikramabahu, whose claims for the rank of Yuvaraja wero set asido in favour of his cousin Manabharana roturned to the capital from Rohana and secured power. Tho King and his accomplices fled to the Routhern part of tho island. CV, G : 1-2().
46. J. Kannpnhypillai, "A Tami Inscription om Panduvasnuvara
UCR, XVIII, Nos. 3 & 4, July-Oct. 1960 pp. 157-162.
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108 TE KINGDOM or JAFFNA
Tamil and Kerala troops. The conqueror referred to in the inscription may, therefore, be identified as Jayabahu, the associate of Magha. The precise nature of the relationship between Magha and Jayabâhu is not known but the evidcnce from the Culavamsa suggests that Jayabihu was in some way associated with Magha in the conquest and administration of Rajarata. Both arc said to have maintainctl fortifications at
several localities and held sway over Rajarata for a long time. -
The Velaikkira Cetarayan was not an ordinary soldier but a dignitary of high rank. He was placcd in charge of thc administration of a largc ticritorial division calcd Mahamadala." He was in all probability a military leader who may be considered as onc of the key figures of the time of Magha. It could also be inserred from the evidence of this inscription that the Velaikkarar werc included among those who served Magha's cause in the island.
Magha's invasion, in a sense, appears to have assumed the form of a looting expedition, aid the palace, the upper class of society and the religious establishments seem to have been the targets of attack. Parākrama Pandya was seized at Poloninaruwa and his possessions were plundered. It is also claimed that his soldiers dispossessed the people of their garments and ornaments, their cattic and other such belongings.' Moreover, it is also said that setters were put on the rich and wealthy people, who were dispossessed of all their belongings and forced to render service. The chaityas and monasteries were destroyed and dispossessed of their valuables and in this manner a considerable amount of booty must have been collected. Magha is also accused of having seized villages, fields, houses and gar-dens, slaves, cattle, buffaloes and other property that belonged to.the local inhabitants and given them over to his warriors.
47. CTI, pt. I, p. 26. 48. CV, 80 : 71-72. 49, CV, 80 : 62-63 50. Cy, 80 : 64 .5l. CW, 80 : 76
t
TE ORIGINS OF THE KINGDOM OF JÁIFNA - 1 109
The scizurc of immovable prcperty ir šį probability was. donc with a view to provide accommod lion and maintenance. to his warriors. It may bc assumed that fields and garden lands werc given by Magha as jivita, life tenure, to those serving undcr him. As Magha had a large army consisting of thousands of mercenaries and adventurers divided into many groups posted at niliary strongholds maintained at several points in the arcas conquered by him, the arrangements made for their maintenance must have almost pcrmanently affer it the fortunes of a large numbcr of pcopic. Thc measures : opted by Magha in this respcct may havc lcd to great cl. anges in Society. The traditional ranks were almost permanently disiodged from positions of power and influence and with their disappearance traditional society in the affect col parts of the COuntry could no longer regain its former strength, While another Kalioga ruler, Nissankamala, sought to control and restrain the aristocracy; with appeals and veiled thrcats, Magha sought to and almost. succceded in liquidating the basis of their rower.
Mägha created a new class of warrior chieftains InoSt Of whom happened to be Keralas and Tamils owing to the Composi-. tion of his army and the land grants made to them by him. caused their settlements to be established on a Permanent basis. Most of these chiefs were presumably entrusted with the administration of territorial divisions as in the case Of the; Velaikkaran called Cetarayan who bccan the chief of the province of Mahamandala.
There is some evidence to suggest that in their attacks. against the Buddhist establishments Magha and his followers. were motivated also by considerations other than looting, Magha is also accused of having 'caused people to adopt false views and to have brought confusion into the four unmixed castes.32 Moreover, the Cillavamsa adds that "many Joks known and famous they tore from their cord and stre' -d them hither and thither. That these books concerned matters of Buddhist.
52. CV, 8() : 75 53. CᏤ, 80 ; Ꮾ7
Page 64
110 T. F. KINGLOM (F JAFFNA
doctrine and teachings is clear from a subsequent statement in the chronicle in its account of Vijayabâhu it, "that on the island of Lanka so many books that dealt with the true doctrine had been destroyed by the alien foe." One of the institutions against which Magha's attacks were directed was the Sangha, Thc inmates of the Viharas were driven out of the monasteries and their dwellings were given as residences to soldiers while some of the monks are said to have bcci subjected to ill treatments. It is thus clear. that Magha made an attempt to undcrimine the influence of Buddhism and its institutions. Buddhist literature, architectural monuments and thc monastic order became the targets of attack. That Magha Jhad also disendowcd some of the Buddhist establishments could be inferred from the claim in the same chronicle that Parakramabahu restored to monasteries property that was confiscated
carlier.
His attempt to convcrt people to an alien faith and the attempt to destroy Buddhist books suggest that Magha and some of his followers were inspired by partisan religious sentiments. Besides, they imply that a certain amount of tension and animesity had been generated by religious differences. Mágha's religious activities have aptly been compared to those of the iconoclast Harsha of Kashmir and of the Sinhalesc king Rajasingha of Sitawaka who became a Saivite convert. On the basis of circumstantial cvidence Liyanagamage has rightly focussed attention on some of the similarities between the actions of Magha and those of some Indian rulers who had leanings towards Vira Saivism.58 The traditions embodied in 'The Ancient History of Batticaloa in fact claim that Mãgha was a Saivite of the Langāyat school (Mahalingavasan).' Moreover, this text asserts that
54. C., 8) : 41-43 55. C’, 80 : 65, 66, 77-79) 56. The Decline of Polcinnauwa, p. 12. 57. ibid., pp. 15, 122-23, 58, ibid., pp. 24-25.
59. MM, p, 104
THE ORIGINS OF THE KINGLooM of JAFFNA - 1 1 11
Magha came to the island during a period of social tension caused by partiality in religious matters on the part of those who held authority in the country. It is also claimed that hic was sent by the ruler of Kālinga ti i promote the cause of Saivism and chastise those who had armed it. Magha, according to this chronicle, once he ha i occupied Poiomnaruwa, demolished the Buddhist monuments in and around that city and persecuted thc Buddhist monks and the adherents of Vaishnavism. As the claims made in "The Ancient History
• of Batticaloa” about Mãgha’s religious activitics are substantially corroborated by the evidence from the Pali and Sinhalese chronicles it nay be assumed that thc Taniil chronicle records an authentic tradition about Mãgha's re'; + \ous leanings.
Mãgha’s attack on Buddhism was not something that was unique in the island's history, and it recalls the measures adoptcd by Vikramabahu I, the son of Vijayabahu I by the Kalinga princess Tilokasundari.
As regards the anti-Buddhist measures adopted by Vikramabahu the Culavamsa asserts:
King Vikramabahu took the n intenance villages which belonged to the Buddha and so forth and gave them to his attendants. In Pula thinagara he gave oycr several Viharas distinguished by (the possession of) relics to foreign soldiers to live in. Precious stones, pearls and the like, presented by the pious as offerings for the Relic of the Ann S-bowl, and for the sacred Tooth Relic, the sandal rod, the aloes, the camphor, the many images of old and the like which he took forcibly, he used it as it pleased him.'
There is a great deal of similarity in the measures adopted against Buddhism by both princes, Vikramabahu and Magha. Vikramabahu, like Magha a century later, plundered
60. MM, pp, 52-53 61. MM. pp, 53-70 Ꮾ2. CᏤ, Ꮾ1 : 54-57
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112 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
and looted image houscs and monastcries athd had them discstablished and disendowed. Besides, he also converted monasterics. and other such buildings into residential quarters for the mercenaries. Vikramabahu's measures were presumabably undertaken in retaliation against the Sangha for having connived. with others in barring his way to the throne. It has been suggested that Vikramabahu was kept out of the order of succession and subsequently denied thc consccration on account of his religious affiliations. It has also bc.cn argued with some degree of plausibility that Vikramabāhu had Hindu leanings and as such had no claim to the throne since custom demanded. that a prince should be a Buddhist in order to be eligible for the royal consecration.' It may, therefore, be assumed that Vikramabahu's attacks on Buddhist institutions were inspircd by both political and religious considerations.' Magha, who went several steps further, than Vikramabahu in his attack on. Buddhism, may also have b3en influenced by the same considerations. Such an explanation presupposes that there was a strong undercurrent of religious animosity almong the ruling classes and thc religicoux of the land as claimed by the historical traditions of the Batticaloa Tamils.
Magha's invasion resulted in the conquest of a major part of the island by his armics. Besides Rajarata, Mayarata and most of thc castern littoral were brought undcr his sway. However, within a few years Mayarata slipped out of his control. Two important developments that followed Magha's invasion were the division of the kingdom into many units of varying
63. Sirima Kiribamune, "The Royal Consecration in sri Lanka: The Problem of Vikramabāh I and Gajabāhu II, The Sri Laika Jōurnal of South Asian Studies, Wol. I, No. 1 Jan. 1976, p. 4.
64, ibid, pp. 12-14. The attacks against the Sangha may havo partly been caused by their refusal to recongnise his claims to Kingship.
65. Māgha, who could not have conform^d to tho requiremont that tlho king should be a Buddhist appears to havo undergone a consecration. "Tho Cūlavamsa assorts that he was consecratcd by the soldiers led by Manabharana. Thodotails of his consecration presumably difforcd from thoso of the other kings of Polonnaruway.
TE oRIGINs oF TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA - '1 13
size and importance and the almost total liquidation of the old social and political order in thc conqueresi parts of the country. As Magha struck with great power, the inhabitants of the capital and its cnvirons fell victims to his unslaught, and the official hierarchy, the prop of the olt regime, was completely overwhelmed and dislodged from positions of power and influence. The survivors among the dignitaries drifted to areas. remote from Polonnaruwa and difficult of access to the armies of Magha. Rocks and natural cmincinces becamc thc centres of resistance against his armics. Subila, one of the generals under thc carlicit regime, is Said to hav': established himself in indcpcndcnt authority at Yapahuwa, which town came to be known as Subbha pattana after the name its founder. Prince Bhuvanckabahu, who had held the ran of Adipada, established himself on thc Govir, damala mountain and is said to have held sway ovcr the province of Rohana." Thc general Sankhy founded a town on the Gangadoni mountain in the district of Mailinckhala and descrded himself against the armies of Magha. 68 During the carly years of Magha's rule his armies inct with feeble and sporadic resistance lcc by chieftains and generals who had retreated to secure pla -s in Mayarata and Rohana But, after the rise of Vijayatahu IIl they entouncred greater resistance in a somcwhat organized manncr and could no longcr retain control of thc lands outside Rajarata and the casterin littoral.
Vijayabahu III, who had retired to the jungles, found opportunities for a new career open to him in Mayarata. he breakdown of the administration and ... c sense of insecu rity among the inhabitants which de cloped after Magha's invasion and conquest provided avenuxS for the elevation of an adventurer who had ambition and considerable ability for organizatic n. Vijayabahu took advantage of the circumstances and gradually cxtendcd his authority over many chiefs
66. CV, 81 : 3. 67, CV, 8l : 7-8 68. CV, 8l : 5-6
Page 66
14 THE K NGUOM O'; JAFFNA
diving in the Vanni and attained thc rank of "Vanni king'.69 He organized a small force, attacked and expelled the soldiers of Magha and eventually made himself master of Mayarata. He fortified the Dambadeni hills and ruled from there. His achievements were considerable especially when one considers the circumstances and the forces against which he had to contend. He founded a new kingdom and a new dynasty which restored order and stability ovcr a major part of the island. Tluc essorts of Vijayabâ lhu were continued by lis more fortunate son and successor, Parãkramabhu I l.
The reign of Parākramabahu II, which has been chronicled at some length in the Pali chronicle in imitation of the account of Parakramabahu I, witnessed greater success. His successful efforts in bringing the lands in the hill country and the South Western lowlands under his rule scarcely attracted the attention of the local chroniclers. In the North the efforts of his predecessor to.fight Magha were pursued with greater vigour and these have been recorded in a detailed manner in the chronicles. That part of the account of Parikramabahu which deals with his Wars against Magha has assumed the form of a panegyric and its historical value, is, therefore, considerably reduced. The chronicles do not give a clear and convincing account of Migha's defeat by the armies of Parikramabhu. The Culavamsa a count of the war ends rather abruptly like the account of the South Indian campaigns conducted by Parakramabihu . It is claimed that Migha's armies evacuated Polonnaruwa in panic.70 What is interesting is that the chronicles do not give any description of any campaigns or even skirmishes between the combatants in and around Polonnaruwa. It is rather strange that the chronicler, who gives an elaborate description of the war-efforts of Parakramabāhu, has chosen to omit the details of the final stages of the war which according to him led to Magha's evacuation. it is also unlikely that Magha, who held authority over Rajarata for a long time, decided to evacuate Polonnaruwa
69. CW, 8 : 10-11. '70. CV, S3. 25-35.
THE ORGINS OF THE "KINGDoM OF JAFFNA - 1 15
on the mere approach of the enemy forces. Besides, the statement recorded in the Culavamsa that Magha and his armies left the cot ntry is vague and leads to the suspicion that the chronicler has taken care to onnit certain details which conflicted with his conceptions of arakramabhu as a great and heroic Ruler.
In the circumstances it may be assumed that Magha suffered a revrsc at Kālivapi as claim 2d by the Pili and Sinhalese chronicles but continued to hold ground over most of Rajarata, Either he continued to rule from Polonnaruwa or withdrew to a centre to the north of it which was considered to be more secure. It could al.; be surmised that he repulsed the attack on Polonnaru, a by Parākramabāhu's forces. The accounts of thc chronicles suggest that the war against Magha had been concluded by 1247, the eleventh year of Parakramabhu ll. The fact that Parākramabihu was able to undertake restoration work in Polonnaruwa only around 1264, after the defeat of Candrabhanu, also provides some justification for entertaining serious doubts about the authenticity of the claims made in the chronicles about c defeat of Magha and his abandonment of Polonnaruwa. . Inat Màgha continued to be in power for a long tims after the conclusion of his wars with Parikrannabihu is evident from the statemant in the Pujiv aliya that he held sway over Rajarata for a period of forty years."
The claim made in the Pijivaliya that Magha exercised authority over Rajarata for forty years wild seem to conflict with the statement made in the sa e chronicle that he held sway over Lanka for a period of twenty-one years. But this contradiction could b2 easily explained when we recognise that the regnal period of twenty-one years attributcd to Mãgha had no bearing on the duration of his rule or the date of his supposed evacuation of Polonnaruwa. The claim that he Aruled over Lanka for twenty-one years is a wrong one and
71. The Decline of Polonnaruwa... p. 130.
Page 67
f6 TIJE KINGD() M1 OF JA MA'
was adoptcd by thc chroniclers who 'w cre confuscd by the : official scheme of chronology followed by the Sinha lese court.72
The p2iod of twenty-onc years betwccn Mãgha’s conquest of Polonnaruwa in 1215 and the consecration of Parakramabahu II at Dambadeniya as king of Lanka in 236 was reckoned as a Rajantara in thc official scheme of chronology. Thc chroniclers have attributci this criod of twenty-one years to Migha. On the basis of the statemnt made in the chronicles that. Magha held sway ovci lanka for twenty-one years it cannot and should not bc concludcd that Magha's rule was only of twenty ons lycars durition especially in view of tic falt tilha lhe continued to occupy Tolonnaruwa for many years, cven after the consccration of Parākramabihu, Parakramab hu's campaigns against Magha w cre not fought in 1236, when the former was consccrated as king, but after making preparations spread. out over several years after that event. There is, thcrefore, no. justification to raise doubts about the statement in the Puja. valiya that Mãgha held Sway over . Rajarata for a period of forty years.
Magha's rulc over the northern parts of thc island appears. to have been sup3rceded by that of the Javakas under thc leadership of Candrabhanu, an invader from the Malay Peninsula. Candrabhanu invaded the island around 1247 after the conclusion, of the wars between Migha and Parakramabahu II, and raided. the territories subject to the rule of Parakramab.hu, II, It is, claimed that Virabahu, a nephew of Parikramabahu, repulsed. Candrabhanu's invasion." Candrabhanu, thereafter, directed his energies against the Kingdom of Magha. On his second attempt to conquer the island, he is said to have Janded at Matola with reinforcements from the Cola and Pandya countries.' By about 1263 Candrabhanu had already established.
ན་བབ་བབ་ דה" - - - - ר" או "- 5ג - مجسمی می به-----------.. . ,
2. The Cullaramsa at one placo states that Magha, who httainod the dignity of kingship and lived in Polonnaruwa, hold sway over Lanke, for twenty-one years, but lator it refers to his period as a rajantare CV, 80:74,79; 81:1.
73. The Decline of Polo.inaruwa... p. 139
74, CV, 88 : 62-65.
TE ORIGINS OF T I TE I KINGDOM OF JAFFNA — Il 7
ihis power in the northcrn part of the island a rid was threatening Parakramabalu from the north. The Cavamsa asserts that thc Jivaka ruler had brought under his sway the perple living in Kurundi, Padi and other places. Candrabhãnu and his | followers seem to have brought under their control the Jaffna peninsula and the Vanni area cxtending from Maintai to Trincomalce. The kingdom which was under Jivaka rule appears to havc bcen known among restrict cd circles of th: litcrati as Ja vagama, and a medieval Sinhalese text, the Kada impota, gives
the following description of it.
'Morcover in J. vagama, therc are five mai i districts, Jã va riparata, Marãcirata and Balta dirata, Mudundumalliyarata and Kayukkinirata; stone pillars with Tamil inscriptions have bcci set up for thic boundarics so that this region of ten thousand is enclosed by them. This region is cndowed with tanks, lakes, pools, ponds, filds, gardens, and other objects.7
All the cirritories that have bccn mentioned here as the constituent parts of Jivagama 76 were to be sound within the Tamil kingdom which later came under the rule of a Tamil dynasty, the Arya Cakravarttis, who traced their origins to Rãmēšvaram in the Rinya Kingdom. The scurces relating to this period "do not, howcver, indicatic prcciscily how and whcn Candrabili nu
75. Tri Sinn halin. Kadain Saha Vitti, od. by A. WW , rnirnbo, Kindly, 1929, Äry:n Kir, som in North Corylon.” JR, SCD} (Now Sorics) Vol. VII, pt. Ji, p. 1 : 4-195.
76. Of tho sive main districts of Jāvagama, Marācira a hos bcon
identified with Maricci, n. torritorial unit in tho Jaffnn leth insult present ly cor: sist ing of tho , wo division:s Vatnama ricci a 1 dl Ten - Jin racci. Kalikini sncms to bo n variant form n. Kantuk kēni, tho Innino of a villingo in tho Mvulaittivu division of the Vavuniya district. Mudundurnaliyarntn has beon identificd ns Mulynval a division of the sanno district. Instead of I ripa sono nn ntaliscripts hnvo tho forn Caragatceri which ould ensily ba idrntified f s t ho present, Cāvnikaccēri. The fifth divi on, nnmely Bn! tadirn;a. 'scrims to bc tho onn resorred to as 13aldadi by Queyroz, recording to whom it formed pnrt of tho chieftir iney of Mulliy avalni. JRASC 3 (New soties) Vol. VIII, pt. ii, p. 194-195.
Page 68
18 TFE KNGDOM OF AF-NA
conquered most of Rajara'a, which was formcrly under Maghar. As the cvidence from the Piudya inscriptions suggests that the Jã vaka had established a kingdom in the island by 1258, it may be assumed that the principal conquests of the Javakas in the north of thc island were made after the demisc of Magha in 1255. It is also possiblic that Candrabhinu cstablished some strongholds in the north a scr his defeat at the hands of Vrab hu in 1247 and dirceted his cnergics against Magha thus contributing in course of time to the latter’s down sal.
The invasions of Mã gha and Candrabhĩ mu had the cffect of cstablishing on a permancnt basis a new and independent kingdom which camc to be gradually and effectively isolatcal from thc Sinhalesc kingdom in the sou: h by territorics that w rc being encroachcd by jungles.
The Dravidian warrior chiefs with whose support Migha and Cardrabhanu conquet cd a patt of the island became thc dominant clement in society in those parts of this country that came undcr.their rule. Some of the social and cultural, institutions of the Ceylon Tamils, especially in the castern littoral, were crystallized during the time of Migha. The traditions incorporated in Th Ancient History of Batticaloa presuppose that Mã gha cx crciscd cffectiv, authority over most of the castern littoral through chieftains established at military strongholds at Manmunai and othcr localitics. Thcs.ic traditions claim that the division of each castic into units call cd Kuti which were conventionally sevcm in 1,umber, had their origins under Mãgha.” This claim presupposes that the period of Magha's rule was an important and dccisive stags in the developmont of Tamil Settlement3 in the ea Stcrn littoral.
Vira Srivilm, wl:ich oncc exerted a strong influence in t fie e:sten iittore), seems to hive ben introduced among the Tamil settlements there during the parioid of Migha's rule. The priestly functions in one of the indu temples in the estern littoral have becm and re still to a cert in cxtent perform cd by the Cankani r
it. Mt. i. p. 7s -il.
TE ORIGINS OF THB KINGDOM : j F JAFFNA — i 19
who form a strong and influential element in some localities in the region. They continue to wear on their chests the Vira Saivite emblem, the lingam, encased in bronze caskets which have the figures of the recumbent bull and the trident carved upon them. Tradition claims that the ancestors of the Cakamar had come from the town of Mallikarjunapuram in it, a in the distant past. Their rituals and worship are still gui. 2d by manuscript texts expounding Lingayat doctrines and beliefs."
It is significant that the Tanronrisvarar temple at Kokkatticcolai, thc leading Saivite shrine in the entire eastern littoral to the south of Kottiyiram, was, according to tradition, established during the period of Kilinga rule.7°. The ar.hitectural style of the Vimana of this temple, which was dor ited by its massive stnpi and was of brick construction a the Pindya style of architecture scems to suggest that the terple had been constructed O , claborate scale during the thirteenth century, 80
Another famous shrine on the eastern littoral associatcd with Magha by local tradition is the Subramanya Temple at Tirukkóvil. Among the buildings of this ancient shrine only the Vimä na has remained intact while all o:l'er structures have
collapsed. This gracefully designed Vimar , has, on the grounds of its architectural style, been compare . to the Pandya monuments in South India and been assign cd to the thirtecnth century. A Tamil inscription which could be assigncd to thc fourteenth century records the donation made to this temple by a certain Vijayab thu.** Mãgha is also associated with Konesvaram in the traditions recorded in The Early History of Batticaloa. It is claimed that Migha granted to this temple thc
78. Uimpublish cel manuscripts.
7Ꮽ. MᎥ * f , m 48.
80. Tlinc rother parts of tho original F:tructurc s h 'n ve vannished in coursc» of ti 1nc. Th^ rn a nd apa and the surrounding subsidiary shrinos arro 1't cont. Cs structions
8 l. S. P.i.t ana vit n nn, “Archn cological Sumnnry," ("JSO(G)TI, pp. 160- 1131 82. CII. pt. J, p. 6
Page 69
20 'l' [' KINGl)OM OF JAF{'NA
revenues. from thc towh of incomalec. Thc Kulakkottain traditions as found in thc Könecar Kalvettu and other texts relating to Konesvaram, as will be secn later, presuppose a revival of Saivitic religious and artistic activity in the frincomalee region during thc time of Migha.'
The Sanskrit inscription on the seal reccintly discov red at Padaviya and which has been assigned to the thirteenth century on palaeographic considerations shows that there was a Brahmin settlement at Padaviya. The inscription states.that it was issued by Mahesa who resided at Sri Padi grama inhabitcd by Brahmins and whose feet were adorned by thc diadems of Indra and other gods. It has been assumed that the Mahesa mentioned in the epigraph could have been Magha, and on the basis of this assumption it has been surmised that Mãgha resided at Phdaviya after evacuating Polonnaruwa. It is, however, disficult to accept the explanation that the seal was issued by Magha becausc Mahesa meaning "The great God' is an epithct of Siva and a person whosc sect arc described as being adorned by the diadcms of Indra and of othcrgods could only be a God and not a King. Morcover, Mägh, who was a st Munch Saivitc, could not have imagined that hic could command thc homorge of the gods herded by Indra. The-seal was in all probability issued by the authoritics of a Saivite templc at Padaviyil.
The evidence from this inscription my perhaps show that Saivism and Saivite institutions continu cd to flourislu at Pada viyi during the timc of Magha. The issue of a scal in the name of a local temple presupposcs that the ten plc had an institution to manage its affairs. The Hindu architectural remains at Padaviya show that there were a number of Saivitic shrines in mcdicval times. Most of these
83. MM, pp. 74-75.
84. Seo Chapter V. V
85. Tho inskription runs: Svasti Srimint dvijä vasn Sripati grām visinah innhesisyai fadindridi mauli Rajita sasanam. See, Ceylon Observor, Nov. 28. 1970, p. 2.
86. K. Indrapala,'Yalppina iracciyam Tonriyn. Katnimum Cunilaiyurn',
Ilañkntir (Perndeniyn,`197J), p, 56. -
THE ORIGNS OF TE KNGLOM OF JAFFNA - 1 12
emples, which had their origins under CJia rule, continued to flourish until the fourtcentlh century. The Hindu shrines at Pada viya were presumably supported by the warrior chiefs sett lcd at the local military outposts by Mã glha and by the increan filc and other Davidian communitie wing in that town. Saivitic and other Hindu institutions cre presumably set up or maintain cd at Polonnaruwa and other centres in a similar , manncr during thc pcriod of Mã gha's rule.
Page 70
The Chieftaincies of the Vanni Origins and Development
The thirtcenth century witnessed the development of thc autoiomous or indic pendent principalities called the Wanni. They. wcfc confincci mainly to the dry zone and v cre administ cred mostly by i a mil chic fa caled Vanniyar, some of whom claimncel des cent from South Indian Warriors. Among the mcdieval Vanni chieftaincics thosc of Pinakiima inn,
Mopattu, muliyavalai, Karunãvalpa tu, Karikka (umulai and Tennamaravați in the
north werc incorporated into the kingdom of Jaffna "
The Vanni principalitics of Batticaloa and Puttalam were dominaticci mostly by mukkuvar who were of Korala origin and werc matrilincai in their social organization. The chieftains of Trincomalce, who enjoyed cc insiderable prestige and influence.
SLS LS0SS0SSHtSLLLt SSS ttttttt tttttSSLLL SS SSS SLEE SLLLLLtttttttLLttL tt LS ELLLLLS0 SS LStSL ttSSStSSSttLSEEEES LLLLSLS LLLLL tLLttt LLLLL LGGEEEt tSttESSSSLS SLSSLLLLLL LLLL SS LLLGLLttt L tHS LLS LLLLtttSLL LLLLLttt SSS SSSHHHS SSLS iGSHH S S SLLLLLLLL LSL SLS LLSS t SSH LLSLLLGL t ttSSSStLLStttttttSS00SS0HHS SESSS0LLLL S SLtSL ttaSSSL LLStStt ttt SASSS LLLLLSSLL SLALS StLLL SLL Ltt iLiLGLES LLLLL SLGLL LLLLLLLLi LL Lr LS ttttL LSLSSSJJSSL LaaESSS S LLGC LLLL LESESLLEELSS0tEEESL ELLL SS LLLLHtSSS GGSS S LLLLtL LSSS LLS SSS aESHaS ESS SSSLLGLaa 00S 00r0 SLSaSLSLJrrt cSLLLSLLLSrrS 00S SSS SSS SLSSS SLESLLrEL LS LSLSL LLSS tHLH SLLLSLS SSrLLSLSSL tt SSSSLLL SSSSSSSE0SS SLSSLSSttLLSS SH S SSSSSSttHtS SSSSSSS 000 S 0000SS SSS00 S0 HHHS S SLLLtLtaSLSLLtttLrrS0E0SS SS 00S SttL S S LL SLLLag ! at at 7.; } 7.2 (t rn s; };. Reimers, i ) (i) pp. 55.58.
2. Fenno de Queyroz, The T cmporal anil Spiritul Conqu"st of Ceylon SLS SSLLSS S LLLLLSSS LSSaLLLSS S 0SSS LLLLLLL LLLLLLLLSGLLLLL LLS SLLLLLLL ( r ;. uisuci, pp. 47- S8 : (66-72.
3.
A pp. plate grant of Bhavanekabahu VII dated in Saka 14(4) (A. ). Si (; ; , ), cntious Navar at na Van niya, a Niukku va Chirf, who w : R i viigi at ), nun vil n n, n d i uling ovcrtho area of Puttalam. Seo Si j j ' . : t: ( h”{ነy. The (c. :lo: (...t.cts cer, (Cotta Church Mission.
' -3 || S. 34). I, 78. Si n und a pendices, l and 2).
TI E CII l'EFTANCES OF THE \ vNNI 23
were Saivite Tamils like the Vanniyar of "Jaffnapatnam' and claimed descent from conquerors who had comic from the Tamil country in South India. The Vanni chiefs in the north central parts of the island were Sinhalese and Veddahs but little is known of their history after thc thirtcenth century.
During the carly thirt centh ccntury the i juni principali'ics had cmcrged as ccntres of scudal power an aft cr the la' ... thirticcinth century thc Culavamsa and some Sinhalcse and Tamil texts make mention of them. The Vanni Chieftains were to be found in the territories that were subj2ct to the control of Magha (125-1255) and his two contenporaries at Dambadeniya. Vijayalb u hu l l I and Pa riià kra immub li hu lil (1236-1271). Vijayabżuh u himself is said to have attained the rank of a 'V' , ; ; King' and is credited with the conquest of the Mahavanni region beyond Maghas con rol. Parakranabahu II i sa u to have brought under his influence the Sinhalese kings in tic land of the Vanni and thc Vanni kings living in Rajarata and Rohaga are said to have acknowl:dged his overlordship 6 During th2 reign of Parākrainabihu, when the Pujivaliya, which contains thc ea fliest reference to the Vannis, was writtel), there were many Vanni Chicfi:ins holding sway over areas which were under Magha and his contemporarics at Dambadeniya. BCsidas, tile term * Vanni” was also applicd to a large area in the dry z. e. As Migha and his contemporarics at Dambadeniya, Vijaya)ahu I and Parikramabahu, h ici connections with the Vanni, the cigins of the territorial divisions called the Vanni and the Vanni chieftaincy as a feudal institution must to back to a period bafore Migha's invasion. Iuring thc thirteenth century, specifically under Para kramabhu II, thc privileges of the Vanni cinics ains were well defined; thy were autonomous and had the own retainers and paraph frnalia according to their rank Such a state of
4. C}^. 8.3:10, 8 ;:87-89); A Contributio!) to thise History of Cc, y to it translant crai froín í st' '''1'uja, alira" by C. Gi.nasckal a Mudalis a r (t.'olombo, 1895)
p. 37, 42.
5. C., 8: 1); A Contribution to the Hirto.' " of Cellon Translated fro"
the 'Pit in ilira" (PJ V), pp. 37-42.
6. C. , 83:1 (): 83 : S.S.S. 89:53.
7. C.J., 8): 53
Page 71
24 TE KINGDoy or JAFFNA
- affairs presupposes that those chieftaincies had developed over
a considerable period of time.
Thc word 'Vanni' and its variants as used in Sinhalesc, Tamil and Tali Texts had four different connotations: a caste group among both Tamils and Sinihalesc, a feudatory province, a feudal chief and lastly a unit of territory confined Irimarily to the dry zone. Thc Sinhalesc chronicles and literary Works make mention of cightccn vannis and refer to two broad divisions called Mahavanni and Sirivanni." Thc Vanni principalitics were Conventionally referred to as th: cight cen vannis in Sinhalesc Works, presumably under thc influence of a South Indian tradition and not because therc, were cighteen such principalitics.
The basis of thc distinction between thc Mah ivanni and the Sirivanni is not at all clear.'"
In the thirteenth century the Vanni area was as cxtensive as to includc portions of the three traditional territorial divisions of the island: Rajarata, Miyarata and Rohana. The qu stion arises as to how an extensive arid contiguous region and the principalities spread over it came to be known as the Vanni. Tennent conjectures that th: namic must have been derived cithcr. from the word Vana (forest) or from the word Vahni (Vanni in Tamil) meaning "firc' on account of the intenschcal of the region but hic does not take into account historical cvidence." Gnanapragasar contends that the Vanniyar, who belonged to a warrior caste, had come to the island in the armies of forcign invaders, settled in regions whicre anarchy prevailed and gradually
S. Thc dry-zone, thc low Country wct-onc nntl luo crnt rnt higllands arc tho thirco innin gographical divisions of tho is ind, "I'llo first of thoso includes tho Northorn. North ('yntrnl. No tl Wrst orn and Easiurn Provinco 8 nnd a par f. of the Southeria Provinco.
0. UCH3, Vol I, pt. II, p. 737.
10. Thc nuinber of Vanni Chioss and heir territorics is sometimes given as cightocn and sometimes ns throc hundred and sixty-four. In the opinion of Parannvitana l'oihaps theso (tho, oightcon) were thc Maha : l’annii and tho t laroo hu ni lrcd and sixty four the Siri - Vanni, ibidi, 8
. J. P Lewis, Manital of thc Fanni Districts, (Colombo, 1895) p. l.
TIE C1 ETT ANCES or 1 E v ANN 25.
established principalitics in the areas included in the Vavuniya and Trincoma lec districts. He doss inct : Inpt to cxa mine Oil l Croologia basis the proccss by ich the chicsáincies of the Wanni had cvolvcd. VK
in endorsing the vicw of Gnanapragasar lndr:pala adduces tlh 'et in arguments. Firstly, the traditions Concerning the ori. gins of th: Vanniyar are sound in india but not in Sri Lanka. Secondly, the pig rapli is and literary references to the Vanniyar of indi: blong to a period Carlic than at of ille references to the Vanniyar in thc island, Lastly, the traji: , cibodied il the lo chronicles claim that the Vanniyar su come to the island frt in the Tiji il country. Moreover he scrts:
The traditions in the Tamil clonicles refer to a time when invaders and Settlers from South India, including the Vanniyar, Occupied the present Northern and Eastern provinces and set up chieftaincies there. Thes WCrite undoubtedly the chieftaincies which latcr Canne to be known as the Vanni. There were a few pr nent leaders, one of whom was viagha, who were resp. sible for the Creation of Vanni chieftaincies in the Trinco malee and, Batticaloa districts.
The validity of the conclusions arrived at by Gnanapragasai and lindra pula may be examined in the light of the South Indian tvidence on thc Vanniya T.
The Wanniyar in South Inr' a
In the Tamil country, as in Sri Lanka, the term' 'Wanti”
tlenoted a community or a feudal chief aincy. As a caste community of professional warriors the Vanniyar were proniment
I2. SS. (1 t tn t v i i prnginsia1", *'áippinn, koofiliparra Poitorauricanam (Y VV) (Acchuvely,
192S), p 28,
13. JR, Intl inpala, Early Dravidian settlement, in Ceylon and the Beginnings of the Kingdom of Jalila (unpublis’iod I u. thesis, University Cf London, l965), p. 339.
4. K. ndrinpala, "Tho Origin of the Tumi Vanni Chief aincies of
Ceylon, The Ceylon Journa, of IHumanitie. Vol. i و No. 2, Jul 1970 رز
p. 35-36. è .
Page 72
26 TE KING DOM OF JAFFNA
in mcdicval South Indian armies. Since the epigraphical references to the Vanniyar soldiers and regiments date from the period of * Cola expansion under Rajaraja I and his successors it may be inferred that the growth of Cola military power had contributed to the emergence of the Vanniyar as a distinct social group-a community of professional warriors. Under the Colas the mode of remuneration for military Service was often in the form of land-assignments to be held on service tenure. Such assignments to the Vanniyar were referred to as Vanniyaparru in Cola inscriptions.
Cola inscriptions also mention feudal chieftains who held the rank of Vanniya(r)nayan, "The chief of the Vanniyar'. In the Cola Kingdom three lines of feudatory chiefs, namely the Malayaman chiefs of Malayaminifu otherwise called Jananatha Valanafu, the Gangas of Pañkalamitul and thc Sambuivarâyar chiefs appcar to have borne the cpit het Vanniya(r)nāyan. 16 A1 .1 he principalitics under the charge of thcs.c chieftains were in Toptainlartalam. The Malayamins, who were descended from an ancient family of local chieftains, exercised authority from the centres of Kiliyur and Ataiyur under the later Colas. The Chiefs of Malayamina u had the epithets Malayaman, Periya uaiyin and Cetiyarayan. During the reigns of Rajaraja (1 163.1 178) and Kulottunga i II they had the additional epit het Vanniyarnayan. Rajaraja Cetiyariya (, tentioned in inscriptions issued since the sixth year of Rajdhirija, was referred to also 3us (taliyuram Sa titukku (ātān Vanniya f"ı il yaın.' * He was succeeded by Rôman, otherwise called Vanniya Devcndra Malayamān, , around the tenth year of the same king.'"
During the early years of Kulot tunga IIT the chieftain who ruled over a part of Malayaminatu from Kiliyur was Rajaraja
15. K.A. Nilnkant a Sastri, The C, las (2nd cd. Magdras, 1965) p 505
6. S Rathmanathan, "Feucal Polity in Niccic vat Sri Lanka: An Exanination of the Chic staincics of tho Vanni, CJHSS, Vol. II, (Now Series), No. 2, (July-December 1972), p. 27. ' 17. ARE. 1934|35, p öl Nos. 188, 9.0
18 A RE , 1934 i 35, pp. 61, 63 Nos 25, 186 : 19. ARE., 1934/35, pp. Gl 63; Nos. 125, 186
TH3 CEFTAINCES OF TE V' \, N M 27
Kõvalrāyan Vanniyarnãyan,oo the son of Rãjarāja Cếtiyarãyan, who was a general and Vassal of Rijádhi rija. This chief, who continued in authority until at least A. D. l 200, had the additional epithet Palavayudha Vallabha, 'The one who is proficient in the use of many weapons.' Another general and feudatory of Rajadhiraja was Narasimhavarman Karikalacoian, the Malayaman of Ataiyur, referred to in inscriptions as Vanniy arm ikkalnayan. He was one of the generals sent by the a government to support the Pandya Prince Kulasekhara his wars against this .armies of Parākramabãhu I of Sri Lanka... *
A ganga chief of Pankalanatu, Klitti unté van Prithvigangan, is described as Vanniyamatevan in inscriptions from Tiruvaņā - malai. The Simbuvaraiyar chiefs, who claimed Pallava descent, were another line of chiefs who had a claim to the epithet Vanniyarniyan. An epigraphic record of the thirty eighth year of Kulottunga III refers to Ceńkēņi Ammais pan Simbuvardyan as Vanniyarnayan. He may be identifie, with Ceikéni Ammai. yappan otherwise called Vikramacola Simbuvariyan, an ally of Narisimhavarman Karikalacolan, who was the Malayam in of Ataiyur.
The epithet 'Van niyarnäyan, a variant of which was Vanny armakkanayan, may be defined as one that dinotes a dignitary who was either a general who had regiments of Vanniyar under his charge or a chief , the people called Vanniyar. During the period of the is perial Colas the word Vanniyar had two connotations. Firstly it denoted a particular group of people-a community, as suggested by th: cxpression 'Vanniyarmakkal'. Secondly it signified the rank of a feudatory chieftain, as suggested by an inscription of the reign of Kulottunga II which records a compact between two Malaya
20. A RE., 1937/38. No 38 21. Cataciva Pantårattar, Pirklaccölår Ciri ei n, pt., 11, p '73 22, S11. VIII, N.s. i 17, 120 23. F ir kā accōar Carit tiran, pt. II, p. 173 24. ARE, 1938, 39, p. 77
25. ARE., 1911, p. 74
26. SII, VII, No. 1 )
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28 Te KING 1)Oi Oi JAFFNA
mäns of Kiliyür, Rājarija Céitiyarâyan aid Alakiya Colain Akaractiran. The inscription records that they agreed to perform together and in mutual collaboration the irajakaryam, "the service for the King' and the servicc for thc Vanniyar 7 The Vanniyar was cvidently a dignitary of higher rank and one who could command their allegiance and service.
Some of the Vanniyar apparently had connections with the Welaikkarar. Sevcral cipigraphs from Tirukköyilür record the vow of loyalty tiken by thc Velaikkarar to the Vanniyarnayan Rājarāja Cetiyariyan, the. Malayanmän of Kiliyur.28 "The Velaikkarar plcdged individually and in some instances jointly to serve and dcend him cven at the cost of their lives and to perish with him in the event of his death. The Velaikkarar in the scrvice of thcsc chieftains werc a sort of retainers and recall thc 'household warriors of feudal society in medieval Europè.
Some of the Malayamans are known from inscriptions to have bccn Velaikkârar. Cctiyarâya Malayaman, Kuvalrâya Malayamãn Kiliyuran and Palavāyudha Vallabha Malayamãn are said to have been Velaikkarar scrving under iraiyüran Cetiyarayan Vanniya ()nayaii of Kiliyur. As the Malayaman chicfs werc both Vanniyar and Velaikkarar it may bc inferred that some of the Velaikkarar were Vanniyar. Indecd a Ve ļaikkäri o is describcd as a Vanniya nacci.' There forc, a chics who had the epithet Vanniyarnayan could have been a Vėjaikkaran.
The Cola feudatorics who had the epithet Vanniyar (nayan) exercised authority over certain principalities which were for the most part contiguous on a hereditary basis. Some of them were quite powerful and held Sway over fairly large territorial divisions. The Malayaman Cetiyarayan for instance had under his jurisdiction the divisions of Malayamanatu, Vanakoppatinatu, Cenkunranau and Ulaikkatunatu. They maintained armies of their
27. ARE, 1934/35, p. 61 (No. 189), 28. ARE, 1934/35, Nos. 122, 126, 136,-142, 144-147, 153 159 29. A RE., 1934:35, Nos. 145, 153, 202 30. T. N. Subramaniam, South Indian Temple Inscriptions (SIT).
p. 66; No. 700 31. MARE, 1934/35, p. Gil, Nos. 180, 190
TE CHIEFTA INCES (JF THE VANN I 129
town and, as part of their obligations presumably supplied their Cola overlord with a certain number of troops whenever incccssity arose. They also served as generals in the armies of the Colas and werc honoured for their valour and success in wars. Epithets such as Carrukkutatan, The one who does not yield', Anaikattina, "The one who tied the elephant,' and Palavayudha vallabha, "The one proficient in the use of many weapons' were presumably conferred on them by the Cola Kings.
