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RIBEIRO'S HISTORY OF CEILAO
WITH A SUMMARY OF DE BARROS, DE COUTO, ANTONIO BOCARRO AND THE DOCUMEN*TOS REMIETTIDOS, WITH THE PARANGI
HATANE AND KOSTANA
HATANIE.
rRANSLATED FROM THE 6RefNAL PoRTUGUESE AND SINHALESE
BY
P. E. PIERIS
Deraniyagala Samarasinha Sriwardhana,
M.A., L.L.M., (Trin. Coll. Cantab.), Barrister-at-Lauv (Inner Temple)
and of the Civil Service of Ceylon, District Judge, Kalutara.
THE COLOMBO APOTHECARES CO., LTD, FPRINTERS.
1909.

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ΤΟ
HILDA OBEYESEKERE
THIS BOOK
is
AFFECTIONATELY
DEDICATED.

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O melhor pedaço de terra, que o Creador poz neste mundo,
Ribeiro.
Ceilão, que des que descubrimos aquella Ilha foi sempre ao Estado da India outra Carthago a Roma; Porque pouco e pouco fði consumindo em despezas, gente, e artilheria, tanto, que ela só tem
gastado com suas guerras mais, que todas as ontras conquistas deste
Oriente.
De Couto.

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Introduction to the Second Edition.
HE rapid exhaustion of the first edition has necessitated the issue of a second, and advantage has been taken of the opportunity to include two fresh Chapters based om the “ Documentos Remettidos da India" ou Livros das Monçoes,” and which have already appeared as a paper on " Portuguese Ceylon at the beginning of the Seventeenth Century' in Vol. xxI of the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. These serve to. bridge the gap between the works of De Couto and Antonio Bocarro i. e. from 1600-1614.
As now presented this book will, it is believed, supply the general reader in Ceylon with a reasonably accurate and connected narrative of the doings of the Portuguese in the Island; the gaps which still remain are not likely to be filled up till the work of De Queyroz, the greatest of the Portuguese historians of Ceylon, is made available to the public. The version of the two Hatanes, which I have prepared with the assistance so generously afforded to me by D. B. K. Goonetilleke Mohandiram, of Kalutara, are not intended to take the place of a translation; they have been treated for the purpose of this book purely from their historical aspect;

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νiii.
and it is to be earnestly desired that the Parangi Hatane, a poem which ought to be in the mouth of every Sinhalese schoolboy, will be adequately dealt with before long by some one with sufficient scholarship to purify the extremely corrupt and obscure text. The index attached to the present edition will, it is hoped, increase its usefulness.
Within the last few weeks an able and complete translation of the portions of De Barros and De Couto which relate to Ceylon, purchased by the Royal Asiatic Society, has been published as Volume Xx of its Journal; the student of the period would do well to refer to this work
The pressure of official duties and the temporary loss of the power of writing have prevented my paying as much attention to the present issue as I should have desired. The reader is requested to note that on page 20, the paragraph dealing with the year 1524 has been transposed from page 17. The footnote on page 207 is incorrect, as the Saman Dewale tablet commemorates the death, not of Barretto, but of Ratnayaka Mudiyanse, whose family is still found in the District.
I have to acknowledge with much gratitude the assistance rendered to me by Hulugalle Adigar in identifying the places in the Seven Korales. The identification of the word 'Taomatey' on page 24 with "Tammita' is due

ix.
to S. Seneviratna, Mudaliyar of the Gate, of Colombo.
. Like the first edition, this issue is not sold for profit.
P. E. PIERIS.
Kalutara, 1st June, 1909.

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Introduction to the First Edition.
HE valuable history of Captain João Ribeiro has not before been translated into English from the original Portuguese: the present translation is made from the Lisbon edition of 1836, and I have to acknowledge the considerable assistance which I have received in the undertaking from Mr. L. Burnay of the Royal Portuguese Commission at the St. Louis Exposition, and Mr Oscar d'Araujo, London Correspondent of the Mala da Europa of Lisbon.
I am familiar with the late Mr. George Lee's translation from the faulty French edition of the Abbe Le Grand, and Mr. Donald Ferguson's translation of Chapters XXIII-XXVI of the second book, which has been published in the journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Ceylon; these have no doubt influenced me, though unconsciously.
Ribeiro, who arrived in Ceylon in 1640, dedicated his book to the King of Portugal on 8th January, 1685; João De Barros died in 1570 and Diogo De Couto in 1616. As this work is addressed entirely to readers in Ceylon, it has not been considered necessary to add such footnotes as would be required by a

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Xll,
foreign reader. I have throughout attempted to retain the original spelling of proper names, as the variations are of interest; I have also considerably shortened the third book of Ribeiro by translating only the more important passages at length. For the notes from De Barros and De Couto I am solely responsible.
This book is purely a labour of love and is offered to the public at cost price.
P. E. PIERIS.

CHAPTER
I.
II.
III. IV.
V.
VI.
VII. VIII.
ΙΧ.
Index to Chapters.
BOOK I.
In which is described the position of the Island of Ceilao with reference to its distance from the Pole
The number of Kingdoms in the Island In which the Riches of Ceilao are described Our Fortresses in the Island
Our arrival in Ceilao and the building of the
Fortress of Columbo
APPENDIX. CHAPTER
A 15oo-1542 from De Barros B. Extracts from O Thesouro D. Rei.
de Ceylão b C. I 542—I 553 De Couto .. D. I 554-II 56o De Couto . . E. ir 56o-II 562 De Couto . F. I 564-II 57 o De Couto . . G. I 57 I -— I 584 De Couto . . H. I 584-I 588 De Couto . . I. I 59o-— I 597 De Couto . .
The revolt of the Apuame Dom Joao with the Kingdoms of Candia and Uva and the First Conquest AW
In which is recounted the result of this war Which narrates the Marriages of Dona
Catherina and what followed. .
In which is shown how at the Death of the Emperor he Appointed the King of Portugal Heir to his Kingdoms and the Council which was held
PAGE.
I3
2.
28
39
47
52 58 6.
79
8 I 84
88
9o

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XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XIX.
XXI.
XXIII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
xiv.
APPENDIX.
CHAPTER
J. 1597-I 6oo De Couto The Revenues which the Emperors enjoye
and some details which we ought to know
How the Villages are Divided and the other Dues which the Natives have to Render & 4 ". . . 8 SM
APPENDIX.
CHAPTER
K. Rajakariya in Nivitigala Nindagama
The Position and Fortification of Columbo,
and the other Forts in the Island
Our usual Garrison in Ceilâio, our Camps
therein and their Positions
The Rites, Ceremonies and Evil Customs of
the Chingalas
The understanding which these Gentiles
maintained with the Devil
The Nature of their Marriages and the other
Customs of the Chingalas Ο Ο.
Some Peculiarities of the Elephants The Annual Assizes called Marallas
Of the great abundance of food stuffs, the animals and the diseases which are found in the Island
The wild Animals of the Island
The great abundance of Precious Stones and other commodities found in the Island
The Pearl Fishery in Ceilao
Regarding the famous Mountain called
Adam's Peak and its Peculiarities
The Habitations of the Bedas, their customs, and the natural beds of salt which the Island possesses..
PAGE
94
το 3
d
II3
E-27
I31.
I40
I 43
I47
I 5 Ι
I54
I57
п бо
I 63
I68
ס17

(CHAPTER
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
XV,
BOOK II.
INTRODUCTORY. OHAPTER ,
L. 16oo- 616 Summary of Documentos Remetidos 姆 , d : M. Condition of Ceilao for the period
(Ditto)..
N. I 6I 6- I 6 I 7 Antonio Bocarro
' O. I 6 I 9-— I 628 De Sa e Meneses and
Faria y Sousa s
P. I 6I 9 The Kostantinu Hatane
The Reasons which Led to the Commence
ment of the War 8 ** * The Expedition and the Treachery of the Modeliars by which the General Constantino De Sa and all his Army were destroyed · · d a The Reasons which led to the Renewal of
War with the King s - Of the Rest of the Incident and the destruc
tion of our Army in Candia .. is The alliance which the King of Candia
entered into with the Hollanders The Capture of our two Fortresses of
Batecalou and Trequimale 8 The Encounter which took place between our Army and the Hollanders at Caimel and the Loss of the Fortresses of Negumbo and Galle
APPENDIX.
CHAPTER
Q. The Parangi Hatane ..
How on the arrival of João Da Silva Tello, Count De Aveiras, as Viceroy of India, he sent Dom Filippe Mascarenhas as CaptainGeneral of Ceilao and recaptured Negumbo
How Seventeen Portuguese who were
Prisoners at Uva were put to Death
PAGE.
п 79
I87
I94
2o6
209
22《X
226
23 Ι
234
237
24O
242
246
27o
275

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C1 AprFER
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
ΧΧ.
XV1.
Thc war which arose between the King and the Prince, and how the latter came to us for help
How the Prince's request for assistance was discussed and the question referred to India
How the Hollanders came to lay siege to Columbo with thirteen ships, but failed to effect anything .. O
How the treaty was not ratified at Goa, and
the Battle of Acuraca s
The Battle of Negumbo where Dom Antonio
Mascarenhas and Antonio Da Mota Galvão, the Captain-Major of the Field, were slain
The attempt of the enemy to reach Columbo,
the Embassy we sent to the King of
Candia and the siege we laid to Negumbo
The Declaration of Peace and the departure of Dom Filippe Mascarenhas as Viceroy of India, with the arrival of Manoel Mascarenhas Homem as General of Ceilão
APPENDIX.
CHAPTER
R. Jesuit Establishments in Ceilao in
I б44 ...
The Declaration of War, which led to a Mutiny in the course of which the General Manoel Mascarenhas Homem was deposed and imprisoned .
The arrival of Francisco De Mello De Castro as Captain-General, with an account of several encounters and of the Battle of Tebuna
The Battle which was fought between us and the Hollanders at Caloamodra, and how the King of Candia attacked our Army which was in the Four and Seven Corlas
The Battle which the Captain-Major Gaspar Figueira De Cerpe fought with the King of Candia in our territory and the siege which the Hollanders laid to Caliture
PAGE.
281
289
296
299
3O3
ვo6
3I 3
3 IT
32O
335
346
35E

CHAPTER
XXI.
XXIII.
XXIII.
XXIV. XXV. XXVI.
XXVII.
II. III. IV.
VI.
VII.
VIII. ΙΧ.
xvii.
How the Hollanders came with a powerful fleet and laid siege to Caliture which they captured
The Battle which we fought with the
Hollanders on the shore of Moroto
How the Hollanders besieged and assaulted
the City of Columbo
The story of the siege continued The same continued
The Surrender of the City of Columbo and the transfer of our soldiers to Negapatao
How the Hollanders captured the Island of Manar and laid siege to the Fort of Jafanapatão which they captured v
BOOK III.
The mistakes committed by us in the con
quest of India Continued
A journey through the Portuguese Colonies
Continued
At the commencement of our conquest we should have occupied Malaca, Ormuz and Goa alone • ...
Continued
How we ought to have abandoned all our possessions in India and occupied the Island of Ceilao ..
How the Island should have been utilised. . The rest of our mistakes of modern times .. The conclusion of this work
PAGE.
356
357
36ο ვ67
37J
379
” ვ83
393 393
394
395
398
4oo
4O5
4O9
4I4
4I4

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BOOK I.
CoNTAINING AN Account of the SITUATION OF THIS ISLAND
of CEILAO, ITS PROVINCEs, our FoRTRESSES THEREIN, THE RIGHT
oF oUR KINGs. To THIS IMPORTANT I SLAND, ITs weALTH AND
PRODUCTs, THE NATURE OF ITs INHABITANTs, AND THEIR RITEs,
cERB MONIES AND CUSTOMs.

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CHAPTER I.
IN wHICH IS DESCRIBED THE PosITION of THE IsLAND of CEILAo witH REFERENCB. To TS DISTANCE FROM THE Pole.
The beautiful Island of Ceilao stretches from about the sixth to the tenth degree of north latitude, that is, from the Point of Galle to the Point of the Rocks. Its length is seventy-two leagues and its breadth forty-seven, which is the distance from Chilao to Trequimale, while its circumference is one hundred and ninety leagues and it lies forty-five leagues to the east of Cape Comorim. By its position it is the Mistress of all those regions which are known under the common name of India, and which embrace the kingdoms and provinces lying between those two beautiful rivers, the Indus and the Ganges, which are separated from one another by more than six hundred leagues of coast line.
From Cape Comorim the coast called that of the Fishery runs inland creating a gulf between Ceilao and the mainland similar to the Adriatic; this has a length of fifty-seven leagues and a breadth of thirty-six, with its centre in the Islands of Ramanacor and Manar, between which lie twelve leagues of shallows; the only passage at this centre leading to the Coast of Choromandel is formed by two very narrow channels at Ramanacor and Manar through each of which only a small sumaca can make its way, and that too when the sea is high. It is impossible to navigate these seas whether from south to north, or from north to south without passing the Point of
* Ponta das pedras, the Point Pedro of to-day. of Trincomalee.
. Da Pescaria i.e., the Pearl Fishery.
B

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Galle, which is the most southerly in these parts; wherefore Ceilao is by her position the Crown of the whole of India, and God would appear to have created her to be the Mistress of that great world, giving her a healthful and benign climate with the greatest treasures which He has distributed over the whole earth.
To make ourselves more clear it will be but reasonable to describe the provinces of the Island and their situation, its wealth and products, our fortresses therein, the title of our Monarchs to this beautiful Island, and also the laws and customs which we have preserved among the natives, with their rites and ceremonies; all this will be done with the accuracy possible to one who has spent eighteen years in the country, and had lived from the age of fourteen in its forests amidst the miseries and continuous anxieties of a war so terrible that one scarcely knows how to relate them so as to be understood.
CHAPTER II.
THE NUMBER of KINGDoMs IN THE ISLAND.
They say that this Island had seven kingdoms and I am not surprised at this; for even to-day on the coast of India the Gentiles of each small province form a separate kingdom, just as we may see on the coast of Cannara and Malavar. For though this is a tongue of land one hundred and forty leagues in length, which is the distance from the Rio de Sal to Cape Comorim, and fifteen to seventeen in breadth, since the distance from the sea coast to the Gauts is not greater, yet some fifteen kings are found therein, such as the King of Cannará, of Lala, of Cananor, the Samorim, the King of Cochim, of Pallur, of Mangatte, of Chinota, of Porca, of Coulao, and others. This is the reason why the Moors have

3
conquered all the Gentiles of India, for as each by itself was so small they were not strong enough to repel invasion; but these same Gauts have preserved the others; they form an impregnable range of mountains stretching parallel to the coast of India and Choromandel at a distance of fifteen to seventeen leagues at the most from the sea as already stated, and have to be crossed by a few difficult passes which too do not extend to the coast of Cannara and Malavar, for that side is entirely precipitous.
I have crossed from the coast of Choromandel by land to Goa when taken by the Hollanders to Negapatam, where they had sent me with the others who had surrendered at Columbo in 1656. Advancing inland from the Gauts, which have an altitude of two leagues, the elevation does not diminish but a plateau extends for more than two hundred leagues from which one can only see the sky and the horizon. In all this region there are no springs of water or wells, and on our journey we only found three rivers, and these at a distance from each other; in spite of this the land is extremely rich in corn, vegetables and cattle; the villages are numerous and very large, and by the side of each there is a tank, either artificial or natural, in which is collected during the rainy season the water which the people and cattle use in the hot weather.
Turning again to Ceilao, the chief king and kingdom there were those of Cotta; this king the rest reverenced with the respect paid to an Emperor. His Capital was distant from Columbo half a league, where its ruins and the foundations of buildings all Overgrown with brushwood can be seen to-day. This kingdom stretched from the sea at Chilao as far as the Grevayas, a distance of fifty-two leagues, and embraced the best districts of the Island, viz., the Four Corlas, the Seven Corlas, Salpiti Corla, Reigan
"The Giruwa Dolosdas of the Sinhalese.
B 2.

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4.
Corla, Pasdun Corla, the Galle Corla, Beligan, Corna Corla, Cucuru Corla, Atagan: Corla, Mature, the Pagoda of Tanavare, S the Grevayas, the whole of the kingdom of Dinavaca| which is called the Two Corlas, as far as Adam's Peak and the frontiers of Candia and Uva.
The kingdom of Uva stretched from Adam's Peak to the frontiers of Batecalou and Candia. The kingdom of Candia adjoined the kingdom of Uva and stretched from Adam's Peak to the frontie's of Trequimale, the Bedas of the kingdom of Jafnaptio, and the Four and Seven Corlas, and is in the centre of the Island. The kingdom of Ceitavaca adjoined the frontiers of the Four Corlas and Dinavaca und included the territories of Sofregam. The kingdom of the Seven Corlas adjoined the frontiers of Candia, the Four Corlas, Chilao and the territory of Mantota. The kingdom of Chilao stretched from Negumbo as far as the mountain of Grudumale and adjoined the Seven Corlas. These were the seven kingdoms which were usually said to make up the Island of Ceilao, without including the kingdom of Jafnapatao although it is in the same Island; for this does not consist of Chingalas but is a settlement of the Malavars; and also the other kingdoms which used to exist in ancient times, such as those of Batecalou, Trequimale and Jaula,** which have not been con. sidered as such for many years. Besides these there is a stretch of land lying between the lingdoms of Jafnapatao and Trequimale where there live a race of people known as the Bedas of whom we shall speak in their own place.
* Kolontía. #~ Kukulu.
E Ataka lan. '
o Devundera.
| Beyond 1 Ratnapura, TI Kudiran lai, the Hippouros of the Greeks. *** Yala,

5
CHAPTER III.
N which THE RICHEs of CEILAo ARE DEscRIBED.
The king who allowed us to enter the Island was the King of Cotta, and as I have already stated he was styled Emperor. Almost all his territory which stretched from Chilao to two miles beyond the Temple of Tanavare were cinnamon jungles; these are so dense that a man cannot walk through them a stone's throw. In shape the leaves of the cinnamon resemble those of the plantane in that they have three ribs, and in texture the laurel; when crushed between the fingers their smell is as of the best cloves of Rochella. The trees are not very tall, for they do not exceed two bracas at the most, and as there is rain here daily they do not shed their leaves, and they frequently bear in the year two crops of fruit similar to the laurel berry; when this falls on the ground it immediately starts growing in consequence of the heat and moisture, and it is for this reason that the inhabitants have a law that they should clear their roads frequently; unless they do so they would be overgrown with forest in one year. None the less their roads are only broad enough to admit of one person going at . a time, and therefore our armies could not march except in single file.
Precious stones are also found in great abundance in the kingdoms of Ceitavaca, Dinavaca, Candia, Uva and Cotta, within a circumference of sixtyseven leagues. Here all the valleys and mountains are full of them and they are obtained with little trouble; such as rubies, the finest that can be found anywhere within our discoveries, all in separate crystals; sapphires, topazes, (some of them of extraordinary size), cat's eyes, (some have been found worth 20,000 cruzados), garnets,* berylls,
* Robazes: Sin 6@ad

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jacinths," tourmalines, and various other's of which they make no account, as they are the stoncs with which the river beds are furnished.
There is an abundance of cai'clamoms in the Kingdom of Candia and they are of such a great size that six of the Cananor kind do not equal one of the Candian; throughout the Island there is plenty of Brazil wood, which is called Sapan in India where it fetches a high price. Every year there is exported from the kingdom of Cotta up to a thousand champanas of areca : (a cha mbaa nau is like a sumaca of forty tons) for this article is in great demand over the whole of India. There is also a large number of elephants and much pepper, both of , which rank among the best in the East. The earth yields much iron and also two kinds of resin; the varieties of timber are so numerous that the choice of them will cause confusion; and there are several other products which I shall for greater clearness describe each in its own place.
CHAPTER IV.
OUR FoRTREsses IN THE ISLAND.
Let us begin with the city of Columbo because it is the Emporium of the whole Island. It is situated on the coast which runs from north to south facing Cape Comorim and it lies in a bay which can contain a large number of small vessels. Seven leagues to the south, on a small promontory at the mouth of a river of the same name, stands the fortress of Caliture. Thirteen leagues beyond is the fortress of Galle, built on a point of rock, and from here the coast runs a distance of forty-six leagues from
* Zircon.
f Taripos : I am doubtful of the meaning of this word; දියතඊප්පු is the white topaz.

7
west-south-west to north-east. On a point of land we have the fortress of Baticalou where there is good anchorage for ocean-going ships. From here the coast runs from south to north twenty-four leagues, and at its extremity on a tongue of land we have the fortress of Trequimale which adjoins the famous Bay of the Arches. From here the coast runs from southeast to north-west a distance of thirty-six leagues, which is the distance to the Point of Rocks. Thence with an interval the coast runs from the east to the west twenty-four leagues as far as Manar, having behind it the kingdom of Jafanapatao and its fortresses. From Manar the coast runs from north to south a distance of ten leagues to the mountain of Grudumale and from there fourteen leagues to Chilao. From Chilao the distance to Negumbo, a fortress where we kept a garrison, is ten leagues, and from Negumbo to Columbo about six. Thus we have shewn the fortresses which we possessed in Ceilao and their distances from each other; and before we relate the particulars of each with its inhabitants and garrisons, it seems but reasonable to explain the right by which our Most Serene Kings held this beautiful Island as their undoubted heritage, and this will be seen in the subsequent chapters.
CHAPTER V.
OUR ARRIVAL IN CBILAo AND THE BUILDING of THE
A FoRTRBss oF CoLUMBo. .
A few years after we first entered on the Orient we obtained information of this Island, but as we were busy with many other enterprises it was not possible for us at the time to put its greatness to the test. As soon as we had our affairs properly settled, in the year 1517, when Lopo Soares De Albergaria was Governor, he set sail with an Armada for the

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harbour of Columbo, the principal port in the island, where many ships from Bengalla, Persia, the South and the Red Seas used to assenn ble to talke on lboard the cinnamon, elephants and other commodities of the Island, which they obtained in exclange for thc merchandise they brought. The Governor was well received by the Emperor, from whom he hegged for those favours which he had conceded on his part to Dom Lourenço de Almeida when he first discovered the Island in 1505, and also for a site on which to erect a wooden palisade for the better protection of a store where they could collect those goods which the country needed, and take her products in exchange: for great advantages would result from this both to the Emperor himself and to his vassals, The Emperor who was styled Boenegabo Pandar" was favourable and it did not escape his knowledge that according to reputation we usually succeeded in obtaining whatever we sought, and he gladly conceded all our demands in spite of the opposition of the Moors who were in his Court and who were suspicious of us, for they thought that our arrival would lead to the destruction of all their trade, and in this they were not mistaken; but in the end a stockade was erected in spite of them, strong enough to resist any kind of invasion, as it was on a small point of rock which the bay throws out into the sea. Here he left João da Silva as Captain with two hundred soldiers, a Factor, a Secretary and a Priest to administer the sacraments, and after providing everything that was necessary the Governor himself sailed away leaving four pinnaces for the defence of the position.
In 1520 orders were given for some ships to proceed to that Fort with men and material with
* Bhuvaneka Bahu Bandar: this is of course wrong : tentatively I suggest the following dates-Dharma Parakrama Bahu 1495-1518; Wijaya Bahu 1518-1525. Bhuvaneka Bahu 1525-1551.
f Should be Silveira.

9
which to begin a building of stone and mortar. With this new fortification the Emperor's" behaviour towards us underwent a marked change and he laid close siege to the Fort, which he continued for some time; but when assistance arrived and the Emperor saw the loss which he had sustained, he was compelled to make terms. This state of things continued for some years when various events occurred which compelled us to increase our garrison in consequence of the Emperor's own brother who bore the name of Madune King of Ceitavaca and who waged against him a fierce and tyrannical war on the ground that the Emperor was shewing himself too favourable to us. We to shew our gratitude assisted the latter to the best of our power. He had no one save one daughter to succeed him on the throne, and her he gave in marriage to a young kinsman of his named Tribully Pandar. The offspring of this union was a grandson Parcas Pandar by name, to whom his grandfather was so devoted that he sent ambassadors to Portugal to beg King Dom Joao the Third to crown the child, and for this purpose they took with them a figure of the Prince. Accordingly this ceremony was performed by the King in his Court with great solemnity in the year 1541, and thus the crown of the Island was secured to him. And so after the Emperor's death the Prince succeeded to the throne. Madune too was succeeded by his son named Raju whom his father had trained in arms in the long warfare which he had carried on against his Emperor and brother Boenagabo Pandar; in fact the son was a worse tyrant than his father, for not only did he inherit the Kingdom of Ceitavaca and his habits, but he was also determined to drive the
* Wijaya Bahu.
† Bhuvaneka Bahu.
l i.e. Vidiye Bandara.
... I consider this a misprint for (Dharma) Pala.
Raja Sinha.

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Prince entirely out of the Island. He accordingly invaded all the provinces appertaining to the Empire of Cotta in such fashion as to compel the Emperor Parca Pandar to throw himself into our arms and to seek refuge in the Fortress of Columbo. Next he turned on the Kingdom of Candia and compelled its King" to flee with his wife and only daughter to Manar, where we extended to him the hospitality due to a persecuted and fugitive King. The tyrant took away the arms of all the inhabitants of this Kingdom and imposed the penalty of death on their use and he similarly continued his war against the King of Cotta and pressed him hard. The troubles of the Emperor caused considerable damage to the Portugese, for he looked to us entirely for help as a neighbour and friend. So the war was furiously pressed against us too and our fortress repeatedly placed under siege, but each time the enemy had to retire with considerable loss.
In the meantime the King of Candia remained at Manar with his wife and daughter well treated and looked after by us; and whether in consequence of his misfortunes or by the blessed illumination of God, which is the more probable, he received with his wife and daughter the water of the sacred baptism, himself taking the name of Dom Phelipe, and his daughter that of Dona Catherina. The Queen died shortly after, and the King with his burden of trouble drew near his appointed time. He made his will in which he appointed his daughter Dona Catherina his universal heir, entreating the King of Portugal to take her under his guardianship and protection, with his kingdoms of Candia and Uva, enjoining on his daughter not to marry except to one who had been selected and approved of by His Majesty or his Viceroy, for thus his kingdoms would be freed from tyrants and the affairs of the Portugese placed on a
* Jayawira Bandara.

footing which would serve the interests, of His Majesty.
The Emperor of Cotta and the Captain of Columbo as soon as they received notice of the death of the King of Candia, discussed what action they should take to release these kingdoms from the tyranny of Raju, for their affairs were in a desperate condition owing to our numerous campaigns; at the same time the Emperor took on himself to sound the nobles of those kingdoms. They embraced his proposals both with the object of freeing themselves from tyranny and also being thereto induced by the many promises of the Emperor; but as they had no arms and none were to be procured without grave risk, they prepared with great secrecy in the forests a large quantity of bows and arrows of wood hardened in the fire and filled with them several houses which were hidden in the thickets.
As soon as the Emperor was informed of the disposition of the people and how they had prepared weapons, he communicated with the Captain of Columbo and informed him that matters had reached a stage which would not admit of any delay, and he advised him to send some person of discretion and judgment to head the movement; for it would not be suitable to invite Dona Catherina to those kingdoms until they had been re-subdued. After consulting with each other as to a suitable person, they agreed upon a certain Apuame" of the Emperor, a favourite of his, a man of education, high birth and sound judgment, a devoted friend of ours and one who had become a Christian under the name of Don Joao:t in a word, a man admirably adapted for an undertaking of this nature. They gave him two
* Appu Hami.
t. Konappu Bandara, son of Virasundara Bandara, of the Peradeniya dynasty. He had been banished to Goa where he had distinguished himself by his valour.

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hundred Portugese to accompany him on his expedition and at the same time conferred on him the title of Modeliar, an office corresponding to that of a Colonel of Infantry." In a few days he reached Candia where he was well received and found the people glad of his coming. With his arrival they all hastened to equip themselves with those weapons which as we have stated they had prepared, and they pressed on with such vigour that they not only released those kingdoms from their yoke, but encouraged by the association of the Portugese they invaded the territories of Raju which they ravaged. With this revolt and the fierce campaign which we pressed against him from Columbo, the fortunes of Raju reached such a low ebb that our men entered Ceitavaca his Capital and gave him battle in which he was defeated; while retreating he ran a splinter into his foot from which he came by his death.
The Emperor freed from his embarassments by the death of Raju, King of Ceitavaca, was immediately acclaimed King over those districts: thus he was King of the Seven Corlas, Dinavaca, Chilao, Candia and Uva, which were subject to him; and seeing that he was now far advanced in years without any sons to succeed him, he began to think about the mysteries of our sacred religion and frequently talked about them with pious men and members of the Order of St. Francisco, and through the great love which he owed to the Portugese for delivering him from his enemies, he resolved to become a Christian; and in carrying out this resolve he was baptized with such pomp and rejoicing as the
* Mestre de Campo.
it “John de Villa de Conde was this year (1579?) at his Court and had several times confuted the Bramenes disputing of religion; yet they refusing to yield themselves overcome, he offered with a lively faith that he and one of them should be cast into a river full of great crocodiles, or into a great fire, and that his religion who came out unhurt should be allowed to be true. They refused and the Franciscan immediately reaped the fruit of this victory, baptising Don John Parca Pandar, King of Cotta in the same Island.' (Faria y Sousa, Steven's Trans.)

1500
I3
importance of the event and the position of the chief personage deserved; and in this he was accompanied by the rest of the Nobles of his Court; for as is often the case the example of the Prince could effect more than a large number of armed men. He took the name of Dom Joao Parca Pandar, and showed himself in his lifetime worthy of the greatest favours from the Lord our God, for he was in everything a devoted Christian, kindly, pious, gentle and very liberal to all.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V.
CHAPTBR A.
In September, 1500, the expedition under Pedralvares Cabral which had left Europe the previous March arrived at Calicut, and Aires Correa was sent on land as Ambassador to the King, In the city the two chief Moor officers were Coge Bequij and Coge Cemecerii; the latter viewed with resentment the favour with which the former, his bitter rival, was treated by the Portuguese, and he determined to bring them into disgrace with the King. He learnt that a ship was on its way from Cochin with seven elephants from Ceilao, the property of two Cochin merchants named Mammale Mercar and Cherina Mercar, and destined for Cambaya; the vessel was a large one of six hundred tons, and he expected that either she would do considerable damage to the Portuguese ship, or if she were captured the Portuguese would become so unpopular that the whole of that coast would be closed to them. He accordingly persuaded Correa that she had on board a rich cargo of spice destined for Mecca as well as an elephant which his King, the Camorii,t was anxious to obtain, and that her capture would be a source of gratification to the latter. Correa communicated the news to Cabral who easily fell into the trap; the Portuguese ship sailed out and after some fighting captured the vessel, only to discover the fraud which had been practised on them; an ample apology was tendered to her Captain, and all that the Portuguese obtained for their trouble was the meat of one of the elephants which had been killed by a cannon ball in the course of the fight
* : i.e. Periya. 'f Samorin.

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this the Portuguese crews were glad to distribute among their ships, as they were greatly in want of fresh meat. (De Barros Dec. II. 1.
In November. 1502, Vasco de Gama appeared before Cochin, and while there he received a message from the King of the country requesting him not to seize a ship belonging to Nine Mercar of Calicut, which he was expecting from Ceilao.
The presence of our armadas in the Malabar waters compelled the Moors who were engaged in the spice trade of the Southern Seas to create a new route for themselves between Ceilao and the Islands of Maldiva. Learning of this the Viceroy Dom Francisço de Almeida decided to send his son Dom Lourenço to investigate the new route as well as to report on Ceilao and Maldiva, which were of such importance for their cinnamon and coir respectively. Starting in the favourable monsoon with nine sail and some pilots from the country, Dom Lourengo was carried by the currents to the point of Gale in Ceilao, where he found several ships of the Moors laden with cinnamon and elephants for Cambaya. In their alarm for the safety of their ships these latter pretended that the King of Ceilao had commanded them to arrange a treaty with the Viceroy for the mutual advantage of both. Dom Lourenço sent for some of the natives of the place and with their consent erected a padrao on a rock recording thereon the fact of his arrival there, the mason Goncalo Goncalves adding to it his own name. The Moors pretended to report to the Kingh the arrival of the Portuguese, and brought back a present of four hundred bahars of cinnamon with a further offer to supply our ships with as much as was required. An Ambassador was next sent in charge of the Moors to wait on the King; he was led round and round about a dense forest, and after a day's walking was brought to a spot where a large number of people was collected round some wooden houses. After some delay our messenger was led before a person who was represented to be the King, and who expressed himself as very well pleased with our coming, and intimated his desire to send Ambassadors to Cochin to make a treaty with the King of Portugal. There was no doubt that this personage was some one of importance, probably the lord of the harbour of Gale, but certainly he was not the King of Ceilao, the whole business being a trick of the Moors to save their ships. Our vessels now sailed away, but Nuno Vaz Pereira returning to effect some repairs, it was discovered that the padrao had been almost
* "The custom till now (1484) had been to set up wooden crosses in all the discoveries; the King ordered for the future to carry them of stone, with the King's and Captain's names, the time when, by whom, and by . whose order erected.' (Faria y Sousa.) w
t Dharma Parakrama Bahu, says the Rajavaliya.
it Prince Chakrayuddha ?-Rajavaliya, p. 73.

1508
1509-1515
1518
I5
destroyed by a fire, which the Moors declared was lighted by the Gentiles for some superstitious reason of theirs. (De Barros Dec. II. 2.
In နိဒံဂ8 Nuno Vaz Pereira visited the Island again on a special expedition in search of cinnamon; he was however unsuccessful as the King was seriously ill and the Moors had prejudiced the minds of the people against us. But he had received strict orders not to commit any act of hostility in view of the agreement which had been arrived at by De Almeida, whose padrao he saw at Columbo. (De Barros Dec, II. 1.)
During the administration of Afonso de Alboquerque in India the King of Ceilao sent a message conveying his desire for the friendship of the King of Portugal, and he also kept the Portuguese supplied with cinnamon. Alboguerque was instructed by King Dom Manuel to visit Ceilao and erect a fortress at Columbo, but he had not had the opportunity of doing so. At his death he was succeeded by Lopo Soares d' Albergaria, who in 1518 sent Dom João da Silveira to sound the harbour of Columbo and to report on its suitability for the erection of a fort. Lopo Soares himself started on the 18th of September of the same year with a powerful fleet and arrived first at Gale, where he was compelled to delay for more than a month till the weather was favourable for sailing to Columbo: on reaching the latter place a message was sent to the King through Joao Flores and permission obtained for the erection of a fort; but the importunities of the Moors at Court soon changed the King's mind, and when Lopo Soares attempted to land to commence work he found the spot occupied by cannon and archers. There was now no alternative but to employ force; the Portuguese landed the next morning unopposed and after a short resistance the defenders turned and fled, though not before they had inflicted some loss on us, among the dead being Verissimo Pacheco. Temporary fortifications were hastily run up of clay and stones. In the meantime the King, who had realised the mistake he had committed, sent his Governador to open negociations; after much exchanging of views a formal treaty was concluded whereby the King declared himself the vassal of King Dom Manuel and undertook to pay an annual tribute of three hundred bahars of cinnamon, twelve rings of the rubies and sapphires of the Island, and six elephants, on condition that our King should defend him against all enemies. One copy of the treaty engraved on plates of gold according to the custom of the country was left with the King, while our own copy was written on parchment. The King excused
* This must be Wijaya Bahu.
Dissava This “ tribute' was paid for by the Portuguese, says Gaspar Correa

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himself from coming in person as he was in poor health and because of his being a Brannane by religion. With the assistance of the men lent by him the fort was completed by the end of November and named after Our Lady of Virtues ; about the same time Dom João da Silveira appeared again before Columbo; he was the nephew of Lopo Soares and was appointed Captain of the new fort in accordance with a promise which had been previously made to him.
The following year Dom João da Silveira was succeeded by Lopo de Brito, who brought with him four hundred men including masons and carpenters; he immediately commenced to build a fort of stone and mortar, using pearl oyster shells from Callecare for the necessary lime, and also constructed some houses and dug a moat. But the instigation of the Moors soon aroused the suspicions of the natives, who began to fear designs
on their country; moreover we interfered with the trade of the
Moors and this also caused them considerable loss; consequently they refused to supply us with provisions and began to harass those of us who ventured outside to procure them. All this compelled De Brito to have recourse to arms; accordingly one day he sallied out with a hundred and fifty chosen men at a time when the inhabitants were resting unsuspiciously after their meal taking their siesta, and fell on the town of Columbo which lay close to the fort. The men taken by surprise rushed away in a panic abandoning their women and children; we caused these no harm, but tied them to the gates of their houses and set fire to the broad straight road which formed the principal street of the place, so as to cover our return. For indeed the men soon recovered from their fright and hurried back prepared to die for the safety of their families, and their fury was such that in spite of the fire they inflicted considerable damage on us; and had they not been busily engaged in releasing their friends and fighting the fire, they would have forced their way within the fort along with us. All pretence was now cast aside and they commenced to besiege us with their hatred aggravated by the loss they had sustained; a host of twenty thousand men was soon assembled, two bastions were hastily erected with the help of palm trees and mounted with cannon, while more than six hundred large muskets of the size of small cannon huried against our walls wooden darts ten palms long by day and fire lances by night. The siege lasted for five months as the state of the weather prevented the arrival of ships from India, and all the time we suffered greatly from the difficulty of obtaining water, a task which was attended with considerable risk. At last a galley arrived from Cochin under the Captain Antonio de Lemos and a concerted attack by land and sea ended in the capture of the two bastions which had been giving so much trouble. The enemy soon concentrated all their forces, which

量528
1529
盒534“
1536
I 7
included a hundred and twenty horse and about twenty-five elephants. The latter carried towers on their backs filled with archers and were led by four monsters with large swords fastened to their tusks. Our men were in great alarm and several began to hesitate, but they were rallied by Lopo de Brito, and after a fierce struggle our muskets compelled the leading elephants to turn back on their own men and throw their ranks into confusion, whereon they gave way and fled down a broad road, being pursued by us as far as the forest.
The King soon realised how little he had gained by adopting the advice of the Moors; he therefore sent and made peace, and matters were restored to the same condition as before. (De Barros Dec. III. 1.) *
Early in 1528 news was received by Lopo Vaz de Sampaio, then Governor of India, that Boenegabago Pandar, King of Cota, was being besieged by Pate Marcar, the Captain-Major of the Camorin of Calicut, who had gone to the assistance of the former's brother Madune Pandar, and that the enemy were causing considerable damage at the King's ports; it was accordingly necessary to send immediate help to the King of Cota as he was a vassal of the King of Portugal. Fortunately a fleet was available and this was despatched under the command of Martim Afonso de Mello; but by the time it reached Columbo Pate Marcar, who had received news of the expedition, had already disappeared among the streams of the Island where our heavier vessels could not follow him and Madune Pandar had raised the siege. Martim Afonso therefore proceeded to Calecare and made arrangements with the ruler of the place regarding the pearl fishery which was carried on in the waters of Ceilao; the latter undertook to pay a fixed sum as well as three thousand pardaos a year on condition of the Governor protecting the fishers during the period of the fishery. In November, 1529, the new Governor of India, Nunho da Cunha, arrived, and in 1534 Martim Afonso de Sousa came with an armada as Captain-Major of the Indian Seas. (De Barros Dec. IV. 1 and De Couto Dec. IV. 1.)
In 1536 Boenegabago Pandar was reigning at Cota, while his two brothers Reigao Pandar and Madune Pandar held the kingdoms of Reigao and Ceitavaca respectively; and the great object of Madune was to seize the kingdom of his eldest brother. While matters were in this state, in August seven ships of the Malabars arrived in Columbo. Our Factor Nuno Freire de Andrade, chanced to be at the time at Cota with seven or eight Portuguese, and when the Moors sent an imperious demand for the immediate surrender of all the Portuguese, he begged the King to entrust to him the reply which they deserved. Assisted by Samlupur Arache with six hundred men, the Portuguese fell
C * Sallappu

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unexpectedly on the Malabars early one morning, and after a sharp struggle discomfited them utterly, a few getting away with three of their ships, while another party made its way to Ceita vaca through the forest. There they used their influence with the King to persuade him to send a message to the Camorin for help, themselves offering to convey the messengers in safety. The King was easily persuaded, and the Camorin was nothing loath ; he ordered a fleet of forty-five ships to be prepared with two thousand troops all under the command of Ali Abrahem Marca, a Moor–a bold pirate, but a gallant cavalier, This Marca arrived at Columbo at the beginning of October, and was immediately joined by Madune, and the two proceeded to lay siege to Cota. This city was built on a large sheet of water and was connected with the mainland by a narrow neck, which was fortified by the Factor with a bastion and palisade and armed with guns from the four captured Moorish ships while boats were got ready to defend the passage. The King despatched an urgent message to Goa and Cochin for help and made all preparations that he could. The siege was pressed on with great vigour in the course of which our men displayed marvellous courage and endurance. The King's envoy was fortunate enough to find at Cochin Martim Afonso de Sousa with his fleet; realizing the danger in which the King was placed, de Sousa made all haste and set out for Columbo in February, The Malabars hearing of this withdrew their fleet, while Madune raised the siege and made peace with his brother. Twelve days after the departure of the enemy's fleet de Sousa arrived in Columbo and proceeded to Cota, where he was warmly welcomed by the King, who was delighted at the zeal which the Portuguese had displayed on his behalf, and loaded de Sousa with presents. Proceeding from Ceilao the Portuguese fell in with the Malabar fleet, which they defeated with considerable loss.
But the ambition of Madune was not appeased. He realised the advantage which his brother received from the friendship of the Portuguese, who still maintained their factory at Columbo for the convenience of the cinnamon trade. He therefore sent another embassy to the Camorin with valuable presents and a sum of money with which to purchase the assistance of another fleet, and he further promised to give up to him some sea-ports in the Island. A fresh fleet was soon prepared under the supreme command of three distinguished Moors-Pachi Marca, his brother Cunhale Marca, and Ali Abrahem. It consisted of fifty-one ships with eight thousand men at arms, and was provided with a large quantity of muskets, bows, lances and four hundred pieces of heavy artillery, chiefly of bronze; while the oarsmen carried bows and arrows under their benches to be used in case of an engagement. But Martim Afonso de Sousa who had received information of its movements succeeded in intercepting

I9
it before it reached Ceilâo and entirely destroyed it, the three commanders however escaping in two light boats. Considerable booty was taken including more than two hundred guns as well as a hat which had been sent by the Camorin as a present to Madune; this was subsequently given to the King of Cochin. De Sousa passed on to Columbo where he found the King and our Factor besieged within Cota by Madune, who was expecting the speedy arrival of Pate Marca; but he was soon undeceived and hastily retired and fortified himself on a mountain, from where he sent and made peace. De Sousa was warmly received and again laden with valuable gifts by the grateful King, who further lent him 45,000 cruzados to pay his troops with; the greater portion of this, as well as of subsequent loans, was never repaid. In September of 1538 Don Garcia de Noronha arrived as Viceroy. (De Barros Dec. IV. 2; De Couto Dec. V, 1.)
Madune was greatly exasperated at the defeat of the fleet, but he did not desist from his plans. At this time the King of Reigáo died, whereupon Madune entered Reigao Corla and seized that kingdom and the treasures of his deceased brother. He further sent another embassy to the Camorin with a large sum of money for a further fleet. The King of Cota at this time had no sons; he therefore married his daughter to a Prince who lived in the Seven Corlas, named Treava Pandar, erroneously called Tribuli Pandar, who was descended both on the father's and mother's side from the Royal Race of the Sun, for such an one alone could hold the imperial power over the Chingalas. He at the same time made all the necessary, preparations for the anticipated struggle, and sent to Goa for assistance. The message was received by the Governor in June, when he immediately sent to St. Thomé for Miguel Ferreira, a distinguished cavalier who had more knowledge of the affairs of Ceilao than any other of our countrymen in India, and requested him to take charge of the proposed expedition. Everything was ready by the beginning of February, 1539, when our fleet made its way to Manar. There he learnt that Pachi Marca had landed on the river. Putulao and had strongly established himself. His fleet consisted of sixteen ships, and Ferreira determined to attack them where they stood. He found the enemies' ships drawn on land and secured by chains. Falling upon them unexpectedly he seized their boats, and after a severe struggle compelled them to . abandon their fortifications leaving all their artillery in our hands. This latter was taken on board whilst the ships were towed to Columbo where our men were gladly welcomed by the King of Cota, who had been besieged by his brother till the arrival of the news of Pachi Marca’s defeat. Arrangements were immediately made to invade the kingdom of Ceitavaca; our men entered in five divisions and wrought considerable havoc accompanied by deeds of cruelty. Ferreira then sent a Modeliar to Madune to
C 2

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inform the latter of his arrival and of his determination not to leave the country till he had established peace in the kingdom of Cota; he demanded the unconditional surrender of lacini Marca and of the rest of the Malabars; if he failed to comply, he swore by Nazareth, which was his favourite oath, that he would not desist till he had harried him out of the kingdom and taken his head before the Viceroy of India,
Madune was greatly alarmed; he sent back a humble reply begging for peace, but declaring that he could not surrender the men who had taken shelter with him.
The King of Cota was quite prepared to make terms, but Ferreira insisted on the surrender of Pachi Marca. Milduine was at his wit's end, and arranged to do by cunning what he could not effect openly without dishonour. He informed lachi Marca and Cunhale Marca of the demand that had becen na de and advised them to escape by night into the forest, where they should remain till Ferreira left the country. Accordingly they made their way that night with seventy Moorish followers into the forest, where they were set upon by a large number of Pachas, the cruellest caste among the Chingalas and men who are accustomed to cut off the noses and lips of the enemies whom they slay, By these they were shot down to a man and their heads cut off and sent to Ferreira. Peace was immediately made, the delighted King of Cota distributing money among all the men in the fleet, and presenting to the Captain pieces of jewellery, and lending 30,000 cruzados for the expenses of the fleet.
Ferreira returned to Goa at the end of April and was received by
the Viceroy with every mark of distinction, (De Couto Dec. V. 1.)
The following year the Viceroy died and was succeeded by Dom Estevão da Gama. In the fleet which was despatched to Portugal at the end of this year there also went two Ambassadors from the King of Cota. Their mission was to request the King Dom João to recognise the King's grandson, the son of Tribuli Pandar, as heir to the kingdom, and they took with them in a large box an image of the young Prince made of mara with a head of gold, as well as a golden crown set with many precious stones with which the Prince was to be crowned. The Ambassadors were well received by our King, who summoned the assembly of our nobles and crowned the image in public with the greatest possible pomp, accompanied by great festivities and bull-fights, An official confirmation was also drawn up and the Ambassadors were sent back by the next fleet, well satisfied. (De Couto Dec, V. 2.)
In 1524 Dom Vasco da Gama, Conde da Vidigueira and Admiral of the Indian Seas, arrived as Viceroy, carrying with him instructions from the King Dom João to pull down the fort which had been erected in Ceilao; he accordingly sent orders to

2.
Fernão Gomes de Lemos who was Captain there to dismantle the fort and to return in the ships of his brother Antonio de Lemos who was on guard there, which he proceeded to do. The Viceroy himself died on the twenty-fourth of December of the same year, having been in India less than four months. (De Borros Dec. III. 2.)
CHAPTER B,
When in September, 1551, the palace of the hapless Dharmapala at Jayawardhana Pura Kotte was rifled by Dom Afonso de Noronha, the impecunious Viceroy of Goa, a list of the treasures then stolen was prepared by the Veador da Fazenda Symao Botelho, and has been recently, in 1904, published at Lisboa by the Academnia Real das Sciencias. This publication also includes a list of the valuables taken from Berendi Kovil at Ceitavaca, the dishonourable appropriation of which by the shameless Viceroy has aroused the condemnation even of the official Portuguese historian.
Appended to the book there are among others a series of documents from the Court of Dom Joham III. of Portugal dealing with affairs in Ceilao; from these are selected three for translation as being of special interest; they refer to (1) Dharmapala Bandar, (2) Sembahap Perumal, and (3) Antonio Pereira.
* Leaving the Factor, his clerk, and fifteen Portuguese behind in charge of the King, says Castanheda, Bk. VI. In a letter dated 30th December, 1528, and addressed to the King of Portugal, occurs the following passage: 'A galleon which arrived from Ceylon with cinnamon brought an Ambassador from the King to request the erection of a tower on the site of the old fortress, where the Factor and a few men should reside. He even offered to pay the expenses of the building, so anxious was he to be on good terms with the Portuguese, it consequence of his being at war with two brothers who were endeavouring to seize his dominions. It seemed to be for the good of Your Majesty's service that a tower, capable of being held by a few men, should be erected, and as it will afford a secure shelter for the Factor, which is anything but the case now, as when Moorish paraos arrive there, he dare not remain, but is compelled to flee for safety to the King's palace. This King is very devoted to Your Majesty, and places more confidence in us than in his own people, and only this year, when in terror of his own brother, he placed himself, his treasures and his jewels under the protection of the Factor. He is so much inclined towards us and our customs that we may hope soon he will become a Christian' Dan vers: Portuguese in India, Vol. 1., p, 384.
† Vide Chapter C.

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DocuMENT
DoM JoHAM, &c.
To all to whom this despatch of minc should COS
Be it known that Buhaneguabaho, King of Ceilam, has sent me word by his Ambassador Pamditer that by the great confidence which he has in
Taomapala Pandarym his grandsoh, being his daughter's son, that after his own decease he will be fit to rule and govern his kingdom and protect his subjects and vassals with all justice, and will preserve inviolate the true friendship which exists between us, as it is his great desire that all his heirs and successors should observe the same,
He having requested me to be pleased to ordain that at his demise his aforesaid grandson should succeed to and inherit his kingdom;
And having considered that it is the custom for sons to succeed their fathers in the aforesaid kingdom, and that the aforesaid Tammapala Pandarym is his grandson, being his daughter's son, and that there is no other son or grandson of the aforesaid King save he alone, wherefore by the aforesaid custom the aforesaid kingdom pertains to him of right,
And as it is my earnest desire in this matter to please the aforesaid King of Ceyllam as well for the great goodwill I bear towards him as for the high kindness which he has always willingly displayed in all matters relating to my interests which have arisen, and as it is my hope that the aforesaid his grandson will likewise for all time cherish, maintain and preserve this our friendship and will be grateful to me and will merit all this great kindness at my hands,
* I.e., Dhammapala, Dharmapala.

23
And for various other just causes me thereunto moving:
I do by these presents ordain and it is my pleasure that at the death of the aforesaid Buhanegabaho, King of Ceillam, he the aforesaid Tammapala Pandarim his grandson should succeed to and inherit the aforesaid kingdom and be the King thereof as and in the like manner that his aforesaid grandsire does at this day hold and possess the same without question, let, or hindrance of any kind SOeVe”.
Wherefore I do issue my command in such wise to my Captain-Major and Governor in the parts of India, to the Comptroller of my Treasury, and to all and several my other Captains, officers and persons to whom this despatch of mine is shown or to whom knowledge is conveyed thereof, that they do hold the aforesaid Tammapalla Pandarym as true and lawful heir to the aforesaid kingdom of Ceyllam, and that at the decease of the aforesaid King his grandsire, they shall permit him to inherit and succeed thereto and for such purpose render him all support and assistance he may desire and protect him from all those who attempt to impede or oppose the same, for such is my pleasure and it is to the advantage of my service.
In confirmation whereof I have commanded that this despatch do issue signed by my hand and sealed with my leaden seal and registered at my Chancellary. Given at the City of Allmeirym this XII. day of March : thus done, Pero Fernandez :
In the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand and five hundred and forty-three.
De Couto states definitely that two Ambassadors were sent by Bhuvaneka Bahu,* but the Rajavaliya only makes mention of one, Sallappu Arachchila; probably both statements are correct, there being one chief Ambassador, Pamditer, and his Interpreter,
* Vide Chapter A.

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Amtonio Pireira; it is also probable that Sallappu, the Sanlupur Arachche of de Couto, and Panditer, all refer to the same person.
This latter name is of course the Sinhalese IPa ndita :: the individual was no doubt the same Bragmane Panilita who was employed by Bhuvaneka Bahu in 1550 to convey his presentin cash-to the same Viceroy. He must have been a member of the distinguished but now extinct family of Pandita Ratna, hereditary Secretaries of the Maha Wasala at Kotte, in whom the culture of their Brahmin ancestors was so manifest till comparatively modern times. Another member was in 1704 at the head of the great educational establishment at Cotta; this latter's grandson, who was educated at Amsterdam and afterwards at Leyden at the expense of the Dutch Government, subsequently rose to the highest place occupied by a Sinh: lese in the Dutch Church. A list of his works printed in Colombo between 1766 and 1786 including numerous translations from the Greek and Hebrew, will be found in the Ceylon Literary Register, Vol. II.
DocuMENT II.
DoM JoHAM, &c.
To all to whom this despatch of mine should come:
Be it known that Buhanegabaho King of Ceilao has sent me word that Taomatey Samparaprimal is his Camareiro Moor and that he has brought up his sons, in which matter and in every other thing he , has served him most faithfully, for which reason and as he is the principal personage of his Court and belongs to a very noble caste, he has requested me to be pleased to ordain that at his own demise he should be the Camareiro Moor of his grandson, and that at the death of the aforesaid Tammatey Samparaprimal his son and his descendants should be the same in such manner that for all time the aforesaid office of Camareiro Moor to the Kings of Ceilao should continue in those of his family and not be conferred on any other persons:
Having taken the said request into consideration and from my great desire in every matter to please the aforesaid King, I do by these presents ordain

25
and command my Captain-Major and Governor of the parts of India and all others my Captains and persons to whom knowledge thereof is conveyed that the appointment be thus confirmed and guarded inviolate without question or impediment of any kind. In confirmation whereof I have ordered that this despatch do issue signed by my hand and sealed with my seal and registered at my Chancellary.
Given at the City of Almeirym this XVI. day of March: Thus done, Antonio Ferraz:
In the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand and five hundred and forty-three.
The sons' referred to in this document are no doubt the Princes Dharmapala and his brother Wijayapala, Taomatey Samparap rimal is Tammita Sembaha Perumal, who is described in the Rajawaliya as Tammita Surya Bandara Senadipati,' brother of Vidiya Bandara : it is recorded in this latter history too that he was sent as a prisoner to Goa, and (as appears from an unpublished ola copy presently in my possession) subsequently returned a Christian. His pedigree is as follows :-
King Vira Parakrama Bahu (1471-1495?)
King Dharma Parakrama Prince King Wijaya Bahu Prince
Bahu (1495-1518 ?) Taniyan Walla (1518-1525?) Sri Raja Sinha
Biso -----Soli Prince King Bhuvaneka Bahu
(1525-1551 ?)
Tammita Sembahap Peruma Vidiye Bandara =Princess Samudra Dewi
King Dharmapala Prince Wijayapala
(1551-1597)

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Camareiro Moor is the equivalent of Lord Chamberlain and represents the highest of the officers of the Household at the time : this was no doubt the Lord Treasurer, whose office ranked with that of the Gajenaike Nileme, the Chief of the elephant department, whether the duties of the LBandare were at this period divided into two departments as at a later date or not; the probabilities are that they were not. At any rate Lord of the Treasury' is the interpretation of the honorific name of the eminent family of Mohottiars who in 1664, as appears from the Dutch Thombo of Hewagam Korale, possessed Sembe Prunege Watte as their paraveni property.
DocUMENT III, DoM JoHAM, &c.
To all to whom this despatch of mine should come:
Be it known that Buhanegabaho King of Ceilao has sent me word that whereas Amtonio Pireira, the Interpreter who accompanied the Ambassador whom he despatched to me, is an honourable man and has served faithfully in the aforesaid office, I may be pleased that he should so continue to serve throughout his life.
From my great desire in every matter to please - the aforesaid King, I do by these presents ordain and it is my pleasure that the aforesaid Amtonio Pireira shall continue in the said office of Interpreter throughout his life and that he be not removed therefrom so long as he continues to serve faithfully. Wherefore I do command and notify to my Captain-Major and Governor of the parts of India and to all others my Captains and persons to whom knowledge thereof is conveyed that the said appointment be thus confirmed and guarded inviolate without question or impediment of any kind.
In confirmation whereof I have ordered that this despatch do issue signed by my hand and sealed with my seal and registered in my Chancellary.
Given at the City of Almeirym this XVI. day of March : thus done, Amtonio Ferraz :

27
In the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand and five hundred and forty-three.
The following is a summary of the rest of the documents referring to Ceilao.
13 March, 1543.
Portuguese traders are forbidden to advance money on the merchandise they wish to purchase from the natives as such advances are the cause of much trouble to the latter; the infringement of this order will be punished by the confiscation of double the amount advanced for the benefit of the Misericordia at Cochim.
14 March, 1543.
Portuguese traders must pay the King of Ceilao, the same customary dues on articles bought and sold as all others who trade in the country, under pain of their goods being confiscated for the benefit of the King.
13 March, 1543.
King Buhanegabahoo's Ambassador has complained to me that my subjects who wish to build ships and champanas in his kingdom, instead of obtaining the necessary timber from the mountain, are in the habit of cutting down the cocos, facas, and bunamarao trees which supply the food of the inhabitants, to their grievous loss; in future no ship may be constructed in that kingdom save on the license of the King of the country and of the Governor of India under pain of the confiscation of the ship so built or of the value thereof for the benefit of the said King.
13 March, 1543.
King Buhanegabaho has informed me that there are many Portuguese settlers, both married and single, who have forcibly seized the lands and gardens of his subjects and hold the same by defective titles; as requested by him I make order that in future no Portuguese may purchase any such land or garden save with his license and under condition of paying in their entirety all dues and performing all the services that their grantors were subject to. Failure to comply with these requirements will involve the confiscation of the property so obtained.
14 March, 1543.
Complaint has been made to me by King Buhanegabaho
through his Ambassador that my subjects who trade in his
country fix exorbitant prices for their goods and when they

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cannot find purchasers they enter the houses of people and compel them to pay the prices they demand, while at the same time they forcibly take away their property paying the natives less than their proper value; this practice is strictly forbidden under penalty of the offenders' property being confiscated for the benefit of the Misericordia at Cochym.
14 March, 1543.
As I have been given to understand that several ships have left the harbours of Ceilao with a large number of boys and girls and slaves stolen from their parents and masters, and also much cinnamon and other forbidden articles, it is hereby ordered that all ships desiring to leave should first notify the King of Ceilao to enable him to have them examined; all ships must carry a certificate of such examination as well as a list of slaves and merchandise on board; failure to comply with this order will be punished by confiscation of the cargo for the benefit of the Misericordia.
14 March, 1543,
Buhanegabaho King of Ceilao having informed me that many slaves, the prisoners of his subjects, become Christians so as to obtain liberty and thus their masters are put to great loss as their value is not made good to them; it is hereby ordered that when such slaves become Christians their masters may sell them to Christians, and any free man becoming converted and possessing lands and gardens which are subject to any duty is not thereby relieved of the necessity of continuing to perform such duty as heretofore.
CHAPTER C.
In May, 1542, Martim Afonso de Sousa, whose previous career in the East had been so successful, arrived as Governor of India, after spending thirteen months on the journey; with him came six members of the newly founded Society of Jesus, among them being Mestre Francisco Xavier. In 1544 the King of Jafanapataio entered into an agreement by which he promised to pay a yearly tribute to the Portuguese (Faria y Sousa). De Sousa was succeeded in office by Dom João de Castro who reached India in September, 1545.
The Ambassadors who had been sent to Portugal were accompanied on their return by several priests of the Order of St. Francisco who were well received by the King of Cota and allowed full liberty to preach the religion of Christ throughout his dominions; their labours bore speedy fruit and they made

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a large number of converts and established churches at the seaports of Panature, Macu, Berberi, Gale, and Belliguáo. One of the priests, Fr. Pascoal, with two companions penetrated as far as Candia where they were welcomed by the King Javira Pandar, Madune's father's brother's son. He presented them with a large tract of land and with everything which was required for the construction of a church and their houses, and they soon obtained so much influence over the King himself that he was anxious to be baptised and was only prevented from doing so by fear of the displeasure of his subjects. The Rather accordingly advised him to apply to the Governor of India to send a Captain with some troops for his protection, and one of the priests was despatched with this message in April, 1547. The Governor was delighted at the news and promised to send two hundred men under the command of Antonio Moniz Barreto; he at the same time forwarded a letter to the King with some pieces of jewellery and other curiosities.
Madune however learnt of the design of the King of Candia, and sent messengers to him and urged him to abandon his project. He pointed out that the inevitable consequence of such conduct on his part would be that either the Portuguese would seize on his kingdom, or his own subjects Wρuld turn on him and put him to death; these representations had so much effect on him that he agreed to kill all the Portuguese who should come. Barreto arrived shortly after at Batecalou by way of Manar and Gale. He landed with a hundred and twenty men and a few guns, leaving the rest to protect the ships and marched overland to Candia with the King's Ambassadors who had gone to Goa with the priest. When within a short distance from the capital he received information of the conspiracy which had been hatched against him; with great promptitude he determined to burn all the baggage which he had and to retire at once with a small supply of biscuit. He addressed the soldiers and pointed out the absolute necessity for the course he was taking; their only chance now was to try and get to Triquinimallef and cross over from there to Cota, and they had to rely entirely on the strength of their arms; he then took a gun and commenced to march out at the head of his men.
The King suspecting that the information had been given by the priests, immediately placed them under arrest and sent a large number of men to attack our troops in the rear. They came on us at a considerable distance from the city, and Barreto himself directing our resistance, we slowly retired keeping up a continuous fight without resting or eating anything except the dry biscuits
* Maggona, still called Macun by the Moors. † Clearly a mistake for Ceitavaca : vide Andrade’s Life of Dom João de Castro.

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which we had. Night brought some respite but when morning dawned the numbers of the enemy had increased to over cigh thousand who kept on pressing us the more. We were fortunate enough to capture one of the enemy's Modeliars, from whom we learnt that their design was to surround us at a narrow hridge. We soon reached that point where the enemy did not ventire to close upon us, but poured their clouds of arrows from a distance. As a last resort Barreto determined to order the legs of the Modeliar who had been taken prisoner to be cut off, so as to hamper the enemy and compel them to attend to him. The delay thus created enabled us to seize the bridge, and to make our way over it slowly protected by the fire of our musketry, those who were the first to cross halting to cover those who followed. When all had crossed in safety Barreto ordered a portion of the bridge to be destroyed so as to prevent the enemy from following us, for the river was too deep to be forded; then we hurried on to Trequimalle (?) whence we made our way to Ceitavaca where we were well received. The retreat was a magnificent piece of generalship, and can only be compared to that of Decius from before the Sammites, an incident which has been immortalised by Titus Livius; although it occupied three consecutive days, not one of the one hundred and twenty men was lost.
Madune persuaded Barreto that all this treachery was due to the instigation of the King of Cota; but a few days after he reached Columbo, Ambassadors arrived from Candia to conveyan expression of the King's great regret for what had taken place. He cast the whole blame upon Madune, and as a proof of his repentance he returned the guns which had been left behind and sent 10,000 pardaosi to be distributed among the soldiers. He also requested that the priests should be sent back to him, but this Barreto would not agree to till he had sent a full account of what had taken place to the Governor. (De Couto Dec. VI.-1). In June, 1548, Dom João de Castro died and was succeeded by Garcia de Sa, who died within twelve months; he left in the armoury two thousand muskets made in Cochin, Coulao and Ceilão.
In the middle of November, 1549, the Governor of India Jorge Cabral visited Cochin. He had not been there many days when Ambassadors came from the King of Cota begging for assistance against Madune who had wrested the greater portion of his kingdom and was besieging him in his capital, and promising in return to pay 10,000 cruzados in cash and to supply a shipload of pepper, to increase his annual tribute from three hundred to four hundred bahars of cinnamon, as well as to present
* Pardaos 4s. 2d.-4s. 6d.

1550
3 I
ten elephants to serve in our dockyards. The matter was brought before the Council, when it was unanimously resolved that assistance should be sent as speedily as possible, Dom Jorge de Castro being selected to command the expedition which was to consist of six hundred men. He started at the beginning of January, 1550, whereupon 10,000 cruzados were immediately paid down by the Ambassadors. Dom Jorge reached Columbo and advanced on Cota compelling Madune to retire to Ceitavaca leaving a strong garrison to oppose our army. A joint movement was arranged with the King, who began to collect men and provisions.
The King pf Candia learning of the arrival of this force was alarmed as he thought that he would now be called upon to account for his behaviour towards Antonio Moniz Barreto. His own son Caralea Pandar' had been persuaded by the priests of the Order of St. Francisco who were in the city and especially by Fr. Pascoal, to become a Christian. This had so enraged the father that he had sought to put the Prince to deathf and to give his kingdom to his bastard son Comarasinga Adasana, but the Prince had effected his escape to a mountain in the kingdom of Huva with the priests and had declared war on his father, This latter thereupon sent Ambassadors to Dom Jorge who received them in the presence of the King of Cota. They declared that their master was deeply penitent for his past offences, and had it not been for the interference of Madune he would himself have become a Christian. They begged the
Captain to send some priests into the country, for the King
was anxious to effect a reconciliation with his son, and to do all he could to serve the King of Portugal.f Dom Jorge was greatly pleased at what he considered this piéce of goodfortune. Two priests of the Order of St. Francisco were sent, accompanied by Captain Francez and a dozen soldiers, with orders to proceed by way of Negumbo so as to avoid the territories of Madune. After a perilous journey they arrived at Candia where they were warmly received and allotted the same hermitage as those who had come before them. Here they began to make converts, but the King who was waiting to see the result of
* Karalliyedde Bandara : Rajawaliya p. 28.
t According to de Say Meneses King Jayawira had put his son and heir to death for turning Christian; in consequence of the persuasion of the King's sister, her own son and one of the King's sons turned Christian and escaped to Goa during the time of Martim Afonso de Sousa, and were lodged at the College of St. Paul with several other Sinhalese nobles. The King writing on 8th March, 1546, to Dom Joao de Castro refers to a young man who had fled to Goa from Ceilao to avoid the anger of his parents because he had turned Christian; he was to be received into the College of St. Paul and well provided for; and as he was of the Royal House and claimed the succession to the kingdom that claim was to be inquired into. Andrade's Life of de Castro.

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affairs in Columbo, would never let them go beyond certain limits, while his spies kept him informed of what was going on at Ceitavaca.
Dom Jorge and the King now took the field, the Portuguese leading the van, while five thousand of the King's men brought up the rear. That evening they arrived at a passage two league's from Columbo, between the river of Mutual and a large lake, which was said to be five leagues in circumference. On the northern bank of the river strong fortifications had been erected by the enemy, protected by a broad moat filled with the water from the lake and crossed by a draw-bridge. Heavy pieces of artillery were mounted on the fort, while a dense jungle of bamboos, so thick that even a wild beast could hardly break through it, stretched for half a league up the water. We decided to make our attack at the angles of the walls and two or three days were spent in preparing strong platforms of wood mounted on wheels, as well as mantles and scaling ladders. The attack began at midnight, the King advancing on one side and we on the other. The ladders were pushed forward under cover of a storm of shot from the platforms, and our men rushing up them, a fierce conflict followed with heavy loss on both sides. The King's men carried the ramparts before them, whereupon the enemy retired and all their works were set on fire.
We remained there for that day, while the wounded who were numerous were despatched to Cota for treatment. The next day we advanced to a second fortified position on the same road called Maluanat This too was carried after a sharp fight, the enemy retiring after the loss of six hundred men. The following day we reached another fort named Grubabilem, larger and stronger than the rest, and fortified with stout walls and bastions and occupied by a powerful garrison. On the riverside there was a dense jungle of bamboos, and on the other a thick forest. This fort was carried by us though with similar loss, and after resting here for a day, vie advanced towards Ceitavaca, finding Madune awaiting us on the road with all his force. A desperate struggle followed in which he was worsted and compelled to flee to the mountains of Dinave ca,S leaving his capital in our hands. The city was a very large one, built among four mountains on the same river of Mutual, which is also calfed the Calane. On the southern bank was the palace of the King, which resembled a fortress with strong walls and was raised on a platform of twenty broad steps. The fortress was square with three gates on each side; half the city was om, this bank, and half on the other,
* This must be Mulleriawa tan t Malvana.
į Hanwella.
To Batugedera; Rajavallya p. 旭

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In this latter was the handsomest pagoda in the whole of the Island, dedicated to an idol called Paramisura. The building was of wonderful work, and it was asserted that two thousand workmen had been continuously employed at it for over twenty years. We entered the city, the King occupying his brother's palace which was full of every kind of wealth while Dom Jorge encamped on the other side, which was sacked by our soldiers, who found in it an abundance of gold and valuable articles of merchandise. Then they passed to the southern side which was similarly plundered though the temples were spared out of deference to the wishes of the King. The King's own men were the greatest thieves of all for they dug into the very palace and unearthed an abundance of treasure.
Madune now gave up the struggle and sent Ambassadors to the King who were received in the presence of the Captain. These conveyed a message of Madune's great contrition, and his desire to make all the amends that he could. The King, who was a brave but compassionate man, expressed his willingness to make peace, and the Ambassadors were sent back with a request that he should come to the city to arrange terms, and provided with a safe conduct. Madune accordingly returned with some of his chief Modeliars and was affectionately received by the King. Peace was made on the condition that Madune would never again make war on his brother, and would give up all the districts which he had seized. He also undertook to pay Dom Jorge 100,000 pagodas to cover the expenses incurred by him, and further to provide on payment everything that was necessary for the expedition to Candia, for which the King of Cota promised to contribute three thousand men.
Dom Jorge now began his preparations for this fresh expedition. The King of Cota warned him against the risks which he was likely to incur from the nature of the country, and the treacherous disposition of the King; Dom Jorge thanked him for the advice, but as the orders of the Governor were imperative he had no alternative but to obey, and early in April he took the field.
The King of Candia on his side collected 40,000 men and strongly fortified the capital, and when we had arrived within a league of the city he advanced to dispute the passage; hut fortunately Captain Francez succeeded in effecting his escape and informed the Captain of what was awaiting him. A council was hastily summoned, where it was unanimously agreed that the danger was so great that the best course to follow was to withdraw at once. We struck our camp and retired rapidly though in good order. The King hearing of this, seized the narrow defiles on the road, and worried our men who could not retaliate with shot and arrows. With great difficulty we struggled through, losing seven
* Berendi Kovil. D

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hundred men, including four hundred Portuguese, while all the
rest were badly wounded. On cntering the territories of Madune,
a Modeliar with five hundred men met us with a message that Madune was waiting for us at Ceitavaca to give us all the assistance which we needed, but as our Captain suspected his good intcntions, he unexpectedly retired by a by-road leaving thirty wounded in the camp. These un fortunate men were taken before Madune, wlno ordered them to be beheaded. The King of Cota met our men on the retreat and conducted them to his capital, where he provided them with everything that was necessary. From here Dom Jorge withdrew to Columbo, whence he started for Cochin at the beginning of September.
In October, 1550, the new Viceroy of India, Dom Afonso de Noronha, on his way to assume office was miscarried to Columbo. The King of Cota learning of his arrival went to visit him, whereupon the Viceroy landed with all the fidalgos and an interview took place at St. Antonio, the monastery of the Minor Friars. The King asked for assistance against his brother; the Viceroy assured him that this would be the very first matter which would receive his attention, and in return asked for 200,000 pardaos on the spot. The King begged to be excused, on the ground that the expedition under Dom Jorge had already cost him 70,000; the Viceroy was ill-content and went on board dissatisfied. The King entrusted to him a present to be forwarded to the Portuguese Queen, consisting of the following articles:-a large collar of gold set with pearls and rubies, with three crosses of precious stones pendant therefrom with a large pearl below: another collar set with rubies with a large stone in the middle: a third collar of gold set with rubies and catseyes, having in the middle a large catseye surrounded with rubies: three bracelets of gold set with precious stones: a large ring set with a catseye surrounded with rubies, and a handsome unset catseye. All these were subsequently despatched to Lisbon. To appease the Viceroy a present of 15,000 pardaos was also sent to him through a Bragmane Pandita; and before he sailed away a son of Madune came and had an interview with him.
Madune did not maintain peace with his brother for long, but as soon as the rainy season came on when no help could be despatched from India, he began to collect his troops. The King of Cota despatched his son-in-law Tribuli Pandar accompanied by Gaspar de Azavedo, the Factor, with all the Portuguese to resist the invasion. After a series of skirmishes the enemy were forced to retire to the other bank of the river Calane, while Tribuli Pandar encamped facing them. The King of Cota went out to inspect his army and as the Portuguese soldiers were taking their meal in a large verandah, he showed himself at a
"To Kelaniya-Rajavaliyap. 79.

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window when he was unexpectedly shot through the head by a musket ball and fell down dead. A scene of great confusion followed, but remedies were of no avail. Tribuli Pandar immediately retired on Cota with his army, and after celebrating the funeral rites placed his son the Prince Dramabella on the throne, he himself being the first to swear allegiance followed by the Factor and all the nobles of the country. Madune hearing of his brother's death advanced to Balegale, a league from Cota, and sent a message to the assembled nobles calling upon them to swear allegiance to him as their rightful King; their reply was that they had a King already, in whose defence they were prepared to lay down their lives. . Thereupon Madune advanced within sight of the capital to the edge of the lake, but Tribuli Pandar led out his forces, and after a short fight routed the enemy and compelled him to retire to Canabol,
For a long time it was suspected that the late King had been shot by some Portuguese in the pay of Madune; but some years later a Portuguese soldier when on his death-bed confessed that it was he who had fired the shot: that the matter was a pure accident, for he was aiming at a dove at the time. Fortunately for our reputation, this confession was made in the presence of an aged Chingala, a Christian, from whom we heard the story.
News of all this was sent to the Viceroy in August, 1551; he set out for Columbo towards the end of September, and was received by the King and the Factor with every demonstration of respect. The Viceroy took up his quarters at the Factory and sent his son Dom Fernando de Menezes with five hundred men to seize the roads leading from Cota, which he immediately did, placing a Captain with one hundred menin occupation of the palace itself. Everybody was scandalized at this extraordinary procedure towards a friendly King. The Viceroy next went in person to Cota, and after arresting the principal Modeliars and aged servants of the palace, began to make enquiries for the treasures of their ancient Kings, and failing to obtain any information, he ordered some of the Modeliars to be put to the torture. The people were horror-struck, and within a few days six hundred of the principal inhabitants had deserted to Madune. The palace was next searchedS and all the gold coin including five hundred and sixty ancient Portugueses the silver, jewels, and precious stones were seized; indeed the coin alone amounted to more than 100,000 pardaos. The unfortunate King was helpless, and was compelled
* Bollegala in Siyane Korale.
t Kanampella in Hewagam Korale ?
“Some say that this hurt was done of set purpose; others that it was done unwittingly; God alone knoweth which is true. Rajavaliya p. 79.
& Our King's golden spittoons too were appropriated to replenish the exhausted coffers of Portugal
| Each worth ten cruzados,
D 2

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to enter into an agreement by which he undertook to pay 200,000 pairdaos to the Viceroy for the destruction of the power of Madune, once half of the booty to be taken at Ceitavaca being at the same time promised to the King; 80,000 parduos were paid down on the spot, to raise which sum he was obliged to sell his jewels and other private property. s
The Viceroy now took the field with three thousand Portu. guese, and Tribuli Pandar was in command of four tlous and innen while Madune waited behind his defences. The first line was carried with considerable loss. A desperate struggle took place over the second and the third which were also carried and we then moved on the city. Madune after one last effort to check our advance
fled to the fastnesses of Darnagale.* The Viceroy occupied the
palace, while the King took up his quarters close to the pagoda. The city was now given over to plunder, the very foundations of the palace being dug up by the Viceroy in an unsuccessful search for the King's treasure. The great pagoda was similarly treated. An immense quantity of images of gold and silver, large and small, candlesticks, basins, bells and the temple utensils, all of which were made of gold, and the jewelled ornaments, were seized and kept by the Viceroy without one half being given to the King of Cota as had been agreed upon. The latter learning that Madune was in Darnagale with a few men, begged the Viceroy to send his father with five hundred men to seize him; the Viceroy replied that the plan was an excellent one, and immediately asked for 20,000 pardaos to make up the one half of the sum which had been promised. The unfortunate King was unable to raise the sum; whereupon the Viceroy declared that he had no time for this
work as he had to arrange to despatch ships to Portugal, and at
once returned to Columbo.
Dom João Henriques was there appointed Captain-Major over the Island, and four hundred men were left as a garrison for the city of Cota where he was ordered to take up his quarters, while the care of Columbo was entrusted to the Alcaide Mor Fernão de Carvalho. It was also decided to surround the whole city of Columbo with fortifications and this work was immediately taken in hand, the workmen left by the Viceroy being employed for the purpose and taipas constructed the greater portion of which are in existence still, (i.e. in 1598). The Viceroy was anxious to take Tribuli Pandar with him, but the latter suspecting his design escaped into the forest a league from Cota. The King was also urged to turn Christian, but he excused himself on the ground that such a proceeding on his part would considerably
*
X
* Deraniyagala in Atulugam Korale.
it “Had the Indian broke his word with the Christian, he had been a barbarian; I know not what a Christian is, that breaks his with the barbarian; perhaps wiser men know." (Faria y Sousa).

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increase the influence of Madune over the people and finally lead to the loss of his kingdom; he, however, gave him his cousin, whom he was at liberty to take to Goa and make a Christian. This was accordingly done and the Prince baptized at Goa with great solemnity under the name of Dom João. He was subsequently sent to Portugal, where he was kindly received by our King and entrusted to the Fathers of the Society to be instructed in our religion, and he was also given an annual allowance of 600,000 reis. He remained in Court for several years, where every respect was paid to him and he was allowed a chair in the Royal Presence in the same way as the Condes. He finally went to India where he was known as the Prince of Ceilao, and married a Portuguese lady, the daughter of an honourable Cavalier. His allowance was maintained till his death and he was buried in the church of St. Francisco in Goa.
The Viceroy still delayed in Columbo on the chance of securing his 20,000 pardaos, but the King's father emphatically refused to pay the sum as the Viceroy had failed to carry out his share of the undertaking; the latter accordingly arrested the Great Chamberlain of the King, who was in charge of the Government, and took him on board his galleon declaring that he would not be allowed to return till the money was paid. After an unsuccessful attempt to raise the sum among his kinsfolk, he sent the golden girdle which he wore and some pieces of jewellery which he had, and raised 5,000 pardaos which he sent to the Viceroy with a written undertaking to pay the balance in the course of the year; thereupon he was allowed to go back. The Viceroy himself started for Goa leaving strict instructions with Henriques to arrest the King's father; the King however interposed and pointed out how important it was that his father should take part in the proposed campaign against Madune. Tribuli Pandar was now in the Seven Corlas where his cousin was reigning and he had arranged for a marriage between his son the King, and another cousin of his, so as to effect a strong alliance against Madune, He now returned to Cota under a safe conduct and arranged with the Captain to advance on Madune with the Prince of the Corlas, while the Captain himself with the King and the Great Chamberlain were to proceed by way of Calane.
Unfortunately the Captain fell ill at this time and died on the 1st of May, 1552, and was succeeded in his office by Diogo de Mello Coutinho who was determined to carry out the instructions of the Viceroy. He accordingly asked the King to invite his father to Cota; the latter relying on the safe conduct which had been sent to him by Henriques, came unsuspectingly and was arrested in the very palace of the King and kept in
* Camareiro Mor ; v. Chapter B for Tammita Sembahap Perumal.

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chains in a powder tower at Columbo. His wife imme! tely appealed to the people of Cota and made her escape to live go to arrange for her husband's release. Three days later Dom Duarte Dega arrived as Captain of Columbo, and far from releasing the Prince, kept him in prison with greater rigour. Here the priests of the Order of St. Francisco had access to him, and obtained such an influence over his mind that he begged them to make him a Christian; they accordingly instructed him in our religion and secretly baptized him. On this coming to the ears of the Captain he was extremely angry, and forbade the priests to have any further access to him and took more rigorous steps to cut him off from all intercourse with the outer world. His wife however succeeded in bribing some Portuguese to open a secret passage from the orchard of the priests which adjoined the prison, and in this fashion Tribuli Pandar succeeded in effecting his escape. He was so enraged at the treatment which he had received that with the body of men his wife had collected he took the road to Gale destroying all the churches and killing all the Christians he found, and after burning a newly constructed ship at Gale he went on to Reigao and with his wife made his way to Pelenda eight leagues from Cota.
The King was dismayed at the turn things had taken and entreated all the parties to forget their private quarrels and to take joint action against Madune. The Captain recognised the wisdom of this advice and entered into an agreement which he swore to on the Missal, to assist them in the enterprise. The King at once gave one thousand cruzados to cover the cost of fifty Portuguese soldiers, while his Great Chamberlain took the field with three thousand men; but when he asked for the Portuguese, the reply he received was that they could not be sent unless more money was paid. The poor. King, robbed and deluded on every side, had none to spare, whereupon the Great Chamberlain sent his own girdle of gold which was worth five hundred cruzados to pay for the men, but all that he obtained was twenty Portuguese. The Great Chamberlain was next sent to try and persuade the Prince of the Corlas to join the concert; he had an interview with the latter at Madabe and arranged the matter satisfactorily; he then advanced by one road, the Prince by another, and Tribuli Pandar from Pelanda hy a third. The Great Chamberlain had some successful skirmishes with the Captain-General of Madune, when the conduct of Dega became so doubtful that the King suspecting some further treachery ordered his men to retire.
"Tributi Pandar was now determined to punish our Captain for his behaviour. He entered into an agreement with Madune by which he himself was to marry the latter's daughter, who was
* In Pasdum Korale. † Madadombe in the Wanni Hat Pattu.

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at the time a widow, while her daughter was to be given in marriage to the younger brother of the King. The latter was greatly alarmed at this new development, but his aged grandmother a lady of great shrewdness, went with the Great Chamberlain and interviewed Tribuli personally at Reigao and persuaded him to break off the new arrangement. Dega was now succeeded by Fernão Carvalho, the Alcaide Mor of Columbo. A new league was entered into between the King, his father and the Prince of the Corlas; five hundred cruzados were also paid for the services of fifty Portuguese which were however refused at the last moment on the pretext that a Malabar fleet was threatening the coast. The allies then invaded the territories of Madune with such success that they compelled him to sue for peace, which was granted.
Late in the year 1553, letters were received from the King of Portugal in which he expressed his great displeasure at the conduct of the Viceroy towards the King of Cota and ordered immediate restoration of all his belongings which still remained unsold; as for the balance which came to a sum of about 200,000 pardaos an undertaking was given that it would be restored gradually. But as a matter of fact the King never received more than 20,000, the rest being set off against arrears of tribute and the greater part squandered on so-called gifts to the various Portuguese oficials. (De Couto VI. 2)
CHAPTER D.
in September, 1554, the aged Dom Pedro Mascarenhas arrived as Viceroy and the same year King Dom Filipe married Queen Mary of England; the Viceroy however died on 15 June, 1555, and was succeeded as Governor by Francisco Barreto.
Tribuli Pandar after his escape from prison had taken up his quarters at Bandale and had entered into an alliance with Madune who sent a force of six hundred men with their Modeliars to assist him. With the help of these he had destroyed Paneturé, Caleturé, Maca, Berberi, Galé and Belligao with the churches of the Franciscans which were scattered throughout the country and was harrassing the Christians. At this crisis Affonso Pereira de Lacerda arrived as Captain and began to make preparations for effectively carrying on the war; thereon Madune sent and made terms with him, promising him every assistance against Tribuli Pandar and agreeing that the rents of the lands and harbours which he had usurped should be collected on behalf of the King of Portugal. These were from the harbour of
Licao, one thousand fanams; from Belicote, three hundred; from
* Wijayapala. t Bandara Gama in Raigam Korale ?

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the territories of the Queen, three thousand and three hundred; from those of Mapane, seven hundred; from those of Muliara, two thousand; from the harbour of Matual, three thousand three hundred and twenty; from Columbo, two thousand; from Paneturé, five hundred and sixty; and from Macu, Beligio, Galé and Chucari, nine thousand and seven hundred. It was further
arranged that the Captain should arrest the Great Chamberlain of the King of Cota, his brother-in-law Alanca Modeliar, and a
son of the Black Captain, as these were the three people whom Madune feared most for which reason he pretended that it was they who had instigated and assisted Tribuli Pandar, against whom the treaty was aimed.
These terms were agreed to; the three officers were placed under arrest, and the Great Chamberlain sent at the beginning of summer to Goa where he was well received by the Governor and entrusted to the members of the Order of St. Francis who persuaded him to become a Christian; he was accordingly baptized amidst great rejoicings, the Governor Francisco Barreto standing as sponsor and giving him his own name. He subsequently returned to Ceilao amidst every mark of honour.
Madune now with his bastard son Raju and a large force of men attacked Tribuli Pandar by way of Caleturé while two bodies of our men were sent by separate roads to fall on Palandat
* The Bekmopte Historie refers to “the rebel Alangakon' in 1736, R. A. S. Vol. xi: p. 130. The Dutch Nanayakkara Thombo of Matara for 1682 speaks of “Illangancon Modliaa who died in the Portuguese times.' In 1593 the army of Raja Sinha's grandson, commanded by Illangancon Modeliar, compelled Jayawira Bandara to retire before it. In 1638 Ilancon Mantri was appointed by Raja Sinha ii. to be Dissava of Matara. The Dutch Dissava Van der Molen (1670?) granted Bandara Watte, within the Matara Gravets, to Ilangancon Modliar.
A rampart of forest-clad mountains encircle the great plain which
form the adjacent villages of Morapitiya and Pelenda : the earthworks
which guarded the entrance can still be easily traced, while a raised Murapola of stone commands the mountain path which leads across the Atweltota to Kukul Korale. Crowning a gentle eminence which is surrounded by several thousands of acres of ozvita lands and close to the limpid waters of the Pelen Ganga are the plain squared stone columns of the palace of Vidiye Bandara ; alongside them stand the house of the Colombo Arachchige family, the descendants of some faithful follower of the Prince. The position intersected as it is by the numerous streams which fall into the river is one of great natural strength, while the owita lands are capable of supporting a large population. Close by there are two villages of Porowakarayas of the Karawa caste and two of Chaliyas, no doubt the descendants of the Prince's camp followers; while the Moorish villagers claim a similar ancestry. A stone cannon ball was discovered by me among some of the ruins during a recent visit and there are numerous traces of ancient iron works. The road taken by the Prince must have been the ancient path through Badureliya, Boralugoda, Hewesse, and Hinidum Kande, into the Galle Korale, At the - Saman Dewale at Latpandura, two miles from Pelenda, is still preserved a cloth which is said to have been taken from a Portuguese elephant.

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where Tribuli Pandar was. These forces effected a junction and in spite of a stout resistance carried the place while the Prince effected his escape to Tanavaré whence he made his way to the Seven Corlas. His palace being sacked and his wife, the daughter of Madune, taken prisoner, Tribuli Pandar sought refuge with the Prince of Urungure, which is one of the Corlas and was well received by him as he was his near kinsman. The ungrateful Prince however soon turned on his benefactor and after putting him to death one night made himself master of the city, the palace, and the treasures of the deceased. Prince. He next collected a large force and began to make invasions on the remaining Corlas so as to make himself lord of the important principality of the Seven Corlas. The natives however were so horror-struck at his perfidy that they all swore to avenge the death of their Prince and to defend their cities; they seized the passes and sent to Columbo an urgent request for assistance promising to pay for each soldier fifteen pardaos in gold a month. Sixty volunteers from among the Portuguese were at once despatched, and joining with the natives of the Corlas they attacked him from above while Raju advanced from below. Tribuli Pandar now thought everything was lost and one night he stole out with his mother-in-law, his wife, and all the treasures which he could and by an unfrequented path made his way to Jafanapatao, where he besought the King to make common cause with him against the Portuguese. An agreement was entered into and to give it more solemn effect they all met in a pagoda to swear to the terms; but as he stood in front of the idols the accidental explosion of some gunpowder made Tribuli Pandar suspect that some treason was being hatched against him. He hastily drew his sword against the King and after a desperate struggle was cut down while the aged Queen, her grandson, and daughter-in-law fell into the power of the King with all the treasures of Tribuli Pandar.
Hearing of this, Madune sent his son to lay siege to Cota. Affonso Pereira de Lacerda chanced to be there with a few of
our men; he took prompt steps to fortify the approaches and
sent up the river about a dozen boats which defended the passages against Raju's men and at the same time destroyed some of the positions belonging to his father while the King's men kept up a desultory warfare with the enemy. (De Couto Dec. VII. 1.)
* Devundera. it Edirimanna Suriya of the Irugal Race who lived at Munda Kondapola in Devamedda of the Seven Corlas.--Rajavaliya p. 84.
la.) Via Puttalam.-Rajavaliya p. 85; embarking at Arasu Eriya (Raj. 0.

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In September, 1558, Dom Constantino de Braganga arrived as Viceroy. During the winter of the following year he was occupied in preparing for the invasion of Jafanapatio and in August, 1560, everything was so far advanced that he was enabled to entrust the Government to the Captain of Goa and to proceed on board. His fleet which consisted of twelve galleys, ten galliots, and seventy rowing boats soon reached Cochin where he was warmly received; from here he sent a message to the inhabitants of St. Thomé advising them to abandon their settlement and to cross over to Jafanapatao as that would be more to the credit of the Portuguese than that they should be exposed every day to the insults of the Canaras; for the kingdom of Jafanapatáo had several good ports and they could conveniently carry on their trade by sea while the fertility of the soil was such that everyone could live in comfort; he added that the necessary ships would be at their disposal whenever they desired to cross. After making these arrangements he continued the journey accompanied by the Bishop of Cochin, within whose spiritual jurisdiction the Island lay. They advanced as far as the bay of . Chilao where they transhipped into rowing boats, and thence made their way till they cast anchor off Jafanapatao. Two days were spent in discussing what was to be the next step. Two landing places were available-one was the Quay of the Elephants at the entrance to the city, similar to the stone quays at Lisboa and strongly protected by artillery; the other was half a league further off, but the landing was attended with less danger. The latter was selected and the troops, amounting to one thousand two hundred, reviewed; they were then divided into five companies, the vanguard being assigned to Captain Luiz de Mello da Silva, while the Viceroy remained in the rear with all the fidalgos and the Banner of Christ. An altar was erected on an islet which was there and Mass celebrated in honour of Our Lady, at which the Viceroy and the greater part of the fidalgos and men of the fleet communicated with great devotion. The Bishop pronounced the general absolution and also granted the great and plenary indulgences which the Holy Father had allowed at the request of King Dom Manoel in the case of all who were going to fight in India for the faith of Christ. Breakfast was next served and two hours later they began to disembark.
The Prince who was the heir to the kingdom now appeared in sight with two thousand men. He could be easily distinguished by his shield of pure white, while his men shouted their war-cries as if they would prevent the landing. Our guns however opened fire on them and compelled them to retire and we were enabled to disembark without any opposition. Our men were next drawn up
* Etun-bassana-totupola at the mouth of the Panadure river marks another similar site.

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headed by a crucifix which was attached to a spear and carried by a priest of the Order of St. Domingo. They advanced up a broad road which led to the city in the midst of which were placed two heavy pieces of artillery hidden under palm leaves. As our vanguard advanced along the road one of the guns was discharged but fortunately the shot passed overhead without inflicting any damage. Our men pressed close to the porches of the houses on either side, but nevertheless the shot from the second gun cut off the legs of the Lieutenant who was carrying the standard and killed two others. A splinter also struck Dom Luiz on the cheek-bone and the blood came pouring down his long beard. João Pereira who was near seized the standard as it fell, and rushing on the cannon they captured them though not before another shot had killed five of our men. The Viceroy was immediately informed and he pushed his way to the front through the cloud of arrows and balls. Dom Filippe de Menezes was struck in the throat by a ball without however receiving any severe injury. The Prince advanced to the road to meet our men; a short fight followed, but he was compelled to retire, followed by Gongalo Falcão with his men, who were attacked on every side from the roofs and the gardens attached to their houses. The Viceroy advanced up the great street riding on a
beautiful charger, on a high saddle and magnificently armed; in
front of him was the Banner of Christ and round him the fidalgos and cavaliers. Learning that Gonçalo Falcão was hard pressed he ordered some of the fidalgos to go to his relief, whereupon Dom Antonio de Noronha declared he would undertake the work by himself, and advancing up the street he trained a piece of artillery down the street leading to the Quay of Elephants where the King stood with all his force. This gun was fired with considerable effect, whereupon the King retired to his palace which was strongly fortified with the object of defending it. Dom Luiz advanced along a very broad road which led to the terrace on which the palace stood; he halted there and sent to the Viceroy for instructions. The latter rode up on his horse and after complimenting him highly issued orders that they should halt there for the night as it was already late. All the guards were carefully stationed and the various roads leading to the palace allotted among the Commanders of the Divisions, who began to pull down the houses which were there and to fortify themselves at their posts; as for the rest of the houses which were roofed with straw, these they unroofed, so that the enemy might not set them on fire. The Viceroy took his station in a large gallery where a carpet with some pillows were laid out for him; he also sent an order to the fleet for provisions which were conveyed without any opposition. All spent that night under arms, whilst some spies were despatched to find out what the King was doing.

