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THE МАНАұAMSA
THE GREAT CHRONICLE OF CEYLON

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THE МАнAуAмSA
THE GREAT CHRONICLE
OF CEYLON .
TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY WILHELM GEGER
Assisted by MABEL HAYNES BODE
圈
ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES New Delhi, 1986

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ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES C-2/15, SDA, P.B. No. 4534 New Delhi-110 O16
Price : Rs. 120 First Published: 1912 AES Reprint : 1986
Published by J. Jetley For ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES C-2/15, SDA, NEW DELH-1 10016 Printed at Konark Press, Lakshmi Nagar.
Delhi-11092

EDITOR'S PREFACE
A FEw words are necessary to explain how the present work came to be written; and one or two points should be mentioned regarding the aims it is hoped to achieve. Early in 1908 the Government of Ceylon were contemplating a new and revised edition of Turnour's translation of the Mahavamsa, published in 1837 and reprinted in L. C. Wijesinha's Mahavamsa published in 1889, and were in correspondence on the subject with the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The Society appointed a numerous and influential Committee, and recommended myself as Editor for Europe. By their letter of July 18, 1908, the Government of Ceylon requested me to undertake that post. I took the opportunity at the Congress of Orientalists held at Copenhagen in August, and again at the Congress on the Ilistory of Religions held in September at Oxford, to consult my colleagues on the best plan for carrying out the proposed revision. They agreed that the method most likely to lead to a satisfactory result within a reasonable time was to entrust the work to one competent critical scholar who could, if necessary, consult members of the Ceylon Committee, but who should be himself responsible for all the details of the work. I reported to Government accordingly, and recommended that Prof. Geiger, who had just completed his edition of the text, should be asked to undertake the task. The Government approved the plan, and asked me to make the necessary arrangements. Those arrangements have resulted in the publication of the present volume.
Professor Geiger has made a translation into German of his own revised critical edition published by the Pali Text Society .
See the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xxi, no. 61, pp. 40–42, 70, 86.

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vli Editor's Preface
in 1908; and added the necessary introduction, appendices, and notes. Mrs. Bode has translated the German into English; and Professor Geiger has then revised the English translation.
The plan has been to produce a literal translation, as nearly as possible an absolutely correct reproduction of the statements recorded in the Chronicle. It is true there is considerable literary merit in the original poem, and that it may be possible hereafter to attempt a reproduction also, in English unrhymed verse, of the literary spirit of the poem. But a literal version would still be indispensable for historical purposes. For similar reasons it has been decided to retain in the translation certain technical terms used in the Buddhist Order. In a translation aiming at literary merit some English word more or less analogous in meaning might be used, regardless of the fact that such a word would involve implications not found in the original. Thus bhikkhu has often been rendered priest' or monk'. But a bhikkhu claims no such priestly powers as are implied by the former term, and would yield no such obedience as is implied in the other; and to discuss all the similarities and differences between these three ideas would require a small treatise. There are other technical terms of the same kind. It is sufficient here to explain that when such terms are left, in the present translation, untranslated, it is because an accurate translation is not considered possible. Most of them are, like bhikkhu, already intelligible to those who are likely to use this version. But they are shortly explained in foot-notes; and a list of them, with further interpretation, will be found at the end of the volume.
The Ceylon Government has defrayed the expense of this, as it did of the previously published translations of the Mahavarpsa.
T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.

CAPTER
XIII.
XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. ΧΧ.
XXI. XXIII.
XXIII. ΧΧΙV.
XXV. XXVI. XXVII.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION Abbreviations
. The Visit of the Tathagata. III, III. IV.
. The Third Council VI.
VII. VIII. IX.
. The Consecrating of Paņdukābhaya XI. XII.
he Race of Mahasammata The First Council The Second Council
The Coming of Vijaya The Consecrating of Vijaya The Consecrating of Paņduvāsudeva . The Consecrating of Abhaya
The Consecrating of Devānampiyatissa The Converting of Different Countries The Coming of Mahinda The Entry into the Capital. The Acceptance of the Mahavihara
The Acceptance of the Cetiyapabbata-vihara.
The Arrival of the Relics P The Receiving of the Great Bodhi-tree The Coming of the Bodhi-tree The Nibbana of the Thera . The Five Kings . The Birth of Prince Gaimani The Levying of the Warriors . ; The War of the Two Brothers The Victory of Dutthagamani
The Consecrating of the Maricavațți-vihāra .
The Consecrating of the Lohapāsāda
PAGE ix
lxiv
O
14.
19
26
5.
55
62
65
68 '77
82
88
9.
97
ll4
16 .
22
128
36
142
146
55 164
170
79 182

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viii Table of Contents
CHAPTER
XXVIII. The Obtaining of the Wherewithal to build
the Great Thtipa. o XXIX. The Beginning of the Great Thūpa XXX. The Making of the Relie-Chamber XXXI. The Enshirining of the Relics XXXII. The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven XXXIII. The Ten Kings s XXXIV. The Eleven Kings XXXV. The Twelve Kings XXXVI. The Thirteen Kings . XXXVII. King Mahaisena
APPENDICES
A. The Dynasty of Mahasammata B. The Buddhist Sects 8. O C. Campaigns of Pandukabhaya and Dutthagamani D. List of Pali Terms occurring in the Translation
INDEXES
A. List of Geographical and Topographical Names B. List of Terms explained in the Notes
ADIDEN DA
MAPS
Ancient Ceylon . O To face page
Anurādhapura . 多为
PAG
187
19 198 209 220 228
238 246
256
267
273
276
288
. 292
298
299
300
137

INTRODUCTION
Sl. Literary questions concerning Dipavamsa and Mahāvamsa.
THE LITERARY QUESTIONs connected with the Mahavamsa and the development of the historical tradition in Ceylon have been thoroughly discussed in my book | Dipavama and Mahavamsa. I believe that I have there demonstrated that the two Ceylonese Chronicles are based upon older materials and for this reason should claim our attention as sources of history.
Now, however, R. O. FRANKE has taken a decided stand against my inferences.” He disputes the existence of an older historical work as foundation of Dīp. and Mah.
The former appears to him to be only a botched compilation of Pali quotations from the Jatakas and other canonical works. But the author of the Mah. has merely copied the Dip. and the same applies to Buddhaghosa and his historical introduction to the Samanta-Pasadika. I have however, I hope, succeeded in combating the doubts and objections raised by FRANKE.*
The defects of the Dip, which naturally neither can nor should be disputed, concern the outer form, not the contents.
" Dip. und Mah. und die geschichtliche Überlieferung in Ceylon, Leipzig, 1905. Translated into English by E. M. CooMARASWAMY, Dip. and Mah., Colombo, 1908. Quotations in the following pages follow the English edition. I may also refer here expressly to OLDENBERG's remarks, Dip, ed. Introd., p. 1 foll. (1879), as the startingpoint for my own.
* Dp. und Mah. in the Wiener Zeitschr. f. d. Kunde des Morgenl. 21, pp. 203 foll. ; 317 foll.
* Noch einmal Dp. und Mah. ; Zeitschr. d. D. morgenl. Gesellsch. 63, p. 540 foll. I note that OLDENBERG in the Archivf. Religionswissensch. 13. p. 614, agrees with my inferences against FRANKE.

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Χ Introduction
But that the author of the Dip. simply invented the contents of his chronicle is a thing impossible to believe.
Thus it is our task to trace the sources from which he drew his material. This is made possible for us by the Mahavamsa-Tika, i.e. the native commentary on our chronicle which, under the title Vamsatthappakasini, was composed by an unknown author. −
I will then here briefly sum up the principal results of my labours, referring, for confirmation in detail, to my earlier works.
l. In Ceylon there existed at the close of the fourth century A.D., that is, at the time in which the Dipavamsa was composed, an older work, a sort of chronicle, of the history of the island from its legendary beginnings onwards. The work constituted part of the Atthakatha, i.e. the old commentary-literature on the canonical writings of the Buddhists which Buddhaghosa took as a basis for his illuminating works. It was, like the Atthakatha, composed in Old-Sinhalese prose, probably mingled with verse in the Pali language.
2. This Atthakatha-Mahdivamsa existed, as did the Atthakatha generally, in different monasteries of the island, in various recensions which diverged only slightly from one another. Of particular importance for the further development of the tradition was the recension of the monks of the Mahavihara in Anuradhapura, upon which the author of the Mah. Tīkā drew for his material.
3. The chronicle must originally have come down only to the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon. But it was continued later and indeed, to all appearance, down to the reign of Mahāsena (beginning of the fourth century A.D.), with which reign the Dipavamsa as well as the Mahavamsa comes to an end. 4. Of this work the DIPAVAMSA presents the first clumsy redaction in Pali verses. The MAHAVAMSA is then a new treatment of the same thing, distinguished from the Dip. So far as language is concerned, the author's sources have been
indicated, for numerous verses, by FRANKE; and herein lies the merit of his work, although I cannot consent to his conclusions.

Introduction Χί
by greater skill in the employment of the Pali language, by more artistic composition and by a more liberal use of the material contained in the original work. While the authorship of the Dip. is not known the author of the Mahavamsa is known as Mahiinama.
5. It is also on the Dip. that BUDDHAG Hos.A bases his historical introduction to the Samantapasadika; but he uompletes and adds to its information with statements which could only have been drawn directly from the Atthakatha.
6. The MAHAvAMSA-TIKA brings to the contents of the Dīp. and Mah. further additions, taken from the original, work. It was certainly not composed till between lo00 and l250 A. D. But there can be no doubt that the AtthakathaMahavamsa lay before the author, as he also supposes it to be known to his readers and accessible to all. For this reason his statements as to the original work, its form and its contents, naturally acquire particular importance.
These conclusions are not in any way altered if I am now inclined to consider the relation between Mah. and Dip. as a closer one than in my first work. That the author of the former knew the latter and used it I inave naturally never disputed. But I should now wish, in agreement with FLEET, to go much further and regard the Mah. as a conscious and intentional rearrangement of the Dip., as a sort of commentary to this latter. I also think now that the quotation of the “Mahavamsa of the ancients' in the prooemium of our Mah. refers precisely to the Dīp. I have besides already indicated the possibility of this view in my Dip. and Mah., p. 17. FLEET then translates the well-known passage of the later Cülavamsa (38. 59) dat via sahassam dipetum Dipavamsam samadisi in very illuminating fashion : “he (king Dhatusena) bestowed a thousand (pieces of gold) and gave orders to write a dīpi kā on the Dīpavamsa.”
See RHYs DAVIDs, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1905, p. 391.
o Edited by H. OLDENBERG, The Vinaya Pitakan, iii, p. 283 foll.
I have indicated in Z.D.M.G. 63, p. 549 foll., passages in the Mah. T. which undoubtedly bear this out.
J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 5, n. 1.

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xii Introduction
The interpretation hitherto given: that this is an allusion to a public recitation of the Dip. must then be abandoned. But this dipika, which was composed by order of Dhatusena, is identified by FLEET with our Mahavamsa. Thus, at the same time, the date of its origin is more precisely fixed. Thatusena reigned, according to calculations which are to be confirmed further on, at the beginning of the sixth century after Christ. About this time the Mahavamsa was composed.
S 2. The Trustworthiness of the Ceylon Chronicles.
After these preliminary observations the Ceylonese Chronicles should now be judged particularly with respect to their value as HISTORICAL SOURCEs, and the historical data drawn from them should be brought together.
In their character of historical sources the Dīp. and Mah. have been very differently appreciated.
FRANKE goes the furthest in scepticism. If he did in the beginning at least admit the POSSIBILITY that the author of the Dip. had some document or other before him, he has lately said most positively: "in the absence of any sources, the lastnamed work (i.e. the Dipavamsa) must be considered as standing unsupported on its own tottering feet. And therefore according to him no historical value can be conceded to . the Dip. nor to the Mah. nor finally to the Simp. FRANKE’s scepticism, to which I shall return in discussing the history of the councils, ceases to be well founded as soon as we accept the thesis that the Ceylonese Chronicles are based on the Atthakatha. With this the tradition recedes several centuries, and the probability that it contains historical recollections is correspondingly reinforced, and that thesis must, as I have explained above, be considered as confirmed.
KERN too expresses himself with great caution on the historical value of Dīp. and Mah. He indeed says in his Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 9, . . . the chronicles
Literarisches Centralblatt, 1906, No. 37, column 1275, l. 2. Journal of the Pali Teact Soc. 1908, p. 1. * Buddhismus, German translation by Jacobi, ii, p. 283.

Introduction xiii
Dipavamsa, Mahavamsa, and Sasanavamsa deserve a special notice on account of their being so highly important for the ecclesiastical history of Ceylon.' But here, however, it is only admitted that the chronicles can be utilized as of value for the period from Devanampiyatissa onwards or perhaps only for a yet later time. For the most ancient times, when the history of continental India is also to be taken into consideration, IKERN is hardly inclined to accept them as authentic sources.
A very trenchant verdict is pronounced by V. A. SMITH in his Asoka on the Ceylonese Chronicles. He says in the plainest fashion: in this work (i.e. in the Asoka) the Ceylonese, chronology prior to B. c. 160 is absolutely and completely rejected, as being not merely of doubtful authority but positively false in its principal propositions.”
Perhaps V. A. SMITH has since modified his judgement. For he says now: “These Sinhalese stories the value of which has been sometimes overestimated, demand cautious criticism at least as much as do other records of popular and ecclesiastical tradition.' This sounds less cutting. The warning to handle critically, which the excellent historian considers necessary with regard to the Ceylonese Chronicles, is certainly justified. It applies to all historical documents, and I have no intention at all of disputing the justice of it.
The judgement pronounced by RHY's DAVIDs on Dip. and Mah.. sounds much more favourable. IIe says: “The Ceylon Chronicles would not suffer in comparison with the best of the Chronicles, even though so considerably later in date, written in England or in France." He also lays stress on the fact that, as is self-evident, those Chronicles contain no pure history. But they represent the traditions of their time and permit us to draw retrospective conclusions as to earlier periods.
Lately H. C. NoRMAN has defended the Ceylonese Chronicles, with complete justice as it seems to me, against
* Asoka, the Buddhist Empe) or of India, p. 57.
o Early History of Indiat (2nd ed., 1908), p. 9.
Buddhist India, 1903, p. 274.
' A Defense of the Chronicles of the Southern Buddhists, J. R.A.S. 1908, p. 1 foll.

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xy Introduction
undeserved distrust and exaggerated scepticism. I draw attention expressly to this essay because it naturally has many points of contact with my own researches.
If we next consider the two chronicles as a whole, without any prepossessions, it is not easy to understand whence this widespread doubt of their trustworthiness. The presentation of the subject, taken as a whole, may be called modest and simple, indeed dry. True, there is no lack of fables and marvellous tales. But they appear as outward decoration which can be easily omitted. Besides, we always meet with such stories of miracles in connexion with events of a quite clearly defined category, namely, when it is a question of celebrating the splendour and majesty of the Buddhist Order.
Mahinda arrives in Ceylon in marvellous fashion, flying through the air; miraculous phenomena accompany the * Establishment of the Doctrine, the arrival of the relics, the planting of the Bodhi-tree, and so forth, None of this can appear strange to us. The ornament with which tradition here decks out the victory of the Order and the true faith enfolds a deeper meaning. The facts in themselves are extraordinarily simple; but to the pious sentiment of the believer they seemed great; and fantasy glorifies them with the many-coloured lights of miracle and legend.
I do not conceal from myself that this judgement of the situation lays itself open to the reproach that our method is simply to eliminate from the tradition all the miraculous stories and consider what is left over as authentic history.
But I think WINDISCH has shown admirably how, in fact, in the Buddhist tradition, around a relative small nucleus all kinds of additions have collected in time, by which events, originally simple, are withdrawn gradually into the region
W. A. SMITH, Asoka, pp. 45-46: “Most writers have been content to lop off the miracles and to accept the residuum of the story as authentic history. Such a method of interpreting a legend does not seem to be consistent with sound principles of historical criticism.'
* Mära und Buddha (Abhandl. d. phil.-hist. Cl. der K. Sächs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss, xv, 4, 1895), Buddha's Geburt (ib., xxvi, 2, 1907), Die Komposition des Mahāvastu (ib., xxvii, 14, 1909).

Introduction ΧΥ
of the marvellous. But we must not therefore pour away the child with the bath. Here, too, the task of Science is to lay bare the grain of truth; not only this, but she must seek the meaning and significance of the mythical crown of rays that has gathered round the nucleus. For the mythical is often the covering of deep thoughts.'
We shall, of course, be obliged to begin by removing the mythical additions. But we need by no means take the residue as current coin. Here we are concerned to examine how far the tradition is established as trustworthy, by internal or external evidence, and how far shaken as being untrustworthy.
If we pau se first at internal evidence then the Ceylonese Chronicles will assuredly at once win approval in that they at least wishED to write the truth. Certainly the writers could not go beyond the ideas determined by their age and their social position, and beheld the events of a past time in the mirror of a one-sided tradition. But they certainly did not intend to deceive hearers or readers. This is clear from the remarkably objective standpoint from which they judge even the mortal foes of the Aryan race. That certainly deserves to be emphasized. It is true not only of dominating personalities (such as, to all appearance, Elara was) but also of the two usurpers Sena and Guttika it is said, Dip. 18.47 and Mah. 21. ll: rajjam dhammena kārayum.
Besides, the obvious endeavour to make out a systematic chronology is such as to inspire confidence at the outset. Indeed, whole sections of the Dip. consist entirely of synchronistic connexions of the ecclesiastical tradition with profane history and of the history of India with that of Ceylon.
S3. External support of the Chronicles.
The above certainly are, in the first place, only general considerations, the value of which I myself would by no means estimate too highly. Meanwhile it is more important that the Ceylonese tradition has after all found support to a considerable extent from external testimony.
' WINDIscH, Buddha's Geburt, p. 4.

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Xνi Introduction
l. First as to the LIST OF INDIAN KINGs BEFORE Asoka, the statements concerning Bimbisara and Ajatasattu as contemporaries of the Buddha agree with the canonical writings and, in respect of the names, with those of the Brahmanic tradition.
The Jaina-tradition has other names; this, however, does not affect the actual agreement. There can be no doubt that the nine Nandas as well as the two forerunners of Asoka: Candagutta and Bindusara, were altogether historical personages. Here also, in the number of years of Candagutta's reign the Ceylonese tradition agrees completely with the Indian. W. A. SMITH," too, does not hesitate “o accept the number 24 as historical.
Besides the renowned counsellor of Candagutta, the brahman Canakka (Skt. Canakya) is known to the Ceylonese Chronicles. In respect of the length of Bindusara's reign their statements differ from those of the Puranas by three years, in respect of that of Asoka, by only one year. The Ceylonese tradition concerning Indian listory since the Buddha is, therefore, not unsupported:
2. The CoNVERSION OF CEYLoN is, according to Dip. and
Mah., and finally, according to the unanimous tradition of the
country itself, the work of Mahinda, a son of Asoka, and his sister Samghamitta. W. A. SMITH calls the stories relating to this in the Chronicles “a tissue of absurdities '.' Asoka, himself mentions Ceylon, as he explains, twice in his Inscriptions: in the Rock-Edict XIII, among the countries to which he despatched missionaries, and in Rock-Edict II, among those in which he provides for distribution of medicines. Since these Edicts belong to the thirteenth year
Cf. the tables to S 9. Early History of India, pp. 115-118. Cf. also Asoka, p. 95. Asoka, p. 45. OLDENBERG also (ibid., p. 46) considers the tradition a pure invention.
Cf. the translations in W. A. SMITH's Asoka, pp. 129-133 and pp. 115-116. The expression ciki sakā (= Skt. cikitsā, p. tikic chā) which SEN ART translates remedes, is rendered by BüEILE R (see Z.D.M.G. 48, 1894, p. 50) 'hospitals'.