The question of the origin and devel criment of the Vanni principalities in Sri Lanka may now be cosidered in the light of the conclusions that have emerged fron, the analysis above of it he evidence from South Indian inscriptions. The use of the term Vanniya)partu to denote territorial or administrative divisions in the Tamil country and Sri Lanka and the application of the word Vanniya(na)r to signify the rank of a feudal chieftain in both countries cannot be an accidental coincidence. As Sri Lanka was subject to strong South Indian influence during this period it may reasonably be assumed that the word Vai'i and its variants were introduced into the island by Tamil c inquerors from South India. In the circumstances two explanatiuns could be postulated regarding the emergence of principalities called the Vanni in the island. The first is that they developed from the practice of placing thc administration of territorial divisions under the charge of Vanniyar regiments and their leaders. Thc sccend is that pockets of local authority which gradually developed into autonomous principalities as a result of the declinc of central authority came to be referred to as Vannis when they were occupiccd and administered by Tamil warriors belonging thc community of Wanniyar. 32 ܖ
32. Regarding the uso of tlhe torm Vanni in the island Indrapa la obsorv cs: “It is dificult to traco how this na ne came to bo applied to Sinhalcso Chieftains, too. Ono possibility is that tho tern Vanni became current for chieftains in tho abandoned legions of Ειειia rata and in tho forest tracts olsewhore aftor the Wanni Chiofs from South Indin established thcmselves in tho Northern parts of Ceylon. Anot hor possibility is that the term was introduced into tho island before the nig'ation of South Indian Wann shiefs, in tho game mannor as South Indian administrative tens e to be introdu, Vanni, howovor, was not us cd in Sou“h Indi . . a 8 an administrativo torn and tho Vinnini chiefs there woro not inoods of admiristrativo units'. (The Ceylon Journal of Hurianities. Vol. I. No. 2, July 1970, pp. 135-136) If Vanni was not use" in Sout in India a 8 an administrntivo torm thoro cannot bo any tossibility of it over having boon introduced into tho island in tho sai no manner as other South indian : administrativo terns camco to be introduced. (Continued)
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30 THE KNGIDOM OF JAFFNA
It would be useful to consider here the origins of the term Vanni(ya)parru. The word parru denotes a territorial division consisting of several villages. In South India it was a unit of the nau. Sometimes, however, the natu, was a sub-division of the parru. The expression Van niyaparru mentioned in Tamil inscriptions is generally defined as a latnd-holding held by Vanniyar regiments on service tenure. The term Vanni(ya)parru could have come into vogue in Sri Lanka in thc samme minner as in the Cola kingdom. It may have been introduced during the period of Cola rule (993-1070) or adopted later in the Polonnaruwa pariod, owing to the influence of South Indian warriors serving in the island. The carliest Vanni chieftaincies of Sri Lanka could have evolved from land-holdings given to Vanniyar regiments, on service tenure. The fact that the Velaikkarar were in the service of Vanniyar chiefs in South India and the further fact that some of those chiefs themselves were Velaikkirar would suggest that the origin of the Vanni chieftaincies in the island. could have been connected with the activities of the Velaikkarar.
The Velaikkarar had come to the island during the period of C5a rule and their settlements were to be found even after the fall of Cola power. They were employed by the Sinhals kings until the end of the twelfth century and wielded great
Indrapala's contention that Vanni wins not t, scal in South India ns
administrative term is incorrect. Vanniyar and Vanninai, the corres.
ponding Tamil forms of Yanni (raja), have been used in South Indin
in thc sonso of ( l) a foudinto y princc (2) in comrrian der and 3) in
Sārumanta (Soe: Mifadras Tamil Lexicon, Jo 1 V, po 2557. Moreov cir, tho , exprcission Vanni (ya ) parru was used in South Indin nnd S i Innkin to
denote a unit of land or a torritorial division held by tho Vanniyar.
33. Tho term Vanniya parru is explained ns ono thint donotics lands hold under military tenure See SITI, III, pt 2, (Epigraphical Glossary) and Madras Tanil Lexicon, V., pp. 2557-8.
34. Parru (Coliosluially Pattu) is a Dravidian Word (parru in Malnynlan and Tamil; pattu in Cana reso) which denotics a territorial division consising of several villages. This word cane into vogue in Sri Lanka presumbly nfter the Cola conqucst. In Tamil Nadu a pa rru vas a unit of the natu Sonict innes, however, the natu was a subdivision of a Jr (i : r t). See T. V. Mahnling an), Administration ancë : Social Life Under Vijayanagar 1, p. 81, and iso MTL.
TIE CHIEFTAINCIES OF TIE VANN 131
influence in politics and society. The Vẽ{n:kkārar and other Dravidian soldiers formed an important section of the royal armies posted at military outposts lik ve Padaviya, Kötiyaram and Kantalay. Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that the administration of territorial divisions were placed under the charge of generals,“ The relaxation of central authority naturally tended to enhance the power and authority of such chieftains at the local level. In the light of these considerations the origins of the chieftaincies callel the Vanni may be traced from this changes that occurre u the military and administrative systems in Sri Lanka d., Ing the period of Cola rule and the centuries that followed the eon.
Political conditions in thc Polonnaruwa period were conducive to the growth of the centres of local power. Except during the reigns of Vijayabâhu I (1070-1110) and Parakramabahu (1153-1186) the country witnessed political instability. Frequent wars and the lack of effective central control produced a sense of insecurity, and under such conditions generals and lot... chiefs could wield greater influence and power than usual is testified by manifold examples in history. Even under Parikramabahu there were settlements which enjoyed local autonomy. After his death the Polonnaruwa kingdom declined and finally disintegrated when Migha conquered Polonnaruwa in A. D. 1215. The breakup also facilitated the culmination of the process of the evolution of the feudal chieftaincies. These chieftaincies emerged as independent or autonomous centres of political power ?i di began to play a crucial role in the politics and the admistrative rhanagement of the island.
The term Vanniyaoar, which was generally applied to the chiefs of the Vanni in South India and the Tamil districts of Sri Lanka,
35. See Chapter III
36. Rakka, a general of Gajabhu I, exercised althority over the hill eountry. Malayarāyar, a goneral of Parā kr 22, 1) hjhu I, administered the North western divisions of Dakhinad sa Another general of l'arakramabahu, Narayana, was in chari.) of the province around Anuradhapura. Bhuta, anothor general of this king, was appointed to administor Rohann. See CV, 09:6-ll: 70; 5-6; 72:05-69; 5:96.
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132 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
may be said to have been derived from the title Vanniya(r)nayan which was originally a military title signifying the rank of a general. This development was the result of a process of progressive growth in which the general became a feudal chief exercising territorial jurisdiction. However, the original significance of the title was subsequently forgotten and in course of time it came to denotic only the rank of a feudal chief. During the late thirteenth century the title V.nniyanar or Vanniraja was no. longer confined exclusively to the chieftains of the Vanniyar caste. It came to signify the rank of any feudal chief. tain in the dry zone and all the lands subject to the authority of such chiefs werc collectively known as the Wanni.
Māgha and the Chieftains of Batticaloa
The eastern littoral, extending from Pūmunai in the South to Verukal-aru in the north and comprising most of the lands in the Batticaloa and Amparai districts, has been marked out as a separate region by geographical factors. In medieval times geographical envirchment and historical circumstances had led to a sensc of identity among the inhabitants of this region. The Tamils who inhabited this region, which was isolated to a considerable extent from the political and cultural developments in the rest of the island, developed a Social organization and oultural traditions which werc in many ways distinctive. Although a uniform pattern of Social and cconomic institutions was developed throughout the land, politically it was divided into a number of small principalitics. They were generally known as partu and were placed under the authority of chiefs stylcd Vanniyar. The most important among these principalities werc those of Batticaloa, Manmunai, Palukamann and Natukafu." Sammânturai, Eravur, Porativu and Koralaippatru are the other
37. The population of Naukau was a mixed one consisting of Tàmils Sinhaleso and Weddahs. The natukaitu paraveni Kalsettu (Br. Μ. Mss. Or.) contains interosting information on the topography, history, society and administration of this division. S. Pathmanathan, "Nātu Kātu Pravaņi Kalveļu, Batticaloa National Confrence Souvonir, IATR (Sri Lanka Natinal Unit), March, 1976, pp. 82-90
TIE CHIIEFTAINCES OF THE VANN 1 133
principalitics. The seventcenth century Portuguese chronicler, de Queyroz, asserts that these principalitics were originally set up by the sons of a Mukkuvar prince who ruled over a major part of the rcgion. But the account about these princelings as recorded by de Queyroz is confused and does not seem to be based on any authcntic tradition. As the historical traditions of Batticaloa claim that the obligations, rights and privileges of the Various social groups living in Batticaloa werc once defined by Malayaman it may be inferrcol that some of the Vanni chieftaincic of Ba'icaloa had their origin under chiefs of the Vanniyar castic w' "crc connccted to the Malayaman family of feudatory chicftains un tie Tamil country.ooo
In course of time the Mukkuvar acquired power over most of the Batticaloa region. Their settlements in the castern littoral may have been the result of periodic migrations from Kerala. Local tradition claims that the Mukkuvar who came as the allies and Soldiers of Mãgha secured positions of power and authority during his time. The traditions concerning the Mukkuvar chictains as recorded in thc Malakkalappu Manmiyan may bricfly be summarized herc:
When Manuvaratan, the ruler of Kalinga, learnt of thc un savourable developments in Sri Lanka hic scnt his third son called Makön (Magha) with instructions to propagate Saivism and to install Cukatiran as the ruler of Mattakkalappu. Måkon and his army landed at a spot in Manipuram (Jaffna), procccdcd to Matakkalappu, and had Tinacifikan and his kinsmen put to death. Moreover, he conquered the province and appointed Cukatiran, a Kalinga, as its ruler. With the help of the Pataiyaci Vanniyar he occupied Töppivai (Polonnaruwa), divided its territories and gave them to the members of the Pataiya cikulam. Manatrial (Jaffna), Tirukkönai (Trincomalee) and Mannar were placed under the chiefs of thc
38. The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon by Fernao de Queyrozi
trans. S. G. Perera, Colombo, 1930, p. 18
30. MM, p. 93
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134 TG KINGl)OM OF JAFFNA
Tirukkulam. Hc gave Mattakka lappu to the chicfs of Mukku var, raised a fortress at Manmunai and placcd it under Cuka tiran.
The chicss of thc Mukkuvar whom he had brought from Kā likatam (Calicut) wcre rais cd by him to the rank of Vannipam.“0
Thc forcgoing account claims that Migha appoint cd scveral chicstains to administer (crritorial divisions in Mannar, Jaffna, Trincomalec, Polonnaruwa and Batticaloa. This tradition may bc considered authcntic as it is basically consistent with the claim mạdc in thc Cũlavatnsa that Mãgha and his associatc Jayabãhu hcld sway over Rajarata by posing Kerala and Tamil warriors at military outposts at Mannar, "Trincomalee, Pada viya, Kanta lãy, Polonnaruwa and other military strongholds in Rajarata. In thc light of this tradition it may be assumed that Magha raised to thc rank of Vanniyar some of t c loaders who led his armics and placed territorial divisions in Batticaloa and other areas under thcir authority. But this do is not necessari'y imply that the Wanni chicftaincics in thc island had their origins under him.'
Although thc traditions of the Mukkuvar of Batticaloa, as embodied in the Mattakkalappu minmiyam, attribute the origins of the chieftaincy of thc Mukku var of Batticaloa to Mã gha thcsc traditions do not prove that the Vanni chieftaincies of that region had thcir origin under Magha. Thc Mukkuvar were not of tho Vanniyar community. They had come from Kerala and not from the Tamil country. In South India the community of Vanniyar and the chicftaincies of the Vanni werc to be found, for the most part, in thc Tamil country and not in Kerala. Therefore, the Mukkuvar could not have bccn responsible for the origins ' of thc Vanni in Sri Lanka. Māgha was not a Vanniyar by castc or rank, nor did he come fror the Tamil country. I he tradition that Magha conferrcol thc rail of Vannipam on the chiefs of thc
4(), ibid., p. 96
41. S. Pathmanathan, “Feudal polity in Medicvnt Coylon; An Exnninntion of the Chieftain cics of t Vanui', C.JHSS Vol. II (Now Serics) No. 2, (July-Decombor 1972), 22-23
THE CHIEFTANCIES OF THE VANN 135
Mukkuvar does not necessarily mean that the Vinnni chieftaincy (of Batticaloa hnd its origins in the time of Mägha.
The tradition recorded in the chronicle concerns only an episode in the history of some chieftaincies in Batticaloa. Invasions and conquests often result in the transfer of power ifrom traditional ranks to the allies and supporters of the conqueror. Thc Mukkuvar who had swelled the ranks of Magha's army 'scem to have wrestcd political power from local chieftains and “this is implicd in the traditional account of Mãgha’s invasion.**
The chronicle asserts that Magha displaced Tinacifikan and appointed in his place another dignitary, Cukatiran, as the 'chief of Manmunai. This evidence suggests that there was a local chieftain ruling in that region on the cve of Magha's invasion. Moreover, the chief appointed by Magha to rule Manmunai was 'a Kalinga and not a Vanniya(n). Thus, it is clear that the tradition embodied in this chronicle cannot support the claim that Mãglha created the Vanni chieftaincies of Batticaloa. The tradition itself does not claim that Vanniyar of South India or chiefs from South India who had already acquired the rank of "Wannipam before their arrival in Sri Lanka were settled in Batticaloa and vested with political authority by Magha. The tradition would rather suggest that the local chieftaincy had evolved before Magha's invasion. In raising chiefs to the rank of Vannipam Magha was only accepting and adapting a prevailing institution rather than introducing a major innovation in regional government.
The Chieftaincies of Trincomalee
In the Trincomalee district, as in Batticaloa, small principali
in thc thirteenth century. Some of the events connected with their development have been chronicled in the Konecar Kelvettu which records the traditions and legends relating to the famous Saivite stcmple at Trinoomalee - Könesvaram. The origins and develop
42. Soe Chapter TT
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136 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
mcot of the chieftaincies in the North-castern littoral may be viewed as the culmination of the process of the growth of Tamil settlements spread over a long period of time.
The Tamil settlement at the port of Trinconalee Was o' of the oldest settlements in the island and the Koresvaram temple had beco maintaincd to satisfy the religious needs of this sett ment. But, tlhcre is not o much cvidencc on Tamil sett lcmcntS it) the other localities within this region until the tenth century. Thc proccss of the transformation of the North castern littora stretching from Kokkilay in the North to Verukal in the South and extending from the coast up to such places as kantalay and Padaviya in the interior into a predominantly Tamil speaking area began in the tenth century and was almost completed by the mid-thirteenth century. Tanil settlements had sprung up at ... many places in this region during the period of Cola rule. The impact of Cola rule on this region was great and a substantial s amount of archaeological cvidcncc relating to Tamil settlemants has comic to light in Trincomalcc, Nilivoli, Periyakulam Kantalay, Padaviya and a few other sitcs Thc number of Cola inscriptions hitherto brought to light in these localitics is substantial and is greater than the number of those found in any other area of comparable size in the islandı.**
The Colas had exercised effective authority over the Northcastern littoral from such centres as Padaviya and Kanta dây.. Inscriptions have preserved for postcrity the names of at least four administrative divisions which were renamed and possibly reconstituted by them in this region. Kottiyaram was divided into two u1 its called Vikrama Cola Valanatu and Rajaraja Valanatu. The Villages of Maninkéni and Kantalay seem to.
43, S, Gunasingham,'A Tamil Slab Inscription at Nilavcli', SLJH, Vol. 1
No. 1 (June 1975). pp 61-71
44. Cόια inscriptios hovo bcen discovorcc nlso at the Bhndra kā
Amman tomple and the Sivan Templo at T incóma leo. Both inscriptions aro badly dninnged and tho ono at the first of these site contains o prasasti of lRājendra Cõļa.
TIE CF EFTA INCIES OF THE VANN 137
have been included in the unit called Rijendra Cola Valanău.' A fourth such unit was Viraparakē sari Valanātu otherwise called Rajendra Citika Valanatu.46 The two inscriptions which mention Cola Lafikesvara te var-the Có'a prince consecrated as the ruler of Lanka - are from Kanta lay and Maninkeni in this district.' The construction of some Saivite temples at Padavia and Kanta lay presupposes that there were many Tamil settlers at those sites. As seen carlier the Coas had establishcci at K3 ntalầy a Brahmin settlement named after Rājarāja and this Settlement, like its counterparts in the Tamil country, had an assembly for the regulation of its affairs. Inscriptions show that there were many Tamil warriors, traders and artisans Settled at Pada viya during thc reign of R ja råja. Besides, there is evidence to show that Konesvaram was adequately patronized and Suppor ted by thc government and the Tamil settlers. A fragmentary inscription of the early years of Rajarija has been discovered recently in the premises of the Koresvaram temple. ' As the fragmentary epigraph of Cēla Lankes vara tēvar from Mānākēņi mentions Maccakesvaram, which was another name for Konesvaram, it may b inferred that the inscription, the main portion of which has been lost, recorded some benefactions of the prince to this temple. The inscription from Nilaveli, which could be assigned to the Còla period on palaeographical considerations, records a grant of 250 veli of arable land to Konesvaram. The architectural remains of the Rajirajapperumpali and the many Cola inscriptions found amidst them suggest that there was a largc Scttlement
45. Trinconnalee Inscriptions Series - No. 1
46. Vira Parakecari Walanau had two other names. Irajendra Cifika.
Valanāļu ard Abhayāsraya Vaļanāțu., E.T., pt. I.
47. ibid., pp. 3-7
48. See Chapter II
49. This fragment nry in scription is said to have bin’reclained fronn tlho"
w : lord of tho Ren in recent timos ard subsequentlý kept in the premises of Rolesvarain. h
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38 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
'of Tamil Buddhists around Periyaku'am.50 Besides, the occurence of Tamil or Tamilised place - names such as Kantalay, Velkimam and Tirukonamalai may also suggest that there were primanent Tamil settlements in the region during this period.
The twelfth century witnessed a further growth and extension iof these settlements. The composite military group called the Velaikkarar were in occupation of nilitary outposts at Kantaliy' and Kottiyiram. The Brahmin settlement at Kantalay enjoyed royal favours and continued to flourish. At Padaviya and Vahakada the large and composite Dravidian mercantile group called the Ayyavole had establishcd mercantile towns under their control and participated in cultural and religious activitics. The Hindu and Buddhist institutions established under Cola rule continued to flourish. Besides, the establishment of additional
50 Architecturally IRajarajapperumpalli was a Cola monuncint. Almost all the benefactors whose pious gifts are recorded in a dozon Col inscriptions recovered from this sito nppear to have boon Tanils. Some of then held high positions in tho administration as suggest crl by thoir epithets whilo thorest wore commoners. At analysis of tho items donated to this institution also sooms to confirm the view that tho IRāja rājapperumpa i was supportel by porsons of disforent lovics of oconomic and social status and influonco.
Tho cvidanco from the Pālamo{{ai Tamil inscription prosuppoRos that tilho Vela ikkrar had a permanont settlomont at Kanaliy. (Soo E. Z. IV No. 24, np. 19-196). In ono of my rocont visits to Sigiriya T. slw mong the graffiti a Tamil passago of sovon lines which roords the visit of maniparanan, Duniyan and a sov of hor Tamils of Rant illiy to Sigiriya. The text seems to have been ongraved with a sharp metallic stylus on the wall bonoath the paintings. As tho toxt is written in charactors of tho twolfth century it may bo assurned that and his associates had lived at Kantalay during that contury. Thoy vero, perhaps, people of means who ventured to climb tho rock in ordor to have a view of tho extraordinarily attractivo paintings which had become famous all over the island by that timo. I havo not corn across any refe: ence to this Tami passage and tho oniiro text could bo properly deciphood only if a photo-copy of it could bo prepared. It could be a useful addition to tho impressive number of graffiti edited and publishod by S. Parana vitana.
THE CHIEFTAINC Es oF THE vANNI 39
religious institutions as suggested by the remains at Pōtankālu,
Kandasāmimalai, Kumpakannanmalai o and Buddhangegal
indicate that further Tamil settlements were established in this
region. Towards the end of the twelfth century the Tamil Society
in the North eastern littoral was strong, influential and prospe
rous. During the next century, it could have become still stronger
as a result of migrations and invasions from India. As tradition
claims that Magha and his associate had military outposts at Goņa (Trincomalec), Kothasāra (Kõttiyar), Padi f Padaviya) Gangatataka (Kantaļāy) and Kavudāvulu (Kattukkuļam)o it
tnay be assumed that the Dravidian warriors in his Service secured
a controlling influence over this region. Local traditions recorded
by the Kogecar Kalves I scem to imply that chieftains called
Vanniyar had authority over Trincomalice and other principalities
in this region around this time.
The appointment of chieftains called Vanniyar is credited to Kulakkottan in the local traditions embodied in the Koc Kalvețu. The account of Ku'akkõtan as found in the Koņēcair kalvettu may briefly be summarized here.'
Vararāmatēvam, the son of Manuniti ka ņta Cõlat, and his son Kulakkottan came to Trincomalee with their retinue and army after hearing of the greatness of the sanctified site at Trincomalee• Later, Kulakko: an decided that the services at the shrine of Konecar should be revived and elaborated with help from the Cola country. He brought craftsmen including smiths from the royal mints (Akkacalaiyar) and constructed a Saivite temple
52. Astone image of Vishnu and the romains of a Saiva tomple wee
found at this sito. ASCAR for 1933, p 18
53. The old Hindu temple at this place, which is about eight miles to the north of Padaviya, has bricks with Tamil lotters inscribed on them. 54. The ruins of a Saiva Shrino and fragments of some images are to be found in a cave at Buddhanagegala which is almost midway betweon Padaviya and Kumakannanimalai. ASCAR, for 1891, p. 11. S5. CV, 80:58-59 56. KK, pp, 2-6, 40-42.
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40 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
surrounded with scveral losty gopuras, creatcd thc sacred springs
and endowed the templc with fields and tanks which he had reclaimed and made claborate arrangements for conducting religiouş services. Hic scttlcd at Trincomalce six families selcctcd from the best of the Colas and brought from Marunkur, and granted them lands to be held in hercditary' succession. He deposited treasures in the temple and ordaincci that th” exp2ns's incurred and thc income obtaincci daily shou'd be recorded by thc tant tar who also had to cnsure that thc ceremony of alatti. and other services werc duly performed.
Morcover, he scttled at Trincomalice twenty-onc families of Varippint tir who had been brought from the Tamil country. Thcy werc to pcrform such scrvices as gathering flowcrs, making garlands, cleaning and prescrving silk garments used to decoratic the images, carrying banncrs and umbrellas on festive occasions, singing to rhythm when the dancing girls perform their dances, lighting lanups, distributing sandal powder, pounding rice and polishing the floor. People cit the tinam and Varippattu rcccived. ricc fields at Pallavei as remuneration for their scrvices.
Kulakkóttan brought Taniyunnappupilan from Madurai raised him to the rank of a Vannipam and placed the administration of the 'town of Trincom alce' under his charge. Furthermore, he scttled a chics of a Kirilar family from Tinncvctly at Kattukkulam and made him the ruler of the division of Kattukk. u’ampau. This chief was assigned lands in Nilivci and endowed with the insignia of a Vannipam. Kulakkó an ordained that the accounts of the income for the Konecar temple should be in the custody of the Vanniyanar of Kattukkulampartu and his successors. The inhabitants of Kaukkulam were required to serve the temple. The peoplc of Nilave'i worc to conduct the festivals. Kulakkottan also proclaimed that the revenue in the form of Ajai, Ayam, tir vai “7 and the dues from the o sca(port) should belong to the templ 2. On the orders of Kulakkõțan,
57. A tai, â yam, and tir rai denotic : x on band, incomic from customs and.
tolls and grain tax respoctively.
TIE CHIEFTAINCES OF THE VAN , 141
Nilacotaiyan and his armies diverted the waters of the Malhaveli and construct cd a huge reservoir. I and to thc Sowing extent of 2,700 avanam was converted into fields and grantcd to the temple.
The value of the foregoing account as a source of historical information would depend on the historicity of Kulakkottan and the veracity of the details concerning his activities. It cannot be said of Kulakotan, as it can of Manuniti Kanta Cóian and of Vararamatevan that he is a legendary figure. The risksinakailaca pura 9m states that Kulakkó an had the name Cola kafikan. 58 As thcre were many princes and dignitaries who had the name Claganga(n) in Kalinga, South India and Sri L. nka, Kulakkottan Colakarikan may be regarded as a historical 2ersonality. That he had closc connections, with Koresvaram and Trincomalee is suggested by persistent local traditions which circdit him with the reconstruction of that templc.' He could not have lived before the eleventh century because it was only aft. the rise of the Imperial Colas that the name or title Cola Kailan came into use.
There had been princes or dignitaries vivo had the name Codaganga in the island during the twelfth and thirtccnth centurics. A prince called Codaganga Kumira was at the court of Polonnaruwa during the reign of Gajabahu I (1132-1153).60 Another Coda ganga was the naphew of Nissankamalla who seized power at Polonnaruwa after having put to death Vikramabahu. Yet another Códaganga is known of from a fragmentary Sanskrit inscription discovercd at Fort Frederick, Trincomalce.
58. TKP, Çayiram, V. 8 A.
* 59. Kuļalklkõian’s activities in Trincomaloo aro dlo allt with in considerable dotail in tho TKP, tho Tirukõnācalapurānam and other works. Besides, tho sixteenth century Tâmil inscription at Fort Frodorick also asserts that tho main structuros at Konēsva, tam wero Corstructed by Kuļakkōta. .
G0, CV, 70:238
61. CV, 80:29
“62. EZ, Vol. V, pp. 70-173: JIRAS (CB) Vol.
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42 THE KING DOM OF JAFFNA
This inscription states that Codaga nga came to the island in Saka 1245 (A. D. 1223). The inscription was inscribed on a door jamb found among Sct of images, and it may be assumed that the missing portion of the epigraph recorded certain benefactions of Codaganga to the temple of Konecar the remains of which were used as building materials for the fort constructed by the Portugucsc in 1624. As there is some cvidence to prove that the Códaganga who had come to the island in A. D. 1223 had some connections with Kolesvaram, he may provisionally be identified as Kulakko tan Co 'a kafka in who, as claimed by the local Tamil traditions, rebuilt Kolcsvaram ani reorganizcd its services.
Thc fragmentary Sanskrit inscription which begins with a dcscription of the illustrious Cõdagangadeva suggests that Codagangadcva was a dignitary of princely rank. His landing at Trincomalee, which according to traditional Sinhalese history was under the effective control of Mảgha, is significant. The relationship between Mãgha and Cõdaganga is open to speculation. Kulakkottan Colakankan appears to have been a ruler who excrcised authority over the areas extending from Trincomalee on the sea-coast to Kantalay in the interior. His grant of a very large extent of paddy fields, his construction of major irrigation. works and the reclamation of lands carried out undcr his orders, as claimed in the tradition, innply that he exercised power and authority ovcr the region. The Tamil traditions concer ning Kulakkottan and the claim made in traditional Sinhalese history that Magha had cffective control over Trincomalee and other localities in the North castcrin littoral may be reconciled by postulating that Codaganga, whom we have identific as. Kulakotan, came from some part of India, presumably with an army in orde: to re-inforce Miagha, that hic subsequently cxercised power over Trincomalec and the surrounding areas as an associate of Magha and that in that capacity he raised some military leaders serving under him to the rank of Vannipam.
The Cola descent attributed to Kulakkottan and the claim that he brought many settlers from the Cola country may suggest that the account of Kulakkottan contains a substratun
TE CHIEFTAINCIEs oF THE vANN 43.
of traditions concerning the activities of the Cola prince called Lafikesvara devar who is known to have held authority over. this region and patronized Konnesvaram. Th2 Tamil settlements referred to in the Konecar Kalvet 1 u, may, therefore, have originated after the Cola conquest and continued to expand in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Magha's conquest of Polonnaruwa seems to have led to a further growth of these settlements and the Tamil and other Dravidian military leadcrs who came to the island during his reign sccm, to lave acquircd control over the local administration in the territorial units of the North , eastern littoral as in other regions. All the Vanniyar chiefs who held authority over. Trincomalee in the subsequent centuries claim 2d descent from Taniyu agappupalan, the chief who was raised to the rank of Vannipan by Kulakkottan.
The traditions recorded in the Kjuecar Kalve u presuppose that there were chieftains called Vanniyar in Trincomalee before Magha's invasion. A certain Gajabihu is said to have had dealings with the local Vanniyar. The account of Gajabahu as given in the KÖuecar Kalve tu is Summarized in the following paragraph. s
When the services at the Konécar temple were interrupted by the death of the Pasupata Brahmins Gajabahu came to . rincomalee, summoned the Vanniplm, the tanam, varipparru and the natavar and inquired as to why the temple services. were discontinued. On being informed that it was due to the death of the Pasupata Brihmins he raised to the rank of Mutannual two Brahmins who had come from abroad. Moreover, he bestowed on the temple 1,100 gold pieces which he caused to . be recorded in the register of temple accounts. The king also proclaimed that a tenth of the grain tax and of the income from the sale of all commoditics should be given over to the temple.
(3. * 9. Uhopio lI
4. Kň. pp 1 - 13.
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44 THE KNG DOM OF JAFFNA
Gajabihu may be identified as the second ruler of that “name. The claim (made in the Konecar Kalvettu and other works based on it) that Gajabahu cxtended support to Konesvaram would appear to be based on authentic traditions in the light of the cvidence from inscriptions and traditional Sinhalese history. Inscriptions set up during the period of : his rule suggest that he had Hindu leanings. His religious soutlook appears to have been viewed with disapproval by the author of the Cillavanasa who chronicled the events of his reign. As Gajabihu had resided at Kanta lay during the last years of his reign it is very probable that he visited Konesvaram and endeavoured to Testore that temple and its 'institutions. The Vanniyar of Trincomalec may have, as claimed in local traditions, supervised the management of Konésvaram even during". the time of Gajab ahu II.
It may be assumed that in the region of Atafikippatru, 'as in Trincomalec and Batticaloa, warriors serving under Magha and jayabahu were raised to the rank of Vannipam and given authority over territorial divisions in that region. Magha's reign proved to be a decisive stage in the development of local chicftaincies in Rajarata and the castern littoral. He does not appear to have established a centralised admi.nistration over the territorias that had come under his rule. The meagre cvidence from our sources suggest that his kingdom comprised a number of principalitics subject to his overlordship. Most of such principalitics came to be dominated by warriors who had come in his armies and, since they owed their elevation to Migha, they may have remained i loyal to him and supported his cause. After his demise such chieftains and their descendants sought to rule their respactive principalitics with put any outside interference.
VI
The Impact of . Pandya Power
The Kingdom in Northcrn Sri Lanka, which was dominated for the most part by Dravidian warriots under Migha and later under Candrabhanu, soon came undc, Pangya influence. The Pandyas becamc the principal power in the Tamil country under Marawarman Sundara Pandya, who succeedcd Jatawarman Kulasekhara to powcr in 1215. The Cola power was in an advanced static of decline towards the end of the reign of Kulottunga III, and the Cola monarchy was no longer capable of repressing its turbulent and overwccning vassals. The Banas, the Katavas and the Telugu-Codas werc striving to disrupt the remnants of the Cola empirc and assert thcir independence.
Miravarman Sundara Pandya took full advantage of the troubles and weakncss of thc Cola monarchy and invaded the Cola Kingdom in full force during the early years of his reign. As the Cola resistance collapsed Kulottunga, who was cnfeebled by old age, fled and thc invaders sacked his capital. The Pandya rulcr solcmnizcd his triumph by celebrating the ccremony of Virabliseka at the coron: tion hall of the Colas. The Cola monarch, who, subsequently, rendered homage to the victor and promiscd him tribute was allowed to administer his ancestral dominions.”
1. K. A. Nilallkanta Sastri, The Pāņqya Kingdom (First odn. 1929,
Roprint, Madras, 1972) p. 27.
2. ibid., p. 128
Page 82
46. THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
The Pandya impact on Sri Lanka during the reign of Maravarman Sundara was slight. An inscription of his fifteenth year claims that he conquered ilam and Kalingam. This. claim does not have any valid foundation but suggests that the relations which the Pandyas had with the rulers of Ilam and Kalingam were hostile. An expedition launched against Kalinga Migha, who occupied Polonnaruwa after displacing Parākrama Pandya, may have bc.cn the basis for this cxaggerated claim.
Under Jatavarman Sundara Pandya,(1253-68) one of the great South Indian conqucrors, the Pandyas attained the zenith of their power and splcndour. Some time after 1256 Sundara invaded the Cola country in full force. The Hoysalas, Somesvara and Ramanatha, who ruled over a part of it, abandoned their strongholds of Srirangam and Kannanur and fled. Their power was subsequently confined to their original homeland in the Karnataka. The government of Rajendra III collapsed and thereafter the last vestiges of the Cola monarchy disappeared. The Telugu Cuda of Nellore, the Kakatiya and even the Seuna one after another fell victim to his onslaught. The cintire Tamil country and even some Telugu districts came under Pandya rule. Besides, the Cera kingdom and a part of Sri Lanka w cre reduced to submission."
The Pandya inscriptions of the tinic of Jativarman Sundara Pandya refer to somc cvt nts in thc island which arc not recor. ded in the local chronicles. Thc Pindya inscriptions casually refer to his relations with the island. The Sanskrit inscription from Srirangam figuratively describes Sundara Pangya as the second Rima in that he raided the island of Lanka 7 while the Tirupputkuli inscription asserts that he vanquished the ruler of
ARE for 1932 3, p. 69, para 3. The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 139 D. M. Dorret, Th o Hoy, alas, Madras, 1957, p. 20 The Pandyan Kingdom: pr. 139-140 Indian Antiguar', XXI, p, 21-2; Ei, vii, p. 15.
w is .
THE IMPACT of PANDYA POWER 147
Lanka. o Such claims arc repeated in the Tamil Prasasti which adds, more specifically, that from his fifth year onwards Sundara levied a tribute of gems and clephants from the ruler of Lanka.
Inscriptions of his associate ruler, Vira Pandya (1253-72), cngraved from his tenth year onwards claim that he took the Cola country, ilam, and the crown and the crowned head of the Cavakan. To The prasasti of the 73rd day of his eleventh ycar gives a somewhat detailed account of the expedition against the isla ad and the part the Cavakan played in it.'
As Nilakanta Sastri, who focusscd the attention of scholars on the historical significance of the data in these inscriptions, suggests, there were two invasions of Ilam. As the king of Lanka was already subject to Sundara Pandya in 1258, the first invasion as a result of which a king of the island was made to pay tribute must have taken place around that year. The details about the expedition as set out in the Kutumiyamalai inscription of Vira Pandya, relate to a second invasion which led to a more active intervention by the Pandyas in the affairs of Ilam. As the prasasti in thc inscriptions of Vira Pandya issued before his tenth year does not make mention of his invasion of the island but gives a bricf description of his other conquests, it may be inferred that he invaded ilam only around his tenth year (1263)
Sundara Pandya's inscriptions do not mention the name of the king of Lanka who gave him gems and elephants as a tribute. Nevertheless, Paranavitana and a few othcrs believc that
8. S. Krishnaswamy Ayyangar, South India and her Muhammadan
Innraders, p. 50
9. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Proceedings of the Eighth All India Conference
p. 508
10. K. A Nilakanta Sastri, “Sri Vijiāya-Candrabhānu and Vira Pāndya,
.252 .C., 77, p .{1 ע'
11. ibid., Seo also 1PS No. 366
12. Nilakanta sastri, “Sri Vijaya Candrabhnãu and Vira Pāndiya’ TBG, 77, pp. 255-60; "Tho Ceylon expedition of Jatavarman Vira Pāņdya p JProccedings of the Eighth All India Oriental Conference. pp. 509-10.
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48 THE KNGDoM or JAFFNA
the ruler of Lanka mcntioned in the inscriptions of Sundara Pandya was Parakramabahu II. This bclics, as will bc scen latcr, has no foundation. There were two kings ruling over Separate kingdoms in the island and there is no justification for the assumption that the ruler rescrrcd to as 'The king of Lanka in . Pāņçdya inscriptions was Parākramabāhu II.
Paranavitana is of the opinion that the Pandyas invaded the territorics subject to Magha as a result of an undcrstanding betwcen tilhcm and Parākramabāhu, llis contcntion is bascd on three considerations. Firstly hc belicves that Magha was in leaguc with thc Colas, whilc the rulcr of Dambadcniya was allied to thc Pandyas. Secondly, since thc Culavamsa mentions that the forces of Magha, which had decided to evacuate Polonnaruwa through the castern gate of that town, instead panicked and left through the western gate, Paranavitana surmises that this was due to the advance of a powerful enemy force towards Polonnaruwa from thc East as well as from thc North. Thirdly since thc Pujavaliya asserts that Magha hcld authority over Rajarafa for a period of forty years, Paranavitana assumes that Parakramabahu ll dislodged Magha from Polonnaruwa around 1255.
Morcovcr, Paranavitana adds:
'......There was an invasion of Ceylon by Jaavarmal Sundara Pandya some time beforc 1258, and it must havc bc.cn this threat which causcd Magha and his forces to abandon Polonnaruwa. The Pandya forces must have landed at Trincomalec and in the North; Magha sccling himsclf not strong enough to incct thcm, retreated westwards, to becom c the prey of thc Sinhalcsc in gucrilla warfare. The fact that the Sinhalcse forces, were at Kalavava waiting for Magha's retreating troops would indicate that the invading Pandya armies and the Sinhalesc werc acting in concert. Sundara Pingya thus invaded Ceylon to render
13. UCHC, 1, pt. II, pp. 620-22
THE IMPACT OF PANDYA POWER 149
assistance to the Sinhalese king, who himself claimed to be of Pindya stock, against an enemy from Kalinga supportcd mainly by mcircenarics from Malabar. If such was thc coursc of events, thc silence of the monks who chronicled thcse events with regard to the assistance which their patron received from a great Tamil power for subduing a band of Tamil and Malayali mcrccnaries is undcrstandable. Thc statement attributcd in thc chronicles to Magha's followers that the monarchs of foreign lands had come under the influence of Parakramabahu supports the conclusion that he received cxternal aid in dealing with his enemies.'
Paranavitana's explanation is ingenious but highly specula tive and is not supported by any historical evidence. There is hardly any cvidence to show that Magha received any Cola support nor is there any justification for the assumption that the Pandyas were in alliance with Parakramabahu at this stage. Although Magha may have continued to occupy Rajarata until 1255, Parakramabahu's campaigns against him are said to have been completcd by his eleventh years (1247) and this was several years before the accession of Sundara Pandya. Therefore, it could not have been the case that Sundara Pandya helped Parakramabahu II to defeat Magha, and Paranavitana's contention that Magha's forces evacuated Polonnaruwa because of the appearance of a Pandya army could only be mere speculution.
The identification of “The king of Lanka' mentioned in the inscriptions of Sundara Pandya as Parakramabahu could be disputed becausc the whole island was not subject to the authority of a single ruler during this period. Some portions of Rajarata, especially those to the north of Anuradhapura, were beyond the sphcre of Parakramabahu's authority and influence.
14. ibid 15. CV, 83:15-4l 16. See chapter 4.
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50 TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Besides, they constituted a separate kingdom, initially under Mãgha and subsequently under the Javakas. the king of Lanka' referred to in the Pandya inscriptions could be a ruler of either of the two kingdoms in the island. Considerations of geographical proximity would suggest that "The king of Lanka' subdued by Sundara Pāņçdya was in all probability the Jāvaka, Candrablu nu, who had established himself as thc ruler of thc northern part of the island after the demise of Magha. A study of the the inscriptions of Vira Pāņçdya, an associate of Jațāvarman Sundara, sccm s to
confirm the vicw that the ruler of Lanka who had sent tribute to the latter was the Javaka king.
Inscriptions issued by Vira Pandya from his tcinth year onwards claim that he conquered Ceylon (ilam) and the Cola country and took the crown and the crowned head of the Cavakan.7 The Kutumiyamalai inscription of his clevcinth year refers to his expedition against Ceylon in considerable detail. This inscription is damaged and some expressions of historical significance are not clear. However, from the expressions Araciyal Valakkam nerippata nāt tunkurippunuļ and ... tirunta mantiri caraņamaintinitu nukki Nilakanta Sastri infers that
Vira Pandya intervened to settle a dispute that arose in the island. 19
The Prasasti, in the legible position of it (from linc 9 onwards), States:
Having fought and killed one of the rulers of Ilam (Vira Pandya) seized his retinue, cavalry, weapons of war, his ornamental chariot, garments of silk, gcm set earrings, the nine kinds of gems, the crown, sword, garlands of pearls, the flag, the umbrella, fly-whisks, the drum, conch, treasures and other paraphernalia of
17. K. A. Nilakanta sastri, “sri vijaya-Candrabhānu and vira Pāņq ya'
TIBG, pp. p. 252
18. IPS, No. 366
19. "Tho Coylon Expodition of Jatavarman vira Pãndya, Proceedings
of the Eighth All-India Oriental Conference 1935, p. 511
THE IMPact of PANDYA Power 15
rfoyalty; thereafter he engraved thc double carp at Konamalai and the pcaks of Tirikutakiri, and levicd a tribute of elephants from the other king of Ceylon (etai vēntanai ānai tiraikoņțu). When thc son of thc Cāvakan who did not formerly render services and was indulging in hostile acts, camc and paid homage in submission, reflecting that it was only proper that the son should rule the sea-girt Jam, which was formerly ruled by his father, Vira Pandya caused him to be adorned with thc anklets of heroism, and to be mounted on an elephant and allowed him to go in procession (to his own city).20
The foregoing account does not indicate that the king of Iam who was killed by Vira Pandya was the Cavakan (Javaka) Tunor does it assert that the son of the Cavakan was the son of that ill-fated ruler. Nicvertheless, as his other inscriptions claim that he conqucred flam and took the crown and the crowned head of the Civakan, one of the two rulers of Ceylon who was killed by Vira Pandya, as testified by the Kutumiyamalai epigraph, could be identified as the Cavakan. The Cavakan was doubtless Candrabhanu, the Javaka invader from the Malay peninsula.
On the basis of his interpretation of the prasasti of WiraPāņdya, Nilakanta Sastri suggests that Vira Paņçdya invaded Ceylon in order to intervene in a dispute at the request of a minister. But the contention that there was a dispute between the rulers of Ceylon is not supported by the evidence from the Pandya
· inscriptions. The expression 9 J8husi) 6hI jpd,5úb Gp5gólúu L pTú. Grča (USýlů îl pusht on which Nilakanta Sastri bases his contention, may be rendered as 'with a view to establishing in proper form the customs of royalty'. This cxpression has to be construed in the slight of the settlemcnt effected by Vira Pandya. He allowed the
20. IPS, No. 366
21. 'The Coylon Expedition of Jatävarman Vira Pāņdya”, Proceedings
of the Eighth All India Oriental Conference. 1935, p. 51
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152 TFTE KINGDOM OF JAFINA
son of the Cavakan to rule thc kingdom of his fathcf. on tise consideration that it was the custom that the son should rule the Sea-girt flam formerly ruled by his father. Ticrcforc, Vira Pandya's claim that he cstablished thc institution of kingship in: proper form scems to be a reference to thc restoration of the kingdom to the son of thc Cavakan in adhcrcince to customs relating to royal succession.