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The Prince who remained outside the fortress had made up his mind to attack us at early dawn, and with this object had himself sent some spies amongst us. One of these was arrested and taken before the Viceroy and there compelled to disclose what was being done in the enemy's camp. Our men were soon got in readiness, but the Prince apparently learning that his plan had been discovered, abandoned his project and went and joined the King, whereupon the latter set the palace on fire and withdrew with all his treasures to a strong fort one and a half leagues away. We occupied the city which was deserted, as well as the quay where the greater part of the King's artillcry and some merchandize was found. In their principal temple there was discovered a tooth mounted in gold which was commonly said to be that of a monkey; this was esteemed among those Gentiles as their most sacred object of worship, and the Viceroy was assured that he could obtain a vast sum in exchange for it, for the Gentiles believed that this was the tooth of Budaio who had gone from Ceilao making converts and working miracles throughout Pegu and all the other kingdoms, and that when he was at the point of death he had taken this tooth and sent it to Ceilao to be preserved as a memorial of himself.
The first thing that the Viceroy did was to invite the citizens to come back to their houses, promising to give them every liberty; they accordingly returned while the villagers brought fowls, butter, pigs, etc. in large quantities for sale. He next sent a message to Negapatao for a supply of rice and then collected all the boats which were along the coast and sent them to St. Thomé, bidding the people there to come and settle here and promising to give them ample lands. He next advanced in person against the King, so as to secure his hold over the district completely. This King was such a monster of cruelty that he had at the gate of his palace a large block on which every day many of his subjects were beheaded without any process and merely on suspicion. Some of the ship Captains were left to guard the city and with them there remained the Bishop and some members of the Order of St. Francisco, and such was their zeal for the propagation of our faith that they immediately began to convert and baptize the natives. w
As the Viceroy advanced to the fort the King abandoned it; whereupon he entered amid salvos of artillery and ordered the standard with the arms of Portugal to be hoisted over the ramparts. Four of the Captains were commanded to go in pursuit of the King, and as there was some jealousy among them as to who was to have the chief command the Viceroy directed them to decide the point by throwing dice every morning. They advanced led by some spies who deliberately took them away from the road which the King had taken and after leading them round and round brought them at the end of three days to a river

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which separated that kingdom from Trinquinimalle, at a distance of eight leagues from the fort. Here they discovered that the King had crossed to the other side, whereupon they immediately followed and found the bodies of about forty Chingalas who had apparently been killed that day on suspicion. They advanced along a broad road till they reached a passage which had been blocked up by cutting down several large trees through which our men made their way with considerable trouble. In this manner they advanced for five days passing through numerous villages where they were able to buy cattle, milk, poultry, etc.
At the end of this period, about breakfast time, they came upon the army of the King which was encamped at the end of a stretch of fields with their flanks resting on a dense forest. The King had no more time than to escape on his elephant followed by his men, and when our troops came up they found nothing left but the food which they had been preparing hot and ready : and as the sun was very oppressive they rested there strengthening their posts with some good fortifications, while they sent to the Viceroy information of all that had taken place with a request for further instructions. The latter despatched to them supplies by means of the sailors, and at the same time directed them to remain there pending further orders. The King having now lost his kingdom and been driven entirely out of it thought fit to ask for peace rather than lose everything, This was granted on condition that he was to continue in power as the vassal of Portugal paying a fixed tribute, that he should give up all the treasures which he had taken from Tribuli Pandar, as well as the latter's mother-in-law, the wife of the King of Cota; and further that he should surrender the Prince his heir as an hostage, which was immediately done.
During the fifteen days that the negotiations lasted our men suffered greatly from want of food, being obliged to despatch bands of troops to scour the country for provisions. At the same time sickness broke out among them from which neither those in the city nor the companions of the Viceroy himself were exempt. He did the best he could by ordering all the invalids to be removed to the fortress, but even there several died from want of medicines. He himself advanced with the Prince to the seashore and directed all the Captains to retire there, while he delayed more than fifteen days taking over the various articles which had been promised by the King and which amounted in all to close upon 80,000 cruzados; he was also given some olas in which were entered the various spots in Cota where the treasures of Tribuli Pandar were buried. About the same time the Captain of Negapatao arrived with several shiploads of rice, and was warmly received by the Viceroy. Three of the most respected inhabitants of St. Thomé also came, begging on behalf of their fellow inhabitants to be excused from abandoning the houses and

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lands which their fathers had held so long, and the spot where the body of the blessed apostle St. Thomas was still working such miracles. This refusal was a matter of great vexation to the Viceroy.
He was still expecting to obtain from the King the treasures of Tribuli Pandar which were estimatcd at over 300,000 cruzados; but a general conspiracy had been steadily hatching among the natives against us. It is impossible to say what was
the reason, or who were the leaders of this revolt, but when we
least expected it and at the same moment of time they rose up against us on every side and put every one to the sword sparing none. The Bishop who was in the city miraculously escaped and made his way to the ships, while various priests'of the Order of St. Francisco who were going about making converts were killed. Then all the conspirators united and marched on the fortress where the Captain was ill in bed. Another body advanced to where the Viceroy stood, having cunningly introduced some of their men within the camp a few days previously. The Viceroy who was devoted to hunting was enticed out on the day of the rising by a false rumour of some stags being about; the object of the conspirators was to lead him into an ambush, but by the blessing of heaven he escaped untouched. The next morning he learned of all that occurred and at once despatched the Captains of the various divisions to proceed along the shore by an unaccustomed road, while he himself went on board some boats which were always kept ready, as the distance by sea was shorter. On reaching the city and learning of the desperate position of the fort he despatched four hundred men with orders to bring back all the people who were there and to abandon the place. These soldiers were accompanied by a large number of sailors and attendants to carry the two hundred sick who were unable to walk.
Meanwhile the siege of the fort had been vigorously pressed. The enemy had prepared long ladders of areca trees and had invited the garrison to surrender promising to spare their lives and assuring them that the Viceroy with all his men had been destroyed. We boldly sent them a defiance and in a sortie made by sixty of our men one night caused considerable loss to the enemy and destroyed their scaling ladders. Relief however was now at hand in spite of the continuous opposition of the enemy who rapidly retired on the arrival of reinforcements. A day and a night were spent in preparing to abandon the fortress. The next morning all the sick were entrusted to the sailors who had been selected for the task and all the artillery taken down except one heavy piece of iron which could not be moved. This was filled with powder right to the muzzle and fired, but as this did not destroy the gun it was cast into a deep well to prevent its being made use of by the enemy. Among the other articles in

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the fortress was the imperial throne which was used by those Kings at their solemn festivals; this consisted of several steps all beautifully carved and inlaid with ivory, a rare and costly work which the Viceroy had intended to present to the King Dom Sebastião on the occasion of his assuming the sceptre. Every effort was made to remove this, but the task was found so difficult owing to its great size that finally orders were given that the top alone which was the most precious part of all should be broken off and entrusted to some reliable persons to be carried away, as a slight proof of its magnificence.
Then the retreat began. The sick and the baggage were in the middle while a number of servants came behind to help the weary. The enemy followed in pursuit discharging their guns and arrows and harassing the men greatly; but they laid a successful ambush for them and drove them away with the loss of about fifty men, so that they did not worry them any further, the Viceroy received the people warmly and immediately, arranged to embark taking the Prince along with him. Just as he was starting two ships sailed in one after the other and cast anchor; these we were glad to learn were two out of the fleet which had left Portugal at the beginning of 1560 and which conveyed the first Archbishop of India and two Inquisitors,
The Viceroy now went on to the Island of Manar and after examining the nature of the position he decided to raise a fortress there. The work was soon taken in hand and a message sent to the Captain of the Fishery to leave Punicale and transfer all the inhabitants to the new settlement so as to avoid the hardships which they were receiving at the hands of the Naique. This they gladly did and the Viceroy proceeded to Cochin whence he despatched Balthazar Guedes de Sousa as Captain of Columbo where Dom Jorge de Menezes Baroche was in charge. With him he sent to the King of Cota his grandmother and the other women who had been given over to him by the King of Jafanapatao whose son was at the same time sent on to Goa.
CHAPTER E.
During this time Madune was continuing his war against the King of Cota who was supported by us. The Captain of Columbo Afonso Pereira de Lacerda was continuously on the move to prevent the latter's territories being invaded. Fights were of every-day occurrence in which both sides suffered loss, but we succeeded in preventing him from laying siege to the capital where the King was residing with some Portuguese. Our sufferings were very great during this period, for our supplies of men and money had to be obtained with great difficulty from India,

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while the enemy had endless resources close at hand; indeed our losses were so heavy and disaster appeared so imminent that we were compelled to appeal for assistance from Manar which was promptly sent.
In October, 1559, Dom Jorge Baroche arrived as Captain with about two hundred men and an abundance of stores : it after taking over the command he hastened to Cota to discuss the war. with the King, Madune was now encamped at Mapitigio on the banks of the Calane, whereupon the Captain advanced with his own forces and those of the King by the other bank. Several skirmishes followed in which both sides suffered severely. Dom Jorge was such a hot-tempered and over-bearing man that our soldiers gradually began to desert to Cota; for though he was a very brave soldier he was notoriously prone to anger and several anecdotes are related regarding his over-weening vanity. He accordingly returned to Cota to try and get his people back leaving Jorge de Mello in command, who seized the opportunity' to make an attack on the camp of Raju the bastard son of Madune. He inflicted heavy loss upon the enemy, several Modeliars being among the slain, and obtained a large quantity of arms and booty with which he retired in safety. Dom Jorge Baroche was stirred with envy at this success and getting together all the men he could and crossing the river in boats stormed the position of Raju which was already repaired by night and after killing the chief Modeliars and Araches destroyed the whole camp with little loss.
Elated with this success he determined to attack the main body which was stationed at Mapitigao; the enemy were in a panic, for the capture of this position would have left us masters of all the roads to Ceitavaca. Two wooden castles were erected on board the boats which were employed on this river and which are called padas: these were strongly manned and were intended to attack the fortifications on the river. At the appointed hour they were taken in tow by the fustas and were brought close to the ramparts when a well aimed shot from the enemy's cannon destroyed one of them with the loss of twenty killed; whereupon orders were immediately given to retire.
Dom Jorge waited a few days for a favourable opportunity and learning that Raju was encamped in a field with three or four thousand men he attacked him unexpectedly at dawn and compelled him to retreat followed by our men and seek refuge in a wood. We hastened in pursuit when our Captain was warned that our powder was exhausted; he proudly replied that he could load his guns with sand and win the day at the point of the sword; but when orders were given to advance our men hung back,
* At Raggaha watte.-Rajavaliya p. 88: Raja Sinha himself aimed the gun (Raj. ola.)

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whereupon Raju who realized what had taken place immediately charged. Dom Jorge and the cavaliers who accompanied him did what they could to rally our men. We reached a passage which had been blocked by the enemy with trees; while these were being cleared the war elephants which had been despatched by Madune to the assistance of his son came up. One of these monsters was just on the point of seizing Dom Jorge, when a soldier who saw the peril he was in placed his gun against the elephant's forehead and by firing it compelled the animal to turn back, and thus afforded Dom Jorge an opportunity of escaping. Another animalf attacked the standard-bearer who drove his spear to which the standard was secured against the animal's forehead and broke it into splinters; but the poor man was immediately thrown into the air and dashed to pieces, Another soldier a veteran in our service was more fortunate and succeeded in turning the animal away by a blow from his halberd, Our men by this time had made their way through the passage though with heavy loss, but some of the enemies' Araches appeared in front and they soon found themselves between two fires. Dom Jorge now gave up everything for lost, but fortunately a soldier whose name I do not know chanced to fire a cannon which our men were abandoning with such fortunate aim that the shot went right into the middle of the enemy and caused them to hesitate. Dom Jorge at once rallied his men and got them on board the boats which were near and escaped, leaving more than sixty dead including some fidalgos on the field; he was so disheartened at his failure that he threw himself on the ground cursing himself for his folly. After this our men remained in their place carrying on skirmishes with the enemy so as to prevent Raju from crossing the boundaries of Cota, and by March, 1561 Dom Jorge returned to India on being relieved by Balthazar Guedes de Sousa.
. To return now to the history of the tooth of Buddha. At the time that the Viceroy left Jafanapatao a Portuguese merchant happened to be in Pegu. The King of this country on learning of what had happened begged the merchant to employ his good offices to secure the treasure for him, promising to give in exchange any sum that was required; indeed there are some who assert that he would have given as much as 400,000 crusados. At the merchant's advice Ambassadors were despatched to Goa who were well received by the Viceroy. To him they explained the object of their mission and promised on behalf of their Sovereign not only to pay any sum that was demanded but also to establish a perpetual friendship with Portugal and whenever necessary to provision our fortress of Malacca. The officers who were
consulted urged the acceptance of this generous offer, but the
At Mulleriyawa-Rajavaliya p. 87. f Virududassaya of the Jayasundara division.-Rajavaliyap. 87. 玖

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Archbishop and the other prelates supported by the Inquisitors denounced such a proceeding as derogatory to the dignity of God, and the Archbishop publicly delivered a sermon denouncing the proposal in the presence of the Viceroy and the whole of his court. The result of it all was that the Viceroy was obliged to send for the tooth from the treasury and deliver it to the Archbishop who in the presence of every one and with his own hand broke it into pieces in a brazen mortar and threw the powder into a brazier of live coals after which the whole was cast into the sea.
In September the new Viceroy, Dom Francisco Coutinho, Conde de Redondo, arrived at Goa. In December he visited the Camarin with very great pomp, and was accompanied on the journey by Dom Theodosio, Ambassador from Ceilao.
In Columbo Balthazar Guedes de Sousa was in command in the year 1562, and Raju Pandar was still carrying on a vigorous campaign in his desire to capture the kingdom of Cota for his father. At last he advanced on Columbo and laid siege to it with about thirty thousand men. A terrible time followed. Assault after assault was made on the place, but were bravely repulsed by our men whose position was growing desperate. It is impossible to give details of what took place at this siege, for indeed the occurrences of one day are a history in themselves. One last and resolute attempt was made after which Raju in utter weariness withdrew to Ceitavaca,
Our men now hoped for some respite, but Raju soon - reorganized his army, collected fresh stores, and advanced on Cota, for he hoped that our men were so weakened by all that they had gone through that they would be unable to render any assistance to the King; but in this he was mistaken. De Sousa rapidly collected all the men he could and threw himself on Cota, where he directed the preparations for the expected siege. This city is like an island with a circumference of two thousand paces and encircled by a river which can only be crossed in boats. It was connected with the mainland by a narrow neck called Preacota which was fifty paces in width and strongly defended by a double row of ramparts. Over the river was a bridge called the passage of Ambola which is on the road from Columbo. There were three other passages, one called that of the Mosquitos, alongside each of which our men had erected formidable barriers. At Preacota there were stationed forty men under a Captain with whom were five priests of the Order of St. Francisco, while thirty men were allotted to each of the other passages; the King and de Sousa remained within to render assistance wherever it was required.
Raju's first attempt was made on Preacota. His men advanced at a point where the river was low, led by the elephants
* i.e. The Tamil word Periya.

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which were however turned back by our fire lances. A desperate struggle followed in which both sides lost heavily, the King and the Captain bearing themselves like brave elephants. The priests were in the forefront of the fight, exhorting the warriors and administering religious consolation to the wounded. For several days and nights the struggle was kept on, our men never leaving their arms, with little time for food and even less for sleep. Pages can be filled with the doings of these days, and it is astonishing what gallant deeds the ill-clad soldiers, picked up at random from the banks of the Douro and Minho, achieved. With dauntless courage they maintained the fight, facing the numberless crowds of the enemy, individuals repelling elephants each one of which would create a panic in an army.
Raju next tried to attack the place by boats and rafts as well as at Preacota. Our position was one of terrible peril. The enemy seized one of the roads which ran from Ambolao and thus rendered it extremely difficult for us to maintain our communications. News of this state of things reached Manar at the beginning of August, whereupon Diogo de Mello Coutinho immediately chartered some ships and started to the rescue. The approach of the favourable season and the possibility of reinforcements arriving impelled Raju to redouble his efforts. We still had four hundred men available. Raju now threw the whole of his force against Preacota. The attack was led by the men of the Atapata, soldiers selected for their courage and forming the personal guard of the King. In their van came the war elephants which attacked our stockades. The King and the Captain hastened to the rescue, headed by six priests waving the Crucifix and invoking the name of Jesus. The first rampart was carried and Preacota stormed with the loss on our side of three of the priests and more than twenty Portuguese. The King and the Captain rallied the men, and finally succeeded in driving back the enemy who lost more than four hundred killed. The Captain himself was twice wounded, but he did not retire from
the struggle, and finally Raju was compelled to withdraw to his
camp. We hastily renewed the walls which had been destroyed and arranged to despatch a message to the Viceroy for help. A priest of St. Francisco volunteered to undertake the dangerous task; led by a Pacha' he made his way in the gloom of night and succeeded in reaching Columbo in safety. There he obtained a boat in which he crossed to Tuticori where he found one of our fleets just arrived. This soon started for Columbo and four hundred men were landed to relieve Cota; but Raju learning what was taking place hastily withdrew to Ceitavaca having lost more than two thousand men in this expedition, while de Mello returned to Manar leaving his men behind at Columbo (De Couto Dec. VII. 2).
* i.e. Paduwa, E 2.

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CHAPTBR F.
In February, 1564, the Viceroy died of illness and the administration was taken charge of by Joao de Vl' in logia who despatched Pedro de Ataide lnferno as Captain of Ceilao, and gave him a large force with which to continue the wai' against Madune. In September the new Viceroy Dom Antão de Noronha arrived in Goa.
Raju was still persisting in his plans, his object being to capture either Cota or Columbo ; and what he could not achieve by force he hoped to obtain by stratagem. He accordingly collected a large army well equipped with artillery and gave it out that his object was Cota, where he appeared on the 5th of October, posting his army on the same spot as before so as to be closer for Columbo. It chanced that at this time Pedro de Ataide was visiting the King while Dom Diogo de Ataide was in charge of Columbo; seeing that no preparations had been made and that there were not sufficient provisions he took all the measures he could in view of the expected siege. He had with him three hundred soldiers including the old and infirm while there were none of the King's men there, as all had deserted to Raju. The posts of the greatest danger were distributed among the fidalgos and Captains, some being stationed at the entrance to Cota, some at the passage in front of the little island which was formed by the river and which was called the Island Dos Desafios, for the soldiers had their fights there; others at the passage of the Mosquito, at the passage of Andre Fernandes, and that of the Pachas and of the Mainatos, and some on the walls of Cota itself; with the Captain there remained some fidalgos and cavaliers ready to accompany him and the King wherever it was necessary. The siege was pressed on vigorously and all our supplies were intercepted and our men reduced to extreme want. Raju's Captain of the Field, Bicarnasinga, frequently cut off the convoys which were despatched by Dom Diogo. At last it was arranged that Dom Diogo should advance to meet Dom Pedro at a spot half way between Columbo and Cota called Ambolao. Dom Pedro started with a hundred and fifty men and sent in advance two Pachas men of the forest) to ascertain whether the enemy was there; if they did not find them they were to go on to Columbo and instruct Dom Diogo to send forward all the provisions he could as he was waiting for him at the little hill Das pedras, half a league from Cota.
They reported to Dom Diogo that the enemy were not to be seen. Immediately a Captain and an Arache narned Francisco de Almeida set out with twenty-five Lascarins and a supply of provisions for Cota. They had advanced but a short distance to
Wickremesimha.

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the tree called carcapuleira when they encountered the whole force of Raju : the Captain and ten Portuguese were soon killed and the Arache and his men captured, and there is reason to believe that the Pachas had been bribed by Raju. Dom Pedro had almost to be dragged away by his Captains for he was determined on hearing of the disaster to hurl himself on Raju's force. Now as the latter had one eye fixed on Columbo, one night at the end of eight days he suddenly advanced on the fort to try and take it by surprise. Dom Pedro hearing of this despatched forty soldiers at full speed to get to Columbo by another road. Raju arrived at the fort unperceived, and commenced to storm it employing a large number of scaling ladders which he had brought with him for the purpose; but our men offered a gallant resistance slaying many and throwing the others down from the wall; they however returned again and again to the charge for the King was directing them in person and hurling all the force of his arms against the fort; but as day dawned he was compelled to retire leaving more than five hundred dead beneath the walls.
He next turned against Cota determined to starve us out and with this object he blockaded us from sea to sea, from Mapano to Matual, thus cutting off all reinforcements; he also commenced a task of immense toil which was to drain the river which encircled the city for a considerable distance, so as to be able to effect an entrance dryshod. With this object he collected a large number of work people and began the task. Thirty of our soldiers who were stationed there hearing of this undertaking fell upon the workmen, slew a large number of them and captured a boat called a catapanel. t. On this Dom Pedro embarked fifty musketeers with a priest of the Order of St. Francisco who succeeded in dispersing the workmen and compelled them to abandon their task. A great marvel occurred in the midst of this fight, for a dense mist enveloped our men throughout the whole of it and entirely hid them from the enemy's view, thus enabling us to do great damage to them without any risk. The result of this engagement was that Raju abandoned his design and confined himself to cutting off our supplies. Things reached such a stage that two elephants belonging to the King had to be killed for food, as well as a horse, and finally our men were compelled to have recourse to dogs and cats and every kind ef creeping thing. Some of our men who were sent into the forest for firewood and herbs discovered a large force of the enemy with elephants concealed therein close to a tree of great medicinal virtue but with the smell of
* Usually, Mapane, the Kollu Pitiya of to-day; pane is the Tamil Ponnai, plain ; Cf. Vannar Ponnai.
t Catapanel: Cf. Catamaram : panel, a species of boat; Cf. Pana-dure; panne is still an alternative name for a pada boat.

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human ordure;* (this tree is found in the neighbourhood of Goa, though the Ceilao kind is of greater efficacy). The Captain was informed of this matter, and he hid himself in an ancient cave which could only be approached by a narrow passage, with marshes on either side. From here he sent out thirty men, but as they were pursued by the main body of the enemy they returned with the loss of one man. The enemy followed close on their heels and our men rushed out to meet them without waiting for orders and created a great slaughter, returning in good order though wounded and with the loss of another man. Towards four o'clock in the afternoon the enemy withdrew.
This was two or three days before Christmas; in Cota it was no longer possible to obtain even jungle herbs. News was sent to Columbo of the terrible straits in which the garrison were, and a reply was received from Dom Diogo through a Pacha that he would send some boatloads of rice by the seashore to the King's Palm Garden, which was three leagues from Columbo. A batel with two dhonies were despatched with ten candies of rice, and on Christmas morning a hundred soldiers with some Lascarins who were familiar with the country were sent to fetch the provisions; they were under the command of Francisco Gomes Leitão. These succeeded in securing the rice and by four . o'clock in the afternoon they arrived within half a league of Cota where the Captain was waiting for them with all his force, and they were triumphantly escorted back to the city. But on investigation it was discovered that the bulk of the rice had been left concealed in the forest, which so exasperated Dom Pedro that he drew his sword and would have run Leitão through, but for the interference of a priest; thereupon the rest of the rice was soon produced. With great care this supply was made to last for some days, but soon the pinch of hunger was so great that several of the soldiers determined to desert to Raju. It was now the end of January, 1565. Fortunately one of the conspirators was overcome by remorse and made a clean breast of the whole plot, and the Captain was enabled to take steps to suppress the threatened defection.
Jorge de Mello o Punho who was in command at Manar
learning of the straits in which our men were, persuaded the
King of Candia who was a Christian and also bore the name of Dom. João to invade the territory of Raju so as to compel him to relax the pressure on Cota. This he was nothing loath to do for Raju and he were mortal enemies; and he despatched a force of five thousand men under the command of Dom Afonso his Captain of the Field who advanced as far as Chilão, which was a
o Si : Gü-renda. t Uyana, near Lunawa, į Wikrama Bahu ?

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very large city, destroying everything with fire and sword, Raju thereupon determined to make one great and final effort to obtain possession of Cota. On the previous day he sent a letter to our Captain advising him to surrender the city and promising to send him to Columbo with the King and all the treasure and artillery, for resistance he declared would inevitably lead to the destruction of all by starvation. The reply he received was that so long as their drums could sound and their shoes still remained for food they had all that they needed and they wanted none of his hospitality. On the 11th of February which was Sunday a Chi Igala woman came to one of the bastions and demanded
audience of the Captain; she was led inside and there reported
to them that or that night Raju intended to attack the fortress on every side. A message was hastily despatched to Dom Diogo instructing him that as soon as ever he heard the sound of cannon, he was to advance with all his force and fall upon the enemy's flank. Our messenger found in the fort the Captain of Manar who had arrived the previous day with reinforcements of a hundred men. A cannon was fired as arranged to inform the beleagured fortress of the safe arrival of the messenger and everything was put in preparation for the expected struggle,
At dawn the next morning the attack began directed by the King in person. In front came the elephants to pull down the wooden roofs of our bastions, but they were received with such a warm fire that they wavered; the rest of the force began to cross the river at six points on large rafts of bambojos, but our resistance was so vigorous that they were compelled to desist. However at one of the passages they succeeded in effecting an entrance after killing several of our men. The King and the Captain and the men who were with them hastened to the rescue. A desperate hand-to-hand fight followed; Dom Pedro was everywhere in front doing in his own self more than all the rest. At last his sword fell from his hand, when he seized the halberd of a soldier and throwing himself among the enemy did such execution that he compelled them to abandon the passage; and indeed his followers were no less courageous; the deeds of each would fill large chapters, and what is said of one could be said of all.
In the rest of the passages our men were hard pressed, but their resistance was so heroic that they created dismay among the enemy. At one point where the pressure was the greatest, the King himself went to the rescue and played the part of a galant knight. On the river-side Estevão Gonsalves advanced knee-deep into the water and fighting as bravely as a lion, supported by the fire of our musketry, compelled the enemy to retire leaving the river choked with corpses and its waters dyed with blood. The King was astounded at the prowess of the man and embraced him many times and taking of his own

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gold-embroidered coat he cast it over him. This point was called the entrance of the Pachas; here twenty of our men were attacked by close upon three thousand of the encmy. The shouting and uproar were great on every side, but no one quitted the post which he had been ordered to defend. At this moment Dom Diogo and Dom Jorge arrived with men from Columbo and finding the enemy's camp unoccupied set it on fire, as in the thick darkness they did not know where the enemy were. Raju made one final assault and had it not been for the help of God we could not have escaped. Indeed the enemy themselves declared that they saw a very beautiful woman in a blue mantle come and spread it over our men and protect them from the clouds of arrows which they poured on us and turn them back on themselves; and they also saw an old man clothed in vermilion with a staff in his hand who created a great panic among the Chingalas and scattered them in dismay. We may well believe that the blessed St. José with his Holy Wife, our Lady the Virgin, had come to OUir 1"ESCL1E.
Raju now gave the signal to withdraw and immediately retired to Ceitavaca. Dom Diogo and Dom Jorge were afraid that he intended to fall on Columbo which was left unprotected and hurried thither. Dom Pedro learning from his spies that the enemy had crossed the Calane went round the soldiers' quarters. and found that only one man had been slain, while the enemy's loss was estimated at more than two thousand; but as he was afraid that the enemy might return and as there was no food in the fortress he ordered them to salt some of the dead bodies for future use. Four hundred of the fattest were collected, but when they saw one of the Mulattoes cut open a dead body and take and cook the heart which he ate, one of the priests went to the Captain and begged him not to persist in the plan for it was forbidden to Christians to eat human flesh. The Captain replied that in the extremity of their need there was no help for it. While they were discussing the matter a Caffre who was a Christian came and informed the Captain that the enemy had retired in disorder to Ceitavaca, whereupon he ordered all the corpses to be set on fire. Two hours later the Captains from Columbo arrived with all the provisions and men that they could muster and were received by the troops with frantic joy. Dom Pedro immediately withdrew to Columbo leaving behind some of the men from there, for the garrison from Cota went with him to recruit, The siege lasted in all four months, during the last forty days of which there were not even enough herbs to eat, and might well be considered one of the most famous in the history of the world.
* As the Kaffirs do with the elephant.-Tennent Nat. Hist, p. 153.

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The Viceroy now decided that Cota should be abandoned and the King removed to Columbo, and Diogo de Mello was despatched to carry out these instructions. He came and had an interview with the King and after taking down the church which was there, abandoned the place and removed everything to Columbo. There a palace was prepared for the King, as orders had been received from Portugal that he was to be treated with every respect. He was also given an annual allowance of two thousand veraphins for his maintenance as he had lost everything except some villages close to Columbo; and even of this sum he was despoiled by our various officers who would beg him to make them presents of large sums till the matter came to the ears of our King who forbade the practice. ዛ In September the Viceroy despatched a supply of stores to Columbo.
Now it came to pass that it had been laid down in the horoscope of the reigning King of Pegu that he was destined to marry a daughter of the King of Ceilao. In 1566, shortly after the King had retired to Columbo, Ambassadors arrived with costly presents to ask for the King's daughter. The King himself had no child, but the daughter of his Great Chamberlain, who was of royal blood and who had been made a Christian when Francisco Barreto was Governor and had taken the latter's name, was being brought up at the palace. On the arrival of the Ambassadors it was pretended that this maiden was the King's daughter and she was allowed to sit every day with the King at his meals. The proposal was to give her as wife to the King of Pegu, but the matter was conducted with the greatest secrecy through fear of the opposition of the Captain and of the clergy. The whole matter was in the hand of the Great Chamberlain on whom the King entirely depended and who it may be affirmed held the chief power.
They next prepared from a piece of deer horn a tooth, the duplicate of what Dom Constantino had taken away; this was mounted with gold and set in a shrine studded with precious stones. The Ambassadors and their priests who had come to worship the footstep of Adam were led to believe that this was the genuine tooth, while the one which had been captured was only a copy. They were brought with the utmost secrecy to see this relic in its shrine placed on an altar screened by many veils in the midst of all kinds of perfumes. On seeing it the Ambassadors threw themselves on the ground and spent the greater part of the night in religious devotion. They begged that this precious object might be sent to their master and promised on his behalf a million in gold and a shipload of rice and provisions every year. The maiden was then embarked without anyone’s knowledge, Andre Bayão Mudeliar accompanying her as Ambassador on behalf of the King. On her

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arrival she was received with all the pomp and ceremony which befitted the bride of such an august Emperor and was proclaimed his Queen.
The matter however was not kept secret very long, for the Ambassador revealed the trick to some Chinese who conveyed it to the King; he however paid no attention to the story as he had conceived a great affection for the Queen, and learning of the tooth which was with the King of Ceilao he sent his own Ambassadors back to arrange for its transfer to him, promising immense wealth in return. The negotiations were conducted with the greatest secrecy and the Ambassadors soon returned with the coveted treasure. On its arrival it was received with extraordinary pomp: the King himself advanced a distance of two days' journey and after great purification received it on his head and carried it in solemn procession to the city, the highest priests and nobles of the kingdom conveying the shrine on their own shoulders to the palace, where vast offerings were made to it.
News of all this was brought to the King of Candia who was himself closely related to the King of Cota and was married to a sister of his. Filled with envy at the good fortune of the latter he sent Ambassadors to the King of Pegu to reveal the whole plot to him and to offer him his own daughter in marriage. He further added that the genuine tooth was neither the one which had been sent to Pegu nor the one captured by us, but was in his own possession as could be proved by ancient documents; but the King of Pegu unwilling to acknowledge himself deceived returned his best thanks to the King of Candia and sent two shiploads of presents for the Kings of Cota and Candia, the one destined for the latter being unfortunately wrecked and lost.
In September, 1567, the Viceroy sent a further supply of money to Ceilao, and twelve months later he gave over the Government to his successor Dom Luiz de Ataide, who in September, 1570, sent Diogo de Melo Coutinho as Captain of Columbo. (De Couto, Dec. VIII.)
CHAPTER G.
In 1571, Dom Antonio de Noronha replaced de Ataide in India, and in the following year despatched his namesake to Columbo; nothing of importance occurred during the latter's administration In 1573, the Viceroy was removed from office and the Government entrusted to Antonio Moniz Barreto with the title of Governor, He died the following year and was succeeded by Vasco Fernande Homem.

1574.
1575.
158O
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1584.
59
(De Couto, Decade IX. is incomplete; it contained an account of the siege of Columbo by Raju while Manoel de Sousa Coutinho was Captain; this must have been in 1581, for it appears from the Documentos Remettidos Vol. IV. p. 243 that no cinnamon was exported to Goa during the years 1581-1582 owing to the war in Ceilao, this being the first interruption of the traffic since 1564. From Decade X. it appears that during the siege a body of Portuguese soldiers were stationed in the Island of Antonio de Mendoga (Captain's Garden?) and that their protection was a matter of considerable trouble. Some boats were kept on the lake and these caused so much annoyance to the enemy that Raju attempted to drain the water by means of a canal which however was not completed. Manoel de Sousa held office for six years).
In 1580, King Philip II. of Spain obtained the kingdom of Portugal, and was proclaimed King in 3oa the following year. The same year Dom Francisco Mascarenhas arrived as Viceroy; he was accompanied by João Correa de Brito who had received the appointment of Captain of Columbo. One of the new Viceroy's first acts was to send a ship with money and provisions to Columbo which was in a helpless condition after the recent slege.
Early in 1582 news was received that Raju was making preparations for a fresh attack on Columbo ; Antonio de Sousa Godinha was at the time under orders to proceed to Pegu, but he was instructed first to visit Columbo after obtaining from the Captain-Major of Malavar the services of Dom Jeronymo de Azavedo and another Captain. After a tempestuous voyage he reached Columbo, leaving behind one of his ships which was disabled; but Raju on learning of the arrival of these reinforcements disbanded his men whereon de Sousa sailed away leaving Dom Jeronymo behind to assist João Correa de Brito.
Hostilities however soon commenced again; and the war dragged on. In 1584, Joao Correa received information that three Malabar paraos laden with prisoners captured on the coast of Nagapatam had put in at Baligão, whereupon he despatched four ships to seize them, and a few days later sent further reinforcements which he obtained from the fleet which had arrived at Columbo. In addition to these he hired some native craft which he manned with the Araches Manuel Perera and Domingos Fernandes and two hundred Lascarins and despatched them with orders to seize the paraos and burn the town. . Off the point of Balangalet they fell in with the original flotilla. They cast anchor off the mouth of the river where the paraos were, the Portuguese landing at one point, and the Araches at another. The former were vigorously opposed while the latter
* Welligama. † Ambalangoda ?

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landed unobserved and pushed on to seize the bridge on the side of the Pagoda of Tanavare by which the enemy would have to retire if defeated by our men. This they destroyed and striking inland through some palm trees they fell on the enemy on the flanks and compelled them to retire in disorder. We followed in pursuit till they entered their town, whereupon the Captain ordered the houses to be set on fire, and as these were covered with straw and palm leaves they burned furiously and in a few hours everything including several stores full of cloth, vinegar, butter, cinnamon, opium, etc. were burned to the ground. These articles had been collected there to be transported to Meca, Masulipatao, Pegu, and Achin for this harbour is an important emporium. Next they set on fire twenty-five little ships which they seized some on land and some on water, as well as a galleon which had come from Portugal but had sprung a leak here and which they had arranged to despatch to Meca. The paraos of the Malabars escaped as they were at a spot three leagues up the river, where our boats could not get at them. In this affair there fell more than two hundred of the enemy and nearly a hundred Malabars.
The Viceroy Dom Francisco Mascarenhas while waiting for the arrival of his successor took active measures to keep Ceilao supplied with all necessaries and at the beginning of October he despatched a galleon with a large supply of ammunition and eight thousand pardaos in cash as pay for the soldiers. All went well till she arrived within sight of the coast of Ceilao, when the north wind which is called by the natives cachan began to blow fiercely. A great tempest followed and the galleon was driven towards the shore, whereupon she was forced to cast anchor and
remain there for several days. The tempest rapidly increased
and cable after cable snapped, giving the sailors as much as they could do working night and day to repair them. She steadily drifted towards the coast of Manar and was now so close to the shore that they expected her to run aground at any moment. Large crowds of the enemy began to assemble on the shore eagerly waiting for the prize to fall into their hands. Gaspar Barbosa who was in command now determined to take to his boat. The Captain of Ceilao, who had received information of the perilous position in which the galleon was, had despatched an urgent message to the three ships which were guarding the pearl fishery and at the same time looking out for the provisions destined for Columbo, to leave everything and go to the rescue of
the galleon which they immediately did. By this time the latter
had lost her mast and snapped her cables and was drifting helplessly to land. Barbosa seeing that it was impossible to avoid her running ashore, transferred all the coin to his long boat, bored holes in the bottom of the galleon and abandoned her leaving her to sink. At the same moment one of the three ships

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hove in sight and after taking the Captain with a few of the
Portuguese and the money on board sailed for Columbo where she arrived after narrowly escaping from the pirates who were watching for them; the rest of the men succeeded in making their way to Manar.
At Columbo things were in a sorry plight; the soldiers were abandoning their bastions as they had neither food nor clothing and the pay now distributed among them was accepted as a providential relief (De Couto Dec. X. l.).
KWA CHAPTER H,
The new Viceroy, Dom Duarte de Menezes, arrived in October, 1584.
The failure of his last attempt to capture Columbo only served to exasperate Raju the more; with the object of being nearer to his prey he crossed the Calane river and built a new city two and a half leagues from our fort, and to this he gave the name of Biagao.* And though as Captain-General of his father he had full power without any interference from his three brothers yet the existence of the former was a stumbling block to his ambition; he therefore entered into a conspiracy with some of the people in whom he had confidence and had poison administered to his father by which he came by his death in a few days at the age of eighty years : for the justice of God had so ordained that the man who had slain his own father should himself perish by the hand of his son. Such was the end of the imperious and overbearing Madune who had been a source of so much trouble to the Portuguese.
Raju immediately advanced Un Ceitavaca and made himself master of the palace and treasures of his father. He also seized his brothers and had them put to death, including the heir to the kingdom who was known as Palet Bandar and who bore the sobriquet of Barbinhas and was a great friend of the Portuguese. He next began to put to death all those whom he had any reason to fear including a son of Tribuli Pandar the half brother of Dom João, King of Cota. A large number of his noblemen shared the same fate including Biera Matiga his Chief Modeliar and Master of the Field from whom he had learnt the art of war and who had rendered him such faithful service for a period of thirty years. There still remained Necheramy, the wife of his father and mother of the children whom he had slain, a venerable lady and one held in great esteem by all, And since it was considered
* Biyagama in Siyane Korale. t Timbiri Pola Bandar ?
Wickramasimha Mudiali.

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an act of great baseness among them to put a woman to dleath, he had her brought before him and stripped of all her clothes save a wretched cloth and ordered her into banishment to faroff mountain. The unhappy lady went forth weeping bitterly at the cruelty of a man whom she had brought up as her son, and as she raised her hands to wipe the tears from her face she chanced to touch the jewelled ornaments on her ears; she quickly pulled them out and sent them to the King with a message that she had no further need of them, but they might serve to satisfy his greed; while she herself would spend the rest of her days in bewailing the death of her honoured lord and master, and praying for the vengeance of God on the hateful tyrant who had treated her in this fashion; then with downcast eyes she walked through the city and retired to her place of banishment, where shortly after she died of pure grief.
Raju now began active preparations for carrying out his plans, for he was determined to drive the Portuguese out of the Island or die in the attempt. Joao Correa de Brito who was in command at Columbo was informed of all that was going on and despatched an urgent message to the Viceroy begging for assistance. This message was received at the beginning of April, whereon he ordered a ship which was available at the time to be loaded with provisions and also sent on board forty soldiers under the command of Simao Botelho; and in case the ship should be prevented from reaching Ceilao, he further ordered two rowing boats to be loaded with ammunition and money and despatched them along with the ship under the command of Tristão de Abreu. and Pedro da Costa respectively.
In the meantime João Correa had sent men to the Coast to raise money and purchase provisions on his own account; this was accomplished in a few days and his envoys returned to Manar from where they started in two dhonies for Ceilâo. When within sight of Columbo they met a large number of Raju's ships which had been sent to intercept them. By a skilful manoeuvre one of the two succeeded in escaping into the harbour of Columbo and giving the alarm; a number of fustas were at once sent to the relief of the other, which was being hard pressed by the enemy, who however desisted on the arrival of our boats, and the treasure was safely conveyed to the fort and the soldiers paid therewith. Raju had also sent some of his men against the city, but they were compelled to retire by some of our Modeliars who went out to meet them.
At the same time information was received that Paliconda,t the chief Arache of Raju, was invading our territory with a large
* Handa Kele Mukalana in Bisowela of Beligal Korale? t The Pallikonde (Pereira) family is in Kolamediriya of Raigam Korale (Dutch Thombo),

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force; accordingly the Modeliars Diogo da Silva, Manoel Pereira, Pedro Afonso and others were despatched to meet him; they were accompanied by Francisco Gomes Leitão, Captain of the Field, with some Portuguese while some Lascarins with their Araches were sent to the neighbourhood of Viras to lie in wait for the enemy in the jungle. On the 3rd of May there took place the Exaltation of the Cross and after the service was concluded our men met Paliconda who was at the head of two thousand six hundred chosen men; a fierce battle followed in which Paliconda with some other Araches and a large number of his men were slain while the rest retired leaving a few prisoners in our hands. The same day-another band of the enemy was encountered by our troops at Viras and routed with great loss. Both our bands returned to the fort at the same time and there was much rejoicing over this great victory, so that for several days the little children went about the streets singing the praises of the Cross, and it was ordained that for the future the day was to be celebrated with a solemn procession. Shortly afterwards the provisions which had been despatched by the Viceroy arrived and relieved all of the anxiety in which they were.
These disasters stirred on Raju all the more. He had a nephew, son of one of the murdered brothers, named Reigao Pandar, who had withdrawn to a village after the murder of his father; with this Prince Joao Correa de Brito had been carrying on a correspondence and attempting to induce him to revolt against Raju. On this coming to the latter's knowledge he sent a message to the Prince summoning him to Court; the Prince feigned illness and showing himself to the messenger on his bed begged to be excused on the ground of his ill-health. This was construed by the King into an act of disobedience and he despatched some Modeliars with a large force of men to bring him before him. On receiving the message the Prince expressed his readiness to start; he then retired into his room and after summoning all the members of his family he pointed out to them how of all the Princes of Ceilao he alone had so far escaped, but his time was now come and he desired them all to follow his example. He then took a bottle of poison and applying it to his mouth passed it to the one who stood near him, and they all drank of it and fell dead on the spot. The lamentation of the attendants conveyed the tidings of this awful tragedy to the terror-stricken Modeliars who hastened away to report it to the King.
About the same time, under instructions from the Viceroy, an embassy was sent to Raju with suitable presents to arrange a peace. This was agreed to though not for a fixed period, the condition being that it was not to be broken without previous
notice: The interval so obtained was utilized by us in repairing
* Werabera in Salpiti Korale.

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our buildings against the approaching rainy weather and in strengthening our defences.
The Viceroy was well aware that hostilities would recommence as soon as it suited the convenience of Raju ; in August he sent Thomé de Sousa de Arronches with a galley conveying eight thousand pardaos in cash, a hundred candis of rice, rye, wheat, powder, lead, matches and all other necessaries of war. Raju himself was ill at this time and it was suspected that he had been poisoned; his recovery was followed by stringent measures against the nobles who had incurred his suspicion and who were put to death without scruple. Several of them fled the Island and some of the principal nobles took refuge with us who received them warmly. The King tried cajolery and threats to induce us to send them back but in vain; he at the same time sent a large sum of money to Achem with which to purchase powder and hire gunners. Nor were we idle; the bastion of St. Joao which covered the harbour on one side and the plain on the other, was greatly strengthened and the rampart continued to the seashore; a moat was dug outside and on its mound was constructed a palisade of planks fastened to stout beams, the boats called padas being utilised to protect this from the enemy's elephants. The bastion of S. Thomé was repaired and a palisade erected up to the water's edge, The bastion of S. Estevão, which was the most important of all, had been repaired in good time, and a moat constructed from the angle of the lake right up to the sea, past the Stone Quarry and strengthened with a wooden palisade; this entrenchment was entrusted to Dom Antonio Modiliar and his Araches.
The tyranny of Raju became so insupportable that his nobles had recourse to magic by which he began to sicken and was finally confined to his bed, The leaders of this conspiracy were his own
kinsmen Reigao Pandar and Curele Petra Pandar and his Chief
Priest who held the same rank as an Archbishop among us, But the devil who invents all these plots himself caused them to be revealed, whereupon his kinsmen were immediately put to death and the priest stoned. Things reached such a state that of the ancient caste of nobles not an individual was left. Finally the King began to suspect that magic had been employed and caused the whole of the palace to be pulled down to discover what charm had been used, but he could find nothing though several people were put to the torture. He next had recourse to a stratagem and by pretending that his god had revealed the names of the guilty parties he had a large number cut to pieces, among them being some priests--a matter which was most abominable according to their law. He further trained some children of eight and nine and pretending that the souls of those who had been killed
* a Pedreira: Is this Boralugoda, now Wolvendahl 2 Raj. p. 91.

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had passed to them, he caused them to name several who were at once executed. مي
We on our part continued with our defences in spite of the expostulations of the King. He frequently sent to offer us money if we would put to death the King Dom João who resided with us, but in this he was not successful. As the time drew near that the ship from Achem was expected, our fleet was despatched to intercept it under the pretext that we were looking for some Malabars. The King on his side dissimulated and ordered our fleet to be supplied with water and fuel at all his ports; but when news arrived that his ship had been totally wrecked off the coast of Achem he made an unsuccessful attempt to seize our boats in a river. He sent at the same time some Lascarins under the guise of brigands to annoy our servants who were engaged in collecting cinnamon. In this state of confusion eight Panicaes, all of noble birth and kinsfolk, fled to our fortress because Raju had sent for them from the villages in which they lived. They made their escape by night after killing the guard of the Great Stockadet which protected the road. The Captain of the guard hearing what had taken place and dreading the wrath of the King got together his children and with his wife, who was in the pangs of child-birth, made such haste to escape that he reached our quarters at the same time as the eight refugees who were received by us with every honour. On learning of this the King was greatly mortified and offered a large sum of money for their restoration, but in vain.
At last Raju declared war and summoned all his people to assemble at Biagao for a grand review. John Correa, who was afraid of the supply of provisions running short in consequence of the relief from Goa being delayed, despatched one emissary to Manar and a second, the Modeliar Diogo de Silva, to Negapatão to purchase all the rice they could. They were so successful that when the provisions sent by the Viceroy arrived they found rice being sold at Columbo at seven seraphins a candy while it fetched twelve at Cochin.
Raju now took the field. He had fifty thousand men of war, sixty thousand workmen and camp followers, two thousand two hundred elephants, one hundred and fifty pieces of bronze artillery large and small, four thousand draught oxen, ten thousand axes, three thousand crowbars, twenty thousand bill-hooks, two thousand picks which are called in India codeli, six thousand hoes, a large quantity of spare arms, four hundred smiths to prepare arrow-heads and other, implements, one thousand carpenters, four hundred gunners-Javas, Caffirs and of other nationalities, the greater part of whom had deserted from the
* For Panikki Mudali, v. Rajavaliya p. 93.
Tranqueira Grande: Mulleriyawa or Hanwella. F

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Portuguese, -a vast quantity of timber large and small, of which he made two cars resembling castles each on nine wheels and others of the height of a man, a great quantity of sulphur, saltpetre and gunpowder, with much lead and shot; while sixtyfive fustas and caturas and four hundred smaller boats were also ordered to be got ready at some of the seaports.
Before commencing his march he was anxious to propitiate his gods and after making offerings he ordered the priests and magicians to consult them and ascertain if he would be victorious; the reply vouchsafed was that if he desired to enter Columbo he must give them the blood of the innocent to drink. He there. upon collected five hundred boys and girls of the age of ten years and under and ordered their throats to be cut in front of the idols; their blood was collected in large cauldrons and presented to the priests who sprinkled them all with it. To encourage his men he persuaded them that his idols had promised to send water upon the cannon of the Portuguese and so prevent their powder taking fire; he further promised to give the city to the soldiers to plunder, reserving to himself only the silver of the churches and the artillery. The ignorant people did not understand his machinations and worshipped him as a sacred being, and his madness reached such a pitch that he ordered a large number of images of himself to be made of gold and distributed throughout the whole of his kingdom to be worshipped with the other gods.
After this he commenced his march, the vanguard being commanded by Vijacon Mudelca and Gasanaitat Arache. That day they encamped at Maleriava. The next day they reached Calane where they halted two days. From there they advanced to the marshy land of Matugares where they spent seven days in building a bridge over the brook of Nacolagão and on the 4th of June, 1587, they arrived in front of our fort and halted at the spot which they had selected while our artillery greeted them with a volley. Their camp was protected by a strong moat and a wooden palisade which was made out of the abundance of timber they had brought; and because in the siege which had been carried on in the time of Manoel de Souza they had suffered great loss from the side of the lake, Raju determined to drain it so as to enter the fort the easier as the walls there were weak. We on our part had cut down all the trees in the gardens which were outside and conveyed the timber within, thus leaving the plain quite exposed; and as in the previous siege the Island of Antonio de Mendoga had been found very difficult
* Wijekon Mudeliya.
† Gajenaike ?
Mulleriyawa in Hewagam Korale. $ Mattakkuliya. | Captain's Garden?

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to hold, it was abandoned, all the palm trees there which were six hundred in number being cut down and carried in to be utilized for our defences.
Our scanty garrison was carefully distributed over the various posts. The bastion of St. João and the breastwork close to the sea were commanded by Portuguese officers. The intervening stockade and the new wall were entrusted to Diogo da Silva Modeliar, while the line of rampart from the bastion of St. Estevao to the stockade of Santa Anna was entrusted to Miguel Vaz with whom were the eight Chingalas who had deserted from Raju. The rampart from the bastion of St. Sebastiao to that of St. Antonio was in charge of Dom Joao of Austria, Modeliar of Candia, who subsequently revolted from us. The rampart up to St. Gongalo was given to Tavirat Arache and another with their Lascarins, and the portion from here to St. Miguel was entrusted to China Puli and Sebastiao. Bayao. From there up to the bastion of Conception were posted some dorias with their pachass a caste low in birth, but very efficient in war. From this bastion to the stockade of St. Paulo, Pedro Afonso Arache was in charge, and the rampart from here to the bastion of the same name was given to Gurapu Arache, while in the bastion itself was stationed Thomé Pires. Sinia Arache with his pachas occupied the next portion of the rampart and Geria Arache the adjoining portion as far as the stockade of Santa Catherina, while the two stockades and lines of walls from the bastion of St. Jago to the sea was in charge of Manoel Pereira Arache. The rest of the circuit was defended by the roughness of the coast, Portuguese officers occupied the chief bastions while the Captain himself with fifty soldiers stood apart ready to assist wherever he was required. A galliot under the command of Manuel Pinto with a fusta and balao were placed upon the lake: it was the destructive fire of these boats during the previous siege which had induced Raju to decide on draining the water. Two messengers were at the same time despatched in dhonies, one to Goa and the other along the coast from Manar to Cochim, to announce the peril in which the fortress stood.
The King's camp was pitched at a distance of a cannon shot from the walls; to protect his workmen he had broad roads constructed where the ground was low, so that they could reach their task without danger. Two lines of stockade were at the same time erected towards the city; one of these was attacked and set on fire by our Lascarins and a large quantity of timber
* Konappu Bandara. it. An obvious misprint for Tanavira, i.e., Ranavira.
Singappuli Mudiyanselage is still found in the Western Province. $ Dureyas with their Padu was.
At Demetagoda ; Maligakande marks the site of the King's quarters. F 2

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captured. He now continued the canal which he had hegun during the former siege, till it reached the lake; a hard rock which was encountered during the work created some delay, but this difficulty was overcome by pouring sour millk-called dain - and vinegar over the rock and maintaining a fire on the top of it. The work was completed in less than twenty days, and the water which was drained into the fields soon ran so low that the fustas had to retire alongside the bastions of St. Gonçalo and St. Miguel where it was deeper, while the galliot was abandoned.
All this time repeated assaults were made on the walls and repulsed with desperate vigour. Diogo da Silva Modeliar specially distinguished himself in an assault din one of the stockades, inflicting heavy loss on the enemy. A fresh stockade was now erected nearer the walls, and a grand review of the enemy's troops held on the 19th July on the plain of Mapano. The war elephants led the van followed by six thousand chosen troops under the command of the King's Atapato, supported by three thousand musketeers, one thousand shield bearers, and two thousand lancers; these formed the King's personal guard. Canahara, the King's Captain-General, commanded another body of five thousand men, while the rest of the army was drawn up round Raju himself. Some of our men assisted by the eight Chingala fidalgos sallied out and attacked them with great valour, creating considerable confusion in their ranks. By a night attack the enemy succeeded in seizing one of our fustas, though we in turn captured one of their elephants.
An urgent request was now sent to the Viceroy for help; at the same time, on the eve of St. Jago, a galliot with forty soldiers arrived from Manar. The next morning a sortie was made by Pedro Arache with some Lascarins, who did considerable damage to one of the stockades. In the midst of the fight a further attack was made by Diogo da Silva Modeliar, who succeeded in killing several of the enemy including one of their chief Modeliars whose head was carried in on the point of a lance. This so angered Raju that he ordered his men to secure the head of that Moor, as he called Diogo da Silva, promising great honours to whoever succeeded in doing so, and declaring that all of them together could not effect as much as that single Moor.
He next prepared for a grand assault, stationing his officers carefully at their various posts. We on our side made elaborate preparations to receive them for we were kept informed of all the enemy's plans by our spies. In the early morning of the 4th of August three bands headed by elephants attacked the bastions of St. Miguel, St. Gonçalo and St. Francisco, their
* Canahara Mudiyanselage (Perera) is now a well-known Colombo family.

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matches twinkling like fireflies in the mist, while another body
advanced over the lake in rafts. The scaling ladders were
rapidly pushed up to the walls, which were at the same time undermined by over two thousand sappers. We replied with a tremendous shower of shot and musketballs, which covered the field with the wounded. Within and without was shouting and confusion. The Captain accompanied by the priests was every. where, encouraging, supervising and directing. The Araches Manoel Gonsalves and Tanavira who were stationed where the wall was very low were so hard pressed that they were deserted by their Lascarins. A message was immediately despatched to the Captain for assistance; he hastened to the spot and rallied the men who returned to the charge; a terrible struggle ensued, for the numbers of the enemy were without limit. They had by this time succeeded in starting a fire on the top of the rampart, and our position was desperate at the bastion of St. Gongalo, our men being driven back by the flames and the smoke. The enemy tried to carry our guns, and a hand-to-hand fight followed; but one of our men with great courage succeeded in putting out the fire and thus enabled us to return. Again and again the enemy renewed the assault, the elephants repeatedly advancing to the walls and attempting to break them down; but the fire lances of our men supported by the musketballs were too much for the huge beasts which offered such a large target to our aim. Between the bastion of St. Gongalo and St. Miguel were stationed Chinapoli and Sebestião Bayao who were accompanied by a band of Moors, natives of Ceilao, who fought with as much gallantry as the Portuguese themselves. These Moors were the descendants of those we had found in the Island on our arrival and they always showed themselves loyal and devoted towards us. The worst fury of the assault lasted close on one hour, when their heavy losses compelled the enemy to relax their vigour.
Raju who was posted close by was frantic with rage at the failure of his men. He summoned all his Captains and angrily ordered them to carry the place at whatever cost, giving the signal by five beats of the drum which was the customary signal when the whole force was to be engaged. The Modeliars returned to the charge with renewed fury and the personal guard of the King resolutely swarmed up the wall by a large number of ladders,
the most desperate fighting being at the bastion of St. Gongalo.
The elephants were brought forward to pull down the guns, but they were beaten back. A gallant attempt was made by a small band of Chingalas who were anxious to win special distinction with the King to tear down the standard which floated over the bastion, but they were hurled to the bottom in confusion. The second assault lasted the same length of time as the first and then the efforts of the enemy began to slacken. Raju was beside himself with anger; he ordered his troops back again determined

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to take the fort or lose everything. His men returned for the third time to the assault, prepared to throw away their lives; but after a further half hour's fighting as the day began to dawn Raju himself gave the signal to withdraw,
Our joy at this marvellous deliverance was beyond words. From our spies we learnt that the King had lost close upon four hundred of his choicest men including several Araches, the Modeliars of Tanavaca and the Cornariat of Gale and two of his elephants, and he had besides over two thousand wounded. He next began to push on his stockades closer to the walls strengthening them with artillery. We on our side did all we could, digging a trench two bragas deep near the bastion of St. Estevão, so as to prevent the elephants approaching the wall. At the same time a further message was despatched to the Viceroy giving a detailed account of all that had taken place and pointing out the desperate position of the city. As the result of our former message two boats had been despatched from Negapatao at the cost of private individuals. One of these with twenty-four soldiers succeeded in reaching Columbo on the 15th of August, the feast of the Glorious Assumption of Our Lady the Virgin, and was received with universal rejoicing. Soon after by Raju's orders a message was shouted out to our men on St. Sebastiao, bidding the Captain send Jeronymo Bayao or some other person of standing for an interview with the King; no attention however was paid to this. Raju's stockades were now within thirty paces of the bastion of St. Sebastiáo; the Modeliar of Candia Dom Joao of Austria who commanded our native troops, assisted by the Arache Pedro Afonso, fell upon them and after a sharp fight killed thirty of the enemy, destroyed the stockades and returned laden with booty to the great wrath of Ra μ.
The favourable monsoon was now approaching and the Viceroy arranged to despatch a hundred and eighty troops with a large supply of ammunition as a reinforcement to the beleagured garrison; Raju therefore determined to make a simultaneous attempt by sea and land. On the 20th of August two flags, one red and one white, were unfurled over the King's camp accompanied by a great beating of drums. We prepared to meet them, our boats being got in readiness, the priests taking their share with the others and distributing themselves over the various posts. As the moon rose a great uproar was heard in the enemy's camp accompanied by their cries which they call
" i.e. Denavaka; the Denavaka Ralelage (de Livera) is another family well-known in Colombo, and the Hewagam and Raigam Korales.
† Kuruwe Rale ? vide R. A. S. xviii. i30.

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Coquiados.* At the same moment the enemy's fleet started and made its way in silence to a creek below the church of St. Francisco, where the stores of ammunition were situated, their intention being to set them on fire; they were however noticed by the women who were watching at the windows and who gave the alarm. At a signal from the ships the artillery in the enemy's camp was fired and a general assault began. We resisted as best we could, hurling down cans of gunpowder and every device of fire in the midst of the living and the dead, so that the place appeared a hell. The enemy's ships began to retire while the fight raged round the wall; the Constable Major was cut to pieces by a cannon shot while directing the firing; but as the moon rose our men were better able to direct their aim, and the enemy's fleet retired in confusion and their troops withdrew from the walls leaving the ground below studded with corpses. The King was greatly enraged at this failure, throwing the whole blame on the delay on the part of his fleet.
On the 23rd of August the reinforcements which had been sent by the Viceroy from India arrived at Columbo and were warmly received and stationed at different posts, Further reinforcements arrived at the beginning of September, and about the same time we learnt that a small band of Raju's troops had undertaken to destroy some of our fortifications. This knowledge enabled us to take proper precautions for receiving them. One midnight a band of the enemy crept up headed by a distinguished Arache who in the previous war had taken the heads of twentynine of our Lascarins from Columbo to Raju. Our troops who were lying in ambush fell upon them unexpectedly, slaying the Arache whose heart was laid open with a stroke of the sword by one of our Lascarins named Maroto who then scooped up the blood with his hands, and took three draughts of it to quench his hatred. After a sharp fight the enemy were driven back. They next made an unsuccessful attempt to poison our well at Mapano; frequent night attacks were also made on our boats, but with the same result. This was followed by an attack with their fleet which was desperately repulsed. Our Arache Pedro Afonso at the same time succeeded in destroying the bridge which Raju had constructed on the road from Cota to Calepate. On the 7th of September a thousand of Raju's troops laid an ambush for our mainatos,t the people who washed our clothes at Mapano, Their presence however was betrayed by the frightened behaviour of a cow, and they were attacked by the Arache Manoel Pereira.
* Coqueada. “The cry made by the sailors in India when they spy land. Vieyra : here it probably refers to the national Gok-handa; J. Abeykon Mudaliyar has kindly referred me to an ancient ballad describing a duel between two of Dutugemunu's warriors, who shouted the Cok-handa before engaging,
The dhobies of Polwatte.

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The fight rapidly extended to several of the hastions and was carried quite up to Raju's stockades when our men retired with some heads. The Araches Manoel Perera and Pedro Affonso and some others were ordered the same day to attack the stockade near St. Sebastiao. They advanced with some barrels of tar and a large quantity of powder with which they started the fire. The enemy hastened to the rescue and after a vigorous fight we retired without any loss while thirty of the encimy's dead lay on the field; a chance shot however killed Fernao de Lima while watching the fight from St. Sebastiáo; his untimely death was a source of great grief to all. The conflagration lasted four days owing to the solidity of the structure. Several assaults followed in which we always had the advantage; but the details were not of sufficient importance to be recorded.
The Viceroy had now prepared further reinforcements of two hundred and fifty men who started in seven ships and reached Columbo on the 11th of September. Raju had commenced a mine close to St. Sebastião but we succeeded in bursting into it and after severe fighting drove the enemy out with considerable loss. We now began a second trench as a further protection against the elephants. In the midst of this work we received information from a refugee that Raju had determined on a fresh attack whereupon we started with some countermines, the fidalgos, priests, and all the others in the fort joining in the task. The enemy kept such a close watch on us that no one could show himself at any of our entrenchments without being imgnediately shot at. About this time some of our spies who had been absent for twenty-five days returned with a Portuguese who had been kept a prisoner by Raju. This man's story was a remarkable one; some years previously a certain Diogo Gonsalves with his nephew a young boy had been
wrecked off the Island and been taken as prisoners to Raju. The
King had taken a liking for the boy, had his ears bored and made him wear the costume of the Chingalas and brought him up as a servant at the palace. The uncle had been finally released, whereupon he returned to us and took a prominent part in the war. As a punishment the King had ordered the young man to be banished to Adam's Peak and set to work as a ploughman. Information was received about him through another Portuguese who had escaped from the King, and a plan was accordingly arranged to bring about his rescue. A letter was concocted in the King's name, which was easily done as the King's missives never bore a seal, so that he could repudiate them as he thought fit. Some trusty spies were sent with this to the Peak where the
* A hundred years later the armies of the Great Mogul were ignorant of this branch of warfare, which they subsequently learnt from the Dutch. (Bernier's Travels.)

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people who had the custody of the youth immediately gave him up and sent him with sixty Lascarins to escort him. When within a short distance of Ceitavaca they succeeded in escaping into the forest and after a journey of great peril, travelling by night and hiding by day, they made their way past the three stockades to the city where they were welcomed.
Raju now attempted to make another mine which created considerable anxiety annong us as we did not know where it ran, An accident revealed the entrance to the mine and we were enabled to fire into it with such fearful effect that the King had it hastily covered up with all the dead bodies which it contained. Towards the end of September the Viceroy despatched further reliefs consisting of fifty soldiers, four hundred candies of rice, one hundred of wheat, one thousand five hundred pardaos in cash and a considerable quantity of ammunition, An attempt was next made by Raju to introduce into the city some of his most powerful magicians under the guise of deserters. They were however suspected and put to the torture, when they admitted everything. On the 4th of October a strong fleet of the enemy appeared off Columbo. Our ships went out to meet them and a desperate conflict followed, the enemy being compelled to retire with the loss of four of their ships while they also had three hundred men slain, a large number wounded, and twenty-five taken prisoners. The change of the monsoon now brought on a terrific storm in which some of our ships which were out at sea were exposed to great peril. We were helpless to afford them any assistance, and could only pray to God to deliver them from the danger. He was pleased to answer our prayers and of His special mercy let the storm abate sufficiently long for our boats to make their way back into the harbour in safety.
At this time one of our Lascarins named Joanne had been bought over by Raju to set fire to the city on a signal to be given by him; he had also sent a Chingala Christian, Marcos by name, who pretended to desert to the city so as to poison all the wells. This latter was arrested and searched when the poison was found on his person; he was accordingly put to the torture, when he admitted the whole of the conspiracy and along with Joanne
i was put to death. Raju at the same time sent messengers to
the Coast to induce the Princes there not to sell us any provisions, offering to buy them himself for a larger figure; several were persuaded to do this and we were in considerable alarm as to our supplies. Soon after he sent another of his magicians, a very famous man, in the guise of a runaway Lascarin; he was arrested and interrogated, when his suspicious replies caused him to be put to the torture, whereupon he made a confession of everything. With him was found a book containing many figures of men, animals, trees and certain writings which were the charms by which they invoked the devil to their assistance,

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In his bundle he had a skull, the dried head of a cobra, a piece of a viper, seven pieces of bark from poisonous trees, a medicinal stone which when held near the fire emitted rays and made the air the colour of sulphur, some grains of pepper, ginger and saffron, some peacocks' feathers, etc. The magician was torn to pieces and his possessions burnt.
We now began a series of assaults upon the fortifications of the enemy. The first of these was led by Dom João Modeliar, the Araches Manoel Pereira and Pedro Afonso and some Portuguese officers and inflicted considerable damage on the enemy; several others followed in quick succession, all with like success. The King in turn made a night attack pn our walls on the 5th of November. We had recourse to our usual means of defence such as firing cans of powder on the masses of the enemy and by morning forced them to withdraw, abandoning all their implements.
On the 4th of December a fleet which had been despatched by the Viceroy arrived off Columbo; unfortunately owing to the negligence of our pilot one of the ships was driven aground and shattered to pieces by which we lost a considerable stock of provisions. We now fitted out some boats under the command of Pedro Afonso Arache to harry the coasts of the King. This made its way to Gale destroying Berberi, Belicotet and other towns and landing at Belligao slaughtered a large number of the enemy, the Lascarins cutting of the hands and ears of women and children in their greed to plunder them of their bracelets and earrings. The fleet returned to Columbo laden with booty and bringing one hundred and eighty prisoners.
In December a pestilence broke out in the city by which a large number were killed, and we began to suspect that all the wells had been poisoned. The disease began with a swelling of the feet and crept up the legs and abdomen till it reached the chest when the men invariably died. The epidemic was of a novel nature and previously unknown to the natives; but on our physicians dissecting some of the bodies they discovered that all the vitals were in a state of putrefaction. The chief treatment that was used was the application of vinegar; when this failed they made use of a fruit called gorca which had the same virtue, and some other herbs till these too were exhausted. But fortunately the pestilence though it caused many deaths did not last long.
Another expedition was now got ready under the command of Thomé de Sousa which was destined to proceed in the direction of Gale and lay waste the coast. It consisted of one
* Beruwaa. t Wellitara. Welligam.

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1587 hundred and ten Portuguese and sixty Lascarins under the command of Diogo Pereira Arache. Raju now shot some arrows into the fortress to which were attached olas containing a request that Jeronymo Bayao might be sent to him to discuss matters of importance. As no reply was vouchsafed to this he delivered 1588 another assault on the night of the 10th January, 1588, which
however was also repulsed. Two days afterwards he commenceda bombardment on our walls, some of the shot which he used weighing forty-four pounds. This was kept up for three days without much result, and on the 27th another assault was delivered, the chief struggle being centred round St. Sebastião where the personal guard of the King commanded by the Atapeta succeeded in driving our Lascarins back till they were relieved by our men. A fortunate shot from St. Gongalo killed three elephants and wounded six. The fight spread through all the ramparts, but after a two hours' struggle as day dawned the enemy were compelled to retreat with heavy loss which according to some amounted to one thousand men. On the 4th of February the Viceroy despatched a powerful fleet under the command of Manoel de Sousa conveying six hundred men, one of the sixteen fustas having for its Captain Dom Filippe, Prince of Candia.
To return to Thomé de Sousa. The first place which he attacked was Coscore* which he burned taking eleven prisoners. From there he proceeded to Madamat which he destroyed with fire and sword including two pagodas which were the object of many pilgrimages. Thence he proceeded in the direction of Gale and landing some men including the Arache Domingos Perera with his Lascarins at Guidurem he ordered them to lie in wait close to Gale which was the principal city of Raju. He himself proceeded in his fleet and landing before day broke he attacked the fortifications from two sides and after a stout resistance compelled the enemy to flee. We remained here three days, setting fire to the city, which was a very large one with several magazines of stores. We destroyed all the gardens and cut down all the palm trees in the neighbourhood and set fire to the ships which we found anchored there.
Our next object was the city of Beligão which was four leagues off. The Lascarins went by land while our ships crept up, hugging the shore, and falling upon the city unexpectedly set it on fire, the inhabitants taking refuge in the forest. One day was spent in looting the place and at night a ship was despatched to fall upon the town where the refugees had collected. They however received notice of our plans and assisted by the Moors who were with them offered such a stout resistance that our ship
* Kosgoda. i Madampe. ! Gintota.

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was compelled to retreat to the fleet. The next day Thomé de Sousa himself advanced and after some severe fighting succeeded in carrying the place. We found here three stores, one full of iron which we cast into the sea and the others of saltpetre and similar ammunition which we set on fire. We remained here a few days attacking the neighbouring villages and then advanced to the river of Melise where we captured the stockade and set it on fire. The important city of Mature with its wealthy population of merchants was half a league further off and was destined to be given over to the plunder of our troops. We stormed it after some severe fighting and set fire to it in various places, our men plundering whatever they thought best. Among the buildings which were burnt were three pagodas of great beauty, a store full of cinnamon, and a large ship which was in the harbour.
We took one hundred and ten prisoners and then went on board to proceed to the pagoda of Tanaverem, half a league further off, the most celebrated temple in the Island, and, next to Adam's Peak, the most frequented by pilgrims. The building was like a handsome city with a circuit of a full league. The temple itself was vast in size, all the roofs being domed and richly carved; round about it were several very handsome chapels and over the principal gateway was a tall tower entirely . roofed with copper, gilt in various parts. Within was a large square with verandahs and terraces with a handsome gate on each side, while all round were planted sweet-smelling flowers which were used during their processions. There were several handsome streets where lived all the servants attached to the temple, chief among them being the women dedicated to its Ser“W1Ce
On approaching it we encountered a fierce storm which the Lascarins declared had been sent by God for the protection of His temple and they whispered that the Portuguese would never get near it. To disabuse their minds the Captain swore that he would destroy the building. The next day he landed his men and after storming the fortifications which they had on the shore we advanced to the temple, only to find that it had been abandoned and that there was no one left to resist our occupation. We burst in the gates and proceeded to destroy the idols of which there were more than a thousand of different figures of clay and wood and copper, mostly gilded. We destroyed the domes and colonnades and sacked the stores where we found a vast accumulation of ivory, fine cloths, coffee, pepper, sandalwood, jewels,
; * Mirisse. A
i Devi Nuvera; Dondra.
A stone image with traces of gilding has been recently dug up, at the traditional site of the Ot-Pilime-Gé.

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precious stones and all the fittings of the temple, which we plundered as we desired and set the rest on fire. As the greatest affront that could be offered to the place we slaughtered within it some cows, this being a stain which could not be purified without the most elaborate ceremonies. We also burnt a magnificent wooden car built like a tower of seven stories and beautifully painted and gilt-a magnificent vehicle in which they were accustomed to convey the chief idol round the city. After this we returned to Beligão laden with booty and remained there awaiting instructions from the Captain at Columbo.
In the meantime Manoel de Sousa had arrived at Cardiva from Goa. From here he sent a message to Columbo requesting that Diogo de Silva Modeliar and the Arache Pedro Afonso might be sent to him with their Lascarins, These were immediately despatched in boats and after destroying a temple of the Joges they sailed towards the shore of Chilao; but finding here a large force of Raju's troops with three standards they went on to a hamlet, where they captured three men from whom they ascertained about the town of Maripo, which they intended to destroy as a punishment to its inhabitants for their treatment of the people belonging to a fleet of ours during the time of the Conde de Attaide. This place was sacked and forty-eight people and seven boats laden with salt destined for the use of Raju, were captured. They then sailed to the fleet and all together advanced on Chilao destroying everything on the road. This place was next stormed and carried with little loss, and a large number of vessels which were found there were set on fire. Arriving at Columbo on the 18th of February the fleet was received with every token of rejoicing, the Captain, fidalgos, prelates and all the people collecting on the shore to meet it. A council was immediately held and there it was decided to ascertain by means of our spies what the plans of Raju were before taking any further action.
The arrival of these reinforcements compelled Raju to reconsider his position and he determined to withdraw. Having shot a letter into the city he obtained permission to send some Ambassadors to have a conference with our officers; three or four were accordingly sent and were received with every mark of respect. Their first request was that no artillery might be fired while they were within the fort. Then they proceeded with their message which was to arrange for three days' truce to enable the King to visit Ceitavaca to celebrate a festival. While the matter was being discussed some spies arrived with the news that Raju had already struck his camp and started on the road for indeed the moment the Ambassadors had entered the city he had ordered the baggage to be collected and the camp to be broken up, and had started leaving Visacon Modeliar his

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Captain-General of the Field with his personal gunrd to protect the retreat,
A great uproar followed the announcement. The first anxiety of our officers was to save the Ambassadors from the fury of the soldiery in accordance with the safe conduct which had been given to them; they were sent off in a small boat by way of Calapate, while a council was held as to what action should be taken next. Arrangements were rapidly made for the pursuit of the enemy. A thousand Portuguese soldiers with the Modeliars and Lascarins formed the van; next came a body of three hundred soldiers who were to occupy the road leading from the lake; the Captain of the city brought up the rear with five hundred men under the banner of Christ, while three hundred more were left in charge of the city. Everything was now ready when at nine o'clock on the night of Sunday the 21st February they saw a vast fire breaking out over the enemy's camp, and understood that the enemy had set it on fire; but as we feared some treachery, Diogo de Silva Modeliar with some picked soldiers was sent on in advance. He fell in with the enemy and commenced a sharp skirmish being supported by our troops; the main body now advanced to the first stockade, and hurling the enemy back pressed on through the remaining works.
Visacon Modeliar retreated slowly followed by our men till he reached the bridge at Matacora which he ordered to be destroyed. Around this spot the fight raged. Once we were driven back with some loss, but as reinforcements arrived we returned to the charge and pushed the enemy back with great slaughter as far as the river of Calane. Our advance guard halted at a spot where the road branched in two directions, till a large body was collected there; from here they slowly retired collecting the arms which the enemy had abandoned. It was now three o'clock in the morning. We occupied their camp which was situated between the two canals which Raju had constructed for draining the lake. Our wonder was beyond words at the marvellous fortifications which the King had constructed; indeed it was hardly possible to believe that they were the work of human hands.
The defeat of Raju was complete. He had lost more than five thousand men, five cities, and many towns and villages, while a large number of his ships and guns had been captured; and above all his pride was crushed and his reputation shattered. We on our part had lost during the whole war only twenty-four Portuguese and eighty Lascarins, though over five hundred of the natives had been killed by the pestilence,
Eight days were spent in destroying the fortifications of the King, while the news of this great victory was rapidly spread through all the forts of the north. Six hundred men were left as

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a garrison in Columbo and the rest of the relieving forces soon sailed away. (De Couto Dec. X. 2.)
CHAPTER I.
In May the Viceroy died of fever and was succeeded as Governor by Manoel de Sousa Coutinho who had earned so great a reputation in Ceilao; it was probably he who appointed Pedro Homem Pereira as Captain of Columbo about the year 1590 (Doc. Remetidos).
In 1591 de Sousa was succeeded by the new Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque. On learning that the King of Jafanapatao was assisting the King of Candia and that in consequence great loss was inflicted on the Portuguese and all who followed the religion of Christ, he ordered a powerful fleet to be got ready under the command of Andre Furtado de Mendoga with the object of punishing the insolence of that barbarian and of curbing the pride with which he called himself the King of Kings. This fleet started in August and fell in with Cutimuza, the General of Cunhale, at the entrance to the bay of Cardiva. Both sides fought with desperate valour, but after an obstinate struggle the whole of the enemy's fleet fell into our hands while Cutimuzahimself effected his escape by swimming. Our fleet then made its way to Manar where it fell unexpectedly upon another fleet of the enemy, not one vessel of which was allowed to escape, while the few men who succeeded in saving themselves by swimming hastened to join
the army of the King which was posted in a strong position with
a large supply of artillery, small and large.
Furtado immediately advanced to this spot where the enemy awaited him with great pride; but nothing could resist the impetuosity of the Portuguese, and a large number of the enemy were slain. The survivors threw away their arms and escaped to the city where the King was. He was enraged at the defeat of his forces, and with terrible threats ordered his General back to the charge without heeding his advice to escape into some place of safety. His General made a desperate but futile attempt to stop our men, himself losing his life with the rest of his followers. Our advance was so rapid that the King felt our arms on his own person before he knew of the defeat of his men; indeed it might almost be said that he lost his life without knowing it. With him was slain his eldest son while the second threw himself at the feet of the Captain-Major and begged for life; this was generously granted to him, the Captain-Major placing his own helmet on his head and ordering him to be treated with all respect. He was then invested with the Crown of that kingdom with all ceremony, after which Furtado returned to Goa loaded with spoil and covered with glory.

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Information had been sent to the Viceroy from Columbo that in consequence of the death of Raju there was now a very favourable opportunity for winning back all that had been lost in Ceilão. He accordingly, in 1594, despatched Pedro Lopes de Sousa who arrived in Columbo and stationed his force at
Palnagure. From there he sent Francisco da Silva Castelhano
to fetch the Queen of Candia, so as to take her to the kingdom which was hers by right, and which the Chingala Jozio had usurped. But though Pedro Lopes was an old and experienced soldier, yet he so mismanaged the matter that both he and about five hundred of his men were taken prisoners and had their noses cut off. About one hundred and twenty Portuguese were massacred at the same time, being tied to trees and shot at with arrows and muskets; among the prisoners was the Queen herself.
Pedro Lopes was succeeded by Dom Jeronymo de Azevedo. He had a severe encounter with more than ten thousand Chingalas in which he lost heavily. In this fight the Father Gaspar of the Order of Saint Francisco being badly wounded, was tied on to the back of an elephant so that he might effect his escape; but the animal frenzied by the din of war dashed headlong through a dense forest leaving on every branch and thorn a fragment of the body of the unfortunate priest. The rebelst were led in this fight by a Chingala named Domingos. Correa who was subsequently captured and quartered in Columbo as a punishment for his treason. About September Andre Furtado arrived with his fleet at Columbo, where he found the Portuguese in a state of mutiny and everything in confusion. Having restored order and attended to the wants of Ceilao he returned to Goa.
In May, 1597, Vasco de Gama, Conde da Vidigueira and Admiral, succeeded de Albuquerque as Viceroy; the latter left in the Treasury a large stock of the finest gems from Ceilâo (Decade ri, is missing and is replaced by a brief summary).
* In 1592. “And verily this sinner did rule with a strong arm.' Mahavansa. Also vide ante p. 12; the circumstances of his death are commemorated in a verse still current in the Siyane Korale.
රුසිරු ෂපතන් ගොඩ උයනට වැඩියා c නපුරු උණ කටුව පතුලේ ඇණුනා o එක්ක සිටි සැවොම වට කර මතුලා o රාජසිංහ දෙවිනා මෙත් මැකුණා o
Petangoda Uyana was the King's pleasure garden at Ruanwella; the place was burnt down in I641 (vide 2 Cey. Lit. Reg. 367.)
it Brother of the redoubtable Siman Kure Rale, the two being the sons of Dharmapala's lingoa or Interpreter,

8. CHAPTER VI.
THE RBIvo LT oF THE APUJAME DoM JoÁo wITH THB KINGDoMs oF CANDIA AND Uva AND THE FIRST CoNguBST.
The Apuame Dom Joao who was now in Candia seeing himself master of the armies of those kingdoms set about seizing them for himself. His first step was to destroy the Portuguese whom he had in his power, blinding some with a hot iron which he passed over their eyes and cutting off the noses and ears of others whom he distributed over the country; and to win over the people to his designs, he apostatized from Christianity and offered sacrifices with the rest of the Gentiles. As he was not a member of the royal caste he assumed the title of Defender of the Kingdoms and he acted so skilfully that he won the affection of the people and obtained as much power over them as if he had been their rightful Sovereign; and at the same time he waged every act of hostility which he could against our territories, and subjected them to great damage which we were not in a position to repair.
Now it chanced that Pedro Lopes de Sousa touched at Columbo on his way from Malaca and landed to take on board provisions and water of which he stood in need; he was well received by the Captain of the fortress Francisco da Silva and entertained with all ceremony, for Pedro Lopez was one of the chief fidalgos who were serving in the State and was held in great respect. He informed him of the war which Dom João was waging against us. how he had abandoned Christianity and reverted to the rites and ceremonies of the heathen, and how he had treated the Portuguese; he urged that it was to the advantage of His Majesty that an expedition should be sent from Goa as speedily as possible to quench the flame which this rebel had kindled before
the mischief grew beyond remedy; and he further
G s ነ

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begged him to suggest to the Council of State his own name as Captain over the expedition as he knew more about the matter and the country than any other person to whom they could entrust the command. Pedro Lopez promised to do everything in his power in order to obtain for him his desire; he went on board and after saying farewell he reached Goa in a few days.
His first step was to visit the members of the Council and to point out to each one of them in turn the importance of expelling from Ceilao the tyrant at whose hands we had received such great loss; if we did not stem the force of the tide as quickly as possible there was grave risk of our losing the Island and being compelled to conquer it over again, which would not be an easy task; there was no person better qualified by his great experience and intimate knowledge of the country to be entrusted with this mission than the Captain of Columbo; moreover by his intelligence, his services and high birth, he had deserved well at their hands; any other nominee of theirs who did not have the requisite knowledge might prove their undoing rather than their salvation; for in enterprises of this nature it is experience rather than courage which leads to success. Every one approved of the proposal of Pedro Lopes de Sousa, and they promised him their support whenever the matter came before the Council for determination. He was well pleased, for he appeared to have obtained what he wanted both to redeem his word and also to serve his King.
The Council met to discuss the question and it was there resolved to organise an expedition with the least possible delay; and it was further unanimously voted that Pedro Lopes de Sousa himself should take the command as Captain-General. When informed of his selection he was greatly vexed and urged many reasons why he should be excused, but none of them were admitted and their request

83
was repeated and his acceptance urgently demanded as being in His Majesty's interests. He replied by putting forward two requests of set purpose, - requests which it appeared to him that it would be impossible for them to grant-solely with the object of ridding himself of the offer: since they were so anxious he demanded two concessions: first that one of his two nephews should be appointed his Captain-Major of the Field, a post corresponding to that of General Master of the Field in Portugal; and secondly, as the Queen Dona Catherina had to marry with the consent of His Majesty or of his Viceroy, that she should be given in marriage to him.
The Council met to consider this proposal and his request; various opinions were expressed and after the matter had been well discussed they recognised the necessity of securing a Christian Prince, and the impossibility of obtaining such an one of her own race: the intrusion of a stranger. was fraught with danger to themselves and there was always the necessity that the Princess should marry at some time or other; moreover the interests of His Majesty would always be better looked after by one who was his subject than by some Prince to whom they should give these two kingdoms as a dowry; they further took into consideration the fact that he was a fidalgo of high birth, who had served with satisfaction in that State; such a connection might attract the natives to a comprehension of the true faith and they might learn as the result of such marriages to serve His Majesty with love and fidelity. The Council accordingly resolved that the conditions demanded by Pedro Lopes were expedient and they granted to him either request; they however stipulated that his nephew should not marry the Queen until she was placed in possession of the two kingdoms of Candia and Uva; that he should remain faithful and loyal to the
interests of His Majesty, and that after he became
G 2.

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King he should continue his vassal; that he should do homage, but in every other respect be the independent King of those kingdoms.
CHAPTER VII.
IN which Is RecoUNTED THE RESULT or THIS WAR.
In a short time an armament of several vessels driven by oars and some galleys conveying one thousand two hundred Portuguese soldiers in excellent condition and everything else that was necessary had been prepared. Leaving Goa with good weather it reached Manar where the Queen. was immediately taken on board and sailing from here with a favourable wind, it anchored at Negumbo. The arrival of Pedro Lopes with this large armament and in company with the Queen was reported to the Captain of Columbo who was frantic with rage; for it appeared to him that what Pedro Lopes had promised for him he had obtained for himself, the fact being however the very opposite; for the faculties of man are such that his own language it is which drives him into wrath without any consideration of what the truth may be; and merely for the gratification of a burst of passion he converts into a crime what is an act of good service and obedience into an offence. Such were the feelings of the Captain of Columbo towards Pedro Lopes de Sousa that not only did he not treat him as a friend, but he even forgot his duty towards him as a subject of the King; he gave him neither men nor any other aid to assist him in the enterprise with which he had been entrusted by the Lords of the Council of the State of India.

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Three days after his arrival a Modeliar," a nobleman among the Chingalas, came over to his side to assist him in his undertaking with twenty thousand
men of war; he had grown estranged from Dom João
because he saw that though he was only a private individual of high position yet he was aiming at the throne, (and this is a matter which this people will not tolerate) and the arrival of Pedro de Sousa with this great force furnished him with the desired opportunity. When the kindly politician received him with all affection and good faith he vowed that he would die in the service of the Portuguese; at the same time acknowledging Dona Catherina as his 9ueen and mistress and kissing her hand, he offered to devote his person and property to assist her against her enemies. This Modeliar was so brave, courteous and gentle, that he won the hearts of all people; Pedro Lopes set great store on his arrival and with such help he promised himself a successful issue to his enterprise: and he was a man of such great intelligence that he held him in the highest esteem and never began anything without his advice and without revealing to him his plans and his designs; for he found in him so much wisdom and in everything his opinion was sound.
The arrival of the Queen and of Pedro Lopes with this great force as well as the defection of the Modeliar were all reported to Dom João and he gave himself up entirely for lost; but he was shrewd and bore himself in his words and actions as if he considered all these forces as naught; to prevent his
* This was Jayavira Bandara who had come from the Soli country
under the name of Aritta Kivendu Perumal and had been appointed
Mannamperuma Mohotti by Raja Sinha and married to the daughter of the Raja Hetti; during the last years of this King he was in charge of the Galboda and Paranakuru Korales, and was the chief mover in the deposition of Raja Surya. He subsequently distinguished himself in a battle with the Portuguese at Orutota in Alutkuruwa, but in consequence of a petty quarrel threw himself on the side of Dharmapala, who conferred on him the title of Jayavira Bandara. In proof of his gratitude he lent effective aid in one of the advances on Cetavaca. (Rajavaliya.)

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people losing heart he rapidly collected all the men of war he could, and advancing from Candia with this army pitched his camp two leagues from IBalane, at a point at which our forces would have to enter his kingdom; and without revealing anything to any of his people, he set to work on a plan he had formed, which ended in the ruin of our army and the triumph of our enemies.
He wrote an olla to the Modeliar in which he advised him that he was now in camp as he had said he would be, and that on the arrival of our army at Balane he would put his good faith to the test, and that he begged him above all to do away with the General, since success depended far more on his death than on the capture of his whole force. He laid his plot so well that any person would have thought that the two were acting in complicity with each other, especially as they were of one race and one tongue. Sending for a Chingala in whom he had reliance he addressed him thus:-" By the confidence which I have in you and by the proofs of friendship which you have always found in me, I shall entrust a weighty matter to your love; what I am going to request from you may appear a trifle, yet it is of the greatest importance to me that it should be carried out with perfect secrecy and care; if you succeed be assured that you will be well rewarded.'
"To serve you, Senhor,' replied the Chingalá, "I would not hesitate to risk my life; and of the rewards which you have given me I do not consider this to be the least, that you should rely on my ability to serve you, not only in this matter, but also in every other which you entrust to me. Therefore tell me what it is you wish me to do, and in carrying out your desires I will prove to you my affection and my zeal.' "This,' replied Dom Joao “is what I had hoped for from you; and as to what I desire, go to Balané, where as you know the

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Portuguese army will encamp to-day. Their vanguard will consist of men from their territory. Do not try to avoid them, but as soon as you meet their scouts let them see you and immediately fly into the forest and there pretend to fall so that they may seize and take you to their General; and always appear as if you were anxious to hide this ola-and this is the sole object of your errand-so that it may reach their General's hands. This is the mission which I desire you to execute with the secrecy I recommend and the caution which is essential.'
The Chingala received theola cheerfully, promising that he would not fail in his mission; and after taking leave of him he succeeded in his enterprise even better than he had purposed; for he conducted himself with such cunning that when he was brought before the Captain-General he immediately ordered the letter to be read and learning its contents he flew into such a burst of passion that without a word he sent for the Modeliar and gave him the olato read and without waiting for a reply he ran him through with his dagger. The unfortunate but innocent man fell down dead, and when our forces descended the next morning from the hill they could not find a solitary man of the troops raised from their territory, men who were essential in this kind of warfare; for not only the twenty thousand men of the Modeliar but all the rest deserted to the enemy when they saw the treatment meted to the Captain whom they all loved so well.
Dom João who had been anxiously waiting for this result simulated great grief and vowed to avenge the death, uttering a thousand imprecations against us. With all these forces and the twenty-five thousand men whom he already had he hastened to meet us as we were already on the march, despatching a small body to block the road by cutting down the trees in our rear and spreading his archers and musketeers through the wood, where they were

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hidden from our men who were exposed to their incessant fire without perceiving their assailants. Our men attempted to retire on Balane but found the road blocked and guarded by a large force; and thus they all lost their lives, ingloriously, with the Captain-General and his two nephews who were also slain."
Thus the result was contrary to expectation; no reliance should be placed on an enemy and everything which comes to us through his hand should be received with great caution; to ascertain the truth one should look to the reverse of what is on the surface: but it is God who rules the universe and his ways are inscrutable.
After this victory the enemy betook himself to . plunder and the Queen herself was no unimportant portion of the same, for he valued her greatly for the fulfilment of those ambitions which he had at heart, as we shall see. -
y
CHAPTER VIII.
WHIcH NARRATEs THE MARRIAGB:s oF DoNA CATHERINA AND
WHAT FoLLowED.
When Dom Joao held the Queen in his power, he carried out on her the design which he had conceived, ravishing her publicly in the sight of all and thereby achieving the fulfilment of his ambition regarding the crown; for he could not have obtained his desire in any other way, as the people would never have given their consent even though it cost all of them their lives, as he was not descended from their Kings; but when they saw that he had treated her with violence and was also the master of their armies, they consented that he should marry her as they could see no other remedy. The Queen bore
* The final scene appears to have been at Danture. (Raj. p. 98

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him one son, to whom they gave the nickname of Prince of the Roosters.
When the destruction of Pedro Lopes de Sousa and of his army was announced at Goa, they conferred the vacant office on Dom Hieronimo de Azevedo, who started for Ceilao with all the forces that the State could afford. He pressed on the war in every possible manner against the usurper and after various successes he collected all his forces and entered Candia; but the final result was such that he considered himself fortunate in being able to retire with the loss of three hundred Portuguese and of a large number of the Emperor's Lascarins. After
Dom Joao had obtained these victories he did not
long enjoy the sovereignty over these kingdoms for he came by his death just as he had lived : and
when the nobles saw that the Queen was still young,
in order to avert disaster they determined that she should marry; and as they knew that on Adam's Peak there lived a Prince of the Island itselft and one who was related to her, Henar Pandar Changata by name, a priest who was fulfilling a penance, (for it is necessity which makes some men religious.) they brought him from there and married him to the Queen. After some years of sovereignty, seeing that he had also received as his dower a war with the Portuguese from which he could not hope for a successful result, he treated with them for a perpetual peace; this was granted on the condition of his declaring himself tributary to His Majesty and paying each year a tribute of two elephants with tusks of a certain length; and this he continued to wage war against him.
He was devoted to our nation for he saw in us an excellence, affectionate disposition, good faith
do punctually year by year so long as we did not
* In 1604. t Wimala Dharma's first cousin.-Rajavaliya p. 100.