Introduction χνίί
of Asoka's reign there appears to be an error in the Ceylonese tradition which puts the conversion of Ceylon as far on as the eighteenth year. On the other hand Asoka, in the opinion of SMITH, would, if he had really handed over his son Mahinda and his daughter Samghamitta to the Church, and had brought about the conversion of the king of Ceylon, certainly not have neglected to bring it into notice. The name “Samghamitta' is, he thinks, from its very meaning, suspicious.
I discuss the arguments in the reverse order. The name Samghamitta is of course that which she herself assumed on entering the Order. That, beside this name, under which she became a renowned saint of the Buddhist Church, the lay-name fell into complete oblivion can certainly not cause any surprise.
That Asoka, makes no mention of Mahinda and Samghamitta in his Edicts is an argumentum e sidentio. That there is any cogency in such an argument V. A. SMITH will surely not maintain. It is indeed very difficult to say in what connexion the king would be obliged to speak of the matter. It can be perhaps expected chiefly in the so-called Minor Rock-Edict I, the Edict of Rupnath, Sahasram and Brahmagiri. But here the reason would again disappear if with FLEET we date this edict in the year 256 A.D. In this case, the sending of Mahinda would be about twenty years earlier than the edict, and would belong to past times.
I certainly do not wish to decide here for or against FLEET's theory. But it is clear that we are standing on too uncertain ground to allow ourselves to proceed without hesitation from an argumentum e 8i/entio.
Now, finally, what as to the mention of Missions to Ceylon in the Asoka Inscriptions earlier than the thirteenth year of the king's reign?
I may observe that, at the outset, it is not absolutely certain whether by the Tambapanni of the Inscriptions Ceylon is really meant. Possibly the name may designate the
1 “The Conversion of Asoka,” J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 486 foll. ; “The Last Edict of Asoka,” ib., p. 811 foll. ; “The Last Words of Asoka,” ib., 1910, p. 1301 foll.
b

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χνiii Introduction
Tinnevelli district at the southern extremity of India, where the river Tamraparni flows into the sea. But, at the same time, if Tambapanni should be understood to mean Ceylon the authenticity of Dīp. and Mah. is not affected in the EssENTIAL points.
Let us look at the positive contents of the tradition. We are certain of: (1) the name Mahinda as the apostle of Ceylon. Nor is that disputed by V. A. SMITH. Here the Ceylonese narrative finds gratifying support from Hiuenthsang who mentions Mahendra by name expressly as the man by whom the true doctrine was spread abroad in the kingdom of Simhala. It is certain: (2) that this Mahendra was a near relative of king Asoka. The Chinese pilgrims call him the younger brother of this latter, the Ceylon Chronicles call him his son. Here we have two conflicting reports, and it would be simply arbitrary to prefer the statement of the Chinese pilgrims to the Ceylonese tradition.
But at what result do we arrive if we put together these established facts and the mention of Ceylon in the earlier Asoka Inscriptions? Simply and solely that which is selfevident, namely, that before Mahinda relations existed between continental India and Ceylon and efforts were made to transplant the Buddhist doctrine to Ceylon.
But with Mahinda this process comes to a successful end. We can understand therefore that all the interest became concentrated in his person, and that tradition wrought together in dramatic fashion that which was a thing of slow continuous development. I consider that this would always and in all circumstances have been the critical judgment on the
Imp. Gazetteer of India, s. v. Cf. on this subject HULTszcH, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 1310, n. 4.
* ST. JULIEN, Mémoires sur les contrées occidentales, par Hiouenthsang, ii, p. 140; BEAL, Si-yu-ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World, transl. from the Chinese of Hiuen-thsang, ii, pp. 246-247; T. WATTERs, Om Yuam Chaue:amg, ii. 93, 230, 234.
* Besides Hiuen-thsang we have mention by Fil hian (see LEGGE, A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms by Fa-hin, 7) of a younger brother of Asoka, who became a monk, without. ic ever, mention of his name or allusion to the mission to Ceylon.

Introduction xix
reports of our Chronicles as to the conversion of Ceylon. . The fact, in essential respects, holds good, but it is a question of putting it in the right light.
Besides, a hint that Mahinda's mission was preceded by similar missions to Ceylon is to be found even in Dip. and Mah. when they relate that Asoka, sending to Devanampiyatissa, with presents for his second consecration as king, exhorted him to adhere to the doctrine of the Buddha.
Certainly on chronological grounds this cannot be immediately connected with the notices of the conversion of Ceylon to be found in the inscriptions. But it shows us that, even from the point of view of the Chronicles of Ceylon, Buddhism was not quite unknown in that country already before Mahinda's time.
3. The HISTORY of THE Missions as related in Dip. and Mah.” receives most striking confirmation in the inscriptions discovered. On the inner lid of the relic-urn which was found in Tope no. 2 of the Sanchi group there is this inscription: Sapurisa (sa) Majhima sa “ (relics) of the pious man Majjhima”. On the Outer lid is Sapurisa (sa) Kā sapagota sa Hemavatacariya sa (relics) of the pious man Kassapagotta (i.e. of the Kassapa clan), the teacher of the Himalaya'. Now Majjhima is, in fact, named in the Mah. as the teacher who converted the Himalaya region and Kassapagotto thero appears as his companion in the Dip.'
Again in the superscription of a relic-casket from Tope no. 2 of the Sonari group the same Majjhima is mentioned.
On another urn from the same Tope we again find the name of Kassapagotta, this time with the epithet Kotiputta and again with the designation “Teacher of the whole Himalaya'. In a third urn-inscription Gotiputta (i.e. Kotiputta Kassapa
Dīp. 12. 5-6 ; Mah. 11. 34-35 ; Simp. 323o-o.
o Dīp. 8. 1-13; Mah. 12. 1-54. Cf. also Simp. 31417-318oo.
See CUNNINGHAM, The Bhilsa Topes, p. 287. Cf. RHYs DAvIDs, Buddhist India, pp. 299-30l.
* Mah. 12. 6, 41; Dīp. 8. 10. Cf. Smp. 3171o; Mahābodhivansa (ed. STRONG) 115, where also Kassapagotta is mentioned together with Majjhima. Cf. also Mah. Tīkā, 222'.
b 2

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ΧΧ Introduction
gotta) appears in connexion with Dadabhisara. This is evidently the Dundubhissara of the Dip. and the Mahābodhivamsa, who was also among those theras who won the Himalaya countries to the Buddha's doctrine.
Finally the name of the thera, who, according to tradition, presided over the third council under Asoka's rule, is also shown to be authentic by an inscription in a relic-casket from Tope no. 2 of the Sanchi group. There is no doubt that by the Sapurisa sa Mogaliputa sa is meant the Moggaliputta Tissa of the Ceylonese Chronicles.
4. Moreover, the narrative of the transplanting of a branch of the sacred Bodhi-tree from Uruvela to Ceylon finds interesting confirmation in the monuments.
At least GRÜNWEDEL, in an ingenious and, to me, convincing way, points out that the sculptures of the lower and middle architraves of the East Gate of the Sanchi Tope are representations of that event. Since the Sanchi-sculptures belong to the second century B. c. the representation is distant from the event by roughly speaking, only 100 or at most l50 years.
S 4. Errors in the Chronology of the Earliest Historical Period.
I consider that such objective confirmation of the Chronicles proves at the very least this much : that their statements are not absolutely untenable and are at least worthy of being tested. Naturally they are not infallible and the longer the interval between the time of the events and the time when they are related, the greater the possibility of an objective error, and so much the more will the influence of legend be noticeable.
As regards the oldest period from Vijaya to Devanampiyatissa we feel a certain distrust of the tradition and traditional
1 CUNNINGHAM, l. l., pp. 316-317.
CUNNINGHAM, l. l., p. 289.
* GRüNwEDEL, Buddhist. Kunst in Indien, pp. 72-73. Cf. also RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 302.

Introduction . ΧΧι
chronology from the very fact that Vijaya's arrival in Ceylon is dated on the day of the Buddha's death. This seems to be a biassed account. Besides, there are the round numbers for the length of the single reigns which have in themselves the appearance of a set scheme and involve, moreover, a positive impossibility in respect of the last two kings of that period, PAN puKABHAYA and MUTASIVA.
According to our Chronicles' Pandukabhaya was born shortly before the death of Panduvasudeva. Then followed the reign of Abhaya, twenty years, and an interregnum of seventeen years. Then Pandukabhaya ascends the throne at the age of thirty-seven years. He reigns seventy years. That would bring his age to lo7 years F
This, however, is not enough. Pandukabhaya's successor is his son Mutasiva. He is born of Suvannapali whom Pandukabhaya had already married before the beginning of his reign. Mutasiva must then have been past the prime of manhood when he succeeded to the throne. In spite of this a reign of sixty years is attributed to him.
It seems to me that certain names and events in the tradition may indeed be maintained, but that the last reigns were lengthened in order to make Vijaya and the Buddha contemporaries.
That in respect of certain facts, the tradition is by no means without value for that first period of Ceylonese history, is shown, for instance, by the account of Pandukabhaya's campaigns, which decidedly gives an impression of trustworthiness.
Also after Devanampiyatissa's reign we find matter for doubt. A reign of forty years is attributed to the king
Mah. 6. 47. In the Dīp. 9. 21-22 it is stated, in a sormewhat more general way, that at the time of the death of the Buddha (parinibbanasam aye, not precisely on the day of the death) Vijaya landed in Ceylon. The same in Smp. 320°.
o Dīp. 11. 1, 4; Mah., 9. 28; 10. 106. See previously TURNoUR, Mahdiuwanso, Introd..., p. li.
* Mah. 10. 26 foll. See below, Appendix C, p. 288 foll. Cf. also on this subject FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 340.

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xxii. Introduction
mentioned, who is said to have been Mutasiva's second son, although he was no longer young when he ascended the throne. But to him succeeded three younger brothers, Uttiya, Mahāsiva and Suratissa, each of whom reigned ten (= thirty) years. Nay, after the intervening rule of the two Damilas, Sena and Guttika, which lasted twelve years, a fourth brother, Asela, ascends the throne and also reigns ten years.
The reigns of the sons of Mutasiva, who himself occupie the throne for sixty years, would then cover a period of ninety-two years
We see clearly that also in the period between Devanampiyatissa and Dutthagamani there were still gaps in the tradition which were filled in with fictitious construction. For the line of Devanampiyatissa we have again the remarkable round numbers 40+ 10+10+10+10.
In the later periods we encounter no such difficulties and impossibilities. The chronology is credible, the numbers appear less artificial and more trustworthy.
But even in that first historical period one fact stands out clearly and distinctly from the wavering traditions concerning the times immediately before and after. That is the reign of Devanampiyatissa and the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon. And with this we approach the general standpoint from which we have to judge the historical tradition as to the earliest and earlier times in our Chronicles.
S5. The Year of the Buddha's Death.
We have to do with a monkish tradition. The starting
point of its chronological statements is the year of the Buddha's death. For this tradition naturally not every event nor every historical personage is important to an equal degree, but chiefly in so far as they were of importance for the development of the Buddhist community. There are isolated occurrences and personalities connected, even in early times,
The name of Uttiya and his consort is confirmed by an inscription in Periya-Puliyankulam (Northern Province). See Archaeological Sur trey of Ceylon, Annual Report, 1905 (xx. 1909), p. 45.

Introduction xxiii
with a certain date which announced the time that had passed since the Buddha's death. As for the intervening period the traditions concerning it were far less well established and precise, especially from the chronological point of view.
Here fictions were made, building up and completing the tradition from which subsequently, with those fixed points as framework, the chronological system was developed that we (ind in the Dīp. and Mah., as also in the Introduction to the Smp., and again in the later historical literature of Ceylon. In the Dip, the oldest source accessible to us, this system appears already complete. It is most certainly not a creation of the author of the Chronicle but only taken over, in all probability, from the Ațțhakathā.
One of the fixed dates, which was established at a specially early period, and which evidently forms the corner-stone of the whole system, is the number 218 for the consecration (ab hiseka) of Asoka. The Dīp. 6. l, says :-
dve satani ca vassani attharasa vassani ca i sambuddhe pa rinibbute abhisitto Piyadassano
218 years after the Sambuddha had passed into Nirvana Piyadassano (Asoka) was consecrated.'
And the Mah. 5. 2l :-
Jina nibbāņato pacchā purā tassabhisekato Sațțhārasam vassa sata dvayam evam vijā niyam.
After the Nirvana of the Conqueror and before his (Asoka's) consecration there were 218 years; this should be known.
In the same way, to date the Mahavira in the Jaina tradition the number 155 is evidently decisive as being the sum total of the years between his death and the beginning of Candragupta's reign. See Hemacandra’s Pariśiṣṭaparvan, ed. JAcoBI, viii. 339 ; Pref., p. 6. If we accept the year 321 B.C. for this last event we have as result 476 B. C. as the year of Mahāvīra's death. Certainly this is in contradiction with the Buddhist reckoning in so far as, according to Majh. Nik. II. 243o foll., the “Nigaņțha Nātaputta ” (i.e. the Mahāvīra) must have died BEFORE the Buddha. OLDENBERG, 2.D.M.G. 34, p. 749.

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XXίν Introduction
THAT Is To sAY, THAT AFTER A LAPSE OF 218 YEARs, i.e. soMETIME IN THE YEAR 219 AFTER THE BUDDHA’s DEATH, THE conSECRATION OF AsOKA TOOK PLACE.
Since Asoka had already reigned four years before he performed the abhiseka ceremony his accession falls 214 years after the Nirvana. According to the Ceylonese tradition the reign of Asoka was preceded by that of Bindusara, lasting twenty-eight, and that of Candagutta lasting twenty-fou years (Mah. 5. 18; Dīp. 5. l00). Thus Candagutta would have ascended the throne 214 - (28 + 24 years), i.e. 162 years after the Nirvana. Now this event is one of the few in the earlier Indian history which we can date with some approach to certainty. It falls in the year 321 B.C. or within two years of this date, allowing for error.
THUS THERE RESULTs As THE PROBABLE YEAR OF THE BUDDHA's DEATH (321 + l62) = 483 B.C. As he died at the age of eighty years the year of his birth should be put at 563 в.с.
But we must emphatically state that this calculation too is hypothetical, that we are only able to give an approximate and not a perfectly exact result. Moreover, we shall see below that, in the Ceylon Chronicles themselves, there is a contradiction which we can hardly pass by.
First of all the whole calculation, as OLDENBERG has quite justly insisted, rests on the supposition that the date
Slightly different in the Smp., p. 299, which puts the abhiseka in the year 218 (d v in mam vassa saltānam u pari a țiți hāras am e vasse). On the tradition on Asoka's age of the Northern Buddhists see S 11.
..? Dīp. 6. 21—22; cf. Simp. l. l. Moreover, Mah. 5. 22 contains the same statement. NoRMAN, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 10, is mistaken when he says that, according to the Mah., accession should be put at the year 218 A.B. and the abhiseka at 222.
With this calculation cf. FLEET, J. R.A.S. 1906, pp. 984-986 and 1909, p. 1 foll., and particularly p. 28 foll. See also WICKREMAsINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 142, n. 7.
W. A. SMITH, J.R.A.S. 1901, pp. 831-834; Early History of India, pp. 38-39.
o Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, 1910, p. 611.

Introduction ΧΧΥ
218 for Asoka's abhiseka is authentic. It really seems to me that it is just on this very point that scepticism is least necessary. The date is supported by the best testimony and has nothing in it to call for suspicion. The interval of time is certainly not so great that the preserving, within the ecclesiastical world, of a definite tradition as to an event of such great importance should be improbable or indeed impossible.
On the other hand we must not forget that the date 321 for Candregupta's accession, which forms a point of support for the hypothesis, is only approximately correct. A little shifting back or forward is therefore quite possible.
Finally, there is the supposition that the length of Candagutta's reign (twenty-four years) and Bindusara's (twentyeight) is established with certainty. Now it seems indeed that, with regard to the former, scepticism is quite out of place. Here the northern tradition is in agreement with the southern, which is certainly an important point. On the other hand there is a difference of three years in respect of Bindusara's reign. Here again there is a possibility that the date may be shifted.
Nevertheless it does seem that on the much-disputed question of the year of the Buddha's death there is a tendency toward unison. Marked differences of view are disappearing, the accepted dates are less far removed one from another.”
The chronology current in Ceylon, Burma, Siam starts out from the middle of the year 544 B.C. as the date of the Nirvana. That this date is wrong and contains an error of, roughly speaking, sixty years, is now, we may say, generally admitted. Moreover, FLEET has pointed out that this reckoning is by no means based on a continuous tradition
Cf. below the tables to S 9. * For earlier views see FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 4-5; MABEL DUFF, Chronology of India, p. 7; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 107, n. 6.
* Not 543 : See WICKREMASINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 122, n. 7. The year of Buddha, 2444, began on May 18, 1900.
“The Origin of the Buddhavarsha, the Ceylonese Reckoning from the Death of Buddha,”J. R.A.S. 1909, p. 323 foll., esp. 332.

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XXνi Introduction
from early times. It is rather a relatively late fabrication, which probably does not go back further than the twelfth century A.D. How the error of sixty years came into the era certainly still needs explanation.
Again, the date 477 B.C. as the vear of the Buddha's death, which was accepted by MAX MÜLLER and CUN NINGHAM, must be given up. It rests on the erroneous premise that the year of Candragupta's accession was 315 B.C.' ـــــ
V. A. SMITH accepts 487 or 486 B.C. as the year of the Nirvana, GoPALA AIYER, who starts from 269 as the year of Asoka's coronation, the year 486 B.C. Both attach some importance, it would seem, to the so-called 'dotted. Record, which was continued in Canton up to the year 489 A. D. and marks each year, from the date of the Buddha onwards, with a dot. In the year 489 A.D. the number of dots amounted to 975, which would bring us to the year 486 B.C. as the startingpoint.
I would not for my part attach too much importance to this dotted Record. It is singularly improbable that in the course of time-it is a question of nearly a thousand years - not a single error or oversight should have occurred. The essential, to my thinking, is that the difference between the various reckonings is already reduced by now to three or four years. But if V. A. SMITH, from his own standpoint, arrives at a result so closely approaching that to which the corrected Ceylon-Tradition brings us, he might well have been led to a somewhat milder judgment as to their trustworthiness and their value.
Finally, the whole difference comes down to this: whether, agreeing with the Puranas, we allow Bindustra, a reign of twenty-five years, or, in agreement with the Mahavamsa, allow him twenty-eight years. In the former case we come to the
As it now appears (see below) in the eleventh century.
o S.B.E., x, 2nd ed., 1908, pp. 43-47.
Early History of India, pp. 41-43.
"The Date of Buddha, Ind. Ant. xxxvii, 1908, p. 341 foll.
o See TAKAKUsU, J.R.A.S. 1896, p. 436 foll. ; 1897, p. 113; FLEET, ib., 1909, p. 9.

Introduction xxvili
year 486 as the year of the Nirvana, in the latter case to 483 B.C. If we then take the 219th year after the Nirvana, as the year of Asoka's abhiseka, there results in the former case 268/67 B.C., in the latter 265/64 B.C.
It would be of great importance to us if we might refer the date 256 at the end of the so-called “Minor Rock-Edict I' to the years elapsed from the Nirvana, to the publication of the Edict. This opinion was formerly held, represented particularly by BUHLER and FLEET.
But recently the interpretation of that Edict was cleared up to a certain extent. The merit belongs to F. W. THOMAs.“, He was the first to point out that the expressions vivuthena, and vivasa (vivutha), which appear in connexion with the number 256, should be derived from vi-vas in the sense to be absent from home, to dwell far away'. Then in his second article he has ingeniously demonstrated that the number 256 does not denote years but nights, i.e. nights and days. In the Sahasrām text he first discovered the word lā ti = rātri in du ve sa pamnälätisatä = Skt. dve satpaň caisarätrišate.
These discoveries were acknowledged both by FLEET and HULTzscH. But now opinions diverge. F. W. THOMAS takes it to mean that Asoka, published the Edict when on a religious journey. The number would refer to the 256 changes of camp in the course of this tour of inspection.
But FLEET interprets vivutha and vivasa in another way. According to him the allusion is to the renunciation of the household life, to the life far from house and family. He takes it to mean that Asoka after a reign of thirty-seven years had renounced the throne and the world to spend the rest of his life in religious retreat. His dwelling was the mountain
The Edict is to be found in Ripnith, Sahasram, in Brahmagiri and elsewhere. W. A. SMITH, Asoka, p. 138, n. 3.
Cf. Bij HLER, Epigraphia Indica, iii. 138; FLEET, “The last Edict of Asoka,” J. R.A.S. 1908, p. 811 foll.
* Ind. Ant. xxxviii, 1908, pp. 22-23, and especially “ Les vivāsāḥ d'Asoka'', Journal Asiatique, May-June, 1910, p. 507 foll.
* FLEET, 'The Last Words of Asoka," J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 1302 foll.; Hu LTzscH, 'A Third Note on the Rupnath Edict,' ib., p. 1308 foll.

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xxvilii Introduction
Suvarnagiri near Girivraja in Magadha. Hence in the passage which is preamble to the Edict in the Mysore versions Suvarnagiri is named, and not the capital Pataliputra, as the place where the Edict, the last word of Asoka', was published.
Moreover, the number 256 has, according to FLEET, a
special significance. It was not by chance that Asoka published the Edict on the 256th day of his life in retreat. At this very time the 256th year since the Nirvana came to an end. Asoka would thus have spent, for each year elapsed since the Buddha's death, one day in religious contemplation as a brahmacari.
This is a very ingenious idea. But it would be hazardous for the present time to base further conclusions on this bold and seductive combination.
S 6. Traces of an era in Ceylon reckoned from 483 B.C.
Recently, however, the date 483 seems to have found further support. Here we must take into consideration an important observation of WICKREMASINGHE,” which completes the proof adduced by FLEET and discussed above, of the late origin of the Ceylonese era, that starts from the year 544. Indications are to be found that in earlier times, and indeed down to the beginning of the eleventh century, an era persisted even in Ceylon which was reckoned from 483 B.C., as the year of the Buddha's death. From the middle of the eleventh century the new era took its rise, being reckoned from the year 544, and this is still in use.
In dealing with the question we have to date the immediate predecessors of king Parakramabahu I, beginning with Udaya III (1507 A. B.).3
As to Parakramabahu I, we have information from inscrip
Cf. also on this, FLEET, “The Conversion of Asoka, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 486 foll.
o See Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 155 foll. * The names are given in WIJESINHA, The Mahávamsa, Part II, translated, pp. xxiii-xxiii.