The Ceylon.csc chronicles, which arc silcnt on thc Pindya invasions of thc island, howevcr, claim that Candrabhanu was vanquished by thc Sinhalcse princes, Vijayabahu and Virabahu. The Cillavamsa asserts: -
"... After Vijayabahu had thus fought and slain many soldiers, he sent thc Lord of men Candrabhã nu flying defenceless. But thic lovcliest of women of his court and all the clephants and horses, the Swords and many other weapons, the cntire treasure, the trumpets of victory, the drum of victory, the banner-all these he Sent to his father.'22
Paranavitana and Liyanagamage interpret the account of Candrabhanu's second invasion as recorded by thc Pali and Sinhalese chronicles on the basis of Nilakanta Sastri’s suggestion : that Vira Pindya intervened to settle a disputc in Ceylon. Both are inclined to believe that the Pandyas and Parakramabahu II were in alliance against Candrabhanu; the latter, however, subscribes to this vicw with reservations. Paranavitana even surmises that the minister referred to in the Kutumiyamalai epigraph was a minister of Parākramabāhu II.;* The inscription does not mention the name of the minister at whose request Wira Pāņçdya effected a settlement in Ceylon after his invasion. One could speculattfurther that he was a minister of Parākrama
22. The Pali Chronicle does not claim that Candrabhanu was killed in
battlo by thc Sinhalose princes, Sco. CV, 88: 73-76
23. UCHC Vol. I, pt. II, p. 627, The Decline of Polonnarura...p. 18. 24. UCHC, Vol. I, pt. II, p. 627
THE IMPACT of raNDYA POWER 153
bahu II but it cannot be proved that he was a ministcr of that. king. It could cven bc surmiscd that he was one of Vira Pāçdya’s oslicials.
in explaining the apparcntly contradictory claims made by thc Paçdya inscriptions and thc Ceylonesc chronicles Para navitan s observics:
“This Jāvaka (i.c. the Cāvakan of the Pançdya inscriptions) can be no othcr than Candrabhanu. As the same cannot be slain more than once, we may conclude that the Javaka king lost his life, in a battle in which the Sinhalese and the Pingyas fought as allies. Eulogists on either side would have given full credit for the Javaka's defeat to their own hero, allowing no dimunition of his own glory, by stating that thc achievement was facilitatcd by an ally'. SY
As Liyanagamage suggests?6 this could well be a plausible interpretation of the events as reflected in the confused and conflicting accounts of the sources; but it loses much of its validity in the light of the revision of Nilakanta Sastri's vicw that. there was a disputc in Ceylon. a
The Padyas seem to have attacked Candrabhanu on account of their own quarrel with him and in their own interest rather. than on a request from Parakramabahu. Such an explanation is supported by the prasasti of the late years of Sundara Pāņdya’s. reign, which runs:
Karunāt arācamaik kaļru tiraikoņu tulaikoļi maņiyum cūļi vēļa mum ilankaikāvalanai iraikotaruļi Varutirainarut tāńkavanai ppitittukkaru mukilvelaikäli certtu vētar kaņļariyā virriņpuricaic Cēntamankalac ceumpati murrip pallavan natukappala põräi...*
25. ibidl. 26. The Decline of Polonnaruwa..., p. 148
27. Soc C. Rasanayakam, Ancient Jaffna, Madras, 1926, p. 338, and Sen.
Tambil IV, p. 515
Page 86
S4 THE KNGDOM OF JAIFFNA
This passage may bc translated in the following manner: (He) received a tribute of clephants from the ruler of Karnataka and levied brilliant gems and decorated elephants as tributc from the ruler of Ceylon. When the latter refused to send thc tribute (he) had him caught and tied to the leg of an cleplant that rescimbled a wave of clouds. (Later) He entered thc strong fortress of Centamahkalam which was guarded by valiant bowmcn and which had not previously becil stormed by any othcr king, and waged several campaigns which (crrified thc Pallava chics.
Krishnaswamy Aycingar and Nilakanta Sastri hold tlhat the expression 6 (55)60sp LD plgiy (IT) it d, as 2.0T relates to the Pallava chics and not to thc king of Ccylon. But this is unlikely because in the Prasasti this exprcsssion is placed immediately after the reference to thc ruler of Ilam and before the description of the attack on thc Pallava chieftain. K. V. S. Iyer asserts that this expression refers to the king of Ceylon. He interprets this passage to mean that Sundara Pandya refused to accept the tribute from the king of Ceylon, seized him and tied him to the leg of an elephant. This interpretation is not tenable, because it is unlikely that the Pandyas refused to accept tribute and attacked a ruler who had sent them tributc. Gnanapragasar and Rasanayakam assert that gyenlősor refers to the king of I am" but the latter, in opposition to K. V. S. Iyer, says that the Pandyas caught and chastiscd a ruler of Ceylon by tying him to the leg of an elephant for his failure to send tribute. This appears to be the most plausible explanation of the course of cvents in Ceylon,
especially in the light of the evidence from the Kusumiyamalai "prasasti.
The expression பண்டேலல் செய்யாதிகல் செய்திருந்த 5 Tai 65T Stojigs sit, "the son of the Cavakan who formerly
28. South India and her Muhammadan Invalers. p. 148; Tho Pandya
Kingdom, p. 143, f. n. I.
29. K. W. S. Tyor, Ancient Dekhan, p. 166 - 30. YVV. p. 88, Ancient Jaffita, p. 339
f THE IMPACT OF PANDYA POWER 155
ilhad ceased to render service and instead engaged in hostile acts' occurring in the prasasti of Vira Pandya also implics that the Pandyas had a claim to command the allegiance and service of the Cavakan and that he had turned out to be hostile in course of time. It may, therefore, bc assumed that the ruler of Ceylon mentioned in the prasasti of Sundara Pandya from his scventh year onwards is nonc other than Candrabháinu and that hc was reduced to submission by thc Pangyas around 1258, as suggested carlier. Thus in thc light of thc evidence from the Pindya inscriptions it may be inferred that Candrabhanu, who was reduced to submission by thc Pindyas on an earlier occasion, ceased to pay tributc and homage after he had cstablished his rule firmly in a part of the island and thereby, antagonised the Pandyas. Vira Pandya's expedition was meant, as suggested by his prasasti, to punish Chandrabhānu for his acts of desiance and hostility.
As regards the almost identical claims made in the Ceylonese chronicles and Pandya inscriptions about the destruction of Candrabhanu's power, two explanations are plausible. One is that he was defeated in succession by the Sinhalese and the Pandyas acting independently of cach other. Considcring the panegyric charactcr of thc account of Parakramabahu in the local chronicles it could be inferred that the claim that Candrabhanu was destroyed by the armies of Parakramabahu is an exaggeration made on the basis of a major military victory over him. In this conncotion it may be mentioned that the claim made in the
Culavamsa that Parākramabahu annexed the provincc formerly subject to Candrabhanu and brought the whole island under his rule has no valid foundation, especially in the light of the evidence from South Indian inscriptions. It is probable that Candrabhanu "who had suffercd a military reverse at the hands of the Sinhalese, was subsequently defeated and killed by Vira Pandya. The other explanation would be that the Pandyas,who had their own reasons for hostility against Candrabhanu, came to some understanding
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156 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
with Parakramabihu II, who was threatencd by Candrabhanu.' The expedition of Vira Pandya more or less synchronised with Vijayabahu's campaigns against Candrabhanu. Vijayabahu is said to have defeated Candrabhanu when he entered Polonnaruwa around A. D. 1262, whereas Vira Pandya had concluded his campaigns in Ceylon by A. D. 1263. But this synchronism cannot by itself constitute strong evidence of an alliance or understanding between Paråkramabahu II and the Pāņçdyas.
The evidence from the Pandya inscriptions which testifies that the Cavakan had a kingdom in the island is corroborated by tile local chronicles, which testify that Candrabhanu had brought under his rule a substantial portion of Rajarata when he attacked Parakramabahu for the second time. As Candrabhanu is referred to as the King of iam in the inscriptions of Sunadra Pāņdya, and as he had established himself as the ruler of North Ceylon around
A. D. 1258, it could be inferred that his conquests in Ceylon were effected during the period of the three years that followed the demise of Magha (1255). However, it is possible that he succeeded in establishing a foothold in the North even carlier and gradually consolidated his power over the territories that had previously been under Magha.
31. The boliof that vira Pandya attacked Candrabhanu on the roquest of Parâkramabāhu II has led to sorious misćonceptions. For instanceParanavitana asserts: "Instoad of a Sinhalese stato in a unified Ceylon, the Bändiyas no doubt wanted both the eontending partios in tho , island to be the subordinate allies of theirs. Commenting on Vira Pandya's restoration of the kingdom of the Cavakan to his Bon, the author of a more rocent work adds: "It may havo been a concession to expediency, though it was a measure which detracted from honost diplomacy. Such speculations arise from a superficial analysis of the evidence. See UCHC. Vol I, pt. II, p. 628. and The Decline of Polonnars wa...p. 158.
32. The Decline of Folonnaruwa ... p. 152
33 ibid
34. See Chapter IV
THE IMPACT OF PANDYA PoweR 157
The policies pursued by Candrabhanu together with the political conditions in the region contributed to his downfall. His conquest of North Ceylon, which was far away from his homeland in the Malay Peninsula was in itself a remarkable achievement. He sought to dominatic the whole island despite the limited resources at his disposal. In his political adventures Candrabhanu does not scem to have received active support from any Malayan king or from any other foreign power. His conquests in Ceylon were achieved mainly with the support of armies raised from South India and these armies had little in common with the Javakas. Candrabhanu's defiance of the .Pandyas, to whom he had submitted carlier, at a time when he had started an aggressive canpaig) against the Sinhalese king was an act of imprudence and wheit he was hedged in between two powerful cncmy forces he had little chance of survival.
The son of Candrabhanu,impressed by the immense superiority of the cnemy forces and realizing the utility of further resistance was anxious to bargain for a favourable deal and had therefore dccided to come to tcrms with th: conqueror. Vira Pandya responded with moderation when he received the submission and homagc of the Javaka prince. He was treated with he honour worthy of his rank and was permitted to rule his father's kingdom . presumably on the terms imposed by the conqueror. Vira Pandya's expedition, therefore, resulted in the re-establishment of Pangya suzerainty ovcr North Ceylon, which was cventually absorbed into the Paragya cimpire,
Nothing is known about the carcer of thc Javaka prince after thc Pandya invasion. Indiced, this prince is not known to any of the -Ceylonese sources. In the light of subsequent developments it could bc assumed that the Pandya generals took over the government of the kingdom in course of time. Javaka rule in North Ceylon was of short duration und made little impression on the life and culture of thc people. No inscription or coin issued by the Javakas has hitherto comc to light and the only . relics that perpetuate the memory of their rule are a few i toponyms.
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158 , TIE KINGDOM OF JAFNA
The island was invaded again by the Pandyas at least on two occasions during the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara, under whom the Pandya empire was at thc plenitude of its power and prosperity. These invasions, directed mainly against the Sinhalese. kingdom, synchronised with the decline of that kingdom, which began to disintegrate in the face of court intrigues, dissensions among the royal family and the rebellions of local chicftains in the frontier provinces. In the second year of his reign,Vijayabahu (1271-1272), the son and successor of Parakramabahu II, was assassinated and thc general Mitta, who won over to his side the Sinhalese soldiers in the army, proclaimed himself king. But the Rajput regiment which remained loyal to the former ruler displaced the usurper and secured the thronc for prince Bhuvanekabahu, the brother of the late king.' Tradition claims that Bhuvanekabahu repulsed the Tamil invasions led by Kalinkarayar and Colakankatevan. These invasions coincided with the revolts of several chieftains, of the Vanni. The instability at the court created by the usurpation of Mitta appears to have provided the foes of Bhuvanckabahu with an opportunity to exploit his. wcakness. However, it is unlikely that the Pangyas were in league with cither Mitta or thc chieftains of thc Vanni.
It is not easy to cstablish the identity of the two Tamil generals who attacked Bhuvanekabahu because several dignitaries who had icntical names were serving the Pandya kings during the thirteenth century. A minister named Kalinkarayan is known. about from the inscriptions of the three Pandya kings, Jatavarman Sundara Pärndya(acc. · 125 l), Jatávarman, Vira Papadya (acc. 1253) and Maravarman Kulasekahra (1268-131 l),' Evidently the Kuumiyamalai inscription was engraved on the order of this minister, who is probably idential with the dignitary referred to in the Culvalasa. The other dignitary, Colakaikatevan, may be the
35. Ο', 90 : 2-16
36. CW, 90 : 17-30
37. CV, 90 : 32
38. СИ, 90: 33.35 39. UCIl C, Vol. 1, pi II, p. G31; MIRE No. 54 of 1912.
TEE IMPACT OF PĀŅpYa OWER 159 -
same as thc one mention cd in an epigraph of Maravarman, Kulasekhara in the. Sundaresvara templc at Aruppukköl ai in Ramnad. Thc truc significance of the invasion led by these two chicss cannot be assessed owing to the lack of adequate evidence. As the Culavamsa testifics that Bhuvanckabahu repulsed their attacks it may be assumed that the expedition failed to achieve its objective as regards Bhuvanckabahu, but thcre is some justification to infer that it was successful in anothcr direction. As thc inscriptions of Kulasekhara claim that he took i lam among other countrics' it may be suggested that the expedition. led by Kalingarayar and Colakankatevan resulted in a re-conquest of the Javaka kingdom in North Ceylon.
The second Pandya invasion that occurred in the last quartcr of the thirteenth century was much more c'ecisive in its results. Towards the cind of his reign Bhuvanekabahu moved his royal residcnce to Yapahuwa, perhaps compelled by a necd for greater vigilance in thc North and in order to stabilisc his authority in the Vanni region, where the disaffection of thc chieftains threatencod to undcriminc his power. Whatcver success hic could have achicved in this dircction was however, nullified by the Arya cakra vartti’s
invasion which immcdiately followed his death. As regards that invasion tlınc Cülavamsa rccords:
"Once when a famine arose, there landed, sent with an army by the five brothers, thc kings who held sway in the Pandu realm, a Damia general known by the namc of Arya cakravarttin who though he was no Arya was yet a great dignitary of great power. He laid waste thc kingdom in cvery direction and entered thc proud stronghold, the town of Subhagiri. The sacred Tooth. Rclic and all the costly treasurcs there he seized and returncod with thcm to the Pandu kingdom. There he madc over the Tooth Rclic to king Kulasckhara who
was thc Sun for thclotus blossom of thc stem of the grcat kings of thc Pandus.'
40. CALR, Vol. Y, p. 88 41. CV, 90 : 43-47
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60 TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Arya cakravartti’s invasion, according to the Dalaidā sirita, coincidcd with the Rajantara that followed Bhuvanckabahu's death. A succession dispute between thc king's son, also named Bhuvanekabâhu, and Parâkramabâhu, tlhc son of Vijayabāhu IV, plunged the kingdom into civil War and led to a temporary division of thc kingdom. Parākramabahu visited thc Pandya court and successfully negotiated for the recovery of thc Tooth Rclic, with which, perhaps he sought to rally thc support of the people and the monks. On his return to the island hc residcd at l'olonnaruwa but could not remain in power for long for his rival, Blauvanekabihu, who probably held thc southern parts of his father's kingdom ousted him and Scized the Tooth Relic, which he subsequently kept at Kurunagala, where he had cstablished his rcsidence.*o
Arya cakravartti's invasion exposed thc military weakness of the Sinhalese kingdom and led to the abandonment of Yapahuwa, which was a rock fortress. It contributed, in a limitcd way, to the decline of this kingdom, which was already weakened by internal dissension. The more important development that followed this invasion was the rise of the Arya cakravartti line of rulers in thc kingdom in North Ceylon, which was absorbcd into the Pandya cimpire during the late thirtcenth century.
• 42. DS, p, 45 43. Cy, 90 : 48-56
VII
The Arya Cakravarttis Origins and early affiliations
The generals and chieftains who came from the Pandya country during the late thirteenth century acquired authority in North Ceylon and established an independent kingdom when the Pandya empire declined. The local Tamil chronicles do not give a clear account of the beginnings of this kingdom or the origins of its rulers. Their accounts present a combination of legend, folklore and historical tradition which centre round three personalities; Yappanan, Ukkiracinkan and Cinkaiyariyan who are associated with distinct stages of political evolution. Yalppaiman is said to have brought Tamil families from India and settled them in the Jaffna Peninsula. Ukkiracinkan is represented as the first king of the realm and Cinkaiyariyan was the founder of a new dynasty-the Cinkaiyariyar otherwise called Arya Cakravarttis.
The legend of Yappanan which exists in two versions secks to explain the origin of the kingdom and the name Yalppanam,2 Indeed tradition claims that the northern peninsula derived its
1. S. Pathmanathan, "The Tamil Chronicles of North Ceylon. The Miscellany; Bunker-Balasingham Memorial Volume, Jaffna College, 1970, pp. 41—45. − 2. The Vaiyapital is perhaps the earliest text that records the legend of Yappanan. Certain traditions of the Ramayana story, the legend of Yappanan and Marutappuravi kavalli and traditions concerning
o (Continued)
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162 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
name from Yalppanan. Neverthcless, the account of Yâlppagan in its developed form appears to be nothing more than a legend.
The Ukkiracinkan story as found in the Tamil chronicles seems to be a modified version of the Vijrya legend and hence history cannot be reconstructed from this legend. But, the account of Cinkaiyâriyan as recorded in the Tamil chronicles is, however, not altogether unhistorical. Yet, thc origins fily Kings of Jaffna cannot be traced from the evidence of thcs ẻ , chronicles alone.
There is no consensus among the scholars who sought to 'explain thc origins of thc Kings of Jaffna. In the opinion of Rasanayakam "A Brahmin of Ramesvaram marricd a princess of the Kalinga dynasty of Ugracinkan in Jaffna and his descendants adopted the patronymic of Arya and the Setu crest but retained their maternal Vamsa namc and insignia of royalty.' Gnanapragasar, however, contends that these kings werc of Eastern Ganga descent but Paranavitana argues for a Javaka connection of these rulers. The theories advanced by these writers could be studicd onc by onc in order. The cxplanation that the Kings of Jaffna were the descendants of a Brahmin of Ramesvaram and the princess of thc Kalinga dynasty of Ukkiracifikan has no historical basis.
m
་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་ -ས་- ལས་མ་ཡང་ཁ--- tho Wanniyar havo bcon cr mpress cd into tho fornm os a chronicla tv
tho author. All but tho last of thc so aro only of historiographical intorcst. According to this text Yalppai was a contemporary of Vibhisianan. Tho. Kaily'amalai rocords a slightly disforont version of this logond. It states that Yalppanan rocoivod tho Jaffna rogion from Vararacacinkan, tho first rulor of tho island, whom ho gratified by his oxigollent performanco on the }’ã. Tho logond nppors in its st develorod forin in tllo lä 1ppäna Vaipavamälai. In this work Yalppafi is said to havo boon a blind minstrol namcd Kavivirarãkavan. The author of this chronicle apparently confuses tho lattor, who is bolioved to havo lived in the sixtconth contury, with Yāļppānan.
3. C. Rasanayakam Ancient Jaffita (Madras, 1920), p. 30.
4. S. Gnana praga sar, rāppāņa Vaipava Vinar canan (YVV), Accuveli,
1928, p 63. 5. S. Paranavitana, "Tho Arya Kingdom in North Coylon', JCBRAS, New
Series, II, pt 2, pp. 174-224.
TE ÁRYA CAKRAVAR ITIS 163
As Gnanapragasar believes that the first Arya cakravartti otherwisc called Citikaiyariyan was Magha he attributes an Eastern Ganga origin to the Kings of Jaffna. Three main arguments are adduced to prove the claim that these kings were of Eastcrn Ganga descent. The first is that both dynastics had a similar device on their coins; the bull couchant and the crescent surmounting it were impressed on the coins issued by the East crn Gangas of Kalinga and this Arya Cakravartti rulers -of Jaffna. The sccond is that thc traditions of their origins arc almost identical." The last is thc assumption of the epithets Kafkaina tan and Kafkaiyariyan by the rulers of Jaffna.
As regards the similarity of their coins it'is suggested that it may only indicatc the influence of the coinage of Kalinga over that of Jaffna and this similarity in itself cannot be a valid evidence of a dynastic connection. The similarity in the traditions about the origins of the two dynasties is only a superficial one. According to the tradition recorded in the Niigagam plates of Vajrahasta the Eastern Gangas were of the Atreya gotra and received their insignia of royalty, the unique conch, thc drum, thc Painca maha sabdas', the white parasol,
6. ( nanapragmsar assorts: "Thoso two rulers (Magha and Jayabahu. founded tholkingdonn of Jaffn. 'Tlho..o forc, it appeas that tlho Cckarእcacekr:ramålai rofors, to thcso rillors who bolongcd to the Ganga vamsa of Kalinga as ho two among the 512 Brahmins who received as a boon the right to rulo tlho oartlı’. ‘’’V. p. G4. 7. ibid, pp. 59-61.
The TKP describes Ccknracacekaran as Kankainayakan, "tho lord of in (sanga vamsa'. San cirappuppayiram. Tho CCM describes Vardotaiyan, a lking of Jaffna, a 8 Kaňkai inițan. Tho Kamua ki vaļalk
lirai (od) ‘’. X. C. Naidarnjlh, Arasu. Po tippakam, Colombo, 1965) rofors to a king of Jaffna as Katikscan.
8
$). The cpithot Paicanahasabdas was applicd to feudatory princes and officini's of high rank in Medicval India. Certain remarkable sprvices rondered by a vassal to his overlord enabled him to earn this privilego
which signified tho use of fivo musical instrumonts, marinoly: Srhea (horn), Tammata, Sanglkhin (conch), bhori (drum) nnd Jaya -
ghanta (boli of victory). See Ram Sha'an Sharma, Indian Feudalism A. C. 300-1200, Univereity of Calcutta, pp. 22-23.
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64 TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNAN
the golden chowry' and the cxcellent bull crest from Gokarna, svamin at the Mahendra mountain. The Cekaraca cekaramalai, an astrological work written in the fourteenth century, however. asserts that the remote ancestors of the Cinkaiyariyan received the title of "Ariya King', the victorious bull standard, the garland of Tulasi, the spotless umbrella and the unique conch at Kantamatanam- a locality on the southern extremity of India. These legends, therefore, do not in any way prove that the Arya Cakravarttis were of Eastern Ganga descent. The epithets Kaikaiyariyan and Kafkainaian may of course suggest that the Kings of Jaffna claimed Ganga descent but these need not necessarily prove that they had connections with the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga. They could have borne these epithets even if they had claimed a Western Ganga descent.
Gnanapragasar contends that Magha was the founder of the dynasty of Ayra cakravarttis' but Rasanayakam says:
"The power wielded by him (Magha) for 21 years as the overlord of all Ceylon leads one to surmise that he probab'y was one of the better known Segarajasekarans either the first Arya Chakravarti or perhaps Kulankai himself. For, the name of Kulankai was Vijaya Kullahkai Chakravarthi which bears a remarkable. , resemblance to Kalinga Magha's full name Kalinga Vijayabahu. The name Kulankai, a sobriquet acquired by the loss of a forearm, first appears in the Yalppana Waipavamalai and not in any of the earlier works like Kailayamalai or Vaiyipatal. lt may, therefore, be surmised that it was a misreading for Kalinga. Kalinga
10. Chowry, mado of the bushy tail of yak, is used as a fly-flapper for
idols or as royal insignia.
11. EI, X, p. 43, Ancient Jasna, pp. 308-309.
2. Tu ao i or Ocimum sanctum is commonly used in IHindu worselnip and ritual. In mythology Visnu is described as wearing the garland of tu asi.
13. CC24, cirappuppariram, vv, l-2.
14. YИИ, рр. 64 - 65
THE ĀRYA CAKRAVARTTIS 6S
in Tamil manuscripts can be easily mistaken for Kulan kai and Vijaya Kalinga Chakravartti was thus mutilated ito Vijaya Kulankai chakravartti either by Mailwagana Pulavar himself or by some later copyists'.'
Rasanayakam's suggestion that Kulankaic cakkaravartti is a misreading for Kalingac cakkaravartti, which is endorsed ‘by Gnanapragasar, is ingenious but not convincing. His assumption that this crror was made by either Mayilvakanappulavar or one of the copyists of the manuscript is wrong because one of his sources, the Vaiyapatal and its prose version-the Waiyamake mention of Kulaikaiyariyan. The tradition about Kulafikai is evidently an old one and was anterior to the period of Mayilva kanappulavar. Therefore Kulankaic cakkaravartti cannot be identified as Magha on the basis of a wrong assumption.
Evcn if we assume, inspite of the foregoing considerations, that Killankaic cakkaravartti is a distorted form of Kalihkac cakkaravartti it is difficult to establish that the latter was Magha. Even Vijaya, who was according to tradition, the first king of the island could be so referred to. Indeed, the Waiyapatal has confused and combined the Viyaya legend with the traditions relating to the Kings of Jaffna.
Commenting on the epithet Kaňkaiyāriyan Parana vitana writes
“A number of chieftains who exercised authority
under the first king are described in the Kailasamalai as belonging to the Kenkakula. This claim of the Ariyan rulers to be of Ganga lineage can be upheld if they are taken as the successors of the Javaka kings of thc Kalinga Vamsa. A ruler of Polonnaruwa who belonged to the Kalinga family bore the name Codaganga; one of the queens of Nissankamalla, Kalyanavati, was of the
"t 5. Ancient Jaffna, pp. 328-329.
6. Tho Vairā pagal has the form Kuļańkaiyāriyan while tho Vaivā montions Kü lankaiceak kʻq ra vartti. See Vaiyāpāțal, vv. 20-25 and . J’ai oā, p. 34.
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66 THE KING DOM QF JAFTINA
Gangavamsa. There was a Ganganagara in the Malay Peninsula. It has bccn suggested with a great degree of plausibility that the name Kalinga was transplanted into the Malay Peninsula by princes of thc cally Fastern Ganga family who were forced to leave their honeland and scek fortunics overseas due to political uphcavals, for cxample thc conqucst of Indian Kalinga by Pulakesin ÍI. When these Kalingas from the Malay pcninsula founded a kingdom in North Ceylon, they must have regarded their Ganga connections with sentiments and pride, and the Ariyans who inherited the kingdom by marriage might very well have continued these traditions.''
Paranavitana's contention that "thc claim of the Ariyann rulers to be of Ganga lineagc could be upheld if they are taken as successors of the Javaka kings of the Kalingavamsa' is wrong. If the Citikaiyariyar were thc successors of the Javaka kings they could not have claimed to be of the Gangavamsa because the Javaka king Candrabhinu who ruled over North Ceylon for a short period was of the Padmavamsa. Morcover, thcre is no definite evidencc whatsoevcryct. to show that the Jivaka kings were of the Kalingavamsa. Toponyms such as Ganganagara and Simhapura found in the Malay peninsula cannot be considered as sufficient evidence for the existence of the Gangavam sa in that region. Paranavitana's explanation stems from his wrong belief that Kalinga referred to in mcdicval Ceylonesc sources. was somewhere in South East Asia.'
17. S. Paranavitana, "Tho Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon, JCBRAs,
VIII (2). New Series, 1961, pp. 200-201.
18. The Decline of Polonnaruwa ..., p. 136; Recuil des Inscriptions du
Siam III, 26, tr. 27.
19. Paranavitana suggests that Kalinga referred to in modioval Ceylonosos
sources was in Malaysia. He obsor ves:
"Thus there is evidenco for tho nanin 'Kalinga" having been in use in former times for moro than one area in Minlaysin. Various statics must have considored it as dding to thoir
prestigo to be known by this honoured name, and their rulors must havo taken pride in tracing thcir descent to thonythical Kalinga chokravartti famed in Buddhist logonds'. (Continued),
THE ĀRYA CAKRAVARTTIS 167
Medieval Chinese sources refer to a locality called Ho-ling
in Java. Scvcral scholars once believed that Ho-ling was a Chinesc transcription of Kalinga. After a detailed examination of thc Chinese sources relating to Ho-ling Louis Charles Damais has shown that Ho-ling is the Chinese transcription of Walain and not Kalinga. He rejects the identification of Ho-ling as Kalinga on the following grounds. Firstly, thc word Kainga is trisyllabic whereas thc Chinesc word Ho-ling is disyllabic. Secondly, in the Chinese sources Ho-ling is some times referred to as Po-ling. Thirdly, Kalinga in Jndia was well known to the Chinese and it was always transcribed as Kie-ling-K'ie. Th: last syllable of Kalinga is never misscd in the transcription, If there was a kingdom or locality known as Kalinga in South East Asia
the Chinesc transcription of that name would have been as that
Seo S. Parn navitna, Ceylon and Malaysia in Medieval Times and JCBRAS, Now Scrios, VII (1), pp. 1-42.
R. A. Nilakanta Sastri who disagroes with Paranavitana's novel theory romarks:
“This is not history. Not ovon Puramn, but puro fable, and in this snblo Malaysia is at once a land of holy Buddhism and one whose Buddhism was so dogonerate that its people could be considered no Buddhists at all'. " .
and furthcr ndds:
“And so Paranavitana concludes that tho period botwoen tho demiso of Parākramabâhu I and the socond of that name
must bo called the Malay period of Coylon History. Not yot, nor for to considorations brought forward by Paranavitana is our roaction for throughout his long and loarned articlo. wo have not got one new historical fact or woll sustained interpretation calling for tho modification of current views on Ceylon History but only vague surmises and plays with phonetic similaritics'.
Sco IK. A. Nilakanta Sastri, “Coylon and Sri Vijaya”, JCBRAS, New Series, VIII (1), pp. 125-140.
Yet, Paranavitann continued his efforts to prove his theory. The monograph Ceylon and Malaysia was a culmination of these offorts. Paranavitann claims to have discovered new natorials which support his theory. Most of theso are, according to him, in the form of intorlinonr inscriptions cngrnved in minuto charactors. The toxts of the so inscriptions, published in his monograph, nro of exceptional litorary morit. N no one elso has hitherto becn able to find any traco of tho so-callod interlincar cngraving on the stones from which ho clains to have discovered thoso texts.
'ds
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168 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
of Kalinga in India. Moreover, he shows that the syllable ka in Chinese is usually transcribed either as ha or ha in Chinesc characters. It may also be added that Damais has found evidence in the Chinese documents which suggests that Ho-ling is a transcription of Walain.
Endorsing the views of Damais, Yutaka Iwamoto writes:
"Now, Ho-ling has been generally admitted to be a Chinese transliteration of Kalinga in East India. It has been generally held that the Ho-ling kingdom was founded by the immigration of refugees from Kalinga. To my regret, however, I cannot approve of this widely accepted view, because the syllable "Ho" of Ho-ling in Chinese had not been adopted in those days to transliterate a sound "Ka' in foreign languages, of which we can cite examples from Chinese scriptures of those days, viz, Hsuan-Chang’s Ta-tai-hsi-yu-chi and so on. Furthermore, Ho-ling is denoted as... Po-ling in the Sung-Kao-Seng-Chaung. It would therefore be clear that the original first sound of the Ho-ling is quite different from "Ka'. From the antiquarian remains of Java, neither can we trace the remnants of the then culture which originated in Kalinga. Sorry to say the view that thcre was in Java a kingdom dominated by immigrants of Kalinga from the seventh down to the
first half of the ninth century, was only a mirage or castle built in the air.?
In the light of the studies of Damais and Iwamoto Paranawitana's cquation of Kalinga with Javaka is unacceptable.
20. Louis Charles Damais, "La transcription Chinoise Ho-ling cqmme
designation de Java', Bulletin de Ecole Francais 9 D' cxtrome-Orient, LIII, pp. 93-141.
21. Yutaka Iwamoto, 'On the Ho-ling Kingdom', IATR, Proceedings
of the first Conference Seminar (Kuala Lumpur), I, pp. 58-66.
THE ARYA CAKRAVARTTIS 69
In order to support his claim that the rulers of Jaffna were connected to the Javakas Paranavitann attempts to use the evidence of the inscription of Vikramabāhu III (1359-1371) from Madawela which records an agreement between Vikramabahu, the ruler of Gampola, and Martthanam perumāl. Paranavitana identifies the latter as Martt anta Cinkaiyariyana ruler of Jaffna and contends that "the occurence of the word Savulupati is the most significant factor in the record' for the investigation of the origins of the Kings of Jaffna. However, unfortunately there is a hiatus in the inscription and the letter between Sa and lu is missing. Therefore, it is not certain that thc word is Savulupati.
The Kings of Jaffna were never referred to as Savulupati or by any other term equivalent to that designation in contemporary sources either in Sinhalese or Tamil. The Tamil chronicles or contemporary texts do not hint at any connection between them and the Javakas. Moreover, the royal epithets and emblems of these kings do not in any way indicate that they had any connections with the Jāvakas. Yet it is possible that an Arya cakravartti married a Javaka sincess but there is no evidence for it.
Titles and royal epithetis:
An examination of the titles and cpithets of the Arya cakravarttis of Jaffna and the traditions recorded in contemporary texts may throw light on their origins. The Sinhalesc texts of the ourtcenth and fifteenth centuries refer to the King of Jaffna as
Arya Sakviti or as Arya cakravartti.?“ The Yāppāņa Vaipava i
22 EZ, IV, p. 168
23. ibid
24. Arya Sakviti is the Sinhala form of Arya Cakravartti. Seo NKS ed. D. M. de Z. Wickramasinghe (Colombo, 1890) trs. C. M. Fornando, revised odn. D. F. Gunawardhana, Colombo, 1908. p, 23; RJV od 13. Guna sekora, Colombo, 1926, pp. 40-48; Parakumba sirita cd. K. D. P. Vikramasinha, Colombo, 1954, V. 266; Gira Sandesaya od. Makulu
duve Piyaratna, 1948, V. 137; Kokila Sandesaya, W. F. Gunawardhana, Colombo, 1945, V. 266.
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170 THE RINGDOM OF JAFFNA
malai testifies that all the Kings of Jaffna had borne the epithet Citikaiyariyan which was usually suffixed to their personal names.
The epithet Cinkaiyâriyan only signified the Ariyan rusing from the town of Cinkaihakar which was the capital of thc kingdom. The word Ariyan could havc becn uscd as an abbreviation of the title Ariyaccakkaravartti. Howcver, the word Ariyar had a wider connotation in the Tamil texts written under the patronage of the rulers of Jaffna. In certain instances it stood for a dynasty of rulers-the Kings of Jaffna, in others for a community of Brahmins from whom, however, the Kings of Jaffna traced their descent. These Kings had also borne the title Cetukavalan and thc epithets Kaikainaian and Kankaiyāriyan.
Traditions recorded in contemporary literature
The Cekarãicacẽkara mã lai records ' the following tradition concerning the origins of the Cinkaiyariyar. Rama during his exile, killed Viratan, Marican and Vali and uprooted seven great trees with the single aim of his arrow. Thereafter, having bridged the sea, he entered Lanka, defeated Kumpakannan and Travanan and freed his consort, Sita, from captivity. When V, Rama with his large army reached Kantamatanam hc felt relieved of the sin of having slain the Raksasa. He told of his sense of relief to the sage Agastya of the Potiya hill. The latter
25. YVM, pp 25. 35, 44.
, 26. Cekarācace karan is described as Kantamalai Ariyar köm. Kantalınmal ani is also referred to as Kantamatanarn in Hindu Mythology. (YVV, pp. 58-59). Tho Kanta putrinam and the Tevai Ula locato it in tho southern extremity of India. The lattor asserts that it is situated at Cetu (YVV, p. 58). The Cetupuanam asserts that it was on that
sito that Rama cstablished tho shrine of Siva which was named Rananatha, in the distant past. Thorefore, it is ovident that lKantamatanam and Râmośvaram aro identical. Tho oxpression IKantannalni Ariyarkön may bo i vtorprotcd as3 the King who bolon godl to the lincago of tho Brahmins of Ramosvaram.
THE ARYA CAKRAVARTTIS 7
revcalcd to Rama the sanctity of the site. Rama being impressed. by thc story establishcd a shrinc of Siva at that site, named it after himself and invitcd the 512 Ariyar "of the five villages' and gracefully directed them to officiate at the temple. He invest cd two of thcm with the paraphernalia of royalty, granting them thc garland of the fragrant Tulasi, the title of the Arya King of thc saultless scriptures, the beautiful parasol, thc single conch and the victorious bull banner.'
This tradition contains three clencints, namely, thc foundation of the templc of Ramesvaram by Rana, the settlement of the 512 Ariyar at Ramesvaram and the bestowal of the title of the Arya King and the insignia of royalty on the remote ancestors of the Cifikaiyariyar. The story of Rama's connection with Ramesvaram is a legend which seens to have originated from the Ramayana. It must have been invented with a view to establish thc antiquity and sanctity of the Ramesvaram temple.
The second clement in the tradition recorded by the Cekaracaceks ramalai, namely, the settlement of the 512 Ariyar at Rāmesvaram appears to have a historical basis. The Tevai Ulla mentions that the sage Lokanatha settled at Cetu the 512 Ariyar who conduct religious services in accordance with Scriptural injunctions. As this text attributes the settlement of the Ariyar to Lokanatha and not Rama, it would appear that it records a tradition independent of the one found in the Cekaracacekaramalai. The tradition that the Ariyar were settled in Ramesvaram as recorded in these texts, receives some confirmation from epigraphic evidcnce. An inscription of Virapa Nayaka
27. CCM, cirap puppāyiram, vv. 1-5.
28. Tha frequont allusion to this logond in tho Tevaram reveals that it had already dovelopod in tho so venth century. "Tho lator Sthalapturan as Ruch as Cëtupuramam and Cetumahatmiyam seem to havo olaborated. it further. Sco Panniru Tirtamuraip peruntiratu, ed. P. Raunā nāthapillai, Madras, 1961, pp. 403-405. V
29. Têvai Ulã cd. Uttamatãnapuram Cáminãtaiyar, Madurai, 1907, vv.
94-95.
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72 THE KINGDOM of JAFFNA
of the sixtcenth century found on the gopura near the putomartapa at Madurai mentions among other things that the income in the form of taxes received in the treasuries of the Nayaka and of Cokkanatha on behalf of the Ramesvaram temple were | distributed between the temple of Ramanatha and the Ariyar pancatesiyar in thc proportion of two to three. The cxpression Ariyar paticatesiyar recalls the paincakirama vetiyar of the Cekaracacekaramalai who presumably belonged to a Caturvedimahkalam-a Brahmin village-which had an assembly of 512 mcmbers. Moreover, the Cekarácacekaramalai adds that Cekaracacekaran, the king of Jaffna, was a descendant of a Brahmin who had mastered the four Vedas and belonged to the Kasyapa gotra. Thus the traditions recorded by the Cekaracacekaramalai asserts that the Kings of Jaffna were in the lineage of the Brahmins of Ramesvaram.
In his Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon de Queyroz.
apparently records the same tradition but in a confused manner when he says:
“In course of time, there came some Brahmanes, natives of Guzarata called Arus, who claimed royal descent, and with the favour of the Nayquc of Madura, they erected a pagoda at Ramancor, whence they began to have trade and friendship with the King of Jaffnapatao, and one of them married a daughter of that
King; and finally her descendants became heirs to that Kingdom.
The tradition that a Brahmin of Ramesvaram acquired sovereignty over the Kingdom of Jaffna after Sapumal's conquest, as recorded by de Queyroz, is however anachronistic. The Arya cakravartti dynasty had emerged long before the time of Sapu mal; even the settlement of the Āriyar at Rāmes varam
30. ARE, No. 340 of 1918.
31. de Queyroz., pp. 48–49. de Quoyroz states that those events took place
after Sapumal's conquest of Jaffna.
THE ĀRYA CAKRAVARTTIS 173
seems to have taken place very much earlier than the commencement of Nayaka rule in Madurai."? Therefore Queyroz's testimony about the Gujaratio1igins of the Brahmins of Ramesvaram, and the marriage of a Brahmin to a princess of Jaffna cannot be. accepted. The evidence from Queyroz is in fact contradicted by .
the Cekaracacekaramalai which asserts that the Ariyar of
Ramesvaram had come from Benares.
Arya cakravarttis in the Pāņçdya Kingdom
Any explanation of the origins of the rulers of Jaffna has to take into account the evidence relating to the dignitaries called. Ariyaccakkaravartti who held positions of high rank in the Pandya kingdom and are mentioned in some Pandya inscriptions. An inscription of the fifth year of Maravarman Kulasekhara (1268-1310) from Sivapuri in Ramnad mentions a certain Devar Ariyac cakkaravartti. The Srirangam inscription of the tenth.
year of the same monarch records the donations made by . Matitunkan Tanininu vena perumal otherwise called.
Ariyaccakkaravartti of Cakkaravartti Nallur in Cevvirukkai natu. Yet another inscription of Kulasekhara from Tiruppullini in Ramnad refers to a dignitary called Devar. Ariyaccakkaravarttikal. As this inscription is said to have been engraved on his orders it may be assumed that Ariyaccakkaravarttikal was holding a high position in the Pandya administration. He may have been a minister or a feudatory. Yet
32. CCM, V. 204. It is not easy to dotermine whon tho Brahming of Ramesvaram wore settled there. Brahmanical influencos had penetrated into Taun il socioty even before the Christian ora. The Cahkan literature provides evidence of Brahmin settlements in the Tami country during the early centuries of the Christian era. The Turkish
conquest of Northern India during the thirteenth century and the
subsequent establishment of the Delhi Sultanate seem to have contributed towards the immigration of large numbers of North Indian
Brahmins to the Decan and the Tamil country.
33. ARE, 1928, p. 29, No. 21. 34. ARE, 1936, No. 7 35. ARE, No. 110 of 1903; Sll, VIII : No. 396
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74 THE KING DOM OF JAFFNA
another inscription from the same place mentions three persons, namely, Teyvaccillaiyan Alakan Ariyaccakkaravartti,
rāman V.kkai Āriyaccakkaravartti and Mērutu kan Kafikai . nārayahacakkaravarti, Thcy appear as parties to a transaction involving the transfer of lands situated in Kilcempi nau and cevvirukkai nátu which were territorial units in the southern division of the Pandya Kingdom. Furthermore, an epigraphic record fom Tiruvarathkulam refers to a prson known as Inpan Áriyaccakkaravartti.'
One of the Tiruppullani inscription testifies that Ariyaccakkaravartti was not a personal name but a title. In this particular epigraph persons called Ariyaccakkaravartti are referred to with their distinct personal names Ajakan and draman. Ariyaccakkaravartti was thcn apparently a title that belonged to the members of a particular family. Since all persons who are known from the Pandya inscriptions to have borne that, title except Inpan, who is mentioned in the epigraph from Tiruvaraikulam, were from Cevvirukkainau or from a placc close to that nau in the South eastern region of the Pandya Kingdon it may bc assumed that they were living in Cevvirukkai natu during thc reign of Mairavarman Kulasekhara.
The Tiruppullani inscription which mentions Kilcempi natu and Cev virukkai ccmpi natu testisies that Tirupulani belongcd to the first of thcsc divisions. Thcrcspre, it may bc inferred that Kilcempi natu and ccvvirukkai natu werc identical or that they werc sub-divisions of onc territorial unit. As Tiruppullani which is situatcd in Ramnad district belonged to Kilcempinatu, Cevvirukkai cempi natu must have been a medieval administrative unit corresponding to the coastal region of the present, Ramnad district.
Some of the epithets which belonged to the members of the Ariyaccakkaravartti family arc suggestive of distinction earned
36. ARE, No. 112 of 1903; SII, VIII, No. 398. 37. JPS, No. 619 38. SII, VIII., No. 398.
w
THE ĀRYA CAKRAV "ARTT1S 75
in military service. Arya cakravartti Matitunkan had the cpithet Tanininru vença perumã (5 Goîß) sist go GGJ 587 pp G LUCU LDT 6ř7) which evidcntly signified military honour. Either Matitutikan earned this epithet himself or he could have received it on account of the fact that he belonged to a family which had a claim to it. Another title suggestive of military distinction was Teyvaccillaiyān (GO)5 uiù au ở S&avulum Gö7) bornc by the Arya cakravartti called Alakan.' As two different members of the Aryacakravartti family had cpithets illustrative of military distinction it may bc inferred that they belonged to a feudatory family which had produced generals who had distinguished themselves in battle.
Inscriptions testify that the word Cakkaravartti denoted a certain rank in the administrative hierarchy of the Pandya kingdom. Titles such as Malavaccakkaravartti (Lent p Quj & dia, U Gauff & 6), Maraccakkaravartti (uopë F di 5 pr Guri š6)and Elakaccakkaravartti bclonged to several dignitaries who held posts in the Pandya administration. The first of thesc titles evidently belonged to the chiess of the Malavar who held the foremost position among thc traditional ranks in the service of the Pandyas. During thc latc twelfth century a Malavaccakkaravartti playcd a leading role in the war of Pindya succession. Another Malavar chics, Sivanintakālan Malaccakkara vart ti was a minister of Maravarman Sundara Pandya I (125 - 238). Yet another Malaccakkaravartti was an officer of Vira Pandya.' Morcover, Malavarmanikkam Malaccakkaravartti was an officer of Maravarman Kulasekhara.'