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and other qualities which make a people csteemed. His whole intercourse was with the l’ortuguese and he entrusted to their keeping the two sons whom the Queen bore him, that they might instruct them in reading and writing as well as the Latin tongue, music and horsemanship, and in all these they were skilled, and well versed in the humanities. As for the son whom Dom Joao had, he always kept him apart in order that his own sons might inherit the kingdoms, and so the former busied himself with cock fights in Matale where he was brought up.
CHAPTER IX.
IN which Is SHowN. How AT THE DEATH OF THE EMPEROR HB APPoINTED THE KING of PoRTUGAL, HEIR To His KINGDOMs, AND THB Council which WAS HELD,
The Emperor Dom João Paria Pandar conceived such an affection for the Portuguese that he would not leave them, but lived in Columbo up to the year 1597, Dom Hieronimo de Azevedo being the CaptainGeneral of the conquered territory; in this year the Lord was pleased to call him to the blessed state. And when he felt that his hour was drawing near he set about arranging his affairs and distributed his property among those who had worked for him. He made his will" in which he declared that he had no son to succeed him in his kingdoms, and that therefore he appointed the King of Portugal his universal heir to all of them, and thus he became
* The will of “The Most High Prince Dom Joam, by the Grace of God King of Ceilam, Perea Pandar' is dated 12th August, 1580, and was drawn up at the King's Palace in the City and Fort of Columbo by Antonio Ribeiro, Notary Public. The witnesses to it were five Portuguese officials, Dom Estevao Modeliar of the said Lord and King of Ceilam, his Great Chamberlain and Governor of his realms, Dom Antam, Fidalgo of his Palace, Andre Bajam, Dom Francisco Anrriquez and Dom Fernando Modeliars and Lourengo Fernandez, his Secretary and a Judge of his realms. V−

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absolute lord of all the territories situated within the Island, only the kingdoms of Candia and Uva belonging to Dona Catherina while the kingdom of Jafanapatao had its own native King; he also earnestly entreated His Majesty to send away to Portugal the young nephew whom he had and to get him ordained as a priest, and never to allow him to return to India for fear of his creating a disturbance there; he further begged him of his kindness to assign to him some ecclesiastical revenue from this kingdom for his support: all this was ordered by the Emperor and it was accordingly carried out. (We also knew the Prince and used to call him de Telheiras from his place of residence where he built an Oratorio for the Friars of St. Francisco.)
The death of the Emperor was greatly lamented both by his own subjects and by us, and he was interred with all possible honours in the Convent of St. Francisco" at Columbo, which was now a beautiful city where many noble families lived. After his burial and when his obsequies had been performed with the dignity due to his position, the CaptainGeneral summoned the Captain of Columbo and the other Counsellors to discuss the steps to be taken to induce the people to acknowledge His Majesty as their Lord and King without having recourse to force; after several discussions they agreed to issue a notice to all the provinces (called Corlas) of the kingdoms that they should send to Columbo on a certain day, two delegates from each Corla authorised to take the oaths on behalf of the rest to the King of Portugal as their King and Lord. They assembled on the appointed day, on receipt of the notice; it was then proposed to them, that as they were to be the vassals of His Majesty it was but reasonable that they should receive the same laws
* His tombstone was in the Dutch Church in 1762; v. Governor Schreuder's Memorie.

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as the Portuguese and for the nobility to enjoy the same rights and privileges as they did.
To these proposals they replied that such matters demanded careful deliberation: they had no doubt that they would be able to do everything which was required of them, but they should be allowed the opportunity to discuss them and to urge any reasons of their own: that always their duty was to look to what was most to the interest of the King their Lord. Two days were allowed them and after deliberation they reported that they were Chinglas brought up from their youth in the laws which they possessed and observed and that it would be a very grave matter for them to abandon those laws and take in exchange what were now proposed; the result of so great a change would probably be that neither the one law nor the other would be properly observed, to the great prejudice of His Majesty. They admitted the King of Portugal as their rightful Lord and King just as if he had been their own Emperor, born in their country, and as such they would serve him with the laws in which they had been brought up; but they must be guaranteed the continuance of those laws without any alteration at any time by His Majesty and his Ministers; they would obey him and render him all the dues which they had at all times rendered to the Kings who had reigned in the Island before and they would take an oath to act accordingly; and as the King their Lord had appointed them to be his Ministers, they too must take an oath on his behalf to preserve and defend their laws and privileges in their entirety.
When we saw that there was nothing else to be done, a public instrument was drawn up, confirmed by solemn oaths on either side. We promised in the name of His Majesty, always to preserve for the kingdoms and vassals of Ceilao all their laws, rights and customs without any change or diminution whatever. The natives similarly took another oath

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to serve the King our Lord well and faithfully as if he were their natural King, and to render to him the same taxes, dues and other obligations which they had rendered to their Kings in times past. Liberty was secured for the religious orders to preach in public when and where they pleased the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ; all who wished to receive their doctrine were not to be hindered in any fashion or manner, and there was to be no opposition even as between parents and children; if anyone disregarded this condition he was liable to punishment at the discretion of the person authorised, and for the future no one was to be exposed to violence or persecution, but whoever voluntarily desired to be a Christian was to be at liberty freely to embrace the faith.
With this agreement the council came to an end; the documents were copied and each delegate took away with him a copy to his province, where the people were well content, especially as they saw that they would have so brave a race for their defenders. The Captain-General immediately sent for the Archives of the Emperor, among which was found the Tombo of dues and services not only of each kingdom and province, but also a detailed statement of the payments due from each village and household and any further dues that they were liable to. All this was translated into our tongue with the same detail.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX.
СнАртвR
(The latter part of the missing Eleventh Decade contained
an account of the victories obtained by De Azavedo within Candia and Dina vaca.)

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In the summer of 1597, the course of events centred round the fort of Corvite; this fort had been built the previous February by Dom Jeronymo de Azavedo at a distance of six leagues from Ceitavaca, and was garrisoned by one hundred men ti nder the command of the Captain Salvador Pereira da Silva, while the rest of the forces had been withdrawn to recruit. As soon as Dom Joao was informed of this he communicated with the rest of the rebel Chiefs, and arranged for the King of Uva to act with the Princes of Dinavaca, and a body of four thousand men with a large force of musketeers and elephants was rapidly mobilised at a distance of four miles from Corvite; their advance guard consisted of two thousand men, and their aim was to cause the whole of that province to rise in revolt. Dom João himself moved with his forces on the Four Corlas, to create a diversion.
The Captain-General hastily took the field with all his men, as he knew that Ruanella was the King's objective; despatching
a body of native troops there he himself made a demonstration
towards the Four Corlas which compelled the enemy to retire, when the bulk of the army was despatched to the relief of Corvite, a Modeliar with five thousand Lascarins being left to watch the frontiers of the Seven Corlas. Salvador Pereira was at the same time instructed to engage the enemy; he advanced through the forests and fell unexpectedly on the vanguard, driving them back on the rearguard which he routed with heavy loss, including the chief Modeliars, and capturing two handsome elephants, a large number of arms, flags, &c.; indeed the enemy's loss was estimated at more than a thousand, while the chiefs of Mature and Dinavaca escaped in the darkness of night. This victory created much consternation among the Chingalas and won for Salvador Pereira the sobriquet of “Corvite Captain" among them, while our own loss consisted of a few Lascarins and a brave young Modeliar named Dom Francisquinho, who fell fighting gallantly. Salvador Pereira destroyed the enemies' fortifications and withdrew to Corvite with a great reputation. The CaptainGeneral immediately ordered Batugedrai, on the other bank of the Sofragao river to be fortified, so as to harrass the enemy from there; but they retired to Candia, and the fortification was taken down; this was in the winter of 1597.
On the 27th or 28th of May of the same year, Dom Joao Perea Pandar, Lord of the entire Island of Ceilao, died, and was interred with all the pomp the country could afford. The CaptainGeneral then summoned to Columbo all the noblemen of the late King's Palace, the Modeliars and other chief personages, and a convention was held on the 29th at which were present the chief
* Kuruvita five miles from Ratnapura. t Batugedera, a Gabadagama two miles from Ratnapura.

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Portuguese officials and prelates. After a harangue from the Ouvidor, João Homem de Costa, the Chingala nobles nominated Dom Antão, Dom Constantino, Dom Jorge, Dom João, Dom Pedro Homem Pereira, (all noblemen of the late King's Palace),* Belchior Botelho Modeliar, Domingos da Costa Arache, and Thomé Rodrigues Patangatim, to take the oath of allegiance on behalf of all. These knelt round a table and placing their hands on a Missal swore by the Holy Evangelists to recognise the King of Portugal as their lawful King, according to the will of Dom João Perea Pandar, and to render him fealty, homage, and obedience as if he were their native sovereign. On the conclusion of the oath the Captain-General took a standard with the Royal Arms of Portugal, and handed it to Dom Antão; the whole body then went in procession through the principal streets, preceded by the Royal Standard, and at certain appointed places Dom Antao proclaimed the King of Portugal, king. A record of the oath was drawn up by Manoel Correa da Costa, Notary Public, to be preserved among the Archives of Portugal.
Dom Joao finding his hands tied by our forts in the frontiers of the Four Corlas and Dinavaca, now turned his attention in the direction of Galé and Maturé, as he thought that their distance from the headquarters of the Captain-General would prevent their receiving speedy succour. He accordingly despatched a Prince of his named Madune Pandar and the rebel Simão Correa, brother of Domingos Correa Bicanarsinga, who had assumed the title of King of Ceitavaca, and the King entrusted to him a body of chosen men and his most experienced Modeliars, and one thousand musketeers; he also directed the King of Uva to prepare to support him. This body encamped six leagues from Maturé,
where our garrison was under the command of Dom Fernando
Modeliar, who is now the Captain of the city of Goa. The enemy selected a high piece of ground surrounded with marshes, so that it could not be attacked with artillery, and fortified it strongly, while Simao Pinhão was despatched with one hundred and fifty Portuguese and two thousand Lascarins to assist the Modeliar. With this force Dom Fernando Modeliar took the offensive; the enemy placed one thousand musketeers in their fort and planted two thousand Lascarins under their most trusted Modeliars in ambush to take us in the flank. Dom Fernando did not delay his attack, but in attempting to carry the stockade we were entangled among the caltrops of the enemy and were exposed to the destructive fire of their musketeers; several of our men were killed and among the wounded were Simao Pinhao
* Fidalgos da Casa.
it Siman Kuré Rala-Rajavaliya p. 100-: he was a pure SinhaleseKnox p. 177.
Samaracon Rale.

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and Pero de Abreu Modeliar. However we forced our way through and placed our ladders, up which our men began to climb; but the troops in ambush fell on them at this moment and compelled our men to turn round and drive them back into the forest with heavy loss.
The Modeliar now began to build a fortified camp, sending at the same time information of what had happened to the Captain-General, who sent reinforcements from the garrisons of Dinavaca and Ceitavaca; simultaneously Dom João despatched the King of Uva with three thousand men, who advanced to within three leagues of our camp. The sound of muskets warned the Modeliar Dom Fernando of the proximity of the enemy, who were discovered by his scouts at a distance of half a league, A council was held and it was resolved to fall on them before they effected a junction with the main body. Simao Pinhao and Dom Henrique Modeliar rapidly advanced with all the Lascarins and fell on the enemy at early dawn. Though taken off their guard they offered a stout resistance and kept our Lascarins at bay till Simao Pinhao, whose very name was a terror among them, came to the rescue; then they turned and fled and were pursued a considerable distance with great slaughter.
Our men were so elated by this success that they immediately advanced to storm the stockade; we pressed them so hotly that at the first watch of the night we compelled them to sally out in desperation in an attempt to cut their way through our midst. We fell upon them and created a terrible slaughter, only the two rebel Princes escaping in the darkness of night. The flower of the Kandyan army and the chief Modeliars lay dead on the field, while all their arms and a large quantity of spoil were captured in their stronghold. In addition to the Portuguese officers those who distinguished themselves in this fight were Pero de Abreu Modeliar, Dom Henrique Modeliar, and the Captain-Major Dom Fernando Modeliar, who all bore themselves right nobly. This campaign was in October, 1597. -
Our army was next ordered to concentrate at Batugedere to threaten the King who was making a demonstration in the Seven and Four Corlas; some of our subjects round Cota and Ceitavaca were also in revolt. At the same time the King began to build a fortress within the Four Corlas, which he garrisoned with a strong force. Hearing of this the General ordered the forces in that district to assemble at Atanagale, where the Captain Francisco Pimentel was in command, and he also despatched Simao Pinhaio to supervise the strengthening of that fort. The King pressed on the campaign with vigour, while our men invaded his lands from Atanagale, and after causing a great
* In Siyane Korale.

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slaughter among the enemy and taking many prisoners reduced that neighbourhood and compelled the King to retreat. At the same time the enemy erected a strong fort on a mountain within
our boundaries, which was however immediately stormed and
destroyed by us; but they still maintained their stronghold in the Four Corlas, the one in which they had most reliance, and they attempted to overawe that district by means of the forts they had established among the passes. We however advanced there next, and after a few skirmishes seized their outposts and compelled them to retire to the furthest limits of Ceitavaca, while we punished the inhabitants of the revolted villages with terrible cruelty, as an example to the rest.
Being afraid that we would next attack his fort, the King sent two of the Princes of these Corlas with the larger part of his army to create a diversion in the direction of Chilao. We on our side prepared to check this movement: and as the road to Chilao is a difficult one, owing to rivers and marshes, we resolved to fall on the capital city of the Seven Corlas, which was the residence of the rebel Princes who were absent in the field leaving their wives and children and belongings here. We accordingly made a forced march without resting day or night, driving before us the enemy who held some of the passes. We found the city protected by stockades and trenches, but stormed it with such courage that we killed the Modeliar who was in command and the greater part of his men, and set the whole city on fire with all its riches, so as not to hamper ourselves with its plunder. We then hastily retired, avoiding the roads by which the chiefs were expected to return to the assistance of their city, though we could not escape being continuously harrassed by their outposts at the different passes. On hearing of what we had done the Chiefs hastened back from the invasion of our dominions, while we fell upon their garrisons and drove them out of our territory, even following them into their own and inflicting heavy loss. All this took place between April, 1598 and the preceding November. Our success was a heavy blow to the prestige of Dom Joao among the Chingalas, and we had killed so many of his principal Captains and Modeliars that the rest continued the fight with little enthusiasm.
In his anxiety to prevent his fort in the Four Corlas from
falling into our hands, and at the same time to encourage our
subjects to revolt, the King determined to take the field in person; but our spies kept us very well informed of what was being designed. To put his plans into execution the King went to Candia and ordered two armies to be prepared; one consisted of one thousand picked soldiers who were despatched to Putalao to collect all the men in that district and to fall on Chilao; the other of three thousand men who were ordered to assemble on the boundary of the Seven Corlas; these were posted on the
H

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skirts of a mountain, so as to attack us on the flanks should we venture to meet them.
Our army consisted of close on two thousand two hundred Portuguese soldiers under the command of Salvador l’ereira, while Pinhão and Francisco de Hrito led the native troops. We huilt a strong stockade of wood protected with trenches at Alanha, midway between the two armies, and so prevented their supporting each other. Leaving this strongly garrisoned we advanced to meet the army of the Seven Corlas before they had finished their fortification. This was situated at the base of a mountain round which they had cut down all the forest except at the entrance, where were left two knolls strongly entrenched and occupied by two thousand men; the rest were stationed at the summit with orders to come down and attack us on the flank should we approach. We boldly attacked the two knolls, but their guns did such execution that our Lascarins were compelled to retire; the Portuguese marched to support them and in spite of a 'stout resistance carried the two, but were immediately attacked by the rebel Simao Correa, (who was in command above,) from the flanks. We wheeled round and after a long fight succeeded in beating them away with the loss of only two Portuguese and some of our native troops, thanks be to God.
A thousand native musketeers and a few Portuguese were next ordered off by Salvador Pereira de Silva, who was in command of this expedition, to fall upon the army of Putallao, before it was informed of the repulse of the other. The ardour of our men rendered the destruction of their stronghold an easy matter; several of the enemy lost their lives, while the five hundred Bagadash who had come from the Continent to assist the King, received such rude hospitality at our hands that their fellows at home lost all appetite for following the King's standard.
The King's army in the Four Corlas hastily withdrew to Candia on receipt of this disastrous news; the revolted districts
now sent envoys and arranged to return to their allegiance, while
we broke down the King's stronghold-a task by no means easy, owing to its great strength and massive structure.
Our General now determined to establish a permanent camp of stone at Manicravare, so as to be better able to control the Four Corlas and to keep a check on the King: he collected a large number of pioneers and workmen and all the necessary material, and entrusted the execution of the design to Salvador Pereira de Silva, who was also given a considerable force of Lascarins and all the Portuguese who could be got together,
* Alla wwa. t From the kingdom of Bisnaga on the Malabar coast. } - Menikkadawara in Beligal Korale.

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He started in the month of September, 1598 and took up his station for a few days a league from Manicravare, collecting there everything that was necessary for completing the work on the very day of his arrival; for he suspected that the King would fall on them the following night, so as to prevent the undertaking. When everything was in readiness, he moved to the site which had been selected and worked at the entrenchment with such despatch, that by the time night fell he had completed a stout wooden fort which frustrated the intentions of the enemy. The stone structure was next commenced and by great exertions it was completed in four months. The King attempted to create a diversion by Grossing the frontiers of Dinavaca and making inroads on our lands; this necessitated the General's proceeding there with a force drawn from our various garrisons; at the same time the work at Manicravare was pushed on and the ramparts and bastions completed, with a two-storied tower in the centre; indeed, the fort was well nigh impregnable. The General led the rest of the army there in the beginning of January, 1599,
and began his preparations to invade the Corlas.
The King did not overlook the importance of maintaining his hold on the Four and Seven Corlas for the safety of his whole kingdom depended on this. He advanced with the whole
of his force, and that of the King of Uva-a body of nearly five thousand men-and encamped in the Seven Corlas, despatching one of his Captains to threaten our forts on the frontier. Our
General sent Salvador Pereira da Silva with two hundred Portuguese and two thousand Lascarins; these made their way along the river which separates the Seven Corlas from the kingdom of Cotta and Ceitavaca. The next day a detachment was sent to the other bank to prepare a site for a camp for the main body; here it was attacked by the enemy who were however repulsed with loss and as we learnt from our prisoners that the King of Uva was only half a league away, prepared to dispute the passage of the river, so as to prevent us establishing ourselves at Adegalitota, the General sent forward some reinforcements. At the same time the King of Uva led out his men for battle; we met their vanguard unexpectedly and after an obstinate fight compelled them to retire; we pursued them till we met the main body of the enemy, when they turned round and attacked us with such fury, that our men were in perilous straits; hut we threw ourselves on them with the courage of despair, and forced them to retire with the loss of two hundred men and several Modeliars, leaving considerable booty behind. We then withdrew to Adegalitota, and went on with our entrenchments at our leisure. All this occurred towards the end of January, 1599.
* Etgâlatota in Dambedeniya.
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In the meantime our men were suffering severely for want of food and money: so much so that several deserted to the mountains, from which they raided the surrounding villages in gangs for food. The Viceroy was advised of the state of affairs and he loaded a ship belonging to Thomé de Sousa de Arronches, Captain of Columbo, which chanced to be in the harbour of Goa, with one hundred and fifty soldiers, twenty thousand pardaos in cash, and a large supply of provisions, ammunition, spears, guns, &c., and sent it under the command of Dom Francisco de Noronha in April, 1599. At the same time he sent some convicts who had been sentenced to banishment,
and also some fidalgos to serve in the Island.
After a tempestuous voyage Dom Francisco came and
anchored two leagues off the coast of Galle. The weather was
excessively stormy, and the soldiers clamouring to be landed at Tutocori; he accordingly addressed his men and expressed to them his determination to land in Ceilao and fulfil the commission which had been entrusted to him by the Viceroy, though it cost him his life; he then had all the treasure &c., put into casks and attached to strong windlasses, and declared that he would drive the ship on shore if necessary, and pay the cost of it
out of his own pocket. But as a last resort he ordered the boat
to be manned and requested one of the fidalgos to go on land and to try and secure a pilot. The latter's refusal led to an altercation which was fortunately terminated by Alvaro de Barros, who had been nominated Captain of Caleture, volunteering to undertake the task; and he set out taking with him a supply of money with which to hire the desired pilots.
During his absence a boat from Gale drew near the ship, and from this they learnt that they were midway between Gale and Beligão; the Captain therefore sent a letter to the Captain of the former fort reporting the perilous state in which he was and begging for pilots to take him into a safe harbour. Shortly after de Barros himself appeared with two pilots, on whose advice he determined to make for Belligao, however great the danger might be to the ship itself; for so long as the men, money and stores were safe he was indifferent as to the rest. The sails were spread and the ship made for the harbour while the tide was half full; the depth of water rapidly diminished from seven to four and three and a half bracas, whereupon Dom Francisco gave up everything for lost. All the treasure was hastily brought on deck and ordered to be transferred to the boat; but at that moment the sounding stood at five fathoms, and to the great joy of everyone the ship was enabled to anchor close to land. This was the first ship which had ever entered that port, and after this the entrance was easy for all.
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his aid, and the united forces began to advance. Wherever they halted to dine or sleep, they erected a stockade; and as they had now a large force of work people and the dense forests supplied them with plenty of timber, they were enabled to do this easily; in consequence the rebels who met them did not dare to attack them. In this fashion they arrived at Columbo where they were warmly welcomed and the General was enabled to pay his soldiers and to devote himself to the war again.
Dom João was now determined to strike a final blow, and ordered his troops to assemble from every side; but the people were very unwilling, whereupon several were put to death, and the King himself went through the country collecting forces. The King of Uva was again put in command to check the attempts of Dom Jeronymo to win over the people of the Corlas, by which we hoped the more easily to carry the war within the kingdom of Candia, and compel the King to flee or take him prisoner. He / bribed the Lascarins on the borders of Dinavaca to desert to the King whereupon our men retired to Corvita and Batugedere; the enemy in the meantime pushed as far as Malvana. Dom Jeronymo left three companies at Manicravare under the command of the Captains Thomé Coelho, João Serrão da Cunha, and Diogo de Araujo, and himself advanced to Ceitavaca with one company and eight hundred Lascarins. Some of the enemy were on the borders of Dinavaca, and against them he despatched Simão Pinhao with a similar force, to face them in Sofragao, After a sharp encounter the enemy were compelled to retire while Simao Pinhao was enabled to visit Corvite and Batugedere. While there he was ordered to march to Malvana where the chief rebels were; the General himself advanced from the other side and thus hemmed in the rebels and compelled them to submit, their leaders being put to death, and the revolt extinguished. At the same time the King made a diversion towards the Corlas, and thus compelled our army to march back; but the enemy were repulsed on every side and a large number of prisoners taken. Our fort at Balitota was simultaneously attacked by the King of Uva with six thousand men: but Salvador Pereira who was in command there laid his Lascarins in ambush in the forests, and put the enemy in such fear that they did not carry out their design, but spent ten days in skirmishes, in which they were invariably worsted. At the same time a Captain with four thousand men attacked Manicravare; but after a fierce struggle which lasted half a day, our fire proved so disastrous that they were compelled to retire leaving the field studded with corpses. The King of Uva who was still before Balitote immediately pushed on to Chilao leaving one thousand men, chiefly musketeers, to hold a pass so as to prevent our men advancing in that direction. These were driven away with loss by fifty Portuguese and three hundred Lascarins, whereupon the King of Uva retreated from

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Chilao, as he was afraid of our General falling on him with another force.
The King of Candia attributed all his ill success to the cowardice of the King of Uva, and ordered him back to Candia, replacing him by a Prince of the ancient royal family, a brave young man who was only too anxious to prove that the King was not mistaken in his choice. He pushed on to Balitote with his whole force and began to skirmish with his musketeers. The position was strongly held, and Salvador Pereira who was in command attacked him with such vigour that he was speedily compelled to escape into the forests with the loss of more than one hundred killed, having met with no better, luck than the King of Uva; indeed his men did not stop their flight till they retired within Candia. The Prince remained on the borders of the Corlas, where our men attacked him at dawn, and forced him to flee. We burnt several villages and temples, and all the inhabitants, being disappointed in their hope of assistance from the King, surrendered.
Reinforcements arriving in September, 1599, Dom Jeronymo was now in a position to erect a strong stockade of wood at Mutapali, half a league from the kingdom of Candia, and half-way between it and the Seven Corlas. The King was enraged and began to threaten our works from some strong mountain positions, whereupon Dom Jeronymo sent Salvador Pereira with two hundred and thirty soldiers and two thousand Lascarins to fall on the enemy early in the morning, while the General himself stood ready with one hundred and fifty soldiers and five hundred Lascarins to support him if required. At early dawn our men crept up to the top of the mountain, and charging into the enemy's camp, affected an entrance and attempted to set it on fire. The enemy made a stout resistance, for they were said to number eight thousand men, including three thousand musketeers. The fight lasted till eleven o'clock, when the General ordered our men to retire: whereupon the enemy pressed on them so hard that the General was compelled to hasten to their relief. This encouraged them to such an extent that they rallied and compelled the enemy to retire in disorder with the loss of more than three hundred killed, including several Modeliars, while ours consisted of two Portuguese and about twenty Lascarins killed and several wounded.
The work of the fortress was now pressed on and completed in one month, and the position garrisoned with four companies and a large stock of ammunition, for we were afraid that the enemy would fall on it again with the assistance of the Badagas from the other coast. The rest of our forts were at the same time put in order, in anticipation of the reinforcements which
* Mottappuliya in Kinigoda Korale.

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were despatched by the Conde Almirante. An advance was next made into the Catrem Campala Corla on the frontiers of the Seven Corlas and the enemy driven into the furthest recesses of that district, Astrong wooden fort was now begun here, for the enemy were in a state of panic; but while we were engaged on this work, a new force of the enemy appeared in the Seven Corlas, and entrenched itself strongly. There was a fierce fight with our rearguard, but the enemy were forced to retire and the district settled down again. These disasters constrained the Chiefs of the Seven Corlas to sue for peace which was refused; but they were allowed a truce with suspension of hostilities and the restoration of prisoners. Such was the state of affairs in the winter of 1600. (De Couto Decade XII.)
CHAPTER X.
THE RBVENUBs which THE EMPERORs BNJOYBD AND SOMB DETAILS WHICH WE OUGHT TO KNOW,
We have stated that all the territory from Chilao as far as the Grevayas, being fifty-two leagues of coast, and inland as far as the frontiers of Candia and Uva, was bequeathed by the Emperor to His Majesty. This included twenty-one thousand eight hundred and seventy-three villages over which our Captain-Generals exercised the same authority as the Emperor with the title of King of Malvana, which was allowed them by His Majesty for the maintenance of the respect and authority of the office among the Chingalas; for his jurisdiction extended up to the palm groves of Bengala with the powers of a Viceroy.
No native could address him except as " His Highness,' and the King of Candia gave to him the same title, from which we can judge of the power which he enjoyed and the respect shown to him. The Portuguese alone addressed him as "Mercé,' for in the State of India the title of 'Senhor' was only applied to Governors, and that of " Excellency' to Viceroys who were titled.
* Katugampola.

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From all these territories not a coin of tribute or taxes was obtained, because from the earliest times the land was all partitioned among the various ranks and offices appertaining to a State as also among the men of war, -soldiers, Captains and the higher officers; these had to come with their own arms in case of hostilities, and were bound to bring from their homes food for fifteen days, and when this was exhausted they had fifteen days' rest. Of this kind of men at arms we had in our dominions fifty thousand, and the number could neither be increased nor diminished, because they all held lands which they enjoyed under this condition of service; and it was the same with the nobility and the service-holders among whom the villages were divided. Each one had for his maintenance a piece of muddy land which he sowed, and a large tract of fruit trees from which he obtained a considerable profit, as well as a garden where he had his house. To this portion they give the name of paravenia, and all the inhabitants, whether noble or plebeian, had their duties, each serving in his own way the King or the Lord of the Village. In this fashion the soldiers, nobles, service-holders" and the various grades and classes, of which there are many, have each their services to render, and they are free to enjoy their paravenias; nor is there ever lacking a . person to occupy them subject to the same conditions as they were liable to. For instance, if a soldier should die in war or otherwise, his son if he have one, or some other member of the same family will enter into possession of the paravenia, and although he is not a soldier, he becomes one now; and the same is the case with the other services; and from the paravenias the number of men of each rank and grade is ascertained. And here we should note that the paravenia which belonged to a soldier cannot
* Officiaes: Nila-Káreyas.

IO5
pass to a service-holder, and that of a worker in iron always belongs to a worker in iron, and everything else is subject to the same rule. By the manner in which the lands were divided among all classes, taking the case of those held on military tenure alone, as the men were always ready with their arms, it could be seen that whenever hostilities broke out the King was not put to the expense of a single real upon them: though if a King were to maintain a very small. army, a vast treasure would not be sufficient even for a few years. When the King waged war he used sometimes to promise a sum of money to the first person who reached some post of the enemy which he named, or else cut. off a head; and this promise he fulfilled in its entirety on the spot. བ་
To avoid confusion I now proceed to explain the various classes and the duties of each. The villages consist of Mayorals, who are the same as the Freement among us; these are bound to supply three full meals a day to any man of war who comes to their village for the period of his stay there, and
o Gama Ráies. † Cidadoes.
This appears to be referred to in the Mampe Sannas, of which the following is a translation :-
Savasti Sri. On the fifteenth day of Wesak in the fourth year of Srimat Sri Sangabo Sri Bhuwanaike Bahu, sprung from the untainted Royal line of Sumitra of the Race of the Sun, Lord of the Three Sinhalas, Lord of the Nine Gems, and Sovereign Lord of Kings.
Whereas Sembahap Perumala of Mambe has served Us well and with unswerving fidelity;
The boundaries of the village of Mambe in Salpiti Korale are On the East the bakmi tree on Pinidiya Agare, and on the same side the Udagalpotta of the garden of the Alutge family,
On the South the Galpotta of Gadambuwana and on the same side the embankment of Piliyandola,
On the West, Horiyane watte And on the North the del tree of the garden of the Galgodapitiyege family and the embankment of Migaha Kumbura of Makuluduwa;
The lands included within these four boundaries and limited thereby, with their revenues, gardens, plantations, fields, meadows, uncultivated lands, water pools and all similar matters,
Are from this day forth dedicated to the Illustrious Tooth Relic, and the said Sembahap Perumala of Mambe, his children, grand children

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similarly to the Lord of the Village whenever he is in residence. This duty the Mayorals who hold the village undertake in turns, thus dividing the expenditure among all. They have also to purchase for the Lord at their own expense everything which is to be found in their district, such as chickens, hens, butter, kids, cows and hogs. In all these villages there are culles for carrying burdens and they perform the same work as men who are paid, as this is the tenure on which they hold their paravenias, and such service is not in any way considered to degrade them; for where a man is of an honourable caste he loses nothing, and where he is of a low caste, as many are, he always remains of the caste he is. These convey to the Lords of the Villages what the Mayorals buy and they are obliged to attend as often as they are summoned to this or any similar occupation. The workers in iron" are obliged to serve in the workshops of the King for fifteen days during which they have to supply their own provisions just as the soldiers do, and when this period has expired they have a similar period of rest, and for this service of theirs the King does not pay them a single real. Where there are various qualified persons in one house, such as sons and relations, none of them are liable to render service but only the head of the household, as it is he who has the enjoyment of the paravenia. They are also obliged to make free of charge the agricultural
and their generations may enjoy the profits of the same rendering an offering of ten panams every year.
This Grant shall endure while the Sun and the Moon do last. All Chiefs of Korales, Atu Koralas, and all soldiers traversing there through are hereby forbidden to make any further demand therein,
Such was the Command issued by His Majesty as he sat in glory like Indra upon his Throne under the Makara Thorona and the White Canopy encircled by his Ministers in the Chitrakuta Hall in the Fort of Jayawardhana. *
In obedience whereto this Sanhasis inscribed on copper and delivered by me Sanhas Tiru Warahap Perumala.
May the Dharma flourish while the Sun and the Moon endure * Achári.

Ιο 7
implements for all the inhabitants of the village, who have only to supply the material for the same. Besides these there are other workers in iron" and these are they who extract the metal from a certain kind of stone; they live in separate villages which belong to the King and render him each year a fixed quantity, and whatever they extract in excess of that quantity they are at liberty to sell. The gem cutters, jewellers, carpenters, turners,S gun makers and lancers, are all obliged to render service in the same fashion on behalf of the King.
Those which follow are very low in caste; the tom-tom beaters go in war to beat their drums and they come back with their own company. The wood cutters live in separate villages which also belong to the King; they fell the trees they are commanded to, and on the field they have to convey the ammunition and surplus arms, a duty of which they are so proud that in case of a defeat they would rather lose their lives than abandon their stores. There are the potters and the washers, the latter of whom wash the clothes, and the former supply pottery to the whole village free of charge. The jagreirost make a kind of sugar from the liquor which they draw from certain trees and of this they give a fixed quantity to the Lords of the Villages. The shoemakers. Pachas, SS and barbers H are all very low in caste, and they too have similar duties each according to his grade. The Cornacas are
* Yaman noo.
f Tarahallo or Nawandanno.
i Waduwo.
$ Liyane Waduwo.
| Berawáyo.
T Porowakareyo.
$ Badaheleyo.
** Radavo.
†† Hakuro (Wahumpu reyo).
į į Hannáli ?
$ $ Paduvo (Batgameyo.)
| Embetteyo.
Ti i The people of the Karuve (elephant) department; the term is applied to the Chandos in the Dutch Thombos.

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those who tame and act as drivers of the elephants; they live in separate villages the same as the lachas, the villages of both of whom belong to the King; and it is the same with the villages in which live the Chalias," the people who peel cinnamon and each of whom has to render the number of bahars at which his paravenia is assessed; for all of them are not subject to the same amount of duty, some paying more and some less. These carry at their waists a small knife with which they strip the bark of the trees, as they enjoy the privilege that no one can demand from them any other kind of duty; they would all refuse to perform any service except what they are subject to, even if they are to be condemned to the fire, for they say that this would establish a precedent. The amount of cinnamon which they procured each year for the King was three thousand and two hundred bahars, each bahar being thirteen arrobas and seven pounds of our weight, making a total of ten thousand five hundred and seventy-five quintals.
The Emperors, even when the amount collected in any one year could not be all sold to the ships of Persia, Arabia, Meca, Malavar, China and Bengala, which come for that commodity, by their being fewer one year than in another, would not reduce the price, which was always the same; whatever was left unsold was ordered to be destroyed by fire, so that the Chalias might not acquire the habit of bringing less than they were bound to. Accordingly this was the chief source of the revenues of the Emperor, and for this article they used to bring him all the wealth which the Orient possessed.
They do not attach much value to their gems, and only twenty-five paravenias of those whose duty it is to procure them are found in Sofregao. These
* Hâli (Salâgama), it 128 Pounds each.

I og
serve fifteen days in the year, under a headman who is known as the Vidana Das Agras. * The Emperor when the season drew near used to fix the number and quality of gems they had to procure, and these he would present to the Kings, his relatives and friends on the coast of India. In the same fashion they continued to procure gems on His Majesty's account, subject to the order that they brought all the stones of one pardao and upwards in value; and so long as His Majesty was Lord of Ceilao there were not wanting Portuguese anxious to be the Vidana Das Agras, although the position was not considered one of much authority among our people. It however involved the handling of stones of value, which they embezzled; nor did they lack accomplices and friends; for the King's Treasury is like an owl which all the birds pluck a feather from, and this is an evil that cannot be remedied. The stones collected each year would be taken to the city to be cut, and then they would be put up to auction all together. As a rule they fetched from twenty up to twenty-four thousand patacas, and until the next year there would be no more talk of them.
Twenty to thirty elephants used to be sold one year and another to the Mogul for a very heavy figure; and thus the revenues of the Emperors were derived from cinnamon and elephants. In the same fashion the King our Lord was in the enjoyment of this Island, and was able to obtain more from it than Spain did from all the kingdoms which she had in the West, as we shall show in its proper place; we hope these details are not tedious, for it is desirable to know all this in view of what we are going to relate.
(N.B.-For a valuable report on the services due from the various castes, vide Ceylon Literary Register, ιτυ., 76.) سمبر
* Sinh, qặaoSò6, gem land.

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CHAPTER XI.
How THE VILLAoBs ARB DIvIDBD AND THB oTH R R DU Bs wHIcH THB NATI ves HAviB. To RNDBR.
The villages in which the Wood-cutters, the Chalias, Pachas, Cornaar and the people who work in iron reside, the villages of Butale Gama," and a hundred others in the various provinces were all possessed on behalf of His Majesty; in all there were four hundred which were always the property of the Emperor. These had their Vidanast to collect the fruits and hand over the proceeds to the Factor who in turn rendered an account to the Secretary of his department and obtained a receipt. The Captain-General had twenty of the best villages in rent for his expenses. The Captain-Major of the Field, the Superintendent of the Treasury, the Captains of Columbo, Galle, Negumbo, Caliture, the Sergeant-Major, the Dissavas, the Bandigarrala, the Captain of the General's Guard, the Factor, the Ouvidor, the Chief of the Customs, a large number of the religious orders, down to the Captains of Infantry, had each one or two villages. These were all annexed to the same offices; all the others were divided among the inhabitants according to the grants which had been made to their ancestors or as they had obtained them in dower by marriage; all were granted for three lives, and could be prolonged by good services; and thus every one had sufficient income on which to live in comfort. -
The natives, in addition to the dues already mentioned and which they owed to the King alone, had to render others to the Lords of the Villages, and from these neither the soldier nor any other person was exempt in respect of the paravenia
事 Bulatgama. it Continued by the Dutch under the name of Opzigter. : These were the Accommodessan (Sin, Bada-vedili) lands.

which each held. The chief kind consisted of areca which is highly valued in the whole of India, and the quantity due from each is entered in the Tombo, and this may be two, three or four amanoes each year, an amano being a fixed number. There were other. contributions besides, such as of pepper, rice, &c.; thus no one escaped payment of what was due from him.
In each village there is one paravenia which is always the largest and is situated in the best position; this is called the Motteto and on it is constructed a handsome houset where the Lord of the Village resides whenever he is in the village; everything which the Motteto produces belongs to him. It is the duty of the Mayorals to plow, sow and reap the field of the Motteto; they have also to collect the areca, pepper and other fruits without payment, and the culles convey them to the Lord's house in the City without any expense to him; and thus whoever owns the village knows how much he has of each kind yearly. All the Sapan belongs to the Lord and he alone has the right to collect it within the village limits.
On no commodity which is shipped is any export duty levied; imports other than foodstuffs pay five per cent. on the appraised value which is always favourable. The forests contain a large quantity of coca, and also of a resin which the trees distil and which resembles the French article; another kind is found in mud lands, very clear and transparent and of the colour of amber; this the natives use in various medicines and it commands a high price throughout India where they give it the name of chandarrus. These articles some of the natives collect and bring together in large quantities, for
* The Dutch Thombos contain abundant reference to this duty.
i.e. the Waiauwa.

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they are the commodities which the forest yields, and which they sell outside.
Having now explained how the villages are possessed, we shall proceed to relate what Columbo grew into from being a small stockade.
APPENDIX TO صبر CHAPTER XI.
CHAPTEK K.
The following brief statement of the services which have to be rendered by the Nilakareyas of Nivitigala in Navadun Korale will help to illustrate the preceding chapter; this great Gabadagama was granted by the British Government to Doloswela Kottallawela Wijeysundera Wickremesinha Tennekoon Mudiyanse as a “Mark of Royal Favour and Munificence" on the 29th January, 1820.

II3
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ɛAnỗuees go ɔlue N

II5
osəŋss supIsnq əJedəud puie speu eo 3no os oặupīļņq us ssssse puse sirea pntu ogo uosgeassino us ssssse os : squeqdərə oog poog Ásddns on : peoɔueųoľujná pueJəqtug anɔ o, o oặvÁıp puɛ uəųonių ?!}} {9} Josex. puɛ fɔng ÁIddns og : tuoou queq pue3əSOIO JəŋɛAA əų, auedəud og í aðeầeq pue ŝuỊnbueřeď Kuueɔ oặ---:ətup se 3e sÁøp uə, sue os e sqquou anoj uoj ooooooos delstuss pue ĝusAoIIo; ɔųą uuuojuəd o, ɔɔuqị go ɔno sueak 6%,ÁuəACH
メ'vaoqpaoq əễeIIIA aqq us ssssse pue Teoɔueqɔ uanq pueJəquuŋ Ɔnɔ o, “oș ‘səsnoq $upinq os 38$se pue, ȘIIæA pnuu on suoņeaņInɔ uį įsisse on təĝɛ88eq kĩaeo og‘Joļasadoud əų3 Áq pəŋddns sinuwoɔɔɔ luoj įso joejąxɔ dɔ‘əĝɛIIA aqq us queuảų aqq og pəŋddns uəqAA Apped punod oņ( )ŞɔɔỊAdəş Jesuis puɛ ĝusadossoy aqq uuojuɔd pue (‘Āŋusqą KuəAə go gnosouuņ e jesẤep uə3) opə ŋnbəu uəųẢ uoĵaŭdoudəų). Joj }'oo og sisuotu uə, susuỊeuau atp us a$e58eq Kuugɔ puė apņeoJos sseuồ qnɔ ou opubổ əgą soouəJ pues pəəA ‘puñođủoɔ əųn dəəws og: uelqɔŋɔ, əųą uos uaņeaa può Ians ÁIddns og vantu uo ɔpɑw pue “(xţs küəaəus qņuotu 9uo) oue3A e sųnuou oooo; o^også AA salojesiġpud aqı sự vanu uo aq son o așeissa əq, u,27panoq osł93 Iso Jo?) nstatu se også og í æðuəd unos įsvyumas pue tɔɔuảä unojppppnuņwy offman (I sugas e əouəd \qổsa pue susiųqs 3ủo ĝóvismanų quina e əA18 o L
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'eAnổuea jo alue N‘ON

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əq, pue əĝeiņa əų u22abɔq jeək e skep əag joj suəŋƏl puesəầessəuu Auveo o L-- -13334 jo səaeəI Knuoj jeəA AæN əsəIeųusŞ əų3 uəŋɛ puɛ ədojoqquəsəud OL·æ3\upyļuey!0s, -pooj ĝuas ooəu oueas e sÁəuunos o Aq uo visvanu put pysytt?; vuoppam aq, Kuueɔ o L 'poog ổuỊAsɔɔəu ‘quotu auo jojpəuỊnbəa uəqAA eAAAAɛsɛAA ɔųno ne qoje, o I. sésinpetățəą þue ɔsɛIIIA aqq uəəAqaq ueəÂ o sÁøp uə3 uo! səầessədi KuugɔOJ, (føjạq yo səAwɔI Áųog puɛ “sụnuťoooo əəuq3 osoɛɔuɖoɔɔAS JO Kņeqɔ e jo qɔgɔ opposunužq e JeəĀ AA9N əqɔ dɔɔyɛ puɛ əJQJəqquƏsƏud OL·33$ouuɛAA69 suà8eịa ởų Áqipəị sự ɔų quoða þræg supuə susjednş us əễeIIIA also uspəKosduuə uəųw půë : ss us įóu qriq oặeIIỊA ɔų jo ano pəẤosduuə uəųÅJoŋƏŋudodd əų} Kq paj si queủɔ, əųL 'exowapu AA aqų suspjeno puu vuvuvgu px e Jo səŋmp oqo 8ủyềuéqồsip puɛ səầessəu puɛ sɔɔɲəi ĝusÁJueo "(atuŋ e sesÁep uəļ ueųą əuolu aoû) uɛɔk’é ŝkep aag-KhuəẢas uæq; əuotu ļou aos Jogaiddo.id əų3 əAdəș.03 ± 13334 go səaeəI KỊuoj ĵuəsẽud pue ueəÁ e əəIAA) uogəfudodd əų3 Ədojoqueədde o L*33, qəppe A89 *osqnu goooo əəuq, pue osəąeo sựg “sấuȚIIIųs own ofɔɲəq ġo səAæði Ásuojsuasəud o) : (uɛɔÁ u æðs, si unuoj aŭ) puñúðố qɔwɔ yo ɔtuŋ əųą að sÁøp uə3 dos exaesoAA əų, që aanäs on sy qosqa 'aoļAuəs tuoj ĝusəq əluņ aqą joj sdudaxo osvon mồuoq sṁ svomnouvị vị. Ni es spļotį jo vuoạıyıspa si osvayạnổuvq aqs jo otro JI*ɔŋŋɛAeuleppy eầues) zo (: Kouou ús ansea sų jo douə əqą jo qquəəŋunoj-auo sự mạo əųI) ovuvyọT əq, og nạo ɔAị3 og pəgeAĻInɔ ɔdɛ wɔɑ dosłAA ooş “suespes osgodypen ‘qņueə səuoņs ‘sqɔsuq osəIų Audeo os pue osəoss$upųnq əuedəud púe šalįouảjn op 'vyo yno 'oj s suoẶ seunginosaổe us pug səsnoq šupIshq t';'saqnp apņuţs əapų įsisse pua suaquïnaaotuəu puɛ təuedəud ‘IIaj o L-: səosAdəs ĝusAOIIo; əq}uJojjad som nåupas daiļņo qųổț9-41ațųL pue (auŋ e qe skep uə3) jeəẢ e sqquou əəuqą ueų3 Əuolu sou dosJoņaļudoud
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e sÁøp xỉs-Água A3 dog uoffmanu ɔq, sooɔ o, ɔ ɔuuụ qɔwɔ skep əAg ysgow puɛ sɔɲəq Jo səAbƏI Áquoj suəsəud ‘unuəợ osaq aqq je Joyasudoud əų, auoyɔq uøadde o L opaoqpaoq aqq go puə əų, qe øspømạOT əų3 uJouy sẽuqq} seg Əəuq, pue əouəd xỊs pue Apped go svụoj uồAəS—: sənời 'uwəÂ e sẤep uəg Jos usedəu us apmạCT əų3 ŝuldəəŋ us ssssse og puw opəqs yo sựqnɔ anos qɔņeq, pues dn små sjø3áīš osposo(I 9q3 Jo 3əəg xịs Jeațø og : SÂep uəəŋg joj ĝuis puu əəuep og ərę wɔɑ piešķ!A!N əų3 se paoqpaoq əųą įv souosseõõo qɔwɔ suo skep əAg suox puē ‘reas e ɔɔIA, ‘Ionaq Jo səAɛɔI Áņuoj qņIAA jogəỊudojd ɔqų ɔjojạg Jeầddé o L 'vaatspaaq əųą Jo puə əqą su Âuuəd greq. 8 pua Kuuədəuo pue opped go spựpp 3a13–: sång 's I I 'ON pomnăupas se opomoq aqq uqedəu pue qəəuns aqų ueəfɔ o, o paāņvuoq əų3 Jo auļ3 Əq} se sÁep uəəŋg Joy (waaqoqoAA) ulog-ulo, əqɔ yɛ əq o L o paoqpaoq əų, jo puə əųɔ yɛ Áuuəd JIęų e pue Apped jo svụm əag og pəņņuə sì vainšuvos auj, součak v škẹp uə3 jog sầuspiņq s'pomoćT əųą sususedəu uỊ pəuỊmbầu uəųxa qsisse on : pəqs ətį, jo s}{qno unoj dn 2nd og puɛ pɑpɑAM əpomạGT æqą jo qņổuəI us !aaj xys uwapo öų o seassə} æq}. Jo ətusą aqq se suəogo oposaq aqą joj vypommuự ɔåsố ög þue súgoso ??????GI ɔų} qsťAA 03 : eAAAAɛsɛAA əųų qe əuuŋ qɔɛ ə sÁep əAg ysgow puɛ pənəq Jo səAeəI Á suos quəsəud puɛ ɖoŋɔsɔdodd əų, ajojaq ueəÂ é ɔɔɓoɔ ɲɛɔdde o I. *myo ou səAsəəəu 3 I 'oudspựuțS əų3 ĝuņɛJooəp jo peənsus pəųs įo sựqno unog dn synd puse ouvụpuuvị əų3 Jo pɛɔŋsus snpp 9q3 sqeəq qị qeų qdəɔxə ‘OI I o N sɛ əəỊAuəs əue:S ‘uoqnantu əqq uuous paøų paaq əqą jo sẢep uəəŋg əqą dog sealu ȘuțuəAə əųn ospe : waarvaaq aqq jo puš əųj ne opințat
'u3ņnun Wozi
'səŋnp apņuuņs əavų spørnšupas daiļņo orm J.
'sɔɔỊAJəS ¡o quəqxq puɛ əunąe N
‘eușąKeys9] { objęxseuəg9 I ! '8ÁęÁəuəH† Į Į ‘bupx|InɛGI8 [ I 'eẠAnấuees go əlub N‘ON

I 23
vunuə4 v ·(əouəd unos pue sousIIIqs uəəļusų, punod əuo)!pța Áųjų pue '¡soyuự pub oppppnuŋɔɔ ɔdɔŋŋuɔɖ ‘vpopnuusvą aqqmanp‘p11manų quinq e '(sốuȚIIIqs uəį püư punod əuo) sueIsop ÁguɔAs opsvliv uỷ--: suļAAõisoj ŝų ởaff og uga k’eəɔuO
· ?190) aqq puɛ əpoup3 Əq) →Aį8 oặí ‘paastaoq aqq jo puə əų, qe sqnueơooə’əəuq, pue use sueId adju puɛ əɔsi jo vppy uginantu e pues ĝustițiis auo—; sənq oueas e sẤep uəŋ ŋoj opompɑ åų susjedəu uffisisse : og sælus) oues əų3 se vụupợợvų əų, pjoqo, uetu buồ ośĵë puëəlɛAAạCI equầņỊAIN əų3 3ư vàɔŋwaaq oqa se sẤep uəəŋg dog vuvąm npn og þyoq öį úèữu ởuò ’əoļu pəIsoq ġo vų paoạ e osse ; p,tọųwaaq aqq ļo puə əų, qe oppmøOT əų}tuojų Ápped go opaqəuO—; sənq ovaaựvað? əų, jo puə əqq qe uəŋɔnɔ ɔnueɔɔje uč əổeissa saqa’yöpuuvyọT əųą əAị8 os : JeaẢ e sÁep uəų joj otpompɑ ɔų, sususedəu uį įsisśë o, o vuvuoqpáiøsəų qsɛAA os osse o alpa?CI eiešųIAIN əųą se suoissəəoud aqq qe quoso vuụ ɔüų pļoq öI. oba otpaoq əqą go puə əqą ɔɔ ɔɔɓa pəIsoq Jo 30d e puɛ sầusque; ɔɔuq, pue opped jo soffo, osi išsəhq 'JeaẢ e səŋɔ pəupunų əuo ueų, əjou yoữ Ấįddřiš og puērueək e sÁøp uə3 joj esponsa aqq $ususedəu us ssssse os : sduuwi uɔɖɔueạ xịs þuespywy ķis Ģsse : oporoq aqn dos qɔwɔ sɔŋɔŋɔ uəg Jo speos oềuļd ɔag uwok ɔq, Șuținį
ouesťAAịpuəqeļeas sự10 ȘIsu epoầueqøy, ozi ‘93əuựpỊA eueổnquiösoys eIĘunddw ɔIəAeqeỊN (ZZI
'sognp appuys anvų spomnổuvas uøiņo oo. I ‘ueáAnpn8?, †
’əųN ɛddęy!ŹŹ, s
ÁIddns og : pqvqvq aqq Áuugɔ o, euəqedad sequunyi əq} je škap oag' og'94 şÁēļauepeg əuubÂÁəCI IZI
ovaoqpaoq əų, jo puə əų3 se opped go svựvị ox{L-}sənGI 必oueas e sẤep uəį joj upēđəu uį əŋmạq əqą ĝusdəəŋ uỊ qsỊsse og o gồuəņnan JÄIəú,Jo suous us puei jo uzos uvợywany əuo 3noqe pue “qapsA uỊ əuo pue quầuəI us suoquej uaanįg qnoqe maqpis,øspømộGI əų3 jo uosquod e ɔyɛJooəp put ueə10 0} : speaņsəg apomạq aqy3uļamp ueəK
osƏoỊAdəS jo quəŋx@H puɛ əunļeN
'eAnổue o jo əuue N'ON

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opup.appppuu pəIseo si quətused siųJ, 'eugaenig uį spues upeņuəo uouy deas e spia ɔag-Áņuə wɔ oɔ pəIaņuə sì vennổuvęs siųJ, sajūs suppná əuedəud puč ‘səqɔuəŋ 3ıp oppo ɔnɔ sɔunųnɔsuổe uį įsisse osɔsnõų pụriq ouảquŋ aaotuau pue əuedəud ‘IIæg og "(ouŋ e se skep uə]) oueas e sqquotu öẶjUeqq əuotu ļou Jo-H osəAưeų geųą dos pəĝɛAļņInɔ si psəg əqą jį ‘douɔ prox æq} gleų uoɔɔsudodd aqə əAss og í səAIəsuuəųį joj “ssəI åð oặotus jõunaqa ‘douɔ əų3 8ussie, ‘ponso ɔɖɔ sus jį auons pue sqsảaugųpų viss æqą je Apped go nuntud ową uogaļudodd əų3 ƏA13 og puɛ i spjag ngaqqmu, əųį jo vyağ auo əĝéagsňo os : suoquo pəu puɛ ‘Iso snugoooo fəəųổ opeụnq jo Ķīņuenb uɔdoud e pue osəIqeqəĝəA əag puɛ sɔnucoooo oswɔ sɔɔsu so unsunos Jo įsỊsuoɔ o, qɔɛə’əổeỊA əqą ș3įssa əų uəqAA uogąsddodd əųą Joy JeəK e unpuṇyaṁ unoj u eq, ajou gou 3äį8 óų o sɔsuunɔ o.aa3 pueoÁJp saņs uəAƏs tuous pəIsoq ɔɔsi jo įsisūoɔ og vannşşmpo qɔɛɔ— əềeIIIA aq sssssa doŋƏụdodd əų) uoqae uolooja ošəẩesuubu “skep spog půe șwx se qɔns 'suosseooo sesoəds uo JeaÁ e mạạmpo qųổsa ueų, əuotu nou 'ảaŘ on : ŝaffiqɔ pue uonges jo pannpunų ɛ puɛ ɔses go uys e Jpeu osunu eoɔoɔ o wg ‘upądund əuo ‘əosu Jo mpumų uəəŋg Jo vunpyqaq e əAȚ3 og subas e sųnuou uəŋ uog oÁįųņuoW
‘’Iso jo ɔŋŋoq e puɛ ‘sɔIIIsqo .
pue uouges jo vennpunų e osjes jo vannpunų e oshnu eoooo unoj supsduund əuo ‘əosu jo (aqs Jieq e puɛ QA3-ÁņuəAA)) mpumų sąjįų jo vpvyuup e 3Asắ og uoseəs spAA aq} }V opaoqpaoq aqq Joy səIIIsqo pue uouges só punod əuo pue fases Jo Aqs auo os suueoooo unos ‘supIdund o wɔ sɔɔsu jo (uns Águļqų) mpunų KỊuo, ɔåį8 os va aspaoq aqs, yo ɔtuŋ əųą sw “abax wɔN əųị đạige viunuəị uesituļs sỹ 'səAeəI Iəgəq Áņdog ƏoỊAAų puɛ sɔnuwoɔoɔ əəuqa “sụeəuqəəws Ángų Jo sựvųo » Jo įsisuoɔ o, oầuỊd qɔɛə osoẩuỊd xịs go JeaĂ AæN əsəpequus ojogầă
'sɔɔỊAdəS Įo quəŋxos puɛ əungeN
'eAnầueas go ɔlue N
‘ON

I 25
2104 puɛ əŋpoup3 əųą əaț5 og o pəgəAÐInɔ ɔŋɛ ɖɔɖɔɖɔ uæq^^ aoYasadoud əų, os quəấsünoj.ɔuó jo mạo keä oJL
oyoq pue appoup3 əq) →AȚ8 og o pə}e^pino əue uou aqs uaqa jogosudojdoq, os quəəĵunoj-auỏ jo nqo keä osi.
'poog ẩusA||30au ‘’suoA prag qe jeək e skep uəg quonaOL 'pooj ĝu!A!əəəu sugas e sẤep uəŋ ɛAAAAøpe AA aq, qe quona ogosse : ueəÁ o sətus, unoj ewwelưAA əų, og speos joqgo pue əənpoud əĝeiņa kuugo oj,
·-opəÁolduə əIsqa Joyasadoud əų są pəJ ẩusaq ‘sÁəujnos uo usqvj og puɛ mɔŋɔɔmɔəų3 ÁJueo og : sdouɔ yo ɔagoəxseq og { suoiŋɔI put səĝɛssətu Âudeo on "(əuuŋ e qe sẤep uəı) uçak ɔŋɔuỊ SẢep Áņuoj Joj * JeaÁ əų3 uį sÁøp oag dog ƏẩeIIŁA 3ųq us səổéssəuí pue suòŋɔį kuuảoOL
suosseooo suņuodus uaqso do 'Áuotuojɔɔ ɲɔg Jo spA e se puəŋu o, osie s səuppəlu əanoolid pue iị sỹ Johajudoud əŋuəqAA ewwelēAA əq} se puəŋɛ og sạầessətu puu suənəI Áüües on : żupysyimpɑ ɔŋɔ ho vựpıp, tạpuną obyvaev æq; susÁJubɔ osÁəuunos uo sių jo »Apesau ự jöJoļəļudoud əqỊ Âueduoɔɔɛ og : sənys ĝuspỊnq əuedəud pueop10 ano osəųouəuq ssp osəsnoq PIĘną osług aaotuəu pựe souwdəud 'Ios os : suốA fejn snösuĝe sus oisisse os —; pəÁoīdua ɔIsųw Jonasadoud æqạ Áq pəg Busaq '($up e ne skepuə}) osÁep uəəŋg pue susuotu o^^) ueųn adolu sou joj oÁIleuoiseooo səəsauəs ĝusávosios aq;uuuojuəd os o udax wɔN əsəlɛquis əqą odojoq səAdə sələq Áņuoj įpja jeầdde oi.
'933uņInso osəųnp at:1țuņs svų 991-ggj osoN. ou? H eubÃņeņ20 eueầepug zgi osƏŋnp apņuņs svų içi ‘o N
·333}}e^Aeqew09 I
Z9 I
‘euņHIəɑ ɔầeueổeseųI G#1
oseaanổue,ą əuəAnue w ɔue zřI—zgi osoN
·s30!AuəS Įo quəgxos puuəunge N.
ou eqas)I8I ’əĝəuuỊAsoys6ZI 'eAnổuea jo ɔue N'ON

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メ*.japuo poo8 u! pue pəJealo systusi sus usqụA “oș ‘npuppo ‘squed ospeou əqɔ dɔɔxi og pomnouvợ Ruoaa jo Ķīnp əųn sy ni
+-opoq aqq wiarę?"I ɔɖɔ səAệ osse 9H ‘...onajudoud aqq og uæq; spaeauog oqAA ovuvyəT əqą on 8313uoj auo puepuỊq əuo səAsẽ jɔɔunų əųą oặeIIIA sjųn us vom nổuvợ Âuë jo sựuusi aqj uqqas pasips sy sydspsado jɔɔp ‘HIɔ ue uəqAA
--'zo oo N uį pəgəəds qeq}
og Jesuuss (əuuņ e ne skepuə3) oueas e skep ĀŋuɔAəs pəəɔxə on you əəįAuəS :49434&dodd əq, og uəAsố sĩ qņuəəŋunoj-əuo je uəų əqq uo ngo ‘spræg aqą
uuous ueəÁ 8 Ápped jo svụos o wą go ɔɲɛn əųɔ yɛ ɖoŋƏŋudoud əųą on pļēd sự nhỏ
osɔɔỊAJəS Jo quɔŋx@I puɛ əunļu N*Anổuees go ɔlue N‘ON

I 27
CHAPTER XII.
THE PosiTION AND FoRTIFICATION OF CoLUMBo, AND THE oTHER FoRTs IN THE ISLAND.
Columbo from being a small stockade of wood grew to be a gallant city fortified with a dozen bastions; it is true these were six-sided after the ancient fashion, and of small size, but they were conveniently situated. The ramparts were a single line of taipa, a sufficient defence against the natives, with a ditch and moat on either side ending in a lake which skirted a third of the city on the land side. Its artillery consisted of two hundred and thirty-seven pieces of three kinds, from ten up to thirty-eight pounds. It was situated on a bay capable of holding a large number of small ships, but exposed on the northern side, and its line of circumvallation stretched over one thousand three hundred paces. On the Point of Recife, which is to the south, there was a large breastwork named Santa Cruz, provided with the heaviest kind of artillery; this commanded and defended the whole of the harbour. From here the open city extended to the south through what is known as the Galvocat which on account of the ridge of rocks required no ramparts; at the end of this and right on the sea was a bastion; the ditch commenced at its foot and ran on with a new rampart and another bastion called that of Mapane, where there was a gate with a drawbridge, the two continuing side by side till they reached the lake, being finished off by the bastion of St. Gregorio. From the sea up to this point was the best fortification which the city had, and it was in no way inferior to that of the lake itself, which encircled it for a distance of four hundred paces and was more than two leagues in circumference and abounded
* Walls of timber and mud apparently.
Sin ගල් es@asfad. Eng. Galle Buck.

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with crocodiles. One hundred paces beyond this bastion was another alongside of a large house and a powder factory;" with the help of the water which was drawn from the lake two quintals of powder were made daily. From here there started a brook which traversed the middle of the city, and was provided with two bridges. A low wall ran down side by side with the lake till it reached the bastion of St. Hieronimo, where the lake ends; in the middle of this stretch rises the bastion of the Mother of God; beyond was the Queen's Gate, and close to it the bastion of St. Sebastiao, from the foot of which there started a moat which was continued past the base of the bastion of St. Estevao and finished at the gate and bastion of St. Joao with another drawbridge; this is the most northerly point of the city and from here a strong stockade of pointed stakes ran along the shore as far as the sea. At this point the bay opened and there was a handsome breastwork in front of the College of the Society; beyond lay the bastion of the Custom House, and so the rampart ran till it finished with the breastwork of Santa Cruz.
The portion which the brook cuts off from the city, the brook we mean which issued from the powder factory on the south, was the strongest part of the city owing to there being a hill in the middle on which stood the Convent of St. Augustinho. Within its enclosure we had an extensive vaulted building where we kept one hundred and twenty large jars of gunpowder, which were miraculously preserved there without the necessity of being refilled. We had two other magazines both vaulted though not of the same size, one in the house of St. Francisco and the other in that of the Capuchins, both full of jars of gunpowder. There were in the city nine hundred noble families and more than one thousand
* Erected by Constantino de Sa,

I 29
five hundred of various service-holders and tradesmen, all within the walls; two parishes, the mother parish and that of St. Lourenço, five convents of the religious orders, those of St. Francisco, St. Domingos, St. Augustinho, that of the Capuchins, and the College of the Fathers of the Society who held classes in Latin and moral philosophy; the house of Santa Misericordia, and a royal hospital, with seven parishes outside the walls. All the inhabitants were enlisted in companies, the Portuguese in some and the natives in others, and they all mounted guard on the bastions and outposts with their own arms in the use of which they were well skilled, and they had a large supply of arihmunition. When a company of Portuguese, of eighty or ninety men, mounted guard, it would increase to two hundred all under arms, for the servants and domestics accompanied their lords and masters on such occasions.
The fortress of Galle was built on a point of land with the sea on two sides; on the north is a steep line of rocks and there it had no other defence. On the south side was a bay protected by a palisade of pointed stakes; while a line of ramparts with its moat and three bastions cut across the land side from sea to sea, with a gate and drawbridge in the middle; the position was well protected with this fortification. The inhabitants called it a city, but it was merely a fortress. The only alteration made by the Hollanders after their occupation was to build the bastions anew and enlarge and deepen the moat. There were within two hundred and sixty-two families of Portuguese, six hundred of various service-holders, all Christians, the Captain of the garrison, the Adjutant, a parish priest, the Convent of St. Francisco, the House of Santa Misericordia, the Hospital, the Customs House, the Factor, and his Secretary.
Calituré was a very small fortress built on a hill K

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at the mouth of a river of the same name. The Hollanders greatly strengthened this position and it reverted into our possession with their improvements, as I shall mention in its proper place. It had two small bastions of four iron cannon, a garrison of one company of infantry, a chaplain, and a magazine of stores and ammunition.
Negumbo had a Captain with some invalid soldiers; it was a square enclosure of stone and mortar with two redoubts, both of which were small and plain, with five iron cannon, a chaplain, and a magazine of stores and ammunition.
Malvana stood on the bank of the river about three leagues from Columbo, and was also small with a square redoubt, not protected on the flank; here were stationed a Captain, an Ensign, a Sergeant and the soldiers who were sent from the hospital to recruit there, and who returned to their own camps; there were also a church, a chaplain, and a magazine of stores and ammunition.
Batecalou was built on a point of land and protected a bay capable of receiving ocean-going ships. It was a square structure with four bastions of ancient design armed with a dozen iron cannon, and its garrison consisted of a Captain and fifty soldiers with a gunner, twenty inhabitants, a chaplain, a church and a magazine of stores and ammunition. Trequimalé was a triangular fortress with three bastions carrying ten iron cannon built on a hill at a point of land adjoining the sea, close to the Bay Dos Arcos. A Captain was in charge of it with fifty soldiers, and there were also a gunner, sixteen inhabitants, a chaplain, a church and a magazine of stores and ammunition.
Jafanapatao, a quadrangular fortress, had four bastions and four half-moons or cobélos in the middle of the line of ramparts, all of which were built of pumice stone.” Here was kept the necessarv
* De pedra pomes: Coral stone ?

I31.
artillery, and it was also the residence of the Governor of that kingdom. On one side outside the walls stretched the town, where resided three hundred families of Portuguese, and seven hundred of service-holders, with the Convents of St. Francisco and St. Domingos, the College of the Society, the Mother Church, the House of Santa Misericordia and the Hospital. Two leagues from the mouth of the harbour was a fort similar to the one of Bugio with good artillery and garrisoned by a company of infantry. The full number of men of war for the defence of this kingdom was two hundred Portuguese forming six companies, with some native Lascarins. Manar, although built on an island which gave it its name, was almost in Ceilao, being separated from it only by a narrow strait. It had ten leagues of territory in the latter island, consisting of the lands of Mantota. It was a very small fortress, four sided, with two small redoubts on the two opposite angles overlooking the strait. It had no garrison of infantry, but stretched alongside of it was a settlement of one hundred and fifty families of Portuguese and two hundred of service-holders; a Captain also resided here.
Besides these fortresses which we have enumerated with their garrisons, there were others which were not entitled to be called by that name-such as those at Manicavaré, Sofregao, and Belligao, and others of the same kind,-for they were all of earth and of little size and we kept them up so long only as they were occupied by our garrisons.
CHAPTER XIII.
OUR Usual GARRIsoN IN CBILAO, OUR CAMPs THE REIN, AND THEIR PosTIONs.
In the Four Corlas, five leagues from Balané and eleven from Columbo, there was a position in the
* Opposite Lisbon.
K 2

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midst of the villages, known as Manicavaré; here was stationed our chief army for opposing the King of Candia and for defending the Seven Corlas. It consisted of twelve companies of three hundred and fifty Portuguese under the command of the CaptainMajor of the Field, and there were also a SergeantMajor, two Adjutants, a Captain of stores and a Franciscan monk as chaplain. It was further the residence of the Dissava, an officer corresponding to a military Governor of a province over the natives, who always had in hand in time of peace three or four thousand Lascarins with their officers, which number could be greatly increased in the event of war.
In Sofregao there was another camp controlling all the territory as far as the frontiers of Uva; this consisted of four companies of one hundred and fifty Portuguese infantry under the command of the Dissava of the district, with an Adjutant, a Franciscan monk as chaplain, and four or five thousand well-equipped Lascarins with their officers.
These two armies which comprised the forces for the defence of the Island were always in time of peace on duty at these stations. There also resided at Mature the Dissava of that district with one company of infantry, a Franciscan monk as chaplain and three or four thousand Lascarins and their officers. His jurisdiction extended as far as the frontiers of Uva and Baticalou and along the sea-shore up to Columbo.
In the Seven Corlas there resided a Dissava with a company of infantry, three or four thousand Lascarins, their officers, and a chaplain of the same order. His jurisdiction extended from the frontiers of Candia and Matale as far as the mountain of Grudumalé. Orí the arrival of the Hollanders another camp was established close to Galle; this was commonly known as the Mature camp of which we have already spoken.

33
These four Dissavas had within their respective jurisdictions authority to cut open with an axe or impale the natives; they could also hang a Portuguese on any tree without any process of law or legal formality, and by merely saying "do this,' their orders were immediately executed and they rendered no account to anyone but God.
In our camps discipline and obedience as well as punctiliousness and high spirit were maintained amongst the soldiers. The infringement of any prohibition which had been proclaimed was invariably punished with death even though the offence were very slight, such as travelling by a particular road or going to this point or that; and always when an higher officer gave such an order, there was some reason for it which it might not be convenient to make public; for it might be, as often was the case, that the enemy were near or something similar. And above all soldier's should not speculate on the reasons of their superiors but only obey orders; and whoever was guilty of disobedience was immediately placed against the trunk of a tree and executed.
In our camps quarrels were forbidden under the same penalties, and though soldiers are so sensitive on points of honour yet they refrained from quarrelling, for their officers who looked after them secured the honour of all. But a league away from our camps on the high road were certain trees called Das palavras set apart for this purpose; and out here they could have their fights, brawlings, challenges, or any other quarrel, in which sometimes death occurred. And when this happened the offenders had to withdraw for a few days, though not where only wounds were inflicted; and at the end of eight days their officer gave them a safe conduct with which they returned to the camp, and nothing more was said about the matter; and just as they had no punishment so there was no setting at liberty, for there were no legal proceedings nor

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technical documents. Challenges if made could not be declined, and if anyone did so he was regarded as ville and contemptible by all, and it may be by his own brother. The aggressor or the challenged in a quarrel in which he was wounded and worsted, immediately upon his recovery would be accosted in the street by some soldier of position who would ask him the cause of the quarrel; and this would be the same as making the parties friends, and no one would deny them, for such was the custom. And if anyone did refuse, he was immediately challenged by the soldier who accosted him; by doing this they would make the two people friends, and no reference would ever be made to the matter again. With such an education they were all very obedient and very proud, treating each other with ceremonious respect.
As we have shown, the garrisons of the fortresses and camps which the Portuguese maintained so long as the Hollanders did not have a footing in the Island, were seven hundred people, which was the usual full number. They were paid on two days in the year at the rate of ten pardaos to each soldier, twenty to each sub-Lieutenant and Sergeant, fifty to a Captain, with the cost of a page and a drummer, and so on to all the rest according to the office which he held. Payment was at Christmas and at the Feast of St. Joao, and the money was intended to supply the soldiers with clothing. For his sustenance His Majesty allowed each whatever his position one pardao a month for extras and one and a half measures of rice a day, both of these being given into the hands of the Captains who provided the soldiers with cooked food three times a day. Their arms were not entrusted to the Captains but only to the soldiers themselves, and they took the greatest care of them at every fight, for it was considered an infamous thing to save one's life with the loss of one's arms; therefore in any defeat

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which befell us everyone who escaped whether safe or wounded invariably brought his arms away with him. Whenever we obtained a victory all the booty was held for the King and given over to the Factor. In case of an engagement with the enemy the Captains would make out sworn statements where anyone had distinguished himself, and the higher officers did the same as regards the Captains; and these certificates would be attested by the CaptainGenerals themselves whenever the Captain or the soldier had the opportunity of going to the City on this business. Often this would not be for six or eight years, but it made no difference whether it was during the term of office of the same General or of his successor. -
Everyone lived in the Island as in a military encampment; no one could go outside without the permission of the General, which was rarely given. The Captains and masters of merchant ships had to make a deposit of three thousand pardaos as security against their taking away any person without such permission, and anyone arrested in attempting to escape by land was inevitably punished with death. None of the soldiers asked for promotion, though this was what all desired and they served with this object: for since all of them knew the claims of each other what was common talk was regarded as of greater value. But the majority of the CaptainGenerals used to direct the Captain-Major of the Field to keep them informed of any special service rendered by anyone, and this they used to do punctually; and so when it was least expected there would arrive a letter and a patent from the CaptainGeneral. Such promotion used to be an occasion for general rejoicing just as if the promotion had been received by each individual himself; and it used to encourage them in such fashion that when an engagement took place all felt compelled to proclaim any deed of merit.

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The soldiers were not obliged to remain in one company more than six months, that is from one pay day to another; on that occasion it was customary for the Captain-General to visit the camp and issue an order that all should come two days later to receive their pay. When this was done the soldiers were free to join any company they selected; and as the Captains used to supply the soldiers with their food, and as several of them did not do so in a reasonable fashion, and as at the same, time it was considered a disgrace to complain about the food supplied by one's Captain, all of them found their remedy in this opportunity which was allowed them. All the same no Captain was without the same number of soldiers as the rest: for the CaptainGeneral used to revise the lists of the companies and take the total of all and divide them equally among the companies at the rate of thirty-six or thirty-eight each, making them all equal more or less; but the Captain who had the better reputation obtained the better following and the others received the worse. Some of these officers the General would speak to and remonstrate with once or twice, and if they did not blush for their evil deeds they would be deprived of office and their companies given over to deserving persons.
As the Captains supplied their companies with cooked food three times a day, each of them had to assist him in this work two villages, and the Culles from these would come turn and turn about to work for them for fifteen days at a time; and when they were on the march a sufficient number of Culles used to be summoned to convey the food and utensils. The Mayorals used to provide the companies with beef, hens, chickens, butter, spices and all other necessaries, the money being supplied them for these articles by the Captains: and it was for this reason that they held their villages, and to give the soldiers some extras from the pardao a month the King

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allowed them. They attended to those invalids who could be cured without the expense of sending them to the hospital in the city, which latter used to be done only when the illness required treatment which could not be obtained on the spot, for which the surgeon had to give his certificate; on such occasions too the soldier would take his arms with him, and if he died in hospital the priest who attended on him would give them over to the Factor and obtain a receipt. Those who recovered used to go to Malvana to recruit, and when quite restored they would return thence each to his own camp, taking nothing with them except their arms on the journey; and wherever they happened to be at the hour of dinner or supper, they would enter one of the numerous villages on the road firing their guns, and immediately the Mayorals would come and take them to the house of the Motteto, and bring them any fruits they had, and in a short time supply them with an abundance of food. If they remained there for the night they would give them supper too in the same fashion, and after breakfast accompany them to the road. And while they were thus lodged there would be no treachery or evil feeling; for if a soldier happened to be killed while enjoying their hospitality, even if it be by an enemy, that village would be destroyed with fire and sword; and if they knew any danger were near, they would look after the soldier with greater care than if he were their own child; nor could they refuse such entertainment, as such had been their duty from ancient times; and all along the road they would proceed in this manner till they reached the camp. A soldier, Captain or higher officer who married was at liberty to leave the service of the King the same day if he so desired, for this practise had been
introduced.

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CHAPTER XIV.
THE RITES, CERE MoNIES AND Evil CustoMs oF THE CHINGALAs.
In the last chapter we have depicted the life of the Portuguese in that Island, and it will be but reasonable that in this we should describe the customs, rites, ceremonies and dress of that race. To begin with, these Gentiles in their superstition and worship of idols resemble all the people of India, though differing in some respects. They acknowledge one God as the author of nature and superior to a large number of deities to whom they give the name of Deo, attributing to each some characteristic such as agriculture, the elements, or something similar. Their idols are of various shapes: such as a man, or woman, or monkey, some like an elephant with numerous arms and others represented with a bow and arrows; in fact the variety of figures is unlimited. But there is one whom they reverence above all and whom they call Bodu; his figure is that of a man and he is . represented as of a very great size to illustrate his peculiar sanctity. I have seen one at a temple of the height of six covados. He was, say they, a great Deo who spent a very holy life on the Island, and they count their years which they call Auruddi (beginning from the new moon in March) from the date of his stay. By calculating we find that this occurred forty years from the coming of the Redeemert and according to many conjectures they refer to the Apostle St. Thomé, who all assert lived in this Island and passed thence to the coast of Choromandel, where is still preserved a good deal of the Christianity which he established; and this is confirmed by their statement that Bodu was not a native and that he did not die in the Island, but
\ Covado=30 inches, f Apparently a confusion of the Buddhist and Saka eras.

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departed to the opposite coast. God knows what the truth of this may be; I can only state what their tradition is.
They venerate all their kings after death as gods-of salt, of gunpowder, of the chase, of betel, of the sea, or the river, etc. They give them distinctive titles in accordance with their own fancies and offer them sacrifices with much superstition. When they address them they call them Deo, and first of all stretch themselves on the ground three times with the hands clasped together and raised over their heads, and so long as they remain in their presence they maintain this posture; and this salutation is such that the devil himself could not devise an attitude of adoration better calculated to deceive and attract to himself the living. This superstitious reverence is also employed towards the Captain-General as King of Malvana, and it is acquiesced in as being the custom of the country, and in order to maintain the authority of his position. They do not deny the immortality of the soul, but they assert that when a bad man dies his soul enters some animal with the same vices: a good man's, that of a domestic animal, and above all a cow's : and a brave man's, that of a tiger, leopard, etc.; but this is only for one birth, and when the animal which the soul had entered dies, it wings its way to another world where, so they say, it has the same career as in this, the evil one doubling his wickedness, though he is punished by many torments, and the good man doing better actions and being greatly honored for the same. Some of them assert that the wealth which a man has accumulated in this world is doubled in the next, and for this reason these Gentiles do not inherit a single real from their parents, and even married people do not show each other the money which comes into their hands; what each one acquires he buries" where he
* Bernier mentions a similar custom as prevalent in the Mogul Empire.

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considers safe, and so no one has anything of his own, and when they die they only find a few cattle or implements of tillage or similar articles. Any act of valour performed in war is rewarded by the King with the gift of some piece of jewellery or a chain; this is immediately registered and the grantee enjoys the possession of it only during life, and at his death it is restored to the King, who would inevitably punish his sons and heirs with death for failing to do so. And it is for this reason that no one would ever part with such a reward; for apart from its being a token of honor, it is considered a grave sin to have to pay for what had been thus misused.
CHAPTER XV.
THE UNDERSTANDING which THE SE GENTILES MAINTAIN wITH THB DEVIL.
With the Devil these people have a close understanding of which they avail themselves in the manifold sorceries they employ. Whenever anyone is ill they apply those medicines which are known to them, for they are great in the knowledge of herbs; if these prove unsuccessful, they take a board, on the surface of which they fashion out of clay a figure of the invalid in low relief. They then give notice to all their relations and friends of either sex, and celebrate a feast on an appointed day, and about the ninth hour of the night they all assemble near the house in a suitable place. Here after the entertainment is concluded they form a circle leaving a space in the middle, and after lighting many torches they beat their drums and blow their flutes and continue thus for a whole hour. Then one of the girls of the company, who they say must be a virgin, gets up and dances to the sound of the instruments and the singing of the bystanders, and whirls about.

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In a short time she throws herself on the ground foaming at the mouth and with her eyes blazing like live coals, and immediately one of them addresses her with many entreaties saying that the invalid was always very friendly towards him, and had always given him offerings of the best fruits which he had; that he should not allow him to die, but tell them of some remedy against his illness. At this the Devil speaks through the mouth of the girl and says what they should do for his recovery. Sometimes he recovers and sometimes the remedies are of no avail; if afterwards they should complain to her about his death she would say that they did not understand her. It happened once that while the girl was lying stretched out as I have explained to give her reply, she exclaimed "There is in this company some one who is my enemy and whom I hate with a bitter hatred; I can give no reply while he is here;' and upon their examining those who stood near, they found the son of a Chingala woman and a Portuguese who was a Christian, but who had been brought up among them and understood their language well. They accordingly requested him to go away from the scene, and when he had done so the Devil gave a reply.
They also render great honour to him and call him Jaca and place for him cooked food at the foot of certain trees which they called Bodiames," and which they deck with many flowers, and none of the passers by would dare to touch any of the offerings. They offer to him a tree which bears most and has the best fruit, and those fruit which escape being eaten by the monkeys fall to the ground. On our march we have frequently seen these trees laden with fruit which was well ripened, and when we ate it, it was none the worse to taste. Once when I was Captain I questioned a Mayoral of
* Bodhin Wahanse.

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one of my villages who understood our tongue well, if the Jaca was their God. He smiled and replicd that he was the worst creature in the world. ' If that is so,' I answered, "why do you and all the others offer him sacrifices and make offerings of the best you have P’ He answered, "If we do not do so, he will work us great harm, for he is an evil and revengeful creature, and it is to our advantage to have him for our friend.'
There are also very great enchanters; "by means of a certain charm they call the snakes, of which they have five very venomous kinds in the Island, and these animals will go to their hands and they will play with them, and at the same time they are so obedient that at the word of command they depart. They cure the bites which these animals inflicted on some of our men by means of their charms, but unless relief were given immediately, the patient would die of the poison. They use herbs and roots as medicines against the poison, but few know what they are. They have also charms for crocodiles, and they can bring about that they should not interfere with those who employed them while bathing in the river; but they must not go outside the spot which the Chingala made secure, for if they did so the crocodile would devour them. Often when on the march, as we were always going barefooted through much water and mud, our people would suffer from severe pains in the stomach; a Culle would then place his burden on the ground, and laying his hand on the pit of the stomach would recite some charm for the space of a credo, and immediately the pain would cease. I have often seen them do this to soldiers and Captains and out of curiosity I have asked them if the pain really left them, and they would assure me that they were as free from it as if they had never felt it. They say that there are many other sorceries, but I only recount what I have seen with my own eyes.

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There are among them astrologers whom they call Nangatas; these are without doubt greater sorcerers than the others, for by following this line they are better fitted for both. These all consult before making a journey about which they have a presentiment of any kind, as to the hour at which they should begin a war, fight a battle, sow a field, build a house, or any other transaction whatever; everything is done with their advice. These Nangatasare men of a low caste answering to our drummers.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE NATURE OF THEIR MARRIAGES AND THE oTHBR CUsToMs oF THE CHINGALAs.
Their marriages excite laughter. A girl makes a contract to marry a man of her own caste (for they cannot marry outside it), and if the relatives are agreeable they give a banquet and unite the betrothed couple. The next day a brother of the husband takes his place, and if there are seven brothers she is the wife of all of them, distributing the nights by turns, without the first husband having a greater right than any of the others. And if during the day any of them find the chamber unoccupied, he can have access to the woman if he thinks fit, and while he is within no one else can enter. She can refuse herself to none of them; whichever brother it may be that contracts the marriage, the woman is the wife of all; only if the youngest marry none of the other brothers has any right over her, but he can claim access to the wives of all of them whenever he likes. If it chances that there are more brothers than seven those who exceed that number have no right over her, but if there are
* Nelatias,

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two, up to five, they are satisfied with one woman and the woman who is married to a husband with a large number of brothers is considered very fortunate, for all toil and cultivate for her and bring whatever they earn to the house, and she lives much honoured and well supported, and for this reason the children call all of them their fathers.
These people have a custom that their nobles should under no circumstances, not even to drink water, enter the house of a man of low birth; and also a man of low caste cannot enter the noble's gate, but must stand outside and ask for what he desires or is in want of. If a woman belonging to an honourable caste have intercourse with a man of a low caste the inevitable punishment is death, and her accusers are her own parents and brothers, for all their honour depends on this. Those who are barbers, shoemakers, or of any other low caste from the beginning, if they display special valour by achieving some gallant deed in war, are rewarded by
their own caste, and by promotion; but he is notable to improve their social condition nor that of their descendants, and they always remain of the same caste and are treated as such. Among their men of war are also men of the low castes: the Carias are fishermen, the Mainatos ivwashers, the Pachas shoemakers. All these have officers and brave Captains who serve in one army, but if an officer is not of an honourable caste, (and some of them hold high office) he can give no orders to those of a high caste; and it is not possible for them wherever they are to conceal their caste as this is always evident from their clothes, for they may not wear their cloth below their knees while those of high caste have it down to the middle of the leg.
* Karávo, Radiávo and Paduvo.

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The Modeliars, Apuames, Adigars and other grandees wear a shirt and a doublet, which those of a low caste may not do. All of them are of the colour of the quince some being browner than others; they wear their hair a là Nazarene with their beards full in the ancient Portuguese fashion. In features they are well shaped and in no way different from the Spaniards. Their bodies are well proportioned and very strong; an ugly woman is very rare among them, and all have beautiful eyes. They are clean and tidy, clever at cooking and pay much attention to their hair; the dress of their ladies is superior to that of our women in India; they too wear a jacket and a cloth which reaches down to the point of the foot in a very dignified and stately fashion.
They have a language different from the one in common use, just as Latin among us; only their chief men learn it and they are of subtle intellect. Whenever they have any business with a Minister, before broaching the subject they relate to him two or three pleasant things so that it may not be possible for him to refuse their request. In their own fashion they are good poets, and they sing very pleasantly and enjoy the same; though we did not understand what they said, yet we used to leave off any occupation we were engaged in to listen to them, for their verses were sonorous and the syllables well rounded. Those of them who have services to render take a great pride in their work, and use very few implements. They are greedy of money and this makes them treacherous and ready to acknowledge Christianity; but they return to their own sacrifices with the same ease, and whenever our men have to go back to the city they immediately hasten to worship at their Pagodas. As for their Dissavas, who are the Governors 'of provinces, in case of our sustaining any defeat their soldiers would guard them with great fidelity, and they would lay down their lives to keep
L

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them safe. They are very lazy in cultivation, for their forests yield them food in abundance and the only article they lack is salt. They live to a great age; I have known and frequently talked to two of them, father and son, the former being one hundred and twenty years and the latter ninety years of age; and these two used to go every Sunday and holy day to Mass though they lived a league away, without a stick or any other support. I have known others too of about the same age. “ሶም
Their soldiers alone use arms; they dafry swords of two and a half palms which they call calachurros; the soldiers are Lascarins; some are lancers and their instruments are eighteen palms long; others carry guns which they are skilled in firing; though they have no flints and are fired with a cord, yet they have a spring as if they had; others use bows with which they can shoot very accurately. Some carry muskets* with a barrel of eight palms and weighing forty pounds from which they fire a ball of four ounces. They do not shoot these from the breast, but they secure to them, one-third down the butt, two feet of a covado each in length. When they wish to fire them they place them on the ground and sit down with their legs spread out and their feet placed against the feet of the musket, the butt which is half round coming over the top of the left shoulder, and applying the match they discharge it without any trouble, and it has the same effect as a merlin. This kind of arms they call foot muskets; the King of Candia had five thousand such musketeers and there were another four thousand in our territories who served in our armies.
The King of Candia whenever he had a battle with us, used to place in the van of his army some war elephants to break our lines, fastening to their trunks large swords and knives of the breadth of a
* Jingals : Kodituakku.

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hand; each animal carried on its back two cornax, so that if we killed one, the other was left; and the one we did not dispose of used to turn his animal back to his own people. Therefore we used to provide our men with lances of fire, and when we knew that the elephants would be sent against us we would give some of these to powerful soldiers, who would thrust the blazing torch in the elephant's eyes and the animal could not withstand this, but would immediately turnin flight and in his rage do to his own men what he was to have done to us, without the cornax being able to restrain him. They placed such confidence in these animals that often they would turn their backs on us, and Our Lascarins would soon appear with their heads fixed on the points of their lances. On such occasions as a rule the Captain-General or the Captain-Major would promise one pataca for each head to encourage the men, and they are so avaricious that they would cut off the heads of their own fathers to obtain this reward. In the same fashion the Candians treated us whenever they defeated us sparing the life of none, for their King would give nothing for a live Portuguese though he never failed to give the reward which he promised for a head. -
CHAPTER XVII.
SoME Peculi ARITIEs oF THE BLEPHANTs.
Since we have already spoken of these animals there is no reason why we should pass them over in silence: at least we will say something about them; and since others have written on the same subject, we shall speak only of one animal which we
* In the Matara District the Kurunaike Naindes, a subdivision of the Chando or Durava caste, were divided into two classes: (1) Walnille and (2) Harrembenille, v. ante p. 107 and 4 C. L. R. 78.
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possessed with its offspring and their descendants. He was the most handsome animal that one could imagine and he served us only in some case of extreme urgency, because there were others which we used in every day work; but this one we employed only to capture the wild elephants. Its name was Ortela," and it took part in the famous siege of Columbo, bringing us palm trees night and day for the seven months that it lasted to repair the ruins caused by the continuous firing and out of the fifteen which we had this alone escaped being eaten by us when we ate up the others. The King of Candia tried to obtain it from the Hollanders who kept it at Betalt and he would have given any large sum that they required for such a valuable possession; for every year it used to bring His Majesty more than fifty thousand patacas, and because some might consider this a mere fable before proceeding further it is right we should explain how he did so.
These animals wander about the forest in herds, and always there is one among them larger in size and more respected than the others, and him they call the guardian of the troop. They destroy the crops of the natives and cause them considerable loss, so that whenever they knew of a herd they would immediately send information of its whereabouts. As soon as the Captain-General was advised, he used to despatch Ortela alone with two cornax and some alias, which are the female elephants. They would proceed to the spot and leave them at the nearest village and when the cornax found out where the herd was, they would go there with Ortela alone. As soon as the guardian of the band noticed him he would come up very proudly while the others remained behind. All this
* i.e. Huratalá.
Wattale. This animal appears to have survived till English times vide Tennent’s Natural History, p. 233.

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time one of the cornax was hidden behind Ortela who was quietly walking up to the wild beast, and as soon" as they met Ortela would throw his trunk around its neck and hold it in such a fashion that it could not release itself for all its wrath as our animal was so large and powerful. The cornac who was below had a lasso which he put on one of the fore-legs of the beast securing it to Ortela himself, thus fastening them to each other. The second corrat who stood looking on immediately hastened with another lasso which he secured to one of the hind legs of the wild beast and made both fast in the same fashion. The animal would now become like a lamb, and immediately they would bring up the two alias and secure it to the neck of one of them on the opposite side, and removing Ortela they placed the other on the other side. In this fashion they would bring the animal to the city, frequently returning with their prize in two or three days. It was in this manner they used to capture the twenty or thirty animals which they sold every year to the Grand Mogul.
The price of these animals is one thousand pardaos the codo, which is from the point of the large finger to the elbow. The larger elephants would be about nine codos from the point of the forefoot to the shoulder. It should be noted that this is the usual price, but at the same time they would pay more according to the perfection of the animal, its carriage and its points, just as in the case of an horse. The lowest price of a Ceilao elephant is eight thousand pardaos, but some fetch from twelve to fifteen. These animals are found in many parts of the world and are sold to the Moors, but they pay more for one animal from this country than for two or four from any other part. Ten or twelve from various parts are employed at the docks in Goa to drag logs, but when one of the Ceilao animals was sent to work at the dock where all the

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others were, as soon as ever it entered the others made him an obeisance with great humility although they had not seen him for an hour; and as he passed among them, though he was small in size, he did not in any way acknowledge the salutations of the rest. It would thus appear that by some instinct they recognized him and respected him for his superiority. The inhabitants of Goa have observed what I have narrated, whenever elephants from Ceilao were sent there." of -
They are very chaste and co-habitation, or even the desire for the same, has not been seen among them. Once out of curiosity I asked the cornax if they had ever seen this act on the part of Ortela, for we had his progeny among us and the matter was easy to observe. They replied that they had never noticed even the manifestation of such a thought.
To avoid being tedious I omit many of the peculiarities of these elephants; it is sufficient to know that any animal which is brought from the forest becomes so domesticated in eight days that it would not only not turn in flight, but also perform whatever it is ordered without any instruction. What assists most in taming them is to prevent their sleeping for a moment for the first three days and nights, diverting them by blows should they attempt to do so; after this period they speak to them kindly and encourage them and they become tame within the time which I have mentioned. One writer has stated that these animals lie down only to die ; † in saying so he is partly in error, for they always lie down at night to sleep and those which are employed in carrying burdens receive the same lying down; for otherwise owing to their height it would be
* In the XVII. century the elephants of Pegu and Ceylon were chief employed by the Royal Princes in the Court of the Great Mogul (vide Bernier's Travels.) የ
† Vide Tennent’s Natural History, p. 100.

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impossible to load them. But if they lie down while on the march it is not possible to induce them to rise again, but they die there and this happens when they are worn out with marching.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE ANNUAL AssIZEs cALLED MARALLAs.
Since we have preserved to these people the laws and customs of their ancestors as I have stated above, every year there were selected four Portuguese whom they called Marelleiros, officers corresponding to Corregedores among us; these were nominated by the Bandigaralla, who answered to our Regedor Das Justicas, subject to the approval of the Captain-General. These were allotted among the districts of the four Dissavas, each holding his own assizes and deciding complaints according to the laws of the people. Each of the Marelleiros was accompanied by two Assessors skilled in their laws as well as a Sheriff and a Secretary, all of whom were natives. Before starting they send notice to the people of the province where it was customary to hold the first Marallas, to be ready; and on the day appointed they would come and meet them on the road, accompany them to their lodging, and entertain them with every mark of honour and hospitality as was their custom. All the neighbouring inhabitants who had a complaint or a petition would come and remain there until their business was transacted, and the same would be done in all the other provinces. The first matter
* The corresponding sections of D'Oyly's' Constitution of the Kandyan Kingdom' should be read with this Chapter.
it “There are other revenues the king hath, which are accidental, but bring in great wealth; that whensoever a man dies, that hath a stock of cattle, immediately out thence must be paid a Bull and a Cow with a Calf, and a Male and Female Buffalo; which tax they call Marral.'-Knox, p. 48,

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to be dealt with was that of the estates of deceased people and the inventory of their property; their heirs would assemble and they would be put to the oath if anything appeared to have been suppressed from the inventory. If anyone were convicted of this offence he would be condemned to pay threefold, the principal going to the estate and the rest to the Royal Treasury. The native kings were expressly the heirs of deceased people," but our King relieved them of this exaction as it seemed barbarous, contenting himself with the same share as any of the other heirs. Creditors who had any claim to make would come, and usually their claim was for
some cattle or food stuffs; so would also the thief; all these are required by the parties to appear before the Marallas, where they would be questioned. The debtor if he admitted the debt was ordered to make restitution; and if it was known that he could not, the Marelleiro would order him to do so within a certain time. If the thief confessed his crime he was condemned to pay the highest value of the article which satisfied the other party, and as a penalty for his offence double its value to the Royal Treasury. If anyone denied the theft or debt the Marelleiro put him to the oath; to do so they bring his son or daughter or some other person whom he loves, according to the choice of the other side; the party taking the oath would place three or four small stones picked up from the ground on the head of the son, and say "I did not commit this crime,' or "I do not owe the debt which is claimed from me. And if what I say is false may God convict me by killing my son in as many days as there are stones on his head.' On taking this oath he is absolved from the claim, and the opposite side has to pay the costs. They assert that such is the force of this oath that if anyone perjured himself
* Bernier contains numerous references to a similar claim on the part of the Great Mogul. Also vide de Barros iii. 2. İ.