Introduction . xxix
tions, confirmed and completed by literary data, according to which he was crowned when le.96 years had elapsed since the Buddha's death, that is, in the year 1697 A.B. Eight years later, 1705 A.B., a second coronation apparently took place. In the fourth year afterwards, when 1708 years had gone by since the Nirvana, that is, in l709 A. B., he held a Buddhist Synod. According to the Ceylonese era those are the years l53, ll61, ll65 A. D. But this date for Parakramabahu is supported by an entirely independent source, namely a SouthIndian inscription at the Temple of Tiruvalisvara in Arpakkama. Thus for the second half of the twelfth century the existence of the Ceylon era, reckoned from 544, is established with certainty.
Now according to the Cūlavamsa * (56. 16 foll.) the six predecessors of Parakramabahu, from Parakrama Pandu onwards, reigned l07 years. Thus the accession of the lastnamed prince falls at l390A. B. or, according to the Ceylonese era, 1046 A.D. Moreover, this date is confirmed by the South-Indian Manimangalam inscription, which is dated in the same year.
According to the latter, Parakrama Pandu was conquered and killed in this year by the Cola king Rajadhiraja I. It is true the Culavamsa gives Parakrama Pandu a reign of two years, but we must rather take the accession and death of the king as falling in one and the same year, li590 A. B. = 1046 A.D. Thus it is proved, at the same time, that the Ceylon-era also existed in the middle of the eleventh century.
But from a South-Indian inscription we can also fix a date for Udaya III among the predecessors of Parākrama Pandu, a date which throws a completely new light on the whole reckoning of eras.
See the Galvihara-Insc. of Polonnaruwa, ll. 1-4 (ED. MitjLLER, Ancient Inscr. of Ceylon, pp. 87, 120); Nikaya-sangraha, ed. WICKREMASINGHE, pp. 20oo, 22°. Cf. Epigr. Zeyl. i, p. 123.
* I designate thus the later continuation of the Mahavamsa from 37. 51 onwards.
* HULTzscH, South Indian Inscriptions, iii, no. 28, p. 53; Epigr. Zeyl. pp. 80, 155.

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ΣΚΣΚΣ. Introduction
Since, according to the Culavamsa, the time between the accession of Udaya III and that of Parākrama Pāņdu amounts to ninety-three years eight days, and, as we saw above, the latter ascended the throne in 1590 A.B., we have consequently for the accession of this former king the date l497 A. B. But this year, according to the Tanjore inscription of king Rajendra Coladeva, must be about the year 1015 A.D.
The inscription gives an account of a military expedition to Ceylon. This invasion by Cola corresponds as to its details with one which, according to the Culavamsa, 53. 40 foll, occurred under Udaya III at the beginning of his reign. KIELHORN has calculated the time of Coladeva's accession as between the end of loll and the middle of 1012 A.D.; the expedition falls between the fourth and sixth year of the reign, that is, between loliš and 1018. These years must coincide with the years 1497 and 1498 A. B. Of the 1497 years (-1015) remain 482, which fall within pre-Christian times. In other words: THE BUDDHA DIED 483 B.C.
So, with WICKREMASINGHE (d. i., p. 157) we must state the matter thus. The author of that part of the Culavamsa which deals with the kings from Udaya III to Parakramabahu I lived at a time when the present era, reckoned from 544 B. C., was in use. He was acquainted with three wellestablished dates, 1497, 1590, and l692 A. B., for the accession of Udaya III, Parākrama Pāņdu, and Parākramabāhu I. But he did not know that the first of the three dates was based on quite a different era, reckoned from 483 B.C. The interval between Udaya III and Parākrama Pāņɖu amounted, in his view, to ninety-three years, but was in reality only thirty-one years (1015-1046 A.D.).
Certainly, considering the detail in which the events of the period from Udaya III to Parākrama Pāņdu are described by the Culavamsa, it is difficult to say at what point we should undertake to strike out the surplus of sixty-two years. The
See WIJEsINHA, l. l., p. xxii. * HULTzscH, South Indian Inscr. ii, no. 9, pp. 90-93; KIELEIoRN, Epigraphia Indica, vii, p. 7; Epigr. Zeyl.i, p. 79.

Introduction xxxi
principal part must perhaps fall within the reign of Mahinda V and the interregnum that followed, for which thirty-six years and twelve years are set down. But that the tradition regarding the period in question is not well established is easily explained by the unrest and confusion which prevailed at that time.
S 7. The dates of Devanampiyatissa and Dutthagāmaņi.
The tradition according to which Asoka was consecrated king 218 years after the Nirvana certainly arose in India. The first envoys of Buddhism brought it to Ceylon with them, and here A CHRONOLOGICAL CONNEXION WAS ESTABLISHED BETWEEN THE REIGN OF AsOKA AND THAT OF DEVANAMPIYATISSA, under whom Buddhism made its entry into Ceylon. That Devanampiyatissa and Asoka were really contemporaries we have no reason to doubt. On the one hand the Ceylonese tradition concerning the missions is supported by the discoveries in the Bhilsa-topes. On the other hand we know from Asoka's inscriptions that as a matter of fact an eager missionary-activity prevailed in his time.
According to the Dipavamsa DEVÁNAMPIYATISSA was consecrated king 236 years after the Buddha's death, i.e. in the 237th year. According to the Mah. 11. 40 the consecrating of Devanampiyatissa took place on the first day of the bright half of the ninth month, Maggasira (October-November).
Now since, according to Dīp. ll. l4, the consecration of Tissa was later by a certain number of years-I shall discuss the passage further om—AND sıx MoNTHs later—than the abhiseka of Asoka, this latter event must have taken place
Dīp. 17. 78: * dive sat ani ca was sa ni chattin sa ca san vacch are sa mbuddh e pa rini bb ute ab hisitto Devānampiyo.
Observe that the formula used is the same as in 6. 1 for dating Asoka's ab his e ka. See above, p. xxiii. The date 236 is also to be found in the Nikaya-Samgraha, ed. WICKREMASINGHE, p. 10, and it results in Dip. and Mah. as the sum total of the reigns of all the kings from Wijaya to Devanampiyatissa.

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XXXiι Introduction
in the third month Jettha (April-May), and in fact, as we know, in the 219th year after the Nirvana.
According to the tradition prevailing in Ceylon the Buddha died on the full-moon day of the second month of the year Vesakha (March-April), according to our reckoning: of the year 483 B.C. Thus on the same day 265 B.C. the year 218 A.B. would have come to an end. A month later, roughly speaking, Asoka would be consecrated. In the month Vesakha, 247 B.C. the year 236 A.B. came to an end. In the autumn of the same year the first coronation of Devanampiyatissa took place. A second coronation of this king was celebrated in the following Vesakha (March-April), 246 B.b.
But there are certain statements which are not in agreement with this reckoning. In a passage in the Dip.' it is said that Mahinda came to Ceylon 236 years after the Nirvana. And it is said expressly that this arrival took place on the full-moon day of the third month Jettha (April–May). But a new Buddha-year had begun in the preceding month. Thus if Tissa's first consecration falls in the 237th year A.B., then Mahinda's arrival falls in the 238th, that is, not 236 but 237 years had elapsed since the Nirvana.
This contradiction was discovered by FLEET who made an ingenious attempt to explain it.
The full-moon day of Vesakha as the day of the Buddha's death is open to doubt. This day recurs only too frequently in the Buddha's life. On the other hand FLEET points out
On the names of the months in the Indian calendar see our transl., mote to l. 12.
* Mah. 3. 2; Buddhaghosa in Sum. I. 6oo and Simp. 2838, 4. Cf. Dīp. 5. 1. foll. for the same results. o Dīp. 11. 39 ; Mah. 11. 42. * Dip. 15.71: .
dve vassa satā honti chattimsa ca vassā tathā Mahin do nama na mena jot ay issati sa sanan. Dip. 12.44; 17.88 (thirty days after the second consecration); Mah. 13. 18. At Dip. 11. 40 read tato masam atikkamma. See OLDENBERG, note on this passage.
''The Day on which Buddha died.' J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 1 foll.; particularly 6, 11, 31. -

Introduction ΧΧΧίiι
that according to a notice in Hiuen-thsang the sect of the Sarvastivadins puts the date of the Nirvana, contrary to the usual statement, at the eighth day of the second half of the eighth month of the year, Kattika (Sept.-Oct.). Following this FLEET reckons the day of the Buddha's death as falling on October 13, 483 B.C.
If we take this day as our point of departure the abovementioned contradiction disappears. The year 218 A.B. came then to an end on October 13, 265, and Asoka was not crowned in this year, but in the year 264 B.C. in the third month. The year 236 A.B. ends on October 13, 247 B. c., a month later in the year 237 A.B. Tissa was consecrated king; in the same year, five months later, there followed the second coronation, and yet one month later the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon.
We have then the following dates:-
October 13, 265, end of the year 218 A.B. . April 25, 264, Asoka’s abhi seka.
October 13, 247, end of the year 236 A.B. . November 6, 247, Tissa's first coronation. April 16, 246, Tissa's second coronation. 6. May 16, 246, Mahinda comes to Ceylon. But here I must point out a difficulty which shows, to say the least, that our sources are not always exact in their calculation of time supposing we do not accept a variation by even one year. The death of Mutasiva, and therefore also the first crowning of Devanampiyatissa, we find transferred to the seventeenth year of Asoka, in Smp. 32l, and, as it appears, also in Dīp. ll. l4.o
See BEAL, Buddhist Records of the Western World, ii, p. 38; STANISLAs JULIEN, Mémoires, i, pp. 334-335.
* The day, according to FLEET, is April 25. J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 26 and 31.
According to FLEET, l. l., p. 32, on November 6.
According to FLEET, l.l., on April 16.
" The phrasing in the Smp. A sok adham maräjassa sattarasaime vasse idha Muta sivairājā kālam akāsi Devānam piyatisso rajjam papuri is not at all ambiguous. The Dip. expresses

Page 20
XXXίν Introduction
But now even if we set out from April 25, 264 (not 265) B C. as the date of Asoka's abhiseka, the seventeenth year is already ended on the same day of 247. Then Tissa's coronation, as the dates 218 and 236 have already shown, falls, without any doubt, in the eighteenth (not seventeenth) year of Asoka.
But that notice in the Smp. is not an isolated example. At Mah. 20. l the planting of the Bodhi-tree in Anurädhapura is transferred to the eighteenth year of Asoka. This, too, does not agree with the reckoning elsewhere. There can be no doubt that that event falls in the nineteenth year of Asoka. Naturally, together with that chronological statement, other dates based upon it and given by the Mahavamsa 20. 2 foll, are shifted also.
It suffices to point out these discrepancies. They are merely to show that caution is after all not out of place.
2. Further, there is an interesting date connected with the time of WATTAGĀMAŅI. We have, namely, according to Mah. 33. 80-81, an interval of 217 years 10 months and 10 days between the founding of the Mahavihara by Devanampiyatissa and that of the Abhayagiri-vihara by Vattagamani.
The date of the consecration of the Mahāvihāra can be exactly ascertained by the Ceylon chronology. On the fullmoon day of the month Jettha Mahinda came to Ceylon. This was, according to FLEET's calculation, May 16 (246 B.C.). A day later, on May 17, Mahinda came to the capital and
itself less clearly ; however, by the words ta mihi satta ras e vas se cha mãs e ca anāgate I can only understand that there were six months still to come to complete the seventeenth year.
We can hardly use the passage Dip. 12. 42-43 for chronology. But it seems to give the correct reckoning, the nineteenth year of Asoka, for Mahinda's arrival in Ceylon.
* The same date, possibly taken from the Mah., is to be found in the Nik. Sarngr., p. 111o. The Mah. Tīkā, p. 115 (on Mah. 5. 11-13), gives as the date of the schism of the Dhammarucika of the Abhayagiri the round number of 217 years after the founding of the faith in Ceylon.
* J. R.A.S. 1909, p. 28. For the following cf. Mah. 14. 42; 15. ll, 24.

Introduction xxxW
spent the night in the Mahameghavana. This the king presented to Mahinda and his companions as an arama on the following day May 18, 246 B.C. This then is the day of the founding of the Mahavihara. We are brought then to the end of March 28 B. c. for the founding of the Abhayagirivihara.
I now believe that we ought to attach special importance precisely to those dates which state generally the interval between two important events. The date number 218 in connexion with Wattagamani was also known in later times.
It is implied in the number 454 of Vattagamani in the Galvihara-Inscription of Polonnaruwa. For this has evidently arisen from the addition of 236 (the date of Devanampiyatissa) to 218.
Moreover, there can be no doubt as to the statement in Mah. 33. 78 foll. that the founding of the Abhayagiri-vihāra took place in the second half of the reign of Vattagamani. Therefore I do not hesitate to place the beginning of this second half of Vattagamani's reign at the end of the year 29 or the beginning of the year 28 B.C.
Of course this leads us into certain difficulties when we add up the figures of the individual reigns between Devanampiyatissa and Vattagamani according to the readings accepted in my edition. From these figures it results that Vattagamani ascended the throne for the second time in the year 39 B. c. We have then a difference, in round numbers, of about ten years.
This difficulty disappears if we read* Mah. 21. lll, with the Singhalese MSS. (du ve) dvävisavassäni, not with the Burmese duve dvadasa vassani, to give thus to the Damias Sena and Guttika twenty-two and not twelve years' reign. To be sure the Dip. (18. 47) has dyadasa vassani, which certainly must be taken into account. On the other hand the later Ceylonese literature (Thupavamsa, Pujavaliya, Raja
Ed. MtjLLER, Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, p. 87 (Sara siya supaenaes hawuruddak). See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 830.
In my edition I originally accepted the former reading, however in the 'Corrections' (p. 368) I have given the preference to dvadasa. c 2

Page 21
XXXνι Introduction
valiya) only gives the number 22. In any case at the time the Thup. was composed, according to it, the date stood so in the Mah.
Naturally, to be consequent, we must also read Mah. 27. 6 in the prophecy concerning Dutthagamani, with the Sinhalese MSS. cha cattāllīsa satam “ 146” or e attāllīsa satam 140. From the point of view of textual criticism the latter reading seems to me to be the safer; also I should be inclined to believe that in this connexion a round number would be more appropriate.
I confess that I only brought myself unwillingly to depart from the reading of the Burmese MSS. They tontain elsewhere, without doubt, the better text. Perhaps we must conclude that, in regard to Sena and Guttika, the Burmese recension adopted the reading of the Dīp. and that, in accordance with this, in Mah. 27. 6, also the number was altered to chattims as at a vassani to do away with the mistake thus caused in the addition total.
Taking as a basis the date 483 B.C. we can provisionally draw up a list of the kings aécording to Dīp. and Mah.”
S8. List of the Ancient Kings of Ceylon.
Length of Reign
B O
h Christian
3. Narhe Dīp. Mah. || -
р Dīp. Mah. 483 в. с. Era
Y. M. D. Y. M. D.
Vijaya . . . . . || 9.42 7.74 38 - - 88 - - 1-88 483-445
1.
lnterregnum .. ... | 1 1.9 8.5 il 444-445 39-38 - - - 1 -- سسه 2 Paņduvāsu deva . 10.5 9.25 30 - - 30 - - 89-69 444-414 8 || Abhaya . . . . || 10.7 10.52 80 - 394-414 89-69 | -- -- 20 | ܝܚܝ
Interregnum. . 11.11 10.105 17 - - - 17 - - - 89-106 394-877 4 Paņdukābhaya . . 11.4 10.106 || 70 176--106 || --- -- 70 ||---- سے ჭვ77—ჭ07 5 | Mutasiva . . . . : 11.5 11.4 60 -24-807 286-176 | - - 60 | - ܚ
(17.78)
ہمبس۔ -- 236 || - -۔ 236
For the passages see Dip. and Mah., p. 120. See FLEET's list, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 350. The particular aim of this Introduction, bliges me, on my side, to draw up a table to enable the reader of the translation to ke a rapid survey. s

Introduction xxxvii
Length of Reign
Buddh. Christian No. Name Dīp. Mah. Dīp. Era
пр Mah., 483 B. c. Era Y. M. D. Y. M. D.
B. C. os Devãnampiyatissa. 17.92 20.28 || 40 20۷-247 276-236|||||||||. --- -- 40 ||--۔ --س 7 || Uttiya . . . . 17.98 20.57 10 - - 10 - - 276-286 207-197 8 | Mal,äsiva . . . . † 18.45 | 21.1 10 197.187 | 296-986 [ --- --۔ 10 | مس- حس Sūratissa. . ., . 18.46 21.8 I)( - 787 ! 306-296 || -س- -س- 10 |-س-I77 ( ) | Sena . باسم 怠 Guttika . . . || 18.47 || 2l. 11 || 19 - - - || 29 || - ز:15 - 177 || 898-806 || سم 1:2 Asela . . . . . 18.48 21.12 10 - - 10 - - 328-388 155-145 | 3 || Eliāra . . 18.49 || 21.14 || 44 - 101-145 882-888 || -۔ -- 44 ||---- س
(27.6)
136 - - 146 - - 14 Dutthagāmaņi . 18.54 32.85, 57 24 - - 24 - - 882-406 10-77 15 || Saddhātissa . 20.7 33.4 18 - - 18 - - 406-424 77-59 16 || Thūlathana . 20.8 33.19 - 1 10 - 1 10 424 59 7 || Lañjatissa . 20.9 88.28 9 6ー| 9ー15 |424-433 59-50 18 | Khallatanaga 2012 83.29 6ーー| 6ーー |433-439 50-44
(Mahārattaka) . || 20.18 man - - 1 - - - ms
57 7 11 57 25 9 Vattagāmaņi . 20.14 83.37 - 5 - - 5 - 4892 44
Five familas . . 20.15-1788.56-61. 14 7 - 14 7 - 439-454 44一29 20 Pulahattha (3y.) 21 || Bāhiya (2 y.) . . 22 Panayamäva (7y.) , 28 Piļaya māva (7m.) 24 || Dāithika (2 y.). . (19) vatagāmaņi . . 20.19 33.102 1 - - 12 - - 454-466 29-17 25 MahācūļīMahātissa 20.22 34.1 14 - - 14 - - A66-480 17-3 26 | Coranaga . . on 24 84 18 12 - - 12 - - 480-4928 B.C.-9A. D. 27 | Tissa 84.15 8 - - 3 - - 492-4959 A.D.-12 A.D. 28 Siva . . . . 1 2 - 2 - 29 Vatuka . . . 1 2ー| 1 2 ー A. d. 30 Dārubhatikatissa - 20.26-30ļ34.18-27 1 1 - 1 1 - 495-499 12 16
1 || Niliya . . . . - 3 - 6-) 32 | Anulă . . . . - 4 - - 4 -
60 - - 60 3 - 38 || Kutakaņņatissa. 9 BF || 84-30 || 22 - - || 22 - - † 499-521 | lö- *** 34 || Bhātikābhaya . 2.30 34.87 28 -66-38 549-521 || -- --س- 28 || - -س 35 | Mahãdãthikamahã- 21.38 34.69 12 - - 12 - - 549-56l. 66-78
-nāga. . . . 36 |Āmalagāmaņi 21.87 35.1 9 8 - 9 8 - 56-57, 78-88 187 Kaņirajānutissa 2.38 859 3 - -91-88 574-۔ 571 | --س۔ -- 3 || ہس | 38 || Cūlābhaya . . 21.40 35.2 1 - - 1 - - 574-575 91-92 39 || Sī valī . . 2.41 35.4 .92 75 || - - 4 -- || سمس 4 سیم
Interregnum. — 35.27 - - - 3 - - 575-578 92-95
According to the Burmese MSS. only 12 years. See p. xxxv.
* See the same figure Nik. samgr. 10“.

Page 22
ΧΧανiii Introduction
Length of Reign
Buddh.
No. , Name Dīp. Mah. Dīp. Mah. E. Christian
.B.C 483 ܀
Y. M. D. Y. M. D.
40 ļanāga . . . . 21.43 35.45 6 - - 6 - - 578-584 95-10 41 | Candamukhasiva . | 21,45 35.46 8 7 -10-101 593-684||||||||||||------۔ 7 8 -س 4:2 || Yasalālakatissa . . || 21.46 35.50 8 7 - 1 7 8 -118-110 601-593 || --س 43 || Subharāja . . . || 21.48 35.56 6 - - 6 - - 601-607 118-24 44 || Vasabha . . . . || 22.11 35.100 44 - - 44 - - d07-651 124-168 45 | Vaikanäsikatissa . 22.12, 27 35.112 3 - - 3 – – 651-654 | 168–171 46 Gajabāhukagāmaņi 22.14, 28 35 115 22 - - 22 - - 654—676 171-193 47 || Mahallanäga . . || 22.17, 29 || 35.128 || 6 - - || 6 - — || 676-682 || 193-199
180 2 - 182 8 - -
48 || Bhātikatissa . . . || 22.22, 30 || 36.1 24 223-199 706–682|م۔ --س۔ 24 ہے ۔۔۔۔۔ 49 | Kanițțhatissa . . || 22.25, 31 || 36.6 18 - - 18 - - 706-724 223-24 50 || Khujjanāga . . . || 22.32 3618 | 2 248-س 241 | 726-24 7 أ مســه مـبـ 2 } سـ -سس 51 || Kuñcanāga . . . || 22.33 36.19 1 - - 1 - - 726-727 248~244 52 | Sirinäga I . . . | 22.36 36.23 19 - 263-244 || 746-727 || -- س............. 19 ' ! ۔ 5:3 || Wohārikatissa . . . || 22.45 36.27 22 285-268 || 768 ۔۔۔746|۔۔۔ ۔۔ 22 || سب س-۔ 54 || Abhayanäga 1. . . || 22.88 36.51 22 --- -293-285 } 776--768 || --پټه تمنت 8 | ـ 55 || Sirināga II . . . || 22.46 36.54 2 - - - 2 - - 776-778 293-295 56 Vijayakumāra . . 22.5 36.57 1 296-295 | 779-778 | ܝ - 1 --س۔ --سم 57 | Samghatissa . . . || 22.52 36.64 4 - - 4 - 800-296 1 788-779 | -ܚܝ 58 || Sannghabodhi . . || 22.53 36.78 2 -- -802-800 ܐ 785-788 | ܝܢ ܚܝ 2 1 -ܝܚ 59 || Gothakäbhaya . . || 22.60 || 36.98 || 13 - - || 18 — — || 785-798 || 302-315 60 | Jetthatissa . . . 22.65 36.132 || 10 -- 325---815 || 808–798||-س۔ ۔۔۔ 10 ||||||||||||-۔ ( 51 || Mahāsena. . . . 22.66 87. 27 352-825 ] 885-808 ; ܝ - 27 1 - ܝ
167 - - 153 - -
Total sum . . 836 9 11 834 7 25
Of course the dates set down can only be regarded as having an approximate value. For the Chronicles, mostly, give the reign of each individual king rounded off in whole years. Rajavali and Pujavali reckon the sum total at 844
years, 9 months 25 days, the Nikayasamgraha reckons the
time up to Mahasena's accession at 818, and thus the time up to his death at 845 years.”
The Dip. places Abhayanaga before Woharikatissa. This appears to be the cause of the mistake in the figures. The same length of reign is ascribed to Woharikatissa as to his predecessor, who is really his successor. According to Nik. samgr. 12' Woharikatissa ascended the throne 752 years, 4 months 10 days after the Buddha's death.
o Rājāvali, ed. B. GUŅAsEKARA, p. 42”; Pūjāv., ed. idem, p. 23o; Nik. S., ed. WIcKREMAsINGHE, p. 14".