39. A RE, 1928/29, No. 21.
40. It is claimed that Lankaipura, a gonoral of Parakramabahu I, subduod Māļavaceakkaravarti Majavarayar, a chioftain of the Pandya Ringdom. QV, 76 : 132, 137
41. ARE, No. 14 of 1916, 42. ARE, No. 413 of 19289. t
43 Hir bolongod to tho family of Maļavarmnāņikkam "Tirukkānap
per Uqaiyān, a Sāmanta of Māravarman Sundara Pāņdya .
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76 THE KENGDOM OF JAFFNA
Similarly, Maraccakkaravartti seems to have been a rank conferred on the chiefs of the Maravar. The Mara mutali chiefs of Ponnamarapati natu are said to have jointly conferred the title of Maraccakkaravartti on the Uaiyan of Tiruvaraakulam as a reward for his valour and achivements. Chiefs who had the title Elakaccakkaravartti are also referred to in the Pandya inscriptions' The expression Elakaccakkaravartti nay be interpreted as the rank of a chief who belonged to or had authority over the group of Elakam.
On the analogy of titles such as Malavaccakkaravartti and Maraccakkaravartti, Ariyaccakkaravartti may denote a chief of the Ariyar who held the rank of Cakkaravartti. The word Ariyar has several meanings; it may denote Brahmins, Rajputs, members of the first three varnas and highly esteemed or noble persons." Nevertheless, as the Cekaracacekaramalai testifies that Cekarácacekaran was a Brahmin King and traces his origin to one of the 512 Ariyar who were settled at Ramesvaram the title Arya cakravartti may be considered as one confined to Brahmins exclusively (in the Pandya kingdom).7 This title.
44. IPS, No. 278
45. Elakacakkaravarti seems to be a compound of the winrods ē akam and Cakkaravartti. The word elakam may be interpreted in the light of a passage in an op igraph of Kulottunga III which runs“...... elakam. pața mara ppațai piața cinkaappaļai mūkkaru ppuņu alai katal puka” (SII, III, No. 86). Tho Marappația i and Cińkaappajai are a rny units consisting of Maravar and Sinhalese respectively. Tho ēakam which was destroyed by the armies of Kulot tunga apparantly was a division of tho Pandya army. Eakam may donoto oith of a military unit having seven divisions or one that was rocruitod from sevon land. holdings
46. Tho Tamil word Ariyar may denote an inhabitant of Aryavartta, a Brahmin, a person of the Aryan race, a respoctablo or venerated person, spiritual preceptor, a scholar, a learned man or a teachor or a ago. See Madras Lexicon, Vol. I, Madras, 1926 pt. I, p 244 and A Sanskrit-English Dictionary cd. Monier Williams, oxford, 1899.
47. Pidya inscriptions from the Tenkasi taluk of the Tinnovelly district refer to a territorial division called Ari nau. It had two divisions, Vatavari nau and Tennari natu. The villages of Puli
(Continued)
THE ARYA CAKRAV ARTITIS 177
could be synonymous. with Brahmarayan which belonged to Brahmins who held positions of authority in medieval South Indian administration. The Brahmin ancestors of the Arya cakravarttis of CcV virukkai natu must have acquired the title Aryacakravartti when they were enlisted into the service of cither the Cola or Pandya government. Indeed, the Cekaracacekaramalai refers to the origin of the title Arya cakravaruti when it asserts that two of the 512 Ariyar of Ramesvaram acquired the 'grand eloquent title of Ariya ventu' (the Arya king) and the insignia of royalty. V
yür, 1Paq1i k tnqi, Kunrakkuti, Melakaram, Marutamañkalam, Jlañci, Tirukkuttalain and Tenkasi were in Tennari nau while Kajaya]tiᎱ , Iran pojil, Ativirarama nallur and Mūnrulmuțic caturvētinankalan belonged to Vatavari natu. Moreover, Ari natu in, e]udod nlB(y iho villages of Malayațikuricci and Tennalai, See ARE, 1917, Nos, 46, 401, 4:03, 407, 409 412, 48, 440, 441, 495, 57, 523, 526, 527, 532, 546, 556, 563, 570, 585, 603, 621, 64; ARE
918, No. 397. .
The origins of the name Ari nāui, howover, are i not known. It may denote a natu that was inhabitcd or ruled by people who claimpodu to bo Ariya.r. HoWovor, although sovoral villages called aturvetimankalam were found, in this locality there is no evi
once to suggest that families claiming Rajput origin were living or ruling from that natu. Further, thore is no evidence to show
that the Arya cakravarttis had any connoction with this nāsu.
Brahmins and othors who had come fron various parts of Aryavarta hold positions of high rank in tho administration of the C’õja oinpire. Knțținān Ariyan Padumāran othorwise called Tiruccirraum palam uqaiyān of Kās miradosam was an officer of Rājarāja I. Ariyan"Vāsudeva bhatan otherwiso calced Rājarāja Brahmarayan of Arishanam in Kasmiradesam was an officer of Kulottunga. Jin an inscription of Viracõla, a feudatory of Rājarāja, Wiracoa and his ancestors are reforred to as Latarajas. This expres
sion may suggest that they had come from Gujarat. See ARE, 191 No. 369; ARE, 193617, p. 8, No. 14; EI, IV, No. 14, p. 138.
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178 TE KENGDOM OF JAlFFNA
Thc.risc of thc Arya cakravarttis of Jaffna was cvidently connected to the Pandya invasion of the island around 1284.49 It may be suggestcd that the Pärndya general Arya cakravartti, on his return after his expedition against Yapahuwa, was deputised by Mãravarman Kulasekhara, thc Pãụợya King, to administer the kingdom in North Ceylon which was absorbed into the Pangya empire as a result of the Pandya invasions against it since tlh c t inne of Candra bilhã Inu. Elhcr the gçun cral Arya cak ravartti who sacked Yapalhuwa in 1284 or onc of his kins mc) in list have assumed royal powcr and bccomc independent of Pandya control once when the Pandya power declined in conscquence of intrinal dissensions and the aids of Malik Kafur around A. D. 1310.
Such a conclusion is supported by thc tradition incorporated in a contemporary text - thc Cekaracacekaramalai which is more specific about the ancestors of the rulers of Jaffna. After narrating the account of the 512 Ariyar and the investiture of two among them this text goes on: W
Of the many kings who were ruling through the agcs onc was thc 'Vcdic King' whom the victorious Pandya summons from the Department of copper plate charters; another king fought and triumphed ovcr the Karunā akar at Antaravalli. Yet anothcr was thc “ruler” who slashed the trunk of an clephant that was furious in attack and chastised the Hoysala.
49. CW, XC: 43 - 47.
50. அன்றுமுதல் சதுர்யுகம் நாலாறிற் புவிபுரந்த மன்னர் தம்மிழ்
வென்றிதிகழ் மீனவன்முன் செப்பேடங் சுத் தழைக்கும் வேதவேந்தும் சென்றுகரு நாடகரை அந்தரவல்லியிற் பொருது செயித்த வேந்தும் கன்றிவரு மதவேளங் கரந்துணித்துப் போசலனக் கடிந்த வந்தும்
CCM, Cirappսրpayiram
THE ARYA CAKRAVARrTis 179
in this passage there is doubtless considerable historical information interspersed with prasasti—a panegyric. The reference to the “Vedic King' whom the victorious Pidya summons from the 'iDepartment of copper plate charters may suggest that an ancestor of the Kings of Jaffna was serving the Páidya King as an oficial in charge of royal archives.
'l hec allusion to the King who fought and defeated the Karunțakar at Antara valli and punished the lloysala after cutting thc trunk of his clephant recalls of thc conflict between the Pi gyas and the loysalas during the latter half of the thirteenth century. It was in the reign of Jatavarman Sundara Padya that the Pandya forces overwhelmed those of the HoySalas. Hewever, it is difficult to determine precisely when these vents referred to in the Cekaracacekaranalai had occured. Nevertheless, it may be assumed that the author of the Cekaracacekaranlalai is recording poetically certain traditions concerniag the distinguished feats of some ancestor which were a source of inspiration and pride to the Arya cakrawartti rulers. The tradition that an ancestor of the Kings of Jaffna played an active role in the wars against the Floysaia King supports our claim that the founder of the dynasty was the figya general called Arya cakrawartti.
The contention that the Arya cakravartti rulers of North Ceylon were connected to the Arya cakravartti chiefs of Cevvirukkai natu in the Pirdya Kingdom is not based merely on the identity of their titles and the traditions of their origins as recorded by de Queyroz and the author of the Cekaracacekaramalai. A study of their epithets Tevaiyarkon, Kantamalai Ariyarkou and Cetukavalan also leads to the same conclusion. Fhe first of these epithets means "the king of the people of
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180 TE KING; ) () M () F JAFNA
Tevai' and has thc Samc significance as thc cpithct Kantanalai Ariyark in which could be explained as "the king of the Ariyar of Rāmcsvaram. Contemporary Tamil texts written in Ceylon testify that the kings of Jaffna had the epithct Cetukavalan, “the guardian of Cetu'. Besides, all the coins issued by them have the cxpression Cetu on them. Morcover, thc Kotagama inscription, which was set up to record the victories of a king of Jaffna, commences with the c\pression Cetu instcad of the usual bcincdictory cxpression Svasti Sri.
The word Cetti (Sctu) has several meanings: it may denotic a causeway, a dike, a landmark, a boundary limit, a fixed rule or epithct of thc Pranava or sacred syllable On (which is mantranam sctuh). Besides, the island of Ramesvaram and the rcef of sunkcn rocks connecting the north of Ceylon with the mainland of India arc generally referred to as Cetti. There were several other localities called Cetu in and around Ramesvaram. A Pandya inscription mentions a place called Cetumulan on the bcach of Cevvirukkainatu.' Another locality called Get unakar is referred to in literature and in Scriptions. A Cetupati grant testifics that it was located at Ramesvaram. Cetu Tanukkoti
51. Madras Tamil Lic.A icon, ll, p. 1530.
52, ibid.
A Sanskrit - English dictionary cd. Monior williams,
Oxford, 1892,
53. SIT, VIJI: No 403.
54. ASSI, TW: No. 2, p. 65
TIE ARYA CAKRAVARTTIS 181
and Srirama Tanukk)ti are other such localities. As the Taksinakailaca puranam describes the Arya cakrawartti as “the guardian of the high coast of Cetu where the gods come down to offer worship's the expression Cetu must have denoted a sacred site on thc sca-coast, whencver it was used in connection with the rulers of Jaffna. As Rancsvaram which was also called Cetu held such a position it may be inferred that the title Cētu kāvalan which belonged to the Kings of Jaffna suggests that they had
filiations with Rāmēs varam.
Ilı e Arya cakravarttis of the Pāņçdya Kingdom also had connections with Cetu. The site of Cetumulam was on the coast of Cevvirukkainau, which was, as noticed earlier, a fief held by the Arya cakravarttis. The inscription that records the order of Devar Arya cakravartti contains the expression Cētu tirumukam -'order or request from Cctu'. The use of the title Arya cakravartti by the Kings of Jaffna and the chiefs of Cevvirukkai natu and the occurence of the expression Celu on the coins and epigraphs of the former and the inscriptions of the latter cannot be an accidental coincidence. It shows that they were related. The kings of Jaffna, presumably, had a claim to the title Cetukävalan on account of their descent from the Arya cakravartt is of the Pandya Kingdom and they continued to use this title even after they had ceased to exercise any authority over the localities called Cetu in the Southern extremity of India.
55.
5
ASSI, IV: Nos. 4 and 16, pp. 68, 98.
56. TKP, Tirunakaraccartık kanı, V. 108.
SII, VIII : No 396.
5
7
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LS0 LSSSSSSASASSSSqAASSSAAAS SSLLSSS SS SS SSL AAASSS S S
182 THE KING DOM OF JAFFNA
The epithcts Kankaiyariyan and Kankainatan which bclongcd s to the Kings of Jaffna could bc cxplained in two ways. Either they claimed a conncction with thc Ganga vamsa or one of their remote ancestors had come from Kankajnátu - thc Ganga country. After his conquest of North Ceylon Arya cakravariti may havc attemptcd to stabilisc his powcr by narrying into a family of Ganga descent which had some sort of authority - or influence in thc Kingdom. There were sevcral princes of Eastcrin Ganga origin at thc court of Polonnaruwa in the twclfth and thirteenth centurics but thcre is no cvidcncc of any last crin Ganga prince holding sway over North Ceylon in the latc thirteenth century or of any matrimonial tics betwcci) thc fastern Gangas and the Cifikaiyiriyar.
It could also be surmised that the Ganga chiefs with whom the Aryacakravarttis came into contact were of Western Ganga descent and wcrc not rclated to any of the Gangan princes of the Sinhalesc' court. There were scveral feudatory families of Ganga descent spread all over the Tamil country." After thc Cola conqucst of the Ganga Kingdom, nicmbers of the
58. Nissafkamalla and Sānsanna voro fron Kālinga. The formc"
according to his inscriptions, was born in Sinh.npura in Kālinga. Vijayabāhu II also had como from Kalinga Kalyānavati, a con sort of Nissankamalla, was of tho GangR vannsn. For IEZ, TI, pp. 80, 85, 115, 175; CV, LXXX. V. 29.
59. An inscription from Kumuli which montions, Kulottunga T as Abhaya describes a Ganga, chiof, Pañcanativānan as “tho protoctor of Kacci and Mallai". Another chief of Ganga descent, Cõlakashka
· tevan of Anaikkaraicceri in Colakan kateva nailur, ia mont ionod in tho inscriptions of Kulottunga III. The Vanniya chiefs of Paikala nãțu in Toņļaimaņalam vcro of Ganga dcscent, Siyagangnın A naraparanan, tho patron of Kulottunga III is doscribcd a A thin ruler of Kuvaļālapuram and of Ganga linoago Moroover, a Ganga chiof, Viraganga, was sloin togothor with his ally, Parakrainabahu, "King of Ceylon', by tho Hoysala generals in tho reign of tho Cola King Rãijarāja II, see ARE, 1934/5, No. 25; ARE, 1912, No3. 556, 559: MRE, 1913, Nos. , 17. 546.
TIE ARYA CAKRAV ARTT1s 183
Westcrin Ganga dynasty who had reconciled thcmselves to the loss of their Kingdom appear to have served the Colas in their armics and government. Thc dispersal of the Western Gangas in various parts of the Cola cmpire sccms to have becn a result of this process. There were several Pandya scudatorics and ministers who were of Ganga desccnt. 6o Onc of thcm, Cõlagangātēvan lcd an invasion of Ceylon in the early years of Maravarman Kulasckhara. Even some of the chiefs who served Cinkaiyiriyan arc Said to have bccn of the Kaikaikulam.
An Arya cakravartti may have cspoused the offspring of a Gangeya chics: his dcscendants could bc cfcrred to with the cpithct Kankaiyariyan to cmphasize their descent from both thc Ariyar who had social precedence over all others and the Gangas who were one of the oldest and cstccmcd dynastics in India.
These epithets could also signify the connection which the Arya cakravarttis claimed with the country'sanctified by the waters of the 'Holy Ganges and not really their descent from thc Gangavamsa. As the Cekaracacekaramalai asserts that the 512 Ariyar who were settled at Ramesvaram had come from Kasi it is cv.cn probable that these epithcts only imply the connection which their remote ancestors had or claimed with the Gangetic plain.
60. Viraganga was ono of the Ganga chiefs who opposed Lankapura's mirnny during tho war of Pāņdya succession. Kaņgan Utayatîceytān Kākoyan, a Sānmnta of Māravnrman Sundara Paudya І яeems to have been of Ganga descent. Another chief of Ganga descent was Ni Ja Kankaraiyan of cempi nālu. Māra varnan Vikrama Pandya Gingoyarayan, another Ganga chief, was an officer of both Vikrama Pandya and Vira Pandya. Cöllngangatëvan and Nilakañlkan raiyan woro two Ganga chiofs of tho . 'oign of Māra varrman
Kulasekhara (1268 - 1310). Soo CV, LXXVI. 180 - 182; MRE, J935/6, p. 78 Nos. 152 - 153, 165, 166, 176, 186; MRE, 1914 p. 93. No. 53 of 1905 and 41 of 1905.
21 -سس ، RM , pp . ا)
Page 101
VIII
Arya Cakravartti i in Traditional History - I
The conquest of Jaffna and the Foundation of Nallur
The Yalppana Vaipavamalai, written by MayilvakanapPulavar on the request of the Dutch Authorities of Jaffnapatna un, in the eighteenth century, gives an account of the Arya Cakravarttis of Jaffna who ruled that kingdona until the Portuguese conquest in 1619. In this chronicle only the accounts of the rulers called Cifikaiyariyan and Virotaya cinkaiyariyan are given in considerable detail. As the chronicle gives only very brief accounts of the other kings the history of their reigns cannot be reconstructed in great detail. The data concerning the reign of Cinkaiyi riyan are found also in two other chronicles, the Kailiyama Yai and the Vaiyapatal. A critical examination and comparative study of the cvidence found in these chronicles is essential in order to reconstruct the history of the reign of Arya cakravartti I otherwise called Cikaiyariyan.
The account given in the Yalppana Vaipavamalai about this ruler is mainly a summary of that found in the Kailayamalai which was one of the sources utilised by Mayilvakatappulavar, the author of the Yalppana Vaipavamalai.
After relating the story of the legendary Yappanan, the Kailayamalai gives the following account of Cinkaiyariyan.
ARYA CAKRAV ARTTI I IN TRADITIONAL HISTORY - 1. 185
Paintimalavan of Ponparri, son of Celvarayan, who had fought many battles and was distinguished among the members of the Kahkakulam, went to Madurai and requested the prince Cinkaiyariyan to come and rule the kingdom of Jaffna which was disintegrating as there was no king. After carefully considering the pleas of Pintimalavan, Cinkaiyariyan acceded to his request, left Madurai with the blessings of the Pantiyan and reached Jaffna for the purpose of ruling that kingdom. The Cinkaiyariya in led an invincible army which consisted of a cavalry, an elephant corps and infantry that included within its ranks, Mãkatar, Karunatar, Mã lavar, Kcrajar and many othcr communities.
Aftcr having decided to establish a royal residence at Nallur, Cinkaiyariyan ordered the building of a palace supported by losty columns that were carved with ornamental designs. The palacc was surrounded by strong fortified walls on all the four sides. It consisted also of an upper storey and an audience hall which was adorned with paintings and garlands of pears. Moreover, a throne Sct with gems was placed in the coronation hall. The Kailayamalai further descrihes the ceremonies connected with the coronation of Cinkaiyariyan. He was adorned with a profusion of jewels and the anklets of heroism and, while the Brahmins chanted hencodictions to the accompaniment of various musical instru nnents, Pālțimala van crowned Citikaiyāriyan. Thercastcr, tlhe king performed several kinds of danas from the adorned pavilion in front of the Coronation hal). Later he mounted an clephant that was specially decorated for the occasion and accompanied by courtiers, officers, units of the army and musicians, he was taken in procession along the main streets of the city. The subjects who had gathered along the main
l. The poetic description of Cinkaiyariyan's army is similar to the of the armics of Jatavarman Vira Pandya as found in tho prasasti of his inscriptions. Sco KM, p. 5 and IPS, No. 396.
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186 THE KNGDOM OF JAFINA
thoroughfares were cxccedingly dclightcd on sccing him and felt relieved of the miscrics to which they have been subjected until that time. They paid homage with duc respect and prayed for thc king's prosperity and long life.
The king, after ascending the thronc, appointcd as his
chicf "siminister Puvanekavaku, a learnicci and emincint Brah min from Madurai, and made him reside at Nallir.’ lic made : Páint imalavan of Ponparriyur, a man' of "thic Kcifikarkulam, to reside at Tirunelveli with his brother and his cousin, the heroic Cenpakamalavan. Naracifikatevan of Kā viriyūr, a cadler of the Tuluva division of the Kaikā kulam was madc to reside at Mayilitti. The three chicss, namely Cenpakamappanan of Vavinakar, his kinsha in Cantiracekaramappanan and the merchant Kanakarayan of Kayanakar were settled at Tellippalai which was exceedingly fertic and which possessed sufficient watcr resources. The chief Perayiravan of Kovarpati was madc to reside at Inuvil. The chicf Nilakantan of Kaccur, who was a peer of thc king in wealth and peerless in heroism, was Scint together with his four brothers to rule Paccillappālai. , Kanakamalawan and four others were sent to Puloli. Naracinkatevan and Kupakarentiran of Kupakanau, who was an ornament of thc Kafkakulam and a patron of thc carned were sent to residc at Tolpuram: The great warrior Tevaracentiran who was reputed for his liberality, was asked to reside at Koyilakkani. Mannatukonta mutai of Tontainiatu who belonged to the Wellala family that showered gold on Kampan for his work Erclupatu, was Scttled at Trupalai. The virtuous and powerful chics, Taninayaka mutali
2. Tho introduction of Plvanēkavāku (Bhuva noknbh) into this
nccount is duo to a confusion of tho traditions relating to Cikaiyariyan with thoso concerning Sapumal, who later as filmed the
throno nomo J3lnu vaneka tālu (VI) after his corn socration.
AR Y A CAKRAV ARTTI I IN TRADIT IoNA , ISTORY - i 87
of noble descent on both thc patcrnal and matcrnal ancestry was appointcd to rulc Nciuntivu. The Pallavan of Waici and
two others werc placed at Vcļinātu.
After having appointed these chiefs thc king decided to ippoint headmcn callcd Talaiyāri and other chieftains. Valliyamātāk kan was appointcd as thc chief of the division callcd Melparu. Imaiyana matakkan became the ruler of Vataparru. Cenpaka matakkan and Vctri ma takkan were appointed to rule the divisions called Kilparru and Tcnparru respectively. Viracinkan, an cxpericnced general who had sought scveral battics, was made the commander-in-chief of the army. Moreover, the army was divided into scveral units and statio incol in different localitics.
The king who had long cherished in his mind the idea of building at Nallur a templc for Siva whom he had worshipped at Madurai in the form of Cokkanatan start cd to construct it at an auspicious time. He constructed beautiful encirciing walls, a shrinc of admirable architccture for Siva, a shrine for Parvati with side apartments for minor deities, a sacrificial hall, a store-housc and a tank for ceremonial ablutions. Aftcr complcting the construction of thc ticmple the king built houscs for pricsts and a hall for reciting the Sama Vcda. He also laid out a road for the proccssions of the chariot. A flower garden and parks were laid out in the vicinity of the templc. Thereafter, thc king sent message to thc ruler of Cetu asking him to send a suitablo Brah-. min to servc in the templc as thc chicf priest. Thc ruler of Cetu scnt Kahkatara aiyar, a Brahmin from Kasi who had mastcrcd the Vedas. After his arrival the king conducted a consccration ceremony and named the temple aftcr Kayilayanatan and thus it became the third Kayilayam.
The foregoing account is important in several respects. Firstly, it gives an idea of thc circumstances that cd to:
3. KNY, pp. 4-2.
Page 103
'88 THE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA.
'the arrival of Cinkaiyariyan. Secondly, it describes the
foundation of Nallur as the capital of the kingdom. Third
ly, it throws light on the organization of thc administration
by Citikaiyiriyan. Lastly, it contains traditions concerning the construction of the Kayilayanatar temple at Nallur.
The author of the Kailayamalai, Mutturica Kaviricar, like
the authors or compilers of the oth cr Tamil chronicles in
the island, had no sense of chronology or historical sequence. He does not record historical cvents within any chronolo
gical framework. Besides, he has written this chronicle in verse and in conformity to poetic conventions. One could, therefore, expect in this work exaggeration and hyperbole as in any other poetical work. Yet, one should not lose sight of the fact that the historical events of a single reign form the main theme of this text. The chronicler was recording certain traditions concerning the activities and achievemcints of the founder of the Arya cakravartti dynasty of Jaffna, about which memories continued to linger among the people
of 'Jaffnapatnam'. The traditions recorded in the Kailayamalai
should be cxamined in the light of historical developincints
in the island during the late thirteenth century and in
comparison with the evidence about these developments from
other sources.
Both the Kailayanilai and the Yalppara Waipavannalai introduce the dignitary called Paintimalavan into the account of Cinkaiyariyan. It is claimed that Citikaiyariyan came to Jaffna from Madurai on the request of Pantimalavan. The account of the latter as found in the Tamil chronicle presupposes that the kingdom of Jaffna was administered by the Pandyas before the arrival of Cinkaiyariyan otherwise callcd Arya cakravartti. Pāņțimalavan is said to have been a son of Celvarayan. Moreover, it is claimed that Pantithalavan was formerly residing for some time at Venkatakiri.
4. I, \t, p. 7: YVM, n 25 5. KM. p. 12.
ARYA CAKRAVARTTI 1 IN TRAD1TIONAL, 1 1 1 STORY - 1 89 '
Thc tradition concerning Panimalavan as found in the Kailayannalai appears to be a reliable one. The Malavar chicss were among the most powerful and influential feudatories in the Pandya kingdom; some of them held key positions in the army and administration. The rank of chics minister was usually held by a dignitary of thc Malavar family. For instance, Sankaran Alakiyapcrumal Malavarayan of Kaladi was the chief minister of Maravarman Sundara Pandya I (125 - 1238)." Inscriptions recording grants of land and moncy to public institutions, found at scvcra localitics in thc Tamil country, slow that Malavar chiess werc placed in positions of authority in the various parts of the Pandya kingdom." A branch of the Malavar family was to be found in Cevvirukkai cempinātu. Malavarayan Tirumãliruticölai mintan was thc chicf of this territorial division in the time of Vikrama Pangya. The fact that the Arya cakravarttis were also from the same territorial division may perhaps explain the intimate connections which Arya cakravartti had with Paintimalavan and other Malavar chiefs in Jaffna.
According to inscriptions, Ponpariri was situated in Natuvilkurru, a subdivision of Milalaikurram in Pantimautalam 9.
G. ARE, 193536, p. 78, Nos. 66-17ú; R. D. Swaminathan,
Tiruvalisar an and its inscriptions, Ph.D. Thosis, University of london, 1964 (unpublished). 7. An inseription from the Krsnesvamin temple at Puliyur registers a gift of tax-free land in ti Trappankuricci otherwiso called iKulacelkara naliütr iın Ncccuranātu to tho temple of Tirukurrala ímuța iya nayanar at the instanco of Aiyan Malawarayan. Anothor record of tho reign of Maravarınan Sundara Pāņdya 1 incritions the gift of land for the maintenanco Of a flower garden called Cuntarapānțiya tirumantāvanau to tho templo of IRäjarä ja Caturvedina ňkalan jn Muļļinātu (Tonkasi) at the instance of Maļavarāyan. An epigraph of Vikrama Pāņɖya (acc. A. D. 1283) from Vrddlh a girisvara temple at Viruttiacalam mentions the gift of land from taxos in Takaanku;i in Paruvurparru by another chief called Maļavarāyan. Seo A RE, No. 520 of 1911 and Nos. 75 and 428 of .
98. - 8. ARE, No. 75 of 1918 9). A RE, No. 589 of 1915, No. 229 of 1910
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190 T! If K! NG[IO..! O[: JA[:FNA
It was thc centre of a chieftail,cy and chicfs of Pompacci also werc of somc conscquence in the Piugiya administration. They --also scCm to have been sent by the Pandya government to discharge military and administrative functions in the various parts of the Tamil country. ... hiefs of Pompari arc referred to eithcr as the signatories of gr; its or as having had thcm made in inscriptions in various parts of the Tamil country. The chief Karunampi Kutta tuvan otherwise calcd Uttamapitiya Vilupparaiyan of Pompaturi in Mila lai kuttan is referrcd to as thc donor of a grant in an epigraph of the reign of JatavarInnan Kulasekharadicva at the Madlı yasthana templc in tlc Cankaran lyinár taluk of the fin nevelly district." The chic Compari i u taiyin Monnaippirin is mention cd in a record at Alak arkoyi in thc Meltir taluk of the Madurai district. This is probably the same chief who is also referred to in the epigraph of the sevcnth ycat of Mātavarman Vikrama Pãụợya (acc. A. D. 1283) from the Nityes vara tcmple at Srimüşņam. 12 According to this inscription Moquaippiran Ciramate var, othcrwise call cd Ceti yaralyan of Karu vūr Pomparri, donatcd four villages in Rajcindra collapuram for festivals and offerings at thc scrvice of Rajakkalniyan canti instituted in thc name of the king in tlc templc (of Tirumuttamulaiyanayan är at Tirumuttam.' An inscriptic in registering an order of thc asscn bly of Rāja räja catur vetimaňkalam states that in thc hamlet incwly founded to the South of the village the right of katamai was to be held by the temple of Tirunclveli and that the Kiramai by Tcy vacciaiyin Kalinkarayan. It furthcr mentions that the document was signed by Ponparri utaiyar kulacckara Vanatarayar.' Morcover, another chief of Ponparti, Pompatri u (aiyan Suryadevan otherwise called Gingeyan of Cirumaru tur in Watavellitu is mentioned as thc signatory of a record from Sivadharmapurisvara templc in Tituppattür of Rammad.**
(). A RE, No. 589 of 1915 1 - RE. No. 23 of 938.9 12. RE, No. 589 of 1915 :. A RE, No. 229 of 1916 14. A RE, No. 368 of 1916 15. ARE, No 100 of 1916
A: YA CARRAVAR1 iN RADITIONAL ISTORY - . 191
in the light of the cvidence from inscriptions, coinccrining the Malavar chicfs and the chiefs of Ponparri it is clear that the author of the Kailayamalai is not recording a legend when the describes Paintimalavan as Ponparri ennun ur kuttiuvit tu vanta u ccit: var”, “the cnninent cilhief wlio lhad comic aster having guar d the village of Ponparti' and as one who was formerly of Venkatakiri'. As Ciramatevan, anothic clief of Ponpari is known to have scrved in thc region of South Arcot, it is not improbable that Paninaiavan of Pompari was scrving in a region close to thc V cinka a lhills, during tle la te thirtccntl ccntury and beforc this a rival in Jaffna. -V
The role, of Palim avan could be cxplaincoi against the background of Pilciya invasions of thc island during le late thirteenth century. The Kailāyamālai, as scen earlicr statics that since the kingdom of Jaffna was disintegrating thecause of a narchy Partinlalavan went to Madurai and inviicol the prince Cinkaiyiriya in to comc and rule the kingdom. In a limited wall the Yalppana Waipavamalai cluci(lates this statement. This chronicle asserts that, before thic ; rival of Cinkaiyaiyan, Plutinhalavan was protecting the kingdom without yielding to his enemies during thc wars of the Sinhalese. If this radition, as found in the chronicle, is feliable, then it lay be assumed that there was either a series of rebellions or au invasion of the l anul kingdom by : Sinhalesc king. In the circumstances it would appear that l’intimalavan had come to the island with the l'audiya armies which conquered thc northern part of the island and emerged subsequently as the princial dignitary administering that part of the island as a deputy of the Pingya kings. On realizing that it was no longer possible to maintain his authority with hc forces at his disposal he may have appealed to cither thc
Il G. KM, p." f2 l7. KMf, pp. 2 - 4. 18. YVM, p. 25
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192 THE KINGÐOM OF JAFFNA
Pandya king or his feudatory, Arya cakravartti, for military aid. The arrival of Arya cakravartti, who is referred to in local tradition as Cinkaiyariyan was, in all likelihood, in rcsponse to that appeal.
The account of Cinkaiyariyan as found in the Kailayalalai is in the form of a pancgyric. The historical facts that emerge from this account are that Cinkaiyariyan, the founder of Nallur as the capital of Jaffna, was a powerful general who came with a large rctinue from the Pandya };ingdom and restored order and Stability in the part the island over which Påndya rule had arcady bcen etab; vicd. The Kailiyamalai gives a conventional and exaggerated description of Cinkaiyiriyan's army which is said to have consisted of a cavalry force, an elephants corps and a large infantry which had in its ranks soldiers from various communitics.' It may be assumed that it was a composite one which included recruits from many communities in South Indian Society.
Thc claim that Cinkaiyariyan was originally a great military leader, as found in the Kailayamala, receives confirmation from other literary and epigraphic, evidence. As shown clsewhere, the Cekaracacekaramalai asserts that the kings of Jaffna were thc descendants of Brahnin generals who carned distinction in military service under the Pangyas. Pingya inscriptions, too, show that the Arya cakravarttis of Cevvirukkai nasu from where the kings of Jaffna traced their descent, had earned great honour and distinction in military service.”
The Kailayamalai asserts that Cinkaiyariyan made Nallur the capital of the Kingdom of Jaffna. This ruler is said
to havc constructed the royal residence at Nallir after his
19. KM, p. 5 20. CCM, Ci rappupp3yiram, vv. 1-5. 21. Sco Chapter VIII,
ARYA CAKRAV ARTTI I IN TRADITIONAL HISTORY - 1. 1 y 3
arrival from Madurai. The Yalppana Vaipavamalai gives thc additional information that besides constructing a hall of justice at Nallur Cinkaiyariyan had caused stables for clephants and horses to be laid and raised quarters for the 'soldiers of his army. The tradition that Nallur had been the capital of Jaffna since the time of Arya cakravari is confirmed by de Qucyroz, who testifies that "they never had any other city save Nelur"?
Gnanarakasa. lowever, suggests that the town of Jaffna was founded by about A. D. 1248 by Mãgha after he had evacuated Polonnauwa. His contention is based on two considerations: firstly, he b lieved that Cifikaiyiriyan of the Kailayamal ii was idcntical with Migha, Secondly, he was of the opinion that the evidence from the stray verse appended to the Kailayamalai relates to the period of Cifikaiyariyan. According to the stray verse appended to this chronicle Iuvanekavaku built the town of Yalppanam and the Kandacuv, mi temple at Nallur in the year 870. As shown elsewhere this tradition relates to the period of Sapumal's rule in Jana. Gnathapragasai' interpreted in a tendentious manner thc word ennific trait as representing thc numerals 1000 -- 170 and assumed that this corresponds to A. D. 1247.27 His cxplanation cannot be accepted because thc versc dogs not specify the cra and there is no justification for intepreting in an unusual way, the word ennu i'r elupatu as rer rescnting the number 1 170 and not the number 870.
Tic Tamil chronicles do not mention the reasons or which Cikaiy, riyan lecided to establish his residence at Nallur in Jaffna. It S. cinotciness from the centres of Sinhatese power, its provinity to the South Indian ports and the
.. ... . . . ... - سس-.- ، -.- ....... هم 22. KAf, pp. 7 - 8. 23. ''Af, p. 26 24. de) (it sy roz, p. 5). .7{} --S;) . ון ין . { { { .25 25. Se ha ter X l 27. 3, . (7, $6.
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194 TE KING DOM OF JAl-FNA
prospccts of controlling thc sca-coasts on both sidcs of thc Gulf of Mannar may have becn the considcrations that influcnced Cikaiyiriyan's (ccision to Sclcet Nalltir as the most suitable sitc for cstablishing his royal residence. l'; sim: - Javan who invitcd Cifikaiyi riya it appears to save lived at Nallur before the arrival of Cinkaiyariyan. Presumably, Nallur was originally a military- outpost of the Padya armies that camc to the island. It developcct into a flourishing town of modest proportions under the Arya cakravarttis.
The authenticity of the claim made by thc author of the Kailāyamālai concerning the consecration of Cińkaiyāriyan cannot easily be cstablished. The king is said to have becn crowned by his chics minist cr, Pantimalavan.* Thc successors of Cinkaiyariyan are known, from contemporary texts, to have undergone the ceremony of consecration. It is likcly that the chronicler based his description of the cvent on his knowledge of thc ccrcmonics of kingship and court-life that F werc charactcristic of latcr reigns.
There is no reason to dispute the claim that the Kaylayanatar temple at Nallur was constructed by the first Tamil king of Jaffna. That temple must have been intended to fulfil the religious necds of the royalty and the court. The chronicle claims that it was a magnificent temple of large dimensions. Presumably, it was onc of the largest of religious monuments within the kingdom. The (cmplc was completely destroyed during the period of Portuguese rule in Jaffna and its architectural remains have been removed from thc site and used as building materials for other constructions. It is, therefore, not possible now to form any idca about its architectural dimensions.
---.
28. KM, p.6
29. The Cekaracacekaranalai and the Taksita Kailacapuránan con
tains incidontal referoncos to the goldon crown of thc kings of laťfna. Seo TKP, Tirunaknrac carukkan, v. 108.
\ikYA (AtrAv A?" 'N I RA)” oNAI. ISToRY - 1. 195
"The successive Pigya invasions of North Ceylon during the thirtcenth century and the cstablishment of the Arya cakra varti i dynasty in Jaffna, subsequent to those invasionS would naturally have led to the migration of a considerable
SLLLLLLLL L SLSSLSS SLLLLSS L LLL LLLaLLLLLL SSL S LL *e|{leinrni in (le kingdon of Josna. Merchanis, wuriors, seamcn, artisans and Brah mins have bcen important groups :unmoiy g tihc l)ra vidian sct tlctments t lhat werc to bc found in thc island in earlicr timcs. The clevelopment of Jaffna as a prosperous Tamil kingdom and thc decine and fall of the Tamil kingdoms in India after the Turkish and Vijayanagara conqucsts Tcsulting in the dislocation or disintegration of the social and economic institutions there naturally attracted large numbers of adventurers and fortune seekers to Jaffna. Such developments have led to a conce.ht ration of Tamils of various professional groups in the northern parts of the island. In fact, the process of the transformation of thcse areas into Tamil speaking ones, which had started much carlier was almost complete when thc Arya cakravarttis established their power in the kingdom. Another important developmcnt was thc transformation of the Tamil settlements which had hitherto remained isolated and ill - organized into a cohesive and homogeneous agrarian society. The origin of thc social organization characteristic of the Ceylon Tamits and the concepts which scrved as thc basis of the Tccavalamai could bc traced from this time.
Onc cannot cxpect a reliable and comprehensive account about these developments from the Tamil chronicles. The Kailaya nalai records the nancs of several warrior chieftains who were settled at different localities in the kingdom by Citikaiyiriyan. These chiefs were not merely settled in villages but were also made the chicfs of their respcctive villages. The Kailayamalai account is important as it records the traditions concerning thc traditional ranks that were raised to positions of power and authority in the kingdom by the Arya cakravarttis. They had conc from various parts of the Tamil country during the period of Pindya
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196 TE K th:GDOM () 7 JAFFNA
supremacy and claimed dc scent from some of the reputed and wealthy families of land holders with a long tradition of chivalry and royal service in South India. Some of them
bclonged to the Ma'avar and Gangeya families of feudatory
clieftains in the Tamil country.
Panimalavan, his brother, and. his cousin Cepakamalavan are said to have been settled at Tinncvctly in Jaffna. They were probably accompaniccd by a large retinux which scled in the same locality. This village was apparently named aster the one in thc Southern part of the Plugiya kingdom and it may bc assum cd that inlost of the Sct (lers at Tinnevcy in Jaffna ha l come from Tinnevely in South India. The toponym Pantimala Van Vaavu still in Vogue, at Tinncvelly, shows that the tradition about På gt i malavan. a5 sound in the Kaitayamalai, is an authentic one.' Besidics, there have been, until recent times, families which claimid descent from this chief. Another chief, haraciikate van is said to have becn Scttled at the village of Mayili. i. Fellippaai, anothcr important village in the Jaffna peninsult, was occupicd by the thrcc chiefs, Compaka mappina, Ci intiacekara mãppãņān and - the merchant Kanak arayan. A let er work traccs the gonealogy of Some promincnt persona i is of the locality, from thc dignitaries inciationel in the Sailayamalai.
Periyiravan and Nilakana in Were made the citiefs 1 clpcctiv cly of 1 itu vil and Paccił pipilai. Kanakama la van and his associatics verc sunt to fu Üli; Na ranciska e van and Kūpakārentiran arē sail to vs ben made the chics of Tolpuran. Tevaràciëntiran and Pyla util tu kolata imitiiai becamc tle chicfs respectively of Kfyilakkari and Trupi ai. The chift ain Taninayak a mutail became the ruler of Nicuntivu (Delft) and the Pallavan of Vainci was placed in chargc of the division callel Veintu. There is some cvid c in other
. S. Run'aracuvanni, 'Vata Maka yaitu ia Cila tarpayarka jin
Wara liāru, in thc ipprima l aipara Kievu "rint t i lry i ... , Jaffnn, 1918, ' ', 20? - :( 3.
:; :in:}}ai.
ARYA CAKRAv ARTTI I IN TRADIToNAL, HisToRY - 1. 197.
local traditions to show that the claim made about these chieftains and about their association with Cinkaiyâriyan could be an authentic one.
It is, indecd, remarkable that the Kailayamalai, while recording thc names of the chiefs who came with the Cinkaiyariyan, also records the places of their origin in South India. Panti malavan, as seen earlier, was from Ponpais Naracinkatevan was from Kaviriyur; Kanakarayan, who settled at Tellippalai, was a merchant from , kayalpatinam which was the leading emporium of trade in South India. Periyiram uaiyin was from Kõva r pati which could be identificd as Tirukkoyilir in the South Arcot district of Tamil raadu. Nilakantan was a chief from Kaccur, Kupakarentiran was from Kupakanau; Tevaracentiran was the chief of Pullur. Manna (ukonta mutali was a chief of Tontai natu
'1. Nanais i '...asar who find to South Iritlin, aí tor tho l'ort uirlitriho concurești, of Jln i sna during the sovonteonth century, is said to l'un vo hec\th n (lescendant : of Pቫ uti ma ļavnin. A not lhor descondant » I’: ni inna avan was Coyatujka mappana mutaliyar who livel in the eighteenth century. Mlalawaraya mutaliyar and his descondans who lived at pulöli traced thoir descent from Kanaka ) yya ).: vann. Jla ilkainñyalka muı t, aliyñr ard Iʼü ta u taiyñ 1' of Mayilitti were the descendants of Maņņāļu koņa mutali. A descendant of Jrt na 1 apuntuyya Taninäye kan of Ceyyür was Kulnnayaka mã ppā ma muta liyār who lived at Nallür during tho oighteonth century. The son of Tevaracentiran, who was sottled at Koyila. kani, was cannaracekaran; tho ninth descondant cf Tevarãcëntiren wag Nicci fikri, cönâtirâya mutaliyâr. Tho doscendants of l'erayira in utaixän aio known to havo livcd in tho villagos of A naikos įtai, vaddukoddai and Arally. Soe Is. Voluppiji, Υι 1ΡΡή ηα airava is attmuti, Jaffna, 1918, pp. 195, 202, 205, 2i (, 222, 237, 244–15, 200. Tht ancostor of Kanakaräya mutnliyar, wino is cu logized as “Arnarar to la 1 in ra mappauan' i tlho Taņikaik Karak anrå van p;" | | tt. was a descondant of (antiracēlkara nā ppã man who was a contemporary of Cinkaiyatiyan I. Sce Tanikaik Ka na karyan Pau cd. by V. JK unımä I ancu vʻauni, MIadra:s, {032 .55 . יין;
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198 TII KING LO) A () F JAFFNA
Taninayaka mutali was from Ceyyur. Thcsc chiefs who appcar to have comc with thc 'igglya 'armics, presumably, held positions of power and influencc. in the Piusly armics and administration. Therc werc, of course, S veral other dignitgrics whose names have not been recorded in the traditional accounts. It is also significant that these chiefs are said to havc brought with. thcm many families from thc various Scrvicc castes and sct ted thcm in their villages. Such a claim presuproscs that lic hicrarchical schome of sociat organization bascod on castic divisions lla (, ; it rid this in c. almost assumcd tile rigidity that was charact cristi; of latcr timics.