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his son would die within the period, and till it expired they would watch to learn the truth from the result. Murderers who are in hiding also come to free themselves from punishment. If they were arrested within sixty days the General or Dissava would condemn them to death as he thought fit; but after that he had no power to punish them; and so they come to the Marallas and confess their crime, paying a fixed sum equal to one hundred and twenty reals' of our money to the Royal Treasury. They would then be given an ola of safe conduct and became free on payment of costs; nor is any mention made again of their crime. But if a man of a low caste kill one of a high caste he could not thus free himself but was always subject to the penalty of death.
The crime which they considered the most serious was where a woman of a high caste had carnal intercourse with a man of a low caste; she would be denounced not only by her husband if she were married, but also her own father and brothers are among her bitterest accusers; for this is a matter of the greatest concern as affecting the honour of their family. And because those who are accused have no proof but what is indirect and conjectural, for if it were established by witnesses they themselves are entitled to kill her without committing any crime, to allow her to prove the negative the Marelleiro puts her to the oath. And this is the greatest of all-for out of two it had to be one: she could either plunge her hand into a cauldron of boiling oil, or lift up a red-hot bar of iron and hold it in her hand for the time required to repeat the oath and say "may this fire kill me if I have committed the offence imputed to me, and may God prove my innocence and the purity of my life.' After the oath is taken as proposed she would go to the house of her father or husband and purify herself; and if within a day she showed no sign of having

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been burnt, she would be greatly congratulatcd by her kinsfolk; but if the result were otherwise they put her to death in the presence of witnesses, for that was the only way to clear the stain. This ordeal may be barbarous, but I have heard one of our own people who had been Marelleiro several times assert that he had seen many women come out of it unscathed.
They come with various other matters which the Marelleiro decided according to his discretion in conformity with the opinions of the two Assessors on points of law; and when the sessions were over he returned to the city and rendered an account . of his collections at the Maralla, which were entered and receipted by the Factor.
CHAPTER XIX.
OF THE GREAT ABUNDANcE of FooD STUFFs, THE ANIMALs AND THE DISEASEs which ARE Found IN THE IsLAND.
The whole Island abounds in food stuffs, cattle,
buffaloes, goats, sheep and swine, the best of which are worth two hundred reis each. There is much game-wild boar, stag, elk, deer, macareos, porcupine, and hare in abundance. Of birds there are peacocks, carvoeiros, turtle doves, wood pigeons, green pigeons, snipe, ducks, woodcock, and wild fowl; while the number of small fowl is so great
that they cover the fields. Much poultry is also . reared and they cost two reals the twenty, which is also the price of seven canadas” of cow butter. There is also found in their forests an animal like a lizard and of a brown color, three palms in length, called the talagoia. The natives and many of our own men prefer its meat to chicken, and declare that there is nothing to equal it in taste and nourish
A eanada.=three English pints.

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ment; however that may be I have never myself tasted this dainty. The rivers and brooks abound in fish and shrimps; fruit is plentiful and of various kinds, all very sweet; nature provides two crops in the year without any assistance from man. The Chingalas never eat the fruit fully ripe but only as they ripen, or green when they cook them for food: they say that the ripe fruit is harmful. Above all the fruits which the Island has is the king orange, and it seems to me that if the earthly Paradise were there, our first ancestor could have been tempted with this alone; for nowhere in this world can any fruit be found surpassing it in excellence. Rice is abundant and I have seen on the same field the plant ready to thresh, others in the ear, and others again but a palm high. There are various other kinds of grain which are used for food, and also plenty of vegetables, potatos and yams; none need suffer from hunger for this land is a Paradise from the universal fertility of its soil. The valleys are covered with flowers and trees; water of the purest crystal fills every stream; the air is healthful; and though the Island is so close to the equator, it is neither hot nor cold. -
The sicknesses which were usual among the Portuguese were dysentery and some kinds of fever due to poverty of blood. This latter does not occur often and among the natives it is never found, the reason being that they bathe so frequently in the rivers. I have myself put this to the test, for during my first two years I suffered from two attacks of this illness and I resolved to bathe morning and evening, and for the sixteen following years I never had a pain in hand or foot. The Portuguese in the Island are subject to another disease which the natives call bere bere, when a man is apparently in good health and free from pain, he would suddenly fall to the ground; and this is the worst disease of all; he would have no sensation

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from his hips down to his feet which would seem quite devoid of life; and one might cut of his legs without his feeling it, just as if they formed no portion of his body. This malady can only be cured by eating pork and biscuits, by drinking palm wine" and smoking tobacco; after three or four months continuous treatment the patient regains perfect health. The Captain-General Dom Antonio Mascarenhas after consulting the native medical practitioners issued an order in the army that everyone should use tobacco, and as they were unwilling to do this he himself set the example which all followed and thus the disease was entirely eradicated.
The most dreaded disease among the natives themselves is the small-pox which they regard as a curse; so much so that if a son, brother, wife, or even one's own mother is attacked by it, the patient is immediately segregated in a separate hut built fifteen paces to leeward of their dwelling. His food is placed on a shovel and brought near his house, but no human being would venture closer to him and he is thus left isolated and this is why a large proportion of them die. They call this disease Deane charia which in our language means "an act of God.” Syphilis they call Parangue rere,t which means the Portuguese disease; and with reason, for it was we who introduced it among them. As a rule they are a healthy race; anyone suffering from fever is not prohibited from drinking as much water as he likes, so long as it is boiled with dried coriander. They are great herbalists and in cases. of wounds, tumors, broken arms and legs they effect a cure in a few days with great ease. As for cancer, which is a loathsome and incurable disease among us, they can cure it in eight days removing all viscosity from the scab without so much as leaving a mark anywhere to show that the disease had been
Kitul “toddy' is still recognised as a specific for some diseases. † Parangi leda.

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there. I have seen a large number of soldiers and Captains cured during my residence in the country, and the ease with which this was done was marvellous. In truth the land is full of medicinal herbs and many antidotes to poison which I have myself tried to learn as a remedy against snakebites.
CHAPTER XX.
THE WILD ANIMALs or THE IsLAND,
The variety of wild animals found in the Island is remarkable and includes tigers and leopards, which however do not kill men as they find an abundance of cattle and game for food; bears are numerous in some parts of the Island but not in all. The monkeys are countless and of five kinds, some of them being the pretty sauguins, and others called roqueas. On these the wives of the Portuguese dote and value them highly for their colours and pretty ways. There is also an abundance of parrots, paroqueets, and other birds called sayros all of which talk well, but that which talks best of all and most clearly is the martin. Civet cats are common but no trouble is taken to rare them. There is an animal called the mongoose, differing in some respects from the weasel, which has such a hatred of snakes that if it sees one it will not rest till it has killed it; and as the snakes are very venomous, and bite them when they fight, whenever they are bitten they look for a certain herb which they eat and become free from the poison; but it is not possible to rear poultry along with them. The soldiers used to bring them up as a protection against snakes, but they are dangerous; I knew a man who brought one up from its infancy and used to sleep with it; but one midnight he commenced shouting lustily, whereon everyone hastened to see what was the matter and they found that the mongoose was attacking a portion of his body in such

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fashion as almost qualified him for entering a seraglio to serve the sultanas; and though assistance was given him at once he was compelled to trust himself to the hands of a surgeon for some time.
There are also four kinds of venomous snakes; one is always found in warm marshy places, and is about two palms in length, of a brown colour with a wide belly. When they bite anyone the patient cannot shake off a fearful and deep slumber in which he dies in the course of six hours unless, relieved by remedies. There is another kind the bite of which renders the patient mad, but it is possible to save him if assistance is given within twenty-four hours. There is a third kind which is still more terrible; whenever they bite a man the poor patient's blood pours out from all the openings in his body, and when he reaches this condition he is beyond remedy. There are others again which are called the cobra de capello, although these are very poisonous no Chingala will kill them, or consent to their being killed if he can help it. They assert that these are the queens of the others and that they do not bite anyone unless they are offended; and also that if any man kill one its mother, father, or sister would take vengeance for the death; and they are so possessed with this idea that if one were to bite their wife or child once or twice, they would not do it any injury, but only summon it by means of a charm and reprimand it; the consequence is that they kill the 1ΥΠΟ: Ε.
There is still another class of snakes the description of which would appear like a fable; I would myself not mention it had not the truth of it heen vouched for by a prominent man born in the Island itself, and very well acquainted with everything in it; for though the report is persistent it is impossible to believe it; I refer to my comrade Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe. This snake is of the thickness of a top string, its length is three palms and its colour brown;

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it places itself on a branch and as a bull, buffalo, wild boar, deer, elk, elephant, or any other animal passes below so that it can touch it, the poison is so virulent that wherever the animal is touched, the bones, nerves and the flesh of the part through which the venom passes rots to the thickness of the snake's body, leaving however the skin on the outside intact and in its usual state; but the animal remains there and has not the power to móve; and once when they opened some of these animals to find out what was the matter, they discovered that such were its effects. The same ill-luck befell a Chingala and he lived for some years in this fashion without being cured; but they do say that these snakes are not numerous.
There are others of a green colour of the same length and thickness as the former; these too lie on branches and as a man or animal passes by they pick out their eyes, but I have never seen any man blinded by them. Another kind which they call the. mountain snake will swallow up a heifer or a stag, and some of these animals I have seen when killed by our Caffres who eat the flesh and say that it is very tasty and nourishing; each slice had a thickness exceeding one palm; and the meat was very white with scales like the whiting.
In addition to this great variety of wild animals which we have mentioned, the most noxious, harmful and disgusting which are to be found in the Island are the blood suckers, of these the quantity to be found in the forests is so great that the roads are thick with them and if a person tried to pull one out, two hundred would fasten on him; when on our march we would all frequently have our legs streaming with blood, and often as we were at our meals at night we would pull them out from our very gums, quite surfeited. The smallest are the most painful biters; the larger are as long as a needle and as thick as packing thread and of the colour of the .

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hazel-nut; those which we employ are abundant in marshy places, but they take no account of them.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE GREAT ABUNDANCB OF PRECIOUs STONES, AND OTHER
COMMODITIES FOUND IN THE ISLAND.
薄
The stone which is most sought after in Ceilao and is held in the highest esteem for its great value iş the catseye ; most people do not know of this stone nor have they seen it for it is not used among us, but the Moors and the Gentiles value it above all others. I have seen one of the size of a pigeon's egg and bored through which the Prince of Uva wore on his arm when he came to visit us; in shape they are spherical like musketballs, some large and some small, and in weight they exceed every kind of precious stone. They are not cut but only polished; and they show a colour composed of every colour which God has created. No one colour is seen separately by itself, but they all make a wonderful mixture and appear to be struggling in their anxiety to get first in the race. At a distance the entire stone seems cut across by a straight line such as one sees in the middle of a cat's eye at a certain hour of the day. This is styled the beta and from its appearance they name the stone the catseye. When the stone is moved one beta disappears and another takes its place and others still follow so that the sight is doubtful as to which it saw first; for by this movement in the midst of its glitter one line appears and the others disappear. The stones of the greatest value and most prized are those which have most lines; they are found with three, five, sometimes seven, and rarely with nine, such as the Prince's was, but they are never found with an even number.
Properly, a vein of gold in rock.

п 6 п
There is an abundance of rubies, the finest in the whole world, all in crystals and very clear, and plenty of sapphires and topazes, both of an immense size and highly prized among the Moors. These are the four most valuable kinds of stones sought for in this Island; we have already mentioned the other kinds in the third chapter. A great quantity of crystal of various colours is produced among the mountains; the white they call the water crystal, some are of the colour of the yolk of egg, some green and some violet. The lapidaries of this country cut many curious figures from these stones such as of our Lady, the infant Christ, crosses and other quaint images, with little trouble. They only employ two wheels of emery and bitumen, and with these they make what they wish, heating them at the fire to make them smooth, pointed, half round, or any other shape which they desire.
There is also made in this Island oil and wax from cinnamon, and though this industry is sufficient to engage a large number of people Owing to their being greatly esteemed and valued all over the world, yet I have only found three families engaged in it. The fruit of the cinnamon is taken and mashed and put into a caldron full of water; a strong fire is kept up for three hours when it is taken off and when it is quite cold they skim off from the top a very white paste like grease when some globules like oil are found floating on the top; these are picked out with a feather and put into a small bottle which is placed in the sand in the sun till all the moisture is
* Castanheda, Vol. 2, (printed 1552) mentions a ruby a palm in length and of the thickness of an egg, perfectly pure and without the slightest flaw, which the reigning Sinhalese king possessed.
The local newspapers of October, 1905, contained particulars of a sapphire weighing 4,089 carats which had been purchased by a Galle Merchant,
White topazes weighing over five pounds are known.
Both Bernier and Tavernier refer to the esteem in which gems which preserved the crystalline form were held in India; they were considered more developed than those with amorphous forms.
M

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dried up; the oil is then cleaned and put into a large bottle and in a short time they collect a quantity which they sell for a high figure. This oil is greatly prized all over the world and is employed as a remedy for various diseases; the grease which is removed is called the wax and is sent to India; it has various medicinal uses and candles are also made of it, two or four of which are placed on the thrones on festival occasions and they give forth an odour so sweet that the church appears to be the picture of glory. None of our people used to distil the water nor did they understand how to do it for with us everything was neglected; but this point did not escape the attention of the Hollanders who obtained an abundance of it with great ease; for they had the cinnamon ready to hand with all its moisture and essential oils, plucked straight from the tree. The article is well spoken of to-day in Europe where it is taken in large quantities with considerable profit.
As for pepper, even if it is not exported in shiploads as is done in countries like Canara, Cochim, Coulão, Jambe, etc., the reason is that there it is cultivated and treated as the principal commodity. As I have already stated the local article receives no aid from human effort or cultivation, and it is for this reason that there is not as much of it as there can be, even much more than is found in the countries I have mentioned; for what the earth yields of its own accord is the best to be found in the whole East. All the same a large quantity is exported to the coast of Choromandel, Bengala and other parts, in all of which its value is double, for it is well matured and powerful; and since the Chingalas have no eyes for this though they have two crops of it in the year, but only gather it for paying the dues of their lords, they pluck it when it is well seasoned and usually the greater part ripens on the tree itself. It is plucked from the bunches in which it is found

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and laid out on mats in the sun, when it turns black from being green and the skin wrinkles up; that which wrinkles most is less powerful and not very ripe; it is for this reason that the pepper of Ceylon is very good and wrinkles but little. The merchants who deal in it pick out a large quantity which is usually called white pepper; this is what escapes from the ripe skins and is sold for a much higher figure as it has medicinal properties. The plants are of the same shape and climb in the same manner as the ivy; at the base of each leaf there is one bunch; the natives allow only those shoots to grow which climb up the trees by themselves. That which is left over after paying their dues is sold for a low figure, and if they plant it as is done in other countries they would certainly have an immense quantity. /
CHAPTER XXII.
THE PEARL FISHBRY IN CBILáo.
So far we have discussed at length the wealth which the land produces; now we turn to the treasures of the sea which in the estimation of people is no whit inferior; such is the fishery of pearls which helps to ennoble the name of the Island no less than the rest. Though it is said that these pearls are found on the greater part of the coast of the country yet the fishery is only held on the shore of Aripo, as this place is conveniently situated and the sea is of a suitable depth for fishing in. Accordingly it is reasonable to relate to those who do not know about it when the fishery takes place and the manner thereof.
At the beginning of March there assemble from three to five thousand champanas all equipped by
merchants, Moor and Gentile and also Christian,
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each providing at his own expense from one to four boats, some more, some less; sometimes two or three combine and equip one boat where thcy have not the means to provide more. These boats carry as a rule ten or twelve sailors each with a master and up to eight divers; when they are all assembled, immediately the ship owners search for the place where the oysters are to be found at a depth of five to seven bracas, which is the depth they can dive. Three champanas are selected to make the examination and they inspect the coast for a league up or down, and out of the oysters which they find in their search, each picks out a counted thousand, which are opened with a knife in the presence of the chief ship owners; and from the results an estimate is made of its value (for some years the pearls are better than in others), and according to this estimate they decide and settle upon the royalty which they are to pay to His Majesty for the fishery; and he sends three or four of his rowing boats to accompany them to prevent their being disturbed by pirates.
After the tribute has been agreed on each of the owners selects a spot on the shore sufficiently large for storing the chipe (for this is the name they give the oysters), which his boats fish up; this they enclose with thorny branches leaving one opening through which the chipe can be brought in.
On the 11th of March at four o'clock in the morning a signal is given by the firing of a gun by the Captain of the four ships; all start for the sea and cast anchor at the spot selected for fishing in. Each champana carries some square stones of two arrobas in weight, well secured and hanging outside. Immediately on anchoring one of the divers places one foot on a stone at the same time clinging to the cord; he takes another fastened to his waist and a bag or sack made of net tied round it. So they let him go and he makes his way to the bottom as quickly as he can; on reaching this he throws

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himself from the top of the stone and fills his bag with the chipe, which they say is found here one on top of the other. As soon as his bag is full he pulls at the cord which he has at his waist; two sailors stand ready with their hands on this and they draw him up as quickly as possible; and from the time that he enters the water till he comes up again would be the space occupied in saying two credos. The moment his head emerges from the water another diver plunges to the bottom, and in this same fashion they all go down turn and turn about. And here we should note that as soon as the diver enters the boat he is at liberty (till the other who is at the bottom comes to the top) to open with his knife all the oysters that he can and whatever he finds inside is his, and similarly with the rest. In this manner they continue fishing until four o'clock in the afternoon when at a signal from another gun they sail back, each making for the point of land where he has to unload. On their arrival the noise which is made every day on the shore during the two hours the unloading lasts is astonishing. Two planks are run out with a quantity of baskets and the sailors divide into two parties, one filling them and the other carrying them away. A host of young men and lads from the neighbourhood also come to assist in the work; they receive no payment, but each one steals what he can. After unloading the boats put back to sea and sail away from the spot to where the fair is held leaving the oysters abandoned and unguarded; for the place where they are piled is half a league to leeward of where the people assemble, in consequence of the evil smells which hover around the spot; for the sun causes the shells to open and an immense quantity of flies gathers round attracted by the smell. The fishery continues in this fashion every day from the 11th of March to the 20th of April when it closes, and they go on piling the oysters one over the other.

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Half a league to windward on the same shore all the business men who come there assemble and a free fair is held, laid out like some gallant city with streets and rows of shops, where they sell every kind of merchandise which our discoveries trade in with the nations of Europe and the whole of Asia. And for this purpose they bring their gold, silver in bars and wrought, all kinds of precious stones, amber, perfumes, carpets, meleques, money, with the rarities of all the provinces of the world, in such a fashion that if there is anything anywhere on which one can spend money and time in seeing it, it is this great fair. From the surrounding country is brought every variety of food, and though the people are numerous and of various races and religions-Christians, Jews, Moors and Gentilesthey can all obtain the food which they are accustomed to; here everything is bought and sold which each one would like to take to his own country--not only pearls but everything on which profit can be made. The sailors, divers, lads and young men-and they are beyond counting-all are busy selling what they steal; many go about buying, and those who have their own shops of merchandise and goods also join in the buying, each one making his own profit. Those who buy in small quantities sort the large from the small pearls and the various grades of the latter; but it is all sold together to the large merchants at a great profit.
The fair lasts full fifty days, -for at the end of the forty-one days during which the fishery continues, from the 11th of March until the 20th of April which is the last day, nine more days are allowed for the viscoscity which the flies cause to disappear. On the last day of April the ship owners go with the crews of their champanas taking rakes with them, each one to the place where his chipe is piled; the branches of thorns are removed and all the shells gathered on a side. After these are

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separated they bring small sieves with which they sift the pearls and deposit them on sheets. Then they separate those which have an individual price according to their size and degree of perfection. All the rest they divide into nine classes; the first class is the best and they call it alliofar of the highest quality, and so on until the ninth; which are of equal size and rounded and they know their value by the agreement which they had entered into with the wholesale merchants for that year: for it may be that in one year it is worth more and in another less, according to the quantity of pearls or the number of merchants who meet there. And by the time that they are cleaned almost all have been disposed of and the earnest money paid according to the agreement which had been made out by the brokers. The baroque pearls are sold for a much smaller price; and the small pearls which fall from the sieves are left on the sand and in the rainy. season the poor neighbours come to the beach with trays and cast the sand into the air and when it is shaken by the wind they collect and take it to what they call the botica. A great quantity of this is sent to this kingdom and also to other parts, and the natives sell it very cheap. With this the fishery concludes and so do we with our chapter to continue with the rest of our story, remarking at the same time that large pieces of amber are found on the shore and that the fishermen when they draw their nets catch in them branches of black coral and that the sea throws up a large quantity of this when there are storms. They say that this is better than the red for its appearance and black colour.

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CHAPTER XXIII.
REGARDING THE FAMoUs MoUNTAIN cALLED ADAM's PBAK
AND ITS PECULARITIES
The Peak of Adam as we have said divides the territories of the kingdoms of Candia, Uva and the Two Corlas. This mountain is one of the wonders of the world, for although it is situated twenty leagues inland, on a clear day sailors can see it the same distance out at sea. Its height is two leagues and it is covered with high forest; owing to its great steepness it is a matter of considerable toil, occupying from early morning till two in the afternoon, to reach the level of a plain or ledge which the mountain forms before one arrives at the top of the Peak. This ledge is entirely covered with forest and has numerous rivulets which are formed of the water which springs from the Peak and here there, are also some pleasant valleys. At this spot the Gentiles who come on pilgrimage wash their bodies and put on clean clothes which they bring with them for the purpose; all this they perform with considerable ceremony before arriving at the spot which they consider sacred, and they think that by doing so they are cleansed from all sin. After going through these superstitious ceremonies they begin to ascend to the summit of the Peak, a distance of more than a quarter of a league, by means of iron chains made like ladders; and were it not for these it would not be possible to reach the top because of its steepness. At the end of their journey they come to a very round level piece of land with a diameter of two hundred paces, where there is a pool of excellent spring water more deep than wide. From this pool arise all the waters which form the springs where they perform their ceremonies; they run down the slope of the mountain till they reach its foot and there they form the three largest rivers
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In the middle of this space there is a large slab of stone placed over some ornamented blocks and on this is impressed as if it were on wax a footstep two palms in length and eight inches in width. This footstep is greatly reverenced by all the Gentiles of India and many of them come on pilgrimage to see it and to fulfil their vows and promises. Twenty paces to the left of this there are some huts of clay and wood where the pilgrims rest; on the other side is a pagoda, which is the same as a church with them, and near it is the hut of a changatai or priest who resides there to receive the offerings; and he is careful to assure these barbarians that they win many rewards and are cleansed from every sin in recompense for their devotion and trouble, and that this is the footprint of the first father of the human race who left it impressed there as a memorial of himself. On this round surface of stone there are planted a large number of well-sized trees which make the spot pleasant and healthful; here they remain performing a kind of Novena and offering up their sacrifices at the pagoda. And what most convinces these Gentiles of the peculiar sanctity of the place is the fact that while this is a mountain so lofty round and well proportioned, at its foot there spring up two others on the two sides the summits of which bow towards the Peak as if performing obeisance; and in explanation of this marvel of nature these Gentiles declare that the immovable mountains themselves acknowledge the sanctity of the spot. But what I think is that this foot-step was some invention of the Gentiles, for it is certain that if it were that of a man he must necessarily have been a giant; and the foot-step was created to attract adoration to the spot.
Of the three rivers which are formed from the waters of the Peak one runs north dividing the territories of the Four Corlas and passing by Ceitavaca and Malvana, falls into the sea at Matual close to Columbo. The other runs south by the

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Two Corlas, passes through Sofregao, and dividing the lands of Pasdim and Reigan Corlas falls into the sea at Caliture. The last which is the longest passes close to the city of Candia, runs through all their territories dividing the kingdoms of Trequimalé and Batecalou, and enters the famous bay Dos Arcos alongside of the harbor of Cotiar from which place it takes its name. In the same way the other two are named from the districts through which they pass. A large number of streams and rivulets fall into these; the Island is intersected by 'ath innumerable number of the latter but they are all smaller 1 S126.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE HABITATION oF THE BEDAs, THER CUSTOM'S AND THE NATURAL BEDs oF s ALT which THE ISLAND Possesses.
It is not the less worthy of notice that though this country is an Island smaller than Borneo and St. Lourenço, countries which in view of their size and distance from the Continent are able to have a monstrosity of this nature; (for we must note as we have already pointed out that the area of Ceilao is little more or less than that of our own kingdom :) none the less it has for several centuries contained a race which for its customs and ways of life would appear to be some romantic tale, but all who have been in the Island have heard of it. The lands of the Vani which stretch from the kingdom of Jafanapatao to those of Trequimalé between the two rivers which divide one from the other, include ten leagues of coast and they run a little more than eight leagues inland; they are thinly inhabited and covered with dense forest, and here there live a caste of people who are known as Bédas. In color they are similar to us and some are ruddy and good-looking;

I7 I
their language is not understood by the Chingalas nor by any other nation of India, and they can only communicate with one another. Similarly they do not show themselves to any people except those of their own race; they wear the skins of animals, for every kind which is the object of the chase is found in great abundance in their forests. Their arms are bows and arrows in the use of which they are very skilful; they have no settled habitation or place of abode, and each family lives for six months only at some spot in the forest which it selects as suitable for cultivation, and as soon as the crop is gathered in, it changes to another place to do the same. The greater part of their food consists of the produce of the chase-wild boar, deer, elk; their meat is not dressed or cooked but almost all of it is soaked in honey which is found in these woods in great abundance and is produced by the bees which deposit it in the hollows of the trees. To preserve the meat they cut down some trees of a large size leaving a stump of a braca in height; this they hollow out and fill the cavity with meat and honey and cutting out plugs of the same trees they cover over this conserve which they will not touch for a whole year, while they live on the other meat which they had prepared. When they are in want of arrows, axes, or any other implement of iron, they make models out of the leaves of trees to show the article which they require; with these they go at night so as not to be perceived by anyone to the nearest village and hang the models on the door of the blacksmith's house and also their payment for the work, which is the half of a wild boar, or deer, or some similar article which they think is a little more or less than the blacksmith deserves; and when he comes out in the morning. he knows by experience what it is meant for, and he accordingly does the work; and three days later when he goes to sleep he leaves the implement suspended in the

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same place; and often in the morning the smith will find there the quarter of an animal, and so they are glad to perform this work for them.
The Chingalas offer an explanation of the origin of this race which appears to me incredible, but it . may be entirely as they say. It is that many years ago there was in the Island a young King who was addicted to every kind of vice to which he paid no regard, nor had he any respect for either laws or ceremonies, and going beyond all bounds, he ate every kind of animal which God created, not even sparing the cow-and this among these Gentiles is the greatest crime which a man can commit. And when he had finished with the animals he bade them kill a child which he cooked and ate. When his people and nobles heard of this fearful deed they arrested him with all his followers, and in view of the horror of his act they sentenced them to death as infamous; but as they were unwilling to die they gave them permission to go where they would have no communication with any man. Those who accepted the offer concealed themselves in these woods where they live in this fashion. If this explanation of theirs is false it is not badly devised; for the majority of the histories of these Gentiles are fables and fictions which they have concocted. Our Own opinion is that if this were as stated by them, in view of the length of time and the fact of their having no war with any nation, as they had taken with them all the women who followed the King, they should have multiplied in such fashion that at the least they would have densely populated that district; but as a matter of fact they are so few in number that they wander about in these ten leagues through the forests and hardly hold any intercourse with each other except by accident.
I have come across a young man from India, a Mistico, who had chanced to get lost in that country in a boat; he had made his way to the shore by

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swimming and there he was found by these people who made him marry their queen who was a widow. Here the poor fellow was compelled to remain for nine months and he had such a good kingship of it that he set about discovering some means of escape; so he turned the sandals which he wore so that the toes pointed to the heels and started on the road. He thus effected his escape and came into our territory where he gave us a deal of information regarding these people. They have no idols, no religion and no ceremonies; their families wander about separately in the forest searching for food, and as a rule all of them give the queen provisions, each one on his day by turn,-rice, millet, potatoes, meat fresh and steeped in honey-sufficient to maintain six or seven people. Her palace is a straw hut in the forest; she sees no one except those who bring her food daily, and these do not entrust the food to anyone save to the queen herself to whom they make a profound reverence which she only acknowledges with a nod; her bed is made of hay with a bear skin for a coverlet and her clothes are also made of other skins. Their meat is soaked in honey and eaten, and it is very savoury; the fresh meat is wrapped in leaves and buried in a hole, over which they make a fire and when this is burnt out the meat is found very tender and agreeable; they eat it without salt which article they do not possess. They make a flour out of millet and rice and from this they cook cakes. He told us various other facts which it is not possible to relate.
In the old kingdom of Jaula" which has ceased to exist for many years there is close to Balavét a stretch of land three leagues along the coast and two inland, very low-lying and level. In rainy weather the force of the south wind drives in the sea in such abundance that it floods all the plains, and
* Yala. † Watawe.

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in the hot weather the sun converts this water into salt and it is from this that the greater part of the Island is supplied, especially the surrounding country which forms the kingdoms of Candia, Uva, Batccalou, Trequimalé and the territories of Villacen, and some of our own, as it costs less to obtain it here than to buy it at our forts where it is brought in great quantities from the other coast. The King of Candia when he was at war with us used to lack this commodity only, but was able to supply himself from these salt beds with ease. He would send from December until April herds of five or six thousand cattle and buffaloes, and some men of war to protect them. This they did two or three times during that period. Sometimes we seized them, but we were not able to do so always because our camp was situated at a distance. We have used this salt many times; it is excellent for seasoning, but it is of no use for salting articles with, because the salt quality disappears. It is different from every kind of salt which I have seen, for it is clear as crystal; those who come to collect it bring pick-axes as otherwise their trouble would be wasted, for it is as compact as if it were all one solid slab. The smallest pieces which they take are lumps the size of walnuts; they are also very difficult to melt as they are not porous.
Four leagues inland from this spot there is a pagoda held in great reverence by the Gentiles; here are preserved the offerings which had been made for many years, consisting of gold, jewels, and precious stones, and five hundred armed men are always maintained for its defence. We have several times made inquiries about it in our desire to obtain this wealth and to relieve them of their anxiety regarding it. In the beginning of 1642 I was one of a company of one hundred and fifty Portuguese and two thousand Lascarins, the majority of whom were Christians, under the command of Gaspar Figueira

I 75
de Cerpe who was a man held in high respect among us, a man of ability and well versed in their language and customs; when we came near the spot where they said the pagoda stood, we took a native residing close to the spot and our Commander inquired from him if he knew where the pagoda was. He replied that he did, and that it was close by; he acted as our guide and led us through a hill covered with forest which was the only one in that district, and this we wandered round and re-crossed many times. It was certain that the pagoda was at the top of it, but I do not know what magic it possessed, for out of the five guides whom we took, the first three were put to death because we thought that they were deceiving us, for they acted as if they were mad and spoke all kinds of nonsense, each one in his turn, without the one knowing of the others. The last two deceived us and did exactly the same, and we were forced to turn back the way we had come without effecting any thing and without even seeing the pagoda which is called Catérgao. On our return we captured part of a convoy of salt from Candia exceeding two thousand head of cattle, the rest escaping into the forest; with these we returned lighter than we expected to be when we started. For all the things of this world are no more than mere shadows and the reality is always different from that which it shows itself to us. So now we shall leave these minute details which we have related regarding the Island of Ceilao and proceed with the narrative of the war in that Island which has been calling to us from the grave of forgetfulness when it ought to be alive in our remembrance.

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BOOK II.
THE PRogREss oF THB waR wHIcH we cARRIBD on IN
CEILAo wiTH THE NATIVES AND THE HOLLANDERs.

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INTRODUCTORY TO CHAPTER I, k
CHAPTER L.
- e procurar que se faça justiça e favor aos naturaes, porque com isso se fará mais a conquita que com as armas:
o 9.
King to Viceroy, 12th Jan., 1607,
Six years of pitiless guerilla warfare succeeded the crushing defeat of Danture and the subsequent repulse of Dom Hieronymo de Azavedo; but by 1600 the prospects were sufficiently bright to permit of an expedition being sent to Jafanapatao to bring its turbulent King to his senses. Yet the tide of success did not last and in 1603 Dom Hieronymo had again to flee before the victorious arms of the Sinhalese King, his army a disorganized rabble and his reputation destroyed. This campaign, the most important during his eighteen years' administration in Ceylon, and named by the Portuguese historians the Great Retreat,S was immediately
followed by the revolt of the native troops, only the gallant Chief
of Matara, the Sinhalese Christian who continued to serve the foreigner with the courage and devotion which he had always displayed in the service of his own King-Samarakon Rala, known among the Portuguese as Dom Fernando Mudaliyarremaining faithful to the Portuguese flag with a thousand of his Lascarins. All the outlying forts were soon captured and their garrisons taken as prisoners to the mountains; and the condition of the Island as depicted in the letters despatched to Goa from Europe was of the gloomiest. Bitter and well-grounded complaints were heard on every side against the oppression and tyranny exercised over the natives by the Portuguese officials from whom they had been led to expect purer justice than they had received at the hands of their own Chiefs. The action of the Captain of Mannar in imposing unusual taxes was creating dissatisfaction; the revenue derived from the pearl fishery was not properly accounted for; munitions of war were being systematically smuggled into the enemy's country, not only from
* Chapters L and M consist of a summary of the “ Documentos Remittidos da India,”” Vols. 1-IV.
it p. 88. ț Indiae Orientalis Navigationes duas, &c. (Frankfort, 1606).
$ Bocarro, p. 45.
N 2

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the ports of Jaffnapatam, but even from the Portuguese settlements of Negapatam and St. Thomé, Moreover a new danger was threatening the Portuguese power, for seven of the Hollanders' ships had appeared off Batticaloa and captured four Portuguese vessels; the Sinhalese King had gone in person to meet the newcomers, and though disagreements arose which seemed likely to render the negotiations abortive, a reconciliation had been effected and the question of the capture of Galle seriously discussed.
But the work of conquest had already consumed so much blood and treasure that it was no longer possible to draw back. A strict inquiry was ordered into the conduct of the peccant officials and of the General himself; the despatch of ships from the suspected ports was to be closely supervised, and they must touch only at Portuguese ports; three boats were detailed off to blockade the coast from Mannar to Galle so as effectively to prevent any intercourse with the Sinhalese from outside, and to intercept the supplies of salt, cloth, and opium which were sent into the country; and the fortifications of Colombo and Galle were ordered to be immediately strengthened, for the possible capture of the latter port would prove a serious impediment to the commerce of the Southern Seas. There was one cause for encouragement: at the very time of the Hollanders' arrival, Sinhalese ambassadors had been sent to Goa with an offer of peace on condition of the Prince who was being educated at the College of the Kings at Goa being restored to the Sinhalese King; this offer however was not accepted, and the desirability of sending back the youthful Prince Dom Joao, “grandson of Raju,' who was also in the same College, as a rival claimant to the Sinhalese throne, was suggested, but the proposal was not adopted.
The rest of Dom Hieronymo's long administration in Ceylon was occupied in the tedious and uphill task of recovering the ground lost in 1603. A great opportunity occurred when, at the death of Wimala Dharma in 1604, civil war broke out among his subjects. The General was confident that with three hundred
* Spilbergen arrived in Ceylon on May 28, 1602 (Ind. Or.),
This refers to Seebalt de Weert's visit.
i. This is apparently the brother of Dona Catherina whom Nicapety Bandar subsequently personated (R. A. S. XI, 553); in 1606 the two Princes “Dom Filipe of Ceitavaca” and “ Dom João of Candea” applied to the King for permission to proceed to Portugal, where Dom Filipe died in 1612. An inquiry was ordered as to the heirs he had left in the East, and “ Dona Maria Pereira, heiress of Raju who had been married to Simao Pinhao and was a widow in 1614, was recognized as one, 'Dom Filipe is no doubt the Prince Raja Surya, who, according to one version of the Rajavaliya, escaped to Colombo when his brother Jaya Surya was put to death by Mannam Peruma Mukeveti; he is described as the son of a Soli Prince and the Princess Menik Bisso Bandara of the Udapola family, daughter of Raja Sinha. Dom Joao subsequently became a priest.

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more Portuguese he could bring the war to a speedy termination, and urgent letters were despatched to the Viceroy from Portugal to render him every assistance. The Customs duties of Colombo, Galle, and the other ports, estimated to yield fifteen thousand crueados; the revenues from Mannar and the other factories; and the twelve thousand cruzados of tribute paid by the Naiques of the neighbouring coast, were allowed to be placed at his disposal for the expenses of the war: for not only was the possession of a country of such vast resources and of such great importance to the lindian dominion and the pearl fishery at stake, but the souls of thirty thousand professing Christians would be in jeopardy should they fall into the hands of their infidel brethren or the heretical Hollanders. At the same time all Portuguese officials were strictly prohibited from engaging in mercantile pursuits whether directly or indirectly, as these were found to seriously interfere with their legitimate duties, while the Bishop of Cochin was invited to visit Ceylon so as to encourage the soldiers and to see that the natives were treated with justice and clemency.
But the Indian authorities were lukewarm; the troops despatched in six ships from Malabar by Martin Affonso de Mello mutinied and the expedition had to be abandoned; and for many years nothing more appears to have been done than to organize two raids every year within the Sinhalese territory. There were not much more than predatory incursions maintained with the reckless courage and ferocity which characterized the warfare of the Portuguese in Ceylon, emphasized by the compelling force of sheer want, Moreover Dom Hieronymo soon fell out with Samarakon Rala, who was sent in chains to Goa; the aggrieved nobleman petitioned the King for redress, and a secret inquiry was immediately ordered and strict instructions given that he and his family should be treated with every consideration and all their wants amply provided for; the distinguished prisoner was assured of the King's full recognition of his great services, but it was not considered expedient to send him back to Ceylon so long as the General was in power, Samarakon was in a short time appointed Captain of 3oa, and in 1613, as the result of the inqtairy which had been ordered, the King placed on record in eulogistic terms a further expression of his appreciation, and in view of his services and high birth granted him for life an annual
allowance of three thousand cru2ados out of the revenues of
Ceylon with the Captaincy of Chaul; one-half of this allowance was assured to his widow and children, but all subject to the condition that he would not return to the Island. His brother Dom Diogo Mudaliyar, however, was kept a state prisoner in
* I have reason to believe that Samarakon died shortly after in a sea fight in the Southern Seas,

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Portugal; in 1612 he applied for permission to return to his
country to rescue the treasure which he had inherited from his
ancestors and his deceased wife, and which he had left sunk in a river; he also promised to indicate the place where a large stock
of artillery and copper had been buried by him, offering a share
of them to the King. The application was sternly refused, and the Viceroy was instructed to have him summarily executed should he venture to set foot in India; a subsequent attempt to escape led to his confinement in 1614 at Alemtejo, his life being spared out of consideration for the great services of his brother. No considerable success was announced till 1609 when Dom Hieronymo captured Balane where he erected a fort which was occupied by four hundred Lascarins and eight companies of Portuguese who were relieved every month by drafts from Manicavare, and steps were also taken to protect the water supply. He subsequently attacked and burnt the Sinhalese capital
of Candia ; about the same time he received a communication
from the Queen, who proposed to desert to the Portuguese with her son and treasure; shortly after peace was made with the King. The King of Jaffnapatam who was nominally a vassal of Portugal had long been suspected of treasonable practises, and he was also oppressing his Christian subjects; under the pretext of visiting a shrine on the opposite coast he had recently succeeded in smuggling across a considerable portion of his treasure and was believed to be purchasing help for the Sinhalese from among the Princes of the Choromandel Coast, It was therefore decided to dethrone him and not to appoint a new King over the country for the future. But the condition of affairs at the end of 1610 was in the highest degree unsatisfactory; a secret memorandum of the period by a Portuguese who had had fifteen years' experience of the country, and which was referred for a confidential report to the Viceroy, the Vedor da Fazenda in Ceylon, and to Samarakon Mudaliyar, sets out the state of things in a very clear light. Seven thousand villages, great and small, were at the time within the Portuguese territory; these were looked after by fifty thousand Mayorals or village headmen, each of whom paid a pardao a year, while the Marallas and fines yielded close on six thousand pardaos. The yearly collection of cinnamon yielded two thousand bahars, out of which seven hundred were presented to the General, Fidalgos, Clergy, Captains, &c., while the rest was sold on the King's account at an average price of six pardaos the bahar. The areca crop, though not properly attended to, yielded eight thousand amanoes, valued at twenty thousand pardaos; there was a good collection of pepper, and a considerable
profit was obtained from the collection of precious stones, the
work being confined to specially authorized persons. Twelve tusked elephants, worth fifty thousand pardaos, were captured each year, while the customs duties yielded a fair revenue.

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The last twenty years of warfare-sixteen of them under Dom Hieronymo and the rest under Pedro Homem Pereira and after him Pedro Lopes de Sousa-had cost the Portuguese twelve thousand lives and half a million crusados of treasure, but the end appeared as far off as ever. One of the chief reasons for this was the excessive harshness displayed towards the natives, as the officials who governed them had almost absolute power; they were in addition ground down by oppressive taxation and laws of terrible severity. The policy of destroying their temples before the people were pacified and rendered familiar with foreign rule was greatly to be deprecated. The Portuguese soldiers were few in number and the scanty forts insufficiently garrisoned, while the conrtithuance of hostilities served the private interests of the commanders of the native troops, whose authority and opportunities for peculation would be terminated with the war. Natives who had no right to do so were permitted to assume the titles of King, Prince, and Mudaliyar, and thus obtained an undesirable influence over their countrymen who were only too ready to rise in revolt at the bidding of every renegade. The success of any one officer in war only served to arouse intense jealousy among his fellows; that was what influenced the conduct of Pedro Lopes de Sousa towards Pedro Homem Pereira, and subsequently the latter would not assist the former, which led to his annihilation with seven hundred of the finest Portuguese troops. Recently the Viceroys had shown themselves markedly indifferent to keeping the General properly supplied with men and money; and the condition of the soldiers, without pay, and with clothes which were hardly superior to raw hides, was pitiable in the extreme. In spite of the repeated and urgent instructions
of the King, the fortifications of Colombo were entirely neglected;
there were no bastions, and the few ramparts of taipa and palm trees were in such a ruinous condition that cattle could make their way over them. There was no hospital worth speaking of, and the soldiers were dying of hunger and privation. The loyal
Sinhalese had been ill requited by the loss of almost all their
possessions, while the refugees who were compelled by necessity to join the Portuguese ranks were received with open arms, wealth and rank and lands were conferred on them, and they were placed in positions of command over the rest.* “And the ultimate reason I assert,' concludes the writer, “is, that we Portuguese are evil Christians with little fear of God.'
Under such circumstances it is not surprising that the King should express his great dissatisfaction at the results of an undertaking which he had so much at heart; he bitterly complained that his army was reduced to a broken-down rabble of four hundred men, whose invasions of the enemy's country
* Clearly a reference to Simao Correa.

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had degenerated into insignificant raids; his dominions were depopulated and the lands left uncultivated so that the produce therefrom was insufficient for the maintenance of the war. And yet a more favourable opportunity for concluding the work of conquest could hardly be expected; peace had been made with the Hollanders and the Sinhalese were reputed to be entirely disorganized, without a King and without leaders. Repeated orders were issued for repairing the fortifications of Galle, in view of possible hostilities in the near future with the Hollanders; and it was also suggested that a dockyard and arsenal should be constructed there for the convenience of ships sailing to the Southern Seas. Another scheme which the King was greatly interested in was the settlement in the districts Öf Chilaw and Negombo of a colony of the brave and loyal Christian fishermen from the coast of the Fishery, removing them from the jurisdiction of the Naique of Madura; they were to be provided with allotments of land which they could cultivate when not engaged in their usual pursuits, and a special Ouvidor was to be appointed to administer justice and to settle disputes among them. It was expcted that such a colony would help in the regular exploitation of the pearl fishery which had yielded no revenue for six years owing to the disturbances prevailing there, the chief being the quarrel between the Jesuits who used to arrange for and supervise the fishery, and the Bishop of Cochin; a reconciliation between these was also earnestly recommended. It was however pointed out to the King that the same experiment had been attempted by the Viceroy Dom Constantino, and later by Ayres de Saldanha, and that they had both found it impossible to obtain the hearty co-operation of the Patangatins, who were the headmen of the people; to please the King they were however willing to send an experimental colony of a few thousand souls, but at the same time it was represented that Negombo was not a desirable centre if the colony was expected to be of assistance in the pearl fishery. No further steps appear to have been taken in the matter, A
At the end of 1612 Dom Hieronymo left for India as Viceroy, his place being temporarily filled up by Dom Francisco de Meneses Roxo. Nothing was attempted by this incompetent officer save. a short incursion within the enemy's country in March of the following year; his withdrawal was followed by the loss of the fort of Balane, which was attacked and destroyed by the Sinhalese in Holy Week. This was a source of the profoundest irritation to the King, aggravated by the subsequent negligence of the General; for in August, shortly after the death of the Queen of Candia, her daughter and her husband had advanced to within half a league of Balane in an attempt to escape to the Portuguese,
* Ante p, 47.

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185
when the absence of an army in the field enabled the Sinhalese Lascarins to arrest her with her treasure and take her back to their King. The complaints against the General were so grave that in May, 1614 the new Viceroy was obliged to send Manuel Mascarenhas Homem to relieve him of his charge, and at the same time instructions were received from the King to place him on his trial. He was accused of being more interested in trading with the enemy, bartering cloth and opium for their coconut and pepper, than in waging war against them; in the Four and Seven Korales the Dissava Luiz Pinto, a Portuguese, was doing the same in partnership with the General, and another Portuguese, Luiz Cabaral, in Sabaragamuwa and the Kuruwiti Korale. In the Dissavoni Öf Matara, the chief source of the supply of wax and which contained the best and most loyal population in the island and had always been administered by the noblest born among the natives or by selected Portuguese, a low-born Moor, a native of the country, had been appointed Dissava as a
convenient tool for the furtherance of his nefarious practices,
The revenue of the district was misappropriated, the natives oppressed by harsh fines which went to swell the General's income, and such excesses committed under the pretext of trade that the scandalized natives were on the verge of rebellion. No proper control was exercised over the chief officials, and the Captain-Majors and Dissavas had overstepped the limits of their almost absolute authority and were cruelly oppressing the inhabitants. Besides neglecting all military precautions, as exemplified in the case of Balane, he had acted in a most high-handed fashion in regard to the royal revenues, arrogating to himself various sources of income which by immemorial custom were an appanage of the King. He had misappropriated gems which had been collected on the King's account, and had even removed some of the royal elephants in defiance of the authority of the Vedor. De Meneses however died at Arracan shortly after his recall, but legal action was ordered to be taken against his heirs for the recovery of the money which had been misappropriated by him from the public revenue.
Detailed instructions were given to Manuel Mascarenhas Homem by the Viceroy regarding the administration of the country; his headquarters were to be at Malvana, which was more central than Colombo and where he was advised to keep open table for all who came to see him; he was to pay special attention to the administration of justice. To avoid the slow procedure of the Portuguese courts the Viceroy himself had, when General, established a Council at Malvana consisting of noble and experienced Sinhalese assisted by the Mohottiars of the King; this body had authority to adjudicate on all minor matters on their own responsibility, only referring the weightier causes to the General, The oppression practised by the officials

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was to be sternly suppressed, but at the same time the war was to be carried on without mercy, no male above fourteen years of age being spared. The native troops were to be organized in four bodies and placed under the command of experienced leaders like Simão Correa and Luiz Pinto; the muster-rolls were to be revised, and each Lascarin paid a larin a month, and each Arachchi two. Batticaloa and Trincomalee which with Cottiar formed the three chief ports of the Sinhalese, were to be fortified against a possible seizure by the Hollanders, and the kingdom of Jaffnapatam reduced into the condition of a Portuguese province. The trade in cinnamon was to be treated as a monopoly and each year a thousand bahars despatched to Goa for sale, the proceeds being remitted to Colombo to be kept "in a separate chest there.
In January, 1615, the new General took the field, the native levies being commanded by the four Dissavas, Simao Correa of the Seven Korales, Luiz Gomes Pinto of the Four Korales, Luiz Cabaral de Faria of Sabaragamuwa, and Domingos Carvalho Cam of Matara. Crossing the Mahaweliganga at Gampola with great difficulty in consequence of the floods, the army pushed on to Maturata and occupied Badulla, burning all the villages on the road. A severe encounter followed with three thousand of the enemy, the day being secured by the gallantry of the Atapattu Guard of the Seven Korales. The city was then set on fire, all the fruit trees in the neighbourhood destroyed, and the General returned to Malvana in March.
The following August the districts of Tumpane and Harispattu were ravaged and all the inhabitants including old men, women and children put to the sword; some loss was sustained by an ambush which had been prepared at Aluwa,* but it was found possible to push on the invasion as far as Matale where a force of the enemy was routed and some elephants captured. The next month Filippe de Oliveira, Dissava of the Seven Korales, again invaded the enemy's country, and returned with considerable booty by Christmas, 1615.
In March, 1616, Nuno Alvares Pereira, who had been appointed in March, 1613, arrived as General; under the exceptional circumstances of the times he had been referred to the Viceroy for his instructions instead of receiving them directly from the King. He was invested with the same authority in military matters as his predecessors had enjoyed; as regards the revenue he was to be guided by the existing regulations so far as they were not in conflict with those issued to the Vedor; and he was directed to see that justice was impartially and efficiently administered in accordance with the rules laid down for the guidance of judicial officers. A proposal was however on foot to
* Haloluwa,

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create a Council to supervise the affairs of Ceylon: when this assembled the chair was to be taken by the Bishop of Cochin, if present, by virtue of his sacred office; but in his absence the General was to preside in preference to the Vedor,
CHAPTER M.
The fiscal affairs of Ceylon had long occupied the attention of the Portuguese King, and in January, 1607 Antao Vaz Fereira was despatched as Vedor da Fazenda and armed with special powers; orders were also sent that he should be provided with an experienced Portuguese officer from Goa as Secretary, but Paulo Carvalho who was nominated for the office, had to be removed in a short time as he could not work in harmony with the Vedor. His first duty was the preparation of a thombo of the villages with details of the revenue due from each, distinguishing those which had been assigned to the service of the temples. All claimants were summoned to produce their muniments of title to be examined and registered, but the initial difficulty was encountered that none of the official records were forthcoming; it was suspected that these were being suppressed by interested parties, but Dom Hieronymo was able from his experience to explain that as a matter of fact all such documents had been
destroyed or burnt in the course of the protracted war; the work
had therefore to be prepared with the assistance of the best evidence which could be obtained. Several villages were found to be held on ancient grants without payment of rent and merely on condition of rendering some personal service; others had been recently assigned to private parties on condition of paying a rent which was to be subsequently fixed, and several were held by Mutiares and Canacapules without any payment at all. This difficulty was settled by fixing a temporary rent pending the completion of the thombo.
A scheme for the distribution of the villages when available was approved by the King; some were to be allowed to the Captains in charge of stations occupied by Portuguese troops for the maintenance of the garrisons, it due consideration being had of the allowances and provisions granted to the latter; the chiefs of the native soldiers who did not have the same allowances were to be treated with greater liberality; other villages were assigned to the Captain-Major, while a few of the best, scattered throughout the country, were to be set apart for the special use of the King, so that the Captain-General might have when required the means of provisioning the troops in any district. The villages
* Mohottiars and kanakkapulles. † Ante, p. 136.

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of Bolategão were reserved for the royal use in view of the importance of the supplies of rice and areca available from them; the right of appointing the Vidane over them was vested in the Viceroy himself, and failing him in the Vedor. These villages had been assigned by Dom Hieronymo, to Dom Manuel de Azavedo for his good services, but the cancellation of this grant was ordered in 1617. Villages were also to be granted to Portuguese engaged in the work of conquest and to native Christians who had displayed exceptional loyalty; the cultivation of the lands was to be left in the hands of the resident villagers; where they were not available native Christians were to be given the preference; and failing these, Christian settlers were to be invited over from St. Thomé. 影
All those to whom villages had been granted were to be compelled to reside within their holdings. The gabada villagest were capable of yielding a considerable revenue, and it was no longer to the interest of the crown that they should be utilized as they had been under the Sinhalese Kings; some were to be rented out, others allotted to parties, and a few reserved for the conduct of the war.
The King was in favour of compelling all those who had services to render in the making of guns, arms, &c., to take up their residence in Colombo and Galle, but on the recommendation of the Viceroy, who pointed out that the holdings of these people were barely sufficient for the maintenance of their families while the men were engaged on their duties, the existing custom was allowed to remain unaltered; they were however ordered not to sell any surplus arms which they made to any but the Portuguese authorities. .
The ancient royal claim to all the elephants in the country was asserted; the Vidanes over the Aliyas engaged in the Hunt and over the Panneas who supplied them with fodder, whose services were indispensable in war, were placed under the command of the General who was instructed to lend them to the Vedor when they were required by the latter for purposes of the Hunt: but the right to appoint the Vidane over the hunters who noosed the animals was reserved to the Vedor. All these Vidanes were to be selected exclusively from the Sinhalese. The sale of the elephants was in future to continue according to the existing custom, the best purchaser being the Naique of Tanjore. Though the people employed in the Hunt were service tenants it was usual to supply them all with food and clothing while actually on duty. These last who numbered about three thousand had each to pay an annual sum, and their headmen had to pay deccuns in proportion to the privileges they enjoyed; all
* Bulatgama, t As aldeias da dispensa Real: villages of the Royal stores or gabadawa : hence the dispense villages of English times.

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these were credited to the royal treasury. Out of the villages set aside from ancient times for the maintenance of this department sufficient were to be reserved for the support of the people engaged in the work, and all the ancient customs were to be continued as under the Sinhalese Kings.
The Palleas and Chalias had scattered among the villages of private individuals preparing cinnamon for them, when their duty was to serve the crown and to pay a certain number of larins a year according to ancient custom; the owners of these villages were to be compelled to release them, and they were to return to the districts allotted to them from ancient times and continue to render their angient services. The monopoly of the cinnamon trade for three years had been sold to Dom Hieronymo when General for twelve thousand pardaos; this proceeding was disapproved of by the King and its repetition forbidden. There was much correspondence regarding the trade in this article, culminating in the instructions given to Manuel Mascarenhas Homem as related above. All the gems collected on the King's account were ordered to be sent to Goa and Cochin for sale; Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira had appointed Francisco Barbosa to be Superintendent and Vidane over their collection, but in the subsequent year the gem-yielding district had risen in revolt and it was not found possible to collect any on the King's account. An attempt was also made to develop the cultivation of pepper by ordering a moiety of all rents due to the crown to be paid in that commodity. The Christians of the Fishery coast, who were subject to the Ouvidor of Mannar, were in 1613 permitted to select their own judges, the Ouvidor being instructed to hold a yearly sessions so as to satisfy himself that justice was being properly administered.
All Mutiares, Canacapules, and heads of Korales and villages were instructed to hold themselves subject to the orders of the Vedor for the preparation of the thombo, except when as was frequently the case their services were required by the General for military and administrative purposes. It was not considered desirable to introduce any innovation in the manner of collecting areca, but the Vedor was specially recommended to attend to the supply of rice. The custom under the Sinhalese Kings was that where a person died leaving no male issue, all his property lapsed to the crown, and one-third in case he left such issue surviving him; this source of revenue was known as Maralla. This custom was discontinued during the administration of Dom Hieronymo, and the rules of succession which had been adopted in Goa in the case of Gentiles were ordered to be followed in Ceylon, as they
* This word also appears as Pareas, and is explained by the Portuguese editor as Panneas, which is improbable. I understand from A. de S. Rajapakse, Mudaliyar, that the Pella Kareyas are the lowest subdivision of the Kurundukare class of the Salagama caste.

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were found to be a great aid to conversion. The appointment of a special officer to inspect the fortifications was authorized, and with a view to prevent the wanton destruction of valuable timber and specially of jak, the construction of vessels exceeding two hundred candies burthen was prohibited, and the Captains and Vidanes were forbidden to engage in any such work while holding office. At the same time a rule was passed that no forest timber was to be felled without a license from the General. The hospital was supported by the Alfandega revenue which was found to be insufficient; considerable suffering was entailed on the patients owing to overcrowding; provision was accordingly ordered to be made for its maintenance from the general revenue till sufficient funds were available for its support from the temple villages; at the same time the Viceroy undertook to provide necessaries, such as medicines, wheat, mattresses, &c., from India. It frequently happened that crihminals to avoid arrest escaped into the country of the infidels, where they led depraved lives to the great danger of their souls; to amend this scandal Galle was in 1610 declared a sanctuary, where no offender could be arrested save for lese majesté, false coining, and the murder of a sheriff or judge; Colombo which had originally been so proclaimed in the time of Andre Furtado de Mendonca now ceased to be such, but the refugees there were given a period within which to withdraw to Galle, -
The system in vogue in regard to the appointment of Vidanes did not meet with the approval of the King. These officers had a considerable share in the administration of justice; in cases of breaches of the peace they were in the habit of imposing a fine varying according to the position of the offender and the gravity of the offence; when any one committed suicide through inability to avenge an affront offered to him by another, the offending party was liable to a fine at the discretion of the Mutiares, and in addition a levy was imposed upon the villages.
* A matter which had given trouble since the earliest times : vide Proclamation of March 13, 1543 ; ante, p. 27.
I understand that the King's granary at Madampe near Pelmadulla was such a sanctuary, For the custom of sanctuary in England and the gross abuses it led to there, vide de Mazzinghi’s “ Sanctuaries.” By the Reforming Act of 32, Henry viii, seven places, viz: Westminster, Manchester, Northampton, Norwich, York, Derby and Launceston, were declared sanctuaries.
: “It was usual when one committed suicide having previously denounced some person as the cause for the Dissave...to exact a fine from the party denounced under the term of Pala (Pali ?) This exaction was prohibited by King Kirti Sri at the building of Gangarama Vihare, as will appear recorded on the rock wherein the endowments to the temple are engraved; but yet the practise was revived and continued in vogue until the change of Government' (D'Oyly).
“In a case of suicide occurring in a village...the sake-ballanda inflicted a fine on the inhabitants' (Davy's Ceylon, p. 180).

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Though this latter custom was viewed with disfavour, it was decided to leave the matter in the hands of the General. The Vidanes had also the control of a large body of service tenants whose labour was diverted towards securing them private profits by the manufacture of arms to be sold outside the Island, to the considerable detriment of the King's revenue. It was not considered desirable to have natives in such offices, as they obtained thereby control over the men of war and were thus enabled to revolt with facility; for instance, Simao Correa had nine of the best Korales, and the only service he had to render was to supply seven hundred Lascarins-a duty for which two Kqrales would have amply sufficed. He had once, like his brother, risen in revolt and joined the enemy. In March, 1611 some soldiers had deserted and escaped to Mannar where they were followed by the Vidane and the Ouvidor and shot down; it was asserted that this was done by Correa's command owing to a grudge he had against one of the soldiers. The King was anxious that he should be sent to Goa with his family as he was considered too dangerous a subject to be allowed to remain in Ceylon any longer; but this order was cancelled on Dom Hieronymo's report of the importance of his services. The King further desired that the Sinhalese Vidanes should be replaced by selected Portuguese appointed for shorter periods on condition of their residing within their districts; Dom Hieronymo however pointed out that the country was not ready for so great a change, as the natives would resent the deprivation of the honours and offices to which they had been accustomed; he promised however to introduce the system gradually in the more settled districts; while steps would be taken to reduce the number of lands they held, the surplus being distributed among the more deserving Lascarins. The Viceroy had specially urged the desirability of releasing the fighting men from subjection to the lords of the villages, and he had recommended that they should be allotted an amunam of field and a garden each and settled where possible in the villages of the Portuguese.
The revenue from the temple villages were estimated at the annual sum of seventy thousand crueados-a sum amply sufficient for the maintenance of the entire Christian establishment in the Island. Several of these villages had been allotted to various bodies by the General without authority, and accordingly the cancellation of these grants was ordered, the income of all such villages being in future credited to the general revenue. A claim was advanced by the Members of the order of St. Francisco to numerous villages which had been granted to them by Dom João Pereapandar for the maintenance of their colleges and seminaries and the support of their catechumens;
* Domingos.

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in spite of the unfavourable attitude of the Vedor the King considered himself bound, as Dom João's heir, to abide by the grant made by the latter. As regards the various religious orders in the country a general rule was laid down that no allowance was to be made to them without the special sanction of the King, and the allowances which were authorized were to be paid from the revenues of the temple villages as soon as they were available. In 1613 the Dominicans were granted for two years the same allowance as had been already given to the Augustinians; an appreciation was placed on record of the services rendered by the Franciscans, whose work had suffered considerably from the disasters of 1603, and they were to be remembered in the distribution of the temple villages. Sixteen villages in the Three Korales belonging to the Gabara had been granted to the Society of Jesus without permission, and in 1615 this grant was ordered to be cancelled, and the Society was assigned the same allowance as the other orders. It was however found that it was already amply provided for in other ways; it held sixty-two villages of the Pagoda of Munigeraot yielding over five hundred pardaos of three larins each; within the limits of the Colombo and other Korales it held Crown villages yielding over four hundred pardaos, all which were devoted to the Society's college in Colombo; these were held on a grant of Dom Hieronymo which the Society refused to produce to the Vedor when called upon to do so. It was also allowed three hundred veraphins for the churches at Kaymel, Chilaw, and Kalpitiya, this sum being paid quarterly at the factory at Colombo. Moreover the two priests stationed at Matiagama, which was the seat of the Dissava of the Seven Korales, held two royal villages yielding two hundred aeraphins.
Greater care was to be taken regarding the instruction of converts, as the laxity which had crept in was leading to evil results; and the allowances of the various religious bodies were to be regularly paid, as their non-payment had led to a suspension of the preaching of the gospel among the infidels.
- . In view of the prejudice created by the presence of Moors in the entry to the service of God and the King, orders were issued in 1615 to forbid their further immigration, I
On October 3, 1584, Dom João Pereapandar had passed an order exempting the Casados of Colombo and their sons being Casados from the payment of all the dues which they had customarily paič to the royal treasury; this exemption had been confirmed by the Count-Admiral when Viceroy in 1597, but the privilege was withdrawn by the King in 1615 in view of the loss
* Gabadawa. v
f- Mu
“မီးဖိုနီနီမံn :: Portuguese territory finally took place in 1626
under Dom Constantinu de P“

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it involved on the treasury and the temptation it held out to perjury, the Casados, however, being ordered to be remembered in the allotment of the villages,
By an order of Dom Hieronymo of January 27, 1607, the ferries of Mutwal at Golegavy, Matacore, Nacolegam, and Betal had been granted to the Camara of Colombo. The revenue derived from them was under two hundred cruzados, and the grant was confirmed by the King in 1615; but when it was attempted to place the Camara in possession a claim was advanced to one of them by a Casado and the matter was referred to court. Before a decision was arrived at, and in spite of the injunction of the Vedor to the contrary, the Camara obtained forcible possession of the ferry. Complaint was thereupon made to the King, but the Camara finally gave up its pretensions, and the matter was amicably settled.
The Camara also claimed under a grant of the same King Dom Joao fifty bahars of cinnamon a year, and it was ordered to produce the documents on which the claim was based; at the same time it showed itself most obstructive in regard to the registering of the lands it claimed in the thombo, refusing to produce any title deeds in spite of repeated summons, without a special order of the King. Much correspondence took place on the subject, and in 1617 peremptory orders had to be sent to compel it into a more conciliatory attitude. It also displayed considerable unscrupulousness in claiming the lands of private individuals, and appeared to regard all waste lands within the city as its property. But it was not without good grounds for complaint; the General and Captains of the city interfered with its legitimate functions and its attempts to improve the condition of the city with the object of gain to themselves, thus inviting the severe reprimand they received from the King in 1616. For years it urged in vain the immediate importance of repairing the fortifications of Colombo; nothing was done though De Menzes had begun a rampart on the seaside to protect a third of the city, the task being carried out by the service tenants without any expense to the King.
In 1616 permission was granted to Antão Vaz Fereira, the Vedor, whose health had given way under the strain of continuous work, to return home for a holiday; he had laboured long and honourably at his difficult post in spite of the obstacles thrown in his way by the highest officers of the King; indeed Dom Hieronymo himself as Viceroy had to be reminded that the King expected him to support his faithful Vedor with all loyalty and to point out to the General that the Vedor took his orders from the Viceroy direct. He had frequently to complain of the delay in the payment of his salary in spite of the emphatic orders
* Galegawa (?), Mattakkuliya, Nakalagam, and Wattala.
O

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of the King on the subject; at the time he quitted office a sum of fourteen thousand veraphins was still due to him. Hardly had he left when an urgent request was sent to him by the King to consent to remain in office for a year longer; but he was too ill to return to the scene of his arduous labours, and with the advice of his council the new Viceroy, the Conde de Redondo, who had succeeded Dom Hieronymo, appointed Lançarote de Seixas in his place. The new Viceroy was specially directed to carry into effect the orders which had been so repeatedly given regarding the fortification of Batticaloa and Trincomalee so as to forestall the Hollanders, the importance of the former arising from the wealth of the surrounding country, as its harbour was of little value, whilst Trincomalee was capacious enough for ships of any draught. The exclusion of the Moors from Ceylon had now become an urgent question as there was no doubt that their presence tended considerably to hamper the work of conquest. And once more the King repeated the instructions issued in 1605:- - v
“ Ceilao is the most important conquest to be achieved in India; when with the help of God you arrive at Goa you are strictly enjoined to exert yourself to reduce the whole of it into submission to me; many years have now elapsed since the task was first taken in hand, and it is well known to you how vast an expenditure my treasury has incurred on this account.'
CHAPTER N.
(This chapter consists of a summary of Antonio Bocarro's “ Decada 13 da Historia da India.”)
In March 1616 Nuno Alvares Pereira succeeded in the Government, and the following month an expedition was despatched to Matale under the command of Manuel Cesar, assisted by Filippe de Oliveira, Dissava of the Seven Corlas, Antonio da Motta of Mature, and Luiz Gomes Pinto of the Four Corlas. They had a successful encounter with the enemy and captured some Araches and Modiliars (who had deserted from our ranks, as is the custom among the Chingalas) as well as several women, children, cattle, and elephants. Balane was at the same time put into better order; a large tank was constructed for the storage of water; the dense forest which surrounded the fort was cleared to the distance of a musket shot, and a drawbridge constructed over the moat. The following August the General himself took the field, assisted by the same three Dissavas and Christovam Alvares de Almeida, Dissava of Sofragão, the total force consisting of five thousand five hundred men. Arciapata was entered by way of the stockades called

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Gravets, and after ravaging the district for fourteen days without encountering any of the enemy, our army retired with much plunder.
A month later Filippe Oliveira was sent into the Two Corlas and Sofragao which had risen in revolt; several villages were found abandoned and were burnt, but the enemy was not to be seen anywhere. The reason was that they were busy with a general rising which had been organised throughout the Island. The ringleader was a certain Nicapety Bandar, a native of Reigao Corla, the son of a pateni or female devotee attached to their pagodas, and a manenar, or grain-measurer of Mandegamas in the same Corla, a servant of Belicola Ralane of the royal caste. As a boy he had been brought up as a servant by one of the Franciscans, and had later married a daughter of Pulo Sing Arache, a native of Badua Potepety.** In 1606 he had gone to Malvana in the service of the Treasurer Domingos da Costa, and after Dom Hieronymo de Azevedo had been appointed Viceroy, he had acted as Ganarai and Vidana of the gallant Captain Simeão de Lemos, who was afterwards shot by the Candians. Later on he was appointed Vidana over the Chalias who carried the palanquin of the General Francisco de Menezes, and had subsequently served in the same capacity under the General Manuel Mascarenhas. At this time he came into contact with one of the Queens of Valgamama from whom he obtained considerable information regarding the relations of the kings of Ceilao. He had abandoned his wife for several
* Pateni represents Pattini Hami, who is strictly a female priest of the goddess Pattini, the Kapuvale being the male priest; the distinction however was not always maintained, men sometimes acting as Pattini Hamis. The female priests had correctly to be virgins, but married wonnen also acted as such in later times, and in 1828 there were married Pattini 1 Hamis at Nawagomuwa, Ratmalana, Devundera, and Tangala, and such are still found in the Morawak Korale. A Kapurale could succeed to a Pattini Hami and vice versa. The word Kapu-Pattini Hami is also found and can be applied to either sex. A great deal of information on the subject is contained in Case No. 43 of the Sitting Magistrate's Court of Pantura, which was decided by the Minor Court of Appeal on 9th July 1829, and in D. C. Kalutara No. 540, decided in appeai on the 11th February 1835.
f The pagoda here referred to is probably the Devale at Horana. | Manen ar represents the Mananna, whose duty it was to measure the crops of the Muttettu fields.
$ Mandeganta is Medegama, | Belicola Rala' i.e. Welikala Ralahami, who was a member of the Sinhalese Royal Family-vide Rajavaliya p. 72. All the villages referred to are centered round the royal village of Bandaragama.
“ Pulo Sing is now represented by the Appuhami family of Puluhinge (Rodrigo) which is found in the neighbourhood of Wadduwa. A.
"Badua Potepety is Wadduwa Potupitiya, two villages within a mile of each other in Parmadure Tota mu ne.
††Ganare is gam-bareya, a word still in use in the Matara District.
{{Walgammulla in Siyane Korale.
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years and for this he was admonished by the clergy, and was sentenced to severe corporal punishment. He had subsequently accompanied an expedition to Jafanapataio, and there he had hatched his plot; he now gave it out that he was that Prince of Ceilao who had been sent to Portugal and had died at Coimbra, who also bore the same name of Nicapety. He accordingly let his hair grow and adopted the skin dress of a fogue, and went to Naraguepore° where he met Calugamala Rala, a mayoyal who had fled from Simao Correia in the Seven Corlas. To him the impostor declared himself in his new character, asserting that grief at the condition of his kingdom had brought him from Portugal to relieve his country, in her trouble. The rumour about him spread throughout the Seven Corlas and all were awaiting him for several months before he showed himself in
ublic. p The invasion of the Two Corlas had now begun, and on the 5th December 1616 the pretender entered Matiagama as King and in eight days the whole of that district had taken up arms in his favour, while two thousand men arrived from Candia to his assistance under the command of the Modiliars Gancara Raches and Corupo, S A Portuguese force was rapidly despatched from Columbo to the support of Manuel Cesar who was at Manicavaré, with urgent orders to nip the revolt in the bud. Our forces encountered the enemy (already increased to six thousand) in a few days at Gandola in the Four Corlas by the river of Laoa. A battle followed on the 18th December; our van was led by Fernao Caldeira, armed merely with a cane so as to encourage our men the more. He was soon slain with several of his followers, for the Chingalas fought with remarkable courage; in the midst of the struggle one thousand of the Lascarins of Luiz Gomes Pinto, Dissava of the Four Corias, a brave and experienced casado of Columbo, began to desert to the enemy. Seeing this a Chingala Dom Constantino by name, a member of the Royal family who was married to a white woman in Columbo, shouted out to the men that if they wanted their native king he was there, for he was seven times royal as they all knew. He was immediately recognised; the deserters wavered and finally raised him in their arms, shouting out that he was their King. The fight raged furiously, but the Portuguese encouraged by their priests made such desperate efforts that they finally compelled the enemy to withdraw to the further bank, though with such heavy loss to ourselves that we were
* Anuradhapura. t Kalugamuwe Rale, suggests Hulugalle Adigar. ! Metiyagame, in Dambedeni Hat Pattu, H. í Kuruppu.
| Gandolaha in Beligal Korale. 11 Alawwa on the Maha Oya.

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unable to pursue them. The next morning we crossed the river,
but the enemy had already disappeared; we encamped here and despatched the wounded to Columbo nine leagues away while the rest waited for reinforcements.
In the meantime Filippe de Oliveira, who was ravaging the Two Corlas and destroying the palm gardens and cultivated lands without encountering any of the enemy, retired by way of Sofragao where he left the Dissava Estevam de Faria, and began to disband his forces while Antonio da Motta started for Maturé. He was halting at a village called that of the Wood-cutters, when at ten o'clock at night a letter arrived from the General at Malvana cqntaining an account of all that had occurred. Without revealing its contents he started at four o'clock the next morning for Manicavaré. On the second day he reached Andocé, in front of Manicavaré, and learnt from a spy that all our huts had been burnt to the ground. That night a native accosted us from a neighbouring hill, and learning who we were began to abuse our Lascarins for joining the Portuguese thieves, forgetting that they were Chingalas, while their King and God, the Eye of the Sun, who had crushed the army of Manicavaré, was only two leagues away. Our men, both black and white, were in consternation on hearing such words within our own dominions, for they thought that the whole island had risen in revolt,
The next morning we started in good order in the direction of the Seven Corlas. On reaching the scene cf the fight at Gandola, we found over a thousand corpses of both nations lying unburied. An ola was also discovered fastened to a tree wherein the enemy proclaimed for general information that all the Portuguese had been killed, that none of them now remained in Ceilio, and that Columbo too had fallen. Our men were panicstricken, while our native troops began to show themselves more cheerful. After a successful skirmish with three hundred of the enemy under the command of a Captain who had deserted from us and had been left in charge of the Four Corlas, we advanced to within half a mile of the river, and halted there. During the night a trusted Lascarin was sent across to reconnoitre, encouraged by the promise of a village and twenty patacas. At seven o'clock the next morning he returned with a letter from Manuel Cesar, which was welcomed by all with unfeigned relief. We hastily crossed the river and were soon met by Manuel Cesar, who had been in a state of great apprehension lest the forces of the enemy which had considerably increased should fall on him in the course of that night; they
* i.e. Porowakareyo: thc village referred to is probably Teppanawa. The other villages of this caste in the Kuruviti Korale are Walavita, Bopetta, and Paligala. There are four subdivisions of the caste-Eknelligoda Dissave.

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were now however glad to withdraw into the forests. A plan of action was soon decided on; Manuel Cesar occupied Manata in the Seven Corlas while Filippe de Oliveira harried the neighbouring villages, taking all the inhabitants prisoners and returning to the camp at night. Three villages were thus destroyed and four hundred prisoners taken. But in the course of the night the eight hundred Lascarins of the Dissava deserted to the enemy taking their arms with them, leaving the two hundred Portuguese by themselves, who were thus compelled to make a hasty retreat to the pagoda of Tanagalet five leagues away, which they proceeded to strengthen with a stockade of varichas. Not a solitary Chingala, great or small, remained behind even to cook their meals for them.
News of all this was immediately sent to the General at Malvana, who hastened to raise a body of two hundred Portuguese and three hundred Lascarins, selling his very household furniture to obtain the necessary money; this force was placed under the command of Dom Miguel de Castro who was ordered to proceed with Manuel Cesar's army to Galalua,S near Negumbo, where they would find the Chingala Dom Constantino, who had superseded de Oliveira as Dissave. The enemy in the meantime advanced with above twenty thousand men to the ford of Nacolegam, half a league from the city, where Nicapety was proclaimed emperor. This latter had become so elated with his success that he had sent to the King of Candia to ask for one of his two queens for his own wife; the reply he received was that his request could be attended to as soon as he had disposed of the Portuguese. This greatly exasperated the pretender while at the same time his two thousand Candian allies returned to their King, which was a source of great satisfaction to us.
By this time the two Portuguese forces had effected a junction with Dom Constantino, and had started on their march against the enemy; they found the road swept and decorated with branches and flowers and tender cocoanuts, as they expected their saviour by that way; information was brought to Nicapety that the Portuguese were advancing on him, but the informant was at once impaled by his order, for he declared that there were no Portuguese left in the world. But in a short time our vanguard arrived in sight, whereupon the enemy hastily retreated to a hill and threw up a stockade. Our Lascarins hesitated, but the Portuguese hurrying up stormed the stockade and after a hand to hand fight compelled Nicapety to withdraw into the forest leaving nine hundred dead; nor did he stop in his flight till he had crossed the river of Laoa and once more stood
* Mawatta in Dambedeni Hat Pattu, H. t Attanagala in Siyane Korale. į Warrichchi ? $ Galoluwa in Alutkuru Korale,

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within the Seven Corlas, Night coming on our soldiers were obliged to encamp without food at the place of battle, which was named Quilela; * the following morning more than five hundred deserters from the enemy joined us and all started in pursuit of the enemy,
Now there was a Chingala named Antonio Barreto, who had served us for many years as a Christian Lascarin but had deserted to the enemy after the Great Retreat of Dom Jeronymo de Azevedo; though of low birth he rose to be the Bicanasingah or Captain-General of the King of Candia, and was given the title of Prince and had been entrusted with the government of the kingdom of Uva. Immediately on the breaking out of the revolt of Nicapety he had advanced with an army and laid siege to Sofragao, where the Dissava Estevam de Faria was in command with a company of Portuguese, sixty in number. After severe fighting thirty-eight of the Portuguese had taken refuge in a church where they continued the struggle for four days longer; but they were finally compelled by want of provisions to surrender on terms, and were sent to Uva and from there to Candia.
The King however had grown so incensed at the overbearing conduct of Nicapety that he determined to make peace with the Portuguese and sent a messenger to our garrison at Balane asking for a Portuguese to accompany his ambassadors to Columbo; unfortunately our people, acting contrary to every law human and Divine and the established custom of all nations, put the messenger to death. The King was enraged at this behaviour and sent two of his prisoners to convey his views to our garrison, whose only reply was a defiance. Thereupon he advanced with ten thousand men of war and several elephants upon our fort. Protecting themselves behind a mass of timber which was carried in front of them, the enemy pushed steadily on in the teeth of the continuous fire of our men. On reaching the foot of our rampart they proceeded to dislodge the stones of which it was built by means of long poles with deerhorns fastefhed at the end; and this they were easily able to effect, for the stones were not secured with mortar. They were greatly assisted in their efforts by a powerful piece of artillery which they had brought with them, and the ceaseless toil of our men was of no avail against the great numbers of the enemy. Six Portuguese soon deserted and the rest, dispirited and disappointed, surrendered on condition of their lives being spared-a condition which was scrupulously observed by the enemy, in spite of our shameful treatment of the King's messenger.
It should be noted that at this time Jafanapataio was a source of considerable pre-occupation to the Viceroy; Changaly, in
* Kaleliya in Hapitigam Korale. ft Wickremesingha.

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whose hands the government of the country was vested, was throughout friendly to the Candian enemy, and he was reported to have entered into an alliance with the Naique and Badagas of the opposite coast, and to have even sent an invitation to the Hollanders. The Viceroy was anxious to lead an expedition against him in person, but the circumstances of the time would not permit of his doing so. The news received from Ceilaio in February 1617 was of such a grave nature that the Council of State unanimously acquiesced in the Viceroy's proposal; but means were not available for preparing the necessary armament, We now resume the thread of our narrative. The day following our victory at Queilela our army advanced up to the river Lubiche, where it spent the night; the next day it returned to the field of battle where it remained two days busily engaged in collecting the spoil, which chiefly consisted of food stuffs and arms, being joined by some of the people of Alicur who had been compelled to take up arms against us. We were now informed that the enemy were in Catugambalat whereupon we started in pursuit and after crossing the Elibiche we halted for the night; here we received information of the capture of Sofragao by Barreto, which affected us greatly, as we were doubtful of the loyalty of our Chingalas. We continued our advance the next day and learnt that the enemy had passed to Talampeti, his chief place of refuge; at the same time we learnt that the inhabitants of Pitigal Corla and the surrounding districts had risen in revolt and were preparing to invade Alicur, whereupon our Captain retired to MacanduréS where he received urgent orders to proceed to the relief of Reigao Corla, where Barreto had penetrated after subduing the two dissavonies, In the meanwhile Antonio da Motta, Dissava of Mature, finding himself deserted by Anas Rale and some of the Araches of Reigao and Salpity Corlas, had retired to the Fort of Gale.
Manuel Cesar advanced through the Apitigao Corla to Hiripity a village of the treacherous bachas who were punished with merciless severity, and after collecting a large body of men left a sufficient force to protect the Alicur and Ina Corlas, and pushed on to Malvana where he found the General with reinforcments which had come from Malaca. Our army encamped at Negão' from where Francisco Barbosa was sent with a small body of men to explore the country as far as Gale, Guadua,
* Elibichchiya Ela in Katugampola Hat Pattu, H. * Katugampola. † Talampitiya in Weudawilli Hat Pattu, H. § Makandura in Katugampola Hat Pattu, H. | Hiripitiya in Siyane Korale. 11 Hina i.e. Siyane Korale. ** Navagormuwa in Hewagam Korale.

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and Paduqua as there was a rumour that Barreto was there, though in fact he was in the Reigao Corla. Next we advanced on this latter district, whereupon Barreto returned to Passidu Corla, while we spent eight or nine days in wandering round the Reigao Corla in vain. Then we returned to Malvana as our men were complaining for want of the pay which they had so well earned. Domingos Carvalho was now appointed Dissava of Mature, and in February 1617 the soldiers received their pay and a force was despatched to the relief of Balane; this body reached Bocalagamat where it captured several prisoners of whom over one hundred were put to the sword at the advice of the Dissava Pinto, as the only means of reducing that district into allegiance. Manuel Cesar next crossed the river and reached Bopetis beyond Matiagama where he captured over two hundred prisoners. The enemy were now posted at Polpety close to Agalatota, H behind strong entrenchments. We advanced to Pilandu and ravaged the Belligal Corla, while the Dissava Luiz Gomes Pinto was despatched in the direction of Ruanela to overrun the whole of Drigabara without sparing anyone. Learning however of the fall of Balane, he returned, and being shortly afterwards joined by Domingos Carvalho he decided to fall on the enemy at Polpety. We advanced through Catugambala Corla, Devamede and Cornagal, killing over one hundred of the enemy and taking nearly six hundred prisoners. The enemy retired to his refuge at Talampety, whereupon we occupied Polpety and destroyed all his fortifications, after which we retired to Balapane in IBcligal Corla. A council was then held as to what was to be the next step; Dom Constantino was despatched with two companies and all his men of the Seven Corlas to
- Alicur, while the rest of the army started in pursuit of Barreto.
The latter advanced as far as the King's Palm Gardenft where information was received that Barreto had attacked Reigao Corla, seized the wives of the Araches who had accom. panied Carvalho as well as Canaca Modiliar who had been left in charge, and was entrenched in a strong position at Jatipaya with six thousand men. It was too late to recall Dom Constantino, and it was accordingly decided to send two companies to Reigao Corla, while the rest of the army returned to Manicavaré, In the meantime Nicapety was strengthening himself at Moratena, SS above Talampety, whereupon Dom Constantino
* Apparently Ukgalle, Waga, and Padukka, in Hewagam Korale, † Pasyodun i, e, Pasdun, In Hapitigam Korale. ş Bopitiya. w |1 Etgalatota in Dambedeniya, H. v. p. 99. * In Beligal Korale, ** Dehigampa1 Korale? 计计Videp.54。 di Yatipauwa in Kuruviti Korale.
Six miles from Kurunegala, H.

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was summoned back from Tamita on his way to Chilao and Madampe, leaving the Araches Gotoma and Dom Manuel with three hundred selected men to carry on his work. Immediately on his arrival the army advanced from Manicavaré to Galbaragama, where it waited to collect men; here we learnt that Gotoma had been defeated and taken prisoner by the enemy at Madampe. This news affected us so seriously that we were obliged to abandon our project of attacking the enemy within his fortifications, The army crossed Catugambala Corla by way of Vinavay, and reaching Chilao threw all the salt which was collected there into the sea, and proceeded through Madampe doing all the damage it could to the crops; ther.ce it proceeded to Macanduré from where all the sick and the prisoners were sent away, after which it made its way again to Catugambala Corla, and thence through Diomede and UrupalaS to Atalispava. The next advance was to Belligal Corla where we encountered the enemy, whom we repulsed with some loss. Thence we proceeded to Galbaragama where we decided to retire to Botale so as to refresh our men. All this occurred from January till the beginning of March 1617.
In April of this year a small force was sent from Goa and landed at Gale the following month. In the same month the King of Jafanapatao died leaving a son of tender years under the guardianship of his brother Changaly; the opportunity was considered very favourable for annexing this kingdom to the crown of Portugal, but in view of the disturbed condition of the rest of the Island, it was not considered desirable to take any action. Changaly was accordingly permitted to continue in power with the title of Governor, and he was directed to send the testament of the late King for the orders of the Viceroy. All this time our army was resting at Botale behind a fortification of timber and clay. During Holy Week the black folk were allowed to return to their houses for five days, while the Portuguese remained in Camp. Luiz Gomes Pinto and Dom Constantino also went to meet the General at Columbo, where there had assembled Domingos Carvalho from Reigão and Francisco Barbosa from Negao. lt was now decided to despatch a force to Sofragao and Mature to oppose Barreto, while Luiz. Gomes Pinto kept Nicapety Bandar in check and protected the Alicur, Ina, and Pitigal Corlas. Nuno Alvares Pereira assumed the command of the first body and reached Sofragao without opposition, and rebuilt the fortifications which Barreto had
* In Autkuru Korale. † Galharagama in Maha Galboda Korale, near Kurunegala, H.
Vidinavaya on the Kurunegala-Chilaw Road, H, $ Walpola, H.
| Hatalispahuwa, H. 1. In Hapitigam Korale.

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destroyed. Domingos Carvalho was sent forward from there in pursuit of the enemy, but it was soon found necessary for Nuno Alvarez Pereira and Dom Constantino to advance to his relief leaving Francisco Barbosa in charge of the fort. Luiz Gomes Pinto was still at Manicavare, having despatched Manuel Cesar from Botale to ravage Anapanduna; Francisco de Aguiar now arrived at Moravita with Dom Francisco Modeliar, but was warned by Pinto to be careful as Nicapety would fall on him; the latter advanced from Moratena, crossed the Four Corlas and unexpectedly attacked de Aguiar who was glad to escape with the loss of his baggage. On the 16th of April the enemy advanced on Safragao defeating a small body of our men on the road at Candangaot and rescuing the prisoners they had with them. Luiz Teixeira was hastily despatched from Alicur where he was stationed, and joining the force at Botale the main body advanced to Manicavare and from there by Ruanela to Sofragao where they found that the enemy had been attacking our fort for a day and a night; they however withdrew on the arrival of this new force, and retired to Urucare, where our men followed and dislodged them, pursuing them till they were hidden near Adam's Peak, being then forced to return for want of provisions. Some of the men of Luiz Gomes Pinto who had been sent to Sofragao returned to Manicavaré by way of Darniagale; thence they proceeded to Viverrangales to punish the people of Bulatgao, and after traversing Andapanduna and Parnacur, they advanced to Atapety and halted at Motapaly a league from Moratena, whither the enemy had retired after their defeat at Urucare; and here we waited for the arrival of Dom Constantino. This latter had pushed on from Sofragao through the Passidu Corla and had arrived with the General at Malvana, while Domingos Carvalho returned to Candangão ready to meet the enemy if he appeared. We waited eight days at Motapaly when Nicapety discovered our plans and early one morning approached our camp with two thousand men; he found our guards withdrawn and some of our people scattered in search of food, and the rest at Mass. Entering under the pretext that they formed the expected contingent under Dom Constantino, they attacked our men within our own camp. The Captain-Major and the Dissavas rushed to the scene of the fight, where they found our men and the more valiant of the enemy in a confused crowd. Two of our Lascarins were killed and
" Morawatta in Dehigampal Korale. ? t Kenda nga mua in Kuruviti Korale.
į Urawela in Meda Koralc ? & Wiragalla in Lower Bulatgama? 1I Attapitiya in Galboda Korale. T Mottappuliya in Kinigoda Korale.

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several wounded, including Drimani* Suria, a brave Arache o ours who was nicknamed “Cafrinho' from his curly hair. The enemy were led by two gallant Moors, but we succeeded in repelling them and driving them out of the camp; the fewness of our numbers prevented us from pursuing them any distance, This incident occurred on the 15th of May.
Two days later Dom Constantino arrived, whereupon we started in pursuit of the enemy who were at Moratena, but who hastily abandoned their fortifications at our approach and retired towards Candia with one thousand five hundred men. Being opposed in an attempt to pass the Garavet he proceeded through Maduréf while a body of light armed troops under Luiz Gomes Pinto was sent in pursuit. Travelling day and night it traversed nine leagues till in the deserts of Anorojapure it fell upon the enemy unexpectedly. Luiz Gomes hurried up at the noise of the fighting, whereupon the enemy abandoned the field leaving six hundred dead. The pursuit was continued into the night and all the women who accompanied the enemy, queens in name alone, were captured. Among the prisoners was a young man of twenty, a grandson of Raju and nephew of Madune who had been at Uva with Barreto and had joined the pretender under the belief that he actually was what he claimed to be. We also captured some Chalias as well as all their arms and insignia of war, but as the movements of the enemy were so rapid further pursuit was useless. After receiving the submission of the Vania, and arranging that he should not permit the enemy to cross his territory without first sending us information, Pinto retired. The Four Corlas soon submitted and were followed by the Seven Corlas; but there was still some unrest in the Petigal Corla, Pinto halted at Vature where he collected all the inhabitants of the Four Corlas and proceeded with them to Malvana to render submission to the General, all with pingos and accompanied by more than two thousand culles of the district laden with rice for Columbo, as the stock there was very low and cost a larim for six or seven
mea SurES,
The King of Candia, Anarass Pandar, was now anxious for peace and sent his ambassadors accompanied by some thirty Portuguese. He offered to enter into a perpetual peace and to become the vassal of His Majesty, paying him yearly four elephants of five covados each, a thousand amunams of areca and two hundred bahars of cinnamon; while His Majesty was to guarantee the kingdom to himself and his three sons. The
* Edrinmanna.
Madure Korale in Kurunegala. Watura in Paranakuru Korale.
س# 亭
i Senarat.

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offer met with general approval, and it was decided to accept it subject to the confirmation of His Majesty, to whom the kingdom belonged by the gift of Dom João, its Prince and natural heir, who went to Portugal, and whom Nicapety Bandar pretended to be. The King further promised to re-erect the fort of Balane at his own expense and to return all the artillery which he had taken from it; and he also agreed to the maintenance of a Portuguese garrison in his kingdom. Diogo de Sousa da Cunha was sent to Candia as our ambassador to continue the negotiations; but the defeat of Nicapety had so encouraged the King that he withdrew most of his terms, and we were finally glad to make peace on his promising to pay a tribute of two elephants a year, though Barreto continued in the occupation of the two dissavonies of Sofragao and Mature, which he kept for himself.
This peace was proclaimed in Columbo on the 17th August 1617. While the negotiations were still in progress, in July Luiz Gomes Pinto, Dissava of the Four Corlas, was despatched in search of Barreto; his intention was to penetrate to Uva but the heavy rains and the swollen rivers checked his advance. The Two Corlas were found deserted and no provisions were to be obtained there, whereupon Pinto retired taking with him the Dissava Francisco Barbosa, who was anxious to recruit men in Columbo, as he found himself helpless in the face of the enemy. While the latter was engaged at Caliture collecting men, news was received from Carvalho, who was at Acumana that his native troops had deserted to Barreto who was threatening to fall on him; it was impossible for him to withdraw and help should be sent within five days at latest, by way of Uruboca and Catuana. Shortly after came the news that Barreto had fallen on a pango of Carvalho's men, whom he had separated under the command of the Captain of the General's guard. Barbosa got together all the men he could and went to the relief of Acumana; at the same time the fortifications of Sofragão were pulled down and the garrison removed to Seitavaca where they encamped on the site of the pagoda. At this crisis Carvalho fell ill and returned to Gale where he had his house, begging the General to relieve him of his command. Antonio da Mota was now appointed Dissava of Mature. He proceeded as far as Gale, but as he could not obtain any troops he returned to Columbo; some men were raised in the Salpety and Reigao Corlas, and with a further one hundred men borrowed from the Dissava Pinto he advanced again with strict orders to join Barbosa and to find and defeat Barreto. Da Mota delayed in
* Apparently the brother of Dona Catherina referred to by de Sa e Menezes — R.A., S. xi 551.
f Halkmana in Kandaboda Pattu of Matara.
į Urubokka and Katuwana in Morawak Korale and Giruwa Pattu respectively.