Introduction xxxix
From Devanampiyatissa to Mahasena's death 609 years clapsed, according to the later sources. But this only proves that the accession of the former should be dated 236 A.B. (609+236=845), but naturally nothing can be deduced from this statement to aid us in dating the Nirvana itself.
I will now supplement my list with the names and dates of the immediate successors of Mahasena :-
62. Siri-Meghavanna 27 years 352-379 A.D.
9
63. Jetthatissa y 379–388 64. Buddhadāsa 28 , 388-416 , 65. Upatissa 42 , 416-458 , 66. Mahānāma 22 , 458-480 ,
67- Sotthisena to 75. Pithiya 29 480-509 76. Dhātu sena 18 509–527 , . . 77. Kassapa 17 , 527-544
For this later period we now have an interesting IndianCeylonese synchronism which appears to confirm the reckoning having as point of departure 483 B. c.
SYLVAIN LÉv I has communicated the following passage from the account of the Chinese Wang Hiuen tse. The king of Cheu-tzeu (i.e. Ceylon), by name Chi-mi-kia-po-mo (i.e. Sri-Meghavarman 4), sent two bhiksus to India to the monastery erected by Asoka, near the sacred tree of the Buddha in Bodh Gaya. They found no lodging here and subsequently told their king. He sent an embassy to the king then ruling over India, San-meou-to-lo-kiu-to (i.e. Samudragupta), and sought permission to build on the sacred spot a monastery for Ceylonese pilgrims. Thus the synchronism of king Siri-Meghavanna, the successor of Mahasena, with Samudragupta is confirmed. The latter, according to
See Epigr. Zeyl. i., p. 143. -
Cf. Culav. 37.99, 104, 178,208,247 (according to the numbering of the Colombo edition of 1877: Mah. 37. 49, 54, 128, 158, 197); 38. 1, 12; 39.58. As to numbers 62, 64, 77, it is said that they died in the twenty-eighth (or twenty-ninth or eighteenth) year. So it is possible that the dates have again been made later by one year.
o Journ. As. 1900, pp. 316 foll., 401 foll.
* The form of this name, as given by the Chinese narrator, results from a confusion between varna and varman.

Page 23
x Introduction
W. SMITH, reigned from 326 to (about) 375, the former, according to our reckoning, from 483 as the year of the Nirvāņa 352-379 A.D. -
According to Chinese sources another embassy came from Ceylon to China, sent by king Kia-che, i. e. Kasyapa, in the year 527 A.D. Evidently this is a reference to Kassapa II whose reign, according to my list, did in fact begin about 527.
S 9. The Indian Kings from Bimbisara to Asoka.
In the table on the next page I have brought together the names of the kings from Bimbisara, the contemporary of the Buddha, to Asoka, according to the Ceylonese, the Burmese, the Nepalese, and the Jaina tradition. On this I will first make the following observations.
The BURMESE TRADITION 9 is undoubtedly dependent on the -- CEYLONIESE, as represented by Dīp. and Mah. Buddhaghosa * is also in complete agreement with the Mah. He certainly ascribes a reign of eighteen instead of eight years to Anuruddha and Munda, but the sum total of the reigns of all the kings reckoned up by him at the conclusion is only correct if we alter that eighteen to eight. ی
The NEPALESE list of the Asokavadana comes perhaps midway between the Ceylonese and the Jaina tradition. It is specially remarkable that in this too appears the name of
Early History of India, p. 266 foll. (cf. Ind. Ant. 1902, p. 257). See also FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 343.
o SYLvAIN LÉvI, l. l., p. 425 foll. Cf. now also E. R. AYRToN, J.R.A.S. 1911, p. 1142, on a new fact which speaks in favour of the reckoning from 483 B.C. On the other hand a difficulty presents itself with respect to the embassy of Mo-ho-nan (i.e. Mahanama) to China in the year 428 A.D. (SYLV. Lévi, pp. 412,421). At the time there reigned in Ceylon not Mahanaima but his elder brother Upatissa II. The former did not ascend the throne till 458 A.D.
See on this BIGANDET, The Life or Legend of Gaudama the Buddha (1866), pp. 347, 361—363, 371-372, 374-375.
Smp. 321 foll. Cf. also Sum. 153' foll, where the kings from Bimbisara to Nagadasa are enumerated,
* Cf. BURNoUF, Introduction à l'histoire du Bouddhisme Indien, pp. 358-359. It is noteworthy that the name of Candragupta is
missing.

TABLE OF INDIAN KINGS
DīpavarṇsaYears|| Mahāvamsa |Years | Burmese trad. Bimbisāra52Bimbisāra52Bimbisāra (8. 56 59)(2.29-30) Ajātasattu !82 || Ajātassattu 1 | 82Ajātassattu (3. 60-61)メ(2. 81-82) Udayabhadda | 16 || Udayabhadda | 16Udayabhadda (5. 97)(4. 1) |-Anuruddha8Anuruddha ----vMuņģaMuņģa (4, 2-3) Nāgadāsa24Nāgadāsaka24Nāgadāsaka (11. 11)(4. 4) Susunāga10Susunāga18Susunāga (5. 98)(4, 6) Kālāsoka?Kālāsoka28Kālāsoka (4.44; 5. 25,80)(4. 7) Ten Sons ofTen Sons ofBhaddasena Kālāsoka22Kālāsoka22 I and 8 Brothers (5. 99)(5. 14) «=Nine Nandas || 22 || Uggasemananda (5. 15)and 8 Brothers Candagutta24Candagutta24Candagutta (5. 100)(õ. 16–18) Bindusāra�Bindusāra28Bindusāra (5. 101)(5. 18) Asoka87 I - Asoka87Asoka (5. 101\20 1-6)
Years
82 28
88
21
24 27
Aśokāvadāna | Years! Jaina trad. | YearsPurāņas BimbisāraŚreņikaŚiśunāga AjātaśatruKūņikaKākavarņa Ujāyin orUdāyin60 || Kşemadharman Udayibhadda
Kşatraujas MuņģaBimbisāra Ajātaśatru Darbhaka or Darśaka or KākavarņinHarşaka SahālinUdāyin TulakueiNandiwardhana MahamaņģalaMahānandin Prasenajit NandaNine NandasMahãpadma and 8 Sons CandraguptaCandragupta Bindusāra|BindusāraBindusāra AśokaAśokaAśoka
Years
40 86 20
40 28
25
25 83 42 48 100 24 25
86
* To Thootan taetiem appears to be very similar vo the Ceylonese. According to it Ajātaśatru reigned thirty-two years and Dharmāśoka fox or years, foaa tse fost to the sooter wore ten reperations of kings. Rockhill, Life of the Buddu, a(1907 . p. 238.

Page 24
xlii Introduction
Munda whom the Jainas do not know but who is mentioned in the Anguttara-Nikaya. Thus the Ceylonese tradition is in this point confirmed by the Northern tradition.
The JAINA list is based on the Pariśişțaparvan of Hemacandra. It is, I think, generally admitted that in this list Srenika and Kunika correspond to the Bimbisara and Ajatasattu of the Pali sources. On the other hand the names from Anuruddha-Munda downwards to the Nandas are missing. But among these names those of both Munda and Kalasoka are well established by other testimony, as we shall see presently. The PURANIC list has the series Bimbisara-AjatasatruUdayin (= Udayabhadda) in common with the Ceylonese. But the Puranas insert yet another king before the lastnamed, and the Ceylonese Chronicles place those three kings at the head of the whole list; the Puranas range the corresponding four kings in the second half of the list. Moreover, I cannot say that the Purana list inspires me with much confidence. The tradition as to individual names is very unstable in the different Puranas. The same is the case with the dates of the individual reigns, although the totals agree fairly well.'
The question then arises: which list merits the most confidence, the Ceylonese, the Jaina, or that of the Puranas ? JAcoBI is disposed to give the preference to the Jaina list. He adheres to the view that Kalasoka, the black Asoka, and Kakavarnin (Kakavarna), the crow-coloured, are one and the same person. That is certainly correct and is confirmed by the fact that Kalasoka in the Pali sources is named
1 A. III. 57** foll. OLDENBERG has already, Z. D.M.G. 34 (1880), p. 752, stated this fact.
? Ed. JAcoBI (Bibl. Ind.), I. 22 foll.; VII. 22 foll., 231 foll. ; VIII. 1 foll., 297 foll. ; IX. 14 foll.
* JAcoBI, The Kalpasutra of Bhadrabähu (Abhandl. für die Kunde des Morgenl. vii. 1), Introduction, p. 2. The combination Śrenika = Bimbisara occurs RocKHILL, Life of Buddha (1907), p. 67.
See MABEL DUFF, The Chronology of India, Table to p. 322.
The Kalpasutra, Introd; also Z. D. M. G. 34, pp. 185-186. Cf. OLDENBERG, Z. D. M. G. 34, p. 750 foll.; and further, JAcoBI, Z. D. M. G. 35, p. 667 foll.

Introduction xliii
as the successor of Susunaga and Kakavarna in the Puranas as the successor of Sisunaga. Here at least the Southern and the Northern tradition are in agreement.
JACOBI moreover believes Kakavarnin= Kalasoka to be identical with the Udayin of the Jaina tradition, the Udayabhadda of the Southern Buddhist sources. The ground for his belief is that it is said of both Udayin and Kalaisoka that they removed the royal residence from Rajagrha to Pataliputra. He believes that the Ceylonese tradition has made two kings out of one person, has inserted various new kings between them and has thus artificially filled up the gap of lo0 years which, according to the Ceylonese view, had elapsed between the Nirvana and the Second Council. The list of kings as finally drawn up by JACOBI is this:- -
Bimbisāra (Śreņika). Ajātašatru (Kūņika). Muņda (= Daršaka, Harsaka, &c.). Udāyin (Kālāsoka, Kākavarņin). Nanda dynasty. I confess that, in agreement with OLDENBERG, I do not feel convinced by JACOBI's grounds for identifying Kalasoka with Udayin. The removal of the residence from Rajagrha to Pataliputra is attributed to Udayin by the Jainas, and by the Brahmans (in the Puranas), to Kalasoka in the Burmese tradition which, beyond a doubt, comes from Ceylon. Hiuenthsang attributes it to king Asoka whose lifetime he places a hundred years after the Nirvana. He does in fact know only ONE Asoka whom he names Wu-yau, or, as rendered once phonetically, 'O-shu-kia. But to all appearance he combined
The identification of Kalasoka, with Kakavarna has not been taken into account by W. A. SMITH (J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 839 foll.), who completely denies the existence of Kalaisoka. * * The name is written U dāyibh a dda, Mah. 4. 1, 2 in the Sinhalese MSS. The same in D. I. 50 foll,
o Z. D.M.G. 34, p. 751 foll.
“ Pariśişțaparvan, VI. 33 foll., 175 foll.
See RHYs DAvIDs, Buddhist Suttas (S. B. E. xi), Introd., p. xiii. o BEAL, Buddhist Records, ii, p. 85 foll. ; ST. JULIEN, Mémoires, i, p. 414 foll.

Page 25
xliv Introduction
two different kings in one person. For if he attributes the founding of Pataliputra to an Asoka, this cannot possibly fit in with the historical Dharmasoka of the third century B. c. For we know that Pataliputra was already, under Candragupta, the capital of the country. Thus when Hiuen-thsang says that 'O-shu-kia or Wu-yau founded the city of Pataliputra he repeated a tradition which originally referred not to the Asoka of the third century but to an earlier king, who must have lived before Candragupta.
I shall return once more to this subject. Here I will only observe that Hiuen-thsang, in any case with respect to the removal of the royal residence, is against the tadition of the Jainas and nearer to the Burmese. We can say then that the removal is attributed by the Jainas and Brahmans to Udayin, by the Buddhists to Kalasoka.
Is really the only solution to conclude that the two names were one and the same person? May it not be conjectured with equal or yet more probability that we have here simply a difference in the tradition among the Jainas and Brahmans on the one hand and the Buddhists on the other? Besides even in the Brahmanic tradition Kakavarna = Kalaisoka and Udayin are again two different personages. Here then the same duplication must have occurred as in the Southern Buddhist tradition. It becomes therefore the more difficult to accept JACOBI's hypothesis. It seems greatly preferable to conclude that the Jaina list is defective. In this list Munda too is missing, who seems to be sufficiently established by the AŠokavadana and the mention in the Anguttara-Nikaya.
If finally the choice lies between the list of the Puranas and that of the Ceylonese Chronicles, which seems to be more probable and trustworthy, I do not hesitate to give the preference wholly and unreservedly to the latter.
In the Puranas, Nandivardhana and Mahanandin' must The former in BEAL, p. 90, the latter p. 85. Both names are thus used indifferently in connexion with the same event. This proves that we ought not to conclude, with OLDENBERG (Vin. Pit, i, Introd., p. xxxiii, n. 1), that the two names represent a remembrance of two different Asokas.
It seems that Nandivardhana is to represent the ten sons of Kala

Introduction xlv
fill up some gap or other in the chronology. The reigns of
these two together are put down at eighty-five years But no deeds whatever are recorded.
Again, in the Puranas yet another king, called Darsaka, &c., is inserted between Ajatasatru and Udayin. That is certainly an error. The Pãli canon indubitably asserts,” that Udãyibhadda was the son of Ajatasattu and probably also his successor. Otherwise the reign of the father and son would extend over eighty-three years.
Moreover that the two generations of the Nanda, namely Mahapadma and his eight sons, together reigned for a century is a statement that does not bear the stamp of probability.
The chief difference between the Puranas and the Ceylonese sources lies in the place taken by Kalasoka (Kakavarna) and his father. In the former they are placed at the head of the whole dynasty, in the latter they are ranged after Bimbisara and Ajatasattu and their immediate successors. Thus, before all, the question is which of the two traditions we decide to accept and whether any reasons can be adduced for our decision.
Now we see that the tradition of Ceylon in its details always finds support from without. Its greater fullness of detail, generally speaking, as against the Jaina list finds a parallel in the Puranas. In this respect the Southern Buddhist and Brahmanic traditions support each other. -
In all forms the tradition as to the series is well established: nine Nandas— Candragupta— Bindusāra—Aśoka. The succession Bimbisāra—Ajātasattu—Udayabhadda is confirmed by the Jaina list and the Asokavadana. Munda, entirely absent from the Jaina list and the Puranas, is named in the
Šoka. At least the Mahabodhivanisa (ed. STRoNG, p. 98) includes a
prince of this name among them. Mahanandin looks like a duplicate -
of Nandivardhana.
Even W. A. SMITH, Early History of India, p. 36, has to admit that
they are mere “ nominis umbrae ”.
* In the Sämaîi îñaphala-suttaita, D. I. 50oo foll. The same accord
ing to the Tibetan tradition. RocKHILL, Life of Buddha (1907), p. 91.
Also in Tibetan sources. See note to the Table.

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xlvi Introduction
Buddhistic canon and in the Asokavadana. And in the same way the Asokavadana puts Kakavarnin AFTER Udayin and Munda as the Ceylon Chronicles place their Kalasoka, not BEFORE them as the Puranas place their Kakavarna.
Thus the greater probability seems to be in favour of placing Kakavarna and with him naturally his father Siន៍umāga in the second half of the series of kings, not in the first.
I believe then that with respect also to the series of Indian kings before Asoka, the Ceylonese tradition is more valuable than that of the Brahmans and Jainas. The last-named is certainly defective. But as to the Puranas I am compelled to think that when the dynasty before Candragupta had once received the name Saisunaga, then in order to exalt its greatness and antiquity, the eponymos and his immediate successors, including Bimbisara and his successors, were placed at the head of the whole series of kings. This would end in a reversal in the order of the first and second half.
At the present time greater stress is laid, and with justice, on the importance of research in Northern Buddhism. It is most important for the understanding of the development of Buddhism. Still I believe that if we wish to learn the origins of Buddhism, and especially the history of those origins, we shall have to draw chiefly upon the Pali sources,
The dates of the Indian kings according to the Southern Buddhist tradition are the following:-
(1) Bimbisāra, * B.B. 60-B.B. 8 B.C. 543-B.C. 491 2. Ajātas attu 穷? 8 - A.B. 24 , 491-, 459 3. Udayabhadda A.B. 24-A. B. 40 , 459-, 443 4. Anuruddha )
5. Muņda , 40- , 48 } ,448一,435 6. Nāgaidāsaka y 48 - ?》 72 y 435- ११ 4. 7. Susunäga 72-, 90 , 411-, 393 8. Kālāsoka 90-س-- s 118 y 393-- s 365 9. Ten sons of Kālāsoka , 118-, 140 , 365 -, 343 11. Nine Nandas , 140-, 162 , 343-, 321 12. Candagutta 162-, 186 , 321-, 297 13. Bindusāra 186-, 214 , 297-, 269 14. Asoka (a) before and || , 214 — , 219 || , 269 — , 264
(b) after the abhise kaj , 219 — ,, 256 ] , 264— , 227
Cf. e. g. WALLESER, Z. D. M. G. 1910, p. 238, in a discussion of DE LA VALLÉE PoUssIN's Bouddhisme.
* As to the chronological relation between Bimbisara and the

Introduction xlvii
S l0. The Acariyaparampara and Indian-Ceylonese synchronisms.
In the chronological system on which the Dīp. and Mah. are based the succession of the great teachers from Upali down to Mahinda plays an important part. This ācariya - parampara is of interest because in it there is a continuous synchronological connexion between the history of Ceylon and that of India. IIere the system appears carried out in detail and completed.
Of course the dates must not be considered altogether authentic. Besides, for the most part they fall within the most uncertain period of Indian-Ceylonese history, before the accession of Devanampiyatissa. They only show how in Ceylon the several names and events of tradition were fitted into the framework of the few well-established leading dates.
It seems doubtful too that the theras mentioned, with the exception of Upali and Moggaliputtatissa, were Vinayapaimokkha if indeed this should be taken to mean one having recognized authority in the Church.
Sonaka did not even take part in the Second Council which took place in his time. The leading personages in this were Revata, Sabbakümı, Sambhüta Sanavası and Yasa. Evidently it was only a question of proving that the “Succession of Teachers' of Mahinda could be traced back to Upali, the great authority in the Vinaya at the time of the Buddha.
The list is as follows:-
Buddha more precise statements are furnished by Dip. 3. 56 foll. and Mah. 2. 28 foll. According to these the two met for the first time when the Buddha was thirty-five and Bimbisara thirty years of age, i.e. 528 B.C. This was the year 15 of Bimbisara's reign. After that Binbisara reigned yet another thirty-seven years (till 491 B.C.). He was succeeded by Ajatasattu. Eight years after his accession the Buddha died. See NoRMAN, J.R.A.S. 1908, pp. 5-6. The list of the patriarchs according to the Northern tradition is quite different. In this the succession is: (1) Kasyapa, who presided over the First Council; (2) Ananda; (3) Sanakavasa ; (4) Upagupta, the president of the Second Council; (5) Daitika or Dhītika; (6) Kāla, vhovas principally concerned in the conversion of Ceylon. See BEAL, "Succession of Buddhist Patriarchs” (Ind. Ant. ix, 1880, p. 148 foll.).

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l. UPAL. (a) At the time of the Buddha's death (483 B.C.) he had completed forty-four years from his upasampada. So we should have for this last the date 527 B.C. Buddha's death, according to tradition, coincides in time with the coming of Vijaya to Ceylon and with the 8th year of Ajatasattu. Vijaya dies in the 14th year of Udayabhadda, i.e. 446 B. c., in the l6th year of the same king, i.e. 444 B.C., Panduvasudeva is crowned king in Ceylon.
(b) Upali after the Buddha's death becomes Chief of the Vinaya and remains so for thirty years. The sum total of his years, reckoned from the upasampada, amounts to seventy-four. He dies therefore 453 B.c. after, as Dīp. 4. 38 says, Udaya had reigned six years.
2. DASAKA. (a) He is ordained by Upali, when the latter has completed sixty years of his priesthood, or sixteen years after the Buddha's death, i.e. 467 B.C. This agrees with the statement that it happened in the year 24 of Ajatasattu and in the year 16 of Vijaya. According to Mah. 5. l06 he was then twelve years old, thus the year of his birth was 479 B. c.
(b) Dasaka is (after Upali) for fifty years Chief of the Vinaya, i.e. he dies 403 B.C., or according to the Dip., in the year 8 of Susunaga. In Ceylon meanwhile (Dip. ll. 10) Panduvasudeva has died in the year 2l of Nagadasaka, i.e. 4l4 B. C., and Abhaya has been crowned king.
3. SoNAKA. (a) He is ordained a priest by Dasaka when the latter has completed forty-five years from his up a sampada, therefore 422 B.C. Thus according to Dip. 4, 4l. But according to Dip. 5. 78 Dasaka had only been forty years a priest when Sonaka was ordained by him. This brings us to 427 B. C. Here therefore the tradition is uncertain. It also points to the year lo of Nagadasa or the year 20 of Panduvasudeva as the year of Sonaka's ordination, i.e. 425 or 424 B.C.
Dīp. 4. 34, 38; 5. 76, 95, 103. * Dīp. 11. 8. The number of years of Wijaya’s reign (38) brings us to 445 as the year of his death. The length of the interregnum is given Dīp. 11. 9, Mah., 8. 5, as one year.
* Dip. Ꮞ. 27-28, Ꮞ8 ; 5. Ꮽ1, Ꮽ5, ᏭᏮ, Ꮽ8, 10Ꮞ. Dīp. 4.41; 5. 78, 79,92, 95, 96, 99, 105.