The Kailāya mälai uccount prcsupposes that Ciňkaiyaliyan re-organized thc administration of thc Kingdom. In addition tó appointing chicfs as heads of various territorial divisions, Cif kaiyiriyan, is said to have appointed Matakkar, Talaiyaris and other chics ains. Four Matiikkar are said to lhavc bccn appointed to administ cr the four divisions calcl Melparu, Kilpatru, Vataparru and Tenparru. Three out of these four divisions, which appear to have been named on
32. Coyyur nay bo identified as tho villago of that at it is the
Mardhurania kam ta}uk of Chingtoptit, district.
33. Tho chios iricn viv'at utilin innavan of Taiyiliyilir is said to havn conno with Cilkini Ariyac cakkaravartti. "l'ho Krilayainālai lhowovor, does n t mention hin. This chroniclo may h3vo left; nunt thc namunes of sover | otl:cor dilignitariers who c:n en with (iii kaiyariyun, Sce, Yal yn pa) a fanipai i'r Katunnu ti, ... p. 257.
34. Tofritoriai divisions called Ten par ru, Va (*parruand Kilparru. are not found in any part of North Ceylon Some landya inscriptions refor to such nnnrs. An inscription from Tirippālaivann ni in Tanjoi o inventiors tho nā savar of Terpa rru (A JRE. 186 of 1927/8) An epigraph of tho roign of Maravarman Kulasekhara refors to Watapin in Kitalir nitu which belonged in Kerantnikin vajanātu (1 RE || 19 or 1907). Šomo othor repigra info. restir to a division calist Vn (nporru in Pon namará pinti nu (A RE 59, 5 of 1907). A Vijayanagara inscription sinks that. A racii Kilinn r ru was a sub. vision of Venniniyir 1: tu in Rijchirajo violan;iu includad in the provinco " of JBhuvanc-kav iran p;ltt:1ղՐ. ciriliili (ARE, 3:3, of 1917).
ARYA CAKRAVARTTI i N IRADITIONAL STORY - l. 199
account of geographical considerations, cannot be identified at present. Probably their na mcs have bicen changcd later. Mēlpa su is probably idcntical with the division called Mēl pattui in tilhc Vavuniya district.
As the Kailayamalai, which records fairly reliable traditions relating to thc period of Cinkaiyariyan, states that he had the name Ceyawiran, it may be assumed that Ceyawira Cinkaiyariyan was the first famil King of Jaffna and was the founder of the Arya Cakravartti dynasty of kings. It is also significant that traditions which had been current in Jaffna and which were inclcpchcicnt of the Kailayamalai, also had regarded Ceyavira Cinkaiyariyan to have come from the Pingya Kingdom and cstablished a new dynasty.
As he had sailed to recognise that Cinkaiyariyan of the Kailãyanã lai was Ceyaviran and because lhe had, relying on thc Vaiyapatal, believed that Cinkaiyariyan was identifiable with Ku lahkaiyidiriyan, thc author of thc Yālppāņa Vnipavamalai has represented Ceyavira cinkaiyariyan, who was in fact the first king, as the ninth ruler of the dynasty. This is evident from the following account of that ruler as given by him.
He bccanic king while in you tlh and inspitic of it i Ceyavira cifikiliyariyan protected the kingdom from cinemics and achicved great same on account of his success. As Puvanekabahu, the king of Kandy, went to war with him on account of the pearl fisheries. Ceyavira citikaiyiriyan defeated Puvanekavaku and ruled the whole island for twelvcycars. On the twelfth year Parakkiramavaku sought the intervention of the Pandya king and received the kingdom from Ceyavira cifikaiyariyan on the promisc of paying tribute. Thercafter, Parak kirannava ku and his successors continucd to pay tribute to the ruler of Jafna.
35. Ni of cotanby pillay, Jaffnia I listory', Jaffna, 1915, p. 37. 36. Af, p. 7.
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200 TE KINGD() M () F 3 A - NA
Although the Sinhalesc chronicles show that thc Arya cakravartti of Jaffna had secured a position of stpremacy in the island when Gampola was the centre of Sinhalese political power the events describcd in the Yalppana WaipaYamalai cannot be assigned to the Gampola period. The Gampola ruler who was made to pay tribute to the Arya cakravartiti was Vikramabahu Il t ( 1356 ... 1374) and not li huvanekabahu. There is no evidence to show that Bhuvanekabāhu IV (acc. 1344), the predecessor of Vikramabāhu II, was ever attacked by the king of Jaffna. As thc Yappala Vaiava malai refers to thc intervention by the Pangya king the dispute between the Arya cakra vari ti i nd Bhuva neka bãi hu must have occured many years before the Gampola period because the Pandya dynasty had faiich from power before
the rise of Gampola as the centre of Sinhalese political power.
he Yalppana Vaipavamalai account of thc war between Ceyavira Cinkaiyiriyan and Puvaihek: Vaku closely resenubles the Cujavamsa account of Arya cak karavart tios invasion around 1284. The Culavamsa records that Arya cakravartti sackcd Yapahuwa and carried away the Tooth relic and other treasures which he presented to M1ra var man Kulasickhara, the Padya king. Morcover, during the interregnum that followed the demisc of Bhuvanekabahu I (1272 - 1284). Parakramabalu III went to Madurai and successfully negotiaeed with the Pangya king for the return of the looth relic and other valuables. 7 Fe invested then at Polonnauwa and ruled from there. In the Cui lavamsa account, Arya cakravartti is said to have been a row criful minister of the Pingyas. Neverthcless, Cinkaiyi riyan of the Kailayamalai might have been identical with this minister and it is probrable that Arya cakra vartti who invaded Yapa huwa subscquestly became the ruler of Jaffna. It is also possible that Cey aviran was another member of the Arya cakrawartti
'A RYA CAKRAVART N TRALIONA, STORY 1, 201
family, who had come to the island together with Arya cakravartti who is referred to in the Cui lavamsa as the tainister of the five brothers who were ruling the Findya kingdom. The tradition recorded in the Yappana Vaipava mã lai that the war between Puvanẽkavāku and the king of Jaffna was due to their dispute over the pear fisheries may have a historical basis. The Piggiya kings were cager to control the pearl fish cries and, if Marco Polo is to be believed, towards the end of the thirteenth century, they had control over thc sishcries on both sides of the Gulf of Mainnar When the Piudya power declinctl in the fourteenth century the pearl fish crics on the Ceylonese side of the Gulf of Mannar came under the control of the Kings of Jaffna and the Arya cakravartti, as testified by Ibn Battuta, was very much concerned with the pearl trade.
it would appear that the suzerainty claimed by the Pandya king over Parikramabahu is attributed to Cinkaiyariyan by the author of the Yilpraua vaipavamalai owing to some confusion either on his part or in the tradition recorded in his sources. His contention that Parakramabahu and his successors paid tribute to Citikaiyariyan () cannot be accepted. The kings of Jaffn may have cline, and cven attempted to exact tribute from the successors of 'a rakrainabilhu (Ell) butt thcre is hardly any cvidence to show that thy werc able to enforce thir claims during the early four tecnth century,
As the Tannit chronicles do not give any reliable chronological information the date of the foundation of the dynasty of Cikaiyiriyar otherwise call cd Arya cakrawarttis could only be fixed within rough limits. The sixth riller in the list of the
38. Mint co Polo montions that tha divors of Mahar tiksembled at Bettolar (Puttalam) before they proceeded into the gulf (of Manner) for readucting the poar fishory. C. i. 1 enry Yule, The lock of Ser Mareo Polo, il ondon, 1878, Wol. II, p. 3i4.
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202 HF KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Yappana vaipava milai was a contempo:ary of Vikramabahu. lII (1356-1374). lis prcdcccssor, Va rotaya cinkaiya riyan, was ruling when thc Paisyas were at Madurai (until 327). As Cikaiyiriyan , Ceyaviran, was the sounder of thc dynasty, it is reasonable to assumc that his rule commenced at Some datc towards the cind of the thirteenth century. Thc rise of Ceyavian as the ruler of Jaffna was a la inct mark in the cvelopmcnt of the kingdi in that had cneged in North Ceylon after Magha's conquest of Polonnaruwa. Under the Tamil dynasty of ruers vl raccd t:ir oligins from Rānēs varam thc kingdom of Jaffna establish cd vcry close political, economic and cultural connections with the kingdoms of South India.
IX
Arya Cakravartti i in Traditional
History - 1 The Vanniyar conquest of Atankappar ru
Thc Vanni principalities of Jaffnapatnam, seven in number in the sevcntcent and eighteenth centurics, came to be referred to as Atańlkāppin rru,“thc un sub lucd principalitics’ owing to thc refractory and rebellious nature of the chieftains who govcrined them as autonomous "princes. Before the Portuguesc conqcust of Jaffna thc chieftains of thesc principalitics o Wcd allegiance to the kings of Jaffna to whom they paid annual tribute. The Portuguese historian de Queyroz and Van Gocins, a Dutch Govcrinor in the scvcnteenth century, assert, in no uncertain terms, that the Vanni principalities, which were locally referred to as Atafikappartu, were included in the kingdom of Jaffna.
As regards the territorial cycnt of Jaffna de Qucyroz. obscrves:
“This modcst kingdom is not confincd to the litic district of Jaffnapatao because to it is added the incighbouring lands and those of thc Vanni which is said to be thc nanc of the lordship which they held before wc obtained possession of them, separatcd from the preccding by a salty river, and connected only to thc isthmus of Pachilapala, within which werc thic lands , of Beligama (Valikāmam), Temarache, Badamarache and Pachilipala forming that peninsula, and outside it there stretch the lands of the Vanni crosswise, from the side of Mannar,
Page 111
204 TE KINGDOM OF JAFNA
by the river Paraguli, which lands cnd in the river of the Cross in the midst of the lands in the Vanni and of oth Crs which stretch as far as Trinquilcmatc......"
In his description of Jafsnapatnam the Governor Van Gocins writes:
'...... These four provinces and the thirteen islands were called the kingdom of Jaffnapatnam, to which also bclonged the district of the Wannias, called 'thc Wanni'. This latter is a large district, conquered by the heathen kings of Jaffna patnam and madc tributary to them, a position which had been maintained by the Portuguese... it cominences with she province of Cettikulam patte three or four miles northward of Mantotte, continuing its circle to thc point of Calmony opposite Colombuturc, wherc the bay commences which scparatics the Wanni from Jafn:'patnam, running castward across thc country until it reachcs the sea, forming the outcr northcast coast of Ceylon, a pass separa ting Jaslinaatnam from the Wanni, then stretching south castward to Trincomaly, and westward through largc and woody lands again to Calpeintyn, Mantotte and Mannar. It was for more than 42 years ruled by a heathen king by the name Siangery (Cankil), who was descendcd from an old royal and sovereign house. His cominion and his descendants werc footed out by the l’ortuguese...”
T hic i foregoing description presupposes that thc seven principalities of the Vanni which werc collectively known, in colonial times, as Atafikippattu, were conquered by the
1. des (Query roz, P. 51
2. Ryckloff Van Goens, Instructions for the guidance for the Opper
Ka ornian Anthony Pa ilioen, Commander and Council of Ja()i apat nan,
(558. pop 84 86
ARYA CAKRAWART ( N TRIAD TIONAL ISTORY - 11. 205.
remote ancestors of Cahkili (1519. 1560) and had been
autonomous provinces under the suzerainty and control of the kings of Jaffna, until the Portuguese conquest. Apart from these principalities the ones in the areas included within thc Trincomalee district werc also under thc suzerainty and influence of the kings of Jaffna until the rise and development of the kingdom of Kandy in the six ceinth century. The Nampota, a Sinha. lcse text, bolieved to have been written in tha fourteenth century, includes Trinconaee (Gonagama) among the territories included within the Tamil Kingdon which it refers to as Demalapatnam.
The Vanni principalities which cam c un dcr the stezcrainty of the kings of liff a had already clevelt inct as cctrics of feudal power dring the time , of Maglia." Some of thcse principalities and the Jaffna peninsula had conic under Javaka rule after the demise of Magha. The Cli avamsa testifies that Kurundi (Kun untantur) a nel Padi (l’adaviya) w cre undcr Candrabhanu when he invaded the Sinhalese kingdom for the second time. Thc Javaka conquest, which was achieved mainly with thc support of warriors recruitcd from South India must have further contributed to the growth in the power and influence of the Davidian Warrior chiefs in the northcrn part of the island.
The rise to power of the Arya cakravarttis in North . Ceylou must have contributcd still further to the growth and devclopment of Tamil settlements in the Vanni principalities as in the Jaffna peninsula. There is some epigraphic evidence to show that the power and influence of the Arya cakravarttis had prevailed at Padaviya. A recently discovered Sanskrit
3. The Nampiota states that Nagar kovila, Kantaro ai, Tellippalai'
Mallakam, Kärativu. Mulliyavalai, Trincomalco, Volgam Vohora and, llantagoda were among the localities situated within Lon: lapatn any (The Tamil Kingdim), Naim pota pp. 5-6.
4. Sco ("haptor J*
5, Seo Claptor l’I
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206 te KINGDOM (or JAF INA
inscription at Padaviya. m.cntions the family or dynasty called Sctukula. Thc inscription, which records the construction of a vihara toy a certain Lokanatha Dausanayaka, provides the information that this Vihara was named after thc Velaikkara regiment and that Lokanatha placed it under the protection of that regiment. The epigraph, although undated, has beca assigued to the thirteenth century oil palacographical considcrations.7 Thc ticxt of the inscription begins with a bricf culogy of thc Setukula the identification of which will be crucial for the interpretation of the historical information found in it. Among thc ruling familics which held sway over any part of Sri Lanka only the - Arya cakra varttis of Jaffna arc known to havc had connections with Setu. But, as the Arya cakravarttis werc Saivitics and because Padaviya was not othcrwise known to have been under their cffectivc control Paranavitama argucs that thc Setukula incintion cd in thc inscription cannot be a eference to the Arya cakravarttis of Jaffna. Morcover, he adds: 'we have, therefore, to look for the derivation of this Sctu-kula to a quarter outside Ceylon as well as South India. He further continucs: “Setu mcaning causeway, is no doubt the name of a place, and not far from Jaiya, where the only known inscription of Candrabhanu has becn discovered, and from Ligor with which Tāmbralinga has been identified, thcre was an ancient kingdom referred to as Ch'ih-t'u in Chinese writings...... It could very well be that a scion of thc ancient royal family of this region was a companion of Candrabhanu in the latter's attempt to wrest for him the sovereignty over thc island. It is also not impossi* , ble that Lokanātha Daņdanāyaka was a general of the Javaka’s son who was installed as thc ruler of a kingdom in North Ceylon by Jatavarman Vira Pāňçdya.*
The ingenious arguments of Paranavitana are not con-vincing as they would seem to be. The argument that the
6. S. Paranavitana, "A Sanskrit inscription from Padaviya', JCBRAS
l New Sories, Vol. WIl, pt. 2, pp. 261-264'
7., ibid.
. 8, ibid,
"RvA CAKRAvART 1 N TRADITIoNAL 111SToRY – 1 1 207
Sctul, ula mcntioned in thc inscription could not be a reference to the Arya cakravarttis because they are not known to have controlled Padaviya at any time could be a valid onc only it it could be cstablished that thc locality was under the control of Parakramabahu I (1236 - 1271) and his successors at Dambadcniya. They could never have controlled that town as it was undcr Magha (125-1255) and later thc Javakas. As the Arya caktavarttis succeeded to powct in the kingdom formerly ruled by the Jāvakas and because of the fact that Padaviya was includcd in that kingdom and also because of the further tact that the Padya armics had cnt cred the towns of Yapahuwa and Trincomalce, it is not improbable that Padaviya camc under the sway of the Arya cakravarttis for some time during thc latc thirteenth century.
Parana vitama’s assumption tlıat Ch'ih-t'ou is a Chinesc transcription of Setu is misleading. It is riot a phonetic transcription of a Malay or Sahskrit name. Chih-t'u means 'thc red-earth land' and the Chinese texts give the following description of it:
he kingdom of Chih-tu, another part of Fu-Nan is situated in thc South seas. By sea one reaches it in morc tlhan a lhundred days. Tle colour of thc soil of thc capital is mostly red, whence is derived the name of the country...' '
It is, thereforc, quite clear that Paranavitana's identification of Ch'ih t'u as Setu is unacceptable. There is, therefore, no compelling necessity to look for the derivation of Setukula to a quarter outside Ceylon and South India.
Among thc Tuling families of South II:dia and Ceylon only the Setupathis of Ram nad and the Arya cakravarttis
(). Cy, 83: 16: 83: G4
As. Paul Whoatloy, "The Codor Khersonse, Kula Lunpur, 1966,
pp. 26-27.
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208 TE KINGDOM E9 F J F FNA
had connections with Setu. Thc island of Rāmēsvaram and severai localitics in its neighbourhood W circ known as Setu. It was on account of thcir close connections vith Rāmēs varam and other focalities called Setua that the Arya cakravarttis and thc Setupathis assumed the cpithct Cetubivalan, “The guardian of Cetu'. The occurence of the expression Cetu
tirumukam in one of the inscriptions of thc timc of Mãravarman
Kulasekhara' shows that the Arya cakravartt is of Cevviukkai
nå tu, srom Whom the rulers of Jaffnal werc descended, hael
uscd thc cxpression Cc u in their documcnts. Thc Sick til referred to in the inscription at Padaviya may be idantifical as the Arya cakravartti family on account of the aforcinication cd considcration and becausc of the fact that no other ruling family in the island had ever claimed connections with Cetu
or with any family which had come from a locality called
Cëtu. Thc fact that the Arya cakr v arttis w tre Saivics cannot be a strong argument against Such an identification. In an
inscription recording the construction of a luddhist monument the description of the Sctukula as devotcd to the Buddha may
not neccs: arily indicat c that its miennbcrs werc Buddhists. 12
Lokanatha who caused thc Vihara to b constructed or the
Velaikkarar under his service may have follow cod Buddhism.
The construction of a Buddhist monument at Padaviya, which had a composite population arounel this time, may havc bccn
a measure calculated to reconcile the Buddhist population to. hic conquerors. I hic panegyrical description of the Setukula
in thc initial portion of the inscription from Pada viya may be regarded as providing some evidence of the contest of the localities around 'adaviya by the Arya cakravartis or their agents during the late thirt centh century.
a war-wa-primari - - -a - M- SLLLeSASSASLSSLSLSSLLSLS SS SSAASSq LLLL A S SqAqS ASASASSqS SSSS SS qSASASS ... بجسمه سیست-مسیه . سیسستمعات- ... . . ...- mor
. Siji, vır, No. 4n : , RE, 17 of 1903.
2. The inscription cold be inns; lated as follows: Tho set faily is established in the Sudda, dh it inn which is unbloinished, xilod with many virtus tird is den i rret with thc triplo gems (l3uddha LLLLLL SLLL LLLLLLLLS LLLAL SLSaLLLLAAAASS SALL LLLS SS SSLA L0La0 LL LLLLLSSLLLC LLLLLL sierdour, with its finiro a dornod with gems and causod to be built hele at Stipati (grana) by the general namd Lokanatha, har bcon named after tho (regiment of) Welnikkarar end placed under their protection. Pro Korrity.
'Ary A CAKRAVARTI I IN TRADITIONAL li l l S t () TRY -- ll I. 20)9
The inscription docs not reveal the precise nature of the relationship that had cxisted between the Setukula and the genera Lokanatha. Hic could have bcem either a scion of the Setukui or an agent of that family. He could also havc been a warrior chief who became a local chieftain owing allegiance
to thc Set ukula which could be identifical as the Arya cak rava (ti tamily." *
The presence of a V claikkira army under the leadership (of a general at Pada viya an round thc tinne tlhe Arya cakravartis rose 1 () ()wer in Jaffna is significant. It may sugge group's of warriors who had comic with the Pa dya armics under the direction of Arya cakravartti and others occupied the princip alities of the Vanni in the Northern part of the island. Te descrip tion of such a conq'est forms the main theme of the Vaiyapatah which according to tradition was written by Vaiyâpuri Aiyar, the court poet of Ceka fit cacek a ran Calikili (), in the Sixteenth centi fy. 1 hic author' of the Waiya, pāta records tie following tradition concerning the first king of Jaffna cluring whose reign the Vain niya r ate said to have conquered the Priticipalities in the northern and north eastern parts of the island.
St that several
After defeating tri Vallan, trannar freed his consort from captivity, crowned Vipis a man as king of Ceylon and returned to his city () in his way hc established a shine of Siva at Ritmēsvaram. Meanwhile, Y, lip ti who plays thc yat at the court of Vi pisa μan went to Madurai and approachctl Kulake it maharaca to Scrld one of his sons to rule the Sand tract in Nort Ceylon where he had sct ledl a thousand families after Converting it ito a fine aid productive land tecning with groves of a reca and coconut palms, jack, mango and other trees. King Kulaketu acceded to this ΓCα μestand scnt onc of his sons who had a mained arti with Yålppai. The latter, on his return named his territory as Yålppanam,
ኋ
13. S. Path innathan, "They Vēļaikkāra Fins scriptior . As Padnviy: Gnanapra grisar Centenary Commemoration Volunie, limbo ,975°
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210 Ο - KNGDOM OF JAFFNA,
crowned the young prince whom hc had brought from Madura i as its ruler and conferred on him the title of Vijaya Kūļaikaic cakkaravartti.
Later, Cifikaketu and Marutappuravika valli, thc children: of Ticai ukkira c ilan, camc to İlañkai. Māru tappuravikavalli who was born with the face of a horse, had her Cothgcnita ! deformity cured astcrablutions at the springs at Kirimalai. Subscquently, while returning from her visit to the shrine at Kirimalai she gave birth to a child as the result of hcr union with Ukkiraciikan. That child had a human form but his face. was like that of a lion. Whilc hic was iń his youth his parcnts had dicci. During thc cind of his reign Vipisauan placed the son of Māru tappuravikavalli on the thronc, gave him thc crown and the sacred sword which hc had received from Iramar and conferred on him the title Ceyatufikavira vararicacinka. Shortly aftcr this cvent Vipisanan died. 4.
This confiscd account reveals that thc author of the pátai had no clear idea about thc identity of the first king of Jaffna. The traditions about the identity cf the first king of the Arya cakravartti dynasty have bc.cn Confused with those rclating to Vijaya aid Yilippanan. This it relusion of the Ramayaqa Jegends into thc account was in all probability duc to thc influcince of the traditions recorded in the Cekaracacekaramalai which traces the descent of the kings of . Jaffna from two Brahmins who arc said to have received the insignia of royalty and thc title of Ariya kings from Rama.
Thc story of Mattut appuravik avalli is rcminiscent of the Vijaya , legend. Citika këtu and Må rutappui avikavalli figuring in this story, may correspond to Sihabahu and Sihavali of Vijaya
14. Ꮴ*Ꮲ , vv , 8-1Ꮽ .
KRY A : AKRA VAR 1 ' ’N TRADITIONAL HISTORY - T 2
legend. The confusion of the traditions relating to Cifikaiyariyan with those relating to Vijaya, the first Sinhalese king, has resulted in a combination of the names of both rulers. Thc form Ceya tuň kavira Vatara caciñikan scems to be a combination of thic namcs Cicy a virain and Wara räcairnikan. Thic Waiyāpāt al and its prosc version, the Waiya, claim that Kiliankaic cakkara. vartti, who became the first king of Jaffna, was sent from Madurai, the Pandya capital, by Kulaketu makirici. Kulaketu. may be a modified form of Kulasckhara, the name of the Pandya king during whose reign Arya cakravartti invaded
thc island. It is significant that thc account of the Vaiyipital,
dcspite its confused thatre, claims that the first king of Jasna
had comic from Maciutai. The Kailayamalai claims that thic first
king was Cifikaiyariyan. Thc two chronicles rcfer to the sa mc person by different names: One claims that he had
the namc Killafikaic cakkaravatti while the other states that
ic was Ccyan viran otherwise callecd Cinkasiyasiyan. "The author
of the Yilippapa Vaipavattalai belicved that the cvcnts described
in the is aiiyamalai and thc Vaiyipâtal occurci during the reign of the first king of Jaffna. Besides, he was of the (pinion that the Vanniyar conquest of the prii cipalitics in North
( cylion consisted of two distinct stages, onc was under the
leadership of Kulakkottan and the other was under thc leadership
(\f the Vanniyar who canne from the Pandya kingdom.7
'l hic Siccond stage in the Vanniyar conquest, rescrircd to by the
Tamil chronicler, must have corresponded to thc period of the cstablishment of the Arya cakravartti dynasty of Jaffna.
in its account of the conquest of Ataikapparru by the Vanniyar the Vaiyapatal scems to record traditions based on historical cvents. It gives the following account of their
15. Ketա and sekharn ;ነ r• } •:'nonymouश्र,
ᎥᏮ. ᎮᏤᎷf , Ꭰ, 80.
17. ibid, pp. 10-i:
1 R. "Tho Fairāpaịn! montions the names of chiostains and cominities
who occupied soine of lu divisions of Alaikäpparru ti si e
it was conqnoted by til Vanniyar who yono fron). the På w م y8لإäämoo ar * 4 - - - ؟
(Continulocl) صحیح
Page 115
212 TIE KNG) OM OF JANA
arrival and conquest of aikā paru. Ccyatuka vīra Vararacaciikan sent emissaries to Madurai to inform his uncle of his desire to marry his daughter. Thc ruler of Madurai summoned Vanniyar of 'royal lineage, and sent them with his daughter to afikai. After having marrical thc princes Camatiti thc king told the Vanniyar to conquer the region of Atafikappartu and rule it. They were also instructed to pay annual tribute to the ruler of Jaffna.'
"ibe Vanniyar cannc and cncamped at A țańk dipparrut and thcreafter, on realizing that they did not have adequate strength to conquer the country they Scint emissaries to persuadc Ilancinka mappanan, Nallavikutevan, Attimappinan and others to come over to the island bringing with them as many persons as possible from the various castes in Madurai, Marunkur, Kāraikkāli, Kāincipuram, Tiruccirāppalli, Tulu vai nātu, Toņaimaņtalam, Watakirinatu and Kowatpati (Tirukkowaltir). In response to this invitation the Tillaimüvâyira var, Tițaviracińkan, Kuai kāttān, Malai nāțan. Nallavaku, Ciñkãvāku, Cõtaiyan Ańkaciñkan Kattaikkâlifikan, Kañkaimakan Kalaikko ū mu tiyan, Cokkanatan, Virakaccamanimutiyaracan, Käpali viran, the hcroic and powerful ruler of Cetu, Jancinka mapparat) and thosc of the proud Ariyavamicam crossed the sea by boats and reached Jaffna.20
Titaviracinkan became the chief of Karikkattumulaipparru lañcińka māppaņan, Nallavikut, Meyttēvam, Karuttavāku and Cinkamappānam dislodged the cảntär and valaiyar and occu
kingdom. The chief cantira van 3rd the Cânrär and Valaiyar ware living in Mulliyavalaipparu. Meccan and his warriors are said to have held sway over Rarikkaulinulaipparru. The troops led by Cokaran and Mia karan areo saied to havo rulled ovor Mēl parru. Kila kilku mūlai and Merkumulai were occupied by Matiyuki and his followors. Ceț țikulam was geverned by Maturainaian and his army. It is claimod that Nilappanikkan administored Tirukonamalai. See Vaiya, pp. 17 - 18. 19 , ᏤP , vv , 20 -- 25.
و 40 ملس 20 و y y و MP .20
ARYA CAKRAv ARTTI I IN TRALO ToNAL I 1sToRY — 1 1 213
picd Mulliyavalai. Nilayinir Ticaiyaratar and his army camc to Melpartu, killed thc two chiefs of the velar, Cakaran and Makaran, and administered the principality. Ciñkaväki conqucred Merkumulai and Kilakkumilai and lived at Pokkivanni The Brahmin Cupati tu and his retinu2 procca led to Tiriyy, vanquished Nilappanikkan and b2came the rulers of that division. Kalihkan, Malayakattar and Kannir Sct tied at KacciyAfikacifikan Sct ted at Katukkulampairu, the famous Cinkavãku roachẽd Tirukoụamalai. Mã mukan proceeded to conquer and rule Veruka and Tampalakamam. Mayilan bcom: the ruler of Kottiyaram. Otukkan married the daughter of Nilan and livcd at Tunukkay. Nilan reachcd Ittimatu; the powerful Canman sci ticd at Noccimoltai. Nakan went to Pulveli and Nilayinan Vakutëvitn lived at Tanikkallu.2'
The arrival of the Vanniyar is said to have been foll owed by that of their consorts and retinue. The Vaiyapata gives thc following account concerning thcm:
Mikaman voyaged over the rising waves to Lanka. In the ship were beautiful royal ladies, Nallatevan, high ranking Copakiri, Cukkiripan, Ankucan, Cińkatti mãippānam, Tatparāyān aracan, Celvakkotiyön Tevan, Tillai Mtvāyiravar, Cc, ti va ini, "licaik outar, pco plc of K tl (altr, Mtillaii ii I taf, l'airwir, Mü var, Kollar, Mata miravar, Nāvitar, Kõnnați. Köviyar, Taccar, Kannar, cightcen castics of kuidlies and numbers of Tãtar Cafi kamar 2o Kuccilliyar, Akampntiyār, Kõttirattär Kovalarkal, Kuyar, Kõpalar, Dancers, people of Nāka Nainativu and of Mamunaittivu abounding in fish, peoplc of Varunakulam, MalayaJattâr,
2 l . TʼF?, v v. 42 -- 5 ),
22. ('afikamar may corresposod to tho Janganas of Vira Saivite
tradition. The traditions of the Caňkamar of Battica soa. who con duct religious servicos and coromonies in indu tamples, caiu tinn t t lurrir ancoqtors cavamn fron Mali krjuna pturam in Indi: during tho timo of the Kaling a kings fin the light of this tridition tlh o clation nado in the Vaivipial thnt there were Casikamar among
Page 116
24 T ft KNGD(OM OF JANA
Cilliar of Accam mai, Ariya Vaňkica Maraiya var Malavar, ()(tiyar, Tot tiyar Women, sword-girt ʼ Vanniyar, Muvar, Väiqar, powerful bowmcn, Flutists and cymbal players, drumuers, players on Vaiki and others of reputed instruments, with splendour ..and pageantry resounding the seven seas, thc ladies arrived,
Morcover, th, rce vanniyar settlcd at Mukama lai. Matuvira, maluvarāyan and Malu varāyan “who administercd the land” lived with the king in thc town of Yalpparam 'which rescm blcd thc city of Kuperan'
Pupāla Van niyan and the Köpilar livcd ín contcntnmcnt at Katukkulam and Tiriyay; Villavarayan lived at Natur. Thc members of the Matappalli community lived at Manipay; Kavarar, the Kõmați people and the Tillaimüvāyira var li ved at Varaņinātu. Civatántar and the people of Isaikkau settled at Varavel timilai. Tantavarayar lived at Tiriyay Thirty Cankamar, forty members of thc group of Viramui and cight Tatar settled at Kcrutavil. People of the Palluvil valunam, Paravar, Kucciliyar, Cunakar Vaciyar, Matavar and Akampatiyâ'r rcachcd Nukarai. Tèvarāyān of the Kövalar vamicam, thc faultless Kilaikattan, Kotité van and Kaintavanattän bccamc thc chicss of Cc ikulam. Uttuhkaräyan livcd at Panahkamam. Cinkavaku went to Tuuukkay; Nilayinar wcnt to Merparru; Campantamurtti and his retinuc lived at Kațiukkulam and wieldcd grcat powcr.4
these who accompanic d to Wanniyar ind other warriors who cann to North Ceylon is intorsting. It may suggest that Vira Saivism had onco cxortcu sonic influence on the Tamilr living in tho Northorn parts of the island, as in the or storn littoral. The Tatar,
referred to also in Tic Ancient History of Batticaloa, may havo been a group of peopl} who proached crittain roligious doctrinos.
23. vʻp, vv, S8 — 62; M. D. 1Raglhavan, India in) Ceylonese IIistory
Socicly and Culture, 'ondon, 1964, p. 53.
24, MP, νν, 72 - 82.
°?\R Y A (`AKRA vʼA Rʼı"Tı 1 IN TRAu»iTto`N my, t1 isTORY — l 1 2 15
Unlike its account of the first ruler, thc account of the Vinniyat, as given in the Waiyapital appears to record sc. mc reliabic traditions. This text scens to havc becn based on sonnc earlier work bccause the author nmcntions that hic is composing in Tamil the story formcrly relatcd by a person called Cupatiu who may be idcntified as thc person bearing the same inanc and mentioned as one of those who lived in thc Vanni region after its conquest by the Vanniyar. Either Cupa tittu or one of his dcscendants may lhave composcd a ballad cx tolling thc martial prowess and feats of the Vaniyar which probably becamc the source for the Vaiyapata.
The fact that thc author is giving a long list of nannics of chiefs who conqucrcd the Vanni principulitics and specifically mentions the placcs conqucred by thcm may suggest that he is recording an authcntic tra' c'ition, Tlhe Vanniyar and tlheir retinue, according to this tex. : came from Madu rai, Marufi kür, Tirukkovalür, Tuluvai nā, u and many other places in the Tamil country in India. The account also presupposes that thc Vanniyar conquest of Alaikapparu and thc Tamil settlencints which followerd it consisted of many stagcs 'spread over a considerably long period of time.
It is claimcd that the Vanniyar canc in two groups during the scign of the first king of Jaffna. The first group is said to have comic with the princess from Madurai and when the king ordercul them to conqur and occupy Aankapnarru the Vanniyar went and cncamped thcre. On realizing that they did not have sufficicnt resources to subjugate the people living there, the Vanthiyar arc said to have appcaled to si omc of the Chicstains in thic Tannil country for recinforcethents. Tradition claims that another army led by Vanniyar chiefs camc to the island in response to that appeal. Notable among those who came with this army were the Malavar thiefs. The isailayamalai also testifies that there were many Malavar chiefs serving under Ceya viran, thc first king of the
λ5. , νν. 1 - 35.
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216 Title K NGD()Mi (hl: A NA
orya cakravarti dynasty. In its ist of chiess who arrivec from Madurai in thc sccond groun of Vanniyar, thc Vaiyapa tal mentions the heroic and powerful ulcr of the 'grion of Cetu who may be identified as an Arya Cakravartti. The reference to the ruler of Cetti, as fourt in the Vaiyanatal ls of particular importance because it sug'csts that the traditions incorporated in the Waiyapital mostly relate to the period of the Arya cakra var ti’s invasion(s) css tlhc islan). Such a conclusion sccms to be re-in forced by the cninsideration that the groups of Vanniyar chiefs are said to have rom C to Jaffna under the leadership of those who proudly proclaimcd them sclvcs to be of thc Ariya vanican, and who werc of the royal family of Madurai. Morcover, the Vaiyapital clains that Attimappanan, Maluwarayan who became “thelord of Ya'pp, pam lived with King. Presumably this chics is identical with Paintimalavan who, as at tested by the combined testimony of the Kailāyamāla i and the Yālppåna Vai pa varmä 1A i was ruling in Jaffna before he invited Cinkaiyiriyan. Thus, in a few respects, the Kailayamalai and the Waiyapatal are corroborative and in any reconstruction of the history of the foundatic in of the Arya cakravartti dynasty, the traditions of the Vaiyapital have to be regarded as supplementary to tho sc of the Kailāv anālai. Vile hc later has s ils main thcmc the arrival of thc Cinkaiyariya in and his organization of the administration of the areas which were under his dircct rule, the Vaiya på tal givcs an account of the Vanni principalities by warrior chiefs who came from South India, undcr the leadership of thc På tạya general s during the late thirtcunth century,
The text also provides interesting information on the political conditions which prevailed in Atafiki. ppar., u is eforc. it was conquercd by thc warrior chic's some of whom were of Vainiya descent, who had come from the lands subject to Policy as in South India. The picture that cncrges from the account is one of instability and a total 'absence of any
Հt; }'P, v. 73
CLLSGLL S LLLLL LLLLGLLLSLL SSL S LSELLHHLL0LELLS LLLHLHSL S 21 7
( Cntral authority. The land was divided into a numbcr of small principalitics dominated by lcaders of many military groups and oth cr communities. The Vanniyar consucrors are sa il to have met with som c resistance fi con local chieftains and military support had to bc sccured from thc Tamil country to put down thc resistance. The local chieftains whose resistance was sporati: and uncoordinatcd wcre cventually defeated and displaced by the warrior chicss who came in substantial rumbcrs from the Pändya kingdom and were under the guidance of thc kings of Jaffna.
T lnc Van niyar conçu est of A tańki pa u is suid to have bcc n followed by the settlemcnt of a large number of Tamils and oth cr Dravidians bclonging to a number of functional castics. Large scale migrations from South India into the Vanni principalities around this time scerns to have complcctcd thc process of the transformation of thc se principalitics into predominantly Tamil speaking areas. It would appear that the social organization and cultural traditions characteristic of the Tamil society in the Vanni principalitics had already developcd by the fourt ce: tlh century. ; The Warrior chicss who acquired power and at thority over the Vanni principalitics held them in a sort of guidal tenure under the overlordship of the kings of Jaffna.
hc Vanniyar conquest and the Tamil sct tements which resulted from it, as described in the Waiyapatal, were not confined only to Panaṁ kāmam, Melpar rü, Mujiyava ai, Cc tila ulam and Karik ka tunnin lai which w cre includcd within “Ja sfia patnam” but had spread up to such divisions ao; Kanta Jay, Kottiyāram. Tiriyãy, Kaukkulam, Tampalakāmam and Tirukóuamalai in the North castern littoral. The Vaiyapital account suggests that the amil settlements in the Vanni principalities of the northern and north eastern parts of the island had dc velopcd as a homogeneous society bound together by common Socio - economic and religio - cultural traditions a ficr the rise of the Arya cakravartis to power in Jaffna. he Tamil society in these regions had bccome an aggregatc of agrarian ind scafaring communities supported by a hierarchy of inercantic, artisan and Scrvice castes.
Page 118
Χ
Warotaya Cinkaiyariyan
The account of the successors of Cikaiyiriyan as records.d in the Yâlppāņa Vaipuva maia i may bc summar izcd hcrc. Towarts : thc end of his reign Citikaiyiriyan causcd his son Kulacekara Cinkaiyariyan to be crowned. This new king who had a peaceful reign reformcd the adininistration and was liked by his subjects. He was succeeded by Kulotunga Citikaiyi riyath who increased the cxt cnt of arable lands and sound incw Sources of revenue: the pople lived with contentment during his benign ind peaceful reign. In the reign of his successor, Viikkirama Ciňkaiya riyan, herc arosc a great rcligious disputo bctwccn thc Tamils and Sinhalese. The king is said to have, imprison cd one Punchi Banda and sevent cen others who had killcd some persons and injurcd several others. In conscq cinct tha king was disliked by the Sinhalese on the ground ot partiaiity towards lis famil subjccts. Vartaya Ciůkaiyäl riyano who succeeded him, promulgated certain edicts concerning religious obscrvances, cstablished amity between his Tamil and Sinhalese subjects and handed over thc responsibilities of the admini stration to Mirt tanta Citikaiyin riyan towards the end of the his reign. Marttatan made efforts to improve agriculture and contributed towards the advancement of learning; moreover, he Sup pressed the rebellions caused by, thc Vanniyar. As this king treated his subjects with generosity and showcd great interest in their welfarc his death was greatly bemoaned by his lami and Sinhalese subjects, On his death his son Kuthapusaua Citikaiyirayn was consecrated as king. This ruler surpassed this father in benovolence, reformed thc administration and
VAROTA YA CNKAYARY AN 29
made cfforts to promote agriculture and earning. When he teccanic very old he abdicated and dictd soline years later. During hic rule of his successor, Wirotaya Cińkaiyriyan, tlhcrc occured rebcilions causcd by the Sinhalese. The king subducd the retocis and, on realizing that they had becn instigated by the Vanniyar, raidcd the scvon divisions of the Vanni and returncd aster compIctely subduing thc chieftains. On his return, thc Sinhalesc who
had revolt cd catlict submitted and the king pardi) inct thcin and cxfcinded favours.
At that timc, the encmies of Cantiracekara Pitiyan had succccdcd in driving him out of Madurai and wrested the government of his kingdom. Thc Paglya king who had fled from his capital, Madurai, sought the help of Virotaya Cinkaiyariyan, Thc latter assembled the scattered Pandya forces, placed them under the ruler of Cetu and other feudatories, and led them together with his own forces to Madurai. entcred that city and rostored the government to the P. uglyas atter dislodging his foes.
(in thc return of the king rumours abpunded that hc intencied to raid the Vanni once again. 'ihe tertificci Vaininiyar approached the king of Kandy and asked for aid. That king, however, did not want to incur thc hostility of thc k ing of Jaffna and refraincd from helying , the Vanniya r. cricfore, the chiefs of the Wanni brought much treasurc as presents to the king of Jaffna and returned after being assurcel of their safety. This king diccd young under suspicious circumstanccs. I lis successors were C. cyavira Ciñkaiyāriyan and Kuyavira Citikaiyariyan respectively. As the kings of Kandy ceased to pay tribute, Kunavira Cinkaiyarian conqucrcd parts of their kingdom and sct{lcd his subjects in thc incwly acquired territorics. Morcover, he assistcd the Niiyakkar who were ruling Madurai. After having ruled with glicat Tenown like his father, he abdicated when he was can celled by
ge. Il-lis son Kanakacui riya Ciukaiyāriyan succedcd him."
. YW M1, pp. 35-46
Page 119
220 THE KNG DOM OF JAFFNA
Thc foregoing account of thc dynastic history is cxlf cmcly brief except in the case of Virotaya Cinkaiyiriyan. In its brc vity this account rescribles those of the Rajuvaiyi) and thc: C ữ Java missa concerning thc Sinhalcsc kings of 1 hic fourticcinth century but unlike these chronicles the Yappan a Vaipavamalai docs not cven say for how many years each Cinkaiyãriyan ruled. Adapting the Vãlppiảụa Vaipavantảhi account, Rasanayakam reconstructs the dynastic list of the (`in kuiya - riyar in hc following manner.
Vijaya Kūlaika ic Cakkara var ti 20 A). Kulacekara Citikaiya riyan s t256 A.). Viikki rama Cińkaiya riyan 9 27) , ). Varotaya Cika iyariyan V V) 1302 " ...) Mart tāņta Cikiyāriyan 325 A.D. Kuna püsaņa Cihkaiya riyan 1348 A.D. Virõtaya Ciňkayảiyan s 137 A.). Ceya'vira Cifikaiyā 1 iyan es 34 A.D Kuiavira Ciňkaiyä riyan sy 38G) A.D. or motc probably
47 A.D.
Kanakacijriya Cińkaiya riyan • * () A. D.
or more prohably 14: A D. his list has to b revised on account of scveral reasons. Firstly, as scen carlier, thc vicw that Kalinga Magia was the first Arya Cakravartti cannot be upheldo Morcover Cinkaiyariyan l, presumably, ruled towards the cind of the thirteenth century and not during thc carly part of that century. Sctoridly.as therc is reason to belicve that Ceyavira Citikaiyariyan was thc first and not the ninth king of thc dynasty, it has to be assumed that there were only nine kings (not ten as stated in thc chronicle). before Sapumal's conquest. Furthermore, the ac.ession of these kings does not scen to have taken placc in the same order as found in thc chronicle. In
r
. I as: nayali:in. Ancient Ju ffna, pp. 370-71. 3. (hnptor V 11
VAROTAYA CIN KAYARI y AN 22
respect of these considerations it would app car that the chronicler has drawn the dynastic list without any regard to chronology. In the circumstances to fix the date of accession of each king on conjectural grounds will be futile.