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Passidum Corla unable to make any progress; but in September information was received from Gale that Barbosa had been attacked by Barreto and many of his men had been wounded, and that assistance was urgently required; it was subsequently learnt that Barreto had attacked the camp one midnight and had killed Amarasinha, the trusted Arache who commanded the Lascarins borrowed from the Dissava Pinto. The latter immediately hastened with the men who remained with him to his own district of the Four Corlas, for the movements of Barreto were so rapid that one did not know where to expect him. Antonio da Mota advanced to the relief of Barbosa, whereupon Barreto fell on Berbelim and killed the Moor Modeliar and all his kinsmen.
Nicapety Bandar after his defeat had been wandering round
the districts of Jafanapatao and Cotiar till the present month
of September; then he suddenly appeared in Cornagal Corla with five hundred men and fell on Pero de Azevedo and a kinsman of his, who were travelling through the district with the Motiares collecting the decus;f both were slain and the enemy thereupon pushed forward. Luiz Teixeira the Dissava of the Seven Corlas immediately advised the General and the Dissava Pinto of what had occurred; the latter was too ill to take the field and he sent back word that the enemy should be pursued without delay and prevented from obtaining any hold on the district. Nicapety Bandar was despatching missives throughout the country stating that he was come in company with Madune and summoning all the people to his standard; the people however refused to have anything to do with him and threatened to oppose his advance. He hesitated, whereupon Teixeira hastened with one hundred Portuguese and all the men of his Dissavony and followed in pursuit, till he quitted our territories on the 4th October 1617.
CHAPTER O.
From de Sá e Menezes, (R. A. S. Journal Vol. xi.) and Faria y Sousa.
ln September 1619 Dom Constantino de Sá succeeded Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira as Governor of Ceilao. He found that the peace had borne its inevitable fruit and our army had degenerated into a lawless rabble of six hundred men, a terror to the peaceful citizens, who were compelled to have recourse to arms in self-defence. His first act was to summon a council
* Beruwala. Deku m.

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of the veterans at Manicravaré to take steps for its reorganisation; Philip de Oliveyra was appointed Captain-Major with the approval of all; Manicravaré was converted into a school of arms; secret emissaries were despatched on every side to watch the native Princes; the carines and pachas were organised into a militia and placed under trusty Modeliares; the forts were strengthened, and everything was prepared for the commencement of hostilities which could not be long deferred.
The rebels were again in arms, led by Cangarache and Barreto. Madune had established himself strongly in the Two Corlas with the men of the Eleventh Corla. Another council was summoned by the General where it was resolved to rebuild Sofragan, de eliveira being entrusted with the work, while Luis Cabral de Faria and Dom Constantino guarded the passes. The fortress was soon completed, whereupon the General started in search of Madune; the latter entrenched himself in the neighbourhood of Adam's Peak in a strong position, but as the General steadily advanced, he abandoned the place and escaped with all his baggage. Small-pox now broke out in our army, and the General began to retire; on the road the enemy fell on hims but was completely routed by Luis Teixeira, Cangarache and eight other principal chiefs being among the prisoners; the former was shortly afterwards beheaded at Sofragan as a rebel. Madune retired within the Two Corlas, while Barreto hid himself among the mountains; there he was discovered ill in bed by some of our men, and was killed with all the members of his family, his head being brought to the General for the price which had been set on it. I
The General was now in Columbo where he received information that a Malabar fleet was on its way to the assistance of Changali of Jafanapatam; de Oliveira was thereupon recalled from Sofragan and despatched with orders to bring this turbulent ruler to his senses; Dom. Constantino was at the same time despatched against Madune who again escaped to the mountains, whilst his chief Captain was defeated by the General in person in the Seven Corlas. The whole province was ravaged and Madune in despair retired through the mountains of the Bedas and crossed to the opposite coast.
A new fort was now constructed in the Two Corlas and the foundation of another laid at Gale, Soon after news was
* Carias v. p. 144.
f Always called by this writer Dom Constantino Barreto; probably a grandson of the '' Grcat Chamberlain.'-v. p. 27.
At Meddegama Nuwara.
& At Lellopitya.
At Gilimale?
A Portuguese mural tablet, now let into the wall of the Maha Saman Dewale at Sabaragamuwa, commemorates the death of Barretto, who is known among the Sinhalese as Kuruwita Bandara.

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received that some heretics from Denmark were building a fort on the Bay of Cotiar; whereupon the General rapidly advanced and compelled them to sail away with the loss of two ships. In Jafanapatam Changali had usurped the royal power and put out the eyes of the lawful King, the son of Para Raja Cheygra Pandar who had been placed on the throne by Andre Furtado de Mendoga; assisted by the neighbouring Princes from India he defied the Portuguese, but was soon defeated and captured by de Oliveira, and was condemned to death at Goa, The blind King was also captured and died in prison, after being baptized under the name of Dom Constantino, while his two daughters escaped to the Naique of Tanjaor, and were subsequently married to the Princes of Candia and Uva. Changali's wife retired into a nunnery, assuming the name of Margaret of Austria, and de Oliveira was appointed Governor of Jafanapatao. In a short time the country was again in revolt under the leadership of Dom Luiz Araachche, who set up a Prince at Remancor and declared war on the Portuguese; though hard pressed de Oliveira was able to hold his own till assistance arrived from Columbo: whereupon he took the offensive and proceeded to suppress the movement with great barbarity. Dom Luiz's wife and children and the Prince himself were soon taken prisoners, and though the Naique of Tanjaor, with whom the Princesses of Jaffnapatan had sought refuge, sent a force to assist the rebels, his men were totally defeated and the rebellion crushed. The General now devoted himself to reorganising the finances of the country; but in 1622, with the change of Viceroys he was removed from office to make room for Jorge de Alboquerque the new Viceroy's son. This latter's government was so cautious that Madune was encouraged to take the field again; a plot was hatching among our men, headed by Naidappu Modeliar (also known as Manuel Homem Mascarenas), who kept up a treasonable correspondence with him; this was discovered and the Modeliar sent under arrest to Goa to stand his trial, but died on the way.
In 1623 Dom Francisco de Gama, Conde de Vidigueira and Admiral of the Seas, arrived as Viceroy for the second time and Dom Jorge was immediately replaced in Ceilao by Dom
Constantino de Sá. The following year he built the fort of Triquilimale, arming it with guns from one of the Danish
ships which had been wrecked there. He now devoted himself to improving the internal administration of the country, paying special attention to the dissemination of the Catholic Faith; numerous convents and monasteries of the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians and Jesuits were erected throughout the country. The Zingalas were advanced to positions of the highest responsibility, and villages were conferred on them for life. In 1625 another fort was erected in the island of Cardiva,

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so as to command the approach to Jafanapatan; the fortifications of Columbo were at the same time strengthened; the following year the Moors were expelled from the Portuguese possessions, the refugees being welcomed by the King of Candia, who placed fourthousand of them as a garrison at Batecalou. The opposition of the Vedor da Fazenda Ambrosio de Freitas culminated in the latter's temporary resignation from office, his duties being assigned to the General himself. In 1627 Manicravaré was rebuilt and a fort erected at Batecalou; the question of a fresh war with Candia was fully discussed with the Viceroy, but the Count-Admiral hesitated to give a definite order, The same year the brave Felipe de Oliveira, renowned as the destroyer of over five hundred pagodats, died of illness, and hostilities were commenced by the Candian King, which were speedily repelled. The war was continued in 1628 and 1629 with great fury on both sides in spite of the terrible hardships the Portuguese had to undergo chiefly through the inclemency of the weather, and at last the King was obliged to sue for peace,
CHAPTBR P.
The Kostantinu Hatané.
(A contemporary Sinhalese record of the events of 1619-1620.)
1. In perfect love I worship the Father, Son, and Spirit-the
Triune God, who changeth not;
2. And the Lord Jesus Christ, gentle and good, who hath
given his sacred feet as the crown of created man,
3. Sprung from the womb of Maria the Virgin, a dazzling flame
from some crystal rare.
4. In the land of Portugal, the frontal gem on the brow of the
naiden, HEarth, in the midst of lordly wealth,
5. Was born the General Kustantinu de Sa, as untainted in
his birth as milk contained in a white conch ;
6. And the story of his landing in Sri Lanka with his mighty train, and the warlike deeds he wrought, are an ocean from which I take one drop as the subject of my song.
7. In ages past there was born from Brahma to this world the race of Vaivasvata Manu; and the central jewel of the crown of that race, 8. The Great King Raja Sinha, who had reduced Lanka under one canopy, had run his royal course and set forth for the city of the gods;

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“To thy firm heart Meru itself is but an ant hill: the vast Ocean but a shallow pond: Dambadiva a garden round thy house. “Thou art the stout rampart to protect our host,
For there is none else but thee meet to lead our men and
win back Lanka.' : Thus they pleased him with gifts and bade him prepare to
start for the war; And there was fitted out for him with masts and sails a brave
ship which had been through many a fight, With many an one skilled in the use of arms, mighty as
lions, and many a Captain stout enured to war, With plentiful store of long muskets and guns, powder an
shot, lances and spears and other arms, With treasure of silver and gold, rare cloth, and salt and
water and fuel.
The roar of ten thousand guns was as the flood which destroys the world; and the blast of martial music clave the heavens As Kustantinu de Sa worshipped his God in humility, And sword in hand like a very Asura he went on board his
ship, Steering their course by the stars in the vault of heaven
they spread their sails for Lanka; And by his great merit and the command of the Lord Jesus, they made their way without peril past the islands, And the ship like a Gurula carrying its Naga prey with
wings outspread reached the harbour of Columbo.
As when the fat fields are parched with drought and the
loud-roaring rain cloud bursts,
Or to the dying man some gifted healer comes with rare
drugs from the gods themselves,
Thus he arrived among the people who were scattered through fear of the foe, bringing joy to the hearts of men,
Proceeding to Columbo and assembling the chief residents he made inquiry regarding the state of affairs in Lanka: Thence he proceeded to Malvana where the four Chiefs of the Dissaves appeared before him with their hosts: Whence he made his way with a powerful force to Menik
kadawara, Which he strongly fortified and distributed pay among the Portuguese troops and won the favour of his Captains; And there he collected the host of Mayadun Korale and of the Four Korales whom he greeted with kindly words,

7.
72. 73,
74.
75.
76,
77.
78.
79.
80,
8,
82,
83.
84.
85.
86,
87.
88.
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And with this force he returned to Malvana, like a moon
encircled with stars. There our great lord, Kustantinu de Sa, Seated in the midst of his brave army like Sakraya in his
glory, on a throne shaded with a sesath, Smiled upon his men with his face beautiful as the moon, while the opening lotus-buds garlanded his mouth; And darting the light of his eyes upon them, like bees on the full-bloom flowers, he brandished his dazzling blade, and addressed them thus: “One may not stroke the elephant's head when in his rage; grasshoppers never yet have quenched the raging fire; “ Let the Prince Mayadunne and Anthony Barretto, in their ignorance of our might, disturb the land from the Wanni side; “For l shall crush them with a heavy hand and place this Lanka beneath one canopy, encircling with my garland of fame the corners of the earth. “ Were such my aim I dare to cross the sevenfold Ocean and through the mountain folds scale Meru itself and seize the city of the gods. "With my victorious blade in my hand I plunge into the inidst of war to make the field of battle as a red sea with the blood of slaughtered kings. 'Fearless and victorious, like Vishnu himself, shall I bea
myself before you in the fight." Thus was his threatening boast, this lion king, and thus
they started for war.
With shimmering doublet and vest wrought of silk of priceless worth, bedecked with jewelled ornaments, lustrous with the nine gems like to a Prince of the gods, With clasped hands he made obeisance and worshipped at the sacred feet of Jesus Christ, the Maker and Loving l'otector of all men and of Heaven and of Earth. And he listened to the wise and learned Padres as they preached what obtaineth blessings in the two worlds, and pleased the hearts of men as when the moonlight falls on the broad surface of the ocean. Then with a golden band he girt on his golden sword, a very Naga King with its dazzling, quivering tongue, eager to suck up the life-breath of hostile Lords; And on the other side his keen dagger, destined to deal
death to those who knew not the might of our King; In his right hand he took a golden staff, meet weapon as of
Sakraya to rend the mountain tops;

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The parasol which baffled the Sun and circling shield held over him were as two full moons, shining both at once to illumine the corners of the Earth;
And so he stept within his stately palanquin, dazzling with the nine kinds of gems and its fittings of gold, and wrought with many a skilled device of ivory amidst rows of pearls and q tuivering chamaras.
The blast of music was as the never-ceasing voice of the seven Oceans, while the roar of cannon deafened the Earth like the thunder at the destruction of this Age,
As dára, sako, sinmam, and kombu, vira, kulal, kdihal and horané, with the resounding turampétu blared forth at OCC
Many a stout Captain hurried forth, skilled in the use of arms and eager to renew the taste of victory, terrible as raging elephants.
An endless stream of stately warriors crowded in front and rear, mounted on their horses and elephants, with their swords and their bows and their guns.
And an endless stream of palanquins with Mahatmeyo yearning to vanquish the foe and clasp victory to their side.
With the dazzling blades in their hands flashing like a thousand suns the great Mantris were arrayed on either hand, and thus they started a very host from heaven.
And like some divine minister attending on Sakraya to the Asura war there hurried through the throng the Basnaike Mantri, Samaradiwakara.* *
For many a nation-Kalinga, Telinga, Kannadi, and Urumusi; Kawisi, Kabisi, Arabi and Isbasi; Jawa, Konkona, Chine and Parasi-was there raising its war-cries, arms in hand.
As our lord started from Malwana with his ministers, like
all Ocean WaWe.
Admiring pleasant Mapitigama with its happy homes and fruitful gardens. its oveitas rich with golden grain, where groups of lovely women stand in wonder round Beauteous as moving vines of gold, through the boundless wilderness of cocoanut they pass filled with delight at the beauty of the two banks, Through the ford of Kanamwelle with its sands gleaming
like a circlet of pearls, Across Kaluvakgala and Kosgama.
The banners and parasols veil the vault of heaven and protect all from the scorching sun as they enter the forest at Bope,
" Alagiavanna Mukevetti has dedicated one of his poems to him.

105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
10.
111.
112.
3.
117.
118.
119.
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Thick with tamarind and ebony, samadara, para, hora, bulu, mora, the bijupura, madara, inihiriya and andare, siduwara and debara ; Where the flame of yellow flowers burst forth as through the smoke, kasa mal and Niyagala, with Girinil breaking like peacock plumes above. Here are the raging elephants from whose clashing tusks the sparks do fly, while the little ones with their dams gambol in the streams; The wild boars crash through the forest tearing up the roots, their bodies coated thick in the slime of many a deep. pit by the water pools.
Cool breezes from a thousand streams delight our lord as
he sits on his throne above the mountain crest; and thence he proceeds on his way. There stand the sweet-voiced women with faces gentle as the moon, their waists slim as is the bow of Anangaya, as we traverse Puwakpitiya, To where Queen Sita, a mother loved of all, had made her sojourn : where in after times King Raja Sinha had built his city Sitavaca.
There on the bank of the Great River he stood with his martial train and gazed in delight like Sakraya on the n:rgent of heaven, Lovely damsels are sporting in the stream amidst the youths, decked in their cloths of red with their pitchers in their hands; wreaths of flowers entwine their knotted hair and the wine cup is at their lips. With glorious faces they leap and sport in the water
as the lightning plays in the vault of heaven. Their heauty puts the nymphs to shame as with joyous peals they plunge into the stream: and their charms displayed send many a heart a-flutter; And as they floated on their backs 'twere as if the circling bees, their brows, clustered round the blue lotus of their eyes, or those white lilies their faces, amidst the gracious swans their swelling breasts, on the clear surface of the river. And as they splashed the water one at the other, the hea
of many a youth beat fast, While their faces shone amidst the sparkling spray as the
full moon in her halo. A lovely maiden steps into the stream and with clasped hands raises the water to her face; and as she sees her eyes reflected there "Lo, a fish' she cries and dashes it away. Thus they glide like chariots all of gold, with their breasts
like swans upon some sapphire stream.

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135. 136.
137.
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One raises a jewelled pitcher aloft and as she sports it slips her hand and in haste she hugs her breasts thinking she has caught the erring thing.
With her lotus face and lily eyes smiling in the opening bud, the maiden river glances up to behold our lord, A nymph with waves for brows shimmering in the spray,
and with her rushy hair. Lovely as the maids of heaven and delighting the hearts
of the looker on they sport, And as they ceased their play And the Sun sank in splendour in the West, our lord arose
and entered the royal house; And after worshipping his God in all humility and feasting on food like what the Immortals eat, he retired to rest for the night in his chamber beautifully bedecked. •
And as, at early dawn the Sun arose in the East dispelling the thick darkness and in every pool the water-lilies opened to the light, our lord and his host awoke And worshipped the Triune God who protects all creation
in love. Thus after thirteen days at the city With his stout Parangis and the countless hosts of Lanka
our lord started forth from Sitapura, Through many a stream and rivulet of pleasant water where the rich fruit clustered on the trees in never-ending gardens, through many a fertile field ripe with grains amidst the teeming hamlets on either side. And the road was swept before him as he went and the people crowded round with plantains and cocoanuts and the long sugarcane, ripe mangoes and jak; Thus he advanced glorious as Anangaya before the fire of the god marred his beauty; and as the village dames clustered to gaze upon him, “Yea, Godesses' you would exclaim, for their eyelids quivered not.
And so he arrived at Teppanawa where he rested, intent on crushing the might of the foe and stablishing his fame till the end of time; But by earliest dawn he was afoot again Making his way to the strong fort of Saparapura on the banks of that lovely stream, the Kaluganga, which meandered as a sapphire chain over the shoulders of the maiden Lanka. And a mighty fort that was, so strong that none but a swallow fleeting through the heavens could enter therein. Advancing thence

21 7
138. With heart intent on winning renown from the foe,
he halted at Nivitigala; " v, 139. Whence he started as the sun rose over the mountain tops,
and the little birds went forth to search for food. 140. And as he sank again in the West while the bees laboured
from flower to flower, he reached Madawalagama . where he rested for the night. 141. And as the light of dawn scattered the darkness of the night
and every water-lily opened to the day, our lord awoke. 142. And journeyed on to Konpitiyagama. 143. The next morning our troops went forth to meet the foe, returning. victorious with many a head, and on the second day he started again 144. Reaching beautiful Sanwana in the evening, 145. And the next day as the moon appeared in the East and the stars shone forth one by one, he arrived at Pollambure. I46. Whence he advanced to Balangoda.
147. The reddening glare of morn shining in the sky was an evil omen to the foe warning them that their city would soon be a prey to fire.
148. For with the roar of a thousand cannon and the deafening plast of music he advanced on Meddegama Nuwara with his victorious host.
149. And as the command of Iswara hurled the flame on Anangaya, so at our lord's behest the city wasset om fire.
150. "And alas the lofty sleeping chamber of the King with its stately beds fell in cinders like a funeral pyre;
" Bernicr's description of the hunting camp of the Great Mogul is helpful itu underst: inding the arrangements of Mayadunne’s City. “ The first and largest tent erected in the royal camp is named am-kas being the placc where the King and all the nobility keep the nokam, that is where they assemble at nine o'clock in the morning for the purpose of deliberating on affairs of state and of administering justice. (This corresponds to thc Mag ul Alla duwa)....... The second tent is called the goslé-kané or the place of bathing (Uniupenge P), it is here that all the nobility meet ev. evening to pay their obeisance to the King...... Still deeper in the sire is the third tent called kaluet kané, the retired spot, or the place of the privy council (Rahas-ge?). To this tent none but the principal ministers of the state have access, Advancing beyond the kaluet kané you come to the King's private tent...... Adjoining the royal tents are those of the Begums or l’rincesses...... (The inside of the tents) is lined with beautiful hand-paint cu clintz, manufactured for the purpose at Masulipatam, the ornamentation of which is set off by rich figured satin of various colours or embroiderics of silk, silver, and gold. Outside are numerous tents, for thc instruments of music, for the royal guard, the King's arms, his clothes; onc for fruits, another for sweetmeats, a third for the Ganges water, and a fourth for the betel; about fifteen for the royal kitchen; there are separate tents for horses, elephants, dogs, oxen, &c., as well as numerous bazars.

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167.
68.
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Why recount how the Balibat Kuidam, as beautiful as some
hall in heaven, was consumed by the flames : Or how the fierce element seized the Chitrakatta hall, so glorious with its painted walls, while the aspiring flames reached the very seat of Brahma. And the Mandapes and balconies and the stout Kunda
Saila of many stories, they must be built again. For the great Magul Maduva where he gave audience, as
stately as some Hall of Sakraya, was all in ashes, With the kitchens and dining halls, the Homage and Unu
penge with the Rahas-ge; Ah, woeful sight, the very Queens had no abode to rest
in, for the destruction was complete. And a like fate befell Barretto's stately home with its
beautiful awnings above and the curtains around, While all the stables of horses and of elephants, the proud portals, the stores of goods and the metal workers' forges, the seats of learning and the lofty temples of the gods, and all the shops were soon a thing of yesterday. And the four vidiyas with their teeming houses were not
spared by the flames. And as the fumes of frankincense rose above to heaven Iswara leaped in dance, thinking them the clouds of eve.
And now the enemy in their terror scatter in flight like timid deer before a horde of tigers, and thus they address their lord in prayer. “ Prince, why didst thou leave the Soli land and come to Lanka at the bidding of the crafty Kuruvita Mantri, an evil man who had dealt so ill with the kindly King of the mountain realm ? “For be sure a like fate awaits thee as befell King Senerat shouldst thou give ear any more to the words of the cunning Barretto; for in him no virtue may be found. “Remember how base was the ingratitude with which he repaid King Senerat; and such is thy steadfast destiny. “'Tis a wise and ancient word that the counsel of the wicked is the destruction of many a man; yea in prophetic mood I see afar the sorrow that aits thee shouldst hearken to Barretto's voice. “ Thou didst give ear to the evil words of Anthony Barretto and disaster is thy lot; for the glory of Kings is in righteousness; wilt thou give heed again to the wicked ones? “If thus he dealt with the gracious Senerat, doest thou
hope to escape thy certain doom? “Thou hast acted on the Kuruvita Mantri’s wily words; findest thou their fruit to thy relish, Oh Prince of the Race of the Sun ?'

169,
170,
171,
172.
173.
174.
75.
176,
177,
178.
179.
180.
18.
182.
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And so the city was consumed in flames and our lord moved with his army to Imbulpaya, from where a force was despatched to Uva, while he started on his journey home. And on the road the gallant Captain-Major, Philippu de Oliveira and the far-famed Lewis Tissera Senapati with a chosen band and their stout officers Lay in ambush at Lellopitiya while our General went on
his way: For Prince Mayadunne and the crafty Anthony Barretto
Mantri sent their Mudaliyars, thirty-two in all with · their men to fall on them on the rear. Like a shoal of fish within the Maha-del's wiles, or a host of grasshoppers flying upon the fire they advanced clamorous of war, when like stout Rakusas, The cannon bursting on them in thunder amidst the terrific peals of music, our host sprang on them from ambush shouting their war-cries, the sunlight flashing from their blades.
Like raging elephants amidst a plantain grove or a herd of lions let loose on elephants, or like snakes sucking in the life-breath of the foe, or as Gurulas amongst creeping Nagas, Laying about them on every side and piling up their heads like cocoanuts, slicing off their arms and legs, noses and cars, each striking down five and ten, With all the might of Rama in the Ravenna war or of the triumphant Kande Kumaraya, they seized and punished the foe.
Unnumbered heads lay scattered through the field; and the Rakshas and Yakshas, Bhutayo and Pisachayo, with all the vultures and hawks and jackals and dogs, bloated to their full with human flesh, gambolled o’er the plain.
Elenaike Wijeyratne, Wirappuli, Senarat, and many another high-titled chief were there all seized alive; for nône cscaped, Yea, those teeth of the wicked Anthony Barretto, rebel against God and his King of Portugal, were there dashed out, thirty-two in all : and well were his two cheeks slapped: for none of his thirty-two chiefs found chance of escape. And two by two they were led in triumph by the rejoicing host before the General Kustantinu de Sa e Noronha. Who in joy showered on his men the freshening shower of
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183. Allotting them lands and villages according to their merits,
fastening on their brows the honoured band of rank.
184. And thus did the gallant Philippu de Oliveira
185. And stout Lewis Tissera with their men.
186. Then like Sakraya returning victorious from the Asura war, 187. Our great General set out in triumph for Malvana.
188. May the Lord Jesus Christ protect all men. l89. And his Mother full of love, Mother of the three worlds. 190. May they cherish Kustantinu de Sa in all prosperity ! 191. May long life await the King! May his foee be confounded
May prosperity await us all V,
CHAPTER I.
THE REAsoNs WHICH LED To THB CoM MENcEMENT oF THE WAR.
We have already shown at length and to the best of our ability what Ceilao is, its products, the rites, laws and customs of its people, and everything else which we have seen, experienced and observed during the eighteen years of our stay there. It will therefore be reasonable to set out the motives which led to the breaking of the peace which was existing with the King of Candia and the progress of that war at the end of which we were driven out of the best parcel of land which the Creator has placed in this world; and therefore we shall go back to the stage at which we left our narrative in the eighth chapter of the first book so as to trace our history with greater clearness.
We left Henar Pandar who had been a changata at Adam's Peak occupying the throne of Candia and married to the Queen Dona Catherina, a tributary to His Majesty as already reported; this continued for some years until Constantino de Sá e Noronha was re-appointed to the office of Captain-General, a position which he had occupied before; during his administration war was begun again and we shall

1623
(24
1627
1628
22
give an account of the same and its results, as well as of the career of this brave Captain, with all the brevity possible.
On his arrival in the Island in 1623 he was warmly welcomed by all because of the reputation which he had acquired when he was here before. His first action was to go in person to build the fortress of Trequimalé; this was greatly resented by the King of Candia owing to the hindrance which it offered to the commerce of the whole of his kingdom at the port of Cotiar; but as he did not have sufficient forces to begin a war he veiled his resentment for the time. When the CaptainGeneral saw how greatly we would benefit by the establishment of another fort in the harbour of Batecalou, he went with a sufficient body of troops to carry out his design; as soon as the work was begun the King was alarmed as he saw that we had deprived him of the harbours of which he was the recognized lord, and he got together his people to prevent the work; but though he made his preparations he yet hesitated to attack us. The CaptainGeneral having entirely finished the fortification and placed a garrison there withdrew to Malvana; but the King in his rage determined to make war on us and made some inroads into our territory. The Captain-General with great rapidity started to meet him, but when the King learnt of his advance he retired to Candia without waiting for him. The General tranquilized those districts and as he saw that it was the King who had begun the war and that he was very overbearing and arrogant, with the object of curbing his pride he started with five hundred fortuguese soldiers and the black people of our territory, all well armed and delighted that war was begun. He pushed on into the King's own country where he was opposed by the King's Dissavas, who were however defeated in several engagements, and as the King had no other remedy

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he withdrew to Uva, his most inaccessible district and the remotest from our territory. The General ordered the capital, which was deserted, as well as the Palace itself to be set on fire, and after killing the cattle and committing other acts of hostility which war permits, he selected a few Captains and some lightly armed soldiers and leaving the larger portion of his force to plunder the kingdom, with these few he boldly entered Uva, destroying everything with fire and sword, and sought the King who declined to meet him. After achieving this he fell back on the main army and they all retired to Manicavaré without loss and victorious. The same thing happened the following year, viz., 1629, when he entered Candia and set the city on fire while the King with his men withdrew to an inaccessible mountain called the Rock; but while our army was laying waste the whole of that kingdom the General was advised that the King had sent five thousand chosen men to Jafanapatao under the command of a Modeliar of his Atapata, the Captain of his personal guard, as he knew that that kingdom and fortress were feebly garrisoned and that Felippe de Oliveira, who had brought it under the dominion of the Portuguese, was dead. One could write many volumes regarding this Captain who was no less courageous and no less modest than a Christian; indeed it was said of him that he never mentioned his parents and at his registration he gave the grass as his ancestors, a characteristic so different from what is usual among this people where everyone claims to be descended from the stars.
The King had attempted to create a diversion so as to prevent our disturbing him at Candia this year;
but he succeeded in neither object, since he could
neither prevent his city being burnt nor the fortress relieved. When the General received notice at
*Penedo.

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Candia he selected four companies and three thousand Lascarins under the command of a brave and experienced Captain called Foao de Pina; three other companies and the same number of Lascarins were placed under a second Captain called Luiz Teixeira de Carvalho who on account of his small size was known as Carvalhinho. These two were despatched with orders to march as rapidly as possible by separate routes, and to effect a junction on an appointed day close to Jafanapatao, and this manoeuvre was executed with all the care which he had recommended, while the General with the rest of the army retired to Manicavaré without the enemy disturbing them. The reliefs met at the spot and on the day appointed and without any delay fell on the enemy who were besieging the place; nor did he fail to offer a fierce resistance in which we lost some of our brave blacks, but he was finally routed and we cut off the heads of more than three thousand. Those who escaped retired as best they could leaving the fortress free and seven thousand prisoners in our hands. These were natives of our territory who had rendered either obedience or assistance to the enemy and as they were subjects of this Crown it was not possible to keep them as slaves, but they were distributed among the officers and soldiers and had to purchase their liberty at a small price, a custom which was then introduced, for in this campaign they had no other plunder. There vivere however cases where the same degree of kindness was not shown them, for some were impaled and others hacked open with an axe.
In a few days our victorious troops returned to Manicavaré by way of the Seven Corlas, for the main army was stationed here. The General passed on to Malvana, where the King earnestly begged for peace on any conditions we desired. The General was not unwilling to agree to this, both because of the conditions that were offered and also

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as the soldiers were worn out by two years of continuous marching and exertion during which he had lost some of his men in battle and a large
number had been killed by disease; further he had
but little money and both men and money are essential in the conduct of war. But at this time there came an order from the Viceroy the Conde de Linhares in which he gave him definite instructions to reduce this kingdom once and for all, at the same time accusing him of a certain degree of negligence. The Conde was influenced in doing this by some people who were ill-disposed towards the General; for there is no man who can escape envy and the greater the services of a man, the more they appear to be the medium with which to purchase this poison. And here we should note that this very matter had already been discussed several times in the Council of State in the time of the Count-Admiral, and that the General had expressed his mature opinion on the subject as one well versed in the affairs of the Island and of the disposition of the natives; and it had been resolved that it was to the advantage of His Majesty that this King should be driven out of the Island, but that to achieve this object they lacked both men and money; for our usual garrison of six hundred Portuguese was only sufficient' for guarding the fortresses, while the invasion and conquest of the two kingdoms of Candia and Uva with a race of people so warlike and with territories so inaccessible, could not be effected without the re-inforcements that were asked for. But none of this carried weight and the Viceroy was persuaded to make his order without accompanying it with what was necessary.
Immediately these instructions were received the Captain-General gave up all thought of peace and prepared to carry them into effect the following year of 1630. Some members of the religious bodies and Captains of experience advised him

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not to undertake this expedition since his men were few and he was well aware of the trouble he had encountered in his previous attempts when he had far greater numbers while these kingdoms still had the same forces; for in spite of the fact that we had killed a large number of men, they still had an abundance and at the same time they ventured on a fight only when it suited their plans, and when it did not they changed from one hill to another, a fact of which we had experience; and it was this which made their conquest the harder. To all this the Captain-General replied that he was quite aware this undertaking would cost him his life; he only regretted the ruin of the fortresses and of the Island which belonged to the King his Lord; he had received his orders and had no other alternative but to obey, since he had already offered his opinion on thc subject and that opinion had not been accepted. There were serving in our armies four Modeliars," natives and all Christians born in Columbo, members of the noblest families in the Island and related to thc chief l’ortuguese settlers, all men of wealth who had received high distinctions, to whom the General 'endered great respect and kept them by his side and in many matters followed their advice. They were in command of the men-at-arms of our territory and they were named Dom Aleixo, Dom Cosme, l Don l Balthezar, and Dom Theodozio. Though they were tinder such a debt of gratitude to the General and though as we have said they had been brought up among us, yet they plotted with the King of Candia in such a manner that they were the cause of our total ruin, as we shall see; for in the end the blacks are all our enemies.
* vide Ch. Q, v, 127, o

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CHAPTER II.
THE EXPEDITION AND THE TREACHERY of THE MoDELIARs BY ' WHIcH THE GENERAL CONSTANTINO DE SA AND ALL HIs ARMY WBRE DBsrRoYED.
With the preliminaries which we have described the eldest Prince of Candia, named Raja Cinga, invaded our territory so as to rouse the CaptainGeneral in accordance with the arrangement made with the Modeliars; after ravaging twớ of our provinces in which he behaved very ferociously, he retired to Uva and entered his capital and immediately placed it in a state of defence erecting fortifications such as he had time for. The four traitors hastened to the General and urged on him that it was due to the credit of the King their Lord and of the Portuguese nation that he should punish the rashness of this Prince, whereupon the General resolved to invade Uva. The Portuguese soldiers available did not number four hundred and he accordingly picked out some inhabitants of Columbo who were fit to accompany him, making in all a force of five hundred men with about twenty thousand Lascarins. With this force he started and when he reached their kingdom it was noticed that the Prince waited for him in the city itself with much pride; but as the General prepared to ascend the mountain on which the city was built the Prince
retired on the other side. Seeing this the Captain
General ordered the place to be set on fire and halted with his army on a hill within sight of it to refresh his men after the exertions of the forced march which they had made. He remained here two days, at the end of which the enemy appeared in such numbers as to cover the hills and plains. At this point he was warnedt of the treason which
* He left Menikkadawara on 25th August, 1630. † By Dom Jeronimo Idrumaraturai Arachi.

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the four Modeliars had hatched and how they had also won over some of the chief people to join the plot; but it was too late to take precautions against the danger. That afternoon the enemy did nothing but shout at our men as was their custom, saying: "This is the last hour you have to live,' and adding insulting words; and so night came on. When the General saw their disposition and recognized the careless confidence with which they opposed him, he had no longer any doubt as to the plot, and so he harangued eur men so as to encourage them; after this all were prepared to lose their lives. He immediately ordered all the baggage to be collected in a heap and set on fire, reserving sufficient. provisions to last for three days so as not to hamper the soldiers and to relieve them of their burden; foi' otherwise it would have all gone to benefit the cinemy. That night all confessed before the priests who were in the army, encouraging each other, the cheerfulness and resolution of the General animating all.
In the morning we advanced to the attack with our Lascarins under the command of the four traitors in the van, as was the custom. The cinemy on their side were seen advancing to meet us" aid the first to declare his treason was Dom Cosme who slew a Tortuguese soldier and placed his head on the point of a lance, this being the signal which he had arranged with the enemy. The rest of the conspiratoi's turned their arms against us. The main body of our Lascarins were astounded at seeing this unexpected occurrence, but as they were all of one race and these were their officers they followed them almost to a man, and there only remained with us a little more than one hundred and fifty who bravely resolved to follow our fortunes. At the same time the rebels attacked us being the
* At Randenivela in Wellavaya-Rajavaliya, p. 101.
92

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first to start the fire among those of Candia and Uva, but they found our men offering a stout resistance, fighting as men do who would sell their lives dearly and killing a large number of the enemy all that day. For they did not give our men an opportunity of obtaining any relief even at night, as they worried them on all sides with arrows and javelins and much shouting. The General was present at every spot bidding them attend to the wounded and see to the burial of the dead. The night was now far advanced and the pressure of the enemy somewhat relaxed; our men were anxious to obtain some rest from the terrible exertions of the day to prepare for what awaited them on the next; but God in his wisdom was pleased to ordain that a great thunderstorm should come on and such a flood of rain as to deluge the plains and to render the powder and cord useless; and the arquebuzes were the chief arms which we used against the enemy in the Island. When all saw that this was the act of God they submitted themselves to His will, the priests urging and exhorting them to obtain the reward of glory. The few Chingalas who remained with us and who did not exceed one hundred and fifty in number and the Portuguese were greatly encouraged, and it was a source of much consolation to the General to see how all were resigned to the dispensation of Providence. That night he was urged" to escape with a few men and this he could easily have effected; but the General would not agree to this advice, for his generous soul and affection for his people would not allow him to leave his companions in their terrible affliction. In the morning they started on their march in the same fashion; they did not advance many paces
when all at once from every side they were attacked
by this multitude, and when they tried to make use
* By the Dissava Luis Gomes Pinto, who offered to remain behind.

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of their firearms they could not do so owing to the condition of the cord and the powder which were
as we have described. At this the enemy pressed
on them the more freely, but they would not come within the reach of our swords, the only weapons our men could use, but shot their muskets at them and showered their arrows in such numbers that they appeared like clouds. In a short time almost all our men were dead and the few who remained were thrown into confusion by the conflict. When the Captain-General who had been walking from point to point and encouraging his men saw this, he took his sword which was a broad-sword and wielding it with one hand, for his right had been crippled, he threw himself among these barbarians and nade mong them a mountain of corpses. And that clay the devil was not deprived of his share, for no one ventured near who was not sent to join his company; but finally he was wounded by some bullets and arrows so that he yielded his soul to his Creator" leaving a name on the roll of fame no lower than the greatest heroes of the world; for he was beloved not only for his valor but also for all his other qualities. After this shameful disast ci", until the last hour when we were driven out of the Island, his memory was kept alive among us; and while a Portuguese remains in the State, the life and courage and the wisdom of Constantino de Sá e Noronha will be bemoaned.
Such was the end of this undertaking, the one result of which was terrible disasters to our fortresses for the space of one year; for the King laid siege to Columbo with all the people of the Island and assaulted it repeatedly, and once he succeeded in cffecting an entrance within the city,
* On 20th of September 1630.
f The head was taken through the kingdom and nailed to a high tree in the Seven Korales, with those of the other Portuguese Captains who had fallen.

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but was driven back by the exertions of the inhabitants and was compelled to retire with heavy loss; none the less the city and all the other fortresses in the Island suffered much through want of provisions and other necessaries, for though the King raised the siege, yet he remained within our territories which were all in revolt."
The news of this shameful loss and of the siege spread over the whole of the East and the death of Constantino de Sà was bemoaned by all. With all the speed possible there were sent over from Cochin some galliots of provisions to Columbo and Galle with all the soldiers they could spare who were one. hundred and thirty in number. From Malaca there were sent two hundred veteran soldiers, the best in that fortress. From Goa the Viceroy despatched three hundred more under Jorge de Almeida, a Fidalgo, as Captain-General; the violence of the storms which were encountered in the Gulf diverted these reinforcements from their course, and by good luck the General reached Columbo at the end of October 1631. As soon as he disembarked he advanced to meet the enemy who had fortified himself with some stockades two and three leagues from Columbo; he did not fail to find a stout resistance, but the enemy was defeated in various encounters and after all the territory had been reduced to the allegiance of His Majesty, he compelled the King to sue for peace which was granted to him under the same condition
* On the death of de Sá, Lancelot de Seixas succeeded to the command; in the siege of Columbo which followed, the garrison was reduced to such desperate straits that it was compelled to eat the dead. (Faria y Sousa.)
it On 21st October; on 5tta January 1632 he crossed the Calane and after carrying the Great Stockade he advanced to Malvana which was abandoned by the Chingalas the previous day. Cordevola was next attacked, the enemy being driven out and pursued as far as the mountains of Candia. At Maturé, where Dom Theodosius lived as king, the Portuguese had similar success, Dom Theodosius being killed. Chilao was captured
shortly after and much booty taken, including 130 vessels. The king now
sued for peace, and his ambassadors were sent to Goa to arrange terms.
Dom Jorge's attempts at purifying the administration of Columbo
created much dissatisfaction, culminating in a mutiny which was however
sternly repressed. (Faria y Sousa.)

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of his delivering two tusked elephants a year.
After this the Island remained quiet until there arrived as Governor of the State Pedro da Silva Molle who appointed Diogo de Mello as CaptainGeneral of Ceilao in succession to Dom Jorge de Almeida.
CHAPTER III.
THE REAsoNs WHICH LED TO THE RENEWAL of THE WAR
参
wITH THE KING.
The King of Candia Henar Pandar, who survived his wife Dona Catherina, died" and left the kingdom of Candia to his eldest son Rajá Cinga, arid that of Uva to his second son who came over to us in the year 1641, and died a Christian at Goa; of him we shall speak later. He left nothing to the son vv.hom IDona Catherina bore to Dom João, but the Prince of Uva always protected him so long as he was in the Island. As already stated in the eighth chaptcr of the first book, the Princes of Candia were brought up with the education of Portuguese, whom thcy always treated with courtesy as brothers, making minute inquiries as to our customs and adopting those which seemed good to them and which they approved of. They had learned all the arts which we had taught them as stated before, and with this education they appointed officers in their palaces just as our own Princes do, and they used to declare th: it of the nations of the world we were the most worthy of honour, and if only we did not eat beef, we would be as good as they were.
While this state of friendship existed, a Portuguese who was staying for some time in Candia used to visit the King and in return for the favours which he had received at his hands he took him a present; for all these Kings consider it an act of discourtesy
* Circa 1632.

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when they do not, and they would not receive such a visit nor listen to such a person. And as our Portuguese had nothing with him but was unwilling to be wanting in the custom of the place in showing his gratitude, he took with him a box full of vials of rose water which they value greatly, some white sandal wood, and a beautiful horse for the King's personal use. The King set great store on this, being much pleased with the gifts and the display of gratitude on the part of the Portuguese. He kept him as his guest for some months and when he wished him farewell before starting, was not willing to be less liberal and presented him with some valuable cloths and a handsome tusked elephant, with which he took his leave with due thanks and started by way of Columbo so as more conveniently to embark the elephant and sell it on the other coast.
The General seeing the Portuguese with such an handsome beast laid hands on it declaring that the King was in arrears for the tribute of the previous year, and that as he would not make payment he must take the animal on account. All the entreaties and prayers of the poor fellow for its return were in vain and as he saw that he had no other remedy he returned to Candia and related to the King what had taken place. The latter was greatly annoyed and said: "I owe no tribute to the King of Portugal in spite of what the King of Malvana says; though if I did and had not the necessary animals, it is no difficult matter for me to send and capture them. However what surprises me is not that this act of injustice is done to me, but rather that it is done to you; for even if it be as he says it is unreasonable that he should take from you what is yours; apart from your being a Portuguese as he is, he ought not for the credit of the race to have allowed himself to be so blinded by passion. But tell me, if he treats you with such

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injustice what can I expect who am a black and not of your people, and who do not follow your religion? I have noted with care that all your people are very tractable, pleasant, courteous, generous, dignified, and above all, courageous-qualities which should be as highly valued as I value them; for I love all your people and of the great number of them whom I have met, I have not found one who is not an illustration of what I say. But I also find that there are some among you who so long as they hold no office, are very virtuous; but as soon as they receive an appointment, they appear immediately to renounce all their good qualities, and replace them by vices twice as many, in proportion to the virtues they previously cultivated. Power turns them into devils. I cannot understand the principle of this, and as it was said that it might be the result of your system of religion, I have examined it and found it altogether an holy one. If a man had been proud or overbearing, I could see this was the effect of nature; but I have known many l’ortuguese and seen in some the high qualities which I have mentioned; and when I learn that such are appointed to a government, I am delighted and consider the people fortunate. But in a short time l do not fail to hear innumerable complaints against almost all of them, and to learn of the acts of injustice they have committed, as if they had changed into other beings from what they were before. And while I look to see the Viceroy punish them as they deserve for their crimes, I find on the contrary that they receive promotion. And so I am lost in wonder and cannot understand all this, were it not that there is some hidden rule or law among you, which you will not reveal except to each other. The wrong which the King of Malvana has done to both of us only annoys me so far as you are concerned; it is a pity you do not spare each other: but that fact induces me to overlook it so far as it

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affects me; however since he has taken what I have given you, you have here what will replace your loss;' at the same time giving him double their value in precious stones and adding, “I do not wish that this should happen to you a second time; so go back by way of Chilao:' then he ordered him to be supplied with a guide, and the Portuguese bade him
farewell with much gratitude.
CHAPTER IV.
OF THE REST of THIS INCIDENT AND THE DEs.TRUCTION OF our ARMY IN CANDIA.
The King took no notice of this outrage and when the usual time arrived for the payment of the tribute he sent the two elephants for the year; but the General when he saw what a heavy price the King had given for one horse procured two very handsome animals which he despatched on their arrival to Candia to be sold for elephants, without thinking of the fact that the Portuguese had not sold his animal nor trafficked with the King, but had only given him a present as a token of friendship and respect, as we have related. As soon as the King saw the two horses in the city and learned the object for which they had been sent, he told the man who was in charge of the business : "Tell the King of Malvana that he has taken from me an elephant of greater value than these horses; when he sends it back to me I shall return him his horses, and in the meantime I shall take care that they are well looked after.' On receiving this message the General was enraged at the King's daring to offer him such an affront and also because his hopes of making a profit were foiled; for it was impossible for him to escape heavy losses through the failure

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of his speculation; even if the horses on which he had spent a large sum of money were restored to him he did not know what to do with them. He desired to take the road to Candia at once to exact satisfaction for this act of insolence. While he made his preparations he sent the King word that he was coming to Candia to look for him and to punish him as he deserved, and he demanded that his horses should be sent back without delay or reply. Theiking did not waver, but only told the messenger that he took this step merely to obtain the restitution of his elephant; that so long as it was not sent back to him it was useless asking for the horses; if His Highness were anxious to punish him for seeking to recover his own, God was the judge of all men and he would determine everything as was right; if he came to Candia, he would not retire to the other coast; for apart from the great love which he had for his country it was given him by God to defend and it was his duty to do so.
On obtaining this reply the General immediately started with all the men of war of our territory whom he could get together in that short space of time; these were twenty-eight thousand Lascarins and seven hundred Portuguese, the choicest men we ever had in the Island. The King receiving notice of these preparations warned his brother the Prince of Uva to come with his own forces and join him in Candia as quickly as possible; this the Prince did with all zeal, bringing with him ten thousand men, the best in the island, from his own kingdom. As soon as the General arrived with his army at the mountain of 13:ulane the King, either to avoid extremities or through fear, sent for a priest who was at Candia and entrusted to him a confidential message and gavé him a crucifix, begging him to go with it to our camp and to tell the General, in the name of the Lord who we believed came into the

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world to die for the salvation of man, not to invade his territories since he was a vassal of the King of Portugal; that he had given no cause for him to do so except that he desired to recover his own: the quarrels of the King of Malvana were his private affair and he should remember that it was not right that the innocent should pay what was their debt alone; he should restrain himself and give him all the satisfaction that was just, but if he did not desire to do so, he made his protest before the same Lord, whom he took for his judge in the quarrel.
The reply which the General gave the envoy was that he should tell the King that he was come there only to see him whipped for his insolence, and immediately ordered his army to advance. They descended the mountain and drew up alongside the river, leaving a small body on the slopes to prevent the enemy cutting down the trees and blocking the road; this body at once deserted to the King and a large number of those who were with us did the same, as they were all people of one tongue. While they were thus drawn up close to the river some of our people were wounded and a large number killed without our seeing who did it. The enemy had cut down on the other bank of the river numerous trees which served them as an outpost not only to defend the approach to the city but also to prevent our men from obtaining one drop of water; and thus they were not only harrassed by the continuous firing of guns and foot-muskets which the enemy kept up all night long killing and wounding a large number, but they also suffered from thirst and passed that night in great distress without any relief. At dawn the General was informed that the road from Balané was blocked and that it was impossible to retire; recognising the position he was
in, he sent a message to the King by Fernao de
Mendoga, a young fidalgo, begging for a truce so

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that he might retire to Columbo, and offering to make peace restoring the status quo. The King without any reply detained the messenger whom the Prince of Uva took into his own charge, and ordered the attack. The enemy immediately charged down the slope covering themselves behind the trees, and kept up such a discharge of guns that few escaped being killed; seeing the destruction they had caused they boldly closed on the few who were still defending themselves, and as their number was so great our force was totally defeated and put to the sword. Thereupon the King and the Prince of Uva ordered their men to take alive the Portuguese who still survived; the King's men captured fifteen, and the Prince's eighteen; for he had no small share in the victory."
The King was very moderate in following up his triumph for he did not lay siege to our fortresses but only reduced all our territories, under his dominion; but this did not fail to create a famine in Columbo for the season did not permit of assis
tance being sent from India with the rapidity the
emergency of the case demanded. Such was the end of this shameful expedition where not only did our Generalt come by his death, but in spite of every effort even his dead body could not be discovered.
CHAPTER V.
THE ALLIANCR which THE KING OF CANDIA ENTERED INTo wITH THB HoLLANDERS.
The King having arrived at the conclusion that his kingdom could never be secure so long as he
* At Gannoruwa, 23 and 24 March, 1638. t Diogo de Mello de Castro.

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had to deal with the Portuguese, resolved to enter into an alliance with the Hollanders, and with this object he sent two of his noblemen to Batavia to arrange matters. They were well received and after their proposal had been discussed the members of the Council resolved to send to Candia two Hollanders with full instructions and authority to do what was necessary. They arrived in the Island in March 1638, and were welcomed and entertained by the King. Before entering into the question of an alliance the King made numerous complaints against the Portuguese and their Captain-Generals who were harassing him only with the object of seizing his kingdom; not satisfied with the payment of tribute they invaded Candia every time the caprice seized them, burning his capital and even his palace, waging every kind of hostility which they could against his territory, and ignoring the several victories he had obtained over them; so long as they maintained fortresses in the Island he was bound to be exposed to the same oppression at their hands, and to protect himself he had determined to send ambassadors to Batavia to arrange a treaty which would be to their mutual advantage.
The Hollanders replied that the Company and the States General were very well aware of the extravagant behaviour of the Portuguese all over the State, and for this reason and because they were subjects of the King of Spain, their chief enemy, they were waging all the war they could against them. They well knew the many acts of oppression which the King had received at the hands of the Portuguese; apart from what his ambassadors had related to the Council of Batavia, they could see for themselves what was well-known to all. In order to obviate all this they had come to his Court and their Commanders were prepared to serve him with all their forces till the King himself and the whole of the Island were freed from their tyranny; it

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was therefore desirable that the King and the Honourable Company should enter into a temporary agreement, so that the enterprise might be carried out with all zeal; for their only desire was to assist him against the oppression which was being carried on not only in Ceilao but in the whole of the East, and to relieve everyone from the suffering which the Company was determined to wipe out of India. They had sufficient forces to capture the fortresses which the Portuguese maintained in the Island, but they had no desire to seize the property of others; for they were well aware that Ceilao had only been usurped by the Portuguese, while it belonged by right to the native King. The intention of their Commanders was to relieve him without seeking anything for themselves (this they said to please him the more).
They therefore proposed that they should enter into an alliance on the following conditions: that all the forts and territories which they took from us in the Island should belong to the Sing, and that the Hollanders should take nothing cxcept the booty which was the property of the soldiers: the King should assist with his own army and men of service so long as the war lasted; he should reimburse them their expenses and pay them for every ship that they lost in the enterprise a certain figure to be regulated by the tonnage of each, and a further figure for each artillery shot in accordance with the calibre, which was to be settled by their account books: similarly with each person who should be killed in the war-one sum for a private, and for the rest in proportion to their rank; similarly for those who had a leg or an arm injured, with a difference between the right and the left; and so with a foot or a hand, an eye or any other limb according to its usefulness or the degree of damage that had been sustained. All this was set down in writing when the terms were agreed on

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and the ambassadors left for Batavia, all parties well satisfied with the arrangement; there they immediately took steps to carry out the undertaking according to their agreement with the King.
CHAPTER VI.
THE CAPTURE OF OUR Two FoRTREsses oF BATECALOU AND
TRE gUIMALE. “o
As a beginning and in fulfilment of their undertaking as well as to show themselves devoted to the service of the King, early in the year 1639 six ships of the Hollanders came from Batavia with a large force of infantry and all necessaries; and in order to prove that they had no private interests to serve and that they were only prompted by zeal in his service, the commander of the flotilla was under orders to proceed to Batecalou and Trequimalé, fortresses which we held in the Island but which were of little strength, and as soon as they were surrendered to raze them to the ground; for they were aware that this was a small matter and that all we obtained from them was expense, while their position rendered them of no advantage to them, but at the same time their capture would be agreeable to the King and leave him free on that side.
The flotilla arrived at Batecalou in February of the aforesaid year and landed the troops without
any obstruction; for the fortress did not contain
more than forty soldiers capable of carrying arms. They also took on land some artillery, but did not require much as the bastions were small and
the walls single. In a few days they razed one side
\of the ramparts and two bastions; whereupon the besieged, who were few in number and defenceless, had no alternative but to surrender. The enemy

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at once destroyed the fortress without leaving a trace to show where it had stood. All this occupied twelve days, when they went on board and in a few days arrived at Trequimalé" where they disembarked in the same fashion and laid siege to it, erecting batteries against the fortress. In two days they reduced it into a ruin, as the bastions were only filled with earth and there were but little powder and other necessaries; they killed twentythree out of the garrison of fifty which the place contained and it was compelled to surrender in seven days, receiving the same treatment as Batecallou. »
This was a source of great grief to us, more for the effect it had on our reputation than for the practical advantage which it gave them, as these were the first fortresses which the Hollanders took from us in the State. The flotilla returned to Batavia leaving the King of Candia well satisfied and promising him that the rest of our fortresses in the Island would be captured with the same facility.
Ribeiro's dates are incorrect, According to the Beknopte Historie (R. A.S. xi) und Baldaeus, Raja Sinha’s application to the Dutch was in
1 (3:38; in reply Captain Ian Thyssen and the Merchant Andreas Helmondt we'r Ment from Batavia with a letter from the Governor of Choromandel be: rii date 20th October, 1637. On arrival they were met by the King's : ei', and were received in audience on 19th November at Pangergama in , t in a on the Nainieganga (Mahaweli Ganga) fifty Dutch miles from Cantli: , ) ring the conference a letter was received by the Prince of
Matale (called by Ribeiro the Prince of Uva) from Diogo de Mello, complaining of the reception of the Dutch (2 C1. Lit. Reg. 69). Thyssen depart c with three of the King's Commissioners and a letter dated 28th November, 1687, to visit Admiral Westerwold's feet at Goa. The Commissioners ret trict with a flotilla under Vice Commander Coster and landed at Trinconnalee on 2nd April, 1638. On the 5th Coster himself landed at Kalmunai and learnt of the victory of Gannoruwa (2 C. L.R. 44). He next laid siege to 3; it tic; lo;, where the King arrived with fifteen thousand men, having despatched the Irince of Matale to threaten Colombo. Westerwold himself arrived on 10th May, and was presented by the King with Diogo de Mello's sword, Batticaloa surrendered on 18th May, and on 20th May, 1638, a treaty was sign cd by the King and Westerwold and was sent with the latter and two of the King's Ambassadors to Batavia to be ratified. Coster was left in charge of Batticaloa, which he describes as “a ville stinking place and Anthony Caen commanded at the siege of Trincomalee, which surrendered on 1st May, 1639 (x, R.A.S. 123).
R

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CHAPTER VII.
THE ENCOUNTER WHICH TOOK PLACE BETWEEN OUR ARMY AND
THE Hollan DERS AT CAIMEL AND THE Loss of THE FORTRESSES
oF NEGUMBO AND GALLE.
In the middle of January 1640 there appeared within sight of the city of Columbo a fleet of twelve of the Hollanders' ships, but they did not land any troops as they feared our army and that the inhabitants of the city would join with it and be able to defeat them. Here the Captain-General was Dom Antonio Mascarenhas" who had been appointed to the post after the destruction of our army in Candia; he immediately sent word to Francisco de Mendoga, Captain-Major of the Field, who was with the army at Manicavaré, and who advanced as rapidly as possible. Encountering the Hollanders who had disembarked a league to the north of Negumbo in a village called Caimel, our men, whose one method of marching and fighting in the Island was at full speed, charged them in this fashion with as much confidence as when attacking the natives; our advance was disorderly and our men were immediately killed or wounded, for the enemy were three thousand five hundred strong in six squadrons, and very much afraid of our army. But after they had tried their hand on our men and killed or wounded the greater number of them, they cast aside all fear and within sight of us marched on by the sea shore to Negumbo, which they attacked at once without paying any attention to our army. They placed a mortar at the gate, and effected an entrance without any resistance; for the garrison only consisted of one company of sick and disabled,
* He arrived on 1st June, 1638 (2 C.L.R. 52),
it 9 February, 1640. The Dutch were commanded by the DirectorGeneral Philip Lucaszoon, and were assisted by Raja Sinha. The former was soon compelled by illness to leave Ceylon, and the expedition to Galle was led by de Coster (2 C.L.R. 142),

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who were all killed in the assault. Those who escaped from Caimel retired with some of the wounded to Columbo, which was terror-struck at these unexpected guests.
The Hollanders remained for some days fortifying Negumbo and building outside the enclosure, which consisted of four single walls and two small redoubts, a very strong stockade of palm trees, earth and fascines sufficient to protect the garrison of three hundred soldiers whom they left there with three pieces of artillery, well armed and provided with ammunition. They then went on board and sailed towards Columbo whence they made their way up the coast. Our General judging that they would disembark at Galle, re-organized his forces as best he could within the short space of time with the people who came from Caimel, appointing fresh Captains in the place of these who were slain; he thus made a total of two hundred and eighty men under his own Captain-Major of the Field, and despatched them by land to the help of that fortress; but though they made what speed they could they found the enemy disembarked" at a distance of a gun shot from it; here they were immediately attacked by our men with great courage and resolution; but as their numbers were so great our men were unable to break their ranks and the enemy bore themselves in such fashion that few escaped with life. But they did not purchase their victory cheap for they lost more than four hundred men while they destroyed all the forces which we had for the defence of this Island. In the middle of the conflict the Captain-Major of the Field with some of his Captains and soldiers cut their way into the midst of the enemy and bravely sold their lives dearly. Forty-eight men escaped from this defeat and retired to the fortress which was immediately
* At Magalla. t 9th March, 1640.
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besieged, and on the following day batteries of heavy artillery were erected against its three bastions. Lourenço Ferreira de Brito was in command of the garrison and was present at the repairing of the ruins, encouraging the inhabitants and the soldiers who laboured with the same zeal at the posts to which they were appointed. But the fire of the enemy pressed them so hard, that in eighteen days the bastions were laid low. One morning at daybreak they assaulted the place and though the army offered a stout resistance the majority of the defenders were slain and the bastion carried: a few effected their escape and retired within the church.
Here occurred an incident which I ought not to pass over in silence. Lourenço Ferreira de Brito the Captain of the fortress was a married man and his wife was with him, and when he had to visit the outposts at night she would not consent to his going without her. To please her he would sometimes agree, though he was alarmed at the danger she exposed herself to and though the presence of women causes embarrassment in military duties; one of these nights, which were very frequent, chanced to be the one on which the place was assaulted; she there displayed great courage by the side of her husband, who carried himself on this occasion as he had done on others and received five wounds and a musket shot which broke his leg and felled him to the ground. The enemy rushed on him to kill him; but his wife seeing this, threw herself over him crying out that they might kill her but that they must not touch her beloved husband who was so badly wounded that he was now at his last gasp. The Hollanders who heard her cries saw a sight which they had not seen before in the thick of the fight while some were struggling to seize the fortress and others to defend it. A Captain of the enemy faced round and kept the others back, telling

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her that she could be assured that he would defend her, for her courage deserved even more. The matter spread abroad and was so much praised by all that the General of the Hollanders ordered them not to kill any one, and so they spared those who were captured in the houses, which they only sacked, and those who had fled to the church.
The General hastened to send his surgeon to do all he could for Lourenco Ferreira and he provided his house with every article that was necessary. In a few days the surgeon declared him out of danger and that he could go on board; the General therefore ordered all the Portuguese troops with their wives and children to be distributed among the ships, reserving one which was very roomy. He sent for the Captain of this and directed him to give up his own cabin to the Commandant of the fort who was proceeding in her with his family; and he was to be treated on the voyage as if he were the General himself. He also ordered them to send on board every provision that was necessary for the voyage, and accompanied them in person to the boats, and they reached Batavia well looked after. Some days before a despatch boat had arrived at the city with information of the capture of the two fortresses, and mention had also been made of this matter; and this was a subject of rejoicing to all. As soon as the Hollanders' General was informed of their arrival he sent people to meet them and boats to land in; they were received with every honour and accompanied to some houses which had been prepared for them with every necessary, and for the four months they remained there they never lacked for anything. At the end of that period they were
sent back to Columbo where I spoke to the aforesaid
Lourenço Ferreira de Brito who was subsequently Captain-Major of the Field."
* Galle was captured on 13th March and seven hundred prisoners were
taken. The city was garrisoned by the Dutch at the King's expense (2 C.L.R. 142).

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CHAPTER Q.
The Parangi Hatane,
Hail to the Teacher, the Full Moon whose gentle Light
doth fill the world.
Hail to his Doctrine, which raineth Blessings on the Heart
of Man.
Hail to the Priesthood, the Lotus whose Petals are the
Law.
I dip my finger in the Ocean of King Rája Sinha's triumphant Fame, and round the pendant drop my skill exhausts itself in song.
'Twere an endless task for Ananta himself, with his thousand tongues to recount the glories of proud Siriwardhana Pura ; Stately halls, the abode of wealth, proud in their storied height, and countless lawns where the lovely bo trees grow, bedeck the city. . Crowded stores of merchandise delight the hearts of the
passers-by ; Like mountains the raging elephants tramp, and the horses
fleet as the fleeting clouds; While above in the gleaming palaces appear the lovely
damsels as they sport, divine in form; As if created by Sekraya for the protection of the faith of
the Muni, is our mighty host. Ceaselessly the waves of the Great Sandy River lisp in their course-a circlet of pearls round a maiden's neck. From the lofty towers and the mighty palace gates the
gilded spires flash forth their rays. Pleasant waters cool the wearied man, sweet as the lake of
Anotat. From the great fane of the Sacred Tooth the flags with their pearls and tinkling bells rustle in the breeze, as in the abode of God himself. Skilled in the arts of war, with hearts eager for the fray, there stands the army, our protecting host, a very band of Asuras. Who can recount the glories of the city? A second Ananta
is needed for the task.
With the warlike host in this mighty city are the Councillors
of our King, sprung from the race of the Sun himself.

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20,
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27,
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And behold Yalegoda the noble, high Minister of State; like fellow with him the pleasant Unambuwe, and Tennakón of the mighty arm; The Lord of Walagama, Chandrasékera Mantri, Walala
gama and the victorious Wijeyecon; The Lord of Aluvehera, Wanigasekere Nudali, the glorious
Моlagoda; The Great Minister of Kuruwita, like Vishnu in his might;
and the princely Matota Mantri; The ever victorious Senerat Mudali, and Kuruppu Maha
Mantri skilled to chase the foe.
Yet these are but the stars of night; for encircled by them is the full-orbed Moon, our gracious Lord King Senerat, the ruler of the City. ት
Now the host of Portugal rose in its pride, with the throng
that clave to the fort of Columbo, And they met in conclave, many a citizen and their stout
leader, with the noble Siman Kuré. ና፡ “Let us go,' they urged, “ and war; let us collect ou
brave hosts, for now we shall win the mountain realm.' And thus they went and built the fort at Balane and raged
in havoc through the country round. And many a sacred shrine and palace proud and the very temple of the Sacred Tooth were consumed in the devouring flame, While many a fertile land of fruit and flower, mango and plantaín, jak and arecanut, betel and cocoanut, were ravaged by this destroying host; Our gentle herds of kine were slain to fill the maw of these devouring ogres and many a wanton deed they wrought, As when long ago the cruel Demalais did land and sack our
city Anurapura, And our King could no more abide in his city, and had no
strength for war; But with his family, his jewels of gold and his gems, his
slaves and records and his treasure chests, King Senerat sought refuge in the Pattu of the Veddahs,
for his glory was dimmed and his merit had failed. And the neart of man melted as wax before the flame óf
the fierce Parangi foe,
And from many a breast heavy with sorrow at the destruc
tion of our faith A wail went up to the Gods, who of their might did send a
great refuge in their distress, As when King Gemunu was born at Mahagampura to drive
back the fierce Demalas.

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56.
57.
58. 59.
62.
248
For of the Skandavára Mahawansa which had reined at Anurapura, sprung from Maha Sammata of the family of Manu, There was born the lovely Queen of Devamedda Who was delivered of the glorious Prince, true Lord of the
Three Sinhalas, "eg, At Maiyangana, the famed spot where first the great
Teacher had visited Lanka. And the delighted King on learning the news Ordered the Great Astrologer Diyakelinawala Maha Mantri to be summoned to inquire into the destiny of the Prince. According to the behest of King Senerat The wise one who had dived within the Ocean of the Future, saw the great merit of the Prince with the knowledge of a God. “He will follow the law set for Kings: his glory shall be as the full moon; in his might he will be as Vishnu; Lo, a Chakravarti is born for our land; he will make the Three Sinhalas into one; he will protect the Doctrine, and the foe shall quail before him.'
The happy King rewarded him to his full content for his
words,
And such was the merit of the Prince that the enemy
deserted their fort of Balane and retired,
While the country remained once more at peace, and the
fields were tilled, and religion awoke again.
The great temples too were occupied, and the four Illangan,
while many a Uidiya was made, And the glory of the city grew as of the city of the Gods. And our King Senerat reigned in peace and power observing
the law of Kings, and in the hope of Buddhahood.
And he bethought him to teach this son born in so fateful
an hour all the sciences and the art of war. Wherefore many a teacher was summoned, learned men who had dived within the Sea of Knowledge and reached the further shore. Demala and Sinhala, Sánskrit, Páli and Nágara, Portugál
and many another lore he learnt. With Siri in his breast he learnt the tongues of many a land, And the eighteen sciences and sixty-four arts he imbibed,
and Saraswati rested on his lips.
60, 61. And he could wield his sword and shield, yea, better
than Parasurama. He surpassed his teachers in the use of the bow and
excelled Kataragam in wielding the lance,

628
629
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68. 69,
70.
7I.
72.
73,
74.
75,
76,
77.
78.
79.
80.
81,
82.
249
For his gracious hand dealt equally with gun and sword
and mace.
And thus his glory spread through the earth, and while he drank of the Sea of Goodness, he mastered the eighteen arts of war.
His body was strong: his heart set on glory; he could
bestride the elephant and the horse.
And with the two brothers there were trained their com
panions, Appu Samis; And as they grew in age, they were invested with the
golden, sword of their royal birth. For the King summoned many a wise Mantri to his capital, And allotted Uva Tunkinde to the Prince Kumara Sinha,
who started thither with his army, While Mātale and a like host were granted to the Prince
Wijaya Pala. - Thus honoured, with the golden swords girt to their sides, they governed their realms and the people were content.
But now the General Kustantínu de Sá broke the peace with the gracious King Senerat and prepared himself for war: 'Dare a King face me,' was his boast, ' I shall gladly
count him out a dozen beras of golden coin.” So with his great host he advanced that day and encamped at Malvana, in the vain hope to capture the mountain realm; Whence with his Captains he proceeded on to Menik
kadawara. With the marshalled might of the Four Dissavas, and many a stout Portugee they marched rapidly on till they encamped at Ambatenne.* Round and round they tramped for eighteen days treading
down the ground like a field and raging like a fire; But the King with the Princely pair came forth and their gallant army fell upon the foe driving them from point to point. And they could not advance a foot for the fierce onslaught of our men, and many an one was offered up, a sacrifice to the demon; They chased them far and wide and shattered their pride at the point of the sword, exulting over them as they exclaimed "Where is now your might.' “We have done enough: let us save ourselves; should
they learn our plan, our retreat will be cut off" So in their fear they swiftly fled till they reached Bokkawala
* This defeat is referred to by Baldaeus, p. 703, .

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83.
84.
85.
86,
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
93.
94.
95.
96, 97.
98.
99.
25o
And the boastful Kustantínu de Sá, whose advance had been so gay, was now possessed with fear and his host destroyed.
“Had I known their might and the merit of their King, I would not have ventured on this war,' was his thought:
And thus with sorrow at his heart he returned defeated
from the conflict.
But they thought of the boasts they had made and the shame they received: “Let us go and try again' they said, tugging at their beards. So Kustantínu de Sá collected the fqrces of the four Dissavas with speed and summoned a Council of many Captains. V And they advanced from the city of Columbo-stout Captains, Casaidos and Soldados, like the demon host from Kuvera, with the lust of war in their hearts, -and reached Malvana. The triumphant flags and martial banners fluttered in the breeze; lances and bows and guns were handed round the men; villages and lands, titles and chains of gold, were there bestowed; and the order of the march, front and rear, allotted, While the hearts of Soldados and Captains were delighted
with their pay. And as the blast of music rose in triumphant roar, it was as the whirlwind dashing on the shore the Seven mountains upheaved from the Seven Oceans; The thunder of the cannon came in endless succession like the voice of heaven; the banners and canopies shivered in the breeze, amidst countless palanquins and Andors. The thronging masses made their way stage by stage, and as they descended the mountain we waited not to meet them.
Thus did Kustantinu de Sá like Rávenna with his demon
host advance on Uva, Whereof news was hastily carried by a Soldier to the King
Senerat Who summoned his wise Councillors and chieftains, Before whom it was reported that a start should be made for the war on one of the two fortunate Nekatas of Esala Máse. “But' said the King, “ should we delay, the enemy will
surely escape;' Wherefore the eleventh day of the waning moon of the month of Esala, being Sunday under the Nekata of Puwapalguna was fixed upon,

1630
100.
101,
102. 103.
104.
105.
106, 107.
108.
09,
110. 1 . 12. 3.
114.
115.
1 6.
117.
118,
19. 20.
12.
122.
123.
25 I
Thereon the Appu Samis and Naide Samis who had grown
up with him from their youth عہ? Like the train of the Lion King falling on the elephant
herd Accompanied their Lord from the city on that day, And the Lord of Lanka halted at Sanguran Keta with
his Ministers and gallant train; And on they hurried behind their Lord, for it was not
meet that they should tarry while he advanced.
With haughty words each arms his host, a countless band
all eager for the fight.
Forthwith the Princely pair are on the road
Determined to crush the treacherous foe: that day they
encamp by the Belahul Oya. Thence they move to the Sahalgarana Oya where the
troops are reviewed according to the Lékam lists. From here in victorious state and martial pomp they
advance to Paranagama, And so on to Mánáwe Oya, And from there to the village Tuppottiya, Whence they moved without delay to Kandegedera; And as the message went forth that all were to assemble to destroy the army at Badullapura there was no delay, And thus they approached raising the triumphant white standard; and with the shrill cry of the conch the warning roar of three guns was heard, But the enemy as they beheld them had searchings of
heart: “Lo this forebodes us not good but evil." , And in their troubled mood, as they doubted if they would be attacked, the weapons in their hands quivered in their fear, While their host which had followed in love of the Parangis
determined to escape. e “Should we delay to-night we shall be entrapped." Such was their fear; thus they debated and resolved to retreat, While our King tried to hem them in on the road, The stout Atapattu host being posted in the van, like the
very army of heaven.
Thus stood our King, drying up like Vishnu that Ocean
the foe,
The Crown of the race of the Sun, delighting the heart of
nan, w
Vanguishing the foe and protecting the Faith, leading his
triumphant men,

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124. “But what boots it thus to walk round and round with the Parangis?' And they pondered how to leave them. With this thought --
125. The powerful Maha Mantri of Siyane Korale, and the
handsome Kattota Mantri, with Amaracón Mantri
126. And the chief from Péliyagoda, renowned for his wealth
and mighty in war, Wickremesinha Mudali,
127. Presented themselves' before the King and with due
obeisance
* These are the four Mudaliyars who deserted from de Sà. (Vide Ch. 1). The identity of Wickremesinha Mudali of Peliyagoda is not difficult to establish, for it was Dom Cosmo who was noted for the superb house he erected at Peliyagoda, according to Le Grand. He was the son of Wijeyesekere Mudaliyar, who had amassed great wealth during the time of Pedro Homem Pereira; the son had served under Emanuel de Azavedo at Menikkadaware, and for his services in the revolt of Bondalho (?) he was appointed to the chief command in the Four Korales; he became a Mudaliyar and took the name of Kulatunga. (Probably Wickremesinha was a subsequent Patabendi name conferred by the King) Dom Cosmo's daughter was married to Dom Emanuel, the Mohottiar of the General (according to de Sa y Meneses, Dom Cosmo's son Dom Antonio was married to Dom (E) Manuel's daughter). He took part in the battle of Gannoruwa (infra verse 360) and was subsequently appointed Dissava of Puttalam (verse 421),
It is curious to notice that Le Grand describes Wijeyesekere Mudaliyar as “a chalia or cinnamon-peeler.' Now it appears from the Rajawaliya that towards the end of King Dharmapala's nominal reign, Kidanpalagey Hidda Nayide of Hewagama deserted to Colombo and was created Wijeyesekere Mudaliyar. It is further recorded by de Say Meneses that Nayide Appu was the Gentile name of a Sinhalese Christian Mudaliyar, who was arrested on a charge of treason in 1622 by the General Jorge de Alboquerque. This Mudaliyar had taken the Portuguese name of Manuel Homem Mascarenhas; and for his arrest “Jorge de Alboquerque was severely condemned by his enemies for this event; for they said that it was the Zingala's wealth which was his chief crime, and it was to rob him of it that he had charged him with treason' (R. A. s. XI, 526). It does not seem improbable that this Wijeyesekere Mudaliyar was the father of Dom Cosmo.
Dom Theodosio, according to Le Grand, was the grandson of Cotta Maca (Maricar) of Cananore, a Moor who commanded one of the boats sent from India to assist Raja Sinha (Ante Ch. A.). He married Menick Hami of Nebadalun (Nambadaluwa in the Udugaha Pattu of Siyane Korale). This village adjoins Kattota (in the Meda Pattu) from which Kattota Mantri takes his name; there can be little doubt as to the identity of this latter with Dom Theodosio. Le Grand adds that he was born at Sitawaca, and served under Fernando Mudaliyar (i.e. Samarakon Rala v. p. 179 Ante) and Constantine Baretto (i. e. Dom Constantino Modeliar, p. 196), and was subsequently created Modeliar by Dom Constantino de Sa. He is referred to in verse 364 and was finally appointed Dissava of the Four Korales (u. 431).
In a letter of King Raja Sinha II. to the Dutch authorites of Batavia, dated 1641 he says: “Whilst I was in Kandy reinforcements arrived from Goa. Dom Philippe de Mascarenhas as General succeeded in conquering Negumbo in the service of which place there died one of my Captains, by name Hina Corale Bala” (sic. Bandara ?) 2. C. L. R. 392. This taken in conjunction with Chapter vIII. Ante establishes the identity of Hiina

1630
253
128. Submitted that if the enemy escaped into the low country,
there would be no hope of capturing him.
129. “Then it is mine to see that none escape'
130. Exclaimed the King; and gifting to them titles and lands,
he started on the road.
ス
131. Forthwith the Princely pair advanced to check the foe in front; and the enemy were closely guarded so that they could not move, 132. While with triumphant shouts they encircled the Parangis as a flood and with the morning the fray began. 133, Then our glorious King, lord of the Three Lankas, Crown of the Solar race, scattering the lightning in ten thousand rays from his jewelled sword, pursued the retreating foe as with a herd of elephants fighting step by step till he reached Nagawelakada, . 134. And they captured alive stout Lewis Tissera, Dissava of the Seven Korales, as he lay hid in the forest with his Parangis. 135. The next day he threw up ramparts round Randeniya Wela
and despatched the two Princes to confront them.
136. The gallant Attapattu host was posted near to oppose them; and like a cloud of fireflies before the rising sun the might of the Parangis was dimmed and their only - thought was flight. 137. The roaring of the cannon was like the ceaseless thunder where the lightning plays ; like heavy clouds the rolling smoke did veil the sky; countless bullets came rattling like the raindrops; and the looker on, faint at heart, did ask himself if this were the ending of the world. 138. Or were Rama and Ravenna contending again in fray? - Was the war of the gods and Asuras now renewed f Was a new Gemunu hurling back the Demala foef Nay, between whom was this awful fight?
Korale Mantri with Dom Balthazzar. According to Le Grand he was the son of a Mulaliyar who had been poisoned on account of his complicity in the revolt of Cania na Araclichi (?). His uncle Amancota Arachchi was married to the aunt of Dom Theodosio, and he had by a good marriage increased his own influence in the Hina Korale whicre his family possessed considerable property. There is further reference to him in verse 366 infra; he was subsequently appoint cul)issava of Nuwara Kalaviya (v. 419),
This only leaves Amaracon Mantri who must therefore be identified with Dom Aleixo, '' the son of one of Raji's household servants and of a slave from Java' according to Le Grand, and a builder by trade, who had risen into prominence through the help of the Dissava Louis Gomes Pinto.

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139.
140.
141.
42.
143.
144.
45.
146.
147. 148.
49.
150.
5. 52. 153. 154. 55.
56.
57. 158. 159. 160,
161.
254
Quivering with fear the Portugals' host behold our men; with breathless speed they strip off their coats, creeping on their bellies in flight; as when the Gurulu flock stand sternly round, the frighted Nagas cast their sloughs and slink rapidly away.
All round are thrown their bended bows and guns, their swords and javelins and pointed spears, trumpets and fifes, drums and tambourines, with palanquins, unnumbered coats and hats; treasure chests in wild confusion lie; their only thought is how to save their skins, those wounded hogs.
And our God-like King drew near the foe and raised his glorious white flag with its shimmering rows of pearls, and gave order to the wise Councillors who stood attentive near that none were to escape.
Clasping success to his breast, Jayasundera Mudali of
Wégiriya strode with haughty words Over the fierce battle plain, like the Lion King that
dashes out the brains of elephants: Unambuwe, the great Dissava, cleaved his way among the
host of foes with havoc. ” Like Vishnu himself in might did Wijeyesekere Appu
Sami bear himself And the enemy fell like scarecrows before his stout
lance. c VWiclkremesinha Mantri of Tollabówatte Skilled in the arts of war, laid low unnumbered foes with
his long lance. Yallégoda Appu Sami raised his battle cry and plunged in
the sea of war And as he stirred the flood, who can recount his glorious
deeds? And he who is named from his ancient home, Aludeniya, His prowess on this day is known throughout our land. Abeyacón Mantri’s son, the Appu Sami Fierce as the raging wind, did ply his terrible arms, The Appu Sami, born to Kandure Mudeli, stout guardian
of our faith, Crushed the raging might of that elephant, the foe, and
won glory with his sword. Bandegai Mantri’s son, the Appu Sami, With his gleaming sword, cleft many an hostile head. The Appu Sami of Moladanda in Yati Nuwera With unyielding step wielded his blade amidst the hosts
of Portugal. メ The prowess of the Appu Sámi of Gónahugama is known
throughout the world.

1630
162.
63.
164.
165. 166,
167. 168, 69. 170.
171. 172. 73. 174. 175. 176, 177.
178. 179.
180.
181.
82.
183. 184. 185.
186. 187.
188.
89.
190. 19.
192.
193.
255
Girágama Naide raged victorious among the terror
stricken Parangis. The gallant Mádinigama with high prowess spread con
fusion where he went.
Wijeycón the great Mudali of Tumpane, with his bright
blade Clave their heads, a very God of war. Like Anangaya in form, Kulatunga Mudali, his sword ever
in his hand, Fed it, Naga-like, on the life breath of the foe. Ilangancóna’s peerless son Reckless of life, bore himself a very Asura. The cry of stout Galagedera pursued the Parangis as they
fled from their broken ranks, - For he led the stalwart men of Sárasiya Pattuwa. Wijeycön Mudeli of Walalagama Hurled many a victim to that demon, his blade, Who can recount in full the deeds of Molagoda Mantrip Famed Kuruppu Mudeli of Gönigoda Dyed the neck of many a foe in blood. Ekenaike of Dunuvila's son, the Appu Sami, with his
glorious form Gorged the maw of his sword, so lustful of blood. There stood the men of Dumbara, resolved to win though
opposed by the very hosts of Bimbara, Before the Appu Sámi, Baddegai Maha Mantri’s son, well
skilled in the use of the sword, The foreign foe was prostrate, like tembili trees before the
raging storm. Abeyacón Mantri’s son the Appu Sámi Bore himself right bravely with his lance. Godlike in wisdom, the openhanded Appu Sámi, Ekenaike, Laughed in lightness of heart as he joined in the thick of
the fray : Nor should we forget the brave men of Pansiya Pattuwa. Like some stout lion, fit soldier for the Maira war,
Wir:acón Arachchi Chased the l’arangis who ran before him like red cocks
across the plain. The victorious I ord of Sakmana turned the movement of
the foc with the keen point of his spear; Stout Kalanchi Appu of Ramukwella Blazoned on the wall of the Earth with the point of his
spear the story of his might, Ranawira's sword was as the moon, before which the foe
did close and droop. Like the one with the flag of the Fish was the un rivalled
Wiracóna

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1630 194. As he whipped the foe with his sword and scattered them
like a herd of horses. 195. The high born Abeyesinha shared in the glorious fray to
his heart's content. 196. Wírasekera Mantri’s son wielded his long lance. 197. The Appuhami, son of Baddegai Mantri of Sevaseta, 198. With his stout spear made the enemy fly like scales from
the tortoise's back. 199. Samaratunga Appuhami, like Anangaya in form and
Kataragam in might, 200. With his gleaming sword clave the heads of Parangis as
golden tembili fruit. 201. There stood the wealthy Ekenaike Mantri, dreaded in war
amidst the foe. 202. And as for the Naide Sami, own son to Senerat Mantri of
Uduwela, 203. He wrought no blessing on the Parangis; his ferocious might scattered their bowels upon the ground.
204. With the hosts of Uva Tunkinde and Matale, right gallantly did the Princely pair, like Rama and Laxmana
with their vaksha host
205. Carry themselves through this red sea of blood.
206. Parangi Padres, brave Captains, the Thuppasi host, and
Kustantínu de Sá a
207. Were there encircled and cut to pieces; thus was the battle fought; and the victorious host returned to their King.
208. And like the glorious Sun which rises above the Mountain of the Dawn, when the hearts and lips of men expand with joy like the water lily, our gracious King halted there with his gallant men and erected a fort and caused the heads to be piled before him. 209. The head of their stout General and of their Captain Abeyecón, and of the Captain who was Dissava at Sabaragampura were all taken before King Senerat with (Lewis Tissera?) and the numerous Parangis who were seized alive : 210. These and the heads were sent to the mountain realm, and the King struck his camp, having pleased the army of the four Dissavas, 211. Amidst the rejoicings of the triumphant host, and the earth-shaking roar of cannon and the noise of martial music and the waving of flags; while the crowds of many a town played at niróhi.
* In 63).

63Ο
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257
212. Thus he made his way to Denavaca Pasrata where the enemy had their forts, which he destroyed and razed to the ground. 213. For they had raised a stout fort at Sabaragampura which he shattered with as little thought as if it were a tiny anthill, despatching the Captain and his men within his kingdom. 214, Thence he advanced with his elephants moving like a mountain range, laying his plans for the capture of Columbo. 215. And at the world-filling thunder of his guns the Parangis in their forts quivered in fear; and having settled the Eighteen Wannis, the Vedi Pattu, and Sinhalé, he advanced. 216. The fluttering pennons were as clouds of various hues; the swords flashed forth the rays of the sun, threatening destruction to the foe; and thus the army advanced as the Asura host and fortified itself round Columbo. 217. Leaving the two Princes there the King returned to Senkadagala, pleasing the hearts of the four Dissavas with presents of jewelled chains, shields and tusked elephants; 218. And on his way our King Raja Sinha stormed and destroyed the Fort of Menikkadawara, capturing the unresisting Captain with his men like kine within a pond.
219. And thus he returned and reigned in glory in his Capital
with his gallant men 220. And the city of Columbo was sore besieged by our relentless host with every device of war and they ravaged the country far and wide. 221. Hut the great Mantris abandoned the army, till the Parangis who had been cooped within their fort vetutured out to battle again and we withdrew our camp leaving the low-country in their hands. 222. There on a message from the Viceroy who dwelt in the - city of Goa arrived and peace was declared between the two countries; there was to be no more war, and the agreement was confirmed by oath. 223. And thereafter our victorious King, glorious as Kattaragam in his might, reigned at Senkadagalapura which he made as resplendent as the city of Selkraya, devoting himself to the well-being of the two Ratas; for he made no difference between them :
* Maratana Bandaar was placed in charge of the operations against Columbo by Prince Kumarasingha, but he deserted to the Portuguese. (Baldaeus, p. 703.)
From an ola copy of the Hatane which has reached my hands since these pages were in type, it is clear that the “King' referred to from verse 98 is the Prince Raja Sinha, who administered the Government during the last years of his father, King Senerat.
S

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224.
225.
226,
227,
228,
258
He built a great Maligawa at Deltota, as beautiful as what Visvakarmaya had raised of old, and he went thither with his train of courtiers to behold the spot. As when to rid King Panduwas of the curse which was on him, the Malaya King was enticed to Lanka across the sea by the wily King of the Asuras, who burst forth in his sight with the figure of a mighty boar, Thus a ferocious beast darted forth before our Kin
scattering his attendants in dismay : whereon with his own gracious hand he plucked the spear from a soldier who stood by and laid the monster low,ani all that beheld the marvel fell in wondering worship at his feet. Now an offering of a mighty horse had been despatched by the Viceroy who lived at Goa, and none was found with skill to bestride it; whereon he ordered tinkling bells to be hung around its neck and ornaments placed on its feet, and whip in hand he mounted on the charger, like Nakula Rája himself. And one day as he rode on it in dazzling splendour he approached a stream, and on the instant he leapt the beast across the water and alighted on the further side, like Sekraya descending to earth on a cloud.
229. And now there assembled many a high born Brahmin
230,
231.
232.
learned in the knowledge of the stars, and masters of the Vedas, Mantras and Sastras, with many a great Minister of State skilled in debate, and stout leaders of hosts who had displayed their might in war, with those who knew the lore of foreign lands and those who built sweet verses into song. "Thy glory fills the corners of the earth like the gentle light of the full orbed Moon; thou art the god on whose mighty breast Siri finds her abode; thine is the high kingship of Siri Lanka: It is just that some name of glory should be borne by thee." Thus they humbly
prayed. ' And wherefore are you met," the King replied, “and thus early make this prayer of me?' ' Lord, for the
protection of thy people and of their faith, thy servants in all humbleness and loyalty present this prayer.' ·፡
“For mortals, the highest hope is the Perfect Enlightenment; the greatest deed is to lead a host to victory; the sweetest sound is the poet's praise; the noblest name is Rája Sinha;”
"229-236 are very obscure, but clearly refer to the nomination of the
Prince Raja Sinha to the Throne,

233,
234,
235.
236.
237.
1632. 237a
238,
1637. 239,
240,
241.
242.
259
Thus he vouchsafed in reply and the great Mantris received it with suppliant hands, and made answer: “By toil he won the two Ratas and lived at Sitapura ; it is but meet that thou should'st bear the glorios name of Rája Sinha.” And the King of his grace replied: 'Have I not crushed the foreign foe who for so long has dwelt in his forts? Have l not brought this Lanka beneatin the shadow of one canopy? Who then is there of the race of the Sun so fit to wear the name?' And the heart of the great King Senerat was delighted at the word, and with his Mantris the auspicious hour was fixed and with all pomp the great army of Sri-Lanka was marshalled. "A Raja among Sinhas art thou in thy might, Crown of the Race of the Sun: true lord art thou of the three Sinha Rajeyas: fit offspring of thy famed grandshire, King Raja Sinha ; bear thou the name of Raja Sinha over this our realm.' As the glittering Lord of the Heavens that riseth above the Mountain of the Morn, whereat each hostile mind, lotus like, doth close and droop, whilst all the good expand with joy like the water lily in his glorious light, thus he reigned in splendour, seeking the welfare of his realm and following the law which is set for kings.
And the good and wise King Senerat, steadfast as the ocean, great and victorious, left the beautiful city of Senkadagala, and made his way to the city of the Gods. Whereat there were great rejoicings of Nirogi and the music pealed in the city of Columbo, And Diogo de Mello de Castro, the General at Columbo, with the Captain Mor of Menikkadawara, intent on war, And the stout Captain who commanded their city of Columbo, with many a proud fidalgo and casado and ctinning citizen, met in conclave and de spatched their missive to the Viceroy at Goa. There on the worthless crowds of Kaberis, Kannadis, and Javas, steeped in Kansa and opium and witless with drink, the shameless Sinhalas who accompanied them, with the graceless Bengalis and Parawara sailors. Their veteran soldados, and the Parangis who well knew the land, with the Captains and armies of the four Dissavas, all these met with one accord for war. With them were the Thuppasis -- double natured like our tame elephants run wild-and many a low-born rogue from Columbo, and many a Padre skilled to pray to their God and to soothe them at the end: t
S 2

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243.
制 244.
245.
246.
247.
248.
249.
250,
251.
252.
253,
254.
255.
256.
2бо
As when the destruction of the world is nigh and the mountains are upturned by the raging storm while the ocean rolls its might, upon the land, wave upon wave, thus in unbroken line the fierce enemy started on their march. Threatening destruction on Meru itself should it bar their path, and with many a hostile banner they advanced with speed to Malvana. “For who is like to us in this world," was their thought; and many a boastful threat they shouted in their foreign tongues, while the noise of their martial music might well have split the earth; f Their trumpets and fifes resounded shrill; many a chain was handed round and treasure chests prepared, with un numbered dola, kúnam and Andoru. In the vain thought to bring the whole of the land under one canopy, should they capture the mountain realm, they moved on Menikkadawara, all unwitting that their sure fate was to be entrapped as deer in the wiles of King Rája Sinha's host. As the Asuras who would scale Mount Meru to win the Sekraya's city, so they began to climb Balana Kande to reach Senkadagala where is the centre of our faith: News of which was despatched with urgent speed to the great King Raja Sinha, Lord of Lanka, as he rested in his palace in glory at Nilambe. Who forthwith summoned before the Presence the
Attapattu Mantri, pride of the Saluwadana family. “Let the foe come in their numbers : let them enter our city; it has long been empty; not a man of them shall escape;' and he despatched his Minister with orders where to post the guards.
And many a royal Sanhas went forth to Uva Tunkinde and the remote ends of Matale that the hosts should assemble in their numbers. And many a loyal servant of the King, of birth unblemished for generations, hastened from the two cities in their zeal eager to display the might of their arms. From Gampaha, Sarasiapattuwa and Balavita, Dumbara,
Pansiyapattuwa and Udaganpasrata : From Sévaseta, Dolosbage, and the District of Bulatgama, from Uva Tun kinde, that land of brave men, Wellasse and Maturata, the hosts came thronging in: From the beautiful city of Badulla, and from Tiruvânágama, from Kandukara Gampaha, with the Mantris of Matota as a dazzling rampart of glass, eager to pluck victory from the foe whom they heeded but as straw:

257,
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259。
260,
261.
262.
263.
264.
265,
266, 2 67,
268, 269.
270, 27.
272, 273,
274. 275.
276. 277. 278. 279.
26
From Ratdala, Kitulana, Yalepana, and Mágampura; from VVellawaya, Palugama and Tirukkóvila, from the Vedi Pattu, and the great harbour of Kottiárama, and from many a land of the famed Wanniyas:
From Tiriconamale and Kalawiya, Surulla, Siriyala, Mádure, Gantale and Undugoda, from the furthest endis of Anurapura, came the men who followed the ruler of Matale. W
Thus the two brothers met like two Suns rising above the mountain's crest upon the earth to delight the hear of man, and their hosts spread around them like the ocean; for the thought of all was but one, to crush the foe.
Heedless of the fire of our sentinels the enemy made their way within the city which they set ablaze, and then they circled round to retrace their steps.
Whereon a high Minister conveyed the news to the King
bowing low before the Royal feet.
Brandishing his gleaming, sword, great Raja Sinha with
a smile of wrath told them how to entrap the foe.
Right joyously the army met, like a host of Asuras eager
for the fray: and thus they vaunted:- The great Mantri of Aludeniya poured forth his wrathful
words : "Ere this have I chased the foe; well do they know the
might of my blade.' Stout Yálégoda Appu Hami: '' et us stablish the renown of our land for future years;
the foe shall be fit victims for my sword" Ud:palaita Dissáva : "My heart quails not : the foreigners are as cocks
slaughtered for that ogre, my sword.' Kundure Mudali’s son, the Appuhami : "My mighty arm shall dash out the brains of the foe as
a royal lion amidst the elephant herd." Wanni Arachchi of Dolosbáge ; "When they see my sword, they needs must fly into the
forest." w Imbuildeniye Appu Sami: * However great their boast, they are no match for my
blade.' Wijésékere Appuhami of Páyingamuwa : “My lance will pierce through even Mara's host.' Golahela Mantri of Yatinuwera of royal race : * My blade shall be at the heart of the foe."