Introduction xlix
(b) Sonaka is Chief of the Vinaya for forty-four years and a priest for sixty-six years. Since Dasaka died 403 B.C. Sonaka's death would fall in 359 B.C. This would bring us again to 425 as the year of ordination. The statement that Sonaka died in the year 6 of the reign of Asoka's sons points also to 359 B.C. as the year of his death. The most probable date of Sonaka's ordination is, however, 423 or 422 B.C., as we shall see from Siggava’s chronology. According to Mah. 5. ll5 Soņaka was rifteen years old when he met Dāsaka. He was therefore born in 438 or 437 B. c. In Ceylon the year ll of the interregnum between Abhaya and Pandukabhaya corresponds to the year 10 of Kalasoka (=383 B.C.) and the year 58 of Pandukabhaya to the year 2 of Candagutta (= 319 B.C.). 4. SIGGAv A. (a) Sonaka confers ordination on Siggava forty years after his own upa sampada. At that time Kalasoka had reigned ten years and half a month. In Ceylon eleven and a half years of the interregnum after Abhaya had elapsed. Thus we come to the year 383 (or 382) B. c. and to the year 423 (or 422) as the year of Sonaka's upasanpada.
(b) Siggava is a priest for seventy-six years and dies in the year 14 of Candagutta. This coincides with the year 307 B.C. There must be an error in the statement that he was head of the Church for fifty-five years. Since Sonaka's death may be reckoned with all probability as occurring in the year 359, Siggava, if he died in 307, can only have held this office fiftytwo years.
The year of Siggava's birth, since he was eighteen years old at the time of his meeting with Soņaka (Mah., 5. 120), falls in the year 40l B. c.
5. (a) MoggALIPUTTATIssA. He is ordained by Siggava sixty-four years after the latter's up a sampada, in the year 2
Dīp. 5. 69,81; 5. 80. Dip. 4. 44-46 (cf. with this the note in OLDENBERG's edition); 5. 73, 95, 96, 106.
Dip. 5. 69, 81, 95, 96, 101, 107. Relics of (Moggaliputta) tissa, attested by an inscription, have been found in the Sānchi-tope no. 2. See CUNNINGHAM, Bhilsa Topes, p. 289.
d

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Introduction
of Candagutta and 58 of Pakundaka (i.e. Pandukabhaya), therefore 319 B.C.
(b) He is Chief of the Vinaya for sixty-eight years after Siggava and dies eighty years after ordination, twenty-six years after Asoka's abhiseka (=264 B.C.). The first two statements accord with 239 B.C., the last with 238 B.C. However, if we place the consecration of Asoka as early as the year 265, which results (see above, p. xxxii) from dating the Buddha's death on the full-moon day of Vesakha, then even according to this reckoning Moggaliputta's death should be placed at 239 B.C.
6. MAHINDA. (a) Morgaliputta ordains Mrahinda in the year 6 of Asoka, (reckoned from the abhiseka) or the year 48 of Mutasiva. This brings us, in both cases, if we take the spring of 265 as that of Asoka's abhiseka, to the time between the spring of 259 and 258. Mahinda was born 204 A.B. i.e. 279 B. c., thus he was ordained at the age of twenty.
Mahinda comes to Ceylon twelve and a half years after his ordination and eighteen years after Asoka's abhiseka, as we have already seen, in the spring 246 B.C.
(b) He dies in the year 8 of Uttiya's reign and on the 8th day of the bright half of the month Assayuja. The year of his death is therefore 199 B.C.
I. ÄCARIYA PARAMPARĀ
Chief of Priest Vinaya
1. Upali . . .44 B. B.-3) A.B. = 527 B.C.-453 B.C. from 1 A.B. 2. Daisaka . . 30 A.B. - 94 = 467 -403 , 30 , 3. Soņaka . . 60 , - 124, = 423 , -359 „ , 94 , 4. Siggava .. ... | 100, — 176, = 383 , — 307 ,, 124, 5. Moggaliputta | 164, – 244, = 319 , - 239 , , 176, 6. Mahinda . . || 224, , — 284,, = 259 ., – 199 ,
Dip. 5.82. The time between the crdination of Moggaliputta and that of Mahinda is here stated to be sixty-six years. It would be correct to say sixty, as OLDENBERG has already observed.
o Dīp. 6. 20 foll. ; 7. 21-22; Mah. 5. 209.
* Dip. 12. 42; Mah. 18. 1, 5.
“ Dīp. 17. 93, 95 ; Mah. 20. 32–33.

Introduction - li
II. CEYLONESE AND INDIAN SYNCHRoNISMs
Year of Ceylon King Year of Indian King Year of Christian Era
Vijaya 1 = Ajātas attu 8 483 B.C.
y 16 = a 24 467 , 9 9 37 = | Udayabhadda 14 446 , Paņduvāsu deva 1 = 16 444 . O . 20 = Nāgadāsaka 10 425/4, Abhaya a 9 y 21 414 , Interregnum l1 = | Kālāsoka 10 383 , Paņdukābhaya 58 = Candagutta 2 319 Mutasiva 1 = 99 14 307 , y 48 = | Asoka 6 259
Sill. The Buddhist Councils.
According to the Southern Buddhist tradition three Councils, as is known, took place, the first immediately after the death of the Buddha, the second a hundred years later under Kalasoka, the third 236 years after the Nirvana in the reign of Dhammasoka.
There has been repeated discussion, especially in recent times, as to the authenticity or non-authenticity of the history of the Councils. I am not able, within the limits of this introduction, to go into all the details. I will rather restrict myself, in the first place, to a résumé of that which is recorded in the Pali sources as to the Councils. By way of comparison I will then indicate the most important statements of the Northern Buddhist tradition. Finally, I will endeavour to extract the historical kernel which, in my opinion, is contained in the Ceylonese tradition concerning those events.
! I would refer chiefly to MINAYEFF, Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, p. 13 foll. ; OLDENBERG, “ Buddhistische Studien,” Z. D.M.G. 52, p. 613 foll. ; KERN. BIanual of Indian Buddhism, p. 101 foll. ; V. A. SMITH J. R.A.S. 1901, p. 842 foll. ; L. DE LA VALLÉE PoUssIN, ‘Les premiers Conciles (bouddhiques), Le Muséon, N.S. 6. 1905, p. 213 foll. (cf. 'The Buddhist Councils,' Ind. Ant. 1908, pp. 1 foll., 81 foll.); R. O. FRANKE, “The Buddhist Councils at Rajagaha, and Wesali,' J.P.T.S. 1908, p. 1 foll.; RHYs DAvIDs, Dialogues of the Buddha, ii. 76, 77. The Chinese accounts of the First Council have been brought together by SUZUKI, "The first Buddhist Council, in the Monist, xiv. 2, 1904, p. 253 foll.
d 2

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I can only incidentally, where it appears to me to be absolutely necessary, take up a position with regard to views of other inquirers, and must avoid many explanations which suggest themselves, in order not to overstep the space allotted to me.
First, with regard to the SouTHERN BUDDHIST SouRCEs for the history of the Councils, the principal, both in age and importanee, are Khandhaka XI and XIII of the Cullavaggád in the Vinaya-Pitaka, which deal with the First and Second Council.
Then follow the Dīp. and Mah. with accounts of the three Councils and also the historical Introduction to Buddhaghosa's Samantapasadika. Moreover, Buddhaghosa treats of the First Council, frequently with the same wording, in the Introduction to his Sumangalavilasini. As secondary sources we may mention the Mahabodhivamsa and Sasanavamsa, and also in the Sinhalese language principally the NikayaSamgraha."
The NoRTHERN BUDDHIST Accounts will be mentioned in treating of the several Councils.
The First Council.
The account in C.W. is this:
Mahakassapa, travelling with his disciples from Pava to Kusinara, hears of the death of the Buddha. The monks are profoundly grieved, but Subhadda comforts them with the frivolous utterance that they can now do what they will, and that they are freed from an irksome control.
Thereupon Mahakassapa proposes to undertake a samgiti of the Dhamma and the Vinaya, that the doctrine may thus
1 OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. ii, p. 284 foll. Cf. S.B.E. xx, p. 370 foll.
GEIGER, Dip, and Mah. p. 108 foll. In the Dip. there is a double account of each Council.
* See OLDEN BERG, Vin. Pit. iii, p. 283 foll. o Ed. RHYs DAvIDs and CARPENTER, i. (P.T.S. 1886), p. 2 foll. o Ed. STRONG (P. T.S. 1891), p. 85 foll. o Ed. M. BoIDE (P.T.S. 1897), p. 3 foll.
Ed. WICKREMASINGHE, 1890, pp. 3, 4, 8.

Introduction liii
be kept pure. To this end 500 monks are chosen, among whom, by the wish of the assembly, is Ananda, though he is not yet an Arahant. ر•
The Council takes place in Rajagaha and passes off in the nmanner described in the Mah. r Some points are to be added from the C.V. namely: (l) Ananda relates that the Buddha had, in his presence, declared the community of monks empowered after his death to do away with the less important precepts, if they wished. Since they are not able to agree in deciding what is to be understood by this expression, they resolve not to do away with any precept.
(2) Certain reproaches are cast upon Ananda. Although he is not conscious of any fault he acknowledges himself guilty from respect for the Assembly.
(3) The thera Purana enters Rajagaha. He is called upon to take part in the work of the Assembly. He renders due acknowledgment to this work but prefers to hold by that which he himself has heard from the Master's lips.
(4) Ananda further relates how the Buddha, before his death, had also pronounced the monk Channa liable to the brahmadanda penance. The fulfilling of this duty is entrusted to Ananda. Channa is deeply troubled. With zealous endeavour he attains to arahantship, upon which the penance is remitted... .
As regards the time at which the First Council was held, the Dip. l. 24; 5.4 mentions the fourth month after the Master's death. This was the second Vassa-month, i.e. Savana, the fifth month of the year.
This reckoning is based on the tradition according to which the Buddha died on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha. Buddhaghosa and the Mah. agree with this statement.“ The latter certainly mentions the bright half of Asalha the
* Khuddãn u khu dda. kāni sikkhāpa, dãni. SeeMahāparinib - bāņa s utta, D. II. 154.
* I omit the episode of Udena, C.W. XI. 13-14. * See M. W. III. 2. 2 (OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. 137). * Simp. 285oo *', 28694; Sum. 610 oo, 814 - 15; Mah. 3. 14.-16.

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fourth month of the year as the beginning of the Council, but adds that the first month was spent in preparations, thus the proceeding did not begin till the month Savana.
It is an obviously later addition which we find in the Sum., that not only the Vinaya and the Dhamma, in all their details, but also the Abhidhamma are established at the First Council.
The same is found in the later tradition. Among the NoRTHERN BUDDIIST SouRCEs dealing with the First Council I mention the Mahavastu. Here, in agreement with the Southern tradition Kasyapa is given as the originator of the Council, the number óf the bhiksus taking part in it is stated to be 500 and the place the Saptaparna grotto near Rajagrha.
There is, besides, an account in the second volume of the Dulva, the Tibetan Vinaya of the Sarvastivadin sect. The fixing of the Canon took place, according to this source, in the following order: (1) Dharma, by Ananda; (2) Vinaya, by Upãli; (3) Mãtrkã (i.e. Abhidharma) by Mahākāśyapa himself. It is worthy of remark that the Dulva puts the accusations brought against Ananda in the time before the beginning of the proceedings, thus before his attainment of arahantship.
Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang also mention the First Council. The former gives the number of the bhiksus as 500, the latter as l,000; the former speaks in a general way of a collection of sacred books', the latter expressly mentions also the redaction of the Abhidharma by Mahakasyapa. −
The Second Council.
According to C.V. XII. the Second Council takes place l00 years after the Buddha's death, and is brought about by the das a vatthuni of the Vajji monks of Vesali, which
The full moon of Asaha of the year 483 fell, according to JACOBI's reckoning (see FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 20) on June 24.
o Ed. SENART, i, p. 69 foll. * See RocKHILL, Life of the Buddha (1907), p. 148 foll. * BEAL, Buddhist Records, i, pp. lx-lxi; ii, pp. 162-164; LEGGE, Records of Buddhistic Kingdoms, p. 85.
* On these ten points, according to the Pali-tradition, see below in

Introduction lv
signified a relaxing of monastic discipline. In the further course of its narrative, too, the C.V. agrees with the Mah. and the rest of the SouTHERN BUDDHIST sources. The contrast comes out distinctly between the city-dwelling monks of Vesali and the Arahants living in solitary retreat (arafiiaka, Vin. II. 299°) and of strict tendencies.
Yasa's speech in presence of the Vesalian upāsakas is given in full extent. The disciple of Revata, whom the Vajji monks bring over to their side (Mah. 4. 30) is called Uttara. It is also characteristic that the orthodox monks before they undertake the refutation of the heresies first assure themselves of the 20nsent of Sabbakaimi, the Samghathera at that time. p
The number of those taking part in the Council is given unanimously as 700. The Dip. and the Mah. set the time of the Council in the eleventh year of the reign of Kalasoka (-383382 B.C.), later documents put it in the tenth year. The locality is generally considered to be the Valikarima. Only the Dip, (5.29) mentions the Kutagarasala of the Mahavana monastery, I do not think we neel attach any importance to this discrepancy, which probably takes its rise in some misunderstanding.
Still it is of importance that the Dip. 5. 30 foll. states, to complete the narrative, that the heretical monks held a separate Council, called Mahasamgiti, and that they here
the Translation, note to 4. 9. See for further observations L. Lo E LA VALLÉE PoUssIN, Le Muséon, N.S. vi (1905), p. 276 foll. ; Ind. Ant. 37 (1908), p. 88 foll.
1 C. V. XII. 2. 4-6 = Vin. II, p. 30319 foll. ° C. W. XII. 2. 9 (= Vin. II. 307*°) ; Dip. 4. 52 ; Mah. 4. 62 ; Smp. 2947. But when the Dip. 5. 20 speaks of 1,200,000 who took part in the Council it does not contradict itself in this. By this naturally exaggerated number the Dip, means those who took part in the General Assembly. Mah. 4. 60 and Simp. 294o give for this the same number.
3 Dīp. 4.44, 47; Mah. 4. 8. Cf. Mahābodhiv. 96o; Sāsanav. 71 * ; Nik. Samgr 4.
* Mah. 4. 50, 63; Simp. 94o; Mahābodhiv. 96o; Säsanav. 6to; Nik. Samgr. 6“.

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made out a different redaction of the Canonical Scriptures, With this may be compared the brief notice in Mah. 5. 3-4, according to which the heretical monks of the Second Council, under the name Mahāsamghika, formed a separate sect, a the first branching-off from the orthodox doctrine.
In the NoRTHERN TRADITION we have accounts of the second Council in the Dulva, from the Tibetan historian Taranatha', from Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang.
As according to the Southern sources so according to these accounts the ten points of the Vajji monks form the startingpoint of the movement.
As to the date there is great uncertainty. In he same way, with respect to the place, the tradition wavers between Vaisall and Pataliputra. Of the famous theras of the Second Council mentioned in the Southern scriptures we meet the following in the Northern :-Sarvakama = Sabbakami, Yasa = Yasa, Salha = Salha, Sambhüta = Sambhüta, Sânavāsī, Revata = Revata, Kuyyasobhita (?) = Khujjasobhita
and Ajita = Ajita.
The Third Council.
With respect to the Third Council we must, in the first place, depend on SouTHERN BUDDHIST soul RcEs since it has up to this time been accepted that the Northern Buddhist took no account of this Assembly of the Church. Our oldest source is the Dīp. 7. 34-43, 44-59; then comes Simp. 30627 foll., then Mah. 5. 228 foll. Respecting the course of events we may refer to the translation following below, since no essential differences exist.
The president of the Council was Tissa Moggaliputta, the place Pataliputta, also called Kusumapura, “the city of flowers'. As date, the year 236 A. B. = 247 B. c. is given, Dip. 7. 37, 44.5
See RocKHILL, Life of the Buddha, pp. 171-180. * Täranütha's Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien, übersetzt von ScHIEFNER, p. 41 foll. Cf. WAssILJEw, Der Buddhismus, p. 61 foll.
* BEAL, l. l., i, p. liv ; ii, pp. 74-75 ; LEGGE, l. l., p. 75. * On these wavering traditions see below. o Cf. Sāsanav. i, p. 8, o; Nik. Samgr. 9“. When Dīp. 1. 24, 25 says

Introduction . lvii
The Mah. 5. 280 says that the Council was concluded in the seventeenth year of the reign of Asoka. It lasted, according to both chronicles, nine months. Thus, according to FLEET's reckoning, the Council began in the middle of January 247 B.C. and came to an end at the end of October in the same year.
Now with respect to the trustworthiness of the Southern Buddhist accounts of the Councils I have arrived at the following conclusion. Here, as elsewhere, a genuine historical reminiscence underlies the tradition. This holds good of all three Councils. A general framework of facts is given with some few data deeply engraved in memory. But within this framework, even in the oldest form of the tradition, all kinds of details were introduced which correspond to the opinions and circumstances of later times. We must keep to the most general statements if we would come near the historical truth. Everything special and particular should be looked upon with a certain scepticism.
For the FIRST CouncIL we need not hesitate to extract as the historical kernel of the tradition, the fact that, after the Buddha's death, his nearest disciples assembled in the capital of the country to establish the most important rules of the Order as, according to their recollection, the Master himself had laid them down. This may then have formed the groundwork of the later Vinaya. That the Buddhist canon was established then and there in the form in which we now have it, a form that can only be the fruit of centuries of development, is naturally out of the question. We see indeed how that the First Council took place four months after the Nirvana and the Third Council 118 years later there is here a manifest error, for which the clumsiness of the author of the Dip. is responsible. The date 118 is evidently reckoned from the Second Council, mention of which has dropped out, and it refers, as in Mah. 5. 100, not to the beginning of the Third Council, but to the birth of Moggaliputta Tissa. See Dīp. 5. 55. * .
J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 426. * See RHYs DAVIDs, Dialogues, i, x-xx; Buddhist India, p. 161 foll. ; OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. x foll.

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the tradition itself adds new details. Speaking at first only of Vinaya and Dhamma, it then, in a later form, makes the Abhidhamma also take its rise in the First Council.
In my interpretation I attach special importance to the episode of Purana (see p. liii). It gives the impression of a genuine historical reminiscence, the more so since it is just of such a nature as to diminish the authority of the theras of the First Council. There was therefore certainly no reason to invent this story. As a statement of fact, however, it has no meaning unless there had really been beforehand some proposal to establish the teachings of the Buddha.
Certainly not very much more than this can be proved to be historical in the account of the First Council. The narrator in the C.V. adheres in his narrative to the Mahaparinibbana-sutta (D. Sutta XVI = D. II, p. 72 foll.). This has been convincingly demonstrated by OLDENBERG and in greater detail by FRANKE.' I should not therefore like to attach most importance, as does L. DE LAVALLEE PoussIN, precisely to the episode of Ananda's failings and the punishment of Channa. They may very well have been incorporated in the account only because they exist in the Sutta D. XVI. It is not even certain whether it was just the frivolous words of Subhadda that brought about the holding of the Council, here too it may be that the narrator has only followed the Sutta in making this fact a motive for the Council.
In that case OLDENBERG's objection to the historical character
* Vin. Pit. i, p, xxvi folt. o J. P.T.S. 1908, p. 8 foll. * Ind. Ant. 1908, pp. 15 16. 18. * FRANKE, l. l., p. 18, foll., observes very atly that in C.V. XI and XII the precept of D. XVI. 6. 2 ( = D. II, p. 154) concerning the use of bhante and a vu so, has been strictly retained. Here, again, thi narrator's dependence, as to form, on the Mahiparinibbana-sutta is evident. Because he found the precept in the sutta, he retains it in his account. But when FRANKE then goes so far as to argue that the accounts of the Council in C.W. were only invented to illustrate that question of etiquette, that they were therefore more or less readings in “good form for bhikkhus in all events and circumstances', there are assuredly few who will follow him. I am quite unable to do so.
o L. l. Cf. also RHYs DA v Los, Buddhist Suttas (S.B. E. xi), General

Introduction lix
of the First Council disappears. He is of opinion that, since Subhadda's words are mentioned, in the MahaparinibbanaSutta, there must also have been some allusion to the Council if it really was brought about by those words. According to my view the Council- or whatever this assembly of monks in Rajagaha may be called-is the established fact (see above). If the introduction of the narrative in the C.V. really should not be in agreement with the Sutta D. XVI, which I will only assume but without yielding the point, then the fact of the Council itself is not put aside. In that case the narrator, looking for a motive or means of introducing the Council, found it in that passage of the Sutta, a connexion which did not correspond to the reality.
The SECOND and THIRD CouncIL must be discussed together. It is historically confirmed, I think, that the first schism in the Church proceeded from Vesali and that the dasa vatthiini of the Vajji-monks brought it about. But it is doubtful when this separation resulted, where it took place, and whether after this Second Council yet a third took place and at what time.
According to the Southern Buddhist tradiuion, as we saw, the Second Council was held in Vesali itself under king Kalasoka in the year 383/2 B.C., the third under Dhammasoka in Pataliputta in the year 247 B.C. The first led to the separation of the Mahasamghikas from the Theravada. The second led to the expulsion from the community of certain elements wrongfully intruded there.
My opinion now is that this distinction between two separate Councils is in fact correct. The Northern Buddhists have mistakenly fused the two into one as they confounded the kings Kalasoka and Dhammasoka one with another. But traces of the right tradition are still preserved
Introduction, p. xi foll. JAcoBI, Z. D.M.G. 34, p. 185, is, however, not inclined to give such great weight to the argumentum e silentio.
RHYs DAVIDs, Dialogues, ii. 76,77, has discussed the value of the evidence as to the First Council, and arrived at a somewhat similar conclusion.