Of i hic ten kings who arc said to havc rulcd un til A.D 145) only four arc known from sources othcr than the ārpāņa Vai pavanālai, the Kailayanālai attcsts ta Cikaiya riyan l lnad the name Ceyaviran. In ag rccmcnt with the XãlPP3 ma Vajpavamãlai, the Vaiyāpatal mentions that Kanakacuriya Cinkaiyariyan fled from the kingdom when it was invaded by the Sinhalese.The ruler named Varotaya Citiikajyä riyan is known from the Cekaraca-Cekara malai. As Marttauta Cińka iya riyan of the Yalpara Vaipavamalai has been identified with Ma titātam pcriurma! of the Madavala inscription it may be concluded that Marttanta Citikaiyariyan was a contemporary of Vikrarnabahu III (A. D. 1356-74). According to the Yālppāņa Vaipavamalai the predecessor of Märt täna Cinkaiyariyan was varotaya Cinkaiyariyan. Since he is said to have been a contclimporary of thic l'angliya king Varotaya Cinkaiyä riyan unust have ruled during the early fourteenth century. As regards the other five kings who are known only from the lppāņa Vaipavamalai even the approximate dates of their reigns cannot be determined particularly in view of the fact that the chronicle cannot be relied on. w
The defects of the Yappana Vaipavamalai are not confincd to chronology and genealogical details. Several kings are creditcd with having reformed the administration, improved agriculture and promoted learning but the specific contribution of no king in any of these fields is record cd in the chronicle: for instauce during the rcigu of Marttauta Ciňkaiyāriyan the Sinhalese king ruling at Gampola was made tributary to the A yra Cakravartti but the chronicle does 1. Ot State any thing concerning the relations between this Arya G. akravartti and the ruler of Gampola. towever, the āppāņa
4. Set) chaptor X
Page 120
222 "TI E KING) OM () F J., NA
Vaipavamālai contends ha: Kuņavira . Cikaiyāriyan attackcd thc ruler of Kani for having failcd to scnd tributc, and conqucrcd parts of his kingdom. Here it is not possible to ascertain whct her the chronicle is recording a reliable tradition or whethcr it is attributing to thc reign of Kaua vira Cinkaiyiriyan the events of anothcr reign.
The history of the reign of Varotaya Cinkaiyariyan could be reconstructed it broad outlinc from the cvidence of the two texts, namely, thc Celaricacek:1 rami Yai and the Cekaracacekaram which were written during his tinc. Although thc references in these texts are casual they shed some light din both the intcrinal conditions of thc kingdom and its cxternal relations. They are also of considerable importance for ascertaining the authenticity of the Yalppana Vaipavamalai.
Much confusicn has bccn creatCd as to thc identity of Var. taya Ciñkaliyâriyan by writers, who depended primarily on thic evidencc of thc Yã lppia na Vaipa v1 māla I. o Although the author of the (ek e raca ceka ra imal i cxpressly states that his patron was thc Cinkaiyi riyan called Varotayan, Gnanapragasar who failed to notice this, has freely used thc data of this work for elaborating his account of Ccyavira Ciňkaiyāriyan whom he erroneously calls Cckaracace karan V. Conscquently most of his conclusions are untenable. According to the Yajppãna Vaipovamà lai Varutaya Cinkaiyitriyan was the fifth ruler of the dynasty and was thc prcdcccssor of Mårt ta uta Cinkaiyariyan.* The Chronic c only mcntions that Varotiya Cinkaiyariyan promulgatcd cdicts concerning religious observanccs and cstablished amity betwccn his Tamil and Sinhalesc subjects. '
w
5. YVM. P. 43. The author of this chronicle who livol in the 18t
contury sccnrs te have assumed thint tho Sinha leso who ru t ho 14th and í 5th conturies were also ruling ...í rorin Kandy.
in
6. Sco Y VV, p.9) and Ancient Jaffna, p356. S. Nntosan rightly ition
tifics Valotaya Cinkiniyariyan as the king described in CTckaräcacekaraim;ñichi, Uu.CHI,", ʼVo), 1 pt. I1, P. 69 6.
7. )’’’, pp. II. S
8. Af, p. 37.
9, ibid.
th የን
WARO TAYA CINKAYARIYAN 223
A ster i alluding to thc achicvements of his ancestors, thc Cek a racacékaramâ llai givcs thc following account of Varöttayan. This king who was favoured by the Goddess of Victory and rulcd the kingdom with a famc cven grcater than that of his predccessors, pursued with his army of swords-men and roucd tic victoriol is and spcar-armcd Vatakkar at thc "harbour' of Kaccay. On secing the king Mairan (thc Pindya ruler) losing his crown, he gave him herds of formidable eleplants and much gold as aid. Moreover, he gavc a principality to thc king of thc pcoplc of Emattai and also bestowcd on him, richcs. a cavalry forcc and honourcd him with a title. He reccived gold and clephants as tribute from othcr rulers
Thc forcgoing account rcfcrs to four distinct events of thc. rcign. The first is thc dcfeat of Cckaracacekaran's enemies at Kacciy. The second is the assistance he reiniercd to the Pandya king. The third is thc payment of tribute to Varotayan by other kings. Thc last is the investiture of the "king of the peoplc of Enhattai as ruler of a new principality. Beforc examining thc historical significance of these details, the account of Virotaya Citikaiyariyan as found in the Yalppaia Vaipavamalai may be scrutinized as there is rcason to bclicvc that the chronicler has confiscd cvcnts relating to thc rcign of Varotaya Citikaiyariyan with thosc of the timc of Virotaya Cifikaiyariyan. On thc sacc of it thc account of Virótaya Citikaiyariyan as found in thc chronicle docs not contain any thing improbable. Nevcrthclcss, a carciful cxamination would revcal that in certain respects, the account is inaccurate. Inscriptions do not show that a king named Cantitacekara Paniyan cve ruled thc Pandya kingdom. However, the Madurai stalapuranam mcntions Cantirace karapitiyan among the last rulers in its list of Pindya kings. As he is mentioned in two independent traditions, Cantiracekara Pāņțiyan was in all probability a
SALSqSqS TTSqqqqq qqq qS S SSS SSS SSqSqqSAS MSAAA SAAAAA AAAA MSqSqSS S S S S SqS SS ES LLLLSLS S SSL SSS S S S LSLSLSS SLLLS SqqSqSq SS SSqqSLLSS SS -تست بمب-بعد به ۰ -
(). CCM f, rr, 7 . 9
11. Arrhorological Shire of Senth india, Vol. 1, p. 220.
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224 T. ii. KINGI) ()M on JAFFNA
historical figure. Canti racekaran may have been one of thc titles of a Pingly a nonarch who lived in the carily fourteenth ccintury. Flowever, if Varotaya Cifikaiyariyan was the ninth king as stated in the alp pâna Vai pavama lui le could not have been a c')ntemporary o: a ny Päudya king who ruled from Madurai. He must havc ruled during the to Murteeint!: century \v cercas the fasi l’, dya king was otste from Miad rai around A. D. i 323/4. ' l ius it is clear that the cinc o le is real' ting", events without regard to chronology.
LLEHLLS L LL LLLLL Sr LLSLaLaL SSLL L S LS LGaS
iq {{ Iʻi$ y ( ling, ( ) LLLLLLAA SSLLLLLSSLLLLSL SA S LSLLLSLLSSLSLL SLSLLLLLSLLS SLLSSLSS ariyan. evidence of the Cekar, eacekaran aai, a conten orar y won; k, Establishes that it wat S Varo! yal Cińkaiya riyan who gave aid in the Plugiyil king. The details given in the clonicle concerning the Cinkaiyl riyan may be regarded as an el; :it: ation of the si atehments in i the Ceka racasë kara nalai, Noneth class, the accounts of these sources have to be inter cicul with caution because they are likely to exaggerate tie achievements of the Arya Cakrawa riti;
instanc: le author of the clar, nici is
tic li that the audya king calic to Jaftina as a refugee it ind sought aid rom the ruler there seems to be a fanciful one. It ri:ay perhaps be assu (med that Varotaya Cinkaiyariyan went to viadurai with a vicW to provide support to his suzerain, the Paulya monarch, when his power and authority in the Pungya kingdon was undermined by his cinemies.
Waro ay a Cinnkaiya riyan's involvencint in the a fairs of the l'audya kingdom must have tak 'n place between A. I). 310) and • A. LO. 1323 for it wus du i ing these years that that kingdom suffered political instability.' Towards the cind of his reign Maravarma in Kulasekhara chose as his successor Vira Pagya although he was a son not born of the prin. cipal queen. “ The legitimate heir Sundara Pandya, who
12. The Delhi Sultanate, P. 36.
18. ገ`hC Καriιάμα Rājāk kaļ Saristāra Caritam states that Para krama Paudya was takon to Delhi after Mladurai was occupied by tho forcos o f Adi Sultan Notmi in A. ID, !323.
i 14. K. A. Nilakanta Sa: Fitri, . Ilic Pādran Kingdom, , pp. 201-203.
WAROTAYA "CINKAYARYAN 225
was a son of the king by the chief queen. was not reconcilcd to the loss of his throne: he revolted in about A. D. 1310 to vindicate his claims. In the fratricidal war of succession which followed the kingdom was divided. Vira Pandya succeeded in maintaining his authority over the nothern part of the kingdom from "Birdhul' in Cola mantalam while Sundara Pandya occupied Madurai and brought under his power most of Paul imautalam and othcr dependencics in thc S outlin.'
A ). 31, aft cr cffecting the Sib mission of thc 11 oysala ruler Ballill: 111 and taking advantage of the dissensions in the Paudya kingdom, Malik Kafur procccdcd towards it with a desire to secure its w calth. But the Pandya Princes, unlike other kings, did not shut themselves in sorts which might easily be captured. They avoided open battle with the superior forces of the enemy and fesorted to a sort of guerilla warfare. This strategy ultimately exhausted he invaders, and Malik Kafur failed to secure the submission of the Påndya princes. Vira Pågdya left Birdhul before it (el into Muslim hands. After sacking Birdhul and burning the temples of Chidambaraim and Srirangam, Malik Kafur made a sudden descent on Madurai, the main capital of the Pandyas, and the seat of Sundara Pandya but that prince had already fled with his treasures. Chagrincid at finding othing but a few elephants, the invaders set fire to thc ciple of Cokkanatha, Shortly afterwards Malik Kafur suffered a reverse at the hands of Vikrama Paraday, the uncle of Sundara Pandya.'" After the return of Malik, Kafur, the two l'audiya princes ruled indcpcindently of cach other. In 1316 the Cera king Ravivarman Kulasekhara who
15. The Delhi Sult artate, p. 30
16. bid., J. D. M. Dorrett, The Hoysales, Midras, 1957, p. 153.
7. Ravivatman IK un sekhara rtu lod i Yn l'avancor o wi tlh Quilon ag his ('apital. He came to power about A. D. 1311 - 1312 and was almost tho only South Indian monarch left untouched by h storin of Malik Kafur's raid. This immunity lost him at an advantage over his neighbours when Malik Kafur returnod t Delhi Seo K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Fang Jan Kingdom n. 211-212; V
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- THE KINGDOM op JAFFNA 226ޛު -'
had a meteoric career of expansion reduced both Pandya rulers to the position of tributaries. Later around 1323 the Pandyas were ousted from Madurai which was occupied by the forces of the Delhi Sultan.
As the Cekarācacēkaramālai does not spccifcally mention the name of the Pandya king who had solicited the support of the Cinkaiyariyan one is confronted with several. possibilities. Gnanapragasar conjectures that the Cinkaiyariyan had supported the ruler of Madurai against the attacks of the Cera king. However, Sundara Pandya is not known to have been ousted from Madurai as a result of the Cera invasion. Furthermore, as there is no conclusive evidence to prove that the Arya Cakravartti supported the Pandya against the Cera king the other possibilitics necd, not be precluded Sundara Pandya had recovered Madurai, twice, once from his brother vira Pandya and again after the retreat of Malik Kafur. The civil war as well as the invasion from Delhi would have involved the Pandya feudatories. The Arya Cakravartti who was one among them must have been required to assist his overlord. The statements in the Cek 8 racacekaramãlai, concerning Varõtayan” s bencfa-2tions to king Mãran have to be regarded as an allusion to the part he played in some campaigns on the request of Sundara Pandya.
Thic account of the Cekaráicacek8 rs, mâllai conccrning varotayan's triumph over the army of the Vatakkar is cor. roborated by the testimony of another contemporary work, the Cekaracacekaram. The author of the text states that he dissected the bodies of the Valakkar who were slain by the victorious Cekaracacekaran, and that he measured thc nerves, veins, muscles, bones and other elements of anatomy, in order to clear his doubts.' On the correlated testimony of these two contemporary Sources, it may be concluded. that Varotaya Citikaiyariyan routed an enemy force of Vatakkar
18. YVV, p. 89 19. CCM, Aktipātam, p. 22
WAROTTAYA CINKAIYARYAN 227
at some stage of his reign. The Cekaracacekaramalai adds that this battle took place at thc port of Kaccay. As the port of Kaccay was the scene of the conflict it is likely that the king had to face an invasion from outside.
According to the Cekaricacekaramalai, this king conferred a title on the chief of the people of Emattai and gaW him horses and a principality to rule. Gnanapragasar suggests that Emattai is a textual corruption of Omantai; on the basis of this suggestion it has been assumed that the Cekaracacekaramalai account is a reference to the appointment of a chieftain for omantai.' In their lists of the Vanni Chieftaincies the Waiyapa tal and the Vaiya do not mention Omantai. Nevertheless, there is a popular belief that it was once the centre of a chieftaincy. Yet, the identification of Emattai mentioned in this work with Omantai cannot be regarded as established. As the king gave the chief horses and a principality to govern and conferred on him a title, it is clear that the account refers to the creation of a feudatory chieftaincy. It is probable that this was intended as a measure of reward on the king's part for a chief who had remained loyal and rendered, assistance in Some campaigns. Some of the chieftains of the Vanni were of a rebellious disposition and the Aryacakravarttis had, at times, clicited their submission by a show of strength. It is claimed that the Vanniyar chiefs rebelled against the king in the reign of Maritania Citikaiyariyan but their power was crushed by the king's forces. As seen earlier, Virotaya Cinkaiyariyaa is said to have conducted campaigns in the Vanni and subducd the chieftains. It would appear that the Vanniyar made scveral attempts to defy the authority of the Arya cakravartti and refused the payment of tribute. Varotaya Cinkaiyai
***-*-*- • ** * * * * * --* * * - wissemasal y wasemmin
20. YVV, pp. 92-93; Ancient Jaffna, p. 357 21. Af. p. 37
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228 TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
yan's crcation osa new chicftaincy was in all probability connected to his activities against the rebellious chieftains.
The Cekaracacekaramalai, the Cekaracacekaram and the Taksinakailacapuranan contain references that provide an insight into thc power and personality of thc king. The last of thcsc texts states that Ceka racacekara in vil inquished the kings of other ands, defeated his enemies in various regions of "South Ceylon' and brought the whole land under onc umbrella.' 'The Cekaracacekaramalai mentions that other kings who wore crowns sct withgems prescinted heaps of gold and clephants as tribute to the famous Cekaracacekaran who rules the whole land surrounded by the roaring ocean.?
In a similar vein, the Cekaracacekaram in its section dealing with snake poisoning describes the king as: Cekaracacekaran, the king of the Ariyar, to whom the crownod kings of Ceylon measure tribute of gold, rules with justicc from Cinkai. Bcsidcs, all thesc texts refer to his victorics over cincmics. Thc medical Work, Cekaracace karam refers to the specdy dispersal of the cinemics who opposed thc Cifikaiyariyan, Cekaracacekaran.** The Cekarâcacekaramâl ai alludes to the king as the unique and victorious king of the Ariya dynasty and it proclaims that thc encimics who werc vanquished by thc prowess of his arms pay tributc to
22. ibid, p. 42
23. மறுநில நிருபரை வானிலத்திருத்தி
புறுநில முழுவது மொருகனி புரப்போன் ன்ெனிலங்கா புரித் திசைதொறு மருவும்
மின்னிலங் கியவேல் ம்ேவலர் புயத்துப் படவரா முடித்தலப் பார்முழு தாண்ட இடபவான் கொடி யெழுதிய பெருமான். TKP Cirappuppâyiram 24. CCP, V. 10 o 25. .மணி முடிபுனைபு மிலங்கை வேந்கர் சீரியபொன் றிறையளக்கச் செங்
கோலோச்சும் செகராச சேகரமன் சிங்கைமேவு மாரியர்கோன் CC, Sarppa Castiram, V. 8; Anciernt Jaffita, P. 358. 26. CCM, V. 270 A. 27. CCM, V. 269
a se · · ·
VAR() TAYA CINKAYAR Y A N , 229
the king Cekaracacekaran, the king of thc pcople of Manava which is cspouscd by the roaring waves of the sca.?" Yct, in another context this tcxt refers to the rapid defeat of the cnemics of king Cekaracacekaran. As three contemporary works rescr almost in sinnilar vicin to the specdy victorics of thc Cińkaiya riyan against this cincmics it may bc assumed that thc king sought scvcra wars during his Tcign is and that hic eventually succccdcd in maintaining his authority within the kingdom and in the meanwhile enhanced his reputation. It may be recalled that the Cekaracacekaramalai alludes repeatedly to thc increasing famc of the king as well as to his opulence and prospcrity. Except in thc case of the war against thc Vatakkar at the port of Kaccay the contemporary texts do not specifically mention who the king's adversaries were. Probably some of them were local chicstains within the kingdom, who sought to repudiate their allegiance to the ruler of Cinkai.
The nature of the political conditions in the island during the early fourteenth century may perhaps suggest that the clain, made in contemporary Tamil works, that the crowned kings of Ceylon paid tribute to Cekaracaceka rail have some foundation. During this period when the Arya cakra varttis consolidated tilhcir powicr in North Ceylon, the descendants of Vijayabâhu II who werc ruling from Kurunagala could not retain what had bc.cn achicved by the first two rulers of Dambadcniya. Political instability within the kingdom and cxternal invasions led to a further declinc of the Sinhalese kingdom. Traditional Sinhalcse history, howcver, clocs not throw light on thc relations betwccr) the two principal kingdoms in the island during the first half of thc fourt centh century.
A t Kurunagala Bhuvanckabāhu II (1291 - 1302) was succccided by his son Para kramabahu IV otherwise called Pandita Parakramabahu who on the testimony of the Caracótimalai ascended the throne in A. D. 302/3.28. As the Jalada
28. Soe Caracõtimālai edited by C. Irakunātniyar, lKokkuvil, 1910. "This work was completed and recited at the court of Parakranabāhu in tho year (Saka) 12:32 (A, T). 1310) which was tho soventh regnal yoar of tho king,
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230 TIE KNGDOM OF JAFFNA
Sirita, which was completed in A. D. 1326, refers to him as the reigning monarch, Parakramabāhu continued to rule at least until that year.29.
The Culavamsa, the Dafad a Sirit a and thic Caracöttinhâtai eulogise him as a powerful monarch but none of these texts throws light on thc political conditions of his time. Most of the activities of Parakramabahu were confincd to thc 'southern and south western parts of the island. It may, however, be assumed that he exerciscd authority over nost if not all of thc territorics that belonged to Parakramabāhu II.
The Kurunagala vistara and the Magdavala copper plate of Saka 1677 contain information not found in othcr sources concerning this king. According to the former Anuradhapura was laid desolatc by the invasions of thc
29. Dalada Sirita editod by Wnjirnyatnasuriya, Colombo, 1949, Soo lintroduction, p. X. Tho tradition that Parakrainabahu IV ruled for 26 yoar8, as found in sono versions of the Raiavaliya, is apparonty an authontic ono. IRofer JIRASCB, yol. XXXII, No. 86, p, 260.
3)
CV, 90; 64-103; 1, S, p. 47. L'ho Caracotimilai mentions that ho defeated thc Ceras and obtainod many victorios in battlos. It fur thor claims: "tho king who was tho onbodimont of forboara co, Cour tosy and justico possessed an army of a thousand formidable elephnnts and bocaune tho por oli Indra in conso quonco of tho porformanco of devotional rics to the sage who is rosplendoint on account of his compassion. Soo Payiram, vv. 3-4.
31. IIc sonovatod the building in tho Vihara at Titthagana (Totagama).
at evapura (Dovundara) he built a largo cmplo consisting of two storcys. He constructcd at Valligina (Woliganna) a largo pråsäda which wus namod aftor hin. Moroover, ho constructod a V ilmåran at Rajagrā mra (IR nyiguma). Furth crnnoro, ho ostablishott
a noAw town - Māyāth , , (Stavaka), surroundcd with walis und gatetowers and n town he causod to be built a lofty Visnu temple.
CW , 90, 88-91, 94-96, 98-102.
VAR OTAYA CİNKAYA RYAN 23
people of Yapapatuna and because of this reason Parakramabahu shifted his residence to Kurunagala.’ It may be assumcd, on thc ticstimony of this work, that at somc timc sluring Jarakramabahu's reign the frontier provinces of his kingdom were attacked by the Ärya Cakra vartti’s forces. This may have becn one of the wars fought by Varutaya difikaiyâriyan.
Thc revcrscs of Parakramabalhu IV probably weakened his authority and set the stage for thc rebcllion of Böda Mapparnandā. The Maidavala copper platc incintions that thc members of thc Sangha fled in several directions when lord Parākramabāhui of tinc city of Kurunagala was trcachcrousty imurder cd. This rebellion was presumably accompanicd by violence which led to greater political iustability. This event eliminatcd the Dambadcai dynasty founded by Vijayabahu II and also signalled thc failure to consolidate royal authority in fronticr provinces of thc kingdom.
Thc Sinhalese kingdom continued to declinc after Parikaramabahu V and his two successors. Vanni Bhuvanekalbathu and Vijayabahu V, arc mere names in traditional his ty tory. The fall of the Dambadeni dynasty and the declinc of thc Sinhalese kingdom coincided with the growth of Ärya Cakravart ti's power and pavcd " the way for his ascendency during the Gampola period. Morcover, it is not improbable that Varotaya Cinkaiyariyan exacted tribute, as claimed by
- - - - - - - - V - - - - - - - - 32. 13ritish Mu:ount Oricntal Manuscript (Or) 5042, folio (a
“l'ho Naran hadda inscription of an unidontified Parā kranınma ho’āhu indicates that thero wins an invasion of Mayarnta by a 'I'm nil arny. I el idont i fiod hic rullor rcforrod to in this (Ct c with Paråkra), trabahu II on account of tho fact that Paråkramabhu pir ivrinn is nnnnt ioncol in that récord, lowovor, an institution of that namo was critablished by Parākramabāhu, JV also. Italinoo
#ಙ್ಗಣ್ಣ' tho record can bo of either king. Sco UCHC Wol, I, pt.
... p. 634
3. EZ, Vol. V, pt. 3, p, 476
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232 TE KINGDOM oo JAFNA
the Cekaracacekaran from either Parakramabahu IV or his successors. Indiced, the Yāppāva Vairavannal i con tcn els that thc successors of Parakramabahu III) paid tribute to the ruler of Jaffna.
Thc Cekrācācẽkaramālai at tcsts that Varỡtuyam had born c thc epit het Cetukàva'an. ** Ile is described also as Mina vai ariya varjaya in and as thc "king of the people of Mira vai girl led by thc white foams arising from the long and roaring Waves of the occan".6 Man avai is a locality in Ramnad and because the Arya Cakravartti has been described as "the king of the pcople of Mã l:avai” and as “the guardian of Cet u”, Gnanapragasar argues that Ramesvaram was under the rule of the kings of Jaffna. Yet, the use of such epithets at titles by the kings of Jaffna may not incccssarily in ply that they cointinued to cxercise authority ovcr the localitics callcil. Cé tuil and Manavai. It could also be argued that these epithets and titles were only indicative of their connections with such localitics in thc distant past. The kings of assna could have continued to usc epithets and titles which thcir anecstors had acquircd while being local chicftains in the Pindya kingdom cv.cn ascr having lost all authority over their ancestral domain in the south-east crin corner of tle Tann il country in lindia.
Some inscription recording the construction of the principal shrines at Ramesvaram by a king of Jaffna, Tararajasekharan, in Saka 1336 (A. D. 14 14) are said to have becn found on the base of the chief shrinc there. The stones used for this purpose arc said to have been incwin at Tricon. malee, numbercd on thc spot and thcn transportcil to Rannesvaram. Yet, the construction of buildings at Rimē svaram by a king of Jaffna may not conclusively prove that the Arya Cakravartti excrcised political control over that region. In the early years of the fifteenth century the kingdom of 34. Y-Y.M. pp. 42-43 SSqqqqS SSAAAA MM AAAA AAASSASASA SSSSqSS S AJSASA SS SS SS S S q qqS 35. (CCM, v. 76 36. ibid, vv. 15S, 269
t
V' AR() I AY A CINK Al Y ARY AN 233
Jaffna was under Vijayanagara suzerainty and it would not have been difficult for thc king of Jaffna to indcrake works of picty at Rimesvaram. The c vidence from thcsc inscriptions may only show that cvci in the fifteenth ceintury the Arya Cakrawar (tis considered that they had an obligation for the maint cance of lic shrini's at Rin's vari n).
As regards the reign of Varotaya Cikaiyi riya in it may be observed that it witncssed considerable literary and cult liral activity in the kingdom. Morcover, his reign may be regarded as marking a distinct phasc in the development of thc kingdon. The achievements of Cinkaiyiriyan WCre consolidated, the rebellious Vanni chieftains were subclied and the stage was sct for the expansion of the kindlom. Varotaya Citikaiyariyan may be regarded as one of the great and powerful julers of the dynasty.
According to the Yā lppāna Vaipavamā lai, Varõtaya Cinakaiyariyan was the fifth ruler of the dynasty an: ) was the predccessor of Martti at a Cinkaiyariyan, a contch forary of Vikrama bâhu III. The Cekarâcacekarama ai tcstifics that le Wals a contemporary of a Pandya monarch. Tle last Paułya king who railcd from Madurai was ousted in A. S. 1323 by the forces of the Telhi Sultan There sorc, Varotayan must 1: Vc bagun to rule in the second decade of the so; it ccinth century. in all probability he was the Ärya Cakra var i described by Ibn Rattut . The disintegration of the P dya kingdom i particularly after the occupation of Madurai by the Muslins mist have had repercussions on the power and position of the Arya Cakravartti. The fall of the Suzerain power presumably relived him of his obligations to his overlord and
terminated is intimate political ties with South India and brought him to the threshold of independence and sovereignty. Vhile nost of the feudatories of the Paņģya kingdo cither perished or were obscured in the political turmoils that ensued the fall of the Pandya dynasty, the Arya Cakravartt is firmly entrenched themsclves in the newly found home in North Ceylon, consolidated their conquests and began to
pursuc a policy of commercial P"Sassruptist தமிழ்
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XI
The Arya callkravarttis and the kings of Gampola
On the dccline and fall of the Pandya power in South
india the Arya cakra varttis of Jaffna secured a nlast cry
over the pearl fisheries in the sulf of Mannar and thc tradic of the Indo-Ceylon straits both of which were in a very flourishing condition. They soon developed thcir power to its peak by cxploiting the advantages they had thus gaincd and thc kingdom of Jaffna developed into a maritimc power of some importance. Besides, this kingdom cnjoyed a grcat measurc (of sccurity from cxtcrnal raids un til thc Vijayanagara conquest of the Tamil country around A. D. 1370
in 344 thc ruler of Jaffna, uncxpcct cdly, had a distinguishccl visitor to his court in the person of Ibn Buttuta, one of tine most accomplished and widely travellcd inlein of thc Islannic world. The vivid and intercisting account about this king as sound in thc tella of bin Battuta throws some light on the power and pcrsonality of the Arya cakravartti of the time. Ibn Batuta, who had come to thc island from South I'dia by sca with t he object of going on pilgrimage
to Adain's Peak, had his journey intcrrupted by an outbreak
of violetal storms while his vessel was cruising along the west coast of the island. Hic was compellcd to brcak journey and disembark at Battalah', a port town where the Tamil
king was residing at that time. Before his disembarkation
at Balilah, Ibn Battuta was told by the captain of his ship that the Arya cakravartti was a "perverse' and “unjust man,
11, ARYA CAN RAVART IS AND T E R NGS OF GAM, ro) L, NA 235
who owned a piratic flect and that merchants cannot cilitics his lands in full security. Yet, the captain sailed to dissuadc ibn Battuta from secking shelter at Batalah. On lecing in sermcd by his agents of thc arrival of Ibn Battuta, the brother-in-law of the Sultan of Madurai, the Arya cakral" vartti scin for him. When he reachcd Batalah ibn Battuta was recciv cd by the king with honour worthy of his rank and the forner found the Arya cakravarti to be of a friendly and hospitable disposition.2 The king is said to have understood Persian and enjoyed thoroughly all that his glicst told him of foreign kings and countries.'
One day when he interviewed the Arya cakravartti, the lattcr had near him a large quantity of pcar's brought from the fisheries of his kingdom. The king's officers WCrc sort ing, them according to variety. The king who was kccn to know about the picar fisheries in other parts of the world
was much delightcd when Ibn Battuta, told him that thc pearls he had secin in the islands of Qais, Kish and other places wee of an in serie or kind."
SS S LLLLL LLLL L LaL ELLELE SStLLtELLL LLL S LLLLLL GG LLL LLLLLS
(Gackwind’s Oriental Sorics, No. LXXXIll, i 953, pp. 217-21 l. 2. Different views havo boen oxprossod on tho idontification of Ba (tît dalh. 'Tonnont (Coryion, Vol. 1. p. 607) and (nana pragnis nr itantify it with Tuttin. Gray is inclined to locato 13illal () tile mouth of tho Ralitoyn, as it is bolioved that cinnation was grown in arons south of Kudira inhalali. (JRASCB, Extra No. 882). Parnnavitana, howo vor, identifics aāļal Yälpianapotinam (J RAS (CIB, New Sorios, Vol. VII, pt. 2, p. 21 ] ). I Io dors not alko
into consilloration tho quostion of cinnamon. Ibn Rattuta t rfrtifis that Mannr-inandali was a fino town on tho extrotnity of tho
Sultan’s (Arya cakravartti"s) dominion. As tho Nikàya stingralidyn closos its list of Maghn's sortifications with Mann, ra and Manjali, Paramavitama contonds thant Mannar Manda li of Roll lil llls to bo idoratifiod with Mannar. On tho hansis of this as sumption Paranavitana atempts o provo that Batallah montionod in the Rehla is identical with Yâ llinpänapparinam. Burt, tho Niki o Sangrahay'a conveys tlho impression that Ma. nn ra, and Mandali
woro two diffon ont Plncos. ''I'ho island of Mannar js
LLLLLL LLLL ttLtLLtLLSEEaLLGGGSLLL LLLLGLLLLLLaLLLLL SSSLLSE Lr L EE hin : t t ut a rolchod Mana-manda li by land.
Continued)
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236 Ti: KNGDOM (n f TA NA
Ibn Battuta claims to havc sound the wholic coast of Battalah covered with trunks of cinnannon trees. Ihese trees which were heaped in the shorc arc said to havc resembled hillocks ar, d the tracers of Mahar and Malabar took thcm and in return prescnted cloth and other commodities to the Arya cakravartti. On another occasion Ibn Battuta found a large bowl of rubies in tic posscssion of this king and when hic expres sed his surprisc at its siv c and quality the king told him that he had several such rubics even larger than the onc le lhad Show in him.o
Tha Arya cakravartti was powcrui at sea. Ibn Battuta testifies that hc had secin a hundred of the Arya cakra vartti’s vessels of varying sizes on the Mabar coast. Once they had attempted to seize some vesscls belonging to the Sultan of Madurai; the attempt was foiled hy the Sultan's agents who took effective fire cautions to revent their scivic. , he in thc attcmpt failed the Arya cakravartti’s ships arc suid to have sailed in the direction of Ycien.
The Rehla of hn Battuta siggists that the Arya cakravartti endeavoured to promotic commerce bct w cen inis kingdom and foreign countries and had even made et insiderable progress in that direction. e maintained a feet of trading vessels and presumably had direct dealings with so feign met chants. Besides. he was involved in the trade in cin inamon which had become onc of his principal extorts. Although cinnamo) was not produced in the northern part of thc island the ruler of Jaffna was in partial control of thc island's trade in cinnamon and one of the ports under his
-control Ba: a lah, was the centre of a flourishing trade in that commodity around 1344.
Marco Polo found rettelaro o ho a centre whore the divers aa0LLLLLLL rL LLE HGtLLLgL LLL S ttELSLLSSS SrrLLLE S LEEt oysters (Tho (ook of Sor Marco Polo. Vol. II, p. 33J). “ trt-triar' and Jattalah may be the corrupted for is of the nano IPuttalan. The Rchla of Ilhn Battuta, p. 218. ibid.
ibid.
S
Ti: ARYA CAKRAWARTIS AND THE KINGS OR GAMPolA 237
Cinnamon, which grew wild in the wet zone regions of the island, became an important item of merchandise in Asian commerce during the thirteenth century. Its medicinal properties and its esticacy as an armatic Snice came to be widely recognized perhaps through the medium of Muslim traders. it was listed as an item of export along with many other local products in thc letter Bhu vanckabảhu ( | 272
1284) had sent to the Sultan of Egypt. Some years later (1292/3). John of Montccorvino found large quantities of this commodity being taken from the island to valar." The fact that cinnamon produced in this island became a in important item of merchandise since the thirteenth Ceutury is also testified by the Portuguese chronicler. De Couto who
SSC TS that Ceylon became famous in the world from the time of Dambadetại Bandar (Parākramabâhu I 1 ) on account of the
fine cinnamon that grew wild and in abundance.8 Tlic Arya cakravartti who ruled in and around 1344 seems tO havec hecn omc of the carlicst rulcris in the islandi o havc Crceived thc growing in portance of cinnamon in the SC tradic of thc region. His thrust into the central highlands and the south western lowlands. as will be seen later, could perhaps bc cxplained in the light of his desire () Secure
for himself a share of the profits from the island's lucrative spice trade.
a borne
6. In his lot for to tho Sultan lohivnekabalu said: 't'ry!on is ligypt ann Egypt is Coylon. Il dosiro tlust, nn logyptian antiassador accompnny ninn on his roturn and that anotlıor be sıvıt to l"CRitlo in tn t ( vvv (f Aton. posses is a prodigiouts quinintity of polr ls and prociols stones of overy kind. I havo vessels, ele olhants. mus {tnd other stuffs, wood of batan brazil wood, cina non and al tho objncts of commerco whicli arc brought to you by tho banian nerchants, My lingdom Produces tteos tho vot of which is fit for makig spears. If the Sultan asks me for twenty vossels yearly, I shall he in a position to supply thom. Further, tho morchan of his dominions can with all froedorn corne to trade in miny kingdom. I havo roceived an ambassador of the provinco of Yomon who is come on the part of his master to na ko Υ.Γ., proposnls of alliance. But I havo sont him away through my af fection for tho Sultan. I possess twointy scvon castlios, which theo troafsurics aro filled with Procious stones of a kinds. The poar fisherics arc Part of my dominions, and all
that is to keu thorefrom bolongs to mo. JRĂSCB, XXVIII (No. 72), pp. 82--85.
7. Foreign Notices of South India od. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Madras,
p. 188.
K, JRASCB, Vol. XX, No. 60. pp, 65-66.
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238 TE KING TID OM OF AFFNA
A growing dcmand for cinnamor and other spices in West Asia and Europe around this tinc and thc shifting of the centrcs of Sinhalesc political pow cr to localitics in thc wet zone, wherc such spices WCrc produccd in largc quantitics, had led to a phcnomena growth of the island's spice tradic. It was but natural for thc Sinhalese royalty to have moved into thc spice Irc ducing regions in the hope of securing substantial revenue at a time when royal revcmuc from traditional sources, CSpecially grain-tax, had bccome precariously low owing to the abandonment of most of the major irrigation works and depopulation in the once fertile aid hospitable north-central plain. But thc Sinihalcse monarcily could not establish a centralisco adhinistration for a considcrabbly long period of time. Nor did it produce princes cindowed with qualitics of leadership and ability for organization. Power was therefore exercised alternatively by dignitarics belonging to two tinfluential famitics, the Alakesvaras and that of Scinã añkādhikã ra, who werc of South Indian origin and had C stablished matri monial links with the Sinhalesc royalty.
The transfer of the seat of royal authority was accompanied and even followed by dissension at court as testific by ibn lattuta. He claims that Kunakar was the residence of the principal soverign of the country, the Sultan Alkornar. Besdies hic provides the imformation' which is not known fom other sources, that the nobles of his kingdon rebelled against Akonar, put out his eyes and elevated his son to kingship. But, the blindcd Sultan' Alkonar continued to live in the same town. On the face of it ibn Battuta's description of Alkonar dces inct fit in with the facts coccrning thc Gampola rulers as Iccorded by the local chronic} cr S, A ll, cınaʼ t" is dic Sctribcd as cm pcro r (Sultan u 1 kabir) of the country. Among the names of centerporary rulers and ministics as foulid in local sources - chronicles and inscritiens, ti e o nC hat b c C s closeşt rcsemblance to Alkoinar
is Alagakkona ra.
"TI ARYA CAKRA VARTTI s AND TI; KINGS oo (;AM” A 239 .
A dignitary na mcd Nissanka Alagak kõnīra is rcscrircd i to in the Kit Siri Mcvan Kelani inscription of the year 1887 of thc (A. L. 1344) Buddhist cra. He is describcd as Aina tyottama, “The best of Ministers', and as a clescendant in the tcnth gencration of Nissanka Alagakk nara who belonged to a family from Vaiicipura.” The inscription which records thc donations madc by this dignitary to thc Vihira does not mention the name or thc reginal year if the cigning monarch. Bit, as it records that donations vict c received from thc king also it is clear that a person othcr than Alagakkonara was thc acknowledged king. Morcoνεr, since Alagakkonara is dc scribed as a minist cr and not with any royal title in thc inscription, it has to be assumed that he was functioning, thcoretically, in the capacity of a chief minister. Towever, the cimphasis on thc genealogy of Alagakkonara and thc absence of any reference to the name or regnal year of thc king Would suggest that as between the king and Alagakkonara the latter was the more dominant personality. It would appcar that he exercised su preme power in the kingdom on helhalf of the king who may have sus. scred from some physical debility or may have been a weck ruler incapable of discharging the responsibilities of office. Under such circumstances lbn Battuta colc havc confuscd Alagakkonara with the monarch. Otherwise (inc has to assume that the , ing himsclf was an Alagakkõnã ra by descent. 10
Inscriptions show that the regnal years of Bhuvanckabālhu IV and Parā kranlabāhu V wcre countcd from 1344 whcn
O. 1. ". p. 2 and A ( Mendis Guna sckara Muda liyar, “Koprni Vihāra and its inscription’, CASIR, Vol. I, pt. ), un 6, . 152-54.
10. The Rajaratnakaraya assorts that Alagakkonara bocanto king by assunnin: (ho name) 6huvalnukabÄhlul V, Yʼa) rn mavit ana, tlınrofor argues that *huivan elka';ählı V. wira an Aļa gak konat a by Jinatrilinon
( II (; Vol. I. pt. II. p. 618) Tiho C. vidonce from the 1: le that ishti vn nck nbahu V was an A nga klkonara nay norba,
rufrost, that tho ki in who ascorinded theo throno of Canpo la i A. p. 13:!! also could havo bectin at Alagakko yari.
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240 TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Campola became the residence of the principal king. It is possible that the inauguration of the rule of these two kings was connected with the rebellion against Aikotnar. Under Bhuvanckabãhu and Parāk rama bảhu V the dignitary called Senalaikadhikara of the Melavara clan was raised to the rank of chief minist cr' and it would appear that his authority and influence were the most decisive in matters regarding the administration of the kingdom.
Kuihakar, the capital of the kingdom, is said to have been situated between two mountains on a large vale called the "Vale of rubics'.' It cannot be identified with any degree of certainty owing to the unprecisc nature of its description as found in the Reha. Arguments adduced in support of içlentifying it With Kurunagala, Rayigama or Ratnapura are not convinccing.' Even Gampola could have becn referred to as Kunakar and the vagic description of this town as found in the Rehla could be applicable to Gampola which had become the centre of Sinhalese political power in 1344. ibn Battuta may not havc remembered the exact name of the city where Akonar was residing, when the ichia was written. It is even probable that Ibn JLIZZaly who wrote the Rehla Oil the dictation of Ibn i3attuta. unisspelt or distorted the na nne and recorded it as Kunakar
On account of internal dissensions and the Weakness of its rulers the government at Gampola could not consolidate its power over the cintire kingdom and especially over the Western littoral, and at this time Colombo was occupicd by a Muslim chieftain referred to by libin Battuta as "Jalasti'. "aking advantage of such circumstances the Arya cakravartti
1. INKS, p. 22, UC lil C., Woll. l pt . II, p. C650
12. The Rehla ...... pp. 219-220.
. 3. UC HIC, Vol. I, pt. I, pp, 639-640.
. 4. Foreign Notices on South India, od. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri Madras
1939, pp. 276, 291.
T E AR Y A CAKRAV ARTIT IŠ AND THE KINGS OF GAMPO A 24
was soon able to secure a controlling influence over the Gampola kingdom as testified by the Rajavaliya. As regards the political developments in Sri Lanka during the mid fourteenth century this text asserts: "I he nephew of Parakramabalu was living at Gampola; the minister Alagakkonara was living at Rayigama; the Arya cakravartti was at Yāpāpațiuna. Among them the Arya cakravartti was the foremost in wealth and military power and was (therefore) levying tribute from the hill country, the low country and the nine ports.' This account of the Rajavaliya is, in its main points, corroborated by another Sinhalese text, the Nikāya Sangrahaya witten in 1369.6
The claims made in the Sinhalese chronicles about the Arya cakravartti's supremacy in the island around this time are strikingly confirmed by the evidence from two inscriptions, The first of these inscriptions - the Tamil inscription from Kotagama - which records the victories of a king of Jaffna over the armies of his rivals runs: "Cetu. The young and tender women of Anurecar, who did not submit to the Ariyan of Cinkainakar of foaming and resounding waters, shed tears from the pairs of their lance-shaped eyes and spread
their fore-head marks on their beautiful braceleted hands that resemble lotuses.
The text of this inscription consists of a verse in four lines giving a poetic description of the victories of a ruler described therein as Cinkaiyariyan of Cinkainakar. That ruler was doubtless the Arya cakravartti of Jaffna because Ciňkaiyariyan was one of his epithets and Cinkainakar as scen
carlier, was one of the names by which the town of Jaffna was known in medieval times. As the women of Anurecar who dild not submit to the Cinkaiyariyan are said to have
15. Rā jāvaliya od. B. Gunasokera, Colombo, 1911, p4G, I tajāvaliya a.
Watu watte Pemananda Bhikkpu, Colombo 1959, pp. 73-74 Alakesvara Yuddhava cd. A. V. Suravira, Colombo, 1965, p. 19. | 6. Scre p .245
17. Ancient Jaffna, p. 364; Ceylon Tainil inscriptions, pt. II, pp
91-92.