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280, 281.
282.
283,
284.
285. 286. 287.
288. 289. 290, 291.
292. 293.
2.94. 295. 296.
297.
298. 299.
300, 301,
302. 303.
304. 305. 306. 3.07. 308. 309.
310, 31,
312.
262
Máginigam Mantri, a devouring fire : "When once my foot is on the path of war, not Vepachit
himself dare cross me; my spear will lay him low.' Walagama Appu Sami showed in no wise behind the glory
of his race: “Where the Parangi's hearts melt as in the fire, I shall
be seen in the van.” The handsome Samaracón Mudali of Gónahugama, skilled in the rude game of war : s "My blade shall cleave the heads of many a foe." The Atapattu Mantri of Katakulugama : “The keen point of my flashing spear shall drill the bodies
of the foe.' f Renowned Wijeyesinha Mudeli of Tumpane: “My sword shall carve an abode for Siri to dwell in.' The handsome Kulatunga Mantri of Welliwita: “The foe shall be as a plantain grove before my dazzling
blade.' The gallant Appu Sami, Bandegai Mantri’s son : “They shall be but a snake for the maw of that gurula,
the arrow perched on the bow in my hand." Wijeycón, great Mantri of Walalagama : “My sword shall drink up the ocean of the foe." Wijeyecón Appu Sami of royal race, whose back no foe
has seen: "Before the light of my spear the foes shall sink as the
water-lily before the gleam of the moon.' Dunuwila Appu Sami, sweet songster of them all : “My sword shall teach the foe never more to venture on
the battle plain.' Hítágama Mantri : “In the fray my sword shall make the enemy a carpet
'neath my feet." Senerat Mudali of Dumbara, a very god to behold: “I crush the enemies' pride: they are but tender nuts
before my blade.' Glorious as Anangaya of old was Abeyecdn Appu Hami: “My stout spear shall pierce the breast of the foe." Stout Ekenaike Appu Sami : “Let the foe come : they are but scarecrows to my lance." Jayasékera Mudeli of royal race: " However many the loud-threatening foe, destruction
awaits them where I wield my blade." Wíracón Arachchi of Pansiya Pattuwa : “Let the Parangis come as they list to win our realm; we
beat them ere this; we shall beat them yet again.' Wirasékere Mantri, crown of his race, whose glory is as
the Full Moon : -

33. 34. 35. 36,
37.
38,
39. 320.
321.
322.
323 324,
325. 326, 327.
328. 329, 330, 331. 332.
333.
334,
335,
336,
337.
338.
339. 340.
34.
342. 343.
344. 345。 346.
26ვ
“This day shall see my skill in arms." Dehipádana Vidháne proclaimed his might: w “Though the foe come, none shall escape my bow." Abeyesinha Naida, in might like Rama : “We taught the Parangis of old when they invaded our
land: our swords shall teach them yet again." Dissánáike Mantri of Sakmana :
I shall cut through the ferocious foe like a tender bulb." Jayasinha Mudeli, that lion of war : “My spear shall be a raging elephant amidst the plantain
grove.' Wíracón Mantri :
Victory'shall crown my spear in the fore-front of the foe." Wickremesinha Appu Sami, who dazzled the eyes of the
looker on : “Their heads shall fall as tembili plants before me." The mighty force of Bombardiers, skilled to check the foe: "If Mount Meru were athwart our path our guns will
shiver it to atoms.' Wijeycón Mantri, Dissava of Uva, with his gallant men: “The thunder of our arms shall scatter the foe like dust." Samaratunga Mantri of pleasant Ampitiya in Sewaseta : “My bow shall prove its might amidst the countless foes.' The gallant Galagoda Naida, who crushes the pride of the
wicked and makes all hostile hearts to quail : “The rays of my dazzling blade are a torch to consume
the foe.' & Senerat Mudeli's son of Uduwela stood in the midst of
the host: “ With my lance in my hand and Siri by my side I shall
be in the fore-front of the foe.' The men of Mátota and the other Mantris there joined
in the cry : “What further force need we to meet the Parangis ?
Hinogh are we.' Gurunata's son from Welligama, of Velenda stock : " Vain is the boasting of the foe before my blade." The stately Mohotti Mantri of Uva, wise as the God of
wisdom : “The foe will be trapped as the deer in the net of my
willes.” VVracön, renowned Maha Mudeli of Pänadure: "My arm will show its might: my keen blade will toss
the foe across the ocean.' The openhanded Samaracon of Mátota: “All I desire is their heads: they may have the rest." Dissánáike Mantri of Weregoda, before whom no foe may
utter a sound:

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347.
348. 349.
350.
351. 352. 353.
354。 355,
356. 357.
358.
359. 360, 36. 362.
363.
364, 365.
366, 367.
368. 369. 370. 37. 372,
373. 374.
375.
264
"When my lance quivers, should Meru itself block my
path, it shall be overthrown.' Samaracon Mantri of Bómiriya, honey-sweet of tongue : * Before my lance the foe shall be as a cotton tuft circling
in the whirlwind.' Stout Jayasékere, grandson to Perumpulle Mantri of
Sítápura : "The heart of the foe is the prey of my lance." The Appuhami, son of Adikári Mantri of Induruwa : “Should the vast bulk of Girimevula himself meet me face
to face, my lance shall scatter his brains.' Kodippili Appu Sami, famed through the earth : “My lance shall pierce the foe; his bowels will I twist
around my lance.' Koratota Appu Sami: “My staff shall lie across the back of this herd of kine: I
need no sword.' Alahapperuma Mudeli's son from Attanagalla, the famed
Appuhami : “My long lance is destruction to the foe.' Wickremesinha, great Lord of Péliyagoda : “My war-cry is an evil omen to the foe.' The Appu Sami, son of the Hetti Sahabandu Mudeli of
Jayawardhanapura, who had abode in the Pasrata;
“When I brandish my blade, they are cleft in twain like
plantain trees." Kattota Mantri, a jewelled spire of beauty: “Alas for the foe who looks on my blade, his merit must
have waned.' The great Mantri of Hina Korale,* from Malwána : “At the point of my lance I shall drive the foe into the
deep sea.” The son of the famed Basnaike Mantri, Attanayake : “ My willes shall be as of the Maha Ausada Pandita.” The lordly Mantri of Beliantuduwe : “Like an eagle shall I seize the foe, those chicks.' Thus the great lords and soldiers many a one, both high
and low in birth, joined in one acclaim for war, And the King Raja Sinha listened to their words And started forth, a very god of gods for the Asura war.
Like the demon host which assailed Kuvera city the Parangis advanced; but the Lord of Matale pushed proudly forward with his host to Rukattana hinna to smite them in the van.
* Arte v. 127 and p. 225,

376,
377.
378.
379,
380.
381,
382,
383.
384,
385,
386,
387,
388.
265
Filling the hands of men with gifts like the Wish-conferring Gem, while his glory made the foe to fade like the lotus before the fierce rays of the Sun, King Raja Sinha, godlike, hastened with his mighty host; And as the foe who had fired the Capital were marching back to Gannoruwa, they were encircled without any chance of escape at Mulgampola, where the King's men fell on them with the point of the sword. The dancing pennons filled the deep womb of heaven as our dauntless host advanced on the heathen Portugals. A roar as of countless thunderbolts hurtled through the sky; from front and rear blazed forth the hedge of fire; and as they slowly moved from Hunukotuwa to Gannoruwa, our army faced and fought them step by step, And as our victorious King halted and raised the cokhanda
the enemy turned and fled as one man.
The palm leaves which they bore, the copper vessels in
which their rice was cooked, their powder, the loads of butter and of chickens which many a cooly carried on his shoulder, all are cast away in their deadly panic fear; Their bread and biscuits, boxes filled with sweet things, flasks and jars of maddening arrack, rice bags by the thousand, all manner of food and drink-all are thrown aside and trampled under foot, Fierce was the fight as painfully they dragged their steps along; and in their terror they said : " It is enough if we escape with our lives,' and they scattered in flight. Coats and hats, doốlá and andóru, banners and para sols, treasure chests and weapons, crowded the path; and step by step the Parangis, Kannadis and Kaffirs retired till they reached the crest of Kirivat Talawa. And there they strengthened themselves with guard
though without food or water, hoping eventhus to win the day.
In quick succession the countless jingals and muskets rang out and veiled everything in smoke; and they hid the blazing fear of their hearts: for they yearned to show the might of the Parangis.
Like wounded wolves they stood at bay, those stout soldiers com" from Goa, hemmed in and foodless but fighting still upon the mountain crest.
“And why do the gallant men of Lanka who are of us from of old, cleave to this beef-eating host? Should they not join us to-day, verily on the morrow we shall slaughter them every one."

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389.
390.
391.
392,
393,
394,
395.
396.
397.
398.
399.
400,
266
Such was the message the royal drummers conveyed; and the choice Sinhala host releasing fear from their hearts rolled away from the Parangis, like the dew drop on a leaf.
Brandishing his golden sword, flashing with its thousand rays, and raising his pearl-bespangled banner hard by, our King that Full Moon of goodness, gave order not to let a man escape. -
Like the roar of ten thousand thunderbolts the cannon bellowed forth at once, shattering heaven and earth and the mountain tops, for our gallant Bombardiers delayed not to crush the pride of the foe, who had come to war,
With thundering cannon and musket, Bondikula and Kodituakku, Pedreneiro, Camelete, and Bacamarte, all in One, And we rushed into their midst, some laying about them with their clubs, some treading them under foot or severing their necks at a single stroke, while others looked on at the sight from near; V Some shouted their cokhandas amidst the throng of Portugals, rejoicing in the stern game of war; others threw the bows they held around the foe, cutting their necks as they lay at their feet to their hearts' content; In vain had they come from their land, to eat and to drink and to draw their pay-only to meet defeat; from here and from there where they stood the battered Kannadi soldiers are dragged forth like bulls, with their hands tied behind their backs. The worthless Kaffirs, like mountain-cats fattened on beef and steeped in drink, are cast upon the ground on every side and beaten. “Seize the beasts,' one cries aloud, and straight his blade is at their throats; like the mountain snake that would swallow the plough they are trodden upon to death, while others look on at the fun. Like raging wolves on a herd of kine our gallant host lay about on the Parangis; their cushions and rugs and packages-who can recount the plunder of that fight? Silver trays and poniards, water jugs with silver tops, sabres wrought with lion heads, silver waist-chains, chains and rings of gold, coats, and jaggalat hats-they made a glorious spoil Some seize and tie them cursing them the while, as with piteous tears they pray for instant death or stand tongue-tied in their fear, while others in sport quarrel over the heads they had cut.

401.
402.
403.
404.
405.
408,
407.
408,
409.
410.
41.
412.
267
They cut and slash and stab and bind and wrench away their chains; they shoot and fell and seize their swords; they chase and leap and raise their shouts; for was not this Rája Sinha's mighty host ?
They wrench the muskets and pedreneiros from their hands to smash their bones therewith, and while one halts to cut their throats, another seizes the spoil.
But why recount their praise? For 'twas all but the merit of our King. Thus they dealt with those stout Parangis; kicked from behind they took many a long leap dashing their breasts upon the ground and thus they died,
Some are seized alive and tied; some are thrown on the ground and whipped like polongas; some are led away like elephants with chains on their feet; Those county-born Thupassis who feed on beef and ape the senhors in their trousers-Kavisi, Kannadi, Parangis and men, from many a land-all are struck down as when fishermen kill their prey by night. One band broke forth and ran, to be soon surrounded and seized; forthwith they are stripped of their clothes and whipped with many a scornful word; Their parched tongues are lolling from the mouths of some; in the agony of fear some pluck the green leaves and boughs, quivering like Gardyakas on the trees; others lie rolling on the ground like wounded porcupines. Their pride is crushed; and we rush up the mountain side and strip the coats and hats from that unresisting crew, who are as still as figures painted on a wall; and they fall in worship at our feet-for few resisted and faced our strokes, I ween. And there they stood sweltering in their fear, cursing the General who had brought on them this fate, while around many a wounded man did fall and give up the ghost. “"Twere well enough to stuff us out with food and drink and with lying words inveigle us to this fight; but the people of the two Ratas have given thee many a hard knock on thy pate.” And our two hosts stood on either side and cut of countless heads, piling them up like cocoanuts when they contend in sport. Indeed so many of the frighted foe they brought with leaves and branches in their hands, that they might well have come to drive away the baneful evil eye from our King when he entered on the fight.

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413.
414. 415.
46. 417。
48.
419,
420.t
421. 422. 423.
424.
425.
426.
427.
428.
429. 430,
431.
432.
433.
268
Close by on the two sides stood our two hosts while within on the mountain top was the enemy, a fit target for their balls as they sported in their game.
Thus, like the Full Moon in the midst of Stars, King Raja Sinha, with his royal brother and the courtier
train, did end the war." Destroying the hosts of Portugal, but sparing the Padres With the blacks and the double-natured Thupassis, for
mercy's sake. And so the proud enemy were crushed and the glory of our
King blazoned forth.
The Mantri of Siyane Korale was despatched as Dissáva
of Nuwara Kalaviya Chandrasékera Mantri of Walagama was appointed
Dissava of the Seven Korales Wickremesinha Mantri, Dissáva of Puttalam. And Ilancon Mantri, ever brave in war, Dissava of Matara. And all the gallant host which had wrought so gloriously
received their just reward t According to their deeds, with slaves, houses and lands,
glittering chains and names and ramping elephants. Thus all were satisfied and the Dissavas despatched to
their posts; While that zealous servant of the King, that ocean of
Wisdom, Moladanda, whose generation held the Saluwadana rank,
was appointed Atapattu Mudeli; The son of Kuruppu Mudeli of Koratota, the lion King before whom the raging elephants, the foes, did quail Was appointed to Sabaragamu Dissáva. The learned Mantri of Kattota, gallant in war and pleasant
tO man, Was granted the Four Korales, with a befitting host.
Thus the affairs of the low-country were settled and every one satisfied with villages and lands while the King and his army stayed at Getambe where they raised a Fort; and there were piled up the heads that were taken. And as for the Padre who had been captured alive, he was
ordered to take up his abode there,
* On 23rd and 24th March, 1638,
t Variant : Wanigendera Mantri, son of the wise Attanayake, was appointed to the Seven Korales,
Variant: And he who had come of old from Matota and lived in the mountain realm, was appointed Dissava there.

269
434. Whither too the Padre" who had long lived in the city
was sent;
435. After which the King returned in triumph to his capital
like Ráma.
436, And he laid his plans to capture the strong fort of
Madakalapuwa which the enemy had raised. 437. And like the host which rallied round King Gemunu when
he marched to the siege of Anurapura, 438. With a mighty force of Hollanders from Dambadiva 439. An Amaral arrived with his host of brave men sailing in
twelveships to Madakalapuwa : 440. News of which was submitted to the King who graciously
permitted them to land, 441. And by the merit of our King and the efforts of this host
the fort was won, 442. And the Amaral and his men satisfied with gifts.
443. And with this brave and loyal force, 444. He laid his plans against the many forts they had built round Lanka, that mountain cave where the lions do dwell, and which they had strengthened for many a day, with no more heed an they had been cow sheds. 445. The threatening ships encompassed it by sea and trenches hemmed it in by land, while many a cannon battered it on every side. - 446. And the Amaral took on himself to place the Hollanders: in the van, assisted by a like number of men from the Sinhala host; 447. And the warlike Raja Sinha, Ruler of the Earth, with his stout men wrought many a device against the city and crushing the foe he captured the fort, delivering the Par:ngis captive to the Hollanders, 448. Rewarding all who had wrought him well to their full content, while the corpses of the slaughtered Mukkaras among the foe were tossed on the frothing sea of blood, a holocaust to all the fierce yakshas, Bhitas and Rakshas at once 449. And thence he proceeded in triumph like Sekraya himself with his victorious host amidst the blast of martial music to reign in Senkadagalapura in his royal palace,
* Raja Sinha, writing on 9 Sept. 1636, says: “We had a monk in Candy as hostage' (xviii. R. A. S. 169).
From the Maha Hatane it is clear that the siege of Galle, in 1640, is referred to.
“The whole scene being a hell' says de Queiroz (Jour. of the Dutch Burgher Union, Vol. 1, p. 124).

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450. Protecting our religion and observing the law set for kings and dazzling the neighbouring kingdoms with his glory; for he reduced the whole of Lanka under the White Canopy of his dominion and ruled its prosperous lord.
451. Raja Sinha, our gracious King. Lord of our horses and elephants and men, mayest thou endure while the Sun and the Moon do shine 452. May the Gods in heaven above cherish thee as their own
eves 453, Mမျိုနှိမ်နုံ thou flourish as the Wish-conferring Tree, gladdening the hearts of men Mayest thou ever win victory over thy foes, and reign a Chakravarti, Lord of the
Earth
w
CHAPTER VIII. * *
How oN THE ARRIVAL OF JoÁo DA SILVA, TELLo, CoUNT DB AVEIRAs, As VICEROY of lNDIA HE SENT DOM FILIPPE MAscARENHAS As CAPTAIN-GENERAL oF CELÃo AND RBcAPTURED ʼ NEGUMBo.
On the eighteenth of September 1640, the Count de Aveiras, João da Silva Tello, arrived in India as Viceroy, succeeding Pedro da Silva Molle whom he
The King soon had enough of the assistance afforded to him by the Hollanders, and relations were so strained that on 4th July, 1640, Coster himself was obliged to start for the capital from Galle, escorted by some Dutch and Kaffirs. He reached the city on 15th July, when he was ceremoniously received by Dom Leonardo and another Muda liyar, and was granted an audience on the 17th. But unpleasantnesses soon arose; his interpreter Manuel was arrested for having a secret interview with the Prince of Matale; the King's Dissava at Galle (Pannikki Mudiyanse ?) was interfering with their trade there: only such provisions as suited him were permitted to enter the fort, and the King was requested to allow some of his villages near the fort for the support of the garrison. A reply was received on 15th August, through the Gabada Rale or Treasurer (2 C. L.R. 334). From a message received by Coster through “Attapatta, Dom Sebastian, Wahal Mudliar and Widicum Bandar,” he ascertained that he was now an object of suspicion, and he left the capital on 17th August, in a state of great irritation; this was increased when he was soon followed and stopped by Columbeninde, in search of a missing slave. On the 20th, he arrived at Badulganna in Welasse, where he was joined by a Mudaliyar with an armed guard. The next day he reached Nilgala; a petty altercation arose there in the course of which Coster was speared by the Sinhalese Lascarins. On 8th September, 1640, the King wrote to Thyssen at Batticaloa to express his regret at the occurrence. The latter hastened to Galle, only to find that Captain St. Amant, the officer in charge, had deserted to the Portuguese with some Dutch, Canarese, and Kaffirs (2 C.L.R. 350).

1640
27 I
found dead, the Government being administered for some time by Antonio Telles de Menezes who was subsequently appointed Count de Villapouca. It was with this Viceroy that I came on service. He found Ceilao suffering from the disasters which I have related and to remedy this state of things he summoned a Council of State. No funds were available, the chief essential for equipping a relief force: the previous winter the Hollanders had burnt at Mormugao the three galleons which we kept there to protect the place: consequently everything was in a perilous state. It was agreed that the loss of two such important fortresses as Galle and Negumbo should be remedied as soon as possible and steps taken to avert the disasters which threatened us; and as the Captain-General Dom Antonio Mascarenhas, during whose administration these misfortunes had overtaken us was the one to whom they would cause the deepest grief, and as he was a fidalgo who had served the State and given great satisfaction, it was desirable to appoint someone who would be acceptable to Dom Antonio and who would not be in want of money : for the State treasury was quite empty and it was not possible to raise a loan owing to the poverty of the nobles of Goa consequent on the blockade which the Hollanders had maintained with their ships for some years; each summer they used to be stationed at the mouth of the harbour capturing the merchant ships. In view of all this the Council resolved that the proper person to appoint as Captain-General of the Island was his brother Dom Filippe Mascarenhas, for in him they found all the qualifications they desired. They did not ignore the fact that he had seen very little service, but they recognized in him great talents and they thought he would render a good account of himself in everything. In a word the necessities of
One of the three ports of Goa.

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272
the case and the reasons given above added to the fact of his being a man of great wealth induced the Council to advise the Viceroy to entrust the command of the expedition to him; and this he accepted
with generous courage; nor were they deceived in
their expectations, for he excelled all the fidalgos whom I have met in our dominions during my nineteen years, in his good qualities and virtues.
Sixteen galliots and fustas with four hundred soldiers and some brave Captains were selected and he started as quickly as possible in the beginning of October, arriving in eleven days at Columbo, where his brother Dom Antonio came to meet him with the
cheerfulness which his affection demanded, and the
respect paid to a father. He handed over the Government to him and immediately took a pike and continued serving as a soldier on every opportunity that presented itself, till he was slain in battle by the Hollanders. His death was greatly lamented by all, for apart from his being a brave soldier, Dom Antonio was a very learned man.
Antonio da Mota Galvão was at the time in Columbo; he had marched there overland from
Jafanapatao with a relief force of two hundred and
fifty men out of the fleet which had conveyed Dom Braz de Castro and he had also been appointed Captain-Major of the Field. The Captain-General
set out with these men, some others who had been
wounded at Caimel, and the four hundred of us who had accompanied him, and laid siege to Negumbo as that was the nearest, and it would leave him free to follow up with the siege of Galle. Immediately on his arrival we erected batteries, and pressed them so hard that in twelve days they asked for a parley. But the conference led to no settlement and so we continued our attack that night so vigorously that the following day they agreed to surrender on the
* 8th November, 1640.

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273
terms we had offered. One of these was that they should be supplied with ships in which they could proceed wherever they wished, so long as they did not land at any port in the Island : and this undertaking was badly carried out by them, for they landed at Galle. But in truth the ships we gave them were old and so badly equipped that I do not know how they reached even that port, though it was not distant more than twenty-five leagues along the coast. But those who subsequently fell into our hands paid dearly for this breach of faith. Those
who surrendered, whether wounded or otherwise,
were two hundred in number, as the rest had been killed in the siege. A.
While the siege lasted one of the four traitors who had taken part in the rebellion against Constantino de Sá, Döm Balthezar" by name, appeared on our rear, for he had been ordered by the King of Candia to support the fortress with twenty thousand men; and immediately after the surrender we attacked him with six companies and two thousand Lascarins. We fell on them and routed them with great loss of life; and there was no little rejoicing because the slain included the traitor, who left his head to pay the price of his treachery. With this success the surrounding country soon submitted, and our affairs were in a better state than before.
lom lilippe was anxious to recapture Galle at once but there were several difficulties, the chief being the want of a fleet, as without this his trouble and expense would have been thrown away; for the fortifications of that fortress were sufficiently strong to withstand a protracted siege, and so long as the defenders had the sea open, double the reliefs which they had applied for from India could reach them. But in order to prevent their collecting any cinnamon in the meantime, or obtaining any
* v. Parangi Hatane, verse 125.
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provisions from their lands, he despatched Antonio da Amaral de Menezes with ten companies of infantry, consisting of three hundred and fifty men, and the Dissava of Maturé with one thousand and eight hundred Lascarins; with this encamped in the Galle Corla, the enemy could not obtain anything from their lands; indeed the Corla itself was so depopulated that they could get nothing from it. A hundred and twenty-eight of them were killed and forty-three taken prisoners in an ambush we laid for them close to the fortress;" this loss taught them such a lesson that they never fell into our hands again. And since the lands of Sofregao had submitted to the King of Candia, and their reduction required a person of
experience, Antonio da Mota Galvão, the Captain
Major of the Field, started to subdue it with five companies of one hundred and ninety soldiers, and the Dissava of those territories with four thousand Lascarins. He did not fail to find considerable difficulty and had several encounters with the enemy; but in spite of all he reduced all the district under the dominion of His Majesty.
Dom Antonio Mascarenhas volunteered to proceed to the Four and Seven Corlas. He took with him nine companies of three hundred soldiers, and the two Dissavas of those districts, who were followed by seven thousand Lascarins. This fidalgo encountered very great difficulty in reducing these districts; for as soon as he had reduced one district and routed the enemy, he found a strong force opposing him in the other, and when we went to attack them, if it did not suit them to wait for us, they changed their ground to the districts we had already reduced, so that they were in a perpetual state of insurrection. The wretched inhabitants did not fail to pay for what was only the fault of the
* At Wakwella: 9th August, 1641. The Dutch had thrown down their arms and fled, and for their cowardice a number selected by lot were shot (xvii. R. A. S. 250).

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enemy, and many were put to death under the plea of harbouring them. This expedition occupied a continuous period of one year at the end of which God was pleased to let us find the enemy off his guard in the Seven Corlas; we defeated him with such great loss that he was compelled to retire to Candia and we were left masters of all those territories for the people of Candia no longer dared to disturb us, and the Hollanders could not venture outside their fortress.*
CHAPTER IX.
How SEVENTEEN PoRTUGUESE wHo werE PRISONERS AT Uva
WERE PUT TO DEATH
t Before continuing our narrative it is necessary for a clearer understanding that we should turn aside to relate the course of events up till now. I have already stated that whef that disaster befel our army in Candia, the Prince of Uvat contributed most
On 2nd January, 1641, Martin Vinck started from Galle as Commissioner to the Court of Kandy, and returned on 1st April, with four Sinhale se un bassadors, who were despatched to Batavia, where they arrived on 24th August (2 C.L.R. 376), starting back on 19th October 1641 (r. 414).
! This is Wijayapala, Prince of Matale (vide Parangi Hatane) and line is so spoken of by the Dutch writers. Coster, in a letter dated from Batticaloa on 31st December, 1638, states that Raja Sinha had a brother who did some years before, whereon the King inherited all his lands and the title of Irince of Uva. (As appears from Baldaeus, p. 702, this deceased brother was Kumarasingha; Wijayapala claimed half the estate and there was a rupture between the two brothers in consequence). The King had complained to Coster that his surviving brother, the Rrince of Matale, was too friendly to the Portuguese and had allowed Fernando de Mendoca, brother-in-law of Diogo de Mello de Castro, and other Portuguese prisoners, to escape from custody. In September, 1638, Raja Sinha had attacked and captured the Prince of Matale at the head of eight thousand men, and he was kept under confinement in Kandy (2 C. L. R. 54) where he was at the time of Coster's visit in July, 1640 (p. 334).
On 21st IDecember, 1640, the General Mascaren has wrote to Raja Sinha threatening to place the King of Uva on the throne (p. 367). On 18th April, 1641, the King left Kandy for Uva with an army to capture his brother who had escaped from custody, but had to return unsuccessful, On 13th June, he sent Colomboneinde to the Dutch to ask for assistance as his brother Prince Wijayapala was in revolt (p. 415),
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to the victory by the assistance which he gave hi brother; and since his education among them har made him kindly disposed towards the Portuguese when he found himself victorious and our army destroyed, he ordered all the Portuguese who were taken alive to be brought to him; there were eighteen of them, including a priest and Fernao de Mendoca, whom he had detained when he came on his message to the King. With this fidalgo the Prince formed a great friendship as he was a young man of birth and parts, and he loved the rest of his prisoners as if they were his brothers, and treated them with extreme kindness. After their captivity had lasted four years, one day he addressed them as follows: "My friends, you can easily understand how great a regard I have for you; for the time you have spent here must have proved to you my affection. You came here prisoners, and in my power; but in truth, since I have mixed among you, I am far more the prisoner of your attractive qualities. You have always been very grateful for any little service I have rendered you, and so you have not only compelled me to desire every solace for you, but also to entertain a great feeling of affection for all. When men arrive at such a stage, they should prove their words by deeds; and that you may all realize the truth of my words, I have decided to set you free; you can therefore make your preparations, for you can start whenever you think fit.'
Hearing this, the men did not know how to give expression to their gratitude for such astonishing kindness; they all threw themselves at his feet but he raised them and embraced them with tears in his eyes; they declared that they no longer cared for liberty nor did their love for their country weigh with them; they only felt the grief of parting from their honoured Prince. Some days passed without their taking any steps, on which the Prince inquired why they were not arranging for their journey.

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They replied that they could not leave His Highness; that their sole desire was to please him, and that he could do with them as he thought fit. The Prince thereupon summoned a Modeliar, the Captain of his Guard, and gave him secret orders to be ready with a few men to accompany the Portuguese to our territory the next day. At five o'clock the next morning they all waited on the Prince who embraced them with many expressions of affection, and wished them farewell; our men started on their road with deep regret, filled with wonder at the high qualities of the Prince. They however chanced to fall in with the guards maintained by the King of Candia on his frontiers, who detained them while they sent a message to the King for his orders. Though he was aware that it was the Prince who had set them at liberty, he dissimulated and ordered them to be sent back to Uva, with a message from himself that those Portuguese prisoners appeared to have been given so much liberty that they had dared to attempt flight; they had been arrested by his guards on the frontiers and he was sending them back; but he begged him to have greater care taken of them. The Irince sent word in reply that the custody of the l’ortuguese was his own concern, as they were his prisoners: as for their attempting flight that ought to cause no surprise as they were on a foreign land and without any necessaries; for all men desire liberty, the dearest possession in life. At this reply the l&ing was convinced that he had set them free, and given them his own Modeliar as guard and guide; however as he was astute and sagacious, he
pretended ignorance.
The rince consoled them all and promised that he would shortly manage to send them among us, in spite of his brother; his friendship for Fernáo de Mendoca was specially great, and he was distressed that that fidalgo should lose so much by not being with us. With this thought he sent for him and told

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him that he was well aware that he was one of the chief fidalgos of Portugal and that such noblemen went to India to serve their King and acquire wealth: that he was suffering great loss, and he also saw the misfortune which had befallen him: he did not think it prudent to send all the Portuguese away but he would seize the earliest opportunity possible to do so; as for himself he desired him to start at once: though the road was not as short, it was the more secure: he could not do the same for the rest, for fear of his brother's anger: but he was only one man, and his going away might pass unnoticed. He accordingly ordered four Lascarins who knew the road well to show him the way and sent him on his journey accompanied by the priest. After eight days travelling by way of the Grevaias they reached Maturé safely and there they met our people.
None of this escaped the King of Candia, for he had people at Uva who kept him informed of everything; but concealing his knowledge he sent a message to the Modeliar who commanded the Prince's guard (for he knew that the Prince relied on him in everything) and ordered them to tell him that he was well aware that the Prince was anxious to send the men back to the Portuguese, and that he could not do so except by his agency: that he would be greatly pleased if he would kill them all when the opportunity arose, since his brother was so madly enamoured of their enemies; after effecting this, he should retire to Candia, where he would receive high honours. To further assist him, he would order the guards to be withdrawn from that part of the frontier.
The Modeliar pledged himself to do what the King desired; the Chingalas were jealous of the Prince's great predilection for the Portuguese, their bitter enemies, and this gave rise to complaints among all. The Modeliar noted those who had this feeling, so as to utilise them in carrying out his

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promise when the opportunity arose. The Prince was anxiously looking for the means and opportunity to fulfil his word and not fail in what he had begun in setting the Portuguese at liberty. On receiving news that there were no guards stationed on some of the roads, especially those leading to the Two Corlas, he sent the Modeliar to ascertain the truth of this report, (and indeed the latter knew more about it than the people he sent to make the inquiry). He got his iformants together and took them before his master, that he might learn from their own lips that the roads were free. Pretending to be very pleased he exclaimed: "Your Highness now has the chance you have wished for of doing what you desired for those poor Portuguese, without any interference from the King.' The Prince, as he was a man of great courage and considered him a faithful servant, replied: "Our opportunity has come and we must not neglect it. Be ready to-morrow morning with a hundred of my guards-men who you are confident will give a good account of themselves in the task they have to perform. If they meet my brother's troops they must not only protect the Portuguese from any injury, but also save them from falling into his hands; for he will not send them back to me a second time, and they will be robbed of their liberty for ever. This would be a great disappointment to me, for it is a long time since I have made my promise to them, and I am eager, as you know, to fulfil it. The journey will occupy but a few days: as soon as you bring them to their own territory, they will be safe, as their army is in Sofregao.' The Modeliar promised to do everything as he was ordered, and added that he could assure His Highness that even if it cost him his life the Portuguese would not fall into his brother's hands. Accordingly he directed them to start the next morning and distributed some presents among those whom he knew to be poor, and wished everyone farewell. They started

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the next morning at the appointed hour, well content. The Modeliar according to his orders had immediately sent word to the people whom he intended to take with him, selecting above all three Araches in whom he had confidence and who were ill-affected towards the Prince for favouring the Portuguese so much,
After travelling three days, when they were close to our territory, the Modeliar called the Araches aside and told them of the agreement he had entered into with the King, and how he had the King's promise that he would reward the people who helped him in the work: that he had pledged his word and was anxious to keep it, apart from the fact that the Prince so recklessly showed such unreasoning favour to their enemies as to desire to set them at liberty, so increasing their forces. These three required little encouragement; they were well satisfied with the proposal and applauded the resolution as a wise one; each undertook to speak to his own men, and all were found to be of the same mind. In the morning they started on their march, all very cheerful and talking with our men. . They crossed into our territory, where the Portuguese drew fresh breath, thinking that they had regained their former freedom. After marching three leagues they halted at Dinavaca, the Modeliar telling them that as they were now secure from the King's men, they desired to bid them adieu. His men were drawn up in two lines, with every mark of rejoicing, with the points of their lances resting on the ground just as if they were saluting them. Our men marched through the midst of them, bidding each other farewell with great contentment; while the seventeen stood between the two lines, at a given signal, in an instant they ran everyone of them through, and then quickly retired to Candia and informed the King what they had done. He was very well pleased and showed himself so to those who had performed this foul deed.

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CHAPTER X.
THE WAR which ARoSE BETweeN THE KING AND THE PRINCE,
AND HOW THE LATTER CAME TO US FOR HELP,
When the Prince was informed of what had taken place, he would not show himself to any man for three days, at the end of which he sent a messenger to the King requesting him to carefully send back the Modeliar and the Araches to punish them as their audacity and treachery deserved. The King replied that he did not know those men were traitors, but rather considered them very loyal for obviating the mischief which both kingdoms would have received at the hand of the Prince by the thoughtless favour he showed the common enemy and by his increasing their forces: he fully realised the great purpose for which God had granted them the victory where those enemies had been conquered, and that so far from having done anything worthy of punishment they rather had won those rewards which the King intended to confer on them. The l?rince was furious at this reply and ordered them to tell his brother that he was well aware that His Highness was entirely responsible for the death of these poor prisoners, to whom it was his duty rather to show favour than to put them treacherously to death. If he did give them their liberty, it was not through any desire to increase the enemy's power, for they in their anxiety for those seventeen would not fail to continue the war. If they showed themselves ungrateful, God, who had once placed them in his power, would do the same again. Those Portuguese had been his prisoners so long that he could not avoid having intercourse with them; and the various grounds for esteem which he found in
them was the reason which induced him to set them
at liberty. Therefore His Highness must either send back those murderers, for they were traitors, or if he retained them it was against his will.

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The King was incensed at this message and without giving any reply he turned his back saying " I shall punish this folly.' On hearing of this the Prince collected his troops, while the King ordered his Dissavas to get together with the utmost speed all the forces they could. Twenty thousand men assembled and were despatched to Uva with orders to arrest the Prince and bring him in good custody. As soon as they entered Uva the Prince advanced to meet them and coming on them as they were encamped in some valleys among the mountains, he seized the roads and held them there for seven days without the possibility of moving, just as if they were besieged:" they gave themselves up for lost and the Prince conceived that he had them safer than in a prison. But as he was full of pity, he spoke to his men and said "Our enemies are in our power and we can punish them as we think fit; but the men who are here cannot be blamed for the excesses of the King, for they only carry out his orders, and where there is no fault, it is unjust to punish. Moreover, if we kill them, and make our country a waste, to whom can we look to defend it? They clearly realise the position they are in and that their lives are in our hands. But I have made up my mind to spare them as I do not wish to appear like the King in killing the innocent; we shall therefore give them an opportunity of retiring.' He gave his orders accordingly and commanded them to retire to Candia under threat of not showing them the same mercy again. His own outposts were withdrawn and the King's troops marched out without any loss.
The King received immediate information of the situation in which his men were and ordered the rest of his forces to be collected at once, as he would relieve them in person; but when he learnt that they had retired and were on the road to Candia
* At Dodanatu Kapalla-Rajavaliya, 102.

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he was indignant with his officers and upbraided
them in a letter which he wrote on ola for their
subservience to the enemy when he himself was coming to their relief and was already on the road; he ordered them to halt wherever the letter reached them, as he would shortly be with them. The letter was received three leagues outside the limits of Uva, where the troops had halted for the night; they waited for eight days, when the King himself arrived with twenty thousand fresh men. Advancing with the whole body, he entered Uva from two points and marched straight to the city. The Prince who did not expect this sudden attack, hastily retired with a few followers and left his palace to be occupied by the King's troops. The Prince's men were in such consternation and dismay that he had no other remedy than to stop on the boundaries of the Two Corlas close to our territories.; and as he saw that it was impossible for him to face his brother he wrote to the Captain-Major of the Field, Antonio da Mota Galvão, vho was with the army in Sofregão, requesting a safe conduct to enable him to come and discuss with him matters which were of importance to the interests of the King our Lord. The Captain-Major replied that His Highness could come in perfect safety, and that he would find their desire to serve as prompt as the fulfilment thereof. On 1'eceiving this reply the Prince started with six of his nobles who followed him, sending a message to the Captain-Major while on the road to inform him of the fact. The latter learning from the messenger the road taken by the Prince, sent the Dissava with two companies and some men of war to wait for him at Opanaike;" the Prince arrived there the same day and was received by our men with three volleys of artillery, at which he was highly pleased, saluting all with great courtesy and
* On the Pelmadulla-Balangoda Road.

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treating all from the highest to the lowest soldier in a friendly manner.
The next day they started, but he could not be persuaded to enter an andor: so he walked on foot conversing with the Dissava and Captains, purposely mixing with the soldiers with whom he talked, asking each one where his country was and praising the special products of each-such as the melons of Chamusca, the pears of Alcobaca, the olives of Elvas, &c. The soldiers were astonished to hear him, and he showed himself as kindly to all as if they were his brothers. This knowledge was the result of his education and constant intercourse with the Portuguese, and he had in his room a map of our country in which were set out fully its cities, towns, villages, rivers, and other features, and also a manuscript book with minute details of everything. In three days he reached Cadangao" where the Captain-Major Antonio da Mota and the Prince after exchanging visits discussed the reason of his coming. He declared that his quarrel with his brother was in regard to the Portuguese, and he had come to them trusting to find in them the same sympathy and affection; it was notorious that the King's action was due to his insisting on releasing the poor men who had been murdered by those traitors in Dinavaca and his determination to seize and punish the latter as they deserved; it was equally notorious that the murder had been planned by the King; the matter therefore affected the Portuguese more than himself. He asked for no other help in carrying on the war than that we should give him one hundred and twenty soldiers in three companies and those who accompanied him would never repent it; he had plenty of money for the expenses and all would be well satisfied and everyone would find in him a brother; not only would he fight
* Kendangamuwa,

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the King, but he would also assist us with all his forces to drive the Hollanders out of the Island. If the Captain-Major granted him his request, he would be the happiest man on earth: he was resolved to punish not only the rebels, but also the one who had plotted the mischief which compelled him to abandon his state.
The Captain-Major had purposely come to this spot to wait for the Prince as it was four leagues
nearer to Columbo than Sofregao, and once there
the Prince could do nothing but what we bade him. To his request for assistance the Captain-Major replied that everyone was aware of the truth of His
Highness' statement and the Portuguese were
greatly in his debt; but there were several difficulties about giving him the men he wanted: it was necessary not only to speak with the King of Malvana, but also to refer the matter to Goa for the decision of the Council of State. On hearing this the Prince who had expected us not only to grant him his request but also to be zealous in assisting him through gratitude, immediately showed in his face the disappointment he felt in his heart. This was noted by one of the nobles who accompanied him," a man advanced in years, who spoke out and said. ' This war which the King is waging against the lince my master is due to his love for the ortuguese; it is for them to carry it on, though they appear so averse to doing so: I feel sure, and every one knows it, if we had gone for assistance to the Hollanders, they would have helped us with all their forces." On hearing this the Captain-Major called him a traitor and ordered him to be immediately arrested and his head cut off. The Prince was terribly distressed at this, and for the two days he remained there he would not see the CaptainMajor nor did he have another hour of happiness,
* Munwatte Bandara ?-Rajawaliya, p. 102.

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and gave himself up entirely for lost; but he would always talk with the soldiers who formed his guard,
for he was affable by nature.
Two days after this occurrence the CaptainMajor sent word that His Highness should go and meet the King of Malvana and discuss his affairs with him; he replied that when he came to us he was prepared to do everything he was told to : and moreover he was very glad to do so, as he hoped by God's grace to meet with a very go9d reception from the King of Malvana. They immediately started with two companies of infantry and some of our men of war, and thus they reached Malvana where the Captain-General, Dom Filippe Mascarenhas, was waiting for him. They exchanged many courtesies and compliments in a house where there was erected a dais on which were placed two chairs covered with crimson velvet with fringes of gold. The Captain-General would not allow the Prince to sit except on his right, which he as politely declined. They talked of various matters for more than an hour without the Prince mentioning the object of his visit; seeing this the CaptainGeneral remarked that the great affection which he had always shown to our nation was well known, and also that his quarrel with his brother arose from the same cause: His Highness would therefore find that all the Portuguese would give their lives to serve him. He replied that if he received no other benefit from his coming there than the great honours which His Highness rendered him, he considered his time well spent: his grief was that for such a trivial matter they should have killed a man whom he respected like a father. The General expressed his grief and attempted to console him : His Highness should remember what great reason they had to hate the Hollanders: how much more when his vassal rashly anticipated him, showing himself wanting in the respect and decorum which

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was due to His Highness, and had rebuked him in his presence: it was for this reason, and for no other, that the Captain-Major had punished him.
"Senhor,' replied the Prince " that old man brought me up and he loved me as if I were his child: when he saw the justice of the request with which I had come and how the answer I received was different from what I had expected, he ventured to speak as he did, and not because he did not approve of my coming here. I only blame the Captain-Major for the hastiness of the execution; even if it were reasonable to punish him, the punishment should not have been so severe.' " I am sure' answered the Captain-General " that had the Captain-Major known that he was a man whom you held in such high esteem, and also the reason which Your Highness has urged, he would not have done as he wished. The words the Captain-Major addressed Your Highness merited no rebuke; we should always look for the best method of serving Your lighness, for everything should be built on a firm basis. And so I hope in God that everything will be done as is right. Your Highness should therefore rest yourself, as here you will learn from experience how much we all love and desire to serve you.'
The Prince retired to a house which had been prepared for him and was accompanied by some officers and the principal residents of the city who had come to pay their respects to the General. The latter visited him in the morning and after some conversation he said that His Highness would find it best to accompany him to Columbo, where he could rest better after his painful journey, and also settle about his affairs in the city. The Prince was anxious for the opportunity to visit it, as it was so near; he accordingly replied: "My desires, Senhor, are only governed by Your Highness'. I see that everything is being done to please me, so that I

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may always remember the greatness of the Portuguese gentlemen, which from all I have heard has no limit. I am grateful to Your Highness for all your kindness to me.'
After breakfast a handsomely decorated palanquin was sent to him, but he would not enter it on any condition declaring that when so many gentlemen walked on foot he would only accompany them in the same fashion. The General could not persuade him in spite of all his efforts, and so both traversed those three leagues on foot. In the evening they drew near the field of S. Joao, close to the city, where all the companies were waiting for him. The General remained a considerable distance behind so as to allow the Prince to make his entry, and he also requested all who followed him to accompany the Prince. The companies were drawn up in good order on either side, all saluting him with three volleys of musketry, and wherever he went he courteously returned the greeting of all; so he advanced between our lines till he reached the gates when he was repeatedly saluted with three salvos of artillery at which he was delighted, as he had not seen a similar thing before. The Camara received him on his arrival, with the Captain of the city, the Bandigarralla and some of the principal residents, and the common people greeted him with many vivas. - The Prince could not express the pleasure which this reception gave him, and he afterwards declared that he considered the troubles and vexations of his brother a very happy matter, as they were the cause of their seeing the affection which he always had for the Portuguese : he was also satisfied that God gave them an opportunity to repay him for all. He was lodged in one of the best houses in the city-the majority of them were stately buildings-and he was provided with a guard of one company of soldiers, which was replaced by
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mounted guard did so with great splendour. The Captain-General ordered him to be liberally provided out of his own pocket with all he required and he would not sit down to table without having the Captain of the guard as his guest. Sometimes he went out to visit the General and he also visited the five religious houses. He was dignified, modest, courteous, of a stately bearing, and appeared about
thirty-four years old; he was slim of body and very
erect: his long hair was curled at the ends: his beard was worn in the Portuguese fashion with a moustache which was not very full; his colour was like that of the quince, and he was always very cheerful and friendly with the Portuguese; but when he spoke with the natives his bearing was royal, austere and very stately.
CHAPTER XI.
How THE PRINCE's REgUEST FOR ASSISTANCE WAS DISCUSSED AND THE QUESTION REFERRED TO INDIA.
After the Prince had been in the city ten days the Captain-General, Dom Filippe Mascarenhas, had some conferences regarding the assistance which he requested, and when the question had been discussed by a Council of all the experienced veterans who had a full knowledge of the land, they agreed that they should give him, and that as quickly as possible, not only a hundred and twenty Portuguese, but as many as we could spare, and they stated their reasons: before the arrival of the Hollanders we required five hundred men in two camps to prevent the lands which were subject to us from going over to the King of Candia and even thus we could not check the frequent assaults and invasions of the enemy which caused us such great loss: if we gave
a part of these troops to the Prince, we would
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carry the war within their gates and keep our territory free from invasion and at the same time we could engage the Hollanders with the rest of our companies and men of war, and thus we could easily wipe them, as well as the King, from off the Island: apart from the Prince being a courageous man, this war with his brother was entirely the result of his devotion to us: he was greatly beloved by the natives for his kindness, and the men of Uva were the bravest in the Island; with the assistance and encouragement of the Portuguese they must necessarily destroy the King or drive him out of the Island, and even if matters did not turn out so he would have all he could do to defend himself from the Prince, and thus he would be prevented not only from waging war on us, but also from assisting the Hollanders: we would also have the Prince on our side to assist us when the necessity arose and at the same time it would not be necessary to incur any expenditure over the l’ortuguese who followed him, for he was well supplied with treasure to meet the cost; should we give him this assistance was it not more for the interests of His Majesty and the advantage of the Island than a favour we were conferring on the Prince P
Two members of the Council however dissented; the Prince was the King's brother and they could easily become reconciled again. The King could always make his terms with such advantages that the Portuguese could not fail to be in a worse case than before; for it was notorious that he had entered into his alliance with the Hollanders with the sole object of expelling them from the Island: they therefore did not consider it desirable to lend the assistance which had been asked for.
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did we therefore fail to defend ourselves, or was it we who created this difference between them? And if he did join his brother what greater evil threatened us? If God had given us this opportunity, it was only wise not to neglect it, apart from the many overwhelming reasons which join in compelling everyone to lay down his life for a man, who in his own country and without any claim on our part had placed himself on our behalf in opposition to his own blood. The whole East would be astonished if we did not show our gratitude, for it was incumbent on everyone to render good for good, and we should not obstinately neglect an opportunity which had only come by the will of God. If the Prince proved ungrateful, our conduct would be that of Christians and Portuguese, and his that of a Gentile and a black, and it mattered little if we had one more such our enemy. If we act otherwise that very course will prove our ruin: for if the King with the people of Candia alone could wage such a fierce war against us, what would he do when he was also master of Uva 2 " In truth if we refuse the Prince this assistance, the King cannot find more trustworthy friends than the Portuguese, for we make him the undisputed lord of the whole Island. This is our opinion, and therefore his lordship the Captain-General should look into the matter and take whatever steps he considered most prudent in the interests of His Majesty.'
All agreed in these arguments and the rest of the Council were of the same opinion: so much so that even the two dissentients withdrew their opposition in the face of such cogent and wellfounded reasons. There was present at the Council the Factor and Chief Magistrate of Columbo; he advanced no opinion on the subject excusing himself on the ground of his lack of experience of the Island; but when he saw that affairs had reached the stage
of our voting the assistance. he asked for permission
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to speak.' All declared that they were anxious to listen to him for they knew his abilities, and with the General's consent he spoke as follows: " I have been waiting till now to see the conclusion you arrived at, and I have seen the wisdom of those weighty arguments for rendering help to the Prince, whatever the consequences, because the state of affairs so imperatively demands it. But it is my duty, and I may not omit to remind you of an order which I find registered in the Factor's books, whereby their Most Serene Majesties the Kings of Portugal have given express commands to all the cities, fortresses and districts over which we hold dominion in this State, that if by any means or chance any King or Prince, Gentile or Moor, fall into our power, they should not be allowed to return to their territories to continue their rites and ceremonies. This rule had special reference to the Princes of this Island; all such are to be well treated and advised in a friendly way to voluntarily receive the water of Holy Baptism. If I conceal what I now tell you, I am liable to punishment; I therefore bring it to your notice that the CaptainGeneral may decide with your worships what is the best course to pursue.'
All were in consternation at this speech and adjourned the further consideration of the question, the Captain-General requesting them to give the matter their most careful deliberation, so as to arrive at a settlement. Two days later the Council met to discuss the same subject; the opinions of all were unaltered, for they were satisfied that it was also in His Majesty's interests; they declared that their Most Serene Majesties in passing this order had a noble object, at a time when it was not possible to find anything better than the state in which the Island was. At the date of the order we had no such powerful opponents as the Hollanders; and even if we maintained a state of continuous

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warfare with the Kings of the Orient, our forces were sufficient to resist their greatest efforts; but the order should not be attended to in our present state of difficulty, and his lordship the CaptainGeneral should do what he considered best in the King's interests.
The General replied: "It is not right, gentlemen, that a matter of such importance should be decided by my single opinion; it is very difficult for one man to show judgment in every matter, for success and failure are in the hand of God; the man who follows only his own opinion is bound to fall into error; so much so that I do not desire to assume the responsibility in the eyes of the public who judge rashly each one according to his own opinion. To obtain the advantage of the advice of all who are present, I invited you to assist me, and when the subject was discussed, I was glad to listen to the numerous
weighty reasons which were urged for our rendering
the most effective aid to one who on our account finds himself driven from his State and country and who looks for refuge among the very men for whom he is suffering. In other ways too it is of great importance to us to assist him; if we do not, it is we who are weakened. But I wish to know how we can avoid incurring the displeasure of our Lord the King for infringing his orders ? I had the book containing the entry produced and made a careful inquiry into the circumstances; I find we can follow no other course but what is laid down for us. We must therefore refer the matter to Goa with a detailed statement of our opinion on the subject for the guidance of the Viceroy, and request him to send a suitable force, if he can see his way to do so. If he cannot he will submit the matter to His Majesty, and I feel sure that when it is before him he will order the despatch of sufficient forces to replace the Prince in the possession of his State.'

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No one objected in spite of their disappointment; for all saw that no other course was open to the Captain-General, for he alone would be held responsible.
When the Prince heard of this resolution he did not show his grief in any way; he only remarked that he greatly regretted the Portuguese should thus increase the forces of the enemy and that it was not in his power to repay them for the kindness he had received at the hands of all. The CaptainGeneral ordered him to be kept well supplied with everything out of his own funds, and requested him to let him know if he needed anything for his personal use he had the best of eight galliots amply fitted out to Čonvey him to Goa in, and accompanied him on board ship where he wished him and every one else who was present farewell "with manifestations of gratitude. He showed no grief at leaving, but as much cheerfulness as one could hope for had his request been granted. He started from Columbo
in the middle of December, 1641, arriving in a few
days at Goa, where he was well received by Joao da Silva Tello, Conde de Aveiras; he was assigned a sufficient income for the maintenance of himself and of the two noblemen and the servants who accompanied him; as for the rest, he had before starting requested the Captain-General to send them back to Uva, which was carefully done.
To finish with the career of this Prince: he lived in Goa and was treated with consideration, spending most of his time in conversation with the priests. In March, 1645, Dom Filippe Mascarenhas arrived from Ceilao as Viceroy of the State, and he earnestly urged him to be converted; the Prince. consenting, the matter was reported to His Most Serene Majesty King Dom Joao IV. with a request
* The date appears to be wrong. According to the Dutch Records, the Prince of Uva was in Colombo in February, 1642 (xvii. R. A.S. 299): the Rajavaliya says Vijayapala was in Colombo for three years (p 102).

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that he might act as godfather. His Majesty, in a letter which he sent him, warmly congratulated him on the choice he had made and authorised Dom Filippe Mascarenhas to act on his behalf. As soon as His Majesty's letter arrived he was anxious to carry out the solemnity at once; on the appointed day all the prelates, the lords of the tribunal of the holy office, the Fidalgos, and the rest of the nobility, headed by the Viceroy, met together. First of all before this assembly the Prince delivered an able and polished address; as he realised that no rational being could secure salvation save he be washed in the water of Holy Baptism so as to obtain a portion in the blood which Jesus Christ had shed for the human race, therefore he would have all know that no other cause had inspired him save the mercy of the Most High, to whom he rendered humble thanks for vouchsafing him that mercy and for illuminating him with the divine grace, rescuing him out of the darkness in which he was living: that he eschewed for ever all the transactions which he had had with the evil one, and only sought to be the son of Jesus Christ through this such health-giving lavation, which he longed to receive in all devotion and humility. He requested them to take down all that he said and he signed the record. Immediately afterwards he received the Holy Baptism, and he was followed by all who were with him. That was the day of greatest rejoicing and solemnity which the State had seen; he lived there till the year 1654, when he departed this life with all the signs of a devoted Catholic.
When the King of Candia learnt that we had sent his brother to India he was very well pleased, for he was in a state of great fear lest we should assist him, in which case he gave himself up for lost: as soon as he left Uva he ordered the Prince's officials to collect the rents, that when he came and asked for them they should give them to

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him, telling them that they should not give anything without his order, for they would have to render an account of everything. When he learnt that
he had sailed away he took over the kingdom as his
own, but did not press the war so as not to compel us to bring the Prince back to Ceilao; but on hearing of his death, he immediately began all the mischief he could against us.
CHAPTER XII.
How THE HoLLANDERs cAME TO LAY sIEGE To CoLUMBO WITH THIRTEEN SHIPs, BUT FAILED to EFFECT ANYTHING.
In January, 1642, thirteen of the Hollanders' ships appeared off Columbo with three thousand five hundred soldiers, thereby compelling us to abandon our territories and leave our three camps as rapidly as possible so as to check their design; but on learning that we had more than eight hundred soldiers and the residents who were no fewer in number, they were afraid to disembark anywhere, though they did not fail to keep us in a state of anxiety for thirty-five days marching up and down the sea shore, as they tacked hither and thither; after which when they saw that they could not achieve their object, they made for Galle." When the Captain-General knew that they did not land in the Island, and that the army we had maintained the previous year in the Galle Corla was not sufficiently strong to oppose the force which the enemy would land there, he abandoned his plan for reducing the district of Sofregao and divided the five companies we had there among two camps, giving one to that of his brother Dom Antonio, as ten were sufficient for checking the King of Candia and
* The Sinhalese army under a Dissave remained between Alutgama and Panadure (xvii. R.A.S. 299-309).

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defending the Four and Seven Corlas, and attaching the other four to the Maturé camp, which was thus increased to fourteen companies of the choicest troops we had in the Island; the Captain-Major of the Field, Antonio da Mota Galvão, vvas also despatched to the latter camp, and accordingly the Dissava of Sofregao, with the men of war of his Province took up his station at Ceitavaca, a convenient and strong position with a stone fortress which had been erected by Madune, father of Raju; from here he controlled the district as far as Cadangão. Dom Antonio Mascarenhas led his army to Manicavaré where he took up his station to repel the incursions which the King had ordered his Dissavas to make on the Four and Seven Corlas; but the fight was carried on with little energy and merely to satisfy the Hollanders, for when we advanced his men withdrew to Candia without waiting for us, and accordingly we had no engagements with them and those provinces continued obedient to us.
The Captain-Major Antonio da Mota advanced to Mature; his command consisted of fourteen companies of five hundred soldiers, all in excellent condition, while the Dissava of that district had a large body of our men of war. We stopped close to Galle, but as the enemy would not come out to meet us we pushed on to Maturé and reduced all the districts of Corna Corla, the Grevaias and Hallavé, after which we took our station at Belligao from where we constantly laid ambuscades against the Hollanders, who however did not venture outside their stronghold. Our enemy of Candia made several incursions on those districts, giving us more trouble and annoyance owing to the rough roads than achieving anything, for they rarely waited for us.
We went on till June in this fashion, and as our chief object was to prevent the Hollanders venturing outside their fortress to collect cinnamon,

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we moved the whole of our force close to it especially as we were also expecting the arrival of our Armada from Goa, to enable us to build batteries against it. We were posted half a league from the fortress in a village called Acomivina," and our blockade was so close that they could not get a green leaf from outside. This lasted till the end of February 1643 without the arrival of the expected fleet ; but a Commissary of the Hollanders, Pedro Burelt by name, came with four ships, to Columbo to announce a treaty which had been entered into between His Most Serene Majesty King Dom João IV. and the States, to continue for ten years in India; but when they insisted on our giving up the Galle Corla, declaring that it was an appurtenant of the fort, the Captain-General argued that for seven months our army had been the masters of it right up to the moat of the fortress, and they did not have possession of a palm of land outside its walls; all that he could do was to give up to them as much as was covered by their guns. Pedro Burel would not agree to this and set sail for Goa to settle the point with the Viceroy, the Conde de Aveiras, we on our side advising him of our reasons against giving up those lands. An armistice was agreed upon pending the discussion of this question and in the meantime we removed our army and dividing it into two bodies we went to conquer the District of Sofregao and all the other lands in that direction which belonged to the Crown of Portugal. The expedition was more irksome than dangerous owing to the narrowness and difficulty of the roads; all night long the Chingalas used to worry us by their calls to arms, shouting at us as usual from the tops of the mountains and saying that we were knaves, with only two hours of life remaining; some of them
* Alkmimena. t Pieter Boreel, Councillor Extraordinary of India, on 1st Feb. 1643. (R.A.S. xvii. 385.).

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were caught by our soldiers in the very midst of their abuse which they had to pay for in ready cash, for some were impaled and others cut open with an axe and left there to serve as an exampel to the rest.
CHAPTER XIII.
How THE TREATY was NoT RATIFIED AT GoA, AND THE BATTLE
OF ACURAcA.
After reducing the whole of Sofregao, the Captain-Major of the Field retired with ten of the companies to Maturé, leaving with the Dissava the remaining four which were sufficient for the defence of the district. Our army was encamped three leagues from Maturé at a village called Acumana and in a few days we received information there that the war with the Hollanders was to be continued as before, as the Viceroy had refused to give up the Galle Corla. Pedro Burel also landed at that fort all the infantry from his four ships, and they decided to place an army in the field; and so they did as quickly as possible, choosing out five hundred soldiers and some Lascarins who were with them in the fortress. As they were aware that we had left four companies in Sofregao and that the majority of our men were invalided by the long marches, they took up their quarters in Belligao, a naturally strong position. Learning of all their movements we were compelled to march as rapidly as possible to Maturé to prevent the enemy seizing the provisions and ammunition which we had there; having secured them we advanced three leagues inland, halting at a village named Acuracat which was the same distance from Belligao.
* Halkmana. t Akuressa.

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The Captain-Major instructed the Dissava' of Sofregáo to advance with his four companies and men of war as rapidly as he could, but the Hollanders discovering our lack of men and that any delay of theirs would increase our numbers, advanced to meet us so as not to lose the opportunity which had presented itself. About eight o'clock on the morning of the day following our arrival at Acuraca some of our Lascarins appeared with the news that they had encountered the enemy on the march, and that they were rapidly approaching us, and in fact were at the time only a quarter of a league distant. The Captain-Major Antonio da Mota immediately despatched the Captain of the van guard to meet them and ordered another company to follow and hold them in check. These two companies en countered the enemy a cannon shot from our camp, where we received their charge and fought for half an hour when we were reinforced by two more companies; with their assistance we attacked them with our lances and clubbed guns; two others followed after an interval and so on with the rest. The fight lasted from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, when almost all the five hundred were either dead or taken prisoners, the officer who commanded them, Joao Uvanderlat" by name, the best soldier they had in the Island, escaping wounded with a few of his men. Of our force twenty-five were killed and sixty-seven wounded, the whole number who took part in the fight being two hundred and forty-three, for the rest were very ill. This encounter took place on the 4th of May 1643.
Our wounded and prisoners were despatched to Columbo, and on their arrival the Captain-General ordered that none of them should go to hospital, but
* Van der Laen : subsequently sent to Batavia to be tried for his mismanagement and sent back to Ceylon with Carron.
f To Welligama.-R.A.S. xvii. 420.

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he begged the chief residents to receive them in their own houses, one or two each as they had accommodation for, so that they might be better looked after. He visited them all in person encouraging them to greater efforts, and according to the report of each man's behaviour at the fight he thanked him in complimentary terms, slipping under his pillow a paper with twelve, fifteen or twenty S. Thomae, according to the birth, position or claims of each, and saying "Your worship has a brother here, for that is what I am to you, and
I am not lacking in funds with which to help
you; before this sum is exhausted let me know, so that you may not be in want of anything.' In consequence of the kindness and praise and cheering words of the Captain-General, all the soldiers were eager for an opportunity of showing their valour.
In a few days the Dissava of Sofregão arrived with his four companies and men of war: the Captain-General also sent eighty soldiers from Columbo, who were distributed among the companies which were short of men; this brought up the numbers in the army to the same figure as before, and so we started from Acuraca, the Captain of the
advanced guard being despatched by another route
to attack the Dissava of Candia, who was in Corna Corla with a large force. The journey gave us greater trouble than the opposition which the enemy offered; for we found his quarters empty though not of stores which latter we took for ourselves, and wheeling round we joined the army close to Acomivina, occupying the same position as we did when the question of peace was being discussed. Here we remained from the end of May till eight days before Christmas, maintaining a strict blockade on the fortress without allowing them to cross the moat; we had no further encounter with them, as they did not venture to come and meet us,

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On the seventeenth of December there arrived at Galle sixteen ships with four thousand five hundred men who were immediately landed. They did not venture to attack us as we were encamped in a strong position surrounded by marshes; but they seized the two roads which we had utilized for maintaining communications and for the convoy of provisions from Columbo; for we were few in number, while they appeared sufficient not only to defeat that army but also to capture our fortresses. On the night of the twenty-sixth we broke camp and retired four leagues inland, halting at a village called Mapolegama; here information was brought to us the following day by our spies that immediately on our departure the enemy had gone on board. We broke camp at once and hurried towards the sea shore over rough roads; reaching Belitote worn out with the march, we began to erect huts in which
* The King's Dissava, Mudaliyars, Sahabandar, Mohottiaar, and Arachches, were in the Fort (xvii. R.A.S. 432). The chief among them seems to have been Dissanaike Mudaliyar (337).
In 1644 Dissanaike had fallen into disgrace and been ordered to return to Kandy (xviii. R. A. S. 256).
In 1638 Ilancon had been appointed Dissava of Matara (v. Ante pp. 40 and 268). At the date of the siege of Galle, the Sinhalese Dissava of Matara was Mampe Rala, who had by 23 March, 1644, been succeeded by Ekenaike Mudaliyar, Dissava of Seven Korales (xviii. R. A. S. 182). So far as I can trace, the descendants of the latter are as follows :-
Don Constantino Madere de Basto Ekenaike, Mudaliyar and Adigar, (dead in 1711) = Dona Susanna, (alive in 1711) dr. of Tennekon Madduma (Punchi ?) Appuhami. Children (1) Don Constantino Wijeydiwakere Ekenaike, Mudaliyar and Gajenaike, Superintendent of Gangaboda and Wellaboda Pattus (will dated 28 Jan. 1755) = Dona Maria, dr. of Don Miguel Wijesekere Tennekon, Mudaliyar of the Galle Corle.
Children (Adopted)
a. Don Lourens b. Dona Ana (2) Dona Louisa, m. Don Joan de Astro Siriwardhana Wijeyecon, Korala of Morawak Korale, and Mudaliyar (dead in 1755). (3) Don Joean. (4) Don Gaspar. In 1651 Rampot (Rambukpota ?) Adigar was appointed Dissava (p. 264), and subsequently Wickeliye Punchi Appuhami was Dissava of Matara and of the annexed portion of Sabaragamuwa (Medal of 1682, xvii. R. A. S. 54; xviii. R. A. S. 130).
† Welitara.

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to spend the night; but after concluding our work
towards evening we sighted their ships going in the
direction of Columbo; we could therefore do nothing
else than advance along the sea shore, always
keeping them in sight. On reaching the Panaturé river they sent all their lanchas armed with musketry
and some falcons, to prevent our crossing; but they
failed in their object for the Captain of the vanguard
occupied the entrance to the bar with his men while
the soldiers dug pits in the sand from which they
kept up the fight the whole of that day, during which
the army succeeded in crossing without any danger.
The enemy seeing this, and as it was night, withdrew
to their ships. The following day both they and we
appeared before Columbo; the Captain-General had
warned his brother Dom Antonio Mascarenhas of
the enemy's numbers, and the latter had rapidly marched with the army of Manicavaré and was halted at Negumbo as he had been ordered. Immediately on our arrival at the city the Captain-General despatched the Captain-Major of the Field, Antonio da Mota, to Negumbo with six companies, and left the Captain of the vanguard Pedro de Sousa in the city in command of the rest to assist wherever necessity arose. s
N
CHAPTER XIV.
THR BATTI. R op N RoUM Bo w HERE DoM ANToNIo MAscAREN H As AND ANToNo ) A MoTA GALvÃo, THE CAPTAIN-MAJoR (F THE FIBLD, weRB SLAIN.
On the 3rd of January 1644 the enemy's ships reached Neguimbo where Dom Antonio Mascarenhas was stationed with his army of ten companies containing three hundred soldiers and some invalids who were on their way to Columbo; the six companies brought by Antonio da Mota Galvão the Captain-Major consisted of a little more than two

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hundred men. On the morning of the fourth the enemy landed without any opposition half a league to the north of the fortress; whereupon our two troops got ready to receive them, informing the General of their determination as the enemy were already on land; therefore the latter ordered Pedro de Sousa to start with eight companies of three hundred soldiers and the native troops who accompanied them. The enemy advanced in seven squadrons of six hundred each all in one line and thirty paces
from each other. In consequence of the jungle no
more than two were seen in front of our men, and thus they advanced beating down the field. Dom Antonio Mascarenhas and Antonio da Mota Galvao, the Captain-Major of the Field, decided that each should attack the squadron which was in front of him; they came on our men who were drawn up on a square patch of ground at their usual rate of march, and after exchanging the first volleys they were attacked by us sword in hand, and the greater part of their two squadrons put to the sword. But as our men were careless they found themselves outflanked by the five squadrons which advanced to charge us at a quicker pace; we were in disorder
running here and there killing those who had
escaped from the two broken squadrons, being thus disorganised and without any formation for receiving their attack. The enemy after two volleys fell on us so vigorously that everyone who was not hit by the balls trusted to the speed of his legs. Dom Antonio Mascarenhas and the Captain-Major of the Field seeing that everything was lost threw themselves among the enemy with a few followers and sold their lives dearly.
The enemy continuing on their course with the same rapidity reached the fortress which they at once entered; it for the only garrison it had for
* Under Francois Carron. h9th January, 1644.

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its defence was a few invalids. The Captain who defended the gate was so handled that he could not be recognised for his wounds, and in less than three hours, from ten in the morning till one in the afternoon, not a Portuguese was left alive either in the armies or the fortress.
The eight companies of us had advanced at full speed by that difficult shore which consisted of five
leagues of loose sand where one went as much
backwards as forwards. Arriving at a place called "the little well,' which was half way on the road, we met those who were retreating and who gave us the tragic news of this unhappy disaster. We advanced another half a league to try and discover any of our men, but as we learnt from some Lascarins that the defeat was complete, we halted till the commanding officer received orders from the Captain-General to retire at once; which we did, reaching the city three hours after nightfall. In this encounter there fell several Captains and officers and the Captain-Major of the Camp who was a Casado of Columbo; the whole city was plunged in grief and when the Captain-General saw this early in the morning he put on his richest festal rolles and went through the city; stopping wherever - he heard lamentation, he would send a message by . the Captain of his guard to tell the one who was weeping that there was no reason for tears, but rather for great rejoicing that such honoured cavaliers had so happily sacrificed their lives fighting with the enemies of our faith for their King and country. "The action of the General and his messages had such an effect that there was no more public display of grief nor did any one put on mourning, and it was an excellent means for preventing their attention being distracted when the victorious enemy were so near.
* Diogo Mesquita: 2 C.I.R. f. Pocinho.
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The Captain-General at once set about reorganising what remained of the commands of his brother Dom Antonio and of the Captain-Major Antonio da Mota, out of which he formed eight companies of two hundred and eighty men, our losses in the fight being a similar number; with these we had a total of sixteen companies of five hundred and eighty men. The Captain-General appointed João Alvres Beltrão as Captain-Major of the Field, a position which he had sometimes filled, till an appointment was made by the Viceroy; he stationed the army at the Salt Tank close to the city and placed three companies at the passage of Betal,t with the Lascarins who remained with us. He persuaded all these natives with marks of great affection and compliments and his own money to continue with us; for as a rule they desert whenever we sustain a defeat.
CHAPTER XV.
THE ATTEMPT of THE ENE MY TO REACH CoLUMBO, THB RMBAssy we senT To THR KING OF CANDIA, AND THE SIEGE we LAID To NEουMBo.
After capturing Negumbo the Hollanders spent twelve days in fortifying the position and converting it into a regular fort, leaving only the houses of the old position and destroying the stockade which they themselves had erected when they took the place in 1640. They built four bastions at the angles of the square placing in each eight pieces of artillery of eight, ten and twelve pounds, the bastions and walls being of earth. Having finished the work they came in search of us proceeding by
* Tanque Salgado, the site of the Dockyard. t Opposite Wattala; the Colombo side of the Wattala ferry is still known as Pasbeta.

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the sea-shore till they reached the passage of Matual, intending to cross the river at the point where they found us defending it. They anchored their ships and lanchas at the mouth of the bar and with the baskets with which they had come provided they erected a battery of eight demi-cannon with which they hoped to dislodge us from our position. The Captain-General as quickly as possible sent from the city some artillery which we placed on platforms on the higher ground. The enemy kept up the fight for ten days receiving heavy loss, for they stood exposed on the shore where every shot of ours had its effect: and since the Captain-General took a personal share in the defence many of the chief residents joined us and the bastions of the city were manned by a large number of people from within. When the enemy saw the loss he was sustaining without any benefit, at dawn on the morning of the 27th January he reshipped his guns and started back for Negumbo, disembarking six hundred men there to serve as a garrison; the fleet then returned to Batavia. The General issued pay to the army and ordered it to proceed to the Four Corlas; and as we did not find our Candian enemy there we went into camp at Manicavaré where we remained till the middle of April, in the interval making our preparations to lay siege to that fortress.
The first step the Captain-General took was to send an embassy to the King of Candia, the reception of which was more satisfactory than the success it achieved, although the General did attain the object hc hoped for, which was that he should not disturb us in the siege we intended to lay to Negumbo. He further begged him to enter into a . perpetual peace, though he was well aware that the King could not do so in consequence of his alliance with the Hollanders; but he made the attempt so * The Sinhalese Dissavas accompanicd the Dutch forces (xvii. R. A. S.
500).
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as to obtain what he would give us. He sent him a handsome present which the King accepted; but to the proposal for peace he replied that it would not suit either the Portuguese or himself, for he could not show himself wanting in what he had agreed with the Hollanders; our evil disposition and greed had compelled him to look for some one to help him against the oppression he received at our hands. Owing to his affection towards us he had been sorry
for our troubles, for he had always had more to do with the Portuguese than with his own natives; he
had grown up among us from his infancy, and there was nothing he knew except what we had taught him. But there was no remedy now; the peace which the King of Portugal had entered into for ten years was still in force, and because, in the previous year we would not give up the Galle Corla, the peace had not been declared and the war was continued as before; in consequence we had lost Negumbo and so many good lives. The settlement of the question would undoubtedly reach us from Portugal at the end of the year; he was well aware that the King of Malvana neglected no point and it was of advantage to them to retake that fortress. As far as it was possible for him, he would assist us by not disturbing our territories, so that we might be able to supply ourselves with provisions and men of war and service for carrying on our undertaking. As for anything else which related to his personal affairs the King of Malvana could look to him for help, and he would find in him the greatest willingness. He presented the ambassador with some cloths and sent him away with this reply, which left the General very well satisfied as this was all he wished for.
At the end of March there arrived in Columbo Fernão de Mendoga who had been a prisoner in Uva and who had been subsequently appointed CaptainMajor of the Field; by the middle of April his

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command consisted of four hundred soldiers including some fidalgos. The Captain-General moved from Columbo with this force, while the army of Manicavaré did the same ; we met on the 18th April at the passage dos Lagartos, and reached Negumbo the following day. The enemy greeted us with a salvo of cannon balls, and we began to prepare our quarters; the natives brought fascines and our men exerting themselves we finished the work in three days; three more were spent on the approaches to the fort where we raised two batteries, one of eight and one of four demi-cannon, among which were two borers. On the 25th we opened fire with nine hundred and fifty shot and a hundred and twenty fire bombs, or rather what looked like them than were so in reality; for the ingenuity of our CaptainGeneral had led him to have a mortar cast and in place of bombs he had a large number of cocoanuts filled with powder, well covered with tow, resin and other stuffs which made them look what they were not; and though the enemy made fun of these bombs, they caused them a deal of anxiety. For the church and houses in the old fort barely accommodated two hundred and four hundred were lodged in huts anci had always to go about with buckets in their hands to protect thema from these fire-balls, which however did hardly anything else.
The enemy had built on a little island in the middle of the river a strong fort occupied by a Captain with fifty men and two pieces of artillery with which they caused us considerable loss, for they could fire into our trenches from the flanks and compelled us to protect ourselves as much from the citadel as this fort. The Captain-General ordered the Captain of the vanguard to attack it one night and gave him two additional companies for the purpose. We crossed over to the islet in the morning watch and carried it by assault, the garrison being all slain except five who crossed the river by

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swimming. We continued our firing and erected two more batteries and also made some progress with our trenches, for we were at a great distance from the fortress. At the same time we renewed the guns, for the continuous firing had made it possible to introduce one's arm through the touch holes. Owing to our distance the walls did not appear to be at all damaged. Our men had little experience of sieges; the Captain-Major considered his valour sufficient for the greatest undertakingsan opinion begotten of inexperience in siege workand so, apart from his great courage-a quality which was not lacking in the rest of us too-he was also impetuous. Everyone began to despair of ever taking the position, whereupon the Captain-General osummoned a Council of his officers and Captains; a certain German who had been a servant of Senhor Dom Duarte and who had crossed to India by land to serve this Crown, chanced to be present at the Council; and when he saw that everyone's talk showed more courage than military knowledge, he
addressed them as follows:-
'Gentlemen, I am a German and my affection for the Portuguese has brought me from my country to these distant parts only to serve you; for I was brought up by one of your Princes, and I therefore took the first opportunity which presented itself after my arrival in Goa, which was this, to try and come here, following His Lordship the CaptainMajor who is here. While serving my lord and master in my own country I have been present at several fights and sieges, where they followed tactics different from the present. I do not say this because I find a lack of valour in the Portuguese gentlemen; I venture to say it is because they have too much. In my opinion we should push on with our trenches and draw closer to the fortress; at present we are a considerable distance from it, and the lay of the land does not permit us to reach the enemy rapidly.

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When there we have the choice of three plans not only for capturing the place but for entirely wiping them off. The first is this; the General should send by the river some masts and make with them a wooden castle; if we do so, as the position is small and affords no shelter, they cannot avoid the destruction our musket fire is bound to cause among them; for we will be covering them and if we have their artillery dismounted, it will be of great help to us. If this is not to your taste, we have twenty thousand men at arms, and a similar number of camp followers. When we get to the foot of the fortress, which is a small square of fascines and sods, we should direct these men to collect brushwood and firewood, which is available close at hand, and pile it up against the bastions and walls and set it o
fire; this will compel them to escape to the shore, and since your worships' courage will not permit you to finish the business except by arms, we can stand at the foot of the ramparts, and select the most convenient hour and time for falling on them. lut standing as we do at this distance they do not feel themselves compelled to surrender, nor have we any means of compelling them, because after all with their six hundred men they have three
garrisons.'
I know little, but in my opinion the stranger was not far from the track when he spoke about getting near the ramparts by means of our trenches; for our last trench left us at a distance of two horsegallops from the fort. w
The answer given to the German was that Portuguese needed no castles in the air nor to beat about the bush; they would assault the place the next day by daylight so as to give everyone an opportunity of showing his courage. They immediately began their preparations and ordered everyone to get ready which they did, confessing and receiving the Communion. The enemy had fixed on the side of

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the moat which was not more than four palms in depth, some stakes two palms long and sharpened to a point to serve them as caltrops. Every night a Chingala whom they paid highly for the service used to go out and collect a large quantity of these ; from him the enemy also learnt of our movements for all the plans of our officers were known to the public. Accordingly they were ready to meet our assault, since not even that night did they fail to send him on his task.
At dawn on the 25th of July, being the feast of St. Iago, we were all in the trenches ready for the assault and there we remained burnt by the sun till ten o'clock; about eleven o'clock we received orders to charge. We all advanced at a run each to the gosition which had been assigned to him; on reaching the moat we had no difficulty in crossing it, nor were the scaling ladders we had brought with us required, for the bastions had been so demolished by our firing that we were able to scale them easily. We found the garrison drawn up in good order on the esplanade, the ramparts held by pikemen, and the bastions by musketry. Some carried hooks with which they dragged several of us within, and cut them in pieces; several were killed at the parapets and flanks and in spite of heroic efforts we failed to effect an entrance. No one could show his head without being killed or badly wounded, for their parapets and walls had the escarpment facing the interior of the fort, so that the enemy never exposed himself. We kept up the fight from eleven in the morning till two in the afternoon when we retired, being three hundred and ninety-two out of the nine hundred and fifty who had started; for the rest lay at the foot of the wall, including the Captain-Major of the Field Fernão de Mendoca, Francisco de Mendoga brother of the Conde de Val dos Reis, with several fidalgos and Captains of repute. Three days later those of us who survived

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removed our artillery and other stores and retired to Verganpetim, a village between Negumbo and Columbo; here we laid some ambushes for them and remained at them till December of the same year.
CHAPTER XVI.
THB DEcLARATION or PBAcE AND THE DEPARTURE OF DoM FILIPPE MASCARBNHAs. As ViceRoy or INDIA, wiTH THE ARRIVAL oF MANoEL MAscARENHAs HoMEM. As GBNBRAL OF CBILẤo.
At the end of December aforesaid six of the Hollanders' ships arrived at Columbo conveying the General João Mansucarf who brought the orders of His Most Serene Majesty Dom João IV. that we should give up all the territories which belonged exclusively to the fortresses of which they were masters at the time of the presentation of the order, which should be done within a year of its date; at the time only nine months had expired. He also brought patents and orders from His Majesty by which he was pleased to appoint Dom Filippe Mascarenhas to be Viceroy of the Dominion of
India in succession to João da Silva Tello, Conde de
Aveiras, and Manoel Mascarenhas Homem to be Captain-General of Ceilao. A similar message was received in a short time from the Viceroy at Goa, who added that as soon as the weather was favourable a fleet would come to accompany the new Viceroy and convey at the same time the Captain-General. The peace was proclaimed in Columbo for eight years, for two years had already passed since Pedro Burel's arrival with the arrangement which had proved abortive.
* Welligampitiya. † Jan Maetsuycker.

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The day of the declaration of peace was celebrated with much rejoicing on sea and land; in the distribution there fell to the Hollanders not only the Galle Corla but all the district from the river Alicam" to the Grevaias, extending over twenty-six leagues of coast and stretching ten inland, thus embracing the whole of the district of Corna Corla, adjoining the district of Bebiliagama, which belonged to the jurisdiction of Sofregao; whereas the Galle Corla which we had refused to give them on the first occasion was not a fifth of these districts in extent. The territories of Negumbo were divided at Verganpetin, which is half the distance from Columbo, up to Madampe a distance of eight leagues along the coast, and six leagues inland within the Seven Corlas: all this was thick cinnamon jungle. One of the conditions of the settlement was that friends and enemies were equally included; and so before the peace was declared the King of Candia was invited by the Hollanders to join in it according to his Majesty's treaty with them. The King replied that he would join it, but that he had no desire for any intercourse with us; he would stay in his lands and we in ours, and if any wrong were committed on either side by rebels, it would be the duty of the side where it was committed to punish the guilty and to afford all compensation and satisfaction the case called for. With this condition he accepted the whole treaty, and the King did not fail to fulfil the promise he had made to our ambassador when we laid siege to Negumbo, nor was he found wanting the whole time that the peace lasted, so far as it concerned our being annoyed by his men. Those who had been residents of Galle returned to their villages which were situated in the districts which fell to the Hollanders, and they did not in any way prevent
* Alutgama.

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their enjoyment of them; by this means they staved off the hunger from which they had suffered for five years since the loss of that fort; in the same way all the others who had villages in those parts continued in their enjoyment, for the Hollanders only enjoyed what belonged to this crown.
The Viceroy Dom Filippe immediately sent and obtained the bones of his brother Dom Antonio Mascarenhas who had been buried by the Hollanders with due respect; he directed them to be conveyed by sea in a inanchua covered with black, and when it reached the Bay the Viceroy went with his attendants in the same fashion to receive them; the funeral was conducted with all pomp, the bones being interred in the Convent of the Mother of God belonging to the Capuchins where the obsequies were celebrated with the honours due to the career of this fidalgo. In the same mourning he started for Goa which he reached in March 1645, in the fleet which brought the General Manoel Mascarenhas Homem. After some time the Hollanders seeing that the districts under Negumbo would not obey them owing to the King of Candia being estranged from them about some money they asked him for, determined to send an army outside the fort to reduce them into obedience; the force consisted of three hundred and fifty soldiers and some Lascarins from the same districts who followed them; they encamped on their extreme boundary which adjoined the limits of our territories in the Seven Corlas. The King learning where they were determined to compel them to retire to their fortress, since according to all appearances he could not defeat them; and as our territory lay between he sent a submissive request to the Captain-General Manoel Mascarenhas for permission to pass over them without obstruction to destroy our common enemies. The Captain
* At Pannare in the Katugampola Hat Pattu (xviii. R. A. S. 192).

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General in his simplicity and under the belief that he was effecting a great stroke of policy sent him a very polite reply and allowed him all he asked for. His Highness had full liberty to pass that way and everything was at his orders, for we were anxious to serve him and please him in everything. With this permission the King immediately advanced with twenty-five thousand men through our lands receiving great honours according to the orders issued to the inhabitants. He found the Hollanders strongly encamped and protected, so that he could not attack them as he had hoped; he accordingly besieged them and forced them through lack of food to surrender at the end of twelve days; he took the men prisoners to Candia and distributed them among the villages.
The Governor of Galle being informed of this incident sent a complaint to Candia that not only did . the King not pay his debts but he was also making war against them and taking their men prisoners; his duty was to show them favour, as it was for his sake they had come to the Island where they had both received and inflicted great loss at the hands of and on the Portuguese, and incurred heavy expenses; but now he had unreasonably turned on the very men who had served him so well and placed a bridle on his enemies, and made him unduestioned lord of the whole of his kingdom at the cost of their own blood; he had also formed an alliance with their enemies, while he should rather bear in mind that all the benefits had been received from the Hollanders, and that it was to them he should be grateful. On receiving this complaint the King did what his own convenience dictated and did not pay any part of the sum that was demanded from him; he replied to the messenger that he freely restored all the prisoners he had in his power, a thing which neither he nor his predecessors had ever done to the Portuguese : the Governor should know that he

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undertook the expedition more to test our hearts than to wage war on them and with that object he asked for our permission to cross our territory, a privilege which we had willingly and eagerly conceded him. He had accepted it to show them whom they had to deal with in us--a race of men who never kept faith or honour with any nation on earth, and now it was seen clearly how we dealt with people who were of almost the same religion and country as, ourselves; for this reason they should not trust us, for in every possible way we were sure to employ towards them our customary falsehoods. The Hollanders were astonished at learning this and were very grateful to the King for restoring all their men; hearing what the King said of us they immediately took steps to drive the Portuguese out of their territories applying many insulting terms to them, and would not allow anyone to possess his village, although the agreement was that they should only receive what belonged to this crown. This step was felt most severely by the residents who had belonged to Galle; when that fortress fell they wandered round begging, and at . the making of peace they resumed enjoyment of their villages; and now these unfortunates, loaded with their children, could only lament and take to begging till they were entirely wiped off.
A DIPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVI.
CHAPTER R.
The courtesy of the Very Rev. Father J. Cooreman, S.J., Vicar-General of Galle, has placed at my disposal the following information regarding the work of the members of the Society of Jesus in Ceylon in 1644:-.
Ceylon was originally attached to the Society's Province of Goa, but in 1601 the new Southern Province of Malabar was created with its headquarters at Cochin, Out of the four Portuguese Dissavonies which were administered from Colombo, Matara was in charge of the Franciscans who had been the first to arrive in the Island; the Jesuits, who had come next, were

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entrusted with the Seven Korales; the Augustinians with the Four Korales, and the latest arrivals, the Dominicans, with Sabaragamuwa. (This was in accordance with the King's letter to the Viceroy dated November 28, 1609.)
A report made in the year 1644 by the Father Provincial to the Superior-General of the Society supplies the following details:-
In Ceylon there were two colleges, at Colombo and Jaffnapatam respectively. The former had the supervision of the following Residences :-
Moroto (Moratuwa) : patron, St. Michael. Vergampati (Welligampitiya in Alutkuru korale): patron, St. Francis Xavier.
Urgampala (Udugampola in the same Korale) : patron, Our Lady.
* Patahawatte is the name applied to one extremity of the ancient royal city of Udugam pola ; an eminence, still named Maliga Godella, marks the site of the palace of Sakalakala Wallabha, whose name is familiar to village tradition. The summit is occupied by a large square in the centre of which is a Vihara and Pansala built thirty-five years ago. There are few traces of stone work but dressed slabs of cabook are abundant, and the ground is covered thick with fragments of xvi. century tiles such as are found at Pelenda (p. 40). A few yards from the raised Maluwa is a circular pit which marks the ancient well; an attempt was made to clear this out a few years back; but a vision of an angry devata with a mugura warned the would-be renovator to desist; for here, says tradition, are buried the royal treasures.
Close by is the great Pataha which has given its name to the hamlet: it is a tank of about six acres in extent and the entire circuit is built up of dressed cabook still in comparatively good repair. The tank consists of two equal limbs at right angles to each other: at the inner angle was the stone structure from which the Princes according to tradition used to leap into the water. This consists of a large square slab of stone resting on an upright column: some years back this fell down and there it lies on its side to-day with the joint still firm and undamaged. The tank is now a rich tract of paddy fields, the property of radau w; for, they boast, one of their maidens was admitted within the royal harem. The tank is said to have been fed by a pipe of copper or lead from the Aswana-oya two miles away, and a shallow well at the extreme end of the tank, is still pointed out as the vent of the pipe; and this well, shallow as it is, can never, the people assert, be emptied out.
Palliyapitiya, by the side of the tank, and still used as a cemetery, no doubt marks the site of the Jesuit church. A little beyond is the great Diya Agala or moat with its adjacent rampart or bund, intersecting the considerable plain which formed the royal Watte. Further on is Vidiyezvatte, no doubt the Nindagama from which Vidiye Bandara derived his name. A plausible explanation of this latter's name of Tribuli Bandar, by which he was known among the Portuguese, has been suggested to me by S. Seneviratne Mudaliyar ; behind that name lies hidden Therauzwa Bandar, from the Tamii Gas (15 - street = Sin. Vidiye : and it must be noted that de Couto says the Prince's correct name was not Tribuli but Treava (p. 19). This explanation of the name of a Tamil speaking Prince seems highly probable. Two miles to the south-west of Udugam pola is the village of Tammita with its great stretches of rice fields; this Nindagama gave its name to the brother of Vidiye Bandara,-Tammita Surya Bandara alias Sembahap Perumal
(p. 25).

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Matiagama, the capital of the Seven Korales (Matugama in Katugampola hatpattu) : patron, the Assumption of Our Lady; attached to this were two churches.
Caymel (Kammala in Pitigal korale); patron, the Holy Magi; with the church of Tiavila (Etiawala in the same korale, patron, Our Lady) attached.
Madampe: patron, the Assumption of Our Lady; annexed to it were the churches of Maravila : patron, St. Francis Xavier; and of Cataneria (Katuneriya in Pitigal korale) patron, St. Ambrose.
Chilao (Chilaw) : patron, St. Peter; with the church of Anavil undana attached; patron, Our Lady.
Municeratin (Munnessaram): patron, St. John the Baptist; attached to it were the churches of Coculuve (Kokkuluwa), Valacheno (Wallahena), Chetur (Sedara Weli ?), all in Pitigal korale.
In the Island of Calpeti (Kalpitiya) were two residences, one being Arezari, (patron, the Assumption of Our Lady) having attached to it the church of Tataya, patrons, St. Peter and St. Paul. The second, two Portuguese leagues to the south of Tataya, was Etaly, (Etalai), patron, St. Francis Xavier. Attached to this were the churches of Nolequilim (Nuraicholai ?), patron, Holy Cross; Navelcaru (Nawatakadu), patron, Assump. tion of Our Lady; and Maripo, four leagues from the above; patron, Holy Cross. There were also Christians at Telle (Teli), loalicure (Palaicholai?), and Puldevael (Puludiwayel); and on the main land opposite Kalpitiya, the church of the resentation. The writer makes the same complaint as is heard to-day in the district of the dangers arising from “the many l'hints, tigers, and bears, and 'he adds, “the hostile Cingalese w it) roam through these woods.'
lin all there were under the supervision of the Colombo
College ll, 149 Christians, as well as 1,420 children who were being cu tcchised,
Under the College of Jaffnapatam were the following Resideince R : ----
Citandaculam: patron, St. Michael. l’alle ( 1 Pallai): patron, Crucifix. Tambannin; , p: tron, Nativity of Our Lady. Muga inn: lle (Molna malai) : patron, All Saints. Achivelli (Achiveli): patron, Holy Ghost. Mailatti (Mayiddi): patron, Our Lady of Angels. Ti elipulle (l’elleppolai): patrons, St. Peter and St. Paul. Malagam (Mallakan): patron, St. Ignatius.
* This is the fort from which Vidiye Bandara started from Jaffnapatam in 1555 (p. 41), and is thc ancient name of Kalpitiya (Casie Chitty's Gazetteer, p. 24).