Page 33
lx Introduction
in the wavering uncertain statements as to the time and place of the Council.
According to the Tibetan tradition in the Dulva, the first schism occurred 160 years after the death of the Buddha, when king Dharmasoka reigned in Kusumapura. But the same source (ROCKHILL, p. 86) also records an assembly which took place in Pataliputra 137 years after the Nirvana, under Mahãpadma and Nanda.
In Chinese sources' we find the same uncertainty. The Council that led to the first schism is in these placed now l00, now ll 6, now 160 years after the Buddha's death.
As the place of the Council Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang mention Vaisali. But according to the Dulva (R., p. 182) the schism arose in Kusumapura (i.e. Pataliputra). Taranatha (p.4-l) speaks of the ten points taught by the heretical monks of Vaisali and which gave occasion for a Council that took place in Kusumapura. The Chinese sources too (see St. J., d.l.) mention Pāțaliputra.
Evidently, as has been said, the failure to distinguish between the two Asokas was the cause of the whole confusion. This is plain from the fact that with respect to this king's date we find the same contradictions in the Northern sources. Hiuen-thsang knows only one Asoka, Dharmasoka, the historical king of the third century B.C. But he puts him lo0 years after the Nirvana, that is, he gives him the period of the earlier Asoka. For hardly any scholar will admit now, I believe, that Buddha died in the fourth century B.C.; moreover, Hiuen-thsang, as we saw (see above, p. xliv), names also Dharmasoka as the founder of Pataliputra, although we know beyond dispute that Pataliputra was the capital of the country before his time. He has thus transferred to Dharmasoka, the son of Candragupta, a tradition which related to an earlier
king.
According to Bhavya, in RoCKHILL, Life of the Buddha, p. 182.
* ST. JULIEN. Journ. As., V. Série, t. Xiv, pp. 343, 333, 336. Cf. below, Appendix B.
* See above. p. lvi, n. 3. Fai-hian, however, does not express himself so definitely as Hiuen-thsang.

Introduction lixi
In the Tibetan sources Asoka is generally dated 100-160 years after the Nirvana. But there is beside this an allusion which, in agreement with the Southern tradition, places him 234 years after the Buddha.
Taranatha says that in the Tibetan Vinaya the date ll0 A.B. is given for Asoka, but that in the other sources the dates are 210. and 220.
Lastly, in the Chinese Tripitaka there are, according to TAKAKUsU, four dates for Asoka : 1.16 A.B., 118 A.B., 130 A.B., and 218 A. B. The last-mentioned date, however, is found apparently only in the Chinese Sudarsana-vibhas a Vinaya, which is a t. anslation of Buddhaghosa's Samantapasadika.'
But there is something more. The Northern writings are very familiar with the ten points raised by the monks of Vaisal and the schism produced by them. But they also know of another division associated with the names of the monks Mahadeva and Bhadra. These latter set up five dogmas which were also expressed in brief aphorisms and which led to a schism. In Vasumitra's account the confusion is complete when he relates that somewhat more than 100 years after the Nirvana, under king Asoka in Pataliputra the schism of the Mahasamghikas resulted from the five dogmas, which are then described. Here then, finally, the five dogmas of Mahadeva are confounded with the ten points of the Vajji-monks.
It is perhaps not too daring to conjecture that in this division associated with the name of Mahadeva there is a reminiscence of the proceedings that brought about the Third Council. But this conjecture is now also confirmed by an acute observation of L. DE LA WALLÉE. PoussIN. He
. See RocKHILL, l. l., p. 233.
o Transl. by Schiefner, p. 42.
A Record of the Buddhist Religion by I-TsING, transl. by TAKAKUSU, p. 14, n. 1, p. 217.
See esp. Taranditha, p. 51; Bhavya in RocKHILL, l. l., p. 186; WAssILJEw, Der Buddhismus, i, pp. 62-63.
See RocKHILL, l. l., p. 187, p. 1.

Page 34
lxii Introduction
establishes the fact that the five dogmas of Mahadeva belong to those which are combated in the Kathavatthu. But the Kathāvatthu was composed (see Mah. 5. 278) by Moggaliputta Tissa on the occasion of the Council of Pataliputta.
Thus a new link has been found between the Northern and Southern tradition of the Third Council. I adhere, therefore, to the assumption that a second Council took place under Kalaisoka and a third under Dhammasoka.
The course of events at the Second Council may, taken as a whole, be as the Southern and Northern sources relate. The l0 points' are historical, and we must also regard as historical the names of the theras concerned in resulting them. Moreover, the division of the community, till then united, into two schools is, as I believe, a fact. But we must not exaggerate our notion of the harshness of this separation.
With the toleration peculiar to the Indians the different sects have always mutually recognized each other and kept up relations with each other. I may refer to the beautiful utterance attributed by Vasumitra to the Buddha concerning the
Buddhist notes. The five Points of Mahadeva and the Kathavatthu, J. R.A.S. 1910, p. 413 foll.
o W. A. SMITH, J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 827 foll. and particularly p. 839 foll., argues thus: As there are two different traditions concerning the time of the Second Council the Southern tradition has invented a second Asoka in addition to the historical one, and out of one Council has made two. It will be seen that my argument follows the exactly opposite course: as there were two Asokas the Northern tradition has confounded the two Councils which took place in their time. SMITH's argument has the defect of not explaining how the different tradition regarding the Second Council arose.
That an extraordinarily great age is attributed of certain theras need hardly be brought forward as testimony against the general trustworthiness of the account (KERN, Manual, p. 105). These are the embellishments by which it was intended to exalt the authority of the theras. In like manner an age of 150 years is attributed to the first Patriarch of the Dhyana Sect in China, Bodhidharma. (Suzuki, J.P. T.S. 1906-7, pp. 11, 13.) Besides, the Yasa of the Second Council was certainly not the Yasa who in M.W. I. 7 foll. appears as a contemporary of the Buddha. He is distinguished from this latter by the epithet Kākaņģa katrajo. O

Introduction lxiii
twelve future schools: These schools will be the repositories of the diversified fruits of my scriptures without priority or inferiority-just as the taste of sea-water is everywhere the same-or as the twelve sons of one man all honest and true, so will be the exposition of my doctrine advocated by these schools.
We may conjecture that the Second Council contributed to the completion of the Vinaya and the Dhamma, though C.V. XII does not expressly speak of it. That may have been taken as a matter of course. Besides, in the concluding words (C.V. XII. 2. 9) the second Council, like the first, is designated Vinaya sang iti.
At the time of the Third Council the canonical literature of the Dhamma and Vinaya, as we now have it in the Pali recension, was evidently completed in essentials. This is. proved by mention of portions of the canon in the inscription of Bairät. Here Ašoka recommends seven scriptures for particular study. Of these scriptures six can be pointed out with more or less certainty in the Pali canon.”
And now, besides, the literary movement is proceeding which leads to the compilation of the Abhidhamma. We see this from the allusion, already mentioned above, in Mah. 5. 278, according to which Moggaliputta Tissa in order to refute the errors which brought about the Third Council, composed his Kathavatthuppakarana, But this work belongs to the Abhidhamma. uw
The importance of the Councils, from the standpoint of the orthodox, lay in the elimination of tendencies which could no longer be regarded as consistent with the faith. But of higher importance was the resolve formed in Pataliputra to bear Buddhism beyond the borders of its narrower home. With this Buddhism entered on its victorious progress through the Eastern World.
1. See BEAL, Ind. Ant. ix, 1880, p. 300.
* OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. xl ; Z. D.M.G. 52, p. 634 foll., against MINAYEFF, Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, pp. 83-92 ; RHYS DAVIDs, Dialogие8, i, p. хііі.

Page 35
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
A = Ahguttara-Nikaya (ed. MoRRIs and HARDY, 5 vols., Pali Text
Soc. 1885-1900). Vol. vi, Indexes by Miss HUNT, 1910. Asl. = Atthasalini (ed. E. MüLLER, P.T.S., 1897). B.R. = Sanskrit-Wörterbuch von BöHTLINGK und RocH, 7 vols., St.
Petersburg, 1855-1875. C.W. = Cullavagga (the Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, vol. ii, 1880). D. = Digha-Nikaya (ed. RHYS DAVIDs and CARPENTER, 3 vols.,
P.T.S. 1890-1911). Dip. = Dipavamsa (ed. and transl. OLDENBERG, 1879). I. A. = Indian Antiquary. J.As. = Journal Asiatique. Jat. = Jaitaka (ed. FAUsBöLL, 7 vols., 1877-1897). J.P.T.S. = Journal of the Pali Text Society. J.R.A.S. = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Kamb. Mah. = Kambodja, Mahāvannsa (s. HARDY, J.P.T.S. 1902-3,
p. 61 foll.). M. - Majhima-Nikāya (ed.TRENCKNERand CHALMERs, 3 vols., P.T.S.
1888-1899). Mah. ed. = Mahāvannsa (ed. W. GEIGER, P.T.S. 1908). M.Bv. = Mahäbodhivamsa (ed. STRoNG, P.T.S. 1901). M.W. = Mahavagga (The Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, vol. i., 1879). P.D. = Dictionary of the Pali Language, by CHILIDERs, 1875. Win. Pit. = The Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, 5 vols., 1879-1883. S. = Samyutta Nikaya (ed. FEER, 5 vols., P.T.S. 1884-1898; vol. 6;
Indexes by Mrs. RHYs DAVIDs, 1904). S.B.B. - Sacred Books of the Buddhists. S.B.E. = Sacred Books of the East. Simp. = Samanta-Pāsādikā (Introd. to S. in Win. Piț. iı, p. 283 foll.). Sum. = Sumahgala-Vilasini (ed. RHYs DAVIDs and CARPENTER, vol.i,
P.T.S. 1886). Z.D.M.G. = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft.

Page 36
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Ancient Names thus:- Parjali
Modern Names thus:- Jaffna
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- Bintenne
a Aaduru A Badulla یہ ممکننگھنٹوء) Calombo །།།། Ν 习 toCúlarganiyapithi
2。
Javamala
tahălaka .
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

THE MAHAVAMSA
CHAPTER I
TIIE VISIT OF THE TATHÄGATA
HAVING made obeisance to the Sambuddha the pure, sprung of a pure race, I will recite the Mahāvamsa, of varied content and lacking nothing. That (Mahavamsa) which was compiled by the ancient (sages) was here too long drawn out and there too closely knit; and contained many repetitions. Attend ye
now to this (Mahavamsa) that is free from such faults, easy
to understand and remember, arousing serene joy and emotion and handed down (to us) by tradition,-(attend ye to it) while that ye call up serene joy and emotion (in you). at passages that awaken serene joy and emotion.
On seeing the Sambuddha Dīpamkara, in olden times, our Conqueror resolved to become a Buddha, that he might release the world from evil. When he had offered homage to that Sambuddha and likewise to Kondaiia and to the sage Mangala, to Sumana, to the Buddha Revata and likewise to the great sage Sobhita, to the Sambuddha. Anomadassi, to Paduma and to the Conqueror Narada, to the Sambuddha Padumuttara and to the Tathâgata Sumedha, and to Sujata, to Piyadassi and to the Master Atthadassi, to Dhammadassi and Siddhattha, to Tissa and the Conqueror Phussa, to Vipassi and the Sambuddha Sikhi, and the Sambuddha Vessabhu, the mighty one, to the Sambuddha
Read janayanta, referring the participle to the subject implied
in sun otha. The terms pa sada “serene joy ' and sam vega
"emotion' occur also in the postscripts of the single chapters of
the Mah. Pas āda signifies the feeling of blissfulness, joy and satis
'action in the doctrine of the Buddha, salm vega, the feeling of horror
and recoil from the world and its misery. See also 23. 62 with note. B

Page 37
10
11
2
13
14
2 Mahāvamsa Ι. 1 0
Kakusandha, and likewise to Konagamana, as also to the blessed Kassapa, -having offered homage to these twenty-four Sambuddhas and having received from them the prophecy of his (future) buddhahood he, the great hero, when he had fullfilled all perfections and reached the highest enlightenment, the sublime Buddha Gotama, delivered the world from suffering.
At Uruvela, in the Magadha country, the great sage, sitting at the foot of the Bodhi-tree, reached the supreme enlightenment on the full-moon day of the month Vesäkha.3 Seven weeks he tarried there, mastering his senses, while that he himself knew the high bliss of deliverance and let (others) behold its felicity. Then he went to Baranasi and set rolling the wheel of the law; and while he dwelt there through the rain-months, he brought sixty (hearers) to arahantship. When he had sent forth these bhikkhus to preach the doctrine, and when he had converted the thirty companions of the
The ten parami. Cf. Jait. i. p. 20 foll. The idea is late and not found in the four Nikayas. See RHY's DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 177; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 66.
Buddh Gaya, or Bodh Gaya in Gaya district, Bengal. The second month in the ordinary Indian lunar year, answering in the time of Buddha to part of March and part of April. The names of the Indian lunar months are as follows :-
(1) Citta = February: March or March : April. (2) Vesã kha, March: April or April: May.
(3) Jețțha = April: May or May : June.
(4) Å sālha = May: June or June: July.
(5) Sāvaņa = June: July or July : August. (6) Potthapada = July: August or August: September. (7) Assayuja = August: September or September: October. (8) Kattika s= September: October or October: November. (9) Magga sira = October: November or November : December. (10) Phussa = November: December or December: January. (11) Magha. = December: January or January: February.
(12) Phagguna = January: February or February: March. See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 6.
* Vasi. A play on this word and vasi 'he tarriedo. o With the whole passage cf. Mah. ed., p. iii. o Sațțhinn arah at ann alkā. Ar a ha tam as a gen. plural is dependent on the numeral. Literally: he made sixty arahants.

I. 24 The Visit of the Tathagata 3
company of Bhadda, then did the Master dwell at Uruvela the winter through, for the sake of converting the thousand jatilas' led by Kassapa, making them ripe (for deliverance).
Now since a great sacrifice by Kassapa of Uruvela was near at hand, and since he saw that this latter would fain have him away, he, the victorious over enemies, went to seek alms among the Northern Kurus; and when he had eaten his meal at evening time near the lake Anotatta, the Conqueror, in the ninth month of his buddhahood, at the full moon of Phussa, himself set forth for the isle of Lanka, to win Lanka. for the faith." For Lanka was known to the Conqueror as a place where his doctrine should (thereafter) shine in glory; and (he knew that) from Lanka, filled with the yakkhas, the yakkhas must (first) be driven forth.
And he knew also that in the midst of Lanka, on the fair river bank, in the delightful Mahanaga garden, three yojanas long and a yojana wide, the (customary) meeting-place for the yakkhas, there was a great gathering of (all), the yakkhas dwelling in the island. To this great gathering of that yakkhas went the Blessed One, and there, in the midst of that assembly, hovering in the air over their heads, at the place of the (future) Mahiyangana-thupa, he struck terror
o For the conversion of the Tim sa Bhadda vaggiyā see M.V. I. 14.
Jatila, ascetics wearing the hair long and matted. See M.W. I。15f、
Lit. after he had known this latter's wish that he should not come. The Uttara Kuru are a half-mythological people, dwelling in the north of India.
One of the seven great lakes, situated in the Himalaya mountains. The tenth month of the lunar year. See note on 1. 12. 7 Lit. to purify, to cleanse (viso dhe turn). Laika = Ceylon. o From the ňātā (N. Si. F.) in the first line another îůātā (N. Pl. M.) must be understood with yakkhā nibbāsiyā (Part. Fut. Pass., Skr. nir-vas, Caus.) in the second line of the verse, to complete the sentence.
According to tradition the Bintenne-dagaba (TENNENT, Ceylon, ii, pp. 420-421), on the right bank of the Mahawaeliganga, which is called mahāgaṁ gā, or simply ga ñgā in the Mah.
в 2
16
20
2)
22
23
24

Page 38
25
27
28
p
31
4 Mahavamsa I. 25
to their hearts by rain, storm, darkness and so forth. The yakkhas, overwhelmed by fear, besought the fearless Vanquisher to release them from terrors, and the Vanquisher, destroyer of fear, spoke thus to the terrified yakkhas: “I will banish this your fear and your distress, Oyakkhas, give ye here to me with one accord a place where I may sit down. The yakkhas thus answered the Blessed One: "We all, O Lord, give you even the whole of our island. Give us release from our fear. Then, when he had destroyed their terror, cold and darkness, and had spread his rug of skin on the ground that they bestowed on him, the Conqueror, sitting there, made the rug to spread wide, while burning flame surrounded it. Daunted by the burning heat thereof and terrified, they stood around on the border. Then did the Saviour cause the pleasant Giridipa to come here near to them, and when they had settled there, he made it return to its former place. Then did the Saviour fold his rug of skin; the devas assembled, and in their assembly the Master preached them the doctrine. The conversion of many kotis of living beings took place, and countless were those who came unto the (three) refuges and the precepts of duty.
Lit. he made for them a means of terror, consisting of rain, storm, -darkness and so forth.
* Lit. who confers fearlessness (or freedom from peril), a play on the words ab haya and bhaya. See 37.30.
Lit. piece of hide. It would be a mistake to look for a clear geographical statement. The underlying notion here expressed is simply that the yakkhas were driven back to the highlands (giri) in the interior of the island. They are still to be found in Ceylon in later times. The meaning of dipa was formerly a wider one; a later tradition has brought it to mean 'island' in our sense. Cf. also Naga dipa as name of a part of Ceylon itself (1.47 with note).
"The term dhammabhisamaya (see CHILDERs, P. D., s. v.) means "the attainment by an unconverted man of one of the four paths (of sanctification). Koti is an indefinite great number, according to the Indiam system equal to ten millions.
o Sara, ņ e su ca sīles u țhita is the expression for the adherence of the laity. They take their refuge (sarana) in the Buddha, his
doctrine and his community, and undertake to keep certain binding commandments. See notes to 1.62.

I. 44 The Visit of the Tathagata 5
The prince of devas, Mahāsumana of the Sumanakŭitamountain, who had attained to the fruit of entering into the path of salvation, craved of him who should be worshipped, something to worship. The Conqueror, the (giver of) good to living beings, he who had pure and blue-black locks, passing his hand over his (own) head, bestowed on him a handful of hairs. And he, receiving this in a splendid golden urn, when he had laid the hairs upon a heap of many-coloured gems, seven cubits round, piled up at the place where the Master had sat, covered them over with a thupa of sapphire and worshipped them.
When the Sambuddha had died, the thera named Sarabhu, disciple of the tuera Sariputta, by his miraculous power received, even from the funeral pyre, the collar-bone of the Conqueror and brought it hither (to Lanka), and, with the bhikkhus all around him, he there laid it in that same cetiya, covered it over with golden-coloured stones, and (then he), the worker of miracles, having made the thipa twelve cubits high, departed again from thence. The son of king Devánampiyatissa's brother, named Uddhacalabhaya, saw the wondrous cetiya and (again) covered it over and made it thirty cubits high. The king Dutthaga
33
34
3.
36
37
38
39
40
41
mani, dwelling there while he made war upon the Damilas,
built a mantle cetiya over it eighty cubits high. Thus was the Mahiyangana-thupa completed. When he had thus made our island a fit dwelling-place for men, the mighty ruler, valiant as are great heroes, departed for Uruvela.
Here ends the Visit to Mahiyangana.
Now the most compassionate Teacher, the Conqueror, rejoicing in the salvation of the whole world, when dwelling
Sumanakita is the Adam's Peak.
Sotapatti is the stage of a sota, panna who has entered the stream", who has attained to the first grade of sanctification, a converted man. As to the second and third grade see the notes to 15.18 and 13. 17.
On medavannapasana, stones of the (golden, or cream) colour of fat, fat-coloured, see Mah. ed., p. 355.
See note to 15, 167.
42
4分
44

Page 39
45
46
47
4S
%ـ: املا
53
6 Mahāvaņinsa, II. 45
at Jetavana, in the fifth year of his buddhahood, saw that a war, caused by a gem-set throne, was like to come to pass between the nāgas Mahodara and Cullodara, uncle and nephew, and their followers; and he, the Sambuddha, on the uposathaday of the dark half of the month Citta, in the early morning, took his sacred alms-bowl and his robes, and, from compassion for the nagas, sought the Nagadipa.
That same naga Mahodara was then a king, gifted with miraculous power, in a niga-kingdom in the ocean, that covered half a thousand yojanas. His younger sister had been given (in marriage) to the naga-king on the Kannavaddhamanamountain; her son was Cullodara. His mother's father had given to his mother a splendid throne of jewels, then the naga had died and therefore this war of nephew with uncle was threatening; and also the nagas of the mountains were armed with miraculous power.
The deva named Samiddhisumana took a rajayatana-tree standing in Jetavana, his own fair habitation, and, holding it like a parasol over the Conqueror, he, with the Teacher's leave, attended him to that spot where he had formerly dwelt. That very deva had been, in his latest birth, a man in Nagadipa. On the spot where thereafter the rajayatana-tree stood, he saw paccekabuddhas taking their meal. And at the sight his heart was glad and he offered branches to cleanse the almsbowl. Therefore he was reborn in that tree in the pleasant Jetavana-garden, and it (the tree) stood afterwards outside at the side of the gate-rampart. The God of all gods saw (in this) an advantage for that deva, and, for the sake of the good which should spring (therefrom) for our land, he brought him hither (to Lanka) together with his tree.
Hovering there in mid-air above the battlefield the Master, A park and monastery near Savatthi in the Kosala country (see
VogEL, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 971 foll), presented to the Master by Anathapiņdika. Jät. i. 92 foll. a.
* Apparently the north-western part of Ceylon. See 20, 25, with the mote.
I.e. to Nagadipa. Kotthaka 'battlemented dwelling or gateway'. See M.V. VIII. 15. 5; C.V. IV. 4. 6; S.B.E. xvii, p. 219, m. 1; xx, p. 11, n. 1.
ኳ፡

, 69 The Visit of the Tathagata 7
who drives away (spiritual) darkness, called forth dread darkness over the nagas. Then comforting those who were distressed by terror he once again spread light abroad. When they saw the Blessed One they joyfully did reverence to the Master's feet. Then preached the Vanquisher to them the doctrine that begets concord, and both nagas) gladly gave up the throne to the Sage. When the Master, having alighted on the earth, had taken his place on a seat there, and had been refreshed with celestial food and drink by the naga-kings, he, the Lord, established in the (three) refuges and in the moral precepts eighty kotis of snake-spirits, dwellers in the ocean and on the mainland.
The naga-king Maniakkhika of Kalyani, mother's brother to the naga Mahodara, who had come thither to take part in the battle, and who, aforetime, at the Buddha's first coming, having heard the true doctrine preached, had become established in the refuges and in the moral duties, prayed now to the Tathāgata: “Great is the compassion that thou hast shown us here, O Master Hadst thou not appeared we had all been consumed to ashes. May thy compassion yet light also especially on me, O thou who art rich in loving-kindness, in that thou shalt come yet again hither to my dwelling-country, O thou peerless one.' When the Lord had consented by his silence to come thither, he planted the rajayatana-tree on that very spot as a sacred memorial, and the Lord of the Worlds gave over the rajayatana-tree and the precious throne-seat to the naga-kings to do homage thereto. In remembrance that I have used these do homage to them, ye naga-kings
I. e. the Buddha.
I.e. buddha, dhamma, samgha, the Buddha, his doctrine and his community'. The Buddhist confession of faith consists in the words buddham sara nam gacchami, dhammam s. g., samgham s.g. "I take my refuge in the B. &c."
The paifica silani, which are binding on all Buddhists, are abstention from destruction of life, theft, adultery, lying, and from the use of intoxicating liquors. Cf. note to 18. 10.
* Now Kaelani, name of a river which falls into the sea, near Colombo.
Lit. 'Do homage to them as to a memorial consisting in objects used by me.'
60
61
62
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64
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68
69.