Page 130
f
242 TE KINGDOM O JAFFNA
shed tears and had their forc-hcad marks removed it may be inferred that the husbands or closc kinsmcn of, thcsc women were defeated in battle and were crest fallcn. The inscription does not precisely state who thc cncmics vanquish cd by thc Ariya cakravartti were and the cxpression Anu rêcar could be interpreted in two ways. It could either denote the Sinhalese king or else it could bc a rcserencc to som c princes who werc sub-kings; * Neverthelcss, the provcinance of the inscription would suggest that the princes who were descatcd by the Arya cakravartti were from Gampola. Thc scting up of
an inscription recording the victories of a ruler of Jaffna at a site in proximity to Gampola proves that the armics of the
Arya &akravartti had pcnctrated into the central highlands and reachcd the vicinity of Gampola and defeated its ruler(s).
Commenting on the circumstances that led to the setting up of this inscription Codrington, who assigns it to the fifteenth century on his consideration that the stage of palaeographical development represented by this record was characteristic of the fiftcenth century, remarks: "All that can be said is that a Jaffnesc invasion in the reign of Parakramabahu VI, after the Vijayanagara expedition suits the date. 19 But, there are some strong grounds to refute Codrington's suggestion. The sources relating to the reign of Parakramabahu WI do not make mention of any invasion of the Sinhalesc kingdom by thc Arya cakravartti during his reign. Besides, an invasion from Jaffna against Parakramabahu VI would have been directed against Kotte which was the scat of his power and was in proximity to the ports on the littoral and
8. The word anuracar meaning sub-kings may have boon changed into anurecar on account of poetic considerations. IBosidos, there is some evidence to show that tho Tamils continued to describe sinhalese kings as the rulers of Anurai although Anurardapura was abandoned conturies oarlior. An inscription of Parakrama Pandya Arikesari dova of the 15th century refore to the capitalı of” the Sinhaleso kingdom as Anurai. S EI, Vol. III, p. 7.
19. JSASCIB, Vol. XXXI, No. 85, pp. 214-225.
ill; RYA CAKRAVARTIS AND THE ''KINGS of GAMpoLA 243
'commanded access to the hinterland where cinnamon and other spices which attracted the attention of the ruler of Jaffna were produced in substantial quantitics.
It is only in connection with thic king of Ganpola that thc Sinhalicsc chronicles, the Nikaya Sangrahayn and the Rajivaiya, refer to thc Arya cakravartti's invasion. There. sore, the Kolagana inscription which records the victorics achieved by a king of Jaffna over his rivals in the central part of the island should be assigned to the Gampola period. Palaeograpiny cannot be a Scrious obstaclc against such a conclusion cspecially when we consider that the stage of palacographical development represented by the Kotagana inscription is basically similar to that of the Laikatilaka Tamil inscription of 1344.' The letters in the Kotagama inscription arc very clear on account of their large size and a greater degree of precision on the part of its engraver. It would appear that the position of Supremacy which the Arya cakravartti attained in the island was a direct consequence of his successful expedition which had led to the setting up of thc Kotagama inscription.
The Madavala inscription and the Kotagama inscription were probably set up after the Sane campaign. The first of these epigraphs, which records a treaty concluded between a certain person named Mārttāņțam perumā un and Vikramabahu II, states that in accordance with the treaty they had concluded the former entrusted to certai Brahmin dignitairies the customs posts (madigaya) in (the districts of) Singuruväna, Ballavita, Matala, Dunbara and Sagama tunrata. 21
Commenting on this inscription, Paranavitana observcs: "... The Madigaya in this period, was the post at which dues to the government were collected on merchandises
20. S. Patanavitana, Lankatilaka Inscriptions', Univorsity of Ceylon
Review, Vol. XVIII, Nos. I & II. (January, 1960) pp, 1-32,
21. Ez, vol. V, p.3, No.47, pp. 463-465
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244 TIE KNDOM OF JAFFNA,
brought from outside. The personage who appoint cd certain Brahmins (whose namcs arc mostly illegible) for the collection of these dues could not have been a functiona ry of the Gampola king, for it is expressiy statcd: that this was done in pursuance of a treaty (sandhana). Now this document refers precisely to that period during which, according to the Rājavali, the Arya cakravartti of Yapapatuna had stationed taxcollectors in the Gampola kingdom. The name 'Marttandam is in Tamil garb, and the title perumalun is Tamil. In the list of the Cinkaiyariyans given in the YVM, there is one named Marttanta (Marttanga). There is thercfore no doubt that we have in this inscription the only mention by his personal name of an Arya cakravartti of Jaffna so far met with in a contemporary inscription”.??
In agreement with these apt remarks of Parana vitana it may be concluded that the Magavala inscription and the Yalppana Vaipavamalai refer, to the same ruler, a king of Jaffna, as Mārt tāņdam perumā and Mārttā ņta cikaiyāriyan respectively. As the inscriptio does not refer to Mårt tandam perumal as king it may be inferred that he had not been consecrated as king when the text of thc inscription was dras. ted. It would appear that he had led an expedition against the ruler of Gampola during thc reign of his predecessor, According to the Yalppana Vaipavamalai, the predecessor of Marttana Cinkaiyariyan was his father, Varotaya Citikaiyariyan. If the relationship between these two rulers as given in the Tamil chronicle is correct, then it has to be assumed that Varétayan's reign had continued until 1359. Such a conclusion gains further support from the claim made in con. temporary Tantil texts that Varótayan defeated thc kings of Tennilaikai, "South Ceylon, and levicd tribute from them,
22. JRASCB (Now Series), Vol. VII, pt.II, p. 198. 23. YWM. n.37.
rrit: ARY A CAKRAVARTTIS AND THE KINGS OF G AM POLA 245
On the combined testimony of the Rajavaliya and the f{otagama and Madavala inscriptions it may be suggested that 1 hc Arya cakra vartti hadi conducted a successful invasion of the Gampola kingdom by A. D. 1359 and had achieved a paramount position in the island in consequence of that invasion. The Sandhana, "agreeincnt, recorded in the Madavala inscription shows that Vikramabihu III had reconciled hinself to such a state of affairs. w
'The terms of the treaty recorded in that inscription do not cover all the lands which the Rajavaliya claims were brought under thc influence of the Arya cakravartti. All the territorial divisions, Sitguruvana, Balavia, Matala, Dumbara and Sagama tunrata, where Marttaintan was to post his tax collectors according to the treaty could be identificd with territorial divisions included within the Central and Uva Provinces in the hill country. The Rajavaliya on the other hand
claims that the northern ruler collected tributc from thc low country and thc nine ports as well.
This claim is supportcd by the evidence from the Nikaya Sangrahaya which testifics that the Arya cakravarttilad established military outposts at Colombo, Wattala, Salavata (Chilaw) and Migamuva (Negombo,) and posted his agents in the low country.26 The discrepancy between thc chronicles and the Maclavala inscription on this point may bc duc to the fact that while the chronicles refer to the political conditions. in the island after the Arya cakravartti had gained a sort of supremacy over the Gampola kingdom as a whole the Madavala inscription relates only to a particular phase, the final phase, of the expansion of Arya cakaravartti's power and influence. It could be postulated that the northern ruler extend - cd his power over the Sinhalese kingdom in successive stages. As the Arya cakravartti's activities on the littoral and other
24. Sი? p* 241. 25. EZ. Vot Vpt 3, No.47, pp 433-405 20. NKS. p. 23
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246 TB KINGDOM OP JAFFNA"
parts of the low country are not referred to in the Madavala' inscription it may be assumed that he had brought the low counrry under his influence after a campaign he had condur
cted at an carlier dat c. 1bn Battuta's account of the Arya
cakravartti secms to suggest that the cxtension of his power
and influencc over the littoral part of the low country wellzone had already started by 1344. Thc process of such cxpansion was not completed around that date because Colombo was held in that year by a Muslim garrison: it scems to have been subsequently dislodged from Colombo which was occupied by the Arya cakravartti’s forces.
The evidence from the magavala inscription and the Sinhalese chronicles suggests that Arya cakravatti’s motivcs in invading the Gampola kingdom were cconomic rather than political. They were not aimed at territorial annexation and none of the sources concerned refer to the annexation of any territorial division by the Arya cakrawartti from tie Gampola rulers. The ports on the littoral and the customs posts (Madigaya) are specifically mentioned as the areas that attracted the Arya cakravartti's attention. These were the centres, of commcrcc and the ruler of Jaffna had sought and obtained from the rulers of Gampola the right to post his agents and collect the taxes at such centres. Besides, it is also possible that the Arya cakrawartti wanted to secure for himself a monopoly of the island's cinnamon trade in addition to the revenues from other souroes in Gampola
Paranavitana, however, suggests that the invasion conducted by the ruler of Jaffna was connected with a feud between Vikramabã lhu II and Parā kramabāhu V and was ir response to an appeal for aid from Vikramabahu.27 As the last years of Farakramabahu V (1344 - 59) overlap cd with the initial years of Vikramabahu (1254 - 1374) Paranawitana sugges.
27. UC H C. Vol I, p. 11, p. C44.
TI F ARYA CAKRAVARTTIS AND TE KINGS OF GAMPOLA 247
ted the likelihood that the the two kings rules as rivals in different parts of the island. He further argues that this conclusion is supported by the evidence of the Magul-Mahavihāra inscriptions and the 'Tis ara Sandē saya.?*
Thc undatcd Magul - mahá - vihära inscriptions record donations by Viharamadevi, the consort of the two brother kings named Parakramabahu who vanquished the Soli forces and were ruling the Rügu country.' On the basis of the data found in these inscriptioris and on palaeographic considerations Paranavitana identifies Parākramabāhu mentioned in these inscriptions with Parakramabahu V and contends that this monarch was ruling over R-hana after he was ousted by Wikramabahu II. But, earlier Paranavitana adopted a totally different line of argument as regards the identity of the rulers mentioned in these epigraphs. He then observed that in one of the inscriptions the name of Bhuvanekabahu does not occur at all, and the context does not leave any doubt that both brothers are described as ruling over Rohana. Bhuvanē k abāhu IV and Parākramabāhu V had their respective capitals in the Maya kingdom and claimed dominion over the whole of Ceylon though their actual authority did not probably extend to some parts of the Island. He further added: if her husbands had claimcd dominion over the Island Vihiramadevi would not have been content with referring to them merely as rulers of Rohana. It is thcresorc reasonable. to assume that the princes mentioned in these epigraphs are not identical with any of the kings mentioned in the chronicle.' These arguments of Paranavitana are quite convincing an he has not controverted them when he subscquintly revised hit, views on the identity of the parsons referred to in the inscription. Moreover, the Soji forces referred to in these inscriptions cannot be a reference to the armies of Jaffna. As th
28. iካ:c}. !`p ሶ 4 | , {j48. 29. EZ. V, ). I V r. i 63. 3m. UC i C V.I. fr. II, p. G42. ʼ? 1. jE-, `,ʼ . y'. WʻI .r. ʻ ʼ.
Page 133
248 tie. KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Cola country was at this time under Vijayanagara rule the plausible explanation would be that the epigraph refers to a Vijayanagara invasion. Thus, the Magul - Mahi - Vihara inscriptions cannot have any relevance for a study of the events connected with the Arya cakravarti's invasion. Even if we assume thit, one of the two brother kings referred to in these cnigraphs Was Parakramabahu V their contents cannot in any way prove that Parakramabahu V and Vikramabhu were ruling in ependently of each other and as rivals.
The anxiety by the author of the Tisara Sandesaya, a religieux of Devinuvara, about the imminent political dangers that faced king Parakramabāhu and his kingdom cannot by any stretch of imagination be construed as providing evidence of dissensions in the royal family which led Vikramabahu to seek Arya cakravartti's intervention in the internal politics of the Gampoia kingdom. Nor could the omission of any reference to Rayigama in the pocm prove that it had become an independent principality and that the Alakesvaras who held it were openly hostile to the king at Dadigama. Therefore, Paranavitana's suggestion that "Possibly, the Jaffna king was invited by Vikramabahu II to oust his rival' is unfounded and unacceptable.
The overlapping of regnal years was not confined cxclusively to the rcigns of Parākramabāhu V and Vikramabålhu III.
32. Pan ra navitana, howovor, observes: “As tho last named monarci as
well as the Alakesvnra brothers benefited from the Arya cakravartti's campaign, it may be legitimate toinfor that the Jaffna ruler undertook his raid into the heart of tho Sinhaleso territory at the invitation of these parties for assistanco against Parakramabahu V. Perhaps the dispossessed youths had already gone to the Arya cakravartti's court when the Tisara Sandesa was writton, and it was the anxioty caused by this defection that cast a gloom over tho political horizon at that time. The Arya cakravartti would not have nided tho asnirants to power among the Sinhalese agninst their rivals without himself gaining some advantage thereby. It is not impossible that Vikramabāhu II as well as Ankosvara acknowlodged tha Mirya
cakravartti as thoir suzarin. Seo UC IH IE. Voj, I, pt. I, I, 641. 3. UCH C, Vol. I, pt. II, p. 643.
' Bl: ARYA CAKRAWART TES ANL) THE KINGS OF GAM P()I.A 249
it occufcd several times in the Gampola period. Most of the rcgnal years of Parakramabahu V (1344-1359) overlapp cd with thosc of Bhuvanckabāhu IV (1344-1354). Morcov cr the early years of the reign of Bhuvanekabahu V (1372-1408) overlapped with the last years of Vikramabahu II. In the case of the first two among these rulers Paranavitana asscrts that l’araikramabãihu V function cd as the Apa os Bhuvanekabahu V and that after his accession hic calculated
his regnal years from the time he becamc Yuvaraja. The
overlapping of the regnal years of Parakramabāhu V and Vikramabāhu III could be explain.cd in the same manner and in the case of these two rulers therc is no justification to assume that the overlapping of their reginal years was due to a division of the kingdom into two separate units. Besides, traditional history claims that all these kings ruled one after another in succession from Gampola. The Nikāya Sangrahaya categorically states that Parākramabāhu V succeedcd Bhuvanckabāhu IV at Gampola and that Vikramabahu I became king after the death of Parākramabahu V at Gampola' . Thus, there is no valid foundation for the
s
belief that the Gampola kingdom was divided betwccn two
rival princes.
There is some further cvidence to show that Vikrain a bahu II and Parakramabahu V, far from being rivals, were associated with cach other in the government of the Gampola kingdom. The ministers Senā Laikādhikāra and Sivalkoļu Lakdivi Adhikara served under both Parakramabahu V and Vikramabahu III. If these two kings were rivals and
is the latter had dislodged Parakramabahu V with the support
of the Arya cakravartti, as Paranavitana assumes, it is unlikely that Vikramabahu retained two leading ministers of a rival king. In the light of the forcgoing considerations
.638 .d, pزih .34 35. Av K.S, p 22.
36. LUC' i C, Vol. I, pt. II, p. 645.
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250 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Paranavitana's conclusion that Parakramabāhu V and Vikrama. bahu II ruled diffcrent portions of the Gampola kingdom independently of each other and as rivals cannot be accepted. Therefore, Parana vitana’s cxplanation that the Arya cakravartti's invasion of the Gampola kingdom was in responsc to an appeal from one of the princes of (in mpola has try bc considered as onc without any valid soundation. It would rather appear that the Arya cakra vartti, as mcntioned carlier, took advantage of the weakness of the Gampola rulers and sought to assert his supremacy over the Sinhalcse kingdom with a view to secure for himself a share of its revenues, especially from the ports and other trading centres.
S LLS SLSSLLLSSttt t tLS SLL HSG S SESLLtS HSSS S S SEEEEJStSS over the Gampola kingdonn scens to lauv: cicio :( ! w ! the inauguration of Vikramabahu's reign. It may even be surmised that the invasion organized by the northern ruler had contributcd to the termination of thc carecr and reign os Prakramabāhu V. Onc of the im nicdiate results of the triumph of thc Arya cakravartti's armies in the hill country seems to have bcen the decline of the power and influence of th minister Scna laikadhikara. The latter's native place, thc. district of Singuruvana, also came under the influence of the northern ruler.
Vikramabāhu III, like his two predccessors, clocs tot seem to have been endowed with qualitics of leadership and organization and hence, as in the previous reigns, the direction of affairs had to devolve on onc of his ministers. Thus, Alagakkonara, who belonged to one of the most influential familics in the kingdom was raised to the rank of chief minister, previously held by Senalathkadhikara of the Megavara. clan. Alagakonara whose position in the kingdom was analogous to that of the Peshwas in the Maratha State
37. “Niyangann voāya Sol Lipiya,” Itihāsaya p. 17
38. NlV SS, pp. 22-23.
TI E ARYA CA KRAV ARTTIS AND TE KINGS () GAM () - N 251
soon proved his abilities and through his efforts succeedcd in extending and coinsolidating governmental authority in the outlying provinces of the kingdom.
His main achievemcnt which made him one of the most celebratcd personalitics in mcdieval. Sinhalese history was thc organization of thc military csTort which climinated in the defeat of thc Arya cakravartti's armics in the hill county and the low country wet zone. Alagakkonara ca me to be depicted as a hero in Sinhalese tradition; thc Niyamgampaya inscription and some of the chronicles give an eulogistic description of his exploits. The Niyamgampaya inscription, for instance, mentions that Alakes vara heca in s. v.) It if f'. S E 0LLL ESD S S S LLSSSSS t S SS SS SS SS SSS lí: , , Violi". Mo cv e, he is said to) ha ve defeated thc army of the Arya cakravartti and protected the kingdom with the assistance of the Brahmin minister, Bhaskara otherwise called Jayamahalina. The two chronicles. Nikāya Sati
grahaya and the Raja valiya confirm and clucidate the statements in the inscription.
Alagakkonara had to raise a large force and construct fortifications before he could commence hostilitics against the Arya cakravartti. The most important fortress constructed by Alagakkonara and the only one about which some details have been preserved in traditional history was what later came to be known as Kotte. It was sited at the village of Darugama surrounded by a stream and was within a short distance from Colombo which had become the chief emporium of the lsland. He is credited with the construction of a deep moat around the village; the moat was surrounded by a massive wall of stone masonry. The fortress was named abhinava Javavardhana and was provided with iron spikes (idangini) 'tiger faced traps', (Pulimukam) caltrops (hhumivan taf tu), wat rh towers (attà la) and vattavetam or architectural devices of a circular design meant for military uscs. 39
3, hid. The use of Travidian loan words suggest that the techniquo of constructing fortifications as Tractised during this poriyud was horrowed from Korn Jn and tho Tamil Kingdoms from whoro a nr gan nu bor of morcenaries cnme to the island. Thc, ncc nunt info thin fortification of Kott on is; v operatrod in tho Rjv (p. 4(3), the CV
XCT il I, vv, 6-8) und then Rajarnt na karanya.
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252 TE KINGDoM oF JAFFNA
Moreover, shrincs were constructed for the guardian deities of thc four quarters on the tops of the rampart of the fortress, perhaps in conformity with local tradition. Alagakkonara is said to have stored largc quantities of grain and other provisions inside the sort and assembled in large at my consisting of Sinhalese and Tatis. These corts of Alagakonira may suggist that he cxpected Somc sort of siege warfare. The lycation of the fort rcss at Darugama was also of son significance. It wouid appcar that the western littoral and the adjoining hinterlaid wcte expected to be the areas of military operations.
A ster having esfectively mobilised thc resources of the kingdom under his stewardship Alagakkonira defied the power of the Arya cakravartti and committed som c acts of hostility. The tax-collectors posted by the Arya cakravartti at several key points in the Gampola kingdom are said to have been seized and killed on thr orders of Alagakkonira. Such measures had the effect of provoking the Tamil ruler who retaliatcd by sending large armics by land and sea. Alagakkonara. however, caused thc ships of the Arya cai kravartti that anchored at Panadura * to bc destroyed ànd bu7nt; besides, he defeated thc armies of the Jaffna ruler in various engagements and captured his military outposts at Colombo, Wattala, Chilaw and Negombo.
l consequence of tinese reverses the Arya cakravarti lost the advantages which he had securcd carlicr in the Gamp cla kingdoin and his suzerainty over that kingdom was terminated. Alagakkonara must havc concluded his successful campaigns against the Arya cakravartti's armies before the Niyangampaya document was drasted in 1372/3.
ihe Success achieved through Alagakkonara's efforts had cnhanced his prestige and helped him to consolidate further his powet and authority in the kingdom while the king
4. NNS, pp.22. 23.
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TiE ARYA CAKRAVARITIS AND E KNGS OF GAhi P(Y. A 253
Vikramabahu III, like his two predecessors, remained in the background. The Niyamgampaya inscription even asserts that Alagakkonara 'received the government of Sri Lanka from Vikramabahu. He is said to have been conferred the title 'Lankadhjsvara, and to have becn admitted into "the circle, of five ranks of princes known as Dipadhiraja Maudalika rāja, Anusāsakarāja, Antarbhogikarāja and Prades arāja,”.“ Alagakkonara acquired the substance of all power within the kingdom and his prestige and power which he enjoyed among the traditional ranks must have contributed to the ascendency of his family in the politics of the Gampola kingdom. His descendants continued to wield Supreme power for two more generations although the king continued to retain all the outward trappings of regal Splendour and authority,
After the defeat and expulsion of the armies of the Arya cakravartti the Gampola kingdom gained control of the littoral and the ports. The rise of Kotte initially as a military stronghold and subsequently as the major centre of adiministration may be said to have been a legacy of the struggle between the the Arya cakravartti and the rulers of Gampola"
The Rājāvaliya account of the Arya cakravārtti’s invasion scens to suggest that the king of Jaffna organised anothcr major invasion of the Gampola kingdom some years later. The details of this invasion as recorded in that chronicle differs in some important details from the one found in the Nikaya Saugrahaya. The latter work asse its that the Arya cakravartti,
41. These epithets appear to be conventional eulogistic oxy essions which were recordcd indiscriminatoly by tho author of tho cironicle : without any consideration for their exact meanings. They do not seom to havo any functional significance. Besides, thore iI a basic inconsistency in some of these epithets. For instance, ono who onjoyed the epithets Pradesikaraja 'provincial chiefain' and Mandalikraia "cheif of feudatories' cannot bo described as Di padhiria asturre king of the island."
254 't if Ki NG) OM OF JAFFNA
invaded the sinlhalicsc kingdom during the reign of Vikrain a hihu while the Rajvaliya states that Bhuva inckabahti was ruling from Campola at the time of that invasion. Inc clain made in the Nikaya Sangrahaya is confirmed by the evidence (rom the Niyangampaya document which mentions that Alagakkonira had achieved grcat same by vanquishing the forces of the Arya cakra vartti. AS this document, was is sucd in A. i.). 1372 during the reign of Vikramabahu Alagakkonara must have concluded his successful Cainpaigns against the armies of the king of Jaffna before the document was issued.
hic contradiction between the two chronicles as regards the name of the king in whose reign the invasion took place could be explained by assuming that the Rajavaliya has con(used the details of two different invasions of the Arya cakravartti and as Paranavitana suggests, has narrated in retation to an invasion of the reign of Bhuvanckabahu V some of the details of thc invasion that had taken place in the reign (f Vikramabahu III. It may therefore be inferred that the Arya cakravartti's armies invaded the Gampola kingdom twice, once in the reign of Vikramabahu III and again in the reign if Bhuwanekabahu W. The Rajawaliya claims that the Arya cakravartti, who had obtained assistance from the Cola country, sent his armies by land and sea. The army which came by Sea landed at Panadura, advanced to Colombo and encamped at lemaiagoda, Gorakana and Godabasa. The army which came by the land route advanced up to Matale where they encamp4: Under such circumstances Bhuvanekabahu V is said to ave fled from Gampola and the task of planning military operations against the invading armies was left to the miti. tary leaders of the hill country. The latter organised a night attack against the invading army which resulted in its defeat and retreat. It would also appear that the Alakcsvara who the Sinhalese resistance against the armies of Jaffna on
42. Rjv trans. p.67. 4. CHC, vol 1, pt, II, pp. 646 - 647. 44 Rjv, trans., p.67.
Page 137
TE ARYA CAKAVARTTTS AND THE KENGS OF GAMPOLA 255
this occasion was Virahahu, the nephew of Alagakk nára referred to in thc Niyamga impaya in Scription. That Virah.ht had sought a war against a Tamil army is suggested by the Nikāya Sangrahaya which states that Virabahu who was endowed with noble qualities had enjoyed great famc, and a chie ved great distinction and by employing various dc vices had defeat cd the Tamils, Malayalis and Muslims."
Although the armies of the Arya cakravartti were repulsed the impact of his invasion on the politics of the Sinhalese kingdom was considerable. Bhuvanekabâhu’s flight from Gampola was an indication of his incompetence. The prestige and power of the king suffered irretrievably in consequence of his flight and he probably lost control over the official hierarchy at Gampola. The suggessful efforts of Virabahu in organizing the defence and thwarting the designs of the invading forces seem to have enhanced hjs position and whetted his ambition. Taking advantage of the situation that had a risen at Gampola owing to the king's weakness, Virabahu assumed royal power. Besides, his elder brother, Vira Alakesvara, who contested him, was defeated and was compelled by circumstances to seek refuge in India. Thus Virabahu Secured Supreme power in the kingdom while the king, Bhuvanekabahu who retained his crown and royal title lost all effective authority and eventually moved into Kotte.
- - - - - - - - - ംബ
-45, NKS p. 24
Page 138
ΧIΙ
Jaffna, Vijayanagara and Kotte
The development of Vijayanagara power in South India. during the last quarter of the fourteenth century and the rise of the kingdom of Kotte under Parakramabahu VI (141267) led to a corresponding decline in the power and influence of the Arya cakravarttis. Their control of the Indo-Ceylon trade through the palk-strait aid their monopoly over the pearl fisheries and the pearl trade were seriously threatened after the Vijayanagara conquest of the Tamil country around 1370 by Kamparia. The Vijayanagara rulers, through their Viceroys in the Tamil country, sought to establish their suzerainty over Jaffna and exact tribute from her rulers. The Arya cakravarttis who could not resist the power of their over mighty neighbour in South India had to recognise Vijayanagara claims for overlordship and tribute.
This subordinate relationship Which the Arya cakravartti had with Vijayanagara was not entirely disadvantageous to him. As is usual, the Suzerain power had to discharge its own obligations towards its subordinate allies and vassals and the Arya cakravartti could seek and obtain aid from Vijayanagara dominions whenever he was attacked by others. But the nature of such a relationship depended to a large, extent on the political conditions in Vijayanagara. The south Indian empire which was held together by a system of overlordship was often weakened by wars of
JAFFNA, VIJAYANAGARA AND KOTTE 257
succession and the rebellions caused by provincial governors Whenever the central government lost hold over the south ern provinces the ruler of Jaffna could withhold tribute to Vijayanagara but ironically, at such times, he was in a weak position in relation to his neighbours within the island as he could not secure effective Support from Vijayanagara when attacked by them. In fact such a situation arose when Parakramabahu was ruling over the kingdom of Kotte.
The nature of the relationship between Vijayanagara and the kingdoms of Ceylon during Kampana's viceroyalty in the Tamil country is not clear. The Madhuravijayam, a panegyrical text extolling the chievements of Kampaņa, claims that the messengers of the kings of the Keralas and the Sinhalas came to his court and paid obeisance to him. This claim cannot, however, be regarded as evidence to show that Kampana had brought Kerala and Ceylon under his control. Referring to the Vijayanagara empire in about A.D. 1378 Ferishta says that the kings of Malabar, Ceylon and other countries kept ambassadors at the Raya's court and sent rich presents to him annually. Although the sending of presents to Vijayanagara by a ruler of Ceylon need not necessarily imply that he was tributary to that empire thc evidence from the inscriptions of Virupaksa suggests that the island or a part of it had been brought under the influence of Vijayatagara towards the end of the fourteenth country.
From the time of FHarihara II Vijayanagara inscriptions refer to Ccyion. The Alamp indi inscription of Saka lì)5 (A. D . 383 j<3) Stutes that having CO2) que red, the kiings of
1, For a history of Vijaya nagral s. e IV. A. Nilallkanta Sast i and N. V on kutarama nayya, fir í her Sourcos ojo Vij vanagara History pp. 26-27.
2, UHC, vol. ї, pt 2, p 6S7
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258 THE KINGDOM OF JAFENA
fundira, Cola and the Pandya countries and the Sinhalese, he presented crystals and other jewels to his father'. His Ariyur plates mention that he planted a pillar of victory in Sinhala. The Narayanivilasa in also refers to the planting of the pillar of victory in Sinhala by Virupaksa. Virupa. ksa's claim that he conquered the Tundira, Cola and Pandya countries suggests that Vijayanagara authority had to be reestablished in the Tamil country during the reign of Harihara I. The conquest of Ceylon claimed by Virupaksa Seems to have been connected with his re-estabilishment of Vijayanagara power in the Tamil country. From the evidence of virūpākşa’s inscriptions Nilakanta Sastri surmises that the aims made by Virupaksa refer to the "reconquest of only the northern part of the island, including the Jaffna peninsula'. Moreover he contends that the island that was thus reconquered was under the control of Vijayanagara at least throughout the reign of Harihara II.'
The Vijayanagara government lost its control over the southern provinces, once again, on the death of Harihara II Harihara's reign was followed by a pcriod of 'struggle for the throne among his sons. Virupaksa seized the throne at first, but later he was ousted by Bukkha who ruled for about two years (1404-1406)." In connection with the events of this period the Portuguese chronicler Nuniz says: 'Ajarao took Goa and Chaul, and Dabull, and Caillao (Ceylon) and
3- EJ, III, No. 33
4. Indian Antiquary, Vol. 38, p. 12. 5. Sources of Vijayanagara History, p. 53.
6. UCHC, vol. I, pt II, p. 687.
7. Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, p. 85.
JAFFNA, VIJAYANAGARA AND KOTTE 259
all the country of the Choramadell, which had all rebelled after the first destruction of the kingdom'. This evidence iron Nuni, is interesting in that it includes Ceylon among the countries which had rebelled against the Vijayanagara government when central centrol became ineffective owing to the dissensions at the imperial court. It presupposes that one of the kingdoms in Ceylon, Jaffna, was under Vijayanagara suzerainty carlier. The Arya cakkravartti took advantage of the political instability in Vijayanagara and on this occasion as on several others, ignored the claims for tribute and suzerainty made by the Vijayanagara government.
lf as Nilakanta Sastri Suggests, the name Ajirao refer. ted to by Nuniz is a corruption of that of Viripaksa, it may be assumed that Virupaksa once again brought under his control the kingdom of Jaffna which had along with other dependencies slipped out of the control of Vijayanagara.9 But the Arya Cakravartti appears to have asserted his independence once again in the interlude between the reigns of Virtipaksa and ) evaraya II because a Vijayanagara expedition had to loc sciat against the ruter of Jaflin“ under Lakkaa Daụụảyaka during the reign of Deva raya. s
Since the accession of Devaraya I (1422-1446) ya nagara regained much of its power that was lost thc reign of Harihara II. Devaraya II set the stage for further expansion and made Some conquests in the Easters 1).cccan. Some time before 1342 he occupied the Reddi king(loin of Kongavidu and succeeded in pushing the eastern frontier of his kingdom up to the Krishna. Besides, he successfully defended the kingdom of Rajamundhry from the
Vija a after
R. UCHC, vol. I, pt II, p.687; So woll, A Forgotto in Empire, p. 46.
9), U'CHC, vo1, II, pt II
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260 E KI NGLy(M1 ( ) ? JA 11FNA
attacks of Kanilesvara Gajarati. Despite his preoccu natiot in the eastern Dcccan, Dc variya was resourceful enough to direct his encrgics in the southern provinces as well. During his reign thc Tamil country was gov crn cd by the grcat gencrall and administrator Lakkal ; il Dauhãyaka. The Tirunni vikkui iscription engraved on his tyrders testifies t hat he had sent a cavalry force across the sc: (sa in til ra y; . r.) s t h c conqucst of Yippiņappațiimann and Ilam." The cxpedition was directed against Jaffna and another kingdom in the island referred to in the inscriptics in as lan. Ilam in this instance, as wii b c secum lac r, was a reference to the kingdom of Ete. This expedition sccms to have met with Some succcs hecause in anscther inscription, of Sal. a 1363 (A. UD. 1441/42) Dcvarāya is dcscribcd as I la ra *irai ko: t:2, 't lic ono w ho levicd tribut c siooni (cylon".'' Thc expcdition scnt cit:t by Lakkanna hed presu naby the cffect of re-inm prising Vijayana gafal vergrdship o'c' the kingdom of Jaffna. Such a conclusion is suppo cd is the claim made by Nuniz that the kings of Quilon ard Ccylan raid tributc to DCvaräy)." The Vijayanaga ya army scii t by Lakka; 1a Sec !ms tç have attackcd Prākramab hu \ f as cr SucCCSKS fully inducing thc Ärya cakravartti to aclarowledge V:i'nyatag3 ra claims fer overlordship and riblic. The cxpedition against Ilam referred to in the Tirumi tikkuli inscription scens to be t qc () Inc dcscribccd as the CanarcSc invasion in the Sinhalesc Sources rciating to thc reign of Parā krannabānu V o Kotte.
Kotte, originally intcildci to be a bastion of defence against ille arrinics of the Aiya cakravartti became thc princi; ai scat of administratin in the Sinhalese kingdom by tlhc b,:gi;n1ning of thc sistcoth ccnt ry. Vira Alakesvara was ruling from thorc when the Chincse admiral Cheng-HQ
10. ९: ; २०11, 1I 1. No. 77*. 1 . S, i ! . w- 1. W { 1 !, N, y *i!?
2 U 11C, vol. , it l. SS
A l'NA, Vo 13 AY ANAGARA ANY K() ll (E 2(l
'attacked and captured him in 1411. Thc shifting of thc capital fron Gampola to Kotte was largely duc to thc cconomic potcntialitics of thic South-Westcrin lo "vlands. In the south western plains cd by heavy rains during two monsoons two crops could be raiscd annually and agricultural production could sustain a greater concentration of population and yield iuch more reventic to thc royal t cast iry than the central highlands whicre agricultural land was li: it cd. Anothcr (ictor which favoured agricultural production was the possibility of artificial irrigation by the diversion of natural streatins by means of channels. Another considcration, perhaps (lic more important one was the development of forcign trade cinicfly in spice produced in the lowlands. The cultural achievements of the reign of Parakrainabiahu VI Were largely clic to the effectivc mobilization of these resources.
Parakramabahu VI who came to thc direction of assairs in the Sinhalesc kingdom around 1415 had considerable ability for leadership and organization and under him the Sinhalcse monarchy revived after a long period of declinc. Not concint with what he hagi acquired at his accession Inc inade efforts to become the master of thc who c island. the resources at his disposal being substantially greater than those of any other contemporary ruler in Sri Lanka he was able to reducc one after another the other kingdoms and principalitics to varying degrees of subjection.
The Canarcse invasion, thc rebellion and defeat of Joti Sita main thc hill country, the conquest of the cighteen Vannis and Jaffna, the war against Malawarãya of Adivirara mapatinam ary hic main political cvents of Paråkramabãlhus reign that arc intentioncol in the versions of the Rajivaliya and contemporary poetical works which constitute the principal body of it crac Sources for his reign. But these events are not incutionct
ı −m«M m« - - -- -- - ܚ - SLSLSSSSSSLSSSSSSSMSSSLSSSSS S SSS S SSSqqqSq qLLSS SSSS SSSSSSSSSS SSSSSSS qqSSSSqqqSqq S SS SL SSSqqSS S S SSSSSS
13. li. V. Codri igton, "Tiho problom of tho Kotagama inscription'
JRASCIS vol. XXXII ion. 214-25
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262 Tile KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
in any chronological order or historical scquencC. Nor could such order he expected in chronicles and poetical works of this nature.
Two contcmporary Sinha lese tcxts, thc (Gir ā Santo saya and I’larak u mba Sirit, which contain cu logistic (!ci criptions of Parikramabahu's evloits, briefly refer to thc war he fought against the Karnatas. The Giar Saude say a states that he subdued (the armies of) the irresistible Kannadi king' while the other text claims that Parakramabahu "destroyed the gate of the city of thc Karnātas”.* # lie Alaics varayuddhaya, a later Sinfalcse text, records some details of the Canarese war referred to in thcse contemporary texts. It states: The armies of the Kannadi king who had borine the epi thet 'The Lord of the sour oceans', came in slips and entered the kingdom with the object of making war. They were defeated by the army sent by the king and in conseqence of this victory the fame of Parakramabahu extended all over Jambudviva's 'This account suggests titat the Kingdom of Kotte of under Parākramabāhu was attacked by an army sent by a Canaeres king and that the army had come by Sea. That this was a Vijayanagara army is clear from the Claim made in the chronicle that the Kannadi king had the cpithct, “The Lord of the four oceans”. The * epit het Catus - samudradhipati meaning "The Lord of the four oceans' was assumed by many successive rulers of Vijayanagara and the account of the chronicle shows that some of the Sir litese
literati were aware of the Vijayanagara practice of using this epithet.
The details of a Vijayanagara invasion as found in the Alakesverayuddhaya seem to have been preserved in the source that were available to Valentijn who says: "Not long after
14. Girā Sandesaya, ed. HL. Jayntilake, Colombo, S83, vv. 132—1 &3. 15. Parakumba sirita od. E ID. P. Vikramasinlua, Colomb , 9S4, V 7) 16. Alakesvarayuddhaya cd E. V. Su aveera, Colombo, 1965, P. 28
JAFFNA, V JAYA NAGARA ANI) KOTTE 263
wards (after the birth of the king's daughter Ulakudaya devi) the emperor (Parakramabahu) was unexpectedly attacked by a large army, which had been sent to Ceylon with a numerous fleet by the king of Canara. But this prince having speedily gathered together some troops defeated that army, which act gave him throughout the whole east a
formidable name and made him much beloved by his people 7.
In its order of narration the Alakesvarayuddhay a places the Canarese invasion before Sapumal's conquest of Jaffna which was accomplished around 1450. According to Venlentiin that event occured not long after the birth of the king's daughter Ulakudaya devi. In the thirtysixth year of the king, corresponding to A. D. 1448, the princess was already married and had even produced an offspring.' If, is Codrington assumes, she was sixteen years of age by thein, she would have been born approximately around A. D. 1432." Valentijn states, as seen carlier, that the Canarese invasion took place shortly after her birth.
The Canarese invasion referred to by the Sinhalese sources and Valentijn must be the same as the one against Ian mentioned in the Tirumanikkuli inscription. The text of this inscription suggests that by about 1435 the expedition had already been sent against the two kingdoms in Ceylon. All the Sinha lese sources assert in no uncertain terms that Par ākramabahu won a great victory over the Canarese armics and it may therefore be assumed that the Canarese armies were ultimately defeated after they had gained some initial Success in their invasion of the kingdom of Kotte. Parakramabahu acquired great prestige after this triumph and
1. Quoted from a reprint of Donald Ferguson's t anslation in JRASCB
vol XXII, No, G3, pp. 36-37
8. Alakes rara'uddhaya, p. 22.
19. JRASCP, voi YYYII, No. 85. p. 217
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264 TIE KING EDOM OF JAFFNA
was subsequently able to consolidate his power effectively
in Kotic and was able to embark on a carecr of conquest and cxpansion.
Thc contemporary literary works and thc Sinhalesc chronicles mention the conquest of thc Vanni principalitics as one of thc major achievements of Parākramabahu's reign. In most of these texts the principalitics conquered by the king are said to have been eighteen.
The number cighteen as applied to the Vanni Pritc. palities in the Sinhalese texts sccms to be a conventional oric derived from an Indian tradition. 20. The cwact nutanber of such principalitics in the island during this period cannot. bc determined with the cvidcnce availabalc at present. The sources, however, as secn earlicr, are not cosistent in P9 the conquest of thc Vannis in their order of narration. The Räija 7" aliya version and the Parakumba sirita rcfer to the conquest of the Vanni before relating the acco of thc War with Jaffna.2 The (ira sandesaya relates these two Vents in thc reverse order. As historical sequence cannot be cxpected in poetical works Codrington suggests that the order of the Rajavaliya has to be preferred to that of the Giri sandesaya and adds that the conquest of the Vann S Jrcly preceded that of Jaffna. Such a conclusion seems to
20. l'he South Indian inscriptions niso rofor to eightoon vanniyar. Some Vijayanngara inscriptions show that tho lāya had such cepit hots as u fil@aar 'G) 6, cât assuri & Gast Gisy” Tho dostroy or of thio oighALL GGGLLLLLLL LLLLL TSTTOTOTT tt T tttTH 0S000 S tSTL JBB L L teeS
fc ono who dofeated tho oightcen Vanniyar”. Soc IPS, No. “752, 75SR.
Sono Rajarajiya vorsions rofer to tho conquost of the vannis vnilo (thors do not rofor to it. Tho versions that refer to it aro (1) Br. fusoum Mss. Or.4971 folio 6a and (2) Rjv ed Watuwatte lomananda Jhikkhu.
JAFFNA, v1}AYANAGARA ANi» 1« OTTE 65
be supported by the account of the Yã1ppã na Vaipavamalai which asserts that Kanakacuriya citikaiyariyan fled to India in consequence of a Sinhalesc insurrcction supported by the Vanniyar.22 Thc Sinhalicsc insurrection rcfcrrel to in this chronicle is doubtless a veiled allusion to Sanumal's invasion and the claim that this was supported by thc vanniyar could imply that the rulcrs of the Vanni had come c c r the invaders. It may bc assumed that Sapumal received thc submisson of the Vanni chicss before he invaded Jaffna and induccd thcm to suppoit him in his cxpedition against the king of Jaffna.
Thc claim made in the Gira sandesay a that Tarikramabahti conquered the cightccin Vannis which did not submit to any previous king is significant. The author of this pccm was of the belief that this achievement of Parakrainabilhu was one which could not be realized under any of his predecessors. The Vannis were for the most part situated it considerable distance from thc centres of inhalese political power and Siclic cd by thc stretchcs of jingle-coverell territry the chieftains of these priucipalities could devels and Sustain a spirit of independence. The declinc in the power ind influence of the Sinhalese monarchy saw a corresponding rise in the power of these chicftains since the reign of Taraki'annabihu ll, who is said to have received homage and tribute from some of the Vanni chiefs of Rajirata
Ind Rohana.
i is a reticalls the Vanniya is derived their power a rul authority from the king. The ceremony of investiture helped to re-iti force the monarch's claim of supremacy. Whchever ( chieftain attained the rank of a Vanniyar of Vanniraja he was expected to receive his investiture and the insignia of his rank from the king. Generally, the chiefs were bound
22. УиM, pp. 44-45
), GS, v 128
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266 THE KING DOM OF JA FNA
to pay homage and tribute annually and had to appear at the court on ceremonial occasions and also whenever Slim moned by the king. The tribute which consisted mainly of clephants, elephant tusks, wax, honey and perhaps also timber was a source of substantial income for the court. The failure on the part of the chicftains to scind the annual tribute and appear before the king could gencrally be viewed by the court circles as an act of disloyalty and hostility.