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Panditiripu (Pandaiteruppu) : patron, Our Lady of Remedies.
Changane (Changanai): patron, the Holy Trinity."
Vatucote (Vaddukkoddai): patron, the Assumption of Our Lady. w
Cardiva: patron, Our Lady of Remedies.
(Apparently this last island was gifted to the Society by Dom Hireonymo de Azavedo: King's letter to Viceroy, March 28, 1608.)
In all there were 32,287 Christians under this College; there were besides 1,000 Christians in the Vanni where there was no church, and where for five years it had no longer been possible for the fathers to go and preach.
In the lsland of Mannar were five residences with a Superior depending immediately on the Father Provincial. He was also the Father of the Christians, whose duty it was to take charge of . the catechumens, and to look after the interests of the Christians before the ecclesiastical and civil tribunals. Of the Residences the first was that of the Careas, the fishermen who were engaged in the pearl fishery, and had for its patron St. Thomas; the next was called after its patron, San Pedro. The Residence of Carcel was dedicated to Our Lady of Good Success, and had attached to it the church of Talaimannar, patron St. Lawrence. The last, Tatavaly, patron St. Andrew, represented the first converts under St. Francis Xavier, and from among them came the six hundred martyrs. The total number of Christians in this island was 5,450.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE DEcLARATION of wAR, which LBD To A MUTINY IN THE coURsE oF wHICH THB GENERAL MANo BL MAscARBINHAs
HoMEM WAS DEPoSBD AND IMPRISONBD.
Nothing occurred during the continuance of the treaty except the incident of April 1646 between the Hollanders and the King of Candia which we have related. The garrisons which we kept up during the period were stationed at the following positions: at Manicavaré twelve companies of four hundred and fifty Portuguese with the Captain-Major of the Field who was in command, a Sergeant-Major, and the Dissava of the Four Corlas who had a large force of Lascarins; at Sofregão another camp of

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five companies with one hundred and ninety Portuguese commanded by the Dissava of that district; the Dissava of the Seven Corlas lived in his Province at a village called Lahoa", with two companies of topazes, Christians born at Columbo and good soldiers though blacks, and some Lascarins from his district. The Dissava of Maturé was encamped at Alicam with ten or twelve Portuguese companions from among the poor residents who had come from Galle and who remained with him to draw the allowance of soldiers-a notable case of wretchedness in the Island-and some native soldiers. In Calituré there was a garrison of a Captain of infantry with his company; there was another such at a stockade which had been made of timber at Canasturet where we had a magazine of provisions and ammunition which were taken by river for the use of the army of Manicavaré. In Columbo the Captain-General desired to have some companies as a garrison and he created three, each of eighty soldiers, which were stationed in that city; at Malvana in place of those who used to go there in time of war to convalesce, he formed one company of old soldiers and invalids who would delay their march.
Subsequent to the making of the treaty the garrisons we maintained in the Island were distributed in this fashion among these stations, and so we ren:lined till the middle of October 1652, when two lollanders arrived at Columbo from Galle to announce the commencement of hostilities; and as peace is often harmful, on their arrival our great, vexation showed itself both in our language and in our hospitality, for both were different from what was due to our reputation; suffice it to say that the house where they were lodged for the night was so badly provided with everything that they were
* Alauwa.
f Kannattotain Dehigampai Korale.
W

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not even supplied with a light. This led the whole city to lay the blame on the Captain-General for letting his exterior show the feeling of his heart, and hence arose a public complaint against him which gave rise to disgraceful suspicions unbecoming a fidalgo such as he was by birth, and the rules of service which he followed.
There was living in Columbo a fidalgo of position named Ruy Lopes Coutinho, a man beloved by all for his good qualities and accomplishments; he met some of the other leading residents and they discussed the matter I have referred to and also the orders which had been issued to the armies to retire on the city as soon as they heard seven guns fired; seven foot-muskets had also been placed on a mountain to convey the signal to the army which was beyond hearing of the cannon. It was well known to them that the armies had been supplied with provisions for a long time from their own districts, and that in place of these being ordered to be sent to the city as quickly as possible since there was a deficiency there, in view of the orders which had been passed their own scanty stock was being sent to the armies; in consequence everything was in a ferment in Columbo and they began to entertain dark suspicions regarding the CaptainGeneral; all this and everything else which any one
who was present spoke of plainly, were discussed.
Ruy Lopes Coutinho, desiring to malke light of the most serious charge, remarked: "I do not think, gentlemen, that our General has the faults you mention; but he appears to me to be too slow a setter for these hares.' This saying did not escape being repeated, and on the same day he was set upon by some of the soldiers who had come from Goa, and so badly wounded that they left him for dead.
This incident confirmed the suspicions of the chief residents and they concluded that the continuance

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of such a Government must lead to their inevitable destruction; they hastily sent a letter to the army at Manicavaré on which depended the chief strength and defence of the Island, for it contained all the best troops and the veterans in the country; in it they represented everything which I have related as being the truth adding whatever they wished to infer or invent regarding the Captain-General, so as to exasperate the soldiers and thus help on their design. One charge was that subsequent to the declaration of war a large quantity of corn had been sold to the Hollanders by his orders; if this were so, it would have been a shameful crime; what I can affirm is that the General could be better accused of negligence than of disloyalty. The soldiers did not require much encouragement to induce them fo believe everything the letter contained, for in September the Viceroy had warned them that the treaty was over and the war begun again; immediately on receipt of this information the Captain-General had sent an order to the camp that no one there was to speak of war or military matters; any officer hearing such talk was to kill thc offender, and any one showing himself negligent in doing so, even though he were a Captain, would be punished as a traitor for not carrying out his orders. This order was probably intended to prevent the Hollanders learning that we were awarc of what was going on. He also sent as Captain-Major of the Field his own son-in-law, a fidalgo named Lopo Barriga, with instructions to ' visit the quarters in which the companies were lodged every night; this he did at irregular intervals counting all who were within; which trouble might have been well spared; for the soldiers in camp, as they were among Chingalas and Gentiles, did not stray from their companies and only trusted each other. No such induisition had ever been practised
in Ceilao before, nor any order of such strictness
W 2

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against the discussion of military matters issued; all the soldiers were worried and therefore they easily accepted as correct and placed reliance on everything the residents of Columbo wrote to them. The letter was sent to two brothers, also natives of Columbo, for its contents to be communicated to the chief men in the army; in it they besought them to have pity on the misery which threatened the city and not to allow its temples to be profaned by heretics, and above all to remember that that Island was the heritage of the King our Lord who had earnestly recommended its defence to them, for there was not a palm of it which had not been watered with the blood of the Portuguese : on speed or delay, whichever they chose, depended now their salvation or destruction. In this state of affairs, as the soldiers were waiting with their baggage ready for the seven shots which were to give them the signal for retiring to the city, as they also saw that double the quantity of provisions which was needed was sent to the camp from there, while they had plenty from the district as I have already stated, they were all in a state of despair; each one so far as he was concerned, was the opponent of the Government; not only the residents and soldiers, but also the clergy and friars, great and small, were all of the same opinion.
The two brothers to whom the letter had been sent were named Gaspar and Antonio da Costa, young men of repute and good behaviour, subject to the duties of people born in the country and fitted to conduct the business with all care; they communicated the matter to some friends of theirs, experienced soldiers who appeared to them capable of keeping the secret and of understanding a matter of this nature; these in turn communicated with others in whom they had confidence, and in all there were fifty private soldiers who maintained profound secrecy. Two days later at dawn they

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sallied out with their arms carrying a crucifix in front of them, and calling out: "Long live the Faith of Christ, and death to bad Government' All the others who were in their quarters hastened out at hearing the shouts and joined them with their arms; owing to the reasons I have stated, all were of one mind and no one asked what was the reason or cause of this revolution : for those known to them appeared quite sufficient ground for opposing the Government; and whenever anyone went to his quarters to fetch his arms, his two neighbours stood ready with theirs and so they followed each other. In a moment there was not left a soldier in that Camp who did not join the movement; had anyone wished to keep away he could not have done so, save at the cost of his life. They reached the house of the Captain-Major Lopo Barriga where they were met by his nephew a cavalier who was beloved by all for his high qualities, and a veteran and greatly honoured soldier of the Island named Luiz Alvarez de Azevedo; the former requested that they should do no damage to his uncle's house, and for this he was killed. The Captain-Major came out of his house; he was immediately arrested and taken as he stood to the Columbo road, surrounded by some six hundred men; they did him no harm and gave him sufficient native troops to escort him to the city. A brave Captain named Jacinto de Madureira who was devoted to the General, was killed in trying to oppose them; another named Bernardo da Cunha Cavallo who came out of his house to see the disturbance, received a blow with a sword which laid open his skull from the brow to the left ear. The following day they made a list of the effects of the Captain-Major Lopo Barriga, and gave them over to an Arache who conveyed them to the city with his men.
Their first act was to select a private from each company, such a man as the leaders of the movement

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knew would suit them; these twelve formed the Government and decided all complaints. And to prevent it being said that any one was the chief among them, they erected an altar in the house where the Captain-Major gave audience, placing thereon a tall crucifix; anyone who had a request to make drew up a petition which he placed at its foot, and he found the reply in the same place, Some Captains applied for permission to proceed to Columbo and it was granted to them; the rest continued at their posts and were treated with the same respect as if the Captain-General or CaptainMajor were there. If the board of Government issued any order with a penalty. attached, any infringement of the order was immediately punished with great severity.
Eight days after this outbreak the CaptainGeneral sent to the Camp a leading citizen, a man who was held in respect, to announce to them that he would give them a guarantee that none of them would at any time be punished by him for what they had done. They refused to receive this message by word of mouth and requested him to communicate it in writing; their reply was that he should tell Manoel Mascarenhas Homem to resign the Government, unless he wished to be turned out of it by force, for thus it was in the interest of the service of God and of His Majesty; if he would not do as they wished him to, he was not to send any one else with his message to the Camp, under pain of being well punished for his boldness in doing so. On receiving this resolution of the army the CaptainGeneral immediately sent orders to the army at Sofregao to abandon that district and to retire to the city, so as to prevent their joining or having any communication with the mutineers; the army obeyed at once, leaving behind a quantity of provisions and cinnamon which they had collected. He also ordered two hundred soldiers who had arrived

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from Goa and formed a garrison of six companies at Calituré, as well as the usual garrison of the place, to abandon the fortress and withdraw to Columbo. The same orders were sent to the company at Malvana, and with the three which were the garrison of Columbo, he had eight hundred soldiers. At the same time he sent a message and begged the King of Candia to be graciously pleased to fall on our lands as rapidly as he could with all his forces and not to leave one of those rebels alive. The latter wished for nothing better; he started at once and came near the camp where with many promises he tried to win the men over to his service.
They replied that His Highness should not interfere in such a matter; if he did not wish for something unpleasant he should leave the territories of the Crown of Portugal. Seeing the resolution with which they spoke and that they might easily carry out their threats, the King broke up his camp and went into quarters at Aranduré, from where he made great attempts to win them over. The mutiny had now lasted twenty days during which the residents of Columbo had not failed to urge them with repeated letters each day to abandon the districts under any circumstances and come to the city; they accordingly started and as the King was encamped a little more than a league from them and saw his expectations slipping away, he attacked thc rearguard and kept up the fight a distance of half a league up to Duravaca" but in consequence of the heavy loss he received he would not descend the mountain. After a march of three days the army reached the passage of Nacolegam, having two men wounded in the fight; here some of the residents of the city met them and welcomed them on their arrival.
* In Belliga Korale.

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At this time they had with them in the army a native of Columbo, brother-in-law to Gaspar and Antonio da Costa, a wise, clever and very brave man who had grown up in the midst of war and had there given proofs of high soldiership and had rendered a very good account of himself in the most difficult enterprises which the Generals had entrusted to him, but was living in retirement in consequence of the treaty; his name was Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe and he did not fail to take an important share in this matter. At the beginning of the insurrection he was living in his village three leagues from the camp, and here after eight days a company and some Lascarins were sent to bring him as a prisoner--a clear subterfuge, since they allowed him in the camp all the liberty and comfort which was possible. As soon as they reached Nacolegam they entrusted the army to him promising to obey his orders to the death in the matter of the deposition of the Captain-General. He accepted the command of the army on those terms and immediately took steps to appoint such men as appeared to him satisfactory to be Captains over the companies which had none. The following day he passed the river to the Columbo side and encamped in a palm grove called Tanque Salgado,t a cannon shot from the city. At the end of three days about two o'clock in the afternoon he formed all his men into a squadron and advanced on the city; on reaching St. Thome, which was distant two hundred paces from it, the Captain-General who was on the bastion of St. Joao which lay in front, seeing the squadron advancing ordered nine cannon loaded with ball to be fired; these were all discharged, but did no harm to anyone. All avoided the shots, for when they commenced their march Gaspar Figueira to encourage the soldiers had said: "Some shots will be fired at us,
* Born to a Sinhalese mother by a Portuguese father.-Knox 177.
Now the Dockyard.

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but after that we shall have the city at our orders.”
And so it happened; for at once all the infantry who
garrisoned the bastions and other posts abandoned them declaring to their officers that they would not fight with their brothers; they joined the residents, priests and friars and went to the Parish Church where were assembled all the people; from there they proceeded with the Holy Sacrament to where the General stood and from there to the Queen's gate; this they threw open and gave a signal which Figueira well understood. For at the very time this movement took place within the city he ordered his squadron to march to that spot, and when they reached the gate the populace allowed no one to enter till Gaspar Figueira in the name of all had taken an oath that no harm would be done to anyone who was within ; when this was done the whole squadron entered and took up their quarters in the bastions with all quietness and moderation, while the rest of the infantry who were within took their orders from Gaspar Figueira. By this time the Captain-General with his son Estevão Homem, his son-in-law Lopo Barriga, and Luiz de Miranda enriques, had withdrawn to the Church of S. Domingo, where Figueira sent them a message by a priest that for the security of their persons it was desirable to send them to a place where he could place guards to keep them from any danger; for without such there might chance what cannot be remedic d. They replied that they were quite ready to carry out his orders if it would secure them their lives. The four were immediately placed in a tower called the Tower of Homage, which the same General had caused to be erected on the bastion of Santo Estevao, and he placed over them as guard a company of fifty picked soldiers under the command of his own brother-in-lawv Gaspar da Costa.
The following day there met in the Council chamber an assembly of the Councillors; among

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them were Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe, the Captain of the City, the chief Magistrate, and some of the principal residents; their object was to elect a Governor till such time as the new Captain-General appointed by the Viceroy should come from Goa. At the election each one tried to get the chief place for himself but at the suggestion of Figueira they decided to entrust the power to a committee of three, who were to take joint action in every matter. The three chosen were Gaspar de Araujo Pereira, who had held the offices of Captain-Major of the Field and Captain of the City: the second was Dom Francisco Rolim, and the third Francisco de Barros; but these were only Governors in name and Gaspar Figueira had the power; they only approved of what he decided on, and he it was who saw to the execution of everything.
And as he saw that the city was suffering from want of provisions, he started with twelve companies leaving the rest behind in garrison since the Hollanders were lying off the Bay with nine ships to intercept any relief. He advanced with this force to the Seven Corlas where the King of Candia had fortified himself with a strong stockade on the mountain of Vedava, and had collected there all the provisions from that district. He was warned by his men of Gaspar Figueira's advance to the mountain, but remained there relying on the strength of the position which seemed impregnable. But the necessity which the city had of provisions and his anxiety to show that the Portuguese had inherited the courage of their ancestors, from whom
the enemy had often not been safe in their own
mountains, not only urged Gaspar Figueira on but he was very pleased with the intention of the King to wait for him. After four days about ten o'clock in
the morning he arrived at the foot of the mountain
* Vettawa, near Polgahawela.-Hulugalle Dissave.

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and without taking any notice of the enemy he halted his army to refresh his soldiers after their forced march; this greatly increased the King's confidence for he thought that our men had not made up their minds to attack him and that we expected to compel him to retire by threats alone.
As soon as it was night Figueira ordered the Dissava João Botado de Seixas to advance with six companies and five hundred Lascarins by one of the two defiles, in the mountains; his instructions were to get alongside the enemy's fortification by break of day in perfect silence, and that the beat of drums and tambourines would give him the signal to charge on that side, while Gaspar Figueira remained with the rest of the force who were an equal number. Both detachments climbed the mountain with difficulty each by its dwin road, and at break of day the charge was sounded. They advanced with great courage from both sides, but found the enemy very strong in their defence as they had perceived our men. Their resistance was such as to compel. Gaspar Figueira to be the first to approach and enter the stockade, serving as guide and example to the rest. After effecting an entrance a fierce struggle ensued within which lasted till the King retreated by a hidden passage which he had prepared for that purpose. On his side the Dissava found a vigorous opposition, but after Figueira had effected an entrance he was enabled to make his way in to assist in putting the enemy to flight : in this encounter our men cut off the heads of more than . three thousand, the rest escaping through the forest on the ridge each as he could; our losses included the Captains Rodrigo Delafeta, and Antonio de Freitas Babilio, a lieutenant, and five soldiers; these all lost their lives bravely; and of the blacks two Araches and three lascarins.
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animals transported to the city all the provisions of which there was such a large stock that for a long time the lack of it was not felt and it was sold at the usual price. After breaking down the stockade our men proceeded by way of Negumbo, cutting off the heads of some Hollanders in the suburbs and capturing a large quantity of cinnamon which they found collected in those districts; they then returned to Columbo to rest for some days, and there was much rejoicing among both great and small because within sixteen days of his departure he had so easily destroyed the enemy and supplied the city with such an abundance of provisions.
While the army was resting it was reported that the Hollanders had erected a strong stockade of wood at Angoratota" and garrisoned it with a hundred and forty men, one company of Bandanese, and four hundred Lascarins from the district of Galle, and that these were ravaging the provinces of Reigan Córla and Salpiti Córla. Gaspar Figueira was on the move with remarkable rapidity, with fifteen companies of infantry and some blackfolk who followed the Dissavas of Maturé and Sofregão, the former being Francisco Antunes, and the latter Antonio Mendis Aranha. He took this force as the enemy was two leagues from Calituré which he had fortified and garrisoned with five hundred men. On reaching Angoratota he found the enemy strongly entrenched with the necessary defences, redoubts, flanks and a moat which protected the fortification; he therefore did not assault them as he had intended to and as he could not accomplish his design he laid siege to the place. On the third day in view of the loss we had sustained and as the enemy had stores of all kinds to last for a long time, he ordered two cannon of eight pounds to be brought from the city; as soon as they were come the first shots compelled
* On the Kaluganga in Raigam Korale.

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them to call a parley and they surrendered on terms, being allowed to march out with their arms, drums beating, banners flying and their matches alight, till they reached the Captain-Major's quarters where they were to surrender their arms and remain in Columbo till the first favourable season for going to Goa, when they would be transported in our ships to Portugal. The Lascarins were not included in this capitulation but they were all sent to the city to work in the powder-factory; as for the Araches, seven were ordered to be impaled and six to be cut open on the plea that they were our men although they were residents and natives of the District of Galle. Gaspar Figueira ordered the punishment of these thirteen Araches under the pretext that they were traitors to the Crown of Portugal; but his real intention was to intimidate the natives who followed the Hollanders. He returned victorious with his prisoners to Columbo, and was received with great applause by all.
While we lay before Angoratota the King of Candia sent a Dissava of his with a large force to invade our territory and to attack our Dissavas so as to divert us from the siege we were laying to the entrenchment of the Hollanders. Lazaro de laria the Dissava of the Seven Corlas was at Catagore,t a naturally strong position six leagues from Columbo; with him were three companies of infantry and two thousand Lascarins from his district. The Candian Dissava did not venture to attack him owing to the strength of his position, but he advanced to meet the Dissava of the Four Corlas, João Botado de Seixas, who was in a village named "Thiara, it also six leagues from Columbo, with forty privates, all volunteers and men of
* On 8 Jan. (Valentyn, cited xviii. R. A. S. 214). t. Kotagedera, adjoining Minuwangoda, in Alut Kuru Korale ? * Tihariya in Siyane Korale.

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respectability, and one thousand five hundred Lascarins. The Candian Dissava had a force of eighteen thousand and advanced with great confidence to the attack; our men who were on marshy ground without any entrenchments faced the charge and fought fiercely for two hours, but were in great straits as the whole fight was at the point of the lance and the sword. But God so ordained that in the thickest of the fight their Dissava fell dead: otherwise none of our men would have escaped. The enemy retired with some heads they had cut off from our men, leaving above six hundred on the field; nor was the victory a cheap one for us, for out of the forty they killed nineteen of us, taking away the heads of some while the rest were severely wounded and some died later. Our black folk bore themselves in this encounter with such intrepidity that they rivalled the Portuguese in courage; of them we lost four Araches and one hundred and twenty-eight Lascarins while a large number were wounded.
As soon as Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe had reached Columbo with his prisoners, he was informed that the King had invaded our territory, and was encamped at Metapetim," a strong position in the Four Corlas, with a large force; from here he threatened all our territories and several had gone over to his side. Although distressed with the incident at Thiara he delayed only two days to rest his troops and to collect ammunition and other necessaries; after preparing everything he started with thirteen companies of infantry and the same Dissava João Botado who commanded the Lascarins of all the territories subject to us; in four days he arrived where the King was waiting for us; who would have acted wiser had he not done so, as he was compelled to fly in confusion to Candia with the loss.
* Marapitiya in Belligal Korale 2

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of a large portion of his troops. A great quantity of provisions was found in his camp and this supplied the army for many days, the rest being
despatched to Columbo. And learning that a Candian
Dissava was overawing the whole of the district of Anapanduna with a great force he went in search of the enemy who did not wait for him, and as he retired our Lascarins cut off the heads of some of his men. The consequence was that all these districts returned to their allegiance to this Crown, together with the district of Bulategamat which had been ours for many years, but of which the King had assumed possession since the making of the treaty; I cannot say how we ignored or acquiesced in this; what I can assert is that these villages were really the property of the Royal Crown.
These victories left both our enemies demoralised and disheartened, the city supplied with ample provisions, and all the districts once more in allegiance to His Majesty. Gaspar Figueira encamped with his army at the strong fort of Aranduré, where he remained till May 1653.
CHAPTER XVIII.
TH: A Riv AL or FRANCIsco DE MELLo DE CASTRO As CAPTAINGBNERAL, wTH AN AccounT OF SEVERAL ENcountERS AND oF THE BATTLE OF TEBUNA.
At the end of May aforesaid Francisco de Mello de Castro arrived as Captain-General having been appointed thereto by the Viceroy, the Conde de Obidos; he was a fidalgo of advanced years and had occupied the position of Governor of the State. He brought with him two hundred soldiers and a
* Handa pandun, novinclucled in Parana Kuru Korale,
The Vidana of But talegama yielded 7,000 xerafins a year from its trade in arecanuts. --de Sa e Meneses.

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fidalgo born in Baçaim, Dom Alvaro de Ataide by name, as his Captain-Major of the Field; this latter had held the same post at the death of Fernao de Mendoca who was killed by the Hollanders in the assault on Negumbo. The Captain-General brought a pardon issued by the Viceroy regarding the deposition and imprisonment of the Captain-General Manoel Mascarenhas Homem who was still a prisoner with the others in the Tower of Homage; this he sent on land before disembarking : it announced that in the name of His Majesty he pardoned for ever all the offences which had been committed in the matter of the deposition of the Captain-General Manoel Mascarenhas and the subsequent proceedings, whether done by the soldiers or by the residents of whatever degree or condition. This pardon was read in public, but everyone who was in the city declared that they would not receive it: for a pardon is what is given to criminals and not to people who with such zeal and trouble had saved the Island from falling into the hands of the enemy, as it would inevitably have done if they had not nipped in the bud those evils which their experience had pointed out to them: they had all expected honours and rewards at the hands of His Majesty for what they had done and they begged the Viceroy to hold an inquiry into the matter and those who were guilty were ready to receive punishment as if they were traitors. This reply was committed to a public instrument and sent to the Captain-General with a further message that his lordship should come on land and take over the Government of the Island, for every one there looked to him for protection as to a father. The Captain-General landed and immediately ordered them to talke Manoel Mascarenhas Homem and his three companions out of prison, and in the same ships they and all their friends and servants, none of whom had been injured, embarked for India.

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The Captain-General made no change in the position held by anyone as he found that they had borne themselves with such distinction in the war against both the Europeans and the natives. And because there was a lack of food in Columbo owing to the supplies which usually come from the Coast during the favourable season not having arrived, he ordered André de Seixas da Silva, Dissava of Sofregao, to enter those districts and collect everything he could, which was to be despatched with all care and speed to the city; he gave him six companies of two hundred and twenty soldiers to accompany him, and as his Lascarins were so few as not to exceed two hundred, the Dissava of Maturé Francisco Antunes joined him with three hundred of his men. After two and a half days march they reached Cadangao about ten o'clock in the morning, when without any warning they suddenly fell in with the King of Candia" who was terrorising the district with twenty-five thousand men with whom he immediately attacked our rearguard. The Captain Manoel Fernandes de Oliveiros was in charge there with his company and he confronted the enemy with great courage; when the Dissava André de Seixas saw that he could not retire nor resist such overwhelming forces unless he went by the mountain of Openava-a very difficult matter to achieve Owing to its being at a distance of two leagues-he was compelled by the necessity of the case and the danger in which he was, to advance with the vanguard in an attempt to seize the mountain. All along the road the enemy pressed the rearguard hard attacking them boldly and continuously; but at every point their hopes were frustrated and they left many of their men dead, because those who were there fought- as if their sole desire were to sell their lives dearly; for if
His camp was at Karawanella, (XVIII. R. A. S. 218.) X

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they cut off one head from our men it was as good as the destruction of the whole army owing to the fury with which they repeated their attempts. But God so ordered that by four o'clock in the afternoon we reached the mountain without any loss save that of a surgeon whom they killed with a ball. Owing to the surrounding circumstances this was one of the most honourable incidents which took place in the Island, but I will not give details, so as to avoid. being tedious. a
By nine o'clock at night our men were encamped in a village passing the rest of the night with their arms in their hands, and the following morning by eleven o'clock they reached Ruanella. The CaptainMajor, Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe, was stationed with his army at Aranduré, where information was brought to him by some natives of the fight and retreat; he set out to meet the men and thanked every one in general for their gallant behaviour in complimentary terms, singling out a few for their special merit. After spending two days there, when he was about to start for the camp, he issued an order that five out of the six companies should accompany the Dissava André de Seixas to occupy Grubebe, a very convenient position for checking any incursion of the King on that side; the remaining company, which was that of Manoel Fernandes de Oliveiros, was sent to Nossa Senhora da Vida; for the Hollanders used often to attack this position which was situated in the suburbs of the city and its occupation was of great advantage, as not only did it prevent the frequent attacks of the enemy, but at the same time that company with some Lascarins cleared the district of Salpiti Corla where they had some skirmishes; for as the Hollanders were at Calituré they would frequently send bodies of men to disturb these districts. They had a
* In Beiigal Korale. it Gurubevila now Hanwella in Hewagam Korale.

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Captain with sixty Carbineers and three hundred Lascarins from Galle on the other bank of the Panaturé river; and as that river could be crossed on foot they easily made incursions as far as the Morro" killing and robbing the natives who lived among those palm groves, thus inflicting considerable loss on the city. For the residents had their plantations depopulated and they had therefore no one to cultivate them. In view of this the Captain-General ordered the Dissava of Mature, Francisco Antunes, to go and dislodge this body from its position as secretly as possible, and to take with him for the purpose all the companies he considered necessary. The IDissava who had been brought up in this kind of warfare and was very expert thereat, only wished for the company of Oliveiros and his own Lascarins who did not amount to three hundred in number. He started and made his way with great trouble as the roads were intersected by marshes; one morning before the enemy were aware of our men being there, he had the opportunity of cutting off the heads of the greater number of them; the rest escaped and fled into the jungle, but they were so demoralised that they did not again attempt to send people to disturb the suburbs of Columbo.
The Captain-General realized that so long as the Hollanders remained at Calituré our territories would not be free from continuous invasion, as they had rebuilt the fortress with good entrenchments and occupied it with a garrison of five hundred men who frequently sent out bands to the Reigan and Salpiti Corlas to ravage them; this not only caused great hardship to the city by depriving it of the provisions which came from there, but considerable loss to the Crown by driving away the inhabitants and thus preventing our obtaining a stick of cinnamon from them, or our men of war and service.
* O Morro. the hill ; from the details in Ch. xxii. this must be
Galkissa, (Mit, Lavinia.)
X 2

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To prevent these vexatious inroads it was determined to place an army there consisting of twelve companies of four hundred and fifty soldiers with the Dissava Francisco Antunes who led a few of his Lascarins; Antonio Mendes Aranha was appointed Captain-Major and provided with everything that was necessary. Before starting he was ordered to invade the district of Negumbo, which he did with great energy causing considerable destruction among the new crops and the cattle which he both slaughtered and captured; he also seized a large stock of cinnamon which they had collected. After killing some Hollanders the army turned inland, crossing the Reigan Corla and making for the Calituré river; his plan was to cross it and occupy a position which he had selected on the same side of the river where the fortress stood, for he could thus take up his quarters close to the mouth of the same river; this place was called Diagam' and was two leagues distant from the fortress. We found this held by the enemy who guarded the passage against us for five days with repeated and continuous volleys from both sides; but finally they withdrew to the fortress with some killed and wounded. Our army crossed the river though not without similar loss and occupied the post from which they made frequent inroads on the Hollanders' lands, which led to the majority of them being abandoned by their inhabitants, and at the same time we kept up our blockade of the fortress. All this inflicted such loss on them and caused them so much trouble that they were no longer able to maintain their communications with Galle by land.
Our army continued this blockade from the end of July 1653 till March the following year without any encounter worth mentioning taking place; for the Hollanders did not have sufficient forces to meet
* Diagama in Kalutara Totamune.

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the numbers they thought our army had, from the vigour with which it made its incursions. In Columbo there was a dearth of food, and as it was from here that the army was supplied the latter found itself without provisions; this compelled the Captain-Major Antonio Mendes Aranha to go after all to look for it in the enemies' land; to intimidate them he advanced close to the fortress and for twenty-four hours stood challenging them to battle. As they would not come out, the following day he went and erfcamped at Macune" where that night they met some forty Carbineers led by the Captain of the Galle Corla, who was himself killed with the majority of his men. In the morning we went by way of Alicam, Velipene, and other villages to see if we could obtain provisions; we made the circuit of the 'whole of the Pasdun Corla and only found some fruit and cattle which we used for food, but no rice, as the country was depopulated. The army accordingly made its way back to the river which we reached on the twenty-fifth of the same month and lodged close to our encampment.
On the morning of the twenty-sixth some lascarins came and announced that they had met the lollanders, accompanied by a large number of native soldiers and some Bandanese, marching out to meet us; they made this movement as they had received information that our army was suffering from lack of food and had a large number of sick, both of which were really the case. The CaptainMajor summoned the Dissava and Captains and laid the information before them for their opinion; they all declared that that same want of provisions prevented their retiring and they were of opinion that we should march to receive them. We started on this resolution, but had not advanced five hundred
Maggona, appearing in early English documents as Maccoon.
* Welipenne, in Pasdun Korale.

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paces when we met them in a village called Tebuna; after the first volleys they were attacked by our men sword in hand, and after a confused fight of two hours the enemy were routed and put to flight, leaving in our hands not only the victory but also the fortress of Calituré ; for when those who escaped reached it they quickly got together the few men who had been left as a garrison and immediately started for Galle.
In this battle the Bandanese-they are the
people of Banda, an island close to the Malucas
fought with such valour that it was not possible for anyone to excel them, and it was by their swords that we sustained the greatest loss though they were only aband of fifty. I shall relate one incident in proof of what I say: a nephew of Jane Mendes de Vasconcellos who had the same name served on this occasion as a private soldier; in the course of the fight he ran one of these men through from chest to back; the fellow finding himself run through bravely caught hold of the lance with his hand and raising himself by it without allowing Jane Mendes to draw it out, and reaching up to him, stabbed him with his kris below the left shoulder penetrating the right lung, and then fell dead at his feet. We lost in the fight forty-five men including the two Captains Manoel de Sousa who commanded the vanguard and Joao de Lafeta, as well as some officers, and had seventy-one wounded; but though we expected to find some provisions with which to satisfy our needs, we only found arms and ammunition; for they were travelling light and without baggage and their fortress where they hoped to retire victorious the same day was only two leagues off.
That night we received information that the enemy had retired at full speed from Calituré abandoning the fortress; in the morning we went
* Tebuwana, in Pasdtun Korale.

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to seize it and found there a magazine of rice, which served to kill the hunger of so many days, three pieces of artillery, some arms and ammunition, and a strong fortification which they had erected on the skirt of the hill with a stout rampart, moat and drawbridge, and which was capable of sustaining a long siege. After resting for three days and satisfying our hunger, the Captain-Major placed Domingos Sarmento de Carvalho who had succeeded Manoel de Sousa as Captain of the vanguard in charge of the position, and sent him to Alicam with ten companies and Francisco Antunes the Dissava of that District with his Lascarins. He left two companies as a garrison for the fortress, and after making these arrangements returned to Columbo on the plea of ill-health. As soon as the army arrived at Alicam it encahnped alongside the river and immediately reduced and re-populated the district of Pasdun Corla, making many inroads on the territory of Galle, and laying hands both on the people and the cattle and taking all the large stock of cinnamon they had collected to Columbo without leaving a stick behind.
In a short time reinforcements reached the enemy from Batavia, whereupon they formed an army with which they took the field and went and encamped on the other bank of the same river of Alic: im in front of our army at a village called Bent (tta. They brought with them four pieces of artillery of eight pounds with which they began to disturb our men, hoping to dislodge them from their position and compelling them to speedily protect themselves behind a stockade of palm trees. The Captain-General Francisco de Mello de Castro was informed of the arrival of the enemy and the blockade they had begun, and he immediately sent to the army two pieces of ten pounds which we placed in suitable positions and with them inflicted no smaller damage than they caused us. The enemy

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had in his camp seven hundred European soldiers and two companies of Bandanese and more than one thousand Lascarins from his territory under the command of the Captain of the Galle Corla; as our force was much inferior in numbers we sent among them spies who kept us informed of their movements: from these we learnt that they intended to cross the river one night' and to fall on our army at break of day, for they knew that it did not consist of more than ten companies with three hundred men at the most, and that it was short of the two who formed the garrison of Calituré.
As matters were in this condition the CaptainGeneral thought it best to entrust the command of the army to a person of experience; he accordingly appointed Gaspar de Araujo Pereira to the position of Captain-Major over it.
Immediately on his arrival there he learnt from the report of spies that the enemy intended to cross the river at Velipene as has been stated; to prevent their doing so in safety he ordered an ambuscade to be set there for six successive nights, consisting of five companies under the command of the Dissava; the orders given to him were to wait till three hundred of the enemy had crossed and then to attack them, as he himself was ready with the rest of the companies to come to their aid at the first shot. The enemy had spies among us who informed them of how we were waiting for them; and when they saw they could not carry out their plans in this fashion, they arranged the following stratagem by which means they achieved their object.
One afternoon from four o'clock till eight they kept up such a continuous bombardment as to make it clear to the whole army that some new movement was in contemplation; for they only used to fire whenever they saw our men, but now they were doing so without any reason; in the morning not a

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soul was to be seen and it looked as if they had retired. As the Captain-Major had held the command of the army for such a short time, he was very well pleased and had no doubt the enemy had retired in fear; and without any inquiry or verification he immediately ordered three companies to cross to the other side and all the rest to get ready to follow. To the whole army this order appeared to come from one who had more of confidence in his own opinion than experience, for he should have considered that the enemy' had a force superior to our own and that he had no imperative reason weighing on him : for even if our forces were the superior he had the protection of a broad and long river lying between. The three companies crossed and landed where the enemy had been posted; they found here no sign that
the enemy were still there, and this was the best
warning they had for moving cautiously when they advanced to explore the grove of trees at the turn. They had not gone twenty paces when they were attacked by the whole of the enemy's force in front and on the flanks; but before they could fire their guns we had done so, for our men were moving warily thinking their retreat a pretence. The enemy did not give us more time than to draw our swords, though they were of little use as we found ourselves attacked on all sides in such fashion that the greater part were killed; those who survived threw themselves into the river to escape by swimming and several lost their lives by musket balls in the water. All that I have related took place in the course of one hour, and out of the three companies and a few privates who accompanied them only six men were saved.
There was profound grief at such a loss happening on such an inconsiderable Occasion. On receiving news of it the Captain-General sent for Antonio Mendes Aranha who had been Captain-Major of this Camp and who was living in

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retirement at Columbo, and begged him to repeat his success at the battle of Tebuna by which Caliture had fallen into our hands; as he could not but obey, in a few days he came to Alicam bringing with him one hundred and twenty soldiers to replace the deficiency caused by those we had lost. He found the enemy in the same position as before, for the same day he opened a bombardment on us, and so he continued for little more than a month till one night he passed the river to our side and gave us battle, the result of which we shall see in the following chapter.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE BATTLE WHICH WAS FOUGHT BETWEEN us AND THE HoLLANDERs AT CALOAMoDRA, AND How THE KING OF CANDIA ATTACKED OUR ARMY WHICH WAS IN the FOUR ANCO SEVEN CoRLAs.
On the night of the 16th November of the same year 1654 the enemy crossed the river at Velipene half a league above our encampment, without attracting the attention of our men. At dawn they were close to our army, which as soon as it was aware of the fact rapidly retired by a path in the jungle; the enemy followed at full speed in the direction of the shore and in little more than half a league came on our men at a village called Caloãmodra.* Here our men could not avoid battle and both sides fought furiously for an hour and a half, our men making a virtue of necessity; and as they could do nothing else they set on them sword in hand and forced them to check the impetuosity with which they had determined to break our ranks, their battalions being stopped with heavy loss.
" In the Kalutara Totamuna,

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And even though the victory remained with them our advantage was not small, as they had to allow us to retire to Calituré in good order with our sick, wounded and baggage. We had in this encounter nineteen killed including one Captain, and twentythree wounded, but our two pieces of cannon were left in the enemies' hands as we were short of men for taking them away. Towards evening our army arrived at the fort and encamped at the distance of a cannon shot in a grove of palms at a spot called the Garaveto, which is a gate for the wooden palisade which defended that post. On the morning of the twenty-third the enemy arrived there and fought the whole day in the hope of breaking through; but we kept up a stout resistance till nightfall, when they were compelled to retire taking many dead and wounded. They did not stop at Alicam but crossed the river and encamped at Bentota from where they maintained their hold over their own lands and left ours free.
Dom Alvaro de Ataide, whom the CaptainGeneral Francisco de Mello de Castro had brought as his Captain-Major of the Field, was not anxious to exercise his office with either army but was allowed to remain at Columbo; for he thought that as the Captain-General was a fidalgo of advanced years, he would himself succeed to the post. And as age had rendered the Captain-General experienced and he was also good-natured, he pretended not to understand and sent in his place his own nephew Antonio de Mello de Castro, whom he had brought with him; he had come from India and was nearly destroyed at Nossa Senhora da Ajuda. He had been appointed to the post once occupied by Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe who had retired to the city. When the King of Candia saw him gone from
* Sin : Kadawata: This stood near the 27th mile post on the present Colombo-Galle Road: the palm grove referred to is Botha Parangiya Watte, where is the residence of the late Hon’ble Albert de Aiwis.

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the camp, he collected all the men he could in the short space of time and advanced to threaten it; but instead of attacking he seized the roads leading from it to Columbo, thus cutting off communications and supplies, and held it as if it were besieged; and since Antonio de Mello de Castro had no knowledge of the tricks and stratagems of the Chingalas nor any experience of the country, he would not make up his mind to give them battle. This lead to a general complaint in Columbo regarding the removal of Gaspar Figueira; as soon as this reached the ear of the Captain-General he sent for him and begged him by his affection for himself and because it was to the advantage of His Majesty's service, to start as quickly as possible with the companies which were available from the garrison of the city and the others which he had ordered from Caliture, and to raise the blockade; after doing this he was to continue in that post: he had already ordered Antonio Mendes Aranha to retire with the army within the fort and that he would send him four companies which he had selected for that purpose and which had already started on the road with all the speed the urgency of the case demanded. But when they arrived at the Hill," they found another order for them to return. For Gaspar Figueira, as soon as he had taken leave of the CaptainGeneral, did not return to his house but started with five companies which formed the garrison of the city and some friends of his among the residents who volunteered to accompany him, and had already routed and dispersed the forces of the King, who retreated to Candia leaving in our hands a large supply of provisions and arms such as are the usual spoils of war, and a great number of slain.
Gaspar Figueira took over the command of that camp and ordered that the companies from the
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garrison of Columbo and the residents who had accompanied him on this occasion should remain with Antonio de Mello de Castro. Many compliments were exchanged between these two and then all started, the latter for Columbo and the army to re-subdue the districts which with the arrival of the King had risen in revolt. It had some skirmishes with the Candian Dissavas who retired in confusion leaving a large number of slain and four hundred prisoners; for though it was not usual to give quarter between us and the Candians but always to cut off the heads of all on both sides, yet the previous year the King had given orders to his men not to kill the Portuguese who were captured in battles, assaults, or at their bagueas but to bring them to him alive without killing them. And so they did, and all that were captured were given over by his orders to the Mayorals of the villages in his kingdom, with a command that they should be well treated; and they were accordingly treated with respect. Bagueas are the same as raiding parties among us; the King would usually send them into our territory to kill any Portuguese they found in his village or any soldier who was going to or returning from the camp, or the priests who were administering the sacraments to the Christians in their parishes, several of whom lost their lives in this service. But in consequence of the King's order Gaspar Figueira directed his men to spare the lives of those who were captured in the jungles after the rout, and they were employed in the magazine and powder factory. And this he did so as not to seem less humane, though the King's intention was different, as we shall see later.
When the King saw how many times he and his Captains had been defeated by Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe and that for all his exertions he had never succeeded in dealing him the least reverse-a matter which caused him great annoyance-he

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proceeded to assemble all the forces he could, being determined to defeat him this time and to win back the prestige which he considered lost. With this object he ordered his Dissavas to bring to Candia forty thousand men of arms, including three thousand with foot-muskets, nine thousand with guns, thirteen thousand with bows, fifteen thousand with lances, with a company of fifty Carbineers from Holland as his personal guard;" all his noblemen also accompanied him on this occasion; with this great armament he started from Candia on the 21st of March 1655.
Gaspar Figueira was at the time on the boundaries of the Four and Seven Corlas, checking from there the King's inroads on those districts. He had no notion of the King's plan, when he received information of the forces and the resolve with which he was marching on him; he saw that a retreat would involve in ruin not only those districts but also all the others subject to the jurisdiction of this crown, which would submit to that King, and that it would not be possible to save them without great trouble and a large force, while we had only the army of Caliture which as it was not sufficiently strong to meet the Hollanders had retired to that fortress; if the King became master of those districts, Columbo would be soon involved in absolute ruin in consequence of the famine it would be exposed to; for while the natives gladly rendered allegiance to the King it was only under compulsions that they did so to us. For these reasons he determined to give battle; even if he were defeated the damage consequent on a retreat would be still greater; for by a battle he would preserve at least the prestige of the Portuguese arms which with their lands would be lost by a retreat; while by
* On 12th May, 1653, twenty-four Dutch soldiers with the proper officers were sent to Kandy as a body-guard for the King, (xvii. R.A.S.216.)
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fighting he placed the matter in the hands of God. And though many thought Gaspar Figueira careless of the lives of others they were wrong, for he was very charitable, careful, and devoted to the interests of the King; but he was also tireless, brave, and very resolute in anything he undertook; he treated with disrespect and contempt the man who failed in his duty, but to the man who worked with zeal and gave satisfaction he was a devoted friend, openhanded, and keeping his house and purse, which was never large, as free to them as if he were the master of great riches; he was accordingly hated by the bad and adored by the good.
CHAPTER XX.
THE BATTLE wHicH THE CAPTAIN-MAJoR GASPAR FIGUEIRA
DE CBRPE FOUGHT wiTH THE KING of CANDIA IN our
TBRRITORY, AND THE SEGE WHICH THE HoLLANDERs LAID TO CALITURE.
Gaspar Figueira had eight companies of two hundred and forty Portuguese and one company ol thirty-seven topazes, while the Dissava of the Four Coils led four thousand Lascarins. With such limited forces not only did he decide to meet the Sing but also to push forward and save him some of the trouble of marching; and in order to discourage their men who expected us to retreat owing to our forces being too small to meet such a great army as theirs, not only did he wait for them but also advanced with great resolution to meet them on the road; and it cannot be doubted that often boldness is the chief factor in victory.
As soon as this cxperienced and brave Captain was informed that the King of Candia was coming with such forces, he paid these spies in whom he had confidence heavily and warned them under

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penalty of death not to tell any one in the army of what they knew, nor would he inform any of his own friends; for though they were men of valour, some of them might not have the requisite discretion and so they might chance to intimidate the army. When it was time to give the password he issued orders that they were to march at daybreak and that their food should be distributed among the soldiers at three o'clock; there was nothing strange in this as that was the usual hour for distributing their breakfast whenever they intended to march. They started at daybreak and by seven o'clock in the morning our Lascarins encountered those of the enemy, who were also on the march. As the Captain-Major was aware of the state of things, as soon as the first shots gave him warning he advanced rapidly to the front between the companies, appearing as if anxious to find out the cause, and making 'all hasten their pace he joined the vanguard. They saw a valley a short way off covered with innumerable enemies, and without halting he commanded them to sound the charge so as to encourage our men, being himself the first to dash into that vast crowd, as if he considered their numbers nothing. The King had advanced on our front, and on the two flanks they showered the balls from their foot-muskets and guns; the arrows were so thick that they looked like clouds. All was horror and confusion; but they had not to deal with a nation which did not have that experience of similar fighting which we had, for we hurled ourselves on them with repeated volleys, Figueira in the forefront of everybody sword in hand, doing more in his own person the work of a thunderbolt than of a Cerpe; for death was the only refuge of those who received his strokes. The fight lasted more than an hour; the enemy could not resist and in their great fear
* At Kottapola in Belligal Korale 2-Vide Knox.

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everyone only looked for some means of saving himself without being influenced by the affection and respect he owed his King; who seeing matters in this state in his despair attempted to throw himself in our midst, but as he was prevented by his nobles he took more sane advice and hastily retired with his company of Hollanders, hiding himself in a dense marshy jungle between two mountains till night-fall when he was enabled to make his way to Candia.
Our Lascarins cut off eleven thousand heads and took alive one thousand six hundred prisoners with seven hundred foot muskets and innumerable guns. This was the greatest victory we had ever obtained over the natives; all the arms and prisoners were sent by Gaspar Figueira to the Captain-General and throughout the city great thanks were rendered to God for his singular mercy and the Host was exposed in all the Churches for three days which were observed with rejoicing and illumination. The Captain-Major rested his troops for some days and then advanced and took up his quarters on the frontiers of Candia, the remotest district belonging to us, in a village called Mot: || ali * from where he protected the Four and cven Corlas. The King retired to his palace and would not show himself to any one for eight days; after that he gave audience dressed in mourning, which he continued to wear till we had surrendered and been driven out of Columbo; nor during the whole of that period would he allow his Dissavas to invade our territory or escort him with the white rods which are the principal insignia with whicl1 they accompany their Kings when they go out of doors.
At the very time that the King descended on our lands with the forces we have described, the
* In Kinigoda Korale.
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Hollanders laid siege to Calituré, as they had arranged to attack us simultaneously from both sides; for if the King met with the success they expected they would have, found no difficulty in capturing the position. With this object they came with nine hundred soldiers and all the Lascarins from their territories and posted at the mouth of the harbour which the river formed three ships and two sumacas, landing from them seven heavy pieces of artillery with which they formed two batteries. They also sent into Reigan Corla four hundred Lascarins supported by a company of their own Carbineers to ravage those lands; there our black folk succeeded in capturing two of their Lascarins whom they despatched to the Captain-Major Antonio Mendes Aranha who was within the fortress and there they gave him the information I have related. And in order that the enemy might realise that the siege would not prevent his checking their raids from the fortress itself, he prepared some tones and despatched them by night to the Dissava, placing on board some Lascarins and a company of infantry. They sailed up-stream in the shadow of the trees without being noticed, and by dawn reached the enemies' position where they disembarked and made all haste, but were only in time to find their fires in the huts; for they had hastily retired the previous night on the orders of their commander, who had received notice of the result of the battle with the King. The same day they removed their artillery on board and in the afternoon raised the siege which had lasted for eleven days, withdrawing to their quarters at Bentota. They had killed five of our soldiers in the course of the siege and wounded eight, but they did not fail to receive heavier loss as our arms were not idle.
On the 18th of May we learnt that Antonio de Sousa Coutinho, who had been appointed Captain

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General of the Island in succession to Francisco de Mello de Castro, had arrived from Goa with two hundred and fifty soldiers in nine galliots. By the force of the current and the carelessness of his pilot he was taken to the point of Galle, from where two ships sallied out with a fresh wind and with their guns easily scattered the galliots, which were only driven by oars and were soon disabled. Antonio de Sousa Coutinho was forced to make good his escape round the point with seven of his boats, for the remaining two could not follow him as they had the majority of their crews killed and themselves almost destroyed by the artillery; their only chance was to run on shore at Gindure two leagues from the fort, where those who escaped were taken prisoners; the remaining seven made a circuit of the Island and reached the Kingdom of Jafanapatão. Antonio de Sousa Coutinho immediately landed and sent word that on the 15th June some companies of infantry should be at Aripo where he would arrive on that day with some men from that kingdom. A large number of men of wai' and service to carry his baggage were hastily despatched on the receipt of the news, and the Captain-Major Antonio Mendes Aranha offered to go with four companies from the garrison of the city as his personal guard. All reached Aripo on the day fixed, and without delaying there in a few days the new Captain-General entered Columbo where lhe toolk over the Government. With the money which hc had brought from Goa he paid the soldiers one instalment of their pay, for they had received none for one and a half years and were consequently badly off for clothes.
* Gintota.
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CHAPTER XXI.
How THB HollANDERs cAME wiTH A PoweRFUL FLBET AND LAID sIEGE To CALITURE which THEY CAPTURED.
At the end of September a fleet arrived at Galle from Holland conveying their General Giraldo. Holfot" who had full powers and supervision over all their possessions in that State; this fleet consisted of eighteen ships and two patachos and conveyed six thousand soldiers. After a few days spent in the fort in learning the state of affairs in the Island, so as to be better informed for beginning the war, he decided that the first position to be attacked was Calituré, so as not to have it on their rear and also as it contained the best troops we had employed in the war. Taking five hundred men from Galle and his General Master of the Field he started with this force of six thousand and five hundred, leaving Adriano Uvandremed in charge of the fort with a garrison large enough for its defence. On the second of October he reached Calituré and the fleet which appeared at the harbour landed some artillery with which they planted three batteries, sending three thousand five hundred men to the Columbo side of the river so as to prevent our sending any relief. The garrison of the fort consisted of twelve companies of four hundred and seventy men; for the new CaptainGeneral had strengthened it with a hundred of the . men he had brought with him and five cannon of eight pounds. The enemy pressed it hard with their batteries without however much effect owing to the strength of the walls which 'they themselves had built of the clay they had dug out of the moat, and consequently its defences and garrison were such
* Hulft, Director. General of India. † Van der Meyden. − To guard the Ukwatte and Palatota ferries (Baldaeus.)

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as to make it capable of sustaining a prolonged siege; and there is no doubt that had they tried to carry it by assault, as was their General's intention, the enemy would have lost, did not his Captains who had experience of the Island persuade him to change his plans.
And since as a rule we kept in our forts in this State but scanty supplies, in eleven days the want of provisions and ammunition compelled the besieged to ask for a parley and they surrendered on the following terms:-They were to march out of the fort in military order as was the custom, carrying their arms, matches lit, flags flying and drums beating, with two pieces of artillery mounted on their carriages; in this order they were to march to the General's quarters where they would be disarmed; the soldiers and petty officers were to be taken to Batavia and sent from there in their own ships to Holland; the Captains were to be sent to Persia that summer and the Captain-Major Antonio Meades Aranha, since he was a casado of Columbo, was to remain in Galle till they concluded the war that year: if they failed to take the city, they would send him to his house; otherwise they would send him where he wished.
On these conditions the fortress surrendered on the 14th October 1655. The terms of the capitulation were punctually carried out, for they also calculated on the difficulty the men would experience in returning to Ceilao.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE BATTLB which we FouGHT wTH THE HOLLANDBRs or THE Shore of MoRoto.
When the Captain-General learnt that the enemy were besieging Calituré in such force, he ordered Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe who was with

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his army at Motapali to abandon the country and to go and relieve the fort, moving by way of Columbo so as to provide himself with necessaries; immediately on receiving this order Gaspar Figueira started. The King of Candia had been speedily informed of the arrival of the fleet at Galle and he was also told of the forces it had brought; when his nobles heard of this they tried to persuade him that it was a good opportunity for His Highness to invade our territory and take his revenge for the past as soon as the army had withdrawn. But the King checked them and said "Let us leave them alone, for they have quite enough to occupy them, and I will not agree to attacking them on the road.” Our territory was accordingly left unmolested and quiet-a rare incident whenever we had to make a retreat.
On the 13th October Gaspar Figueira entered Columbo with his army, and found ready some men from a fleet which convoyed some champanas of provisions: he was also able to load with cinnaanon the galliots which were to take away the CaptainGeneral Francisco de Mello de Castro; this fleet consisted of ten rowing ships or fustas as they were called, with two hundred and forty soldiers under the command of the Captain-Major Nicoláo de Moura. On the 15th Gaspar Figueira was ready to start for the relief of the fort, when seven galliots arrived with three hundred soldiers who had been despatched from Goa by the Conde de Sarzedas who had arrived as Viceroy of the State; he accordingly delayed another day to allow these men to disembark and rest; with these reinforcements he had a force of nine hundred soldiers in twentyfour companies, none of the men being above thirtyfive nor under twenty years-the finest troops that had been seen in the Island for many years. .
On the morning of the 16th Gaspar Figueira started on his march and halted at the Morro, when

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he was informed by the people of the country that the fort had surrendered two days before; he immediately sent word to the Captain-General who replied that the spies were not speaking the truth, but that in any case he should take the relief force there,
and if the fort had surrendered, post them at the
passage of the river to prevent the enemy approach
ing Columbo. By the time this order arrived he
had already crossed the Panaturé river, which is
two leagues from the Morro; on sending information
of this he received a final order from the Captain
General to start the next morning and give battle
to the enemy wherever he found him. At six o'clock
on the morning of the 17th which was Sunday the
Captain-Major broke camp; he had not advanced
more than a league when on the Moroto shore the
two forces came in sight of each other, and without
either reducing its pace they charged with great courage. The Hollanders had a very considerable
force which exceeded six thousand four hundred and
a large number of Lascarins from the district of Galle,
men who were in no way inferior to the best in the
Island; but to our men the whole of Holland seemed
a trifle, since they found themselves with an army
larger in numbers than any that had encountered
the Hollanders on any previous occasion. The
fight was carried on furiously at the point of the
lance for an hour and a half without either side
getting the advantage, though they caused us
considerable loss with four field pieces. But as our
numbers were not sufficient to cover the whole
shore, thc enemy seized the opportunity to advance
with a large squadron by our right flank, thus
hemming us round in such fashion as to compel us
to turn our backs on them. We lost in this battle
five hundred and twenty men and those who escaped
had to trust to their heels, for they gave no quarter to any one who fell into their hands. Our loss included the best Captains we had in the Island and some fidalgos.

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CHAPTER XXIII.
༣༽
How THE HOLLANDERS BESIEGED AND ASSAULTED THE CITY OF
CoLUMBo.
That day the enemy came and encamped at Nossa Senhora da Vida, a position which was a little more than a cannon shot from the city; on the next day which was the 18th the Captain-General formed into companies those who had escaped from the battle; and since the Bastion of S. Joao was the one most exposed to the enemy, and its area was very small as it was an old fashioned eight-sided one and it was not strong enough to resist their bombardment, he ordered it to be overlaid on the outside with earth and fascines. In order that the enemy might not prevent the work by occupying the houses which were on S. Thomé, from where they made a commencement, he selected a Captain to be stationed on that very bastion with five companies to occupy it, the gate of the city and the casemates. They occupied the shore which lay between the enemy and the fort, and sinking pits in the sand they maintained such a continuous fire from them that the enemy not only found it impossible to prevent the overlaying of the bastion, but they also worried them at their battery. Our men were engaged at this work for five days in the course of which the overlaying was concluded as designed. On the morning of the twenty-sixth the enemy's battery was completed and armed with five demicannon and one of thirty-eight pounds, and from there they bombarded us the whole of that day inflicting some loss on us at that same bastion, more however through the fall of the parapets which were of stone than from their balls.
To return their fire we erected as speedily as
we could a platform on the shore at the foot of the bastion of S. Joao, a very convenient spot, arming

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it with two demi-cannon and also one bf thirtyeight pounds; with this we knocked down the houses which were close to their battery and in which they were lodged, compelling them to protect themselves with an entrenchment. Both sides kept up their firing for some days; on one occasion both the thirty-eight pounders were fired at the same moment and the two balls met in the mid distance, the enemy's turning back and entering the mouth of its own cannon which it broke to pieces.
By the beginning of November they had pushed forward their trenches a matter of thirty paces, and here they erected a battery with six twentyfour pounders and two borers and they kept up a hot fire from both till the twelfth. When their General Giraldo Holfot saw that with such delay he could not obtain the fulfilment of his hopes for a long time, he determined to assault the city the next day and arranged his men as follows.
He ordered two large ships to be prepared and manned by a considerable body of infantry; these were destined to enter the harbour simultaneously with the land assault, and after bombarding the breastwork of Santa Cruz they were to sieze it in the middle of the fight by means of their lanchas; for the spot was a very advantageous one to them and as it stood sheer over the sea on a reef it appeared likely to have no garrison. He also sent within the lagoon a large number of small boats with which he had come prepared for that purpose. That night he ordered one thousand foot to cross the bridge which stood on an arm of the same lake and served the road which ran to the Queen's Gate; he also posted two thousand others close to his batteries; of these one thousand were to cross the stockade by the sea shore, one-half advancing to the casemates, the gate of S. Joao, and the platform,
* On 4th Nov., Tennckon Appuhami arrived with a letter from the King to the Dutch (Bald.).

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and the dther half to a breastwork which was on the shore in front of the College of the Society, the remaining one thousand being destined to attack the bastion of S. Joao and the line of wall which ran from there to the bastion of S. Estevão. Their preparations were not made so secretly but that the whole city was aware that they intended to assault it on those sides where we found their forces stationed in the morning, and so we had the opportunity of making our preparations to receive them. At eight o'clock on the morning of the 13th November 1655 the sea made it possible to cross the stockade by the shore; on the signal being given by the firing of three shots from one of the batteries, they all advanced simultaneously in excellent order, giving us the chance of firing two volleys before they reached us. The ships spread their sails to a fresh breeze, making short tacks, and immediately on seeing the signal they steered for the harbour, one entering and casting anchor alongside the breastwork of Santa Cruz, the other standing a considerable distance to sea to avoid danger. Each squadron reached the position which had been assigned to it, and only the one thousand who were ... going to the bastion of S. Joao and the wall failed to do so as they fell in with a trench : however they divided, some going to the bastion of S. Estevao, the rest along the shore to lend a hand to the five . hundred who had reached the platform and casemates and who had extended along the line of wall which stretched as far as the breastwork. All placed their ladders and swarmed up them with great courage, throwing a large number of grenades in their attempt to obtain possession of some of those positions, but after a fierce struggle on both sides they were all repulsed by our men at all points; those whom we hurled down the ladders climbed again with the greater determination, undeterred by the crowds who fell dead by our sword strokes and musket shots.

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Nor did the one thousand who went to the Queen's Gate and the bastion of S. Sebastiao have less to do; the Captain-Major Gaspar Figueira directed the defence of the gate of S. Joao and the casemates, and in the middle of the struggle he was informed that the enemy had carried the breastwork on the shore. To avert this danger he ordered a trusted Captain to hasten to its relief, which he did; and when he thought that the soldiers would follow him in effecting an entrance, he found himself with only one follower and the post abandoned by its garrison who were residents of the place. These two fell on the enemy who were within and compelled them to rush out to the shore, turning back the great number who were entering; and as they thought that a large reinforcement had arrived they threw several grenades within, which set fire to the pans of powder with which all our bastions were well supplied; our Captain did not escape being burnt. On seeing the fire a few soldiers and some of the residents who had abandoned the position hastened back to its defence through shame at seeing two men alone fighting with the enemy. At the same time a cry was heard that the enemy had entered the city; this made them all frantic, but no one left his post for they had cnough to do to defend it.
Antonio de Mello de Castro was stationed in the middle of the fort with one hundred soldiers to assist wherever it was necessary; as soon as he was informed where the enemy were, he hastened there with all speed being followed also by some of the residents and a company of topazes; coming upon a squadron of three hundred men who did not know in what direction to move and who were only kept in check by one priest, our men immediately set on them putting all the three hundred except sixty-two to the sword. These men had effected an entrance by a low wall which girt the city on the side of the

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lagoon and which neither had nor required a garrison, reaching it in the boats which they had brought for that purpose. The enemy were repulsed by our men with great courage at every point, and when they saw their heavy losses and our stout resistance they were obliged to withdraw at midday leaving the foot of the walls and bastions covered with corpses. The ship which had entered the harbour commenced to fire at the breastwork of Santa Cruz, which sent it to the bottom in a short time; a few who did not go down in her and tried to escape in a lancha were also sunk by a cannon shot, and of all she had on board only the Captain and two others effected their escape by swimming; the rest came on shore and we employed them in dragging from the ship thirtyeight pieces of artillery which we used at some of our posts, as well as three pipes of canary, some barrels of meat and a stock of ship's shrouds which we used made into matches for maintaining a continuous fire at our posts.
The enemies' loss at this assault exceeded two thousand of their best men, and had our soldiers not been new to the Island and consequently little accustomed to such fights, not a Hollander would have escaped. In the middle of the struggle a woman hearing it said that the enemy had entered the breastwork, was driven by her grief to seize a halberd and march bravely to that place, and there she remained so long as the enemy did not withdraw; and I have no doubt that had she found anyone within she would have played the part of a gallant soldier. She was the wife of a brave citizen, Manoel de Sousa Bigodes by name, whom the gout had rendered almost useless.
We sent to bury the dead, and in consequence of their great number they dug outside the walls where they lay pits to receive several each; we did this to prevent their causing a plague among us. After withdrawing the enemy remained for some

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days without making any movement, so much so that we thought they intended to retire; and there is no doubt that if we did not give them battle losing a large number of brave men, and if we had a force for sallying out with, not one would have escaped being put to the sword; but we were so few that we did not have even garrisons for our posts, and in the fight they killed and wounded ninety of us.
After a silence of ten days they recommenced their bombardment and pushed on with their trenches, forming new ones-and there were six already-all against the bastion of S. Joao, some of them alongside the moat, on which in the course of the night they threw a gallery with the intention of mining our bastion by its aid; but in spite of the intense darkness they did not escape notice and in mediately some of our men jumped into the moat, lkilled eighteen whom they found working there, and broke up the gallery. In the morning we set about raising within the same moat a mound on which we erected a six pounder to reply to any device the enemy desired to introduce there; but when they
saw that we had anticipated their plans, they went on with their trench in the face of the same moat, and in spite of our numerous and continuous
; , ; tilts, burning them with fire itself, we were un ble to stop their work. To keep us in check and to protcct their workmen they erected three little forts there; but we neglected no chance and replied in cvery possible way in view of the peril which menaced us. In this fight we lost several soldiers of great distinction; but in spite of every exertion, which were far greater than our small numbers admitted of, we could not prevent their continuing the trench; and when it reached the point where we had destroyed their gallery, they piled a large quantity of earth inside the moat and soon filled it up, after which they broke through the protecting wall and went on mining below that earth, raising

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such difficulties for us that we could make no offensive movement against them either from the mound or the bastion of S. Estevao.
Thirty paces in front of the Queen's Gate they raised a battery of eight demi-cannon with which in seven days they laid low the wall which ran from that point to the bastion of S. Sebastiao; the destruction was so complete that not a vestige of it remained, for it was made of taipa like the rest which protected the city; everyone accordingly busied himself in overlaying the stretch from the bastion of S. João to that of S. Estevao with earth and palm trees, a precaution which was not unnecessary as it was here that the enemy pressed on with greater vigour. To prevent the city being left unprotected on that side we erected a stockade of pointed stakes secured by cross beams at two places, and made it all so complete and defensible that it took the place of a wall; and at the flanks which met at the gate, at the foot of the bastion, we mounted four mortars for throwing stones. The enemy had decided to make an assault at this point, but the soldiers who frequently fled to them from us dissuaded them from the plan.
During the whole period of the siege they fired into the city a large quantity of bombs of great size, and wherever they fell on a house the least that they did was to destroy the roof and leave it exposed with the walls alone; but they caused more disquiet and fear than casualties. They made another kind of bomb which were much smaller and were covered over with a large quantity of tow and other combustibles, and made in such proportions that in their lower part in the midst of the tow they carried from twenty to twenty-five tubes like little pistols charged to the mouth with two balls; these were put into the mortars and fired with such careful calculation that when they reached the height of a braca or a braca and a half above us, they would discharge their

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tubes in all directions, the tubes themselves causing as much havoc as the balls, and finally the bomb would explode. With this invention they killed several people. But what caused us the greatest trouble-and only the devil himself could bring such an invention to light-was that they used to fill their mortars with wedges and large stones and fire them at the same angle and aim as the bombs: this was usually done at night and with this infernal device they killed a large number of our men. For as they showed no spark, no one was safe even if he walked about; and so each one commended himself to God waiting for death in this fashion; indeed one shot from a mortar killed seventeen of us in the bastion of S. Estevão. Following their example, we brought out of the magazine where it stood the mortar which IDom Filippe Mascarenhas had ordered to be cast and taken to Negumbo, from which we used to fire the cocoanuts into that fort; and though it was Rinall, we did not fail with our stones to cause considerable loss among the men who manned their fort lets and batteries, for we would not give them an hour's rest any night and they were always kept disturbed. We could not get outside the island, nor c) till thy ship come to us without being taken, for eighteen ships were anchored in a long line in front of the hailbour; and as soon as it was night the pattachos canne and anchored closer to land, and the st in actus did the same, followed by the lanchas which came quite close to the shore, all forming a half moon, while the armed challupas performed their rounds outsicle; at break of day all returned and cast anchor alongside the ships.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE STORY (): THB SIEGB coMTI NURD,
As we could not prevent the enemy digging below the mound which they had piled in the moat

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so as to undermine the bastion of S. Joao, which was so escarped that it was not half its size owing to the way we had cut it down to erect parapets and to repair those which the incessant bombarding had ruined, we dug at the foot of the same bastion with the utmost rapidity a countermine through which we went to meet them; in our opinion this was a step of no little advantage as we checked what they had worked at so assiduously and destroyed the hopes which they had formed. One
afternoon we encountered them and had a fierce
fight; and as the passage which they had made through the earth was two bracas in breadth, many hastened to its defence and a large number of them were killed; while the hole which we had made being small and dark, they could do us no harm. The only arms which could be used in this position were bacamartes and pistols. The fight ceased at nightfall and the enemy protected themselves with some planks secured to beams in which they bored loop-holes. We rapidly dug a pit in the interval between us and them and buried in it a cask of powder, six palms long, leaving the round touch-hole projecting a palm and a half outside; and it was a miracle that with such continuous firing going on there for such a length of time, a spark did not fall on it. After doing this we broke down the passage, leaving sufficient room for one man to squeeze in from breast to shoulder. And in order to have people specially set apart for its defence, the Captain-General sent for some reformado Captains of good reputation to whom he said that as the post was one of the greatest danger it was not desirable to entrust it to any chance people but only to themselves; he therefore begged them to take its defence into their own charge, for it was of the greatest importance to His Majesty's interests, and he would richly reward them; and it was only thus, by having such honoured cavaliers to defend them, that they

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could all be free from anxiety: for the longest that that duty and the siege could last was one month,
as when the proper season came the following
March, reinforcements would arrive.
Eight accepted the invitation with alacrity and two by two they maintained two watches there, one by day and the other by night; for there was only room for two people inside and they had to be separate. Inside the fort at the mouth of the countermine they set up a wicket through which a man could hardly creep; and when the two whose turn it was to go on guard reached there, they were disarmed of all their weapons before entering; for their presence would have merely been a hindrance, and therefore each of them took with him only a bacamarte; when they had passed the wicket it was locked with a key which was handed to the officer commanding the bastion. The two advanced some distance below the earth where they could hardly (ling their bodies through and the darkness was so intense that they lost their sense of direction; close by on their left side was a recess made of the broken picccs from the bastion; here one of the two climbed up a height of two palms and hid himself under some planks which chanced to be there and had been employed when that bastion was overlaid. Here that sentinel remained while the second advanced a further distance of two bragas to the point where we had broken in upon the enemy who sheltered themselves behind the planks, leaving only seven palms of earth, where the cask of powder lay buried, between that sentinel and the enemy. Twenty-five of the latter's Carbineers kept guard there and they usually exchanged words with this sentinel, for they were unaware of the one stationed at the first point; these were sometimes insults and sometimes they were more rational according to the humour of the speakers; frequently they threw in fruits, tobacco, and similar articles; but as a rule
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one man stood with the mouth of his carbine placed om one of the peep-holes in the planks and through the carelessness of our men some were killed, serving as a warning to the rest to be on the look out; for whenever they came to the darkened peephole, the shot was sure to be prompt. Where the sentinel stood a man could not crawl more than a foot lying on a side and with his right eye he had to watch the peep-holes. His companion at the first post kept his watch lying on his breast; as no other method was possible, from among those planks, as that place was on a higher level than the enemy. Their orders were that if an advance were made from that side on the bastion, they were to fire their bacamartes in such a way as to set the touch-hole of the powder cask alight. The post was one of such terror and peril that the boldest did not fail to be dismayed and the stoutest heart sank, not only because of the greatness of the danger, but also because they were locked in and on most nights they were not relieved, for then their task was awful; accordingly some of the very Captains in whom they had confidence could no longer endure the task and deserted to the enemy abandoning their post, and thus the risk became so great that they did not trust one another through fear of being killed by their companions or betrayed to the enemy, for the one in the first station could easily do this. For this reason not only the first roster of those who were invited to this task was exhausted, but even up to the fifth, and out of the whole number only three went through with this fearful and unbearable ordeal till the end, a period exceeding three months. Of these one was Manoel de Sousa, a native of Villa Viçosa, who was called Sousinha owing to his small size: the second was Francisco Pereira, a native of the Isle of Terceira: and the third was a native Captain of this city.

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When the enemy reached the foot of the bastion its capture was an easy matter; and with the possibility of this occurring we raised close to it on the inner side a counter-bastion of timber and earth, arming it with two six-pounders, so as to oppose them from there. We ran entirely short of matchcord, whereupon the soldiers tore up their shirts and those who had none utilised rags of white cloth to remedy the deficiency. And because the enemy had made no trenches nor placed guards on the Mapane side as the ground here was stony, and the bastion, moat and wall of modern design, one morning two hundred of us sallied out with the slaves of the residents and a supply of axes and entered the jungle of Nossa Senhora dos Milagres, half a league from the city; here we cut down as many trees from the bark of which matchcord is made as all of us could carry and returned unchecked; on learning of this sally the enemy erected a strong stockade, placing in it a garrison strong enough to prevent our repeating our exploit.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE SAMB CoNTINUED.
Several volumes will be required were I to narrate in detail the particulars of this awful siege; I therefore only set out at length some of the more important incidents which time has not wiped out of recollection, as is the case with all things in the world; what presents itself to us is matter for no small wonder, and only serves to rouse us to a consideration of the great misery of our frailty, true mirror of what we are in life.
On the 17th October as I have stated, we fought
the Hollanders on the shore at Maroto, and on the
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18th the Captain-General carelessly and without consideration allowed all the people who lived in the seven parishes which formed our suburbs to enter the city during two days: and this is a matter that Captains in charge of forts, especially those beyond the sea, should pay great attention to, so as to prevent a similar occurrence again: for they were a useless crowd who were of no advantage to us. We did not realize this serious blunder till the beginning of March when the provisions which had hitherto been abundant and which had been publicly sold for a price a little higher than usual, but not excessive, began to run short. As this took place suddenly we looked about for a remedy and we turned out of the city by night a large number of
those people of both sexes and all ages, so that they
might make their way inland; we turned out one thousand five hundred to two thousand on four occasions. But as the enemy had guards at every point they immediately turned them back and would not allow any of the poor wretches to go and relieve the pangs of hunger from which they suffered, merely to destroy us by consuming the little that we had: when they returned to the city-gates we would not let them enter, and seeing themselves repulsed so that they could find refuge with neither side, they took the only remedy available and threw themselves into the moat where their continuous cries and lamentations were of no avail and they were all destroyed; and when we surrendered nothing was left of all this crowd except their bones lying close to the lake, the most horrible sight the world could see, for they were almost all Christians, brought up among us, and living under our protection,
A fearful plague followed the famine, attacking not only the poor but making no distinction of rich and high born. Some of those who were attacked by it swelled out as if with dropsy, while others fell down dead without any pain or illness. From the

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15th March, 1656, when it first broke out, till the 20th April, up to which the dead were buried, there were counted twenty-two thousand and thirty persons. Nor need this surprise us, for there were families consisting of sixty, and the small ones had twelve or fifteen. After that date men were wanting for burying the dead, and so great was the horror and misery that all longed to be buried; for not even the few soldiers had anything to satisfy their hunger with. Crowds walked about the streets begging for a little hot water for the love of God, for they well knew that they could not help them with anything else. The misery became beyond endurance and one hundred and twenty of our soldiers deserted to the enemy, including some of our guards. These gave a true account of the position we were in, but they were not believed as the story appeared impossible to the listeners, and it was also related by men who were looking for an excuse for their behaviour; but in honest truth the state of things was far worse than they could describe. And God in His wisdom so ordained that though it rains here three or four times a day as it is so close to the equator, yet during the whole period of the siege it never rained, and this caused such intense heat that it was not possible to walk through the streets even with shoes on; for these were covered with deadbodies full of noxious flies and emitting a horrible stench. There was a public butcher of dogs, and anyone who obtained an arratelconsidered himself very fortunate. Thc elephants which died were eaten up to their skins, and they stealthily killed some of them to get the chance; and out of the fifteen we had in our service none escaped save Ortela, for the affection
* On 15th March Raja Sinha moved with his army to Reygan Watte,
(opposite Kaduwela) and on 8th April received Hulft in audience there; the latter was shot by the l’ortuguese on the 10th. Throughout the siege the Sinhalese IDissavas were in the Hollanders' camp and the King kept
himself closely informed of every movement. (v. Bald.)

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all had for him: there was no unclean kind of animal which escaped being eaten: entire families of Portuguese of position were found dead in their own houses.
A woman, a native of the country, whose husband had been killed by the enemy, was driven to this extremity by the hunger which all suffered; she had her little infant at the breast when her milk began to fail her, and thinking that it was sure to die the wretched woman planned to use it for her own support; she accordingly killed it and was opening it to take out the stomach, when a woman from a neighbouring house chanced to enter in search of a light; surprised at what she saw she demanded what she was doing with her child; and just as a thief who is found with the stolen article in his hand has usually no excuse except necessity, so did this poor woman and acknowledged what she had designed. The neighbour ran out of the house horror-struck and made the matter public; it was immediately reported to the Captain-General who sent an Adjutant to arrest her at once, and take her to the bastion of Mapane and tie her to a cannon. The city was full of the incident and the punishment which had been ordered, whereupon some pious priests went and pleaded with the General to remit the sentence. They urged that the woman could have no greater punishment than being compelled by hunger to kill her own son, the greatest misery that is possible in life and an act which is so abhorrent to nature itself. He accordingly pardoned her so as to avoid creating a scandal in their perilous condition. Rumour has it that other similar cases took place at this crisis, but I mention only what I am sure of.
The enemy kept up a heavy fire, using against the bastion of S. Joao alone, as I have said, six batteries, some of eight demi-cannon; at the Queen's Gate
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of wall as has been related. By the 4th May they had finished another of six here, and that night they intended to mount it with guns so as to destroy the bastion of S. Sebastiáo; and as this was small and in a condition of great dilapidation they would have been able to effect their object with little trouble. During the siege there was in the city a priest of the Society of Jesus, a man of energy and remarkable courage; realising that if the enemy continued his fire from here he would in a few days have the whole city exposed and make himself easily its master, as it had so few to defend it now, he took into his confidence some of those who he thought would follow him in this undertaking, just as he had done in others. Without revealing his plan to any one he passed the word to thirteen to be ready at midday, and having successfully asked for the Captain-General's permission, he sallied out at the head of those few and entered the battery unperceived; and there the edge of their swords gave the alarm so that a few succeeded in saving their lives. In one hour he stroyed the battery, which was made of palms and f: scines, and placing the whole on fire he succeeded in withdrawing his followers without any loss behind the lense smoke, leaving the enemy astonished and confused; and I have no doubt that if he had three hu inclied men with him he would not have left a
toll; indel' alive.
At eight o'clock on the morning of the seventh of May, being Sunday, while the Captain of the garrison, one guard, and an artillery man alone were on the bastion of S. João, the enemy appeared above it: and this was no difficult matter as the batteries were in such a state of ruin and so escarped that they could do it easier than if they climbed up a hill: they killed the three men and made themselves masters of the place without opposition. The alarm was immediately sounded and all hastened to their posts

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for they were absent listening to the Mass. About thirty made their way there, and finding the enemy descended to the road, they set on them with such courage that by their deaths they sought to save their lives; and so fierce was the struggle that seventy-six of the enemy were killed, including three Captains, while the rest retired to the bastion leaving five flags
and without daring to descend again to the street.
As the enemy were masters of that position the small garrison we had at the rest of the posts, making a total of one hundred and fifty, got together and made three assaults in the course of that day to dislodge them from the bastion; we used a large number of pans and goblets of powder, and some of us occupied the counter-bastion which we had made of wood and mounted with two cannon. We threw a large number of pans and goblets without any of them catching fire, but as soon as one did, we created great havoc; for as the powder stood in the midst of them without their noticing it, they were burnt in such fashion that we could see hats and pieces of flags flying ablaze through the air.
Towards evening as the enemy could no longer face our heavy fire and the great flame by which they had lost the majority of the men they had in that force, they abandoned their position and
stationed themselves outside to defend it, the para
pets themselves sheltering them; for as they were so badly escarped they were enabled to do it very well. In consequence of the great quantity of powder which we used to supply our want of men the flame could not avoid falling on something, and this caused a great fire which killed some persons of rank among us and attacked the timber of the counterbastion, and as the earthwork had no support, the cannon tumbled to the ground. We lost this day more than eighty soldiers and Captains; every one had showed marvellous courage and devotion in the defence of the post; nor was that

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small which was displayed by the Captain-Major Antonio de Mello de Castro, Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe, Diogo de Sousa de Castro, Ruy Lopes Coutinho, Dom Diogo de Vasconcellos, and other fidalgos and Captains who lost their lives bravely in the siege. It is impossible to name them and mention in detail what each one did; but the Padre Damiao Vieira of the Society of Jesus deserves no less praise, for during the whole of the siege his behaviour was that of a most careful and zealous Captain than of a professed priest; for there was not an assault in which he was not the first, and several were planned by him, all with success; he it was who kept in check the three hundred who had made their way by the lake at the first assault, and it was he who destroyed the battery at the
Queen's Gate; in conclusion I declare that the
Society may be proud of such a soldier and the soldiers of such a Captain.
By nine o'clock at night we had no more men to fight with them; and had they come and followed us into the street, without doubt they would easily have killed the few we had. That night they brought a quantity of fascines and earth with which they made parapets towards the city, and by morning they had turned the artillery; when we saw this, a council was held to decide what should be done under the circumstances. Some voted for sending the few women and children we had into a church and setting it and the whole city on fire, while the few men who remained should die sword in hand among the enemy, so that the very memory of the people of this city might not be left, and the enemy might not boast of his conquest. The Prelates of the religious orders who were present at this meeting vetoed the suggestion, declaring that such would be the work of Gentiles and utter barbarians and one condemned by all laws human and divine : our duty was to resign ourselves to the will of God

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and not to oppose His divine decrees: for though His Majesty had laid special importance on the defence of the Island, yet it was his Ministers who would be called upon to explain why no relief was sent for this length of time.
In view of these reasons and with some tears everyone agreed that the circumstances admitted of no other remedy, but that we should parley with the enemy and ask for honourable terms of capitulation; the ninth of the month, was fixed for this, and till the departure of the commissioners we continued fighting. The terms they allowed were that all the men of war should leave the fort with their arms, matches lit, flags flying, drums beating, and march with four pieces of artillery asfar as Nossa Senhora da Vida, the General's quarters, where they should give up their arms, the Captains being left with their side arms, and that they and all the infantry should be sent at once to some fortress of ours in the State; the soldiers were to leave their property in the houses of the residents so that each could take away his own when he embarked: the two Generals with their servants and movables were to be taken to any fort they desired and the same concession was made to all the residents and their families; they were also permitted to freely sell in the space of one year all the movables which they could not or would not take away : passage was to be found for all in their ships within this space of time. Similar terms were allowed to the priests and they were permitted to remove all the appurtenants of divine worship; but they requested everyone not to take in public jewels, gold, silver or similar articles so as to avoid outrages at the hands of the soldiers. These terms were entered into with Adriano Uvandremed, the General who had succeeded Giraldo Holfot, who had been killed by a carbine-shot in the course of the siege.

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CHAPTER XXVI. o.
THE SURRENDER or THB CITY or Colu MBO AND THE TRANSFER
oF THE soLDIERs Tro NEGAPATAo.
At three o'clock in the afternoon of the 12th May 1656 we came out of the city, seventy-three very emaciated soldiers, all that remained there, including some with broken arms and minus a leg, and all looking like dead people.
We marched in single file through a crowd of natives who looked on from either side, showing in their faces their feelings at seeing us in this condition, for they were almost all our enemies from Candia. We had to leave the four cannon at the city gate through lack of men to drag them, and on reaching the General's quarters at N. Senhora da Vida, we gave up all our arms to the guard, the Captains and Officers retaining their swords; we then entered the house where we met the General and the Major, who received us very warmly and gave us a toast in wishing us farewell, saying they wished us good luck and that before it was late they desired to go and receive the infantry and their lordships the Generals: we replied that their lordships could go to meet the Generals, but that all the soldiers were there before them. At this they changed colour, a great sadness following the cheerfulness with which they had received us. After cxchanging a few words in their own language they replied: "We were under the impression that your worships were the higher officers.' And so it should have been, for whenever an officer of any position was killed his place was immediately taken by another, and so out of the seventy-three as many were officers as soldiers.
As soon as they started for the city a Captain came and politely requested us to follow him; he took us nearer the fort to some good houses which

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had the advantage of a walled garden, placing a guard of a squadron at the gate; these soldiers attended to us very willingly and brought us whatever we required. Here we remained two days at the end of which the Master-General of the Camp came with many apologies, because his engagements had not allowed him to attend to our comforts earlier, and he was sure we had had a bad time for want of necessaries. He took us to the city slowly by that road, telling us that we would have to render a heavy account to God for allowing the destruction of so many people, by attempting what we could not accomplish: he had been over the posts which we had defended and they needed a garrison of not less than one thousand two hundred men. He had read of many sieges which had taken place but none of them could be compared with this for though others might have lasted a longer time, they were not accompanied by the miseries and incidents of this: every deserter had spoken of the sufferings within the city, but they would not believe them as the account seemed impossible. He took us within their lines of attack to show us their forts and batteries; his conversation gave us an opportunity of questioning him about the quantity of powder and shot they had consumed; he said he did not know the number of shot, for besides the large supplies they had received three times, they had also made use of ours; the quantity of powder which he named was so great that we were astonished; but I do not mention it as I would not rely on my memory. Including reinforcements eight thousand three hundred and fifty men, all Europeans, had taken part in that siege, and of these there remained one thousand two hundred fit to carry arms and seven hundred wounded and burnt: all the rest were dead.
After this he led us to the city and took us to the Church of the Society's College where he took

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leave of us with the message that we could bring our property there and transact any business we had, for we were to go on board in three days. One company was stationed as a guard at the door of the Church to prevent our being roughly treated by any of the soldiers; whenever we desired to go outside the Church to transact any business, we were at liberty to do so, but not at night for fear of anything happening to us. Once the Master-General of the Field discovering some soldiers attempting to enter the house of a rich citizen, he cut one down with his sword and had the other two hanged; he therefore appointed four patrols with strict orders against the illtreatment of any of our men. Three days later we were ordered to embark and were sent on board two ships with some of the residents and poor widows, but they would not allow us to take boxes or trunks so as not to overload them; accordingly every one took his property in bags and sheets. Thus we embarked and in a few days reached Negapatao where they had set at liberty all those who had been taken prisoner at Galle and been distributed among the ships; the terms of the capitulation were punctiliously carried out as regarded the Generals and residents, all of whom were treated with the utmost courtesy.
When we surrendered there was not left a piece of brass cannon uninjured, for they were all either without their gudgeons or had a ring missing, or they were gaping and it was possible to introduce an arm through the fire-hole; several of the iron cannon were in pieces and there were only a few undamaged, including three mortars on the flanks; for although several parts of the city had no batteries, the cannon in those positions were changed, and accordingly none that was fit was left unemployed. We used in the siege three thousand seven hundred and twenty-nine quintals of powder, and surrendered with only twenty-four and two arrobas.

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As soon as the siege was begun the King of Candia had come and assisted at it with forty thousand men of war and service; and when we capitulated he sent some emissaries within to persuade us with great promises to go over to him. The majority of those who were born in the country and some Portuguese with their families did so; they were accompanied by some priests, and to all of these as well as to the prisoners he had at Candia he allotted villages in the territories which had belonged to this Crown where they lived in comfort in the exercise of their religion, without being compelled to perform any other rite. He repeatedly urged the Hollanders to give him Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe and promised a large sum of money for him; this matter was brought before the Council where they decided not to hand him over, and sent a reply to the King that they were unable to comply. with his request as their religion forbade them to do so; for apart from our having surrendered on terms, it was a grave crime and abomination to entrust a Christian to one who was not; in truth the crime of raiding cattle was heavily punished among them. As a matter of fact their refusal was not due to their respect for religion, but because they knew that he wanted him to be his Captain; they therefore arranged to send him on board at once, and maintained a guard of a squadron during his stay there, and would not allow him to go outside his house, making a great boast about not delivering him up. The King had ordered them to attempt to persuade Figueira himself; but he would not listen to their promises, although he was well aware that he only desired to have him to command his armies, and not to take his revenge for the victories which he had obtained over him; indeed after the last victory the King went about in mourning till we surrendered.

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On the 19th of the same month the King broke the peace with them, and offered them battle at the Great Stockade; here he was victorious and would no longer admit the treaty which they sought; for the war left him unquestioned master of the whole of Ceilao while the Hollanders had only the forts and some villages close to the shore and they could obtain nothing from inland; whereas if the King had entered into a settlement with them he would have been compelled to surrender all the districts
which had appertained to the Crown of Portugal;
so that for the King to be lord of Ceilao he had to fight with the Hollanders, while what they received was an expenditure greater than their income; all that they gained was that the little cinnamon which was collected in the Island was under their control and they could transport it by sea as the King did not trouble about it.
CHAPTER XXVII.
How THE HollANDERs CAPTURED THE ISLAND OF MANAR AND LAID SIEGE To THE FoRT of JAFANAPATAo, which THEY
CAPTURED,
As the Hollanders saw that subsequent to the capture of Columbo we were sending large forces and strengthening the Island of Manar and the Kingdom of Jafanapatao, and that a fleet of rowing boats had collected there, which had been despatched to the relief of Columbo by Manuel Mascarenhas Homem, who was Governor of the State on the death of the Viceroy the Conde de Sarzedas, under the command of the Captain-Major Francisco de Seixas Cabreira : and a further fleet of twelve sanguices which the same Governor had sent to Manar under the Captain-Major Manoel de Mello de Sampaio; also the one hundred and ten soldiers and

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Captains who had surrendered at Columbo whom the Hollanders had taken to Negapatao and who had gone as prisoners in their ships: the same Governor had appointed as Captain-General of Ceilão Antonio do Amaral de Menezes, who actually held the office of Governor of that Kingdom. As they also realised that if we kept these reinforcements we would give them trouble and if we had them in the Island itself it would be a difficult matter to remedy the mistake: to escape this anxiety they arranged to drive us out of the Island.
With this object in the middle of February 1658 they came with ten ships carrying three thousand and two hundred soldiers and some brave Chingalas who had been our men in Columbo. They first of all made for Titicorim, as five rowing boats under the command of Dom Alvaro da Silva were on guard there; and since the harbour is open they succeeded in coming so close to land that they could fire without hindrance, as the only artillery our ships had for resisting them with was one two-pounder each; consequently they were helpless. The enemy were thus enabled to destroy them sending two to the bottom, while the other three barely succeeded in reaching land with the greater part of their men killed or wounded; unable to do anything else the Commander ordered the boats to be set on fire and started for Jafanapatao with those who wished to follow him. The enemy returned to the Island of Manar where they found the Captain-General Antonio do Amaral de Menezes with twelve companies of a little more than four hundred soldiers, also some rowing boats and sanguiceis forming a fleet under the command of the Captain-Major Gaspar Corneiro Giráo; with the help of the companies on land he had erected for the distance of a league along the shore an entrenchment, which he garrisoned with them so as to prevent the enemy effecting a landing.

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As soon as the enemy arrived with his fleet he made for the boats and sanguiceis which he dispersed with repeated volleys of artillery, sending some to the bottom and driving all the others without exception on shore with the greater part of their men killed or wounded; thus relieved he was able to land wherever it was most convenient for him. And as there were two long leagues of sandy shore from Manar to Talemannar with a very clear bottom
and the companies guarded the first league from
their rampart as already stated, the remaining league was left defenceless; he steered his ships there and landed five hundred men unopposed in his lanchas, and drew them up in a squadron. When our men saw this they sallied out just as they werc from their entrenchment to attack them; but owing to the fewness of the men in the vanguard they clared not do so; one only, a Lieutenant named Sebastião da Costa, who was determined to show his valour, hurled himself on the squadron and was immediately killed. The remaining companies left the entrenchment they held and formed up to attack thc cinemy; but the bombardment from the ships was so heavy and continuous that they could not do so and some of our Captains and brave soldiers, including the Captain-General de Menezes himself, were killed. In the meantime the enemy had the opportunity of landing all his troops, and when our men saw this they retired, the enemy following. them, and when they reached the fort it surrendered as it had no means of defence and could not resist. Our men crossed the river with the speed of necessity and started on the march of eighteen leagues to Jafanapatao, dead of hunger: they arrived there with the Captain-Major of the Field Antonio Mendes Aranha, who took steps with the Governor of that Kingdom, João de Mello de Sampaio, to form them into companies, for several of them had
no Captains; after doing so they were stationed on
2A t

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the Rio Salgado to defend that passage against the enemy, who came to attack us in a few days in our own camp marching by land, bringing with him up the river all the lanchas and a number of barques with provisions and stores. After fighting with them we had to retire to the first street of the village where we threw up barricades. Three days later they advanced on that position, and as we found it difficult to maintain it, we retired by night to the furthest which was nearer to the fort. There we sheltered ourselves and remained for four days, but they attacked us in the flank with their artillery and compelled us to retire by night within the fort, where also all the residents and others from the town had assembled. And as this contained only the houses of the Governor, the hospital, and a convent of St. Francisco, they all took refuge in the Church and its cloisters, packed together as best they could. The fort was a regular square with four bastions; the distance from one corner to the other was twenty-five paces and in the middle of the walls there were lunettes or half oranges, all very small after the ancient fashion, the whole structure being of pumice stone; a river ran on one of the sides and the other three were protected by a trench twentyfive palms in breadth, and a dozen deep. The infantry were posted between the trench and the wall, and in the course of that night they raised for their protection a rampart which served as a barbican. The enemy raised three batteries with which they bombarded our two batteries on the river side, as the moat finished at their base; these they broke down with ease, as they were crumbling like earth from a cemetery owing to the nature of the stone with which they were all constructed. They also threw a large number of bombs and a continuous shower of stones from their three mortars, thus killing several of our men. In the fortress there was only some spoilt rice and no other

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eatable and there was not a grain of salt. We all underwent great misery through the want of these, and several of our people were consequently attacked with disease and died.
We made some sorties to stop the works the enemy had begun and so prevented their continuing them. We had a fort at the entrance to the harbour, a little more than two leagues from the town, similar to the one do Bogio, this was held by a company of infantry with fourteen pieces of artillery, a constable, and two artillery men. The enemy set up their batteries at the point of the Elephants' Quay, as this was where that fort approached the land nearest; and as it was built of pumice stone they easily broke it down; and in little more than a month it was compelled to surrender from want of food and ammunition.
The siege of our fort was vigorously maintained and after two months' bombardment in view of the misery we endured and the lack of provisions and other necessaries, the enemy sent us a summons and offered us reasonable terms, which we declined and insisted on maintaining our defence from the 20th of March, when we first retired there, till the 22nd of June; but as we saw that we had no powder, rice, or any other kind of provisions, the majority of our men killed, our bastions in ruins, and that there was no possibility of help reaching us; and as for some time the firing from the other fort had ceased -a sure sign that it had fallen-and in view of the great sickness which prevailed, we held a meeting and agreed to surrender the place. We invited the enemy to a parley, but as they saw that we were acting through necessity and that there was no possibility of help reaching us so long as they held Manar and the fort in the harbour where they kept five ships, they would not give us any honourable terms. They would not rob us of the
honour of our arms, but in every other particular
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we had to submit to their mercy. They allowed us to leave with our arms, matches lit, banners flying and drums beating, but without our jewels, gold, silver, or similar articles: they undertook to send the Governor, fidalgos and Captains to one of our forts in the State, and similarly with all the married men and their families; while the soldiers would be sent in their ships to Batavia and thence to Europe. This condition was badly kept, for they were all taken to Batavia.
On the 24th June 1658 our men marched out in terms of the capitulation to the number of one hundred and forty. As soon as we had yielded our arms at the appointed place they first of all surrounded us with some squadrons and we were passed on one by one slowly to where the Fiscal stood, who stripped and searched every one, even examining his private parts, he himself removing the shoes, and taking away everything we had without overlooking even articles of little value; those who helped him were so zealous that they took away our clothes and very hats. To relieve us of everything, when we wanted to go out of the citadel they had ordered us to leave our property in the Governor's house, where they placed an Adjutant to guard it so as to return it to us; we were greatly indebted to him for his care, for he guarded it so well that none of us ever saw anything of his again. After taking leave of this zealous officer, when the search was over, they sent us almost nude to the College of the Society of Jesus. The same process was gone through with the rest of the people without making an exception even of the women; for this scoundrel without any respect or shame searched the parts which nature had meant to be hidden, without their tears or faintings helping the poor wretches at all; not even the most noble escaped his scrutiny; for the thirst of avarice causes people to do such shameful acts. We were

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all thrown into their ships, in which after bearing much hunger and suffering we were brought to Batavia, where we were locked up in a prison in the city.
The fidalgos and chief people who took part in that siege were the Governor, João de Mello de Sampaio, the Captain-Major of the Field Antonio Mendes Aranha, Diogo de Sousa de Castro, Manoel
de Saldanha e Tavora, his cousin Manoel de Saldanha, Dom Alvaro da Silva, Alvaro Rodrigues Borralho,
Dom Gonçalo da Silva, João Botado de Seixas, Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe, Mathias Catanho, the Treasurer Leonardo de Oliveira, and others who
bore themselves in that siege, each according to his
position, without in any way disgracing the blood of their ancestors.