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This, well beloved, will bring to pass blessing and happiness 70 for you.’ When the Blessed One had uttered this and other
exhortation to the nāgas, he, the compassionate saviour of all
the world, returned to Jetavana.
Here ends the Wisit to Nagadipa.
71 In the third year after this, the naga-king Maniakkhika sought out the Sambuddha and invited him, together with the 72 brotherhood. In the eighth year after he had attained to buddhahood, when the Vanquisher was dwelling in Jetavana, 78 the Master, set forth surrounded by five hundred bhikkhus, on the second day of the beautiful month of Vesikha, at the fullnoon, and when the hour of the meal was announced the 74 Vanquisher, prince of the wise, forthwith putting on his robe and taking his alms-bowl went to the Kalyani country, the 75 habitation of Maņiakkhika. Under a canopy decked with gems, raised upon the spot where (afterwards) the Kalyanicetiya was built, he took his place, together with the brother76 hood of bhikkhus, upon a precious throne-seat. And, greatly rejoicing, the nāga-king with his following served celestial food, both hard and soft, to the king of truth, the Conqueror, with his followers. 77 When the Teacher, compassionate to the whole world, had preached the doctrine there, he rose, the Master, and left the 78 traces of his footsteps plain to sight on Sumanakita. And after
he had spent the day as it pleased him at the foot of this . mountain, with the brotherhood, he set forth for Dighavapi. 79 And there the Master seated himself with the brotherhood at the place where the cetiya (thereafter) stood, and gave himself 80 up to meditation, to consecrate the spot. Then arose the Great Sage from that place, and knowing well which places were fit and which unfit he went to the place of the (later) Mahamegha
81 vanārama. After he had seated himself with his disciples at
The Dighavapi is probably the Kandiya-kattu tank in the Eastern Province, about 30 miles SSW. from Batticaloa. A large dagaba is said to be in the neighbourhood of the tank. PARKER, Ancient Сеylon, pp. 318, 396.
* The Mahameghavana was a park south of the capital Anuradha

I. 84 The Visit of the Tathagata , 9
the place, where the sacred Bodhi-tree came afterwards to be, the Master gave himself up to meditation; and likewise there where the Great Thupal stood (in later days) and there also 82 where (afterwards) the thupa in the Thtiparima stood. Then when he rose up from meditation he went to the place of the (later) Silacetiya,3 and after the Leader of the assembly (of 83 bhikkhus) had uttered exhortation to the assembly of devas, het, the Enlightened, who has trodden all the paths of enlightenment, returned thence to Jetavana.
Thus the Master of boundless wisdom, looking to the 84 Salvation of Lanka inftime to come, and knowing in that time the highest sood for the hosts of asuras and nagas and so forth in Lanka, visited this fair island three times-he, the compassionate Enlightener of the world;-therefore this isle, radiant with the light of truth, came to high honour among faithful believers.
Here ends the Visit to Kalyani.
Here ends the first chapter, called “The Visit of the Tathagata, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious,
pura and was presented to the priesthood as an arama or monastery by the king Devanampiyatissa. See 15.8 foll. and note to 11. 2.
The Ruwanwaeli-dagaba of Anuradhapura. SMITHER, Architectural Iemains, A nu rádhapura, p. 23 foll. ; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 279 foll.
* A monastery in Anurādhapura. SMITHER, l. c., p. 1 foll.; PARKER, l. c., p. 263 foll. Cf. note to 17. 30. ܡ
I.e. 'Stone-cetiya, now Selacaitya in Anuradhapura. SMITHER, l.c., p. 55; PARKER, l. c., p. 297 foll.

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1.
2
6
CHAPTER III
THE RACE OF MAHASAMMATA
SPRUNG of the race of king Mahasammata was the Great Sage. For in the beginning of this age of the world there was a kung named Mahasammata, and (the kings) Roja and Vararoja, and the two Kalyanakas, Uposatha and Mandhatar and the two, Caraka and Upacara, and Cetiya and Mucala and he who bore the name Mahamucala, Mucalinda and Sagara and he who bore the name Sagaradeva; Bharata and Angirasa and Ruci and also Suruci, Patapa and Mahapatapa and the two Panadas likewise, Sudassana and Neru, two and two; also Accima. His sons and grandsons, these twenty-eight princes whose lifetime was immeasurably (long), dwelt in Kusavati, Rajagaha, and Mithila. Then followed a hundred kings, and (then) fifty-six, and (then) sixty,
I.e. Kalyāņa and Varakalyāņa. Dīp. 3. 6. * Panāda and Mahāpanāda, Sudassana and Mahāsudassana, Neru and Mahaneru.
* Ku sāvatī is the later Kusinārā. See note on 3. 2. Rājaga ha, now Rajgir, was the capital of Magadha, and Mithila, situated in the Bengal district Tirhut, that of Videha.
The dynasties from Accima, to Kalarajanaka are dealt with in detail in Dip. 3. 14-37. Besides (i) the number of the princes sprung of each dynasty, the (ii) capital cities of each period, and (iii) the last king of each line are mentioned. The numbers and names are these :
100 at Pakula (?) the last being Arindana.
56 , Ayujjha sy , Duppasaha. 60 Banຊິກູasi sy ,, Ajitajana. 84,000 , Kapilanagara ,, Brahmadatta.
36 , , Hatthipura y , Kambalavasabha. 32 ,, Ekacakkhū 發發 ,, Purindadadeva. 28 Wajira 99 , Sādhina.
22 ,, Madhurā 爱弹 , Dhammagutta.

II. 15 The Race of Mahasammata 11
eighty-four thousand, and then further thirty-six, thirty-two, 8 twenty-eight, then further twenty-eight, eighteen, seventeen, fifteen, fourteen; nine, seven, twelve, then further twenty- 9 five; and (again) twenty-five, twelve and (again) twelve, and yet again nine and eighty-four thousand with Makhadeva 1 coming at the head, and (once more) eighty-four thousand with Kalarajanaka at the head; and sixteen even unto 1 Okkaka; these descendants (of Mahasammata) reigned in groups in their due order, each one in his capital.
The prince Okkamukha was Okkaka's eldest son; Nipuna, 1 Candima, Candamukha and Sivisamjaya, the great king 1 Vessantara, Jali, and Shavahana and Sihassara : these were his sons and grandsons. Eighty-two thousand in number were 1 the royal sons and grandsons of king Sihassara; Jayasena
was the last of them. They are known as the Sakya kings 1:
of Kapilavatthu. The great king Sihahanu was Jayasena's
18 at Arithapura the last being Sitthi.
17 , Indapatta sy , Brahmadeva. 15 , Ekacakkhu ,, Baladatta. 14 , Kosambī १ १ ,, Bhaddadeva.
9 , Kaņiņagoccha , , Naradeva. 7 ,, Rojānanagara ,, ,, Mahinda. 12 , Campā , Nāga deva. 25 , Mithilā , Buddhadatta. 25 , Rājagaha s ,, Dipanpnkara. 12 , Takkasilā 旁? ” , Tālis sara. 12 „ Kusinārā s , , Purinda.
9 , Malitthiya 穷臀 , Sāgaradeva.
The son of Sagaradeva was Makhadeva; the dynasty of Makhadeva. (84,000) reigned in Mithila. The last prince was Nemiya, father of Kalirajanaka. These were followed by Samamkura, then by Asoka; this was followed by a dynasty of 84,000 princes reigning in Baranasi. The last was Wijaya. He was followed by Vijitasema, Dhammasena, Nāgasena, Samatba, Disampati, Reņu, Kusa, Mahākusa, Navaratha, Dasaratha, Rāma, Biļāratha, Cittadassi, Atthadassi, Sujāta, Okkāka, and so om. The same in Ațțhakathā, Mah. T. 81-83*°. The Kamb. Mah., v. 729-789, follows the Tīkā.
The site of Kapilavatthu, the capital of the Sakya tribe and Gotama Buddha's birthplace, is probably the present Tilaura Kot in Nepal. See RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 18 m.
O

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12 Mahāvammsa III. 16
son, and Jayasena's daughter was named Yasodhara. In Devadaha there was a prince named l)evadahasakka, Afijana and Kaccina were his two children. Raccani was the first consort of Shahanu, but the Sakka Afiliana's queen was Yasodhara. Afjana had two daughters, Mayzi and Pajipati, and also two sons, landapani and the Sakiya Suppabuddha. But Sihahanu had five sons and two daughters: Suddhodana, Dhotodana, Sakka-, Sukka-, and Amitodana, and Amita and Pamiti; these were the five suns and two daughters.
The royal consort of the Sakka Suppabuddha was Amita; she had two children: Bhaddakaccina and Devadatta. Maya, and Pajapati were Suddhodana's queens, and the son of the great king Suddlhodana and of Maya was our Conqueror.
Of this race of Mahisammata, thus succeeding, was born, in unbroken line, the Great Sage, he who stands at the head of all men of lordly birth. The consort of the prince Siddhattha, the Bodhisatta, was lBhaddakaccānā ; lher son was Rāhula.
Bimbisara and the prince Siddhattha were friends, and friends likewise were the fathers of both. The Bodhisatta was five years older than Bimbisaira; twenty-nine years old was he when he left (his father's) house. When he had striven six years and thereafter had attained to wisdom, he, being thirty-five years old, visited Bimbisara. The virtuous Bimbisara was fifteen years old when he was anointed king by his own father, and when sixteen years had gone by since his coming to the throne, the Master preached his doctrine. Two and fifty years he reigned; fifteen years of his reign passed before the meeting with the Conqueror, and yet thirtyseven years (of his reign) followed in the lifetime of the Tathāgata.
Bimbisara's son, the foolish Ajatasattu, reigned thirty-two years after he, the traitor, had slain (his father). In the eighth year of Ajatasattu the Sage entered into nibbana and thereafter did he, Ajatasattu, reign yet twenty-four years.
I.e. Sakkodana and Sukkodana.

II. 33 The IRace of Mahdisammata 13
The Tathagata, who has reached the summit of all virtue, 33 yielded himself up, albeit free, into the power of impermanence. He who shall contemplate this (same) dread-begetting impermanence shall attain unto the end of suffering.
llere ends the second chapter, called “The Race of Mahasammata', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

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CHAPTER III
THE FIRST COUNCIL
1 WHEN the Conqueror the incomparable, he who has the five eyes, had lived eighty-four years and had fulfilled all his 2 duties in the world, in all ways, then at Kusinara in the holy place between the two sala-trees, on the full-moon day of the month Wesakha, was the light of the world extinguished. 3 Beyond all reckoning in numbers, did bhikkhus assemble there and khattiyas and brahmans, vessas and suddas, and 4 gods likewise. Seven hundred thousand leading bhikkhus were among them, the thera Mahakassapa was at that time the samghatthera. 5 When he had performed all rites due to the (dead) body of the Master and the bodily relics, the great thera, desiring that 6 the doctrine of the Master might long endure, did, seven days after the Lord of the World, gifted with the ten powers, had passed into nibbana, bethinking him of the evil words of the 7 aged Subhadda and also bethinking him that he (the Master)
The five eyes possessed by the Buddha are the bodily eyes (mans acakkhu), the heavenly eye (dibba) by which he sees everything that comes to pass in the universe, the eye of understanding (knowledge), the eye of omniscience, and finally the Buddha-eye by means of which he beholds the saving truth.
* A town of the clan of the Mallas, in the territory of the present Nepal.
* * Shorea Robusta.
* On the da sa balāni, ten kinds of knowledge, peculiar to a Buddha, see KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 62; CHILDERs, P.D., s. v. b a lanqm.
Wuddha = vuddhapabbajita "who had not become a monk till he was old'. On the speech of Subhadda, see C.W. XI. 1.1 = Win. Pit. ii. 284. KERN, l. l., pp. 101-102.

III. 15 The First Council 15
had given him his garment, and had (thereby) made him equal with himself, and (bethinking him) that the Sage had commanded the establishing of the holy truth, and (lastly) that the Sambuddha's consent existed to make a compilation of the holy dhamma' appointed to this end five hundred eminent bhikkhus, who had overcome the asavas, repeaters of the ninefold doctrine and versed in all its separate parts; but there was one less (than five hundred) because of the thera Ananda." And the thera Ananda also, again and again entreated by the bhikkhus, resolved to (join with them in) that compilation of the dhamma, for it was not possible without him.
When these theras, pitiful toward the whole world, had passed half a month-seven days in the funeral ceremonies and seven in homage of the relics-and had resolved thus: Spending the rainy season in Rajagaha, we will make a compilation of the dhamma, no other (monks) must be permitted to dwell there; and when they had made their pilgrimage over Jambudipa, consoling here and there the sorrowing people, they, moved with desire that the good might long endure, betook them in the bright half of the month Asalha, to Rajagaha, (the city) richly provided with the four things needful."
After the theras, with Mahakassapa at the head, unwavering in virtue, familiar with the thought of the Sambuddha,
The Buddha gave his garment to Kassapa. On the second saram depend civarad an am the giving of the robe, and sa matte thap an am putting on a footing of equality, and then further an u gg a ham ka tam and an um atim sa tinu (Acc. Si. F. of Part. Pres. of at thi). Cf. Mah. ed., pp. xxx and li.
* Katum sad dham ma sa ngitim. Cf the mote on 8. 17.
Khina, sava, one in whom the four asavas are extinct ' is the epithet of an arahant. On as a va, see RHYs DAVIDs, Dialogues of the
Buddha, i. 92; ii. 28.
' A place must be kept for Ananda.
The continent of India.
A play upon the word sukkapakkha, used in the sense, 'bright half of the month,' and also "pure, holy side or party'.
The four paccaya of a bhikkhu are clothing, food given as alms, a dwelling-place, and medicines.
8
9
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12
3
14
15

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16 Mahāvamsa III. 16
had arrived at that place to spend the rainy season there, they busied themselves during the first of the rain-months with repairing all the dwellings, when they had announced this to Ajātasattu.
When the repair of the vihara was finished they said to the king: “Now we will hold the council. To the question, “What should be done?” they answered: “A place (should be provided) for the meetings.’ When the king had asked: “Where (these were to be)?' and the place had been pointed out by them, he with all speed had a splendid hall built by the side of the Webhara Rock by the entrance of the Sattapanni grotto, (and it was) like to the assembly-hall of the gods. When it was adorned in every way he caused precious mats to be spread according to the number of the bhikkhus. Placed on the south side and facing the north a lofty and noble seat was prepared for the thera, and in the middle of the hall a high seat was prepared for the preacher, facing the east and worthy of the blessed (Buddha) himself.
So the king bade them tell the theras: “My work is finished,” and the theras addressed the thera Ananda, the joy-bringer: “To-morrow, Ananda, the assembly (comes together); it behoves thee not to take part in it since thou art still preparing thee (for the highest state), therefore strive thou, unwearied in good.’ Thus spurred on, the thera, put forth due effort
1 Dham masa ngiti is the term for assembly of the church, council. The original meaning is general recitation of the canonical texts which, indeed, takes place in an assembly of the church and in the following manner: an eminent thera recites the texts sentence by sentence and the assembly repeats them after him in chorus. In this way dhammasamgiti is connected with dhammasa mga ha, by which we understand a settling or redaction of the canonical teacts, which also can only be carried out in the manner stated. Comp. J. P.T. S. 1909, pp. 31, 32.
* The rasana is the seat for the president, who directs the assembly , dham masa na the same for the monk who recites, the word uttama is to be taken literally.
Still a sekha, i.e. not an arahant, who has reached the highest degree. This is preceded by seven grades of preparation; he who is still at one of these is sekha "a learner'. See J. P.T.S. 1909, p. 217.

II. 36 The First Council 17
and reached the state of an arahant without being confined to any one of the four postures. V
On the second day of the second month of the rainy season 26, the bhikkhus met together in that splendid hall. Leaving a 27 fitting place vacant for Ananda, the arahants seated themselves on chairs, according to their rank. The thera Ananda, to make 28 known to them that he had reached the state of an arahant, went not with them thither. But when some asked: Where is the thera Ananda. ? he took the seat prepared for him, 29 rising out of the ground or passing through the air.
Together the theras chose the thera Upali to speak for the 30 vinaya, for the rest of the dhamma they chose Ananda. The great thera (Mahakassapa) laid on himself (the task) of 31 asking questions touching the vinaya and the thera Upali (was ready) to explain it,
Sitting in the thera's chair, the former asked the latter the 32 questions touching the vinaya; and Upali, seated in the preacher's chair, expounded (the matter). And as this best 33 master of the vinaya expounded each (clause) in turn all (the bhikkhus) knowing the custom, repeated the vinaya after him.
Then the thera (Mahakassapa) taking (the task) upon himself 34 questioned concerning the dhamma, him the chief of those who had most often heard (the word), him the treasurekeeper of the Great Seer (the Buddha); and the thera 35 Ananda, taking (the task) upon himself, taking his seat in the preacher's chair, expounded the whole dhamma. And 36
Lit. free from the iriyapath a ; the four postures of an ascetic are understood here. They are described as: standing, sitting, walking, lying down. Ananda became an arahant at the moment when he was on the point of lying down.
* Lit. 'the path of the light.' Ananda shows that he can use the miraculous powers particular to an arahant.
Lit. "as burden bearer for." Cf. B.R., Skt. Witb., s.v. dhuramdh a ra, (4).
* The vinaya contains the rules of monastic discipline, the dh a m m a the dogmatic teaching.
I.e. Āmanda.
o Ko s ārākkha, according to the Tīkā = dhammabhaņ ɖãgarika, i.e. treasurer of the truth or the true doctrine.
C

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all the (theras) knowing all that was contained in the doctrine repeated the dhamma in turn after the sage of the Videha country.
Thus in seven months was that compiling of the dhamma to save the whole world completed by those (theras) bent on the whole world's salvation. The thera Mahakassapa has made the blessed Buddha's message to endure five hundred
39 years, rejoicing in this thought, at the end of the council,
40
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42
the earth encircled by the ocean trembled six times and many wondrous signs were shown in the world in many ways. Now since the canon was compiled by the theras it was called the Thera tradition. The theras who had held the First Council and had (thereby) brought great blessing to the world, having lived their allotted span of life, entered, all, into nibbana.
Also the theras who have overcome darkness with the light of insight, those great shining lights in the conquest of the world's darkness, have been extinguished by the dread tempest of death. Therefore will the wise man renounce the joy of life.
Here ends the third chapter, called “The First Council, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The oldest account of the First Council is contained in the C.W.XI (OLDENBERG, the Vin. Pit. ii, p. 284 foll.) ; Vinaya Teacts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 370 foll.