The annual tribute and the ceremony of investiture which were the two vita links in the relationship bctween the suzerain power and the chieftains of the Vanni Were often matters of dispute. The maintenance of these links depended on the relative strength and influence of thc king and his feudatories. Only a ruler who had adequate resources and remarkable qualities of leadership and organization could elicit submission and homage from the chieftains in the outlying provinces of the kingdom. The progressive declinc in the power and influence of the Sinhalesc monarchy in the long peric d that intervened the reigns of Parākramabāhu II and the sixth ruler of that name had led in some measure to the growth of Vanniyar power. The chireftains of the Vanni principalities ignored the claims of their suzerain and exercised unfettered authority in almost all the regions beyond the Arya cakravartti's sphere of influence and authority.
The rank of Vanniyar was mostly held on a hereditary basis and was confined to the most influential family among the aristocray of landholders in the locality. The power and authority exercised by the Vanniyar was in most cascs similar to that of a king and therefore some European writers of the colonial period refer to some of the chieftains of the Wanni as princes. The Vanniyars made all appointments in the administiation cf their respectiv c principalities and collected all taxcs duc to the lord of the land. Bcsides, they ad
JAFF; A, vJAYANAG ARA A Y Koi . 6T
ministered justice and mobiliscd i hic iabnur resources and the compulsory scrvices which the reople had to rend Cr to the lord of the land. When they exercised unfettered authority the Vanniyars had the power to impose capital punishment for heinous crimes committed by thcir subjects. Thcy maintained their own armies and some of them were quite powerful.
The principalities under the controal of chieftains styled Vanniyar were spread over an arca compring large stretches of territory in the north central, northern and eastern portions of the island.?' Besides there were a sov such principalitics in and around Puttalam on the wes crin litt Oral, The history of these chieftains during the fourteenth and sistenth centuries remains largely obscure except in the case of those in Puttalam and Trinconnalee. The only stone in scriptions recording the transactions of Wanniyar chiefs in the island brought to light hitherto are in the Trincoralee district. One of these which is indited on a stone pillar at Kankuveli records a grant made by the chieftain called Malaiyil Vanniyanār and the Atappar , "Headmen, of seven villages to the shrine of Kopain.atar. The grant which was attested by the notalimai tānam ard Varip parru included land and the income from the meadows at Kainki; Veli.' The inscription is undated but on palaeographical considerations it could be assigned to the late fourteenth century, The historical value of the information contained therein depend on the identification of the chieftain who inade the grant. Those who drafted the text have it it cated to thesition the personal name of the chieftain concerned. He is siin ply referred to as Malaiyil Vanniyanar which wo:ild mean the
24. seo Chaptor v, pp. 122-125
25. IS, Indrapala, “Kankuvēlikkalvetu 3. Cintanai vol , Nos, 2-3
lor. 37-40, A. Velupillai, A. Notecn the Verugal Inscription, CTI pt. I, pp. 9——II 1
0. 'Kankuvelikkau’, Cintanai vol II, Nos ,2-3, pp. 37. - 40
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268 H. KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
vanniyanar of Malai. Malai in this instance has to be taken as a reference to Tirukonamalai, especially in view of the fact that no other locality in the Trincomalee district could be referred to as Malai, The provenance of the inscription also suggests that the chieftain referred to in this Tamil inscription was one who was ruling over the principality of Trincomalee. The grant of land by the Vanniyanar and the absence of any reference to any suzerain in the epigraph Suggest that he was in fact the lord of the land' and in that capacity exercised unfettered authority within his princi pality. The Atappar or Headmen of villages were under his direct authority and were associated with him in matters of government. 27 There is no evidence to suggest that Trincomalee and other principalities of the Vanni in the eastern littoral were reduced to submission by Parākramabahu VI.
The so-called eighteen Vannis which he is said to have conquered must have been confined to the Vanni areas outside the eastern littoral. There is some indication in contemporary sources about the campaigns conducted by Parākramabâhu against local chieftains. The Parakumba sirita for instance makes mention of this reduction from Dambadeniya of the strongholds of local rulers. It may be assumed that the king proceeded to Dambadeniya with the object of Scouring the submission of the local rulers in the Mahavanni.
Another campaign fought by the ruler of Kotte is Said to have been directed against “the Mukara king. The Parakumba sirit a claims that Parākramabahu destroyed the race of 'the Mukara king' The expression which translates the Mukara king' cannot make any sense unless it is assumed
.27. Atappar or Atappanar was the desibonation of headmen of villages
inhabited by sea-faring communities,
.28. PKS,
29. PKS,
JAFFNA, VIJAYANAGARA AND KOTTE 269
that Mukara is a textual corruption of Mukkara which is the Sinhalese form of Mukku var. The refore, the “Mukara king” overthrown in battle by Parāk rama bahu must have been a chief of the Mukkuvar. Mukkuver Settlements organized under chieftains styled Vanniyar were to be found only in Puttalam ard Batticaloa. As the e is no tradition of a conflict between the Mukkuvar of Batticaloa and this king and because Parākramabahu is known to have waged a war against the Mukkuvar of Puttalam it may be concluded that the Mukara king' referred to in the Parakumba sirit a was the Wanniyar chief of Puttalam.
The origins of the Mukkuvar settlements in and around puttalam are obscure. The growth of Mukkuvar settlements in the Western littoral was presumably the result of periodic migrations from Kerala. But the development of a principality dominated by the Mukkuvar chiefs was probably connected with the settlement of mercenaries who were granted by kings lands for settlement and cultivation. It is even probable that Mukkuvar chiefs were raised to the rank of Vanniyar in Puttalam as in Batticaloa by Migha. Some sannasas issued in later tildes show that the social and political organization of the Mukkuvar settled in PuttaJan were basically similar to those of the Mukkuvar of Malabar. They maintained a judicial tribunal called Muttiraj ku tam or Muttirai maņ“apam which had as its counterpart, the Rajiam in Malabar This tribunal consisted of eighteen members all of whom were styled Vanniyar and were endowed with lands and certain special privileges. In later times there were two divisions in Puttalam, Rajavannipattu and Kumara vannipattu; which were under the authority cs chiefs styled Vanniyar. In the early fifteenth century thc Mukkuvar chieftains of Puttalam Were found to be quitc powerful and tradition claims that Perkrama
:10. Simon Casie Chitty, The Ceylon Gazetteer Cotta Church Mission Press
1834, рр 190—191
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J270 TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
. bahu's armies were strongly resisted by the Mukkuvar. The Mukkara hatana an eighteenth century Sinhalese text, records some details of the campaign which Parākramabahu waged against the Mukkuvar chief of Puttalam. The account of Parākramabāhu's war as recorded in this text may briefly be suitarized as follows:
. In the reign of Parikramabãihu of Kotic the Mukku var launched a struggle against the king from their strongholds at Puttalan, Punnala and Nagapathinam. As they proved to be very formidable the king had to raise a large army. After consulting his ministers the king brought a large number of mercenaries from Katicipuram, Kiakkarai and Kaveripassinam. They were sent under the leadership of their chief Manikka talaivan to subdue the Mukkuvar. They fought heroically against the king's enemies and in the encounter ...they sustained heavy losses; even their leader Manikka tailaivan fell in battle. Despite heavy losses they ultimately succeeded in occupying the strongholds of the Mukkuvar. The king who was gratified with their services settled them at Migamuwa and granted them lands at Anaulundava, Munnesaram, Miganuva and other localitics. He issued also proclamation exempting them from all port-dues and taxes.
The foregoing account Suggests that Parakramabahu VI i raised a large army which - included a large number of mercenaries from South India. As they belonged to a community of, intrepid seamen it may be assumed that the employment. of such mercenaries contributed in some way to the creation of a fleet that is known to have existed in his reign. On the combined testimony of the Parakumba sirita and Mukkara hatana it may be concluded that the chieftains of Puttalam were reduced to submission and brought under the suzerainty of Kotte. There is no evidence
-31. M. D. Raghavan, . The Karava of Ceylon, pp 16-19
JAFFNA, VIJAYANAGA RA AN1) KOT1E 27
to suggest that the conquest led to any territorial annexation. As there is clear evidence to show that local chieftains were ruling over Puttalam in the later period it has to be assumed that Parakramabahu's compaigns against the chiefs of Puttalam and other principalities were undertaken with a view to establish the king's claim of Supremacy and suzerainty over them.
As the Kokila sandesaya as Scrts that Prince Sapumal was placed in authority over , the eighteen principalities after the conquest of Jaffna it may be assumed that most of these principalities were previously tributary to the ruler of Jaffna. In this conncction it should be noted that Queyroz. asserts that the Vanni principalities which were tributary to the king of Jaffnapatnam extended up to Chilaw. “.
Parakramabahu's conquest of the Vanni principalities was followed by invasions against Jaffna. In the early fifteenth century the economic and military power of the Arya cakravartti was considerably reduced as a result of the political changes that took place in South India and in the Sinhalese kingdom. His power and influence in the region declined in consequence of the establishment of Vijayanagara power in the Tamil country. The Arya cakravartti lost the commanding position he once held over the Indo - Ceylon straits and thereby he was deprived of the opportunity of securing for himself a considerable share of the profits of the lucrative Indo-Ceylon trade. The Vijayanagara rulers claimed overlordship over him and exacted tribute whenever possible and this tribute must have amounted to a considerable portion of the Arya cakravartt ti's revenues. Besides, the agricultural resources of his modest kingdom were
32. The Ceylon Gazetteer, pp. 190-191
33. JRASCB, vol. XXII, No. 63, 1910, pp. 28-29 34. Queyroz, p. 47 ... '
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THE KINGDOM OF JAfFNA
Jimitcd and could not have yiclded large amounts of revenue. Under, such circumstances the king of Jaffna was no longer capable of raising and maintaining a large army. The decline of the Arya cakravartti’s power i and influence corresponded with the revival of Sinhalese political power under Parakramabāhu Vl. Thc Sinha lese kingdom, around this time, had as its nucleus thc fertile and extensive south - western plain and thcresorc thc manpower and matcrial resources of Parakramabahu VI werc much greater than those of any othcr ruicr in thc island. Parakranab, thu had embarked on a carcer of cxpansion after consolidating his power within Kotte and since his subjugation of thc. principalities of the Vanni his attack on Jaffna was almost incvitabic.
THhc conquest of Jaffna accomplished by Sapiumal was one of the main cvcnts of Para krami balus reign which atrac{c the attention of thc contemporary author's of Sinhalese poems and chroniclers of later periods. The conquest of Jaffna aroused great jubilation among court circles within Kotte aid the Kokila sandesuya w;'s climposed in honour of thc conqueror Sapunal. This text throws som c light on Sapuma's activities in Jaffna but the data fourd in texts of this nature have to be used with great caution as they are prone to cxaggerate cut of proportion the achicvciments and the great qualities of their icrocs.
Thc Rājāvaiiya and the two Portīgu csc historians de Couto and de Qucyros who derived their information from local traditions, record some details of Sapurnal's conquest of Jastria The : aji ya!iya gives the following account of Sapunal's
invasion:
w
The king thought that it was not proper that there should be two kingdoms in Lanka and sent Scnau yaka Sapunnal k matra with , an at my to Yip, p, tuna. The prince attacked several villages in
"Y AFFNA, VIJAYANAGARA AND KOTTE 273
'that kingdom, brought prisoners to the city of Kotte and delivered them to the king, Parakramabahu. He was sent once again by the king to invade Jaffna and on this occasion Sapumal took several military outposts which had been erccted at different places and entered the town of Yápapa una where he cncount cred thc Tuluva troops. Sapumal created such a carnage that thc strects of Yapapatuna were filled with blood. te slew the Arya cakravartti took his consort and children prisoners, brought them to Kotte and presented himself before Parakramabahu. The king conferred on him many favours and sent him to rule the kingdom of Yapapauna.
De Couto gives a slightly different version of Sapumal and his conquest of Jaffna. He states: "In the time of this king (Parakramabahu VI) there arrived at the city of Kotte from the opposite coast a Panical of the caste of those kings, a man of great activity and Sagacity whom the king welcomed, and married him to a woman of rank, by whom he had two sons and a daughter. When these lads grew up and came to have such power in the kingdom, that the king noticed in them a change of disposition from which he feated that on his death they would murder his grandson. And disscrubling with regard to this, he resolved to separate them which he did, commanding the two brothers to go and subject for him the kingdom of Jafanapatao which had rcbelled against him, conferring on the elder one, who was Quclba Peruma). the title of king of that dominion with the obligation of Vassa lage. This man who was a very grea t horseman, in a few days made himself master of that dominion.' '
De Couto's account is basic illy in agreement with thc Rajavaliya in stating that Sapumal conquered Jaffna and
S. Rjy trans pp. 68-69 (8 JRASCB . XIX, No 60, 1908, pp. 68— 69
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274 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
was appointed ruler of that Kingdom by Parakramabahu; In all other respccts the two accounts differ from one another. The invasion and conquest of Jaffna claimed in the literary sources is confirmed by the evidence from two Tamil inscriptions set up in the reign of Parakramabahu.
One of them, the Munnesvaram inscription of the thirty-eighth ycar of Parākramabahu testifies that Parākramabahu had
lhorne the cpit het Pararājasekha rabhujanga, “A scr pcmt to king Para rajasickhara (n). "*7 Para rājase'k haran was one of the two alternate consccration names assunncd by the Arya cakra. varttis of Jaffna and it may be inferred that the ruler of Jaffna who was the contemporary of Parak romabahu had the consecration na mc l’ara räjillisekharar”. Thc assumption of the epithet Fararaj sekharabhujafiga by Parakramabahu suggests that he had vanquished the King of Jaffna. Incontrovertible evidence for the conquest of Jaffna is to be found in the fragmentary Tamil inscription at the entrance of a building at Main Street, Jaffna. The inscription runs:
Sri Cañikapõtiva(r) marāna Ti(ru puvaina)c cakka (raj Vattika (1) Ciri Parākkiramapāku. tēva ( ku) yānu... (ā) vatu (kku e) ti ravatu......
The ruler mentioned in this inscription has to be identified as Parakramabahu VI on account of several considerations. Among the ru'ers who had the name Parakramabahu only two kings, Parakramabahu I and Parākramabahu VI are known to have held sway over Jaffna. The letters of the epigraph are far more developed than those found in the Nainativu inscription of Parak ramabahu I and they are re
; 7 s. Pathmanathon 'The Munnesvaram Tamil Inscription of Parâkaramabahu VI, JRASCB, New Serios, vol. XVIII, 1974. pp. 54-69
38 K. Indrapala, “The Jaffne. (Main Street) Inscription of tho reign. of Parakrania bahu WI, ET, vol. I pt., II, 1971, pp, 29 - 30
JAFFNA, V 1 JAY ANAGARA “AND KOTE 275
Inmarkably similar to those of the Tamil inscriptions at Munnesvaram and Naim mana both of which were engraved in the reign of Parak ramābāhu VI. On palaeographic consideraions the epigraph has to be assigncd to the fifteenth century. Moreover, the ruler is described in thc inscription ns Sri Carikabodhivarmar and Tiripuvanaccakkaravartti. Parakramabahu VI is so described in his two other Tamil inscriptions from Munnesvaram and Naim mana..' The manner of describing thc King's regnal year as Υή η ει... ή γatukku etiravati, "in the year...... opposite to that of...', is pcculiar to the Tamil inscriptions of Tarā krama bālu V. 40 The only other inscription wherein such a usage is to be lound is the Naim mana inscription. From the provenance os tine Jaffna Main Stricet in scription of Parak rannabāhu it may be concluded that the kingdom of Jaffna was consuccd and brought under the rule of Parakramababu WI at some stage during his reign.
The reason given by de Couto for Parakramabahu's invasion of Jaffna is an incredible one. Sapumal's conquest of Jaffna was accomplished before the birth of the king's grandson. The king could not have by any means anticipated any thrcats from Sapumal and his brother against a grandson who was yet to be burn. De Couto's na clronistic explanation was the result of some confusion titler on his part or in his sourccs. The explanation givci by thc author of the Rajavaliya about this matter is that thc king thought that it was not proper that there , hould be two kingdoms in the island. The chronicler is in this instance, attributing to Parakramabahu his own cominitinent to the timc-honoured idea that the whole island lould be under "one umbrella. This ideal was cherished
all, JRASCB New Series, vol XVIII, pp, 57-59
CII, pt. II, p. 57
4t), CT, pt II, p. 57
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276 E. KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
by the Sangha and the court purely on account of cconomic and political considerations. Nevcrtheless, it was always used to justify expansionist policies pursued by the court. In thc case of Parakramabahu's invasion of Jaffna there is no need to look for any special causes. No dynastic state was ever aver sc to tcrritorial cxpansion and annexation. The pursuit of expansionist policics and their Success depended on the circumstances. As pointed out earlier Parakramabahu's thrust against Jaffna was incvitable owing to the changes that were taking place in the island. Under circumstances which werc very favourablc to him Parakramabahu naturally sought to cstablish his supremacy over the whole island and sccure for his court the revenues of the cntire island.
The account of the Rajavaliya suggests that thcre were two invasions against Jaffna during the reign of Parakramabahu. On thc first occasion Sapumal is said to have taken prisoners after attacking the frontiers of the Kingdom. It may be inserred that the first expedition led by Sapumal against Jassina was unsuccessful and the chronicle seems to omit details that were unfavourable to the King of Kottc. The Arya cakra vartti was able to resist successfully, presumably with Vijayanagara support, the first invasión launched by Sapumal. Abdur-Razzaq who visited the court of Devaraya II in A. D. 1443 mentions that Dannayaka had on the previous year gone on a voyage to Ceylon. Dannayaka had gone to the island presumably bccause some fresh troubles had started there which required his personal intervention. It may be surmised that this dignitary undertook his voyage to Ceylon with a vicw to
41. Sewell. A Forgotten Empire London 1900, p. 74
JAIFFNA, VIJAYANAGARA AND KOTTE 277
rclicvc thc Arya cakravartti of thc pressure excrted by Kottc. It was perhaps on account of the support that the Arya cakravartti rcccivcd from Vijayanagar that Sapumal’s first invasion against Jaffna was unsuccessful.
The Rajavaliya records that Sapumal was sent again with an army by the king to invade Jaffna. Sapumal's Second cxpcdition against Jaffna was successful but the Sinhalese chronicles and contemporary Sinhalese texts have not recorded many details concerning his campaigns. The evidcncc from the Rājāvaliya and the Kokila Sandesa ya sllggests that his armies mct with stubborn resistanc at various places on their route to the Arya cakravartti's capital The transfer of allegiance on the part of the Vanni cliefs may have depleted the military potential of the king of Jaffna and demoralised his forces. Although stubhortly resisted by kannada troops at Jävakakotte, a milita ry oll" lost on the mainland which commanded access into the lafsna peninsula, Sipumal's army is said to have pressed towards the capital of Jaffna. Thc Arya cakravartti, in a tles retate bid to save his capital, is said to have ostetl regiments at several entrances to the city, which het: ille scenes of a bitterly fought battle. In order to intercept the ; (ivance of the invading forces he had sent detachments of 'spear-armed Tamils, Vanniyar leaders and Indian Muslims. Nevcrtheless they were all defeated and the Arya
akravartti, realizing thic futility of any further resistance fled to South India.
The claim made in the Rajavaliya that Supumal slew thc Arya cakravartti and took his consort and children as
captives to Kottc is unsoundcd. The Yalppana Vaipava
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TIB KINGDOM (YF JAFFNA א27
malai asserts that the king of Jaffna, Kanakacuriya Cinkaiyirian went to India taking with him, his consort and children aster having becn defeatcd in battle by the Sinhalese."
This claim made in the Tamil formation from the Kokila "I C Arya Cakravartti, having brought great, misery on himsel (, leaving his country fled across the sea.
chronicle receives coinSandesaya, which asserts:
Thc Yalppäta Vaipava mälai docs not ention Parakramabāhu(VI) or Sapumal by name. Nor does it say that it was on account of an invasion from Kottic that the king of Jaffna had to leave his kingdom. It only records that Kanakacoriya Cinkaiyarya in had to leave the kingdom in consequence of an insurrection created by the Sinhalesc who had secured the assistance of the Vanniyar. It also adds that during thc period of the king's rule which lasted seventeen years the kingdom was administered by a certain Vijayabahu. “ The mention of Vijayabahu in this context. sceins to be due to a confusion on the part of the author helwecn Sapumal and one of his lieutenants whom he left bchind to administcr Jaffna when he left for Kotte after Prākramabāhu” s dcath around 1467. Thc autor os tic Tamil chronicle apparcntly had no rcliable in foi imation about Sapumal's invasion and conquest of Jaffna. Besides he was unable to use thc informanation about Sapumal's rule in Jaffna as found in local traditions,
The claim made in the Tamil Chronicles that Sinhalesc rule over Jassina was of sevent cen years' duration prest pposes that Kanakacuriya Cinkaiyaiyan was dislodged from power around 1450. None of our sources specifically mentions thc date when Jaffna was conquered by Sapumal. As the
42. TyvMr.p. 444s T 43. ibid.
.4. ibid
y VEEN M W S AYAN \G \RM ASY R() : סרי
Munnesvaram inscription of the thirty-eight years of Parākramabalu describes him as 'ararajasekhara bhujanga. "The serpent to king Pararajasekaram' it may be inferred that the conquest (f Jaffina was already accomplish ch by the king's titly cighth regnal year which v. it: copr respond to A.D 1450 if we assume that the regnal years of the king wcre countcd from thc time hic scic: newct in Kotte in 14 12. Some light is thrown on this latter by thc Salalihiniya sandsaeya, which is believed to have been Wri
ten in A.D. 1449. In this poem, the messenger bird, on the journey from Kotte to Kalani, is asked to wit tness the triumphant return of Sapumal from Jaffna within a short distance after he had left the Capital." This implics that Sapumal had conquered Jaffna wlhcn the poem was being written.
Sapumal's conquest of Jaffna coincided with the decline of Vijayanagara power in South India. Since the accession of Mallikärjuna (1447 – 1465) Vijayanagara power begon t() del cinc. Ma ilik rjuna was attacked by the Bahmati Sultan Ala ud-din II (1435-61) and the Gajapati king of Orissa almost at the same time immediately after hi accession. Although the Riya is known to have repulsed his invaders, Mallikarjuna proved himself incapable of sustaining what was achieved for thc empire dur ing the rcign of Devarãya. The nobles of the kingdom took advantage of the wcakness of the central authority and local proverncrs became increasingly defiant of the Raya and the Gajapati invaded the castern province of his empire. His steady advance into Telinguna greatly weakened the Vijaya nagara power. The Gajapati occupied Rajamundhry, Add anki
4S, sntalihini Sandesa nd. K. W. de. Vi singhe, olomob,
1{,)/49), v. 269
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280 THE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Viņukonda and Koņçdavidu by about 1445 and later hic took Udayagiri and raided into the interior of the Tamil country.' During these years of the Gajapati's triumph Vijayanagara power vas rudely shakcn. In the south there was ironc of the calibre of Lakkanga Dannayaka to sustain the authority of the Vijayanagara government.
These developments in South India were to the immense advantage of Parikramabahu and thc Arya cakravartti who was tributary to Vijayanagara did not get any aid from the South Indian rulers at this time and therefore could not
maintain his power against the superior strength of the ruler of Kotte.
Once he was appointed ruler of Jaffna by the king of Kotte as claimed by de Couto and the Rajavaliya Sapumal seems to have consolidated his position there. He seems to have continued the traditional system of administration and received the co-operation of local chieftains and the army which was previously under the Arya cakravartti. His army in Jaffna is said to have been a composite one consisting of Tamils, Malayalis, Tuluvar and Sinsalese." As the Kokila sandesaya, a contemporary poem, asserts that he occupied a throne in Jaffna and held council with dignitaries it may be assumed that he ruled over Jaffna with the title and paraphernalia of royalty.
The assertion made by the author of the Yalppina Vaipavamalai that alien customs were iriposed on the people during the period of seventeen years of Sinhalese rule has no valid foundation. “ As testified by de Couto Sapunral himself was of Dravidian extraction, being the son of a
46. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and Venkataramanayya, Firther Source s
of Vijayanagara History, pp. 112-118.
47. Kokia Sandesa Varnanā cd W. F. Gunavarthanamudali, Colombo.
1962, v 254. *-
48. YVM, p. 45 - 46
JAFFNA, VIJAYANAGARA AND KOTTE 281
nobleman who had come to Kotte from Malabar. Tamil and Hindu influences on Sinha lese society during (/) is period were perhaps greater than ever. The king's daughtcr, who had a Tamil name Ulakudaya devi, was married to a South Indian Tamil prince called Nallur tunaiyar. Parkramabāhu himself had patronized Hindus and Hindu institutions and had issued charters in the Tamil language to Tamil subjects living in the kingdom of Kotte. On account. of thesc considerations the denunciation of Parākramahahu's rule in Jaffna by the Tamil chronicler would seem to be unjustified.
Tradition as embodied in a verse appended to the
Kailayamalai attributes the construction of the Kandaswamy temple to Bhuvanckabahu. It states; 'Bhuvanekabahu whose chests were adorned with the garlands of fragrant flowers constructed the city of Yalppaimann and the temple of Skanda in the year 870.9 This verse had existed before the Kailiya malai was written but the author of this chronicle who presumahly had no clear idea about Rhuvanekabihu has confused the traditions concerning Bhuvanekabihu with those relating to Citikaiayriyan I. As he was unaware that Bhuvanekabahu and Cinkaiyariyan I were two different kings who had ruled over Jaffna at different periods, and that the Cinkaiyariyan and Bhuvanekabāhu were credited with either the construction or the renovation of the town of Jaffna and, temples, the chronicler has harmonized the traditions by making Bhuvanekabahu a minister of the Cinkaiyariyan.
The claim that Bhuvanekabihu constructed the town of Jaffna is iconsistent with other traditions concerning the town of Jaffna. The Kailayamalai asserts that Cinkaiyariyan established
49. ΚM p. 23.
Page 151
282 . TIE KINGOOM OF JAFFNA
the royal residence at Nalltir. Thc Rajavaliya and other Sinhalese sources also assert that the Arya cakravarttis were ruling from Jaffna before Sapumal's conquest. The Kokila sandesaya incidentally mentions that Sapumal was also ruling from the samic town — Yāpāpa una, it cannot thercforc bc h (ld that the town of Jaffna was foundcd by Sapumal. ' The tradition that Bhuvanckabahu established thc town of Jaffna could be cxplained only by assuming that Sapumal had enlarged the old town by constructing additionol fortifications and buildings besides oldcr ones,
Thc claim made in the verse which is appended to the Kailayamalai that Sapumal constructed the Kandacuvami temple at Nallur is supportcd by thc katiyam a short text rccitcd daily at this tcmplc.*'' This Sanskrit text rcscrs to Sodasa mahādānah stirya ya msodiblhavah sirinnat Sanghabodili i Blut va Inckabālu and Sivagotrodhbhaval Raghunāt la māppāņa.
Thc temple must have bccn constructed bcsore Sapumal proccCdcd to Kotc after the death of Parakramabahu WI and it may bc inscrred from thc cvidencc of thc kattiyam that Sapumal had assumcd the title Sanghabodhi while lhe was in Jaffna. Sri Sanghabodhi was onc of thc altcrnatic titles assumcd by the Sinhalese kings on their consccration and Sapumal could not have assumed that title before the abdication or dcath of Parakramabahu. It may thercfore be assumed that Sapumal had proclaimed himsclf king of Kottc soon a ster thc abdication or death of thc old king and while he was living in Jaffna. On the basis of this
- ع۔حمت۔ ۔ ۔ ۔ “ ”�
50. Tho assertion of S. Parnnavitana ànd G.P.V. Samaratno that Snipunal had two consorts namod Gajavalli and Mahavalli is wrong. It arisos
from a misundorstanding of tho noan ing of tho toxt of tho Kațiyam and an ignoranco of Hindu mythology Cajvalli and Mahavalli toforod
to in this toxt aro doubtloss tho consorts of...Subramanya in IIindu mythology.
JAFFNA, VIJAYANAGARA AND KOT1E 283
assumption it may bc inscrred that the templc at Nallur was constructed towards thc end of his Tule in Jaffna.
Despite his failure to defend his Kingdom, Kanakcatiriya cinkaiyariyan does not seem to have been a weak ruler" The Sinhalese sources convey the impression that he had taken stcps to mect the invading forces. The suzerainty of the ruler of Kottic over Jaffna could not be maintaincci a fitcr t lnc dennisc os Parãi krama bål u.
The old monarch nominated as his successor, his favourite grandson, the son of Ulakudayadcvi and dicci soon aster his abdication. Sapumal who claimed for himself thc thronc of Kottc lest Jaffna with an army and waged war against thc latc king's grandson and his support.crs. Santiinal, however, dcfeated his cnemics and scized thc thronc of Kotte. The supporters of Vira Parakramabahu organi i ved a widesprcad rebcllion, the Sihala Samghe, against tilhc new ruler and it took some time for Sapumal who had assum cd the name Bhuvanckabahu to consolida te his position within Kotte: His withdrawal of the armics from Jaffna and his preoccupation with the rcbcllions that followed his accession in Kotte enabled Kanakactiiya Cinkaiya riyan to rcgain his kingdom around this tim c. Thus Bhuvanckabahu gain cd onc kingdom bit lost another.
Page 152
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tti, Colombo, 1912.
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IBN BATTUTA translated and selected by H. A. R. Gibb,
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IISTORY OF CEY LON by Diogo de Couto, translatcd and
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NSTRUCTIONS FROM THE GOVERNOR GENERAL AN) C())N(SIL, OF INDIA TO "TI E GOVERNOR OF C:Y- LON (1656-1665) translatcd by Sophia Picters, Colombo, 1908 l’OIREIGN NOIJCES OF SOUTH INDIA collected and cditcd by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, University of Madras, 1939.
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K () IAI.
MAD RAS EPIGRAPHIC REPORTS (Annual Reports on
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A MANUAL OF NORTH ARCOT, pt I revised by H. A Stuart, Madras 1895
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GUNASINGHAM, S.
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INDRAPALA, K,
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NDEX
Names
Abdur Razzāq 276 Abhayanaga 21, A bona van 94 Adhirajendra Aggabodhi 22,24 Agastya 170
Akaracuran A lagak könāra
253 W lakcsvaras Alakiya colan 28 Alkon år 238, 240 A niganga 94 Apimāna rāman 79 Arya cakravartti (s) 5, 159, 160, 63, 69, 73,174, 5, 176, 177, 178,179,236,237;241,242,245 251,252,259,276
37,50
28
238,250,251,252,
238
Budalina van 94
Bhuvanckabahu II 158, 159, sy s II 229,
s 1 V 239
Buddhadaså 28
of persons
Candrabhānu 5, 150, 152, 155,
56
Cańkili 6,7, 156204 Cannman 2 13 Carrukkultātā 29
Cantiracekara mappanan 186 Cantiracėkara pāļiyan 219,
223 Cëkkilän caňkan 26, 31 Cekkian cenni 26
Celvarāyan 188 Cc pakamalavam 86 Ceņpakamāppāņam 86 Ceņpakamā tākkan 187 Cëtarayan 106,190 Codaganga 94. 104, 141, 142 Collakahkan 141 Colagangate van 158, 183 Cola mūventa vēlār 46 Cukatiran 133 Cupa tițu 215
Dappula 23 Dathasiva 22,24
Page 158
296
Dät hopatissa 22 de Queyroz 203 Euţţbagămani 20
Elāra
Gajabāhu 74,78,79
19,20,28
Harihara 258 Hatbadā ha 2,24 Hjaā bi 86
Ibn Battuta 234,235, 236, 238,
سنة 240
Jlañciñkamappä qan 212 }lanaga 21 Amayaņamātākkan 187
J'ai à varman Sundaa Pasadya 39,
17, 179 Jayabahu 63,106, 107 Jci įvaissa 22
Kâliakarayar 158 }:.anakacūriya Cinkaiyu iyan 6
219,220,220,278 Kanakamala van 186 Karaakarāyan 186 Kass pa V 27 Kuna cekara Cińkaiyāriyan
28,220 Kulottunga í H 99 Kulottninga Cinkäiyariyan
220. Kusjakkõțțan 39.140, 141 Kura pusara Cinkaiyariyan
218,C20 Kupavia Cihkaiyāriyan 219,220
Lakkaņņa Daņņāyaka 200 tahkapura 82 Līlā vati 94,100
Parā krama Pāņdya
THE KNGDCM of J AFFNA
Lokanāt ha 206,208 lokcs var 94, (’00
Mahind a il 30
R 1W 27
es V 23,32 Madhu ritmda 101
Magha 4,5,9, 02, 103, 104, 05
106, 10, 32, 34, 35 Mahāmā1mạ 20 Maina Scna 29 Malavarayan 189 Mina 23, 24 Mānavamma 23 Mānābhara 63 Māra varman Kulasekhara
73 Maravarman Sundara Paudya
35,145,189
53,
Matituńkan l73 Meyt te van 212
Na la vaiku 212
Nallavaku të van 212 Naňka jccami 81 Narasimhavar man 23 Nilaka gatam 186, 196 Nilappanikkan 23 Ni layinar 2 13 Nissanka Alagakkõnara 239 Nissanka 1mall:u 79,93
Pânţi malavan 185, 186, (88, 186 Par krama 95
Parākramabāhu i 63, 64,93
* * * * * l 14,148,152
y b i V 231
V 246,247,249 .., , VI 6,242,246 247,249,273,274,275
35,95
s y y
Potthakutha 24 29
NDEX
i'r hwi gan gan 127
Kajaraj l 32,3638,42,49,54,58
, , 46 Rajendra 34,39,40
Sahasamala 94,100
Sambu varayar 126, 127 Siklu l l 3 Sapunal 6,265,271.272,280,282
273,274,277,279,280 Senalan kadilikāra 240,250 Scna 19,23 Sci 27
,, V 33
Sirinaga 22 Siri V | abha 99 Son esvara 146 Stratissa 19
l'inci kat FA 135 'l issu 16, ! 9
tit Viracinkan 22
Geographic
Adicclainallur 6 Akampa is 47,73,78,89 Altı tıpuudi 257 A unuluni ava 68 Ainur dhap ra 16, 17, 18, 24, 28
()(),230 A urru var 25,49 Aiyar Panicateciyar 172 203,212,216,217 atruוויןkaוויין A Atiyur 126
ʼ Ayyatmpolil
297
Udaya ] [ 27 Ukkiraciikan 6, 62,210 Um pila ayittan 89 Uttusikarayan 210
Vajrahasta 163 Vallapar 81 w
Valliyamätäkkan 187
Van Goens 203,204
VarUtaya Cinkaiyāriyan 218,224
232,233
Vijaya 18 Vijayabahu I 34,63,74 Vijayabahui 93,95
Vijayabahu V 23l vikraomabähu 63,86, 107 vikramabahuIII 243,245,24T vikkirama Cinkaiyäriyan 218 Vikrama Pāņ dya 35 Visakha 9,29 Vira Alakesvara 255 Virabālhu 255
Vira Pâñdya 225
and ethnic terns
paitinatin 71,89 Αγγάνοιc 47,49,67,72,89
Batticaloa 132, 134 Brahmins 35,50,80,81 Buddhanagegala 139 Burima 48,63
Camarese 2,2443, Cempinātu 174
Page 159
298
Cën ta markalam 154 Cerãs 33
Ceftis 47, 70 Cētu 180, 181 87,26,24 (Tenkar || 80 Ccţțikulam 2 | 4 Ccv virkkainā; u 173, 174 (Thila nthar in 225 Chill w 2
O 4 R Cilka innkar 70) Cirku attūr
Dambadeniya 4, 123 Dakkimadcs a 36,46,64, Dctiyannulla 68.7) Dravidians 14, 18,64,65 Dumbara 243
Galinduru Gonnança la 27 Galtenpitiya 68 Gampola - 238,240,241,244
Habarana 7
linn 34,260 I nuvil i 86 | ru pâl ai 186 Issurunnu niya 3,32 lttimatu 213
Jassna 246,278.282,283 Jaffnapatnam 9, 10,204 Jãvagama 7
Kaccãy 213,223
Kaccur 186 Kalinga 63, l03, 166, 178 Kankuvēli 267 Kaiñci puram 2 ! 2 Kantalāy 36.65,75,8 Kanuanur 146
TIII; K!NGDOM Of A };FNA
k apã tapuram f7
a raikka 212 {arnätaka 146, 154 Kattukkulam 140 K cral li li 33 43. iliyur 126 Kilparru 187
il; 1; 5 sh itik: ; St
... ο ήk:ιν, ειr 7 Kommatti 213 Kņana lai 157 Kotagama 24 1.243 Kolc 6, 251, 256, 26 1, 262, 27(),
272,278,279 Kort tiyaram 126,213
Kolumpāļūr 25 Kunakar 240 Kurukulam 79
Kurund i 1 17
M, 1abar 1,224, 236,237 kalabar l, 2, 14,20,24,26,2 (s Miadirigiriya 44 * * Mahakirindegama 8 Tahiyangaņa 25 Makotaippat tinann 25 Ma var 175 Malaya mânâțu 73, l26 Mannār 67 Mãhkamāy 83 Manigra mam 25,28 Mianmu mai 1 18, 132, 134 Mattakka lappu 104, 133 Må kall 88 Mālmallapuram 31 Miāntai 28 Mã {{ì lạ 243
. Μη ίδια 24,36,44,45
M ciparru 87, 199,2 i 3,214 Meku mūlai 213
NOX
Muk trvar Mukann i lan i Mulaināt tā r Mul jiyan valai
105,133,134,135
214
23
23
Nãgas 14 Nli r :35, 193 Nảnkumā!t:ã r25,26,28,29 Nana desis 47.69 Nannin ilum (9) Na tanã, ir Kõvil 59
Nje obre 146 Noccimõttai 3 Nalināti vu 2 i 3
Okanda 17 Omantai 227
Paccillappālai 186
Padaviya 44,48,51,54,65,206,207 Padiyagannpola Palamoțţai 75 Pava 31. Palukama in 127 Painkalanatu 126, 127 Pàuduvasmu\vara 65,72, Pandya(s) 5,22,33,39 Paradcsis 67
Pokkiva ni 2 !! 3 Polonna ruwa 36,44,48,58,65 Ponm pa riippu 16 Ponna marið pati 176 Pomparri 185, 186, 190 Pi rati vu 132 Portuguese 2,8 Posona vulla 27 Pulveli 213 Pittal a rinn 267,269 Putukkuţi 45
Rajarata 4,5,3342,46
299.
Ramcsvaran 7 , 172, 180, 18 .
232,233
Raygama 241,248
Rohana, 34,35,46
Sει δίνει {{ι 245
Samannäntu ra i 3. Sivapuri 173 Siam 48 Sripatigrama !?) Sri rangan 436 Subbhaptta na i l 3 Sumatra 48
Talakkad 25 Tampalakāmam 213 Tām raparņi 17,8 Tanjore 6
Tanikkallu 213
icai Ayirattu aññūru Var
48,49 67,68 Tiriyāy 214 "Tiruccirāppa) di Tirunelveli 186 Tiruppullani 173 Tiruppuku di 146 Tiruvaņņā malai 27 Tiruvarankulam 174, 176 Tittlāņțapuram 69
ר' 1 ל. ویق : جنبه
Telugu - Codas 45 "Tenparru 187 Tontaimantalam 126,212 Toņainātu 186
Trincomalec 29,40,55, 122, 136 . .
267,268
U rakirikannan 56
Urātturai 67,98 Uraiyūr 25 Սr 37
Uttaradesa 4
Page 160
300
ح*
Valhalkada (8 Vaikāmam 98 Vaļaīciyar 4,67,69
Vanni 4,9, i 14, 12,264,265 Varaņinātu 24 Vā laikkāy Vāņiyar 49 Vcddas 14
Velgan Wehcra 59 Velkãmam 36 , Vēlaikkārar 46,69,73,74,75, 106,
28,206
Virakkoi
TE KINGDOM OF JAFFNA
Vēnkatakiri 188, 19 Verrilaivaniyar 47 Verukal 2, 136,23
47,67,69
Walain (67 Watta la 245
Yā pppãņam 209,214 Yälppänapp timan 260 Yä papauna 231, 24 1,27 1,273
III Epithets, titles and administrative terms
- Amàtyottama 239
Anaikaţţina 129
Brahmarayan 177
Cakkaravartti 175
Cekarācacēkara 222,226,228,
232
Cettu kavalan 17), 179, 180
Cinkaiyairiyan ity, 162, 170, 184,
85, 88,24t
Cöla Lankesvara 38,38
Damiādhikārau 27,62,79 Demc-gam bin 26 Demei kabaia 3,27 Deineļ kiņign 27 Oenelat valademin 26
Dencļc Kuļi 7
Ekkaccakkravartti 175, 176
ayankonta 38
$63,164, 182 163, 64, 82
Kaňkaiyariyan Kaňkaimatan
Malayaman l 26, 128 Malaccat kkaravartti 175 Maraccakkaravaitti 175, 176 Mummutic Collanmaņțalam 36
l'alluvalyticllha Vallaubla Pancamahasabdas 63 l’animakan 41 Pararajasekharan 232,274 Perintan 46 Perairaiyaan 4 !,45
Taninintu Vengapcrumā Tivaiyark in 179 Tey vaccillaiyan 157
127, 129
75
Utaiyān 40.45, 176
INDEX
Vala nãțu 36,27,59 Vanniyaparru 126, 129, 130 Vaniyanā 31 Vannıniyat“
219, 227
10,73, 105, 23, 24, 25, Y26, 128, 123,209, 21 J,22, 214,
Vėli 43
Yãlppãnam
V Namics of texts
Alakesvarayuddhaya 262,263
('aracöttinniniai 229 (ekaracacõekarann
232 C’ckaråcacëkaramālai 170, 171, 172, 173, 177, 178, 179, 192,222, 26,227,228,232
222, 226, 228,
l), lali Siritan 23()
(iiri Salcsaya 262,2(!
K (kila Sandesaya 271, 272, 277,
1S,2S)
Kilaya malai
: (1)
I84, 88,189,202,
Mງkkalapummmiyam 133,
Nārāyaņi Vilāsam 258 Nikāya Sangrahaya 241,245,
243,249
Rājāvaliya 241,243,245.273,
277,282
Taksiņa kailāca Purāņam 88,14
Viã (5 Vaiyāpatal 16 , 164,209,210,2 ,
5,21(,216
Yāppāņa Vanipvanālai s4, S8. 193,2t 1,216.218,232,278,280
W Religious termis
Ally cN var in 57
Ajivikas i4
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Lill', i. 8."
2,5, 1, 1)
(, ; 11: "..., || (TILITyck li Th1 iki || 11
5t}, 5 || 8 |
Ciaւլes; l(), 58 (5 çıkarıqlı5 y:inlıinı lü 4
l-induis Inn 8, l , 50, 5, 86,87 ,
Iriyikula mātik ka i swaram 47,49.
5. sur LIT uniy; , 1,32
Kili li)
K Lilly: i la tal 1 1 8 7, 188; KI I lärt kayam 3
Maccal, es varim 5,55, 37
.ነfነ, 3 W, ካ8.
Nita na r kay I
Thficiicariyir 5.
'il I1I I hăhiţ38;vo: ruro 5
lli: lai svin 5 l'il r:1iesviri 17
Riljal Tilija i syarium 5.ሄ, 5 ! Rijali rappcr I i Iupal li ሓ5,59,W}, | 37
Si VII - (1,37, 187 Si i v'is II 58,5 (, , ,
em kisam 87 Tillai III til våyira var 22.2 TÍrtuk k ČĽisvil rall 24) Tit Liviral II FT is va rautuu 1'),5-
Vil nava II IN 1ã tēvisvaram I. | Wikkitani; Calit III ekit is varu 55
88 Wijayālaya Cules waranın 57 Wijaya raja isyaran 55
- -
Page 162
Page 163
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