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BOOK III.
REMARKS ON THE MISTAKES COMMITTED BY Us IN THR
CONguEST OF INDIA AND How WE SHoULD HAvB coNFINBD
oURSELVES TO THE occuPATION OF CBILAO ALONE,

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CHAPTER II.
THE MISTAKEs comMITTED BY Us IN THE congUBST of INDIA."
The mistakes we have committed in the policy adopted by us in the gonquest of the East have cost us the lives of as many heroes as would suffice to populate the world over again; our own sins were the cause of our undoing and not the might of our enemies, who were only employed by God as the instruments of His wrath.
Our monarchs spent all they could in spreading the faith of Jesus Christ over the world, and their devotion was ably seconded by the efforts of their subjects; but gradually there crept in a decline from the lofty standard which had guided them at the first. However well intentioned an individual may be, it is not given to him to be wise on every occasion; and that is what we see in the careers of our Governors in the East, We committed the initial blunder of trying to lay hands on everything from Sofala to Japao, a distance of five thousand leagues, forgetting that our success would only attract the jealous rivalry of our European neighbours; even if they were actuated by no hostile feelings against us, they were bound to imitate our example and we were bound to come into conflict in consequence,
We committed the further mistake of paying too much attention to bye-products, such as rice, cocos, dates, &c.; it is all very well to say that our sole object was the diffusion of Christianity, for unfortunately a critical examination will show that it was only the avarice of private individuals which led to our occupying so many petty forts at such great distances from each other.
CHAPTER II.
(Continued.)
The sole desire of the Governors of our various colonies was the accumulation of wealth; every friendly Prince was bled till in desperation he declared war, when he had to be subdued at
great expense to the Crown. Instead of concentrating our
* The portions in small type contain only a summary of the original.

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strength, we were obliged to dissipate our forces over our numerous possessions, and therefore the individual garrisons were an easy prey to the enemy, as witness the case of the Canaras, and the success of the Imaum in Arabia. It was quite right to punish the traitors of Mogambique and Mombaga; but where was the necessity for the permanent occupation of their countries? We must remember that they cost His Majesty not only so much treasure, but the precious lives of his subjects; the very bells and guns of bronze showed the effects of that awful climate; for every soldier who arrived there, three had to be shipped from Portugal.
CHAPTER III.
A Journey THROUGH THE PoRTUGUESE Colonies.
Let us in imagination make a journey through all our settlements. We cross from the African Coast, to Arabia Felix, sail past the Island of Socotra with its ruined fort, and reach Mascate, Curiate, and the colonies on the Persian Gulf. True these lands produce excellent horses, dates and incense: but all these we could have bought without wasting treasure on unnecessary fleets. We next sail past Damão, Tennasserim,Tarapor,&c. till we reach the magnificent city of Bagain with its two hundred families of fidalgos. But these lands are as a limbo on earth, without glory and without punishment: without wealth, but not without the necessities of life. Chaul is next visited, maintaining its precarious existence in the face of Moorish hostility: Goa comes next, the everlasting memorial of its far-seeing founder, a noble city of great size with two fine harbours, and the Emporium of all India. Passing Honor, Mangalore, &c. we reach Cananor, crowded up to its very walls with Malavars and Moors, and with a scanty trade in cardamoms and ginger, Caranganor, a mere memorial of the brave Duarte Pacheco; and so on to Cochim, our second city. Here they have a long tale of woe; the poverty is such that the whole place is a large brothel for Portuguese. women; there is no trade worth the name, and we are glad to escape to Coulao, with its two hundred Portuguese families and undefended fort. We are entertained with cocoanuts and palm wine, the best they have to give us, for indeed their own sustenance was derived from a few trees near the Fort. From here we double Cape Comorim and arrive at Tuticorim, where the might of Portugal is represented by one Portuguese styled the Captain-Major of the Coast of the Fishery, an office which he holds for three years as the reward of long and meritorious services.

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CHAPTER IV.
(Continued.)
Four days in a Champana bring us to Manar, and in two days more we reach Negapatao, a Portuguese settlement in the territory of the Naique of Tanjaor, which had placed itself in 1642 under the protection of the Crown of Portugal which had wasted much treasure in fortifying it at the very time that Ceilao was almost lost to it. Close to its walls is a large settlement of the Gentiles crowded with temples, some of which are of remarkable workmanship.
In one of them which is greatly reverenced there is preserved a column of black marble ten palms high, well wrought and polished, and having sculptured on it the martyrdom of Christ our Lord; scattered all over it are some marks like blood. The records of these idolaters state how they obtained possession of this. Many ages ago, before the Portuguese ever reached these parts, on a specially dark night a great earthquake suddenly occurred accompanied by a tempest so severe that all were convinced the world was coming to an end; sending some people to look at the sea they there discovered a great fire. And as they thought that this was some ship, they sent word of it to the rest, whereupon they all hurried to the shore when the storm suddenly ceased and at the same time the fire appeared more dazzling. In a short time it reached land, and as the people came to look at this strange thing they discovered the column which they conveyed to their temple with much rejoicing and solemnity, and there they worship it as having come from heaven. Whenever it is shown to a person of importance there is an imposing ceremony; but for the benefit of the common people they have made a duplicate of the same shape and with the same marks, and this is placed at the entrance to the temple. Both our people and the Gentiles assert that this occurred as I have related; the Lord our God knows with what object he wrought this marvel among these barbarians; for he directs everything to His Glory. The whole settlement consists of men engaged in commerce from whom we purchase an abundance of cloth; this is carried by ship to various parts; the profits obtained from it are so small that they hardly pay for the ordinary expenses of the Captain, and there is no other source of revenue.
The sight of this place makes me reflect on the vast expenditure our King is put to in the maintenance of these forts. Bvery soldier who enters his service in India costs him on an average two hundred and seventy thousand reis, for not one in five sent out from Portugal finally enlists in the army; so many of the scoundrels from the prisons of Portugal are sent out only to join the service of the Moors: for the scoundrel in

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Portugal cannot be a saint in India : so many of the others die on the journey, while so many of the more faithful are intercepted by the religious bodies, or take service as pages.
We next visit the noble city of Meliapor where is a sacred edifice said to have been founded by the holy Apostle S. Thomé; within this is preserved a priceless treasure, the head of the lance with which he was killed and the very sandles which he had used. We are hospitably entertained and visited by the chief residents from whom we learn that since the arrival of the Hollanders they have lost the trade in the cloth for which the city is famous, and they have been reduced to such extreme poverty that a well known lady had been compelled to cut off her hair and sell it for money with which to purchase rice. We express our hearty sympathy and proceed on to Pipli, Ogolim, Balagor, and Jungalaio which are occupied by godless and lawless Portuguese trading in the ships of the Moors and Gentiles who are the lords of these parts; prosperity only serve to increase their insolence and we are glad to hasten away to avoid the wrath of God which is sure to come on them.
We learnt that on one bank of the Ganges there was a kingdom the King of which was called the Mogo, and that there lived here four hundred Portuguese all of very exemplary life. We set out for this place with great satisfaction to behold this marvel, as we considered it a remarkable thing in this state where the boastfulness of man is great and even the least thinks his ancestors were sprung from the seven planets. At last we reached this kingdom where we found these men-if brute beasts could be given that name-in the service of that King; they recognise no God and all their devotions are paid to Bacchus; any one who does not make liberal offerings to him is not admitted among these servants of his. The Mogo has divided them into. companies and made Captains of the most fervent; to these he has allotted villages to maintain their companies from their revenues, and they are employed in making war on his neighbours. Each Captain has to keep two Jalias which continually move along the banks of the river which are covered with forest: at night they land and raid the open villages robbing them of what they have and making prisoners of all

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they can lay hands upon. All the plunder is taken before the Captain and sold by auction in his presence along with the prisoners; the proceeds are divided among the company, the King receiving nothing, as this is the pay he gives them. If any girl appears to a soldier suited for his purpose, he makes a bid for her; and as they are all very polite, none of the others would take him from her; and when she is knocked down to him she is sent to his house with four or five others purchased in the same fashion and for the same purpose. This custom is common among them all and he who does not live in this fashion is not considered a man; so they spend their lives in the state of penitence we have described and their boast is that each of them has made more Christians than did S. Francisco Xavier the whole of the time he was in the East; and I do not doubt it, for they are always busy with their raids and as these poor wretches are Gentiles they baptise them as soon as they are captured; and as the King is a Moor he does not interfere, but sells them to the ships which come to these harbours for trade. We hastily retired to avoid meeting these people.
Passing several settlements of the same fraternity we finally reach Siao where are a few a little more civilised than the others, but living without a King and without law. The fine city of Magao is next visited, and here we find the same complaints of poverty consequent on the usurpation of all trade by the Hollanders.
From here we proceed to Ternate from which we are glad to escape with our lives, and sailing past Tidore, Banda, and Amboina, we arrive at Solor where there is a small settlement of two hundred souls who trade in sandalwood with China. Thence we sail to Ceilao past Java and Sumatara, finding it impossible to visit Japao where we have lost our old settlement of Nagagaque. -

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CHAPTER V.
AT THE CoMMENCEMENT OF OUR CoNguEST WE SHOULD HAVE occuPIBD MALACA, ORMUZ AND GOA ALONE.
In building a house the first consideration should be a broad and deep foundation; and similarly with the building of an Empire. It appears to me that the majority of our expeditions were undertaken only to satisfy the vanity of individual statesmen. Those Governors who realised the truth of this were afraid to express their opinion openly, as they knew that it would bring them into disfavour.
Some have governed the state and borne themselves with great purity, serving with devotion, zeal and courage, many even sacrificing their lives, without being infected with the poison of ville avarice; if they will permit me I shall select for them a Captain of such parts that if they were alive to-day I feel sure they would acclaim the wisdom of my choice. Not only the famous men of our race, but all who are enrolled in the everlasting tablets of fame, cheerfully acknowledge the innumerable claims of the unrivaled Afonso de Albuquerque-that glory of all the wise and famous leaders the world has produced; this marvel of perfection lacked no virtue which another had, while he abounded in what all were deficient in. We shall compare the two most famous men of all ages.
Alexander the First, a miracle of courage and good fortune, achieved all his great designs, and even more than the forces of nature allowed; but his undertakings served more to immortalise his own person among men than to aggrandise the state of Macedon; for had he lived for many centuries, at his death his kingdom was bound to be divided; even time is never the same and his successors would not have been all Alexanders, and it was a certain fact that the loss would always fall on his country. What does a kingdom gain by being sovereign over the world, if in her decline her

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subjects revolt from her, and the glory she had won, the treasure she had lavished, and the lives she had thrown away are exchanged for the contempt and perpetual hatred of all? And will those who envied her feel pity for her woe? Princes and Kings are the fathers of their countries; as it is the natural duty of a father not to dissipate the property which belongs to his children, but rather to add to it by moderate profits, no less is it the duty of Kings to cherish and preserve their kingdoms, and every policy they adopt should be devoted to this end; otherwise a King is a tyrant over servants, not a father to his country; where his duty is to protect, he would destroy. The great Caesar was as kind towards the conquered as brave towards his foesqualities with which nature appears to me to have endowed him without stint; the one without the other cannot make perfection, but the two combined helped him gloriously to achieve the great victories which have placed him in the first rank among men. Nor did he lack the other virtues. The wise man chooses the beautiful and shrinks from what is hurtful; but even he could not avoid being tainted with the terrible poison of ambition; he grasped at what belonged to the state, he placed her under an everlasting subjection, and hence her ruin. Thus we see that the most renowned and distinguished men were found wanting; but our hero satisfied all save the envious: the virtuous yield him place: the vicious hate him.
The supreme command over our vast empire was entrusted to the incomparable Affonso de Albuquerque; on considering what was in the interests of the service of the King and would tend to the development of the empire and the honour of his country, he realised that our forces were too small to establish a lasting empire there; for our enterprises were numerous and we could not suc: ceed in and preserve all we undertook. Occupied

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in these plans where many obstacles presented themselves, his wisdom enabled him to discover a line of policy by which he placed a strong curb on all the Kings of the East, his great courage assisting him and supplying everything which was lacking. He resolved to establish three Emporia where he could concentrate all the trade of this extensive dominion, by means of which he not only held those barbarous hordes in check, but they served as a defence when they saw these great and formidable forts guarded by our forces so that they no longer had any expectation of reducing them to their former condition; and these were what were sufficient for us without dissipating our resources over others, for they were enough to keep all that great universe subject to us; they were the forts of Goa, Malaca and Ormuz, the wealthiest, strongest and most important possessions of the Portuguese Monarchy. Everyone knows in the face of what dangers and with what devotion he gloriously achieved his object; these matters cannot be related here; we shall only speak of what experience has shown to us by their results.
CHAPTER VI.
(Continued.)
Malaca was one Emporium, a fort strong by nature and every device of man, a court to which all the Islands of the extensive Southern Sea and the mainland looked up as the wealthiest and most imperial, crowded with the trade of every kind of wealth as being the harbour where the commerce of the rest of India was carried on; this was won and kept by our arms, and it gave us the sovereignty of the whole of the Archipelago as far as Japao and the mainland of China, without anyone being left to

4Ο Η
oppose us. Indeed all these monarchs were dismayed and sought our friendship and gave us all the privileges we desired with free entry for our trade in their ports. Goa also was a sovereign Emporium in the middle of the coast of India where there met all the trade of Persia, Arabia, and the rest of the East; for the city was large and the Island very strong with two safe and commodious harbours for the protection of our fleets; and taken a second time, the Kings of all India were terrified and sought our friendship so as to have us on their side, granting us everything which was useful to us. The Island of Geru was adorned with the city of Ormuz, situated at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, a wealthy emporium where met all the nations and riches of the East which were conveyed to Persia, Mesopotamia, Palestina, Natalia, the Arabias, Egypt and Europe. In these three emporia there lived those powerful Kings of the East whose banners were replaced by the escutcheon of Portugal, by the valour of Affonso de Albuquerque. On these great and solid columns was built the new Lusitanian empire-a foundation sufficient to bear the weight of those far-stretching regions. We can see from the reasons we have mentioned that our hero rendered by his policy the highest service that ever subject has rendered towards his Prince and the development of his country; for he by his wisdom, courage, and high qualities acquired and held this wealthy empire, and that with forces so small, as we all know. If we wish to realize the grandeur of his spirit we shall find that he commenced where the great leaders of the world left off their conquests; for he won the wealthiest and most difficult by terrifying and reducing those regions, rendering the name of Portugal immortal and feared. But at the same time he did not show himself avaricious in anything: his sole desire was to serve His Majesty and to make the name of his people glorious and respected by all.
2 B.

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Experience has shown us that three colonies were enough to make our empire everlasting. All our other forts and settlements only served to weaken their strength, thus rendering opposition easy. While we increased the number we had to defend and provide with troops, spending on them artillery, ammunition and other necessaries, objects of hatred to our neighbours, the majority of these forts were of no advantage to the Crown or the colonists. And even if all of them yielded great profits we could have obtained the same without occupying them, merely by placing a factor in each to carry on trade on His Majesty's account, and the harbour would have been free to our nation, for all these Kings willingly granted us that concession; but this became impossible when they saw us placing on them the curb of a fortress-a fortress of little substance, one might rather say, where the Captains quarrelled with them over their private interests, and the Crown had to pay heavily to support their actions. Thus in the case of Dabul, a Moorish city in the middle of the coast which runs from Goa to Chaul, there is a factory of ours where there lived a factor and his clerk who collected half the revenues of the customs; we had another such at Congo, a city in Persia, where they made the same recoveries; and I am sure we could have done the same in all the other ports without occupying them. And from these factories His Majesty recovered half the dues without incurring any expense, as we have pointed Out.
The forces we scattered over so many little forts on land should have been kept on the sea and we should have maintained a fleet in the Southern Sea ploughing those waters with our keels and thus keeping in check those idolators and Moors and holding them subject to the yoke of our arms; and with the knowledge that these seas were occupied, no one would have dared to venture on them.

4O3
Another fleet should have been stationed at Goa, guarding from there the Red and Persian Seas, visiting Ormuz, helping our friends and punishing our foes; if we did so everyone would have been dependent on us and we would not have been disturbed nor attacked by anyone. Oh brave and wise Captain, the honour and pride of the Portuguese race for it was you who did plan and achieve what was to the advantage of your King and country, as if inspired from above, and thereby shed lustre on your race; if you did not reap the reward of your toil and zeal, let them tell me where is the good man who can avoid the poison of envy. How much more you who have given so much reason for envy? Where men failed you sought your help in God, since only he who looks to Him for shelter obtains his reward in his glory, a treasure for all time; and on earth among those who give proper thought to your virtues, you will be the crown of all whom Fame proclaims throughout the ages. h
From what I have shown it can be clearly seen that to perpetuate our empire in India we need have maintained only these three forts; and the rest of our colonies were the cause of our total ruin, as they could not be defended and we had to disperse our forces, thereby enfeebling them. It is also clear that all the trade of those parts was at our disposal without any opposition from their lords. The Hollanders quite recognised the unwisdom of this course; they would not employ their forces in establishing cities and colonies, but kept them all on the sea, and thus obliged all the Eastern Princes to allow them to establish factories on their territories where they collected their products and supplied them with what they lacked; in Java Major alone, when they drove away the English from their factory at Jacatara they built a city to serve as a colony, naming it New Batavia. In view of their trade with Japao they built the fort of
2 B 2.

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Taivana in Formosa from which they were expelled by the Chincheo who deprived them of the whole Island by force of arms.
On the Choromandel Coast they established another small but powerful fort called Palicate, so as to obtain from there the cloth which is the whole of their trade with the Red Sea. They established no other fort but maintained factories on all the points of India. In 1639 they took from us Batecalou and Trequimalé, and although these were on the Island of Ceilao which they were so anxious to acquire, we see that they razed them to the ground as they were of no use; all the others they occupy to-day belonged to us and they are only kept up to resist us, for their sole aim and object has always been to obtain the monopoly of the traffic in spice over the entire world; and that is the reason why they did not try to take from us any of our forts in the coast from Goa to Dio, for no spice is found there. I have no doubt that the maintenance of their possessions already costs them much more than they get from their duties and other revenues; for they have all the pepper they require in the kingdoms of Jambe and Pera, and the islands of Sumatra and Borneo, wherefore they did not want the pepper of Coulao and Cochim; for the maintenance of that great city necessitated a large force and they could not get from it sufficient revenue to cover a fourth of their expense, although they cut it down to a third of its original size: Cananor, which requires a garrison of six hundred soldiers at least, and similarly with all the others they took from us. It is also true that the whole of their trade is maintained on account of the Company and no private individual is allowed to do so under severe penalties even if he were a high officer, hence all the profits go to the treasury; but this was not the case with us, where as a rule every one looked to his own profit and the Royal Treasury supplied the expenses.

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CHAPTER VII.
How we ouGHT To HAvB ABANDONBD ALL oUR Possessions IN
INDIA AND occupied THE ISLAND OF CBILAo.
In spite of what we have related, some excuse might be urged on behalf of those who occupied so many lands at such distances from each other, and with little or no use; it might be said that they never considered that at some time some neighbouring Prince or State of Europe would desire to oppose our enterprises in these parts, both as they were so distant and because their discovery was the result of our labour: that for this reason they spread with such confidence over this large expanse as their garrisons secured all the forts against the natives. But no excuse can be found for the men of to-day, who did not concentrate all on our own wealthy land and give up the poor soil of the strangers, as Ceilao was the heritage of our Kings. The answer will be how was it possible to induce these people, who had become naturalised after a residence of so many years and who had been born in these lands, to abandon them and to settle in strange lands of which they had no knowledge or clear conception, in view of the inconveniences that such a change would entail. To this we can reply that when the good is common and the better is open to all, the dictates of prudence should be followed. For first of all the advantage of the State rather than of private individuals, should be attended to; and again do we know of any of these colonies to which such a transfer was suggested, which opposed it with these and similar reasons ? They could have been met by reminding them that they and their fathers went from Portugal to these foreign parts to serve their King there as was of the greatest advantage to him; they settled in those colonies temporarily while no better opportunity was available; but the

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present occasion was one of urgency; by remaining where they were they ran the risk of being easily hemmed in by their enemies, as it was not possible to relieve them. In matters of this nature perseverance can effect more than force; if a beginning had been made with the smaller settlements the larger would have volunteered if they heard of the success of the former; thus Ceilao would have been peopled, our forces united, our people greatly enriched and delivered from any one who could oppress them at any time, and our country become the most prosperous and wealthy the world has ever seen, as will be shown in the remarks I have still to make.
The first step to take would have been to enter into an arrangement with the Kings and lords of the neighbouring lands to whom we intended to hand over ours; if the trade of the port were of importance a factor should have been left there; the price agreed upon should be divided among the residents according to the property which each left behind, and each colony informed of the place in the Island where it could establish its home, so that it could go to that harbour of the Island which would be most convenient, taking along with it the property of the Crown, the artillery and all the other military fittings for guarding the colony; those which settled inland would require only some small pieces, while the guns of heavy calibre could be left for the protection of the coast forts; as much of the land surrounding their future home as was required for their maintenance should have been divided among them, the distribution being made with due regard to the position of the parties and what each had given up: the poor too should have been supplied and all given sufficient for their livelihood; for apart from there being quite enough to distribute generously among all, we see that the sun does not refuse to supply his warmth to any created thing. Thus all

4ο 7
would have been satisfied and our people avoided the miseries which are one of the causes of unrest in a country. For poverty is the parent of lying, theft and deceit; they beget quarrels and other grave sins which only offend God. Their houses could have been built where the site was suitable, and in the coast towns there should have been forts of greater strength; on the very day of their arrival at their future home, houses could be built for all the families. Do not consider this an exaggeration; when our army was on the march, every day in the space of one hour there was not left a person who had not finished his hut; and this would last for three years if not for the rain; this is due to the abundance of timber and covering material which can be obtained in every part of the Island. At the commencement a building of clay would have been sufficient, till in course of time the people could complete the work; for there is no lack anywhere of lime, excellent stone and sand, and fuel in abundance. There is plenty of timber of every kind close at hand and their transport costs nothing. We have mentioned the abundance of the iron the earth produces, and it is sold very cheap; so that there is no deficiency of everything for building a house of any kind, and all this at very little expense. The course adopted in one settlement should be followed in all; similarly with the buildings, as the same advantages are to be found everywhere. If the King of Candia saw our eagerness in settling the Island, how we brought all our forces there and hedged him in with forts and towns, he would have given up his claim to the kingdom without our being compelled to have recourse to arms; nor would we have treated him unjustly; for his claim to be King is derived from his mother and she had lost her rights in consequence of her apostasizing and becoming a Gentile after being a Christian; there are other reasons too

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which we can assert-the protection which this Crown has exercised over that kingdom, its rights under the will of Dom Filippe, the last and rightful King thereof, as we have narrated in the fifth chapter of the first book.
... We must remember that in all our forts and settlements in that State there lived and are living other residents, natives of the country, with their families; these were of Christian parents and grandparents and they served us with affection; we called them Topazes, and they formed the service holders, tradesmen and merchants; their sons served us as soldiers and have won an honourable record of service in war and have not been found wanting towards the State. We ought to have brought all of these and kept and protected them along with the rest and distributed some land among them; for they assisted us in war, many of them sacrificing their lives, without any hope of advancement. If in their country they took up arms in our defence against their own people, they would do much more where there was no impediment of kinship or nature; for these reasons and because they were Christians brought up among us, it was not desirable to abandon them but rather to hold them in honour.
I do not say that the scheme I have proposed for successfully settling the Island could have been carried out without the sanction of His Majesty: for that is the very foundation of the whole of this structure; he should have been consulted and the reasons set before him in detail, that this was to his true interest; and when His Majesty authorised the scheme, a person should have been chosen with a comprehensive knowledge of the Island, a man of a good conscience, and he should have been charged with the task of distributing the land in such a way as to satisfy all; for on that depends the wellbeing of the Crown, the enrichment of the subjects, and the preservation of the Empire, all which we shall see in the next chapter.

4O9
CHAPTER VIII.
How THE IsLAND SHOULD HAVE BEEN uTILISED.
We have shown that excluding the territories of the kingdoms of Candia, Uva, Jafanapatáo, Triquimalé, Batecalou, and those appertaining to Manar, which are the lands of Mantota, in the territory subject to the Emperor alone our Lord the King was entitled to twenty-one thousand eight hundred and seventy-three villages; the jungle of more than sixteen thousand of these is covered with cinnamon as described above; the rest is situated on the plains where everything is marshy land producing an abundance of grain, three or four crops in the year of the same seed, and various other articles; thus all the rest of the lands from Chiláo past the kingdom of Candia and the frontiers of Uva as far as two leagues beyond the pagoda of Tanavaré, were all under cinnamon; the same lands produce an abundance. of uncultivated pepper as I have already said. For the citizens to acquire great wealth His Majesty should have conceded to them the privilege which the people had possessed of each collecting all the cinnamon he could; this privilege was withdrawn in 1626 by the King Filippe IV. in consequence of advice, the only result of which was loss to the subject without any benefit to the Crown, though the chief strength of a monarchy depends on the wealth of its subjects. This privilege however should have been subject to the condition that a fifth of the total collection should go to His Majesty; and I am of opinion that all the cinnamon collected should have been purchased on account of the Crown at a fixed price, to prevent its going through many hands. We know that this spice is found nowhere but in Ceilao; what is known as the Coulao cinnamon comes from the jungles of Porca and I have alrea

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described what it is, and it is well-known in this kingdom. Some would maintain without any reason that it is found elsewhere: but that is not true. I have seen some stuff in Jaoa Major which in shape is like the cinnamon, but not in taste or colour, for it is very yellow and extremely bitter; and that is what they call cinnamon. The Ceilao article is highly valued all over the world, and it can be all shipped and sold on His Majesty's account: and by reason of the little trouble involved in collecting it the people would sell it very cheap; "and so our Lord the King could furnish cargo of this alone for, not a hundred, but two or three thousand ships a year.
Every one should also have been obliged, each on his own plot of land, to plant pepper-vines at the foot of the trees; these grow without any cultivation owing to the climate, and if they received a little attention they would do even better; for when once they are planted they last for ever, and from the two crops they collect a year they should pay a fifth to the Royal treasury; and with this alone without purchasing any they could send to this kingdom many shiploads, obviating the necessity of our spending any money thereon, while the inhabitants should be free to sell their share to Persia, the Arabias, the Mogor and the other parts of the East; as it is of the best quality it commands a higher price than what is produced in the whole of India. The people need pay a fifth of these two commodities alone to His Majesty; they should be permitted to take everything else the land produces for themselves as has been the custom. Thus the Island would have become very powerful, and the King would have had the greatest treasures within our discoveries by securing these products in such abundance without the expenditure of a real. The Customs duties would have amply sufficed for the maintenance of the garrisons in the forts; it is easy

4 II
to see that had the Island been settled a great trade would have grown round it.
Besides cinnamon and pepper His Majesty had two commodities which were not inferior and which were always collected and sold on his account, namely elephants and precious stones; if we were unwilling to keep the natives of the country continuously at this occupation, we could have engaged blacks and Kaffirs for the work. But the Chingalás themselves would have worked at this, for when after the treaty had been arranged and we had nothing in the Island save the city of Columbo, as Dom Filippe Mascarenhas saw that the greater part of the cinnamon lands in which the Chalias who collect it lived fell to the Hollanders, and as he realised the enormous loss His Majesty sustained thereby, he found a remedy for it in kindness and good words, and thus persuaded the Pachas to collect yearly the amount by which the crop fell short of the three thousand two hundred bahars which according to the Tombo the Chaliás had to collect, and he paid them a pataca the bahar. Thus the one thousand nine hundred bahars were distributed among that caste and they collected it annually and so made good the deficiency without the King losing a stick of cinnamon, at a time when the Hollanders held the greater part of the land where it was found and where the peelers lived. If when we had such small forces in the Island we could induce them to do this by fair words alone, what could we not do when the whole country was occupied by us? ۔۔۔۔
Of the precious stones alone, namely, rubies, sapphires, topazes and catseyes, sufficient could be found to send to this kingdom several shiploads a year; some of the stones are worth ten thousand cruzados. Do not think I exaggerate in this, for in everything I rather state less than the truth which I can enlarge upon without hesitation.

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Several thousands could be continuously employed in collecting them without any deficiency arising, for they are found in such abundance everywhere, and the sixty-seven leagues within which they are found teem with them. In searching for them they do not dig more than a braca and a half at most, till they reach a very blue sandy soil; this is washed in baskets and an abundance of gems is found among stones of less value. I would point out that where one variety is found others are found too, and although they are of different kinds they are not found separately. Hence we can infer that the whole of India and the whole of the world cannot have such great treasures as Portugal. I make no mention of the pearl fishery which under our protection and care would have become a considerable source of revenue.
Apart from the products and wealth which I have described we could have built great fleets at little expense, as there is an abundance of timber and iron and resin, all articles which are largely employed in such work. There is in the Island a plant which produces something like our linen thread, and from this the native fishermen make their nets; from this we could manufacture ship shrouds similar to those of Europe, without the coarseness and thickness of coir. In what words should I speak of the harbour and bay Dos Arcos ? It is the best in the whole of India, with a bottom between sand and clay, and is protected from every wind. It is exposed only to the East wind, which however does not blow except occasionally and then too gently; and moreover it has several bays within, which are protected from this too.
The chief winds which blow during the year are the North and the South, called respectively Vara and Cacháo; they create in the Island two wet and two dry seasons. The longest and most beautiful river in the Island falls into this bay; its

43
water, which comes from Adam's Peak, is very good, and on its banks are found an abundance of trees remarkable for their size and variety. A dock could be made in the bay itself and fleets of numerous ships of any tonnage that is required built there; the river could have been utilised for conveying all the material without any expense; for as we have shown in the tenth chapter of the first book, it is the duty of the woodcutters to fell timber, and of the iron-smelters and smiths, carpenters, turners, lancers, gunmakers and all the other service holders in the Island, to serve His Majesty without any payment. The weapons for arming them with, such as muskets, arquebuses, carbines, bacamartes, lances, pikes, swords, and handles for the guns, would cost almost nothing; and all these are produced in the Island in great abundance and of excellent workmanship. With these our forts and armies would be supplied without the expense which the Royal treasury would have to meet everywhere else; their carriage too costs nothing, as it is the duty of the culles to convey them just as all the other service holders have to perform their own duties; so that we can see the great advantages we had for making fleets : a splendid harbour to keep them in, with liberty to go out and come in without any danger at any season of the year, and an abundance of provisions for supplying them with ; and yet we never thought of utilising this harbour for building fleets which were always the essential requirement in that State. Can all those who have travelled over the earth or read of its greatness tell me if they have seen or heard of any land with the treasures which I have shown to exist in the Island?
Africa yields a little gold, amber and ivory; the wealth of America is scattered over a vast continent. Does Brazil, Arabia, Persia, any of the individual kingdoms of India, Pegu, Siam, the Moluccas, China or Japaio, produce such wealth in such a small compass as Ceilao

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Think of our settlements in Sofala, Moçambique and Mombaga; there we have a little trade in gold, amber and ivory which we purchase, and which is the monopoly of the Governors; but the country cannot supply the necessaries of life, and the climate is pestilential. And it is the same with our various other settlements in Asia; when Cochim was occupied by the Hollanders, ten thousand abandoned white women were found living there; the wealth and fertility of Ceilao would have rendered such a scandal an impossibility here. - I fancy that those who declare this Island was the terrestrial Paradise do not say so owing to its fertility and the abundance of everything required to maintain life, nor for the pleasantness and healthfulness of the land, nor for the footprint two palms long which the Gentiles have fabricated so as to attract worship to the place, but because so many kinds of riches are found therein, small as it is.
CHAPTER IX.
THE REST of our MISTAKEs of MoDERN TIMEs.
Clearly the capabilities of this country were not properly known to our rulers. My object in pointing out our errors is not to obtain any reward for myself. Our negligence gave the Hollanders the opportunity to strengthen their own position, till they were finally enabled to blockade Goa itself as well as Malacca, the centre of the trade. in spice. In 1639 they captured two of our Forts in Ceilao, and they carried on a successful war till 1644, when peace was declared for eight years, thus giving us an opportunity to make good our deficiencies. Instead of doing so we went to sleep till war was declared again; in 1656 they captured Columbo, and followed this up in 1658 by taking Manar and Jafanapatao.
CHAPTER X.
THE CoNCLUsoN oF THIs VVoRK.
Since my return I have frequently heard it stated that we were going to reconquer Ceilao and that its King was begging us to assist him in driving out the Hollanders. And yet we are so weak in those waters that the Arabs have twice sacked Dio, while the Hollanders have taken the majority of our forts and added considerably to the four hundred ships they had there. They have reduced the city of Columbo by one half, concentrating all

45
under a powerful fort which they have built on the hill where the Convent of S. Agostinho stood; where they have cut it down they have erected three batteries, a rampart and a moat full of water, connecting the lake with the sea by a covered passage; in fact it is now the best fortified position in the whole of India. I cannot believe that the King of Candia has offered to help us unless he is gone mad, or has turned Christian and is desirous of relieving his conscience by restoring to Portugal the lands he has seized. For he never had peace so long as we were his neighbóurs, while the Hollanders are much easier for him to deal with; they do not march about amidst forests and marshes barefoot and covered with leeches. And what nation will willingly submit to the dominion of another? Think how we resisted the tyranny of Castile, though here we had to deal with a people of our own blood and religion.
It is quite true that the King of Candia has the highest regard for the Portuguese as individuals; this is the result of his intercourse with us, for he has found among us so many qualities worthy of admiration; but as a nation he has a good deal to complain of against us. He established a fine city at Ruanella in a strong position and settled there in comfort seven hundred of our families, allotting to them villages which belonged to this Crown, and they live there with their own clergy to administer to them the sacraments; it was with this object that he had ordered as many of us as possible to be taken alive. I have no doubt that refugees would receive very good treatment at his hands, but it is foolish to expect him to entrust them with power; fancy he would prefer to lay down his life, for he has realised that our sole object was to rob him of his kingdom. It was for this reason that he entered into an alliance with the Hollanders, a nation from whom he had little to fear. Indeed as soon as we were expelled from Columbo, he made war on them and seized on all the territories which had belonged to this Crown, including the villages they had enjoyed during the period of the truce, and only left them the forts and a few coast villages from which thry got a little cinnamon, which the King never troubled a hut. His great regret was that the Island had forests of these; cald he have destroyed them all he would gladly have done no. In the same way he would never allow his people to mine for preci, is stones; whatever he wanted to present to his fririnil . Id relatives among the sovereigns of the coast, he used to take out of his own treasury; his object was that the very existence of these riches in the Island might be forgotten. He was greatly assisted in his design by the absence of any nece'''.ity to obtain the comforts of life from outside; for it would be lifficult to find another kingdom in the world which could boast of such abundance.

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All authority is in the hand of God; our duty is to repent of our sins, for this is the strongest weapon we can possess against our enemies; this would enable us to continue our Government of that Island, if the Hollanders can be persuaded to give us back our forts, following with greater wisdom those Captain-Generals who had ruled the country beforetime. The first of these was Pedro Lopes de Sousa; after him came Dom Hieronimo de Azevedo, Dom Francisco de Menezes, Manuel Homen Mascarenhas, Dom Nuno Alvarez Pereira, Constantino de Sá e Noronha, Jorge de Albuquerque, Constantino de Sá e Noronha, (a second time), Dom Jorge de Almeida, Diogo de Mello, Dom Antonio Mascarenhas, Dom Filippe Mascarenhas, Francisco de Mello de Castro, the fifteenth and last being Antonio de Sousa Coutinho; after him Antonio do Amaral e Menezes was in command over Jafanapatão and Manar.
THE END.
Praise be to God and to the Immaculate Conception of Maria, Virgin Mother of God.

GENERAL INDEX.
Page. ABREU, Pero de, Modeliar 96
AcCOMMODESSAN ... 110, 136, 187 ACHARI s ... 106 AcHEM, gunners from.. ... 64, 65 AcHU VELI, church at . . 319
ADAM's PEAK.4,72,89, 16s, 203,207 ADEGALITOTA, v Etgalatota
ADIGAR, dress of ... 145 AFFoNso, Dom, Wickrama Ba
hu's General - 54 f Pedro, Arachche . . 63-78 A GRAs, Vida na das . . = 109 AJUDA, N. Senhora da ... 347 Акм Iм ENA . . as 298, 301 AKUREssA, Portuguese at ... 299 Battle of .. 300, 301 ALAGIAVAN NA MUKEVETTI ... 214 ALANcA, v Illangakoon ALBERGARIA, Lopo Soares de ... 7, 15 ALBogUERQUE, Afonso de 15, 398 Jorge de 208 s Matthias de .. 19 ALEIXO, Dom, Modeliar ... 225 AL FAN DEGA . . a 190 ALIYA, v Elephant - 147, 188 ALJoFAR a - o s 167 ALLAwA 98, 196, 198, 321 ALMEIDA, Lourenco de .. 8, 14 y Francisco de, Arachchi 52 y Dissava s o ... 104 ፵ ፵ Jorge de ... 230 ALUTGA MA 39, 314, 321, 341, 343 ALUT KURU KoRALE 200, 202 ALW1s, de ao s ... 347 AMANT, Capt. St. 0 0 270 AMARASINGHA ARACHCHI ... 205 AMBALAMA, passage of.. ... 50, 52 AMBALANGODA 8 · · 59 AMBER a e s 166, 167 ANAs RAILE . . 200 ANAVILUNDANA O. ... 319 AN DOCE a 8 A ... 195 AN Doo R v Kustantino Hatane . . 284
Parangi Hatane ANDRADE, Nuno Freire de, de
feats Moors 8 y 8 17
Page. ANGURUWATOTA A ... 332 ANTAM, Dom, Modeliar ... 90, 95 ANTONIO, Dom, Modeliar 64
ANTUNEs, Francisco, Dissava 332, 337
339 ANURADHAPURA P es 196, 204 APPUHAMI . . . • 11, 145 ARANDURE 327, 335, 338
ARAN HA, Dissava, Antonio Mendis 332 340, 345, 348, 354, 355, 357, 385, 389
ARASU ERIYA . . a 41, 319 ARCH BISHOP OF INDIA. . ... 47, 50 ARIPo ... 355 ARCHERs, defend Colombo, 15; in
Samorin's fleet 18
Arches, Bay of the 7, 130,170, 41. AREcA, Export of ... 6, 46, 111, 182
AsTRoLoGY AMONG SIN HALEsE . . 143 AswAN A oYA. . ... 38 ATAKALAN KORALE . . 4
ATAIDE, Pedro đe, Captain of
Ceylon, 52; at Cota .. 52 y Dom Luiz de, Gover
nor of India. . . 58 sy Dom Digo de 52 y Dom Alvaro de 336, 347 ATTANAGALLA . . 96, 198
ATTAPATTU, King's personal Guard,
at Cota, 51 ; at Colombo, 68;
75; Mudaliyar . . 222, 186 ATWELTOTA. . . Vr O. 8 O AUGUSTINIANs 128, 192, 208, 318 AvJRUDU ... 138 AzAvEnoo, Gaspar de, Factor, ac
companies Sinhalesc Army . . 34
AzAvedo, D. Jeronymo lic, at Colombo, 59; 75; defeat cd, 80; 89; succeeds de Sousa, 89; in campaign of 1597. 1600, 94-103; administration in Ceylon 1600
1612, 179-84; 188; 191;
192; 193; 194 0 O ... 199 BADАнвLAYo . . ... 107 BADALo 107 BADAvEDILI . . a o B 10 BADULLA 0 0 186, v Uva

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Page.
BADURE LIYA . . 40 . BAGADAS 98, 102, 200, 203 BAGUEAS ... 349 BAJAM v Bayao . BALANE 86, 88, 131, 182, 184, 189, 194 199, 201, 205, 236
BALANGALE .. 59. BALAo, boat named . . O 67 BALAPANE ... 20
BALLAVE, v Wallawe BALIToTE, v Etgalatota BALTHAzAR, Dom, Modeliar 225, 252, 273
BAMBoos 55 BAN DANESE . . w is ... 34 BAN DARA 26 BANDARAGAMA 39 BANDIGARALLA 110, 151 BARBosA, Gaspar W s 60 Francisco . . 189, 200, 202 205, 206
Влкоснв, D. Jorge de Menezes, at Colombo, 47; 48; defeated by Rajasinha, 48; leaves Ceylon 49
BARRETo, Antonio Moniz ... 29, 58
Francisco . .
Dom Constantinu, v Constantinu
4 ş Antonio, origin of,
Captain-General of Senerat and Prince of Uva, 199; captures Sabaragamuwa, 199; 200; in Raigam Korale, 200; 201; in Sabaragamuwa, 202; and Matara, 205; defeats Portuguese and destroys Beruwala, 206; 207; v Kustantinu Hatane.
BARRIGA, Lopo 323, 325; 329 BATAVIA a 238,241, 275, 403 BATEL 54
BATIcALoA 4, 7, 24, 29, 130, 170, 180
186, 194, 209, 221, 240, 403
BATUGEDERA . . 32, 94, 96-103 BAYAo, Mudaliyar Andre, accom
panies Princess to Pegu 57, 90
Sebastian, at Colombo 67, 69
y Jeronymo, at Colombo 70, 75
BEDAs v Veddas
BELIcoTE a 39 BE LIGAL KorALE KKP MK) ... 20. BELIGAM v Welligama BELITRAo, Joao Alvares ... 306 BENTOTA ... 343 BERAw AYo . . - 107 BERBERI w Beruwa1a
BERE BERE . . 155
BERENDI KOVIL, destruction of.. 21, 33
39, 40, 57
ii.
Page,
BERUWALA, churchat, 29; destroyed by Vidiye B, 39; destroyed by Portuguese, 74; attacked by Barreto .. ... 206
BERYL v Gcm
BETAL v Wattala
BHUvAN EKA BAHU, Emperor, 8; besieged by Pate Maricar, 17; sends to Portuguese for help, 18; 19; 30; besieged at Cota, 17; 18; 19; marries his daughter to Tribuli Bandar, 19; invades Sitavaca, "19; makes peace with Maduna, 20; sends ambassadors to Portugal, 20; 21 ; message to Cabral, 30; occupies Sitavaca, 32; makes peace with Madune, 33; visits the Viceroy at Colombo, 34; killed at Cotta a 35
BI BI LEGAMA . . ... 314 BY AGAMA, built, 61 ; army as
sembled at . . . a 35 E3O T& HEE a o o 141 BocALAGAMA .. a w ... 201 3OGio O ... 387 l3oLL F.GALA, Mayadune at 35 IBO PITIYA , - • ... 201 BORA LUGODA . . ... 40, 64 3OREEL, Dutch Commissioner... 298 BoTADo DE SEIXAS, Dissava Joao 331 333,334 BOTALE o s a 202,203 BoTELHo, Belchior, Modeliar .. 95 Symao KK o 2. BRAGAN CA, Dom Constantino de,
Viceroy, in Ceylon .. 42-47, 184 Β RAHMIN ... 16, 34
BRAZIL Woodw Sapan BRITro, Joao Correa de, at Colombo 59
62, 63
, Lourenco Ferreira de,
at Galle KM A . . 244 , , Lopo de 16
BUDDHA, capture of alleged tooth of, 44; and its destruction, 49; tooth sent to Pegu, 58;
religion of . . ... 138 BULATGAMA 110, 188,203,335 BUNAMARAo, destruction of . . 27 CABARAL, Luiz, Dissave 185, 207, 186
CABARAL, Pedro Alvares, at
Calicut . 13
Jorge, Governor of India a 30 CACHAN a 60, 412 CAEN, in Ceylon ... 241 CAMEL, battle of 242, 272

CAIMEL, Church at . . ... 319 CA LACHU RRos v ... 146 , CALAN E, v Kelaniya
CALECARE ... 16, 17 CALEPATE, 71 ; (Gal-pota ?) a 78 CALICUT, Cabral at .. o e 13
CALITURE, v Kalutara CAM, Domingos Carvalho, Dissava 186 CAMARA, of Colombo . . 193,288 CAMAR EuRo MooR v Sembahap
Perumal CANABoL, v Kanam pella
CANACA MU DA LIYAR . . ... 20 CANAHARA MUDIYANSE 68 CANCER w 8 156
ÖANDIA, 4, 5, 10, 33, 54, 58.79, 80, 89
182, 185, 196, 205, 208, 222, 275
vide Joao, Catherina, Konappu , CANGARAcHB, in rebellion ... 207
v Kustantinu Hatane ... 209
CAN NARA. coast of 8
CAN NIBALISM a 56, 374
CANNoN, used by Sinhalese, 15; 16; at Jaffna, 43; abandoned by Portuguese,46; at Raggaha
Watte, 48; foreign gunners . . 65 CAPTAIN’s GARDEN 59, 66, 67 CAPUCH INS . . 128, 315
CARALE A PANDAR v Karalliyedde CARCAPULE I RA, tree called . . 53 CARDA MONS . . o 6 CARDIVA, 77; seafight off 79 y Fort at, 208; Church at 320 CARPETS es ... 166 CARRON, Francois - ... 303 CARVALHO, Fernao de.. ... 36, 39 Domingos, Dissave .. 201 CASADOS a ... 192 CASTEs IN CEYLON 103-107 customs and dress 81, 144, 153 CASTRO, D Joao de ... 28, 30 yy D. Jorge de 31, 33, 34, 37
Francisco de Mello de, 335, 343 347, 348, 354, 358 Antonio de Mello de, 347, 348
363
yy Diogo de Sousa de .. 389
D. Miguel de.. 198 CATAGORE ... 333 CATAPANHL, boat named 53 CATAPULTs . . 16
CATH FRINA, Dona, daughter of Jayawira, 10; captured, 80; plans for her restoration, 83; married to Konappu Bandara, 88; to Senerat, 89; death of 184, 220 231 CATREM CAMPALA v Katugampola
Page. CATs EYE, v Gem * CATURAS 8 66 CAVALRY, Sinhalese . . 7 CEITAVAcA, v Sitavaca CESAR, Manuel 194-206
CEYLON, position of, 1 ; kingdoms in, 2.; gems of, 5; 80; 160; products of,6; timber of, 6; Portuguese fortresses in, 6; discovery of, 8; Royal caste in, 19; sea customs of, 27; muskets made im, 30; Portuguese territoryin, 103; authority of Capt.-General in, 103 ; land tenures in, 104; 110; 187; caste, 105; 144; Royal villages in, 1 10; 187; dues levied in, 110; customs of people in, 138; justice in, 151; animals of, 154; 157; diseases in, 155; rivers of, 169; condition of Portuguese settlements in, 179-190; 271 ; Portuguese revenue from, 182; employment of natives in, 208; capabilities of, 407; v Sinhalese CHAKRAYUDDHA, Prince 8 CHALIAs, Rajakariya of, 108; their villages, 1 10; under the Portuguese, 189; palanquin bearers 195
14
204 CHAMBERLAIN, Grand v. Sem
bahap Perumal CHAMPANAS 6, 27, 163, 166, 358 CHANDARRUs . . ... 111 CHAN Dos o a 107, 147 CHANGALY, in Jaffna, 199; 202;
. 207; v Jaffnapatam CHANGANAI, Church at ... 319 CHANGATA . . ... 169 CHILAw 3; 4; 7; invaded by Kandyans, 54; destroyed by Portuguese, 77; campaign of 1598, 97; of 1599, 101; proposed settlement of fishermen at, 184; 202; Portuguese at, 230; Church at . , ... 319 CHI PE 164, 166 CHUcARI, revenue from 40
CINNAMoN, 5, 8, 14, 15, 18, 30, 59, 60, 65 76, 107, 108, 109, 161, 182, 189, 193,297 332, 339. 340, 358, 409 CLOTH, in ported - ... 180 Coch IN, Bishop of, in Ceylon 42,46, 181
CoconuT 16, 26, 27, 54, 67, 111, 893 CoDo 49 CoFFEE 76 COIMBRA 196 Cok-HANDA . . e. O 71

Page 221
Page. CoLoMBo, fortress of, 6; Albergaria arrives at, 7; fort erected by Portuguese at, 8; 9 15; 16; town of, attacked by Portuguese, 16; fort abandoned by Portuguese, 20; re-fortified, 36; revenue from, 40; siege of, 50; assault on, 53; becomes seat of the King, 57; siege of, 59; helpless condition of,59; relief sent to, 59; disorder at, 61; supplied with provisions from India, 62; rejoicings at, 62; defences strengthened, 64; siege of, 6578; disorderat, 80; fortifications of, 127; 180; 183; 188; 193;414; Churchesin, 128; Customs’duties of, 181; Sanctuary at, 190; improvement of, 193; threatened by Nicapety, 198; besieged by Rajasinha, 230 ; famine in, 237; Camara of, 288; threatened by Hollanders, 242; 296; occupied by mutinous
army, 328; siege of .. 360-380 CoLoMBo NINDE o 270,275 CoMoRIN, Cape 1, 6 CoNDE, John de Villa d 12 CoNsTANTINO, Dom, Modeliar .. 95
in war 196, 198, 201, 206
207
y King of Jaffna .. 208 CONVENTION, between Sinhalese
and Portuguese 92
Coolies, their duties, io6. 111, i31, 136
204, 332, 412 CoQUIADos - O 71 CORAL es « w 167 CORLAS 7 • ܀ a 91 CORN ARIA 70 CoRNAx, 107; v Chando 147 CoRREA, Aires, at Calicut
Domingos, defeats Portuguese, 80; brother of Simon 95, 191 Simon 80; King of Ceitavaca, 95; in Matara campaign of 1597, 95-98; in the Seven Korales, 98,
99.
185; 186; his influence 191 196
CoRVITE v Kuruvita CosME, Dom, Modeliar 225, 227 CosTA, Domingos da, Arachchi 95
Gaspar da, Antonio da 324-329 Sebastiao da ... 385 Domingos da, Treasurer 195 241, 242,270,275
y
CoSTER
13
ίν.
Page.
COTIAR 170, 186, 206, 208,221
CoTTA, Emperor of, 3; 8; Kingdom of, 5; besieged, 17; 18; 19; 22; 31; 41; 50; 52; palace at, plundered, 35; assault on, 55; Grandmother of King of, returned from Jaffna, 47; description of, 50; abandoned, 57, 96, 99
CoUTINHo, D. Francisco, Vice
roy, 50; death of . . 52 Diogo de Melo ... 37, 51 y Ruy Lopez, 322 Antonio de Sousa 354-390
v Mello, Sousa CREDO s up ... 165 CRoCop ILE, charming. . 142 CUNHA, Nunho da a 8 17 CU RELE PETRA BANDAR 64 CUSTOMS” OUTES 182 CUTANDACULAM 319 . DAIN, employed to soften rock.. 68 DANTURE a is 88 DEcA, Dom Duarte, Capt.-Major, 38; his treatment of the King and Vidiye Bandara 38 DEccUN . . . 188,206 IDEERHORNS . . 199 DE HIGAMPAL KORALE . . 201 DEMETEooDA, Raja Sinha's camp
at . . 0 . . . O 67 DEN EVAKA 4, 5, 12, 32, 70, 94, 96, 99 101, 280 DBNMARK, expedition from . . 208
DERANIYAGALA, Mayadunne at 36, 203 DEVAM EDDA 41, 201 DEVIL Worship ... 140 1) EvUNDERA, 4; 5 ; Vidiye B.at, 41 ; hostilities near, 60; Temple of, destroyed DHARMAPALA, his parents, 9; crowned in effigy, 9; 20; conversion of, 12; Portuguese King's proclamation regarding, 22; crowned King, 35; his palace plundered by the Viceroy, 35; surrenders his cousin to the Viceroy, 37; interferes on behalf of his father, 37; expedition against Mayadunne, 38; articles plundered from him restored, 39; besieged at Cota, 50; 52-56; leaves Cota for Colombo, 57; his pretended daughter married to King of Pegu, 57; will of, 90; death of, 94; grant to Franciscans, 191 ; to Casados, 192; to the Camara
76
193

Page, DHARMA PARAKRAMA BAHU 8, 14 DHOBI Es v Mainatos DHON IES 54, 67, 354 DIAGAMA o ... 340 DISEASEs a ... 155 DIssANAIKA, Mudaliyar at Galle 301
DissAVA, jurisdiction of 133, 145, 153
185 DIVING 0 w 165 DoDA NATU KAPALLA. . . ... 282 DoMINIcANs, 43; allowance to, 192 129; 131; 208; 318 DoLosw ELA DIssAvA .. ... 112 DUE Ls, in Portugeese army 134 DURAVACA . . 327 DUREYAS 0. 67 DUTch, vide Hollanders DUTIES ... If EDIRI MANNA SU RIYA 41 EDIRI MANNE SURIYA ARAcHcHE 204 EDUCATION of a Sinhalese Prince
129, 248, 191 Eke NAIKE MUDALIYAR, Dissava
of Matara •. ... 30 ELEPHANTs in Ceylon, 6; export of, 8; shipped to Cambaya, 13; eaten by Portuguese, 14; 53; 374; quay of the, 42; 387; ivory throne, 47; in war, 17; 49; 51; 55; 65; 68; 69; 78; 94; 146; 199; eaten by Kaffirs, 56; 89; Cornax in charge of, 107; trade in, 109; details regarding, 147-151 ; 182; Royal claims over and elephant department, 188; presented by king · · ... 232 ELEVENTH KORALE 207 ELIBIcHcHIYA ELA .. ... 200 EM BETTEYO .. . ... 07 EM PERoR, v Cotta EsTEVAo, Dom, Modeliar 90 ETALAI a 39 ΕΤΙΑννALA ... 319 EToGALATOTA . 99-103, 201 FALcoN, a gun 302 FANAMS - 39 FARIA, Lazaro de, Dissava ... 333 ,, Estcva o cdc, I Dissava 197, 199 FERNAN 1 : Ez, Donningos Arachche 59 FERNAN Do, Dom, Modeliar, v
Samara con FERREIRA, Miguel, in Ceylon .. 19 sy Antao Vaz, Vedor 187-194
v Vedor FIGUEIRA, Gaspar, de Cerpe 158, 174
328, 330, 331, 334, 338, 347, 348,350
352, 353, 358, 363, 382, 389 GANCARA RACHE
i'ango, FILIPPE, Dom. Prince of Canda 7勒
vy , , Kg. of Spain, in: “
ries Q. Mary y , , of Ceitavaca . . ) FISHERMEN .. 0 0 1ዞ4, ከ፬) Fishery, Coast of, v Pearl FLEET, Sinhalese {{W. | 7ዘ FoUR KoRALEs 3, 94-103, 131, ' ' '(x)
204, 274, 3), is FRANcEz, Captain, in Kandy .. :
escapes to de Castro FRANCI scANs, convert Dharm A. pala, 12; arrive in Ceylon, 28; at Kandy, 29; 31; convert Vidiye Bandar, 38; and Sem. bahap Perumal, 40 ; in Jaffna, 44; 46; at siege of Cotta, 50; 51; in war, 80; Dharmapala buriel in their Church,91;" claim villages by, 191; 37
128, 129, .208
FRANcIsco, Dom, Modeliar . . 202 FRA NcIsQUIN Ho, Dom, Modeliar 94 FREITAs, Ambrosio de ... 209 FURTADO, Andre () FUsTAs, on the Kelani Ganga 4 SR, (32 , at Colombo 66, 67,272, $58 GABADAGAMA . . 94, 18S, 192 GABAIDA RALA ... 27) GAGENAIKE, 26 ; Arachche (38 GALHARAGAMA 202 GALKIssA, 339 ; v Morro GALLE, 1 ; 2 ; Korale, 4; fort, 6 ; de Almeida at, 14; Church at, 29; Vidiye Bandara at, 38; destroyed by Vidiye B., 39 revenue from, 40; attacked by Portuguese, 75; in campaign of 1597, 95; 100; fortifications of, 129; 184; 180; 181; 188; in campaign of 1616, 200; 202; new fort at, 207; capturcd by Dutch, 243; blockaded b Portuguese, 273; 297; 343; 355; Sanctuary at & ... 190 GALLEвUск . . A P 127 GALOLUWA . . 198
GALVAO, Antonio da Mota, 272, 274 283, 297, 303 GAMA RALA 105, v Mayorals
GAMA, Vasco de, at Cochin 14 , Viceroy 20 , D. Estevao de, Viceroy.. 20 , Vasco de, Viceroy 80 , D. Francisco de, Viceroy 208 GAMBAR FEYA . . - » KM 195 GAM POLA O. A 186 196

Page 222
Page, GANDOLAHA .. w & 196, 197 GAN NORU WA . . 237,241 GARNET, v Gem GAUTs 3 GEMs, 5; 15; 80; production of, 108; kinds of 160; Vidane over gen lands 182, 185, 189, 411 GENERAL, authority of, in Ceylon,
103; salutation to . . w 139 GENTILES 163, 166, 168, 172, 189 GERIA ARAcHCHE at Colombo . . 67 GILIMALE 207 GINTOTA a - 75, 355 GIRU w A DoLosDA s 3, 4, 103, 278, 297, 314 GoLp, treaty inscribed on 15, 166 GoNsALvEs A RACHcHE, Manuel 69 GoToMA ARAcHcHE 202 GoRKA, a remedy for plague 74 GRAVETs 347 GREVAYAs, v Giru wa GUNS - a 30, 146, 199 GUNNERS FROM AcHEM 64 GUNPOWDER .. 38, 128, 188, 349 GURAPPU ARACHCHE w w 67 GU-RENDA, tree 2 w - 54 | G U RUBABILBEN, v Hanwella 230, 338 HAKMANA 205, 299 HAKURO & 8 107 HALI, 108, v Chaliyas . . 10 HALOLUWA 186 HAN DAPANDUN 203,335 HAN NALI w s & 107 HAN WELLA, captured, 32; stock
ade at 令 * 65, 383 HAPITIGAM KORALE ... 200 HARRISPATTU ∞ኑ *m 186, 194 HATALISPAHUWA ● < 202 HEN AR PANDAR CHANGATA, v
Senerat HENRIQUE, Dom, Modeliar 96 HENRIQ U Es. D. Joao, Captain
Major of Ceylon, 36; dies 37 HERBs KM KI - 156 HE WESSE 40 HINI DUM KANDA 40 HIRIPITIYA . . a ... 200 HoLLAN DERs, 180, 184, 237, 242, 308-312 313, 330, 350, 403 HoMAGE, Tower of 329 HOMEM, Manuel. Mascarenhas,
Capt-General .. 313-336,383 ,, Vasco Fernandes, Gov. of
India at 58 , , Manuel Mascarenhas, in
Ceylon 185, 189, 195 HONEY & 8 & A 17 HORANA * · 195 HoRSE, v Cavalry 231
vi.
Page. HoSPITAL AT CoLoMBO 183, 190 HU LIFT - 356, 361, 373,378 HU RATALA .. . 8 149, 373 IDOLS 66 ILLANGAKooN 40,255,301 IMPALE 299, 333 INOUISITORs . . X6 6 47 IRON IN CEYLON 6, 76, 407 IRUGAL RACE . . - 4. INTERMARRIAGE 87, 196, 328 JACATARA as 舜 爱 ... 403 JACINTH, v Gem JAK & w 27, 190 JAFFNAPATAM, 4, 28, 41, 42-47, 79, 91
130, 179, 180, 182, 196, 199, 202, 206 207,208, 222, 355, 384, 386-389
JAVANESE 65 JAYAWIRA BANDARA, King of
Kandy . . v . . . 1() s King of Kandy . . 28, 3. s alias Mannamperuma
Mlohotti 85-87, 180 JESUITs, 128; manage pearl fishery, 184; grants to, 192: 208; their Province 318, 375 JINGALs 46 j OAN NÈ XX KX 73 Jo Ao, Dom, Prince of Ceilao, in
Portugal and India 37 g 粉短 King of Candia,
attacks Chilao 54 s v Konappu Bandara y y Modeliar 95 s y grandson of Raju 180
Prince, personated by Nicapety Bandar 205 姆》 j ş iii, Kg. of Portugal 9, 20
iv, Kg. of Portugal 294, 298
JORGE, Dom, Modeliar 95 JUSTICE, Administration of 151-154
185, 190 KADAWATA . . ... 347 KAFFIRS - 56, 65, 159 KA LE LIYA 199, 200 KALM UNAI 8 : - 241 KALPITIYA, Church at . . 192, 319 KALUAM ODERA , 346 KALUGANGA 169
KALUTARA, 6, destroyed by Vidiye Bandara, 39; Raja Sinha at, 40; Barros, Captain of, 100; fortifications of, 129; recruiting at, 205; garrison at, 321 ; withdrawn 327, 338, 340, 342, 347, 354,356
357 KAM MALA, v Caime KANAKKAPULLE 187, 189 KANAM PELLA, Mayadunne at . . 35

vii.
age. KANDY, v Jayawira, Nenerut,
Candia KAN NANGARA , , 210 KANNATTroTA , , 321 KAPURALA 195 KARALLIYI thi). AN IAA, turns
Christ is , , 31 KARA W A, -l() A K A ol«llers 144, 207 KA IRA W' A ʻ I i . I.A ... 337 KATA 1 A A , , 174 IXATʻ ( " ; A, in v dcd 103, 200, 202 KAt A . . 319 KAt 1 \\ A NA a ... 205
KA Y M | o L., Clyu i 'cool (at, v Čaimel 192, 319 K: I.A NI YA , rive’’, 32; 169 ; Bhuwaincla lulu killed at, 35; 48;
er NN es river, 56; Raja
kinha at ... 66, 68 KI« NAN (AM UvA, 203; Wijaya
hala it 284, 337 Kikikt it.' W A 319
Koi...)NN also RALE, 4; reduced by
Places:-Senkadagala, Uva Tunkinde, Wellasse, Madakalapuva, Panawa, Kosgarma, Wellavaya, Eterawawa. Saparapura, Denavaca, Matota, Kulkula, Pasyonna, Columbo, Malvana, Menilkkadavara, Mayadun Korale, Four Korales, Mapitigama, Kanamwella, Kaluvalkgala, Kosgama, Bope, Puwakpitiya, Sitavaca, Teppanawa, Saparapura, Kalu Ganga, Nivitigala, Madawalagama, Konpitiyagama, Sanwana, Pollambure, Balangoda, Meddegama, Balibat Kudam, Kunda Sala, Magul Maduva, Homage, Unupenge, Rahasge, Vidiya, Imbulpaya, Uva, Leflopitiya. LAcERDA, Afonso Pereira de, Capt.-Major, 39; assists the King
Page.
4, 47
l' i't uguese, 297: Sinhalese in 301 K(NAt 3ANDARA, aiias Dom Jou « », 1 1 ; invades Kandy, 12; at Colombo, 67: 70; 74; in Kiny, 81-88; marries Dona Catherina. 88; King, 88; death of, 88; campaigns of 1597-16s)0, 94. 103; of 1603, 179; death of, 18() ; l’his son a w 23. Kos(c)IDA, burnt o a 75 KOTTA 1”OLA .. di O ... 352 KR s ... 342 Ku I) - AMA I.A. 4, 7, 132 Kuku KorALE o • ... 4, 40 KUMA RAsi N 1 IA ADASANA, son of
Jayawira 31 Pr. of Uva ... 275 KU I:, v Corrca KUR UN A I IKI:, v Chando KURUN 1: GALA . . 201, 206 196 ... Uיו יוU או KU KU i u w: RALA, 70; department 107 KURuvra fortified, 94; in cam
paign of 1599, 101 ; Bandara 207 KURu w'ı Tı lX() KALE a 185 KUSTAN'r NU HATANE . . 209-220
l’ersons:- Rajasinha, Anthony Barr tto, Kangara, Kg. Senerat, Maya dinne, Constantinu de Sa, Sainaradiwakara, Kalinga, Tclinga, IParasi, Kannadi, Urumusi, lKavisi, Kabisi, Arabi, Isbasi, Java, Konkana, Kuru
wita Mantri, de Oliveira, Tissera, Ekenaike, Wijeyratne, Wirappuli, Senerat.
. MALv ANA 32, 101, 103,
LAN CHAS ... 302, 307, 361, 385, 386 LAND TENURE o ... 110 LARIN 0 186, 189 LATPANDURA . . 40 LEECHES P a 159 LEITAo, Francisco Gomes ... 54, 63 LELLOPITIYA . . ... 207 LEMos, Antonio de ... 16, 21
Fernao Gomes de in 21 LEsoNARDo, Mudaliyar, Dom 270 LI CAO 39 LIMA, Fernao de, death of w 71 LUCASZOON .. 242 LUIz, Dom, Arachchi, in revolt . . 208 LUNAWA • Q 54
MAcU, Macoonv Maggona MADAMPE, burnt 75,202,314, 319 MADADом ВЕ . . o o w 38
MADURE KORALE ... 204 MAETSUYcKER, Jan 313 MAGALLA ... 243
. MAGGONA, Church at, 29; des
troyed, 39; revenue from 40, 341 MAGIc, suspected by Raja Sinha,
64; magicians in warfare 73, 142 MAHAW ELI GANGA 170, 186, 240, 412 MAIN ATos, passage of the, 52; of
Mapano, 71; as soldiers 144 MAKAN DURE 200, 202 MALGAKANDA, Raja Sinla's
camp at w 67 MALAVAR a 2, 17, 18, 59 MALLAGAM . . ... , 39
i30, 137,139,169 185, 186, 195, 197, 198, 200, 201, 203 221, 223, 230, 232, 286, 308, 321, 327

Page 223
viii. ,
Page. MAMPE A 105 MAMPE RALA O ... 301
MANAN NA 195 MANAR 1, 7, 10, 47, 51, 60, 84, 131, 179 180, 194, 320, 384
MANCHUA -- 315
MAN IcRAVARE, v Menikkadawara
MAN NAM PERU MA MOHOTTI, v .
Jayawira
MANoEL, King, Dom ... 15, 42 9 Dom, Arachche ... 203
ΜΑΝΤΟΤΑ . . 4, 13i
MAPALAGAMA, Portuguese at .. 302
MAPAN E, revenue from, 40 ; en. trenchments at, 53; Raja Sinha reviews troops at, 68; well at 71
374, 127 MAPITIGAMA, Mayadunne at . . 48 MARALLAs, details regarding 151, 182 Royal claim to ... 189
MARAW ILA - - 313 MARCOS 79 MARGARET OF AUSTRIA ... 208
MARICAR, of Cochin, Mammale, Cherina, 13 ; Nine, 14 : Pate, besieges Bhuvaneka Bahu, 17; Ali Abrahem, in command of fleet, 18; Cunhale, Pachi, 18; 20; Pachi, at Puttalam, 19; his
death 8 w 20. MARIPo, destroyed 77, 319 MARY, Queen of England y 40 39 MAscARENHAs D. Pedro 39 y D, Francisco . . 59, 60 D. Antonio 242, 271
274, 302, 304, 315
D. Filippe 271, 313, 367 Manuel Homem,
Muda liyar ... 208 MATARA, 4 ; plundered by Portuguese, 76; campaign of 1597 round, 95-96; Dissava at, 132: people of, 185; 194; occupied by Barreto, 203; Portuguese
at ... 230, 274, 278, 297, 299 MA TALE 90, 132, 194, 241 MATTAKKULIYA ... 66, 78
MATI AGAMA, seat of Dissava 192, 196, 319 MATUGA MA v Matiagama MATURATA ... ... 186 MAWATTA ... 198 MAYADUNNE, King of Sitavaca, hostility of, to Emperor, 9; 10; assisted by Samorin, 17; sends message to Samorin, 18; 19; seizes Raigam, 19; makes peace with Bhuvaneka Bahu, 19; incites Jayawira against
Page.
Portuguese, 29 ; retires before Cabral, 31; at Batugedera, 32; makes peace, 33; resumes war, 34; claims to be recognised as Emperor, 35; retires to Kananpella, 35; attached by the Viceroy, flight to Deraniyagala, 36; joint expedition against, 38; marries his daughter to Vidiye Bandar, 38; makes peace, 39; assists Vidiye B., 39; makes peace. with Portuguese, 39; at war, 47; 49; death of . MAYADUNNE BANDAR, with Wimala Dharma's army,95; 204; with Nicapety Bandar, 206; 207; leaves Ceylon, 207; fresh attempt by 208; v Kustantinu Hatane MAYLI DIDI, Church at . . ... 319 MAYoRALs, 105; 111; supply foo
to army . . ... 136, 137, 182 MEDAMAHA NUwARẦ. . . ... 222 MEDIDEGAMA NUwARA . . ... 207 MEDEGAMA . . ... 95 MediciNE 111, 155-157, 163 MELLO, Martin Affonso de 17
6.
Diogo de, Coutinho 37, 51, 58 , , Jorge de 48 , , Jorge de, o Punho ... 54, 56 , , Diogo de 57
Martin Affonso de 18
93. Diogo de, de Castro 231, 237241 MENDocA, Joao de, in India .. 52 Island of, Antonio de 59, 66 Andre Furtado de, invades daffna 79, 190, 208 y y Fernao de, at Gannoruwa, 236; released by Wijayapala, 276;
Captain-Major, 308; death of 312,336 yy Francisco de, Captain
Major w ... 242 MENEZEs D. Fernando de o 35 sy D. Duarte de 61 旁外 D. Francisco de ... 184 Antonio do Amaral de 274 384, 385 MEN IKKADAwARA, fortified, 98; in campaign of 1598-1600, 98103; fort at, 131; 132; 182; during Nicapety's rebellion, 196; 197; 202; 203; 207; rebuilt 209; 223 242; Mascarenhas at, 297; 307; garrison at 320; mutiny at .. ... 323

Page. METEPETIM . . ... 334 MILAGRES, N. Senhora de 37
MINING, in war - 72, 73, 368 MIRIssE, attacked by Portuguese 76 MISERICORDIA, at Cochin 27, 129, 131 MISSAL, oath on ... 38, 95 Mogu L, the Great 109, 149, 396
MOHAMALA 1 . . w a 319 MoHoTTIARS, Council of ... 185 O lands held by 187, 189, 190
206
MONGoose . . 0 0 158 ΜΟΝΟ POLY 189.
• • 8 V 9 MooRs 8, 14, 15., 16., 17, 68, 69, 75, 164
166, 1851.92, 194, 204, 206, 209 MORATI: NA 201, 204
MORATUwa . . ... 318, 359, 372 MoR Aw ATTA . . ... 203 M () 1RM U(GAO . . w ... 27 Morkrc) 339, 348, 358, v. Ga1 kisse ʼ MorrA, Antonio da, Dissava 194, 197,205 Mdo uJJA, Nicolao de . . ... 358
Mosquitos, passage of the ... 50, 52 MATTAK KULIYA, Rają, Sinha at 66,78, 102 203, 353 Mui)ALIYAR, position of, 12; of the l’alace, tortured, 35; conspire against de Sa .. ... 225 MULATI'os . . a w 56 MUI. 1.1: I Y A w A, TANK, 32; revenue from, 40; battle of, 49, stockade
at, (35; Raja Sinha at ᏮᏮ MUNAK() NA PoLA . . 41 MUNN 88; RAM 192, 319 M U N w Arr; BA N I DA RA . . ... 285 Mu Rok R, punish ment for 153 MU 81C, itatruments of. . 145, 214 MUTII. ATI ()N .. 81 Murr-Tu wa . . 11, 137
MUTwA., river of, 32; revenue fromm, 4(); cintrcích ments at, 53; fcrry it 193, 307
NAc() t.A c) A M, libridge: ut 66, 198, 327
NA I A * I * M ) || ALI YAt . . ... 208 NA U 1:8 0 v ... 200 NA v Ark A tot) . , ... 319 NAw AccMt WA 0 w 200, 202 N:ci i 1:1łAMY, wife of Miyadunne 6
NE (A PATAM . . ... 3, 65
NEGUM 1 to : 4 ; 7; 31 ; fortifications of, 130; propo Red sett le mcnt of fisherinnen : ut, 184 ; capturcd by IDutch, 242; recaptured by Portuguese, 27?; Masca renhas at, 302 ; b:attle wit h II Dutch at, 303; taken by ) titch, 304; fortified, 306, besieged by Por. tuguese e 308-312, 332, 340
ix.
Page.
NEKATIAS ... 143 NIcAPETY BANDAR, his rebellion 195-206 v. Kustantinu Hatane 209
NILAKAREYA . . ... 104, 113-126 NILGALA, Coster killed at ... 270 NIN DAGAMA . . a 191, 197 NIROHI 0 0. o 256 NIVITIGA LA . . 13.26
NoRoN HA, D. Garcia de, Vice
roy o o a 19
D. Afonso de, Vice
roy, in Ceylon, 34; 35; plunders the
palace ... 21, 35 y D. Antao de, Vice
roy • 52 y 9 D. Antonio de, Gover- t
nor of India 58 D. Antonio de, Cap
tain of Columbo 58 y D. Francisco de, in
command of a ship 100 D. Constantino de
Sa o u. Sa. OLIvEIRA, Filippe de, Dissava 186; 194; 197; 198; 207 ; death of, 209 ; 222 v. Kustantinu Hatane. 99 Leonardo de ... 389 OPENAIKE, Wijayapala at ... 283 OPE NAVA ... 337 OPIUM at Welligama, 60; impor
ted to 180 ORDEAL 152
Öovidor, villages of 110, is4, iss PACHAs v. PADU w As.
PADAs on the Kelani Ganga . . 48
9 used in defences 64 PADRAo, 14; at Colombo ... 15 PAIOUKKA 201
PADU w As, kill Pachi Marca, 20; guide messenger from Cota, 51; 52; passage of the, 52; 56; at Colombo, 67; caste of, 107;
their villages, 110; 200; as
soldiers ... 144, 207, 411 PALATOTA e ... 356 PALI a 190 PALI ... .45 lPALLA op A ... 319 PALLEAs r e a B. 189 PALLl KONDE ARACHCHE a 62 PALNAGU RE . . 80
PANADURE, Church at, 29 ; des
troyed by Vidiye B, 39; revenue from, 40; River 42, 290 302, 339, 359

Page 224
PANDAITERUPPU, Church at PANDITA, Pam diter, ambassador
Page.
319
to Portugal ; Pandita Ratna 22, 24
PANGERGAMA . . . . 241 PAN IHKKI MUDALI a 65,270 PANNARE, Dutch defeated at 315 PANN EAS 188 PARADISE • r 155 PARANAKURU . . 203 PARANGI-LEDA 156
PARANGI HATANE, Siriwardhanapura, vv 5-16; Yalegoda, Unambuwe, Tennakon, Walagama, Chandrasekera, Walalagama, Wijeyekon, Aluvehera, Wanigasekera, Molagoda. Kuru vita, Matota, Senerat, Kuruppu, vv 18-22; King Senerat, 23; Siman Kure, 25; Maiyangana, 42; Diyakelinavala, 44; Balane, 50; Kumarasinha, 69; Wijayapala, 70 ; de Sa, 72; Malvana, Menikkadawara, Ambatenna, Bok kawala, 72-85; Sanguran
keta, Belahul oya, Sahalgarana oya, Paranagama, Manawe oya, Truppottiya,
Kandegedera, Badulla, Siyane Korale, Kattota, Amarakon, Peliyagoda, Wikremesinha, Dom Cosmo Wijeyesekera, Kulatunga, Dom manuel, Hidda Nayide, Dom Théodosio, Kotta Maricar, Nambadaluwa, a Samarakon, Dom Constantino, Dom Balthezzar, Caniana Arachchi, Dom Aleixo, 100-130; Tissera, Randeniya Wela, Jayasundera of Wegiriya, Umambuwe Dissava, Wijesekera, Wikremesinha of Tollabowatta, Yalegoda, Aludeniya, Abey kon, Kandure, Bandegai, Moiadanda of Yati Nuwera, Gonahugama, Giragama, Madinigama, Wijeykon of Tumpane, Kulatunga, Ilangan kona, Galagedera, Wijeyekon of Walalagama, Molagoda, Kuruppu of Gonigoda, Elkenaike of Dunuvila, Dumbara, Elkenaike, Wirakon Arachchi, Sakmana, Kalanchi Appu of Rambukwella, Ranawira, Wirakona, Abeyasinha, Samara. tunga, Ekenaike, Senerat of Uduvela, 130-203; Denavaca, Sabaragamuwa, Menikkada
wara and Colombo besieged, 212- 220; Maratana Bandar, peace made, 221-222; Deltota Maligawa, 224; Investiture of Rajasinha, 229-237; seneratos death, 237; a fresh campaign by Diogo de Mello, 238-251; army from Uva Tunkinda, Matale, Gampaha, Sarasia Pattuva, Balavita, Dumbara, Pansiya Pattuwa, Udagan pasrata, Sevaseta, Dolosbage, Bulatgama, Vellasa Maturata, Badulla, Tiruyanagama, Kandukara, Gampaha, Matota, Ratdola, Kitulana, Yalpana, Magam pura, Well awaya, Palugama, Tirukkovila, Vedi Pattu, Kottiarama,Trincomalee, Kalaviya, Surullà, Siriyalla, Madura, Gantale, Undugoda, Anurapura, 252-258; Aluderniya, Yalegoda, Udapalata, Kandure
Mudali, Wanni Arachchi, Imbuildeniya, Wijesekera of Payingamuwa, Golahela of Yatinuvara, Maginigama, Walagama, Samarakon of Gonahugama, Katukulagama,
Wijesinha of Tumpane, Kulatunga of Welliwita, Bandegai Mantri, Wijeykon of Walalagama, Wijeykon Appu Sami, Dunuvila, Hitagama, Senerat of Dumbara, Abeyekon, Ekenaike, Jayasekera, Wirakon, Wirasekera, Dehipadana Vidane, Abeysinha Naida, Disanaika of Sakmana, Jayasinha, Wirakon, Wiskremasinha, Wijeyesekera of Uva, Samaratunga of Ampitiya, Galagoda Naida, Senerat of Uduwala, Guru nata of Weligama, Mohotti of Uva, VVirakon of Panadure, Samarakon of Matota, Disanaika of Were goda, Samarakon of Bomiriya, Jayasekera, Perumpulle of Sitapura, Adikari Mantri of Induruwa, Kodippili, Koratota, Alahapperuma of Attanagalla, Wikremesinha of Peliyagoda, Hetti Sahabandu Mudeli of Jayawardhana, Kattota Mantri, . Hina KoraleMantri of Malwana, Attanayake, Bellantuduva, 259374; Rukattana hinna, Ganno

Page.
ruwa, Mulgampola, Hunukotuwa, 374-375; battle of Gannoruwa, 375-418; arrack, Parangis, Kannadis, Kaffirs, Kiriwat Talawa, 381-385 ; Bondikula, Koditualklku, Pedereneiro, Camelete, Baca marte, 392; Cokhanda, 394; Jagalat hats, 399; Thuppasi, 405; Garayakas, 407; Padres, 417; Hina Korale Mantri, Chandrasekera of Walagama, Wikre
mesinha. Ilinkon of Matara, ဖွံဖြိုးနှီးဇီဇို Kuruppu of Koratota, ttota Mantri, Wanigendra, Getambe, 449,
433; Madakalapuwa, Amaral
of the Hollanders, 436-442;
siege of Galle 443.450, 246-270
PARAos a 59 PARA RAJA CHEYoRA PANDAR 208
v Jaffa napatam. PARcA, v Dharmapala PATAcAs 109, 147, 411, 197 PATAcHos ... * . . ... 356 PATAHA WATTA ... 318 PAsco AL, Father, at Kand ... 29, 31
PAs DUN Korale, 14; v. Pelénda,
170; in campaign of 1616, 201, 203
曲 206, 341, 343 PATANGATIM 95, 184 PATTI NI HAMI s ... 195 PAUL, College of St. 31
PEARL Fish ERY, coast of, 1 ; lease of, 17; Captain of Fishery at Manar, 47; ships guarding Fishery,60; account of Fishery, 163; no revenue from 184, 179
PEGU, King of, attempts to ransom tlhc Tooth, 49; obtains
Quccin from Ceylon .. - 57 PEI.ENDA, Vidiye Bandara a 38 4 description of O 40 PELMA I) UI. LA ... 283
410 ,189 ,182 ,162 ,111 ,76 ,0{: ,R (j :וPt:PP PHERA) ENI y A DY NASTY , . 11 PERERA, Manuel, Arachche, 59, 63, 67,78 , , I)iogo, Arachche 75 PEREIRA, 1 Pedro hioncm, Modcliar 95
Affonso, de acerda, at
y
Columbo . . ... 39, 47 9 Pedro Homem, Captain
of Columbo 79, 183 Nuno Vaz. ... 14, 15 y Salvador, in campaign
of 1597 94-96, 102 9 Dona Maria, heircss
of Raju . . ... 180
xi.
Page. PEREIRA, Nuno Alvares, General 186 194206 Gaspar de Araujo .. 344 PERIYA COTTA 50 PETANGODA UYANA 80 PHILIPE, Dom, v. Jayawira Ban C
dar. PHILIP ti of SPAIN o KG 59 PILANDU 201
PINHAo, Simon, in campaign of
1597 95-96, 101, 206, 228 PINTo, Luiz. Dissava 185, 186, 194, 196 - 20, 202, 204 PIRES, Thome 67 PIREIRA, Antonio, Interpreter
to the Sinhalese ambassador 26 PITIGAL KoRALE, in revolt 200, 202 204 PLAGUE in Colombo . . 74, 372 PONT PEDRO POLPITIΥΑ ... 20 PoLwATTA a a e 71 PoLY ANDRY in Ceylon .. ... 143 POROWA KAREYAS 40, 107, 197 PoRTUGAL, D. Joao, King of, 20; Ambassadors sent to, 20; Proclamations regarding traders from, 27 ; Bhuvaneka Bahu’s presents to 9ueen of, 34; King of, orders restoration of Dharmapala's property, 39; King of, heir to Dharmapala, 90 ; proclaimed King in Ceylon, 95; territory bequeathed to him, 103; garrison in Ceylon, 132; discipline in Army of, 133; pay of soldiers, 134; life of soldiers in Ceylon, 135-137; condition of Army in Ceylon, 206; character of Portuguese, 233; policy of converting princes, 292; Colonial policy 393-415 PoRTUGUESE, value of, a coin . . 35 POTU PITIYA . . 195 PREA CoTA . . e 50 PULUD IwAYAL a ... 319 PULUH INGE . . ... 195 PUNICALE, abandoned . . - 47 PUTTALAM, Moors defeated at, 19; Vidiye Bandara at, 41 ; in campaign of 1598 ... 97, 98 RA το Aυν a to 107 RAGOAHAWATTA 48, 373
RAloAM KoRALE 8, 87, 38, 170, 195 200, 201, 332, 339, 340, 354 , Bandara ... 17, 19, 63, 64 RAJAKARLIYA 103-126, 188, 412

Page 225
Page.
RAJA SURYA, Prince 180
RAJA SINHA; succeeds' Madurae,
9; death of, 12; attacks Pelenda, 41 ; Threatens Cota, 41; defeated, 48; defeats Portuguese, 49; besieges Colombo, 50; and Cota, 50; 52; assaults Colombo, 53; retires from Cota, 56; prepares to attack Colombo, 59; commences hostilities, 59; builds Biyagama, 61; seizes, the throne, 61; prepares for war, 62; treaty with, 63; suppresses disaffection, 61464; besieges Colombo, i 65-78 ; death of, 80; his 'grandson
captured, 204; v. Kustantina Hatane. . . . . '
RAJA SINHA, són of Senerat, 226, 231 232-234, 235, 237, 242, 246, 278, 282 308, 314, 315, 327, 333, 347, 349, 353 358, 373, 382, 414, 415; v Parangi Hatane.
RAJ U v Raja Sinha.
RAMAN ACOR w ... 1, 208
RAM POT ADIGAR, Dissava of Matara 304
RANAVIRA ARACHCHE, at Colombo 67, 69
RANDENIwELA, battle of ... 227 RECIFE 127 REFORMADO ... 368 RELIGION 45, 181, 191,208 RESIN b a . . . ... 6, 11 RIBEIRo, Joao ... " .. 3 RICE 8 p. 393 RIO SALGADO ... 386 RIVERs a 8 ... 168 RoADs o o 5
RoDRIGUEs, Thome, Patangatimo 95 Roxo, Dom Francisco de Meneses 184 RUANELLA 94, 202,203. 338, 415 RUBY v Gem. SA, GARcIA DE, Governor of
India w 8 w Dom Constantinu de, General, 206–209; v Kustantinu Hatane, career of, 220; death of . . ... 229 SABARAGAMUwA 4, 131, 132, 170, 194 195, 197, 199, 202, 205, 207, 274, 279
30
w 9
298, 320 SAHABANDAR AT GALLE ... 301 SAKALAKALA WALLABHA ... 318
SALAGAMA v Chaliya, Cinnamon.
SALLAPPU ARACHCHE, Sam lupur,
17; Ambassador to Portugal 23 SALPITI KoRALE, 3; recruiting in 205 332, 338, 339 SALT, beds of, 173; imported 180, 202
xii
, SERAPHINS
Page.
SALTPETRE 76
SAMA RADIWAKARA a . . 214 SAMARAKON, Dom Fernando
Mudaliyar, 90 ; at Matara, 95, 96; Captain of Goa, 95, 181, at Galle, 100; remains faithful to Portuguese, 179; banished to Goa, 181; Captain of Chaul,
181; report on Ceylon ... 182
, o Dom, Diogo, in Por
tugal 181, 182 SAMoRIN, assists Mayadunne 17, 18, 19 SÁM PAIo, Lopo Vaz de f. 7 ' Manoel de Mço de .. 383 Joao de Mello de 385, 389 SAMPARA PRIMAL, v Sembahap. SAN cru ARY .. . . . . ... 190 SANGUIĆEIs 385 SANÑAs ... 105 SAPAN 6, 11, 111 SAPPHIREs v Gem. s SEBAsTIAN, Mudaliyar, Dom 270
SEIxAs, Lancelot de,... in Colombo 230 a - - 194 Joao Botado de. 389, 331, 333 Andre de, v Silva, SEMBAHAPPERUMAL, Tammita,
hereditary Camereiro Moor, 24; imprisoned by the Viceroy, 37; leads the King's troops, 38; at Madadombe, 38; interviews Vidiye Bandara at Raigama, 39; banished to Goa and became Christian, 40; his daughter married to King of ' . Pegu .. .. 57,318 ... " ܀ SEMBE PERUME 26 65
4
SENERAT, King, 89; his children educated by Portuguese, 90; death of his gueen, 184; assists Nicapety, 196; his two queens, 198; quarrels with Nicapety, 199; makes peace, 204; v Kostantinu Hatane. War with, 209-220; campaigns with de Sa, 221-229; makes peace, 231'; v Parangi Hatane, 246; death of 23. SEvEN KoRALEs, 3, 12, 37, 41, 94-103 132, 185, 196-200, 204, 207, 223, 274 314, 330, 353 SHIPBUILDING, 27; ships of Raja Sinha, 62, 66, 70, 73, by Portu
guese a as ... 190
SIESTA, Colombo attacked during 16 SILVA, Diogo da, Modeliar 63; at Negapatam, 65; at
Colombo, 67, 68, 77, 78

s age,
SıLvA, Francisco da, Castchano,
80; Captain of Colombo 81, 84
., Capt. Salvador Pereira da 94
98, 99
Andre de Seixas da, LDissava w XX AK 337, 338 SILvR I RA, Joao da ... 8, 15
SINIA ARAcHcHE 67; (Sinha
Arachche ?)
SI NöA1ortu LI . . 67, 69 SING 1 N ( ) « IKO 45 SINHA.: sE, teistoms of, 138 ;
religion of 58; devil-worship among, 1 ! medical knowledge of, 14(), 56; astrology, 143; marriages of, 143; caste customs, 144; costumes, 145; character of, 145; medicines, 155 ; alms, 146 ; administration of justice among, 185; ancient customs preserved, 1893 am. bassadors . . Ο 8. ... 275 Stтлv AcA, 4, 5, 17, 19, 32, 36, 95, 96
191, 169, 205, 297 v. Mayadunne, Raja Siñha, Correa. SIYANa KoRALE 96, 20, 202 SLAvEs, turning Christian 28
SMALL-POX . . i55, 2O7 SNAKE, charming, 142; of Ceylon 158 SPITTooNs, King's golden * * 85
SousA, Martin Affonso de, CaptMajor of the Seas, 17; in Ceylon, 18; 19; Governor of India. . 28
·秀 Balthazar Guedes de, a
Colombo, 47; 49; 50; at
siege of Cota . . O O 50
g Manuel de, Coutinho,
Capt. of Colombo, 59. Viceroy 79
Thome de, expedition to South Coast ... 74-77
Manuel de, brings reinforcements ... 66-75
s Pedro Lopes de, in Cey
lon, 80; invades Kandy ; death of 8.88, 82 , Pedro de, at Colombo . . 303 SUICIDE - O 90 SU MACA o 1, 6, 354 SUN, Race of the A 9 SURYA BANDARA v. Sembahap Perumal. SYPHILs A a - a 156 ΤΑΙΡΑ is 36, 127, 183,366 TALAGOIA ... 54 TALAM FITIYA . . 200, 201 TAM BAMMA . . 39
T`AMMITA V. Sembahap Perumai 202
xiii,
TANA v An v , ) vival a T'AN A v I i A, v, li li sa v Ili' TA NI A ( ) ''A Nui i' SAt Ai ( ) 输 馨 TITA ( M AAA ANA lil Wf
1) in rin sa inila, TA o MATI y v. Se iba ha los l TARA TALI.C) . . & it TEB U VV A NA . . i TEIXEIRA, I.ouis, 2003; l ) , 206; 207; 223 v, it. tantinu Hatane,
TELHEIRAs, de «Ο Ο TELLIPOLAI . . a w Φ Ο TEMPLE VILLAGES 87.2
独咒 destruction of 183
we a is 7s TENN EKON . . ... 361 TENURE of Lands 110, 187 TEPPAN AWA . . - 97
THEoDos Io, Dom, Ambassador
from Ceylon .. 50 Dom, Modeliar 225 THoMAE, S. a coin 30
THoMAS, St. . . a 138 THOME, St., proposal to transfer
colony of . . 9 op ... 42, 45 THREE KoRALES ... 92 TIHARIA a w .. ... 333 TIM BER, destruction of ... 27, 190 TIM BIRI PoLA BANDAR 8 61 TOBACCO a w Ο Φ. 55 TODD Y ... 155 TOMBO - 93, 187-193 ToNES ... 354 ToPAz, v. Genn TOPAZES 321, 351,408 ToURMALINE v Gem. TREAVA v Vidiye Bandara. TRIBULI BANDARA vide Vidiye
Bandara. TRINico MALE E, 1, 4, 7, 130, 170, 185, 1994 208,221 कृ ४ captured by Dutch, 4();3. TUMPANE invaded ... 8
TUTICORN - KO 43- 8 Two KoRALEs, 4, 27, 195, 96. II.
205, 20', 's U DUGAM POLA . . • & U KWATTA & . Ο U RAWELA Ο Θ 录 像 U RUBOKKA . . XAK URUNGU RF: v Vidiye )3 tY t. ' ' ʻ '' UVA 4,陆
y
in campaign of 59.
: ; ;

Page 226
Page. Uva, invaded by Constantinu de Sa 226 296 ,, v. Wijayapala.
UYANA XO 46 54, 201 WADDUKOTTAI, Church at ... 319 VAN DER LAEN, defeated ... 300 VAN DER MEYDEN 356, 378 VARA . . . 412 VEpDAHs 4, 170, 207 VEDoR DA FAZENDA 182, 187, 192, 194 209
VETTEWA ... 330
VIDA, N, Senhora da 338, 360, 378, 379 VIDANA, das Agras, 109; 189; of Royal Villages, 1 10; of Bulatgama, 188; of Elephant Department, 188; appointment of and authority of 190, 195 VIDIYE BANDARA : marries Bhuvaneka Bahu’s daughter, 9, 19; son crowned in effigy at Lisboa, 20; leads Bhuvaneka Bahu’s troops, 34; leads Dharmapala's troops, 36; escapes from the Viceroy into the forest, 36; returns from the Seven Corlas, 37; arrested and imprisoned by de Mello, 38; escapes from prison, 38; at Pelenda, 38; marries Mayadunne's daughter, 38; arranges terms with King, 39; at Bandaragama, 39; receives help from Madune, 39; flees to Seven Korales, 41 ; and to Jaffna, death of, 41; his treasures, 45; a son of, put
to death, 61, 318, 319 VIEYRA, F. Damiao . . . . . 377 VINEGAR employed to soften
rock, 68; a remedy for plague 74 VINTANA 4 . . 24
xiv.
强 l’a gc. VIRAs o 0 - 83 WIRASUNDARA BANDARA a VIRUDUDAssAYA O y 4) WADDUWA a a - 195 WADUWO w 8 O7 WAGA - ● * 20 VVAKWELLA . . a w ... 274 WALAHENA . . . ) y 39 WALGAMMUILLA - 195 WALLAWE w ... '297
WALPOLA A - *Yr Y 202 WANN I a a 170 WAN NIYA .. ... 204 VVARICHCHI . . ● * 198 WATTALA 148, 193, 306 WATU HRE as 204 WEILIGAMA 4, 29, 39, 40. 59, 60, 74, 75 100, 131, 299
WEILIGAMPITIYA 313, 314, 318 WELIKOLA RALAHAMI . , w 195 WELI PENNA 341,344, 346 WELITARA 39, 74, 302 WELLAWAYA . . - 227 VVERAHERA . . . . * * 63 WESTERWOLD s 24 WIJAYA BAHU 8, 9, 15 WIJAYA PALA ... 25, 39
Prince of Matale, 160,231 235, 241,270,275,289, 294, 295
also v. Parangi Hatane.
WIJAYAKON MODELIAR 66, 77, 78 WIKRAMA BAHU ... 54 WIKRAMA SINHA MODELIAR . . . 52, 6 l WIMALA DHARMA v, Konappu
Bandara. WIRAGALLA . . - A ... 203 . XAVIER, Francisco 28, 397 YAKKA a ... 141 YALA ... 4, 173 YAMAN No O7 YATI PAUWA 201

Page 227