CHAPTER IV
THE SECOND COUNCIL
WHEN Ajatasattu's son Udayabhaddaka had slain him he, 1 the traitor, reigned sixteen years. Udayabhaddaka's son 2 Anuruddhaka slew (his father) and Anuruddha's son named Munda did likewise. Traitors and fools, these (sons) reigned 3 over the kingdom; in the reign of these two (kings) eight years elapsed.
Munda's son Nagadasaka slew his father and then did the 4 evildoer reign twenty-four years.
Then were the citizens wroth, saying: 'This is a dynasty 5 of parricides, and when they had banished the king Nagadasaka they met together and (since) the minister known by the 6 name Susunaga was proved to be worthy, they anointed him king, mindful of the good of all. He reigned as king eighteen 7 years. His son Kalasoka reigned twenty-eight years. At the 8 end of the tenth year of Kalaisoka's reign a century had gone by since the parinibbana of the Sambuddha.
At that time in Vesali many bhikkhus of the Vajji-clan 9 did shamelessly teach that the Ten Points were lawful, namely Salt in the horn, “Two fingers' breadth, Visiting 10
In the Sinhalese MSS. this name appears in the form 'Udayibhaddaka”. Cf. D. 1. 50o Udāyibh° or Udāyabho (E. MÜLLER, J.P. T.S. 1888, p. 14). The Dip. 4. 38, 5.97, 11.8 has Udaya (bhadda). On the confederacy of the Wajis see RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, pp. 25-26. On Wesali, ibid., p. 40. According to W. SMITH (Early History of India, p. 27, n. 1 ; J. R.A.S. 1902, p. 267 foll.) its site is the modern Basar (N. lat. 25° 58' 20', E. long. 85°11' 30") in the District Muzaffarpur, north of Patna.
The history of the Second Council is also given in the C.V. XII. Cf. Vinaya Teacts, iii (S.B.E. xx), pp. 386 foll. Here C.V. XII. 1. 9; 2. 8) the single points are explained:
(i) Singilonakappa, the custom of putting salt in a horn vessel, in order to season unsalted foods, when received.
(ii) Dvaligulak appa, the custom of taking the midday meal,
c 2

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20 Mahāvamsa IV. 11
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the village, Dwelling, Consent, “Example, Unchurned milk, Unfermented palm-wine', 'Seat without fringe',
Gold and so forth'.
When this came to the ears of the thera Yasa, the son of the brahman Kakandaka, gifted with the six supernormal powers, who was wandering about in the Vajji country, he betook himself to the Mahavana (vihara)* with the resolve to settle the matter. In the uposatha-hall those (monks) had placed a vessel made of metal and filled with water and had said to the lay-folk : * Bestow on the brotherhood kahāpanas and so on.' The thera forbade them with the words “This is unlawful; give nothing! Then did they threaten the thera
even after the prescribed time, as long as the sun's shadow had not passed the meridian by more than two-fingers' breadth.
(iii) Gām antara kappa, the custom of going into the village, after the meal, and there eating again, if invited.
(iv) A vasa kappa, the custom of holding the uposatha-feast separately by bhikkhus dwelling in the same district.
(v) Anu matik appa, the carrying out of official acts by an incomplete chapter, on the supposition that the consent of absent bhikkhus was obtained afterwards.
(vi) Acinnak appa, the custom of doing something because of the preceptor’s practice.
(vii) Amathitakappa, taking unchurned milk, even after the mealtime. .
(viii) Ja logikappa, drinking unfermented palm-wine. (ix) Adas akam nisi danam, the use of mats to sit on which were not of the prescribed size, if they were without fringe.
(x) Jatar liparajatam, accepting gold and silver.
Chaabhiiia. The six abhijñia are (i) the power of iddhi, (ii) the heavenly ear, i.e. supranormal power of hearing, (iii) the power to read the thoughts of others, (iv) the knowledge of former existences, (v) the heavenly eye, i.e. supranormal power of seeing, (vi) the abandonment of the asavas. The last of these abhifi fia. is one of the signs of an arahant. See RHYs DAVIDs, Dialogues of the Buddha, i. 62; AUNG, Compendium of Philosophy, pp. 60-63 ; 224 foll.
The Mahavana-nonastery is mentioned by Fa-Hian. See BEAL, Buddhist Records of the Western World, i, p. 52.
Kahāpana (Skr. kars a pana) is a square copper coin, weighing
1464 grains = 9.48 grams. See RAPsoN, Indian Coins, p. 2; RHYs
DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 100.

Iv. 25 The Second Соитсil 21
Yasa with the penance called the Craving of pardon from layfolk. He asked for one to bear him company and went 15 with him into the city proclaiming to the citizens, that his teaching was according to the dhamma.
When the bhikkhus heard what (Yasa's) companion had to 16 tell, they came to thrust him out and surrounded the thera's house. The thera left it, rising up and passing through the 17 air, and halting at Kosambi, he forthwith sent messengers to the bhikkhus of Pava and Avanti; he himself went to the 18 Ahoganga-mountain and related all to the thera Sambhita Samavasi.o
Sixty great theras from Pava and eighty from Avanti, all 19 free from the asavas, came together on the Ahoganga. The bhikkhus who met together here from this and that region 20 were in all ninety thousand. When they had all conferred together they, knowing that the deeply learned thera Revata 21 of Soreyya who was free from the asavas, was the chief among them at that time, went thence to seek him out.
When the thera heard this resolution (by his divine ear) he 22 set out at once, wishing to travel easily, upon the way to Vesali. Arriving day by day in the evening at the spot 23 whence the sage had departed in the morning (the theras) met him (at last) at Sahajāti.
There the thera Yasa, as the thera Sambhüta had 24 charged him to do, at the end of the recital of the sacred word, addressing himself to the great thera Revata, questioned him on the Ten Points. The thera rejected them, and 25
Patis äraniyakamma, see KERN, Manual, p. 87, mote 8. * Kosa mbi on the Yamuna was the capital of the Vatsas or Wamsas, Pava that of the Mallas; Avanti was the region of Ujjenii; RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, pp. 36, 26, 28. Instead of Paveyyaka some of the Sinhalese MSS. read Patheyyaka. But also at M.W. WII. 1. 1 (= Win. Pit. i. 253) the Burmese MSS. have Paveyyaka.
* See Vin. Teats, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 394, note 2. “ A nasawa, see p. 15, n. 3.
Not far from Takkasila in W. India, see Parajika, 1.4 (Vin. Pit. iii, p. 11); KERN, Manual, p. 36.
o Cf. for the detailed description, C.V. XIII. 1. 9 = Viin. Terts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 396.

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when he had heard the matter, he said: “Let us make an end (of this dispute).’ 26 The heretical bhikkhus, too, in order to win support, sought the thera Revata. Preparing in abundance the things needful 27 for ascetics, they took ship with all speed and went to Sahajati, bestowing food sumptuously when the mealtime came. 28 The thera Salha, free from theasavas, who lived at Sahajati, having thought on the matter, perceived: “Those of Paiva 29 hold the true doctrine.' And the great god Brahma drew near to him and said: “Stand thou firm in the doctrine, and he replied that he would ever stand firm in the doctrine. 30 They took those needful things (that they had brought as gifts) and sought the thera Revata, but the thera did not take their part and dismissed (the pupil) who took their part.' 31 They went thence to Vesali, shameless they went from there 32 to Pupphapura, and told king Kalasoka: “Guarding our Master's perfumed chamber we dwell in the Mahavana-vihara 33 in the Vajji territory; but bhikkhus dwelling in the country are coming, great king, with the thought: We will take the vihara for ourselves. Forbid them 34 When they had thus misled the king they went (back) to Vesall. Here in Sahajati eleven hundred and ninety thou35 sand bhikkhus were come together under the thera Revata, 36 to bring the dispute to a peaceful end. And the thera would not end the dispute save in the presence of those with whom
Samanaka, parikkhara (as a gift to Revata) is that which a monk is allowed to call his own, such as robes, the alms-bowl, &c. Cf. CHILIDERS, s. v. parikkh a ro.
* The underlying meaning is that they indulged in riotous living on their journey. Wis sagga has the implied sense of something rich and luxuriant. The Tīkā paraphrases b hatt a viss ag gann with bh atta pa rive sa na n, b hatta pa ribh o gan.
I.e. the Vajjian monks. * On this passage see Mah. ed., pp. xxv-xxvi. However, I now prefer the reading pakkhagahim, since the passage evidently refers to Revata's disciple Uttara (C.W. XII. 2. 3), who allowed himself to be won over by the Vajjian monks.
Pupp hapura, the City of Flowers, a name of Pataliputta (now Patna), capital at that time of the kingdom of Magadha.

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it had begun; therefore all the bhikkhus went thence to Vesālī.
The misguided king likewise sent his ministers thither, but led astray by the design of the devas they went elsewhere. And the monarch, when he had sent them, saw himself in a dream, that night, hurled into the hell called Lohakumbhi. The king was sorely terrified and, to calm his fears, his sister, Nanda, the theri free from the asavas, came to him, passing through the air.
An ill deed is this that thou hast done Reconcile thee with these venerable bhikkhus, the true believers. Placing thyself on their side, protect thou their faith. If thou dost so, blessed art thou!' she said, and thereon vanished. And forthwith in the morning the king set out to go to Vesali. He went to the Mahavana (monastery), assembled the congregation of the bhikkhus there, and when he had heard what was said by both of the (opposing) sides, and had decided, himself, for the true faith, when moreover this prince was reconciled with all the rightly believing bhikkhus and had declared that he was for the right belief, he said: “Do what ye think well to further the doctrine, and when he had promised to be their protector, he returned to his capital.
Thereafter the brotherhood came together to decide upon those points; then, in the congregation (of monks), aimless words were spent. Then the thera Revata, who went into the midst of the brotherhood, resolved to settle the matter by means of an ubbahika. He appointed four bhikkhus from the East, and four from Pava, for the ubbahika to set the dispute to rest. Sabbakami and Salha, one named Khujjasobhita, and Vasabhagamika, these were the theras from the
Mtil at the hi vina, lit. without those who were at the root."
* An agg ani bhas sani' aimless or ' inexact ' speeches. The reading a maggāni b has sāni (Ed. Col. n a n tā ni bh°) is confirmed by C.V. IV. 14. 19 and XII. 2. 7. یی
* Ubba hikaya, "by means of a Referat", the settlement of a dispute being laid in the hands of certain chosen brethren. For the rule on this, see C.W. IV. 14. 19 ff. ; Vin. Teacts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p.49f
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East; Revata, Sânasambhüta, Yasa, the son of Kâkandaka, and Sumana, these were the four theras from Pava.
Now to decide on those points the eight theras who were free from the asavas betook them to the quiet and solitary Valikārama. There, in the beautiful spot prepared for them by the young Ajita, the great theras took up their abode, they who knew the thoughts of the Greatest of Sages. And the great thera Revata, skilled in questioning, questioned the thera Sabbakami successively on each one of those points. Questioned by him the great thera Sabbakami thus gave judgment: All these points are unlawful, according to tradition.’ And when, in due order, they had ended (their task) in this place, they did all again, in like manner, with question and answer, in the presence of the brotherhood. And thus did the great theras refute the teaching of those ten thousand heretical bhikkhus who maintained the Ten Points.
Sabbakami was then the samghatthera on the earth, one hundred and twenty years did he number since his upasampadā.
Sabbakāmi and Sāļha, Revata, Khujjasobhita, Yasa, the son of Kakandaka, and Sambhuta Sanavasika, the six theras, were pupils of the thera Ananda; but Wasabhagamika and Sumana, the two theras, were pupils of the thera Anuruddha. These eight fortunate theras had beheld the Tathagata in time past. One hundred and twelve thousand bhikkhus had come together, and of all these bhikkhus the thera Revata then was the chief. o
At that time the thera Revata, in order to hold a council, that the true faith might long endure, chose seven hundred out of all that troop of bhikkhus; (those chosen were) arahants endowed with the four special sciences, understanding of meanings and so forth,” knowing the tipitaka.
* The reading daha renajiten ettha is confirmed by C.V. XII. 2. 7: atha kho samgho ay asmant am pi Ajitam sammann í therānam bhikkhūnam āsa na paîňîňāpa kam (Vin. Pit. ii. 305“). Pabhinnatthadijian an an is explained in the Tika, as atth apațiis a mbhidā di paibh e dagata ňāņām arn; atthādippabh e da gate hi pati sambhi daiian e hi sa mannagatan am ti

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All these (theras met) in the Vālikārāma protected by Kalasoka, under the leadership of the thera Revata, (and) compiled the dhamma. Since they accepted the dhamma already established in time past and proclaimed afterward, they completed their work in eight months.
When these theras of high renown had held the Second Council, they, since in them all evil had perished, attained in cdurse of time unto nibbana.
When we bethink us of the death of the sons of the Universal Teacher, who were gifted with perfect insight, who had attained all that is to attain, who had conferred blessings on (the beings of) the three forms of existence, then may we lay to heart the entire vanity of all that comes into being and vigilantly strive (after deliverance). ፅ
Here ends the fourth chapter, called 'The Second Council, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
atth o ; ā dig gahaņ e netth a dham mapați sambhidā dīmi îňā - mani ga hit ani. The compound means therefore literally, "who possess the specialized knowledge of the attha and so forth,’ that is, the four patisambhida. By this term is understood a transcendent faculty in grasping the meaning of a text or subject (at tha); in grasping the Law of all things as taught by the Buddha (dhamma); in exegesis (m i r u titi) ; readiness in expounding and discussion (patibhana). See Patisambhida-magga 1.88.
' Akarum dhamma sa mga han. See note to 3. 17. * The three forms of existence are käm a b h a va, rūpa b ha va, artipa bhava “sensual existence, corporeal existence, formless existence' (CHILDERs, P.D. s. v.v.), that is, existences in the three worlds so named, which together form that part of the universe called the satta loka, “ world of beings.” In this the kāma loka includes the eleven lowest worlds, the rupaloka the sixteen higher, and the arūpa loka, the four highest, celestial worlds.
Samkhatasarakattam : samkhata is a synonym of samkhara, and means in the widest sense the material and transitory world. See CHILDERs, s. v. samk här o.
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CHAPTER V
THE THIRD COUNCIL
1 THAT redaction of the true dhamma, which was arranged at the beginning by the great theras Mahakassapa and others, 2 is called that of the theras. One and united was the school of the theras in the first hundred years. But afterwards 3 arose other schools of doctrine. The heretical bhikkhus, subdued by the theras who had held the Second Council, in 4 all ten thousand, founded the school which bears the name
Mahasamghika.
From this arose the Gokulika and Ekavyoharika (schools). 5 From the Gokulika arose the Pannatti sect and the Bahulika, from these the Cetiya sect. (Thus) there are six, with 6 the Mahasamghika, and yet two more (groups) parted from the followers of the Thera-doctrine: the Mahimsasaka and 7 the Vajjiputtaka bhikkhus. And there parted from them likewise the Dhammuttariya and the Bhadrayanika bhikkhus, the Chandagarika, the Sammiti and the Vajjiputtiya bhikkhus. 8 From the Mahimsāsaka bhikkhus two (groups) parted, the bhikkhus who held by the Sabbattha-school and the Dhamma9 guttika bhikkhus. From the Sabbattha sect arose the Kassapiya, from these arose the Samkantika bhikkhus, from these 10 last the Sutta sect. These are twelve together with (those of) the Thera-doctrine; thereto are added the six schools named and these together are eighteen. 11 Thus in the second century arose seventeen schools, and 12 other schools arose afterwards. The Hemavata and the
A cariyavada stands in contrast to theravada. This latter is the true and orthodox church community, the other expresses collectively the various sects which arose in the course of time.
” Tehi sa ng itika rehi there hi dutiyehi, lit. " by those the second council-holding theras
I.e. the 'Great Community

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Rajagiriya and likewise the Siddhatthaka, the first Seliya bhikkhus, the other Seliya, and the Vajiriya: these six separated (from the rest) in Jambudipa, the Dhammaruci and the Sagaliya separated (from the rest) in the island of Lanka.'
Here ends the Story of the Acariya-schools.
The sons of Kalasoka were ten brothers, twenty-two years did they reign. Afterwards, the nine Nandas were kings in succession; they too reigned twenty-two years.
Then did the brahman Canakka, anoint a glorious youth, known by the name Candagutta, as king over all Jambudipa, born of a noble clan, the Moriyas, when, filled with bitter hate, he had slain the ninth (Nanda) Dhanananda.
Twenty-four years he reigned, and his son Bindusara reigned twenty-eight. A hundred glorious sons and one had Bindusara; Asoka' stood high above them all in valour, splendour, might, and wondrous powers. He, when he had slain his ninety-nine brothers born of different mothers, won the undivided sovereignty over all Jambudipa. Be it known, that two hundred and eighteen years had passed from the nibbana of the Master unto Asoka's consecration.
o The Nikāya - sa mg ra ha (ed. WICKIREMASINGHIE, pp. 11oo and 13') informs us that the Dhammarucu branched off from the Theravadins 454 years A. B., and the Sagaliya from the former 795 years A. B. The former event took place under Walagam-ba (Wattagamani Abhaya, see Mah. 33. 95 ff.), and the latter under Gothābhaya (see Mah. 36. 110 ff.).
* The Mah. Tīkā, pp. 117-119, gives a detailed account of the Nanda dynasty; also Kamb. Mah. V. 953-994.
On the Moriya dynasty and on Canakka and Candagutta see Mah. Tīkā, pp. 119—123; Kamb. Mah. V. 995-1090. Camdragupta's minister, Carakya, is also known to play an important part in the Mudrāraksasa. See SYLvAIN L'ÉvI, Le Théâtre Indien, pp. 226 ff. A work on politics, ascribed to him, the Kautiliyasastra, still exists. HILLEBRANDT, Über das Kautiliyašästra und Verwandtes. Cp. also I.A. 38, 1909, pp. 257 ff.
* On Bindusāra and on Candagutta's death see Mah. Tīkā, pp. 124, 125 ; Kamb. Mah. W. 1092-1128.
o On Asoka's birth and early youth, see Mah. Tīkā, pp. 125-128; Kamb. Mah. W. 1129-1198.
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c 22 Four years after the famous (Asoka) had won for himself the undivided sovereignty he consecrated himself as king in 23 the city Pataliputta. Straightway after his consecration his command spread so far as a yojana (upward) into the air and downward into the (depths of the) earth. 24 Day by day did the devas bring eight men's loads of water of (the lake) Anotatta; the king dealt it out to his people. 25 From the Himalaya did the devas bring for cleansing the. teeth twigs of naga-creeper, enough for many thousands, 26 healthful fruits, myrobalan and terminalia and mangofruits from the same place, perfect in colour, smell, and 27 taste. The spirits of the air brought garments of five colours, and yellow stuff for napkins, and also celestial drink 28 from the Chaddanta-lake. Out of the naga-kingdom the nagas (brought) stuff, coloured like the jasmine-blossom and without a seam, and celestial lotus-flowers and collyrium and 29 unguents; parrots brought daily from the Chaddanta-lake 30 ninety thousand waggon-loads of rice. Mice converted this rice, unbroken, into grains without husk or powder, and 31 therewith was meal provided for the royal family. Perpetually did honey-bees prepare honey for him, and in the forges bears 32 swung the hammers. Karavika-birds, graceful and sweet 33 of voice, came and made delightful music for the king. And being consecrated king, Asoka raised his youngest brother Tissa, son of his own mother, to the office of vice-regent.
Here ends the Consecration of the pious Asoka. 34 (Asoka's) father had shown hospitality to sixty thousand
The sense of this passage, not rightly understood up to the present time, is evidently this: not only men upon the earth but also the spirits of the air and the earth heard and obeyed Asoka's command.
* The mari (Skt. marut) in contrast to the deva in 24.
Here follow two spurious verses, “To die (?) in this city there came gazelles, boars, birds into the kitchens and willingly perished. Leopards were used to take the herds to pasture and lead them to their stalls, gazelles and boars were used to watch over fields, plots, and ponds and so forth.'
On parrots furnishing hill paddy, see Jait. i., pp. 325i, 327 foll.; MoRRIs, J.P. T.S. 1884, p. 107.

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brahmans, versed in the Brahma-doctrine, and in like manner he himself nourished them for three years. But when he saw their want of self-control at the distribution of food he commanded his ministers saying: ' (Hereafter) I will give according to my choice.” The shrewd (king) bade (them) bring the followers of the different schools into his presence, tested them in an assembly, and gave them to eat, and sent them thence when he had entertained them.
As he once, standing at the window, saw a peaceful ascetic, the sāmanera Nigrodha, passing along the street, he felt kindly toward him. The youth was the son of prince Sumana, the eidest brother of all the sons of Bindusara.
When Bindusara had fallen sick Asoka left the government of Ujjeni conferred on him by his father, and came to Pupphapura, and when he had made himself master of the city, after his father's death, he caused his eldest brother to be slain and took on himself the sovereignty in the splendid city.
The consort of prince Sumana, who bore the same name (Sumana), being with child, fled straightway by the east gate and went to a candala village, and there the guardian god of a nigrodha-tree called her by her name, built a hut and gave it to her. And as, that very day, she bore a beautiful boy, she gave to her son the name Nigrodha, enjoying the protection of the guardian god. When the headman of the candalas saw (the mother), he looked on her as his own wife, and kept her seven years with honour. Then, as the thera Mahavaruna saw that the boy bore the signs of his destiny, the arahant questioned his mother and ordained him, and even in the room where they shaved him he
See note to 4. 31. UJJ ENI, Skr. Ujjayini, now Ujjain in the (iwalior State, Central India, was the old capital of Avanti. RHYs DAvIDs, Buddhist India, p. 3 foll.
o Nigro dha = Ficus Indica, banyan-tree.
* Upanis saya includes all those qualities, aptitudes and marks of an individual, which show that he is qualified to attain arahantship.
The shaving of the hair is one of the ceremonies at the reception of a novice into the order.
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attained to the state of arahant. Going thence to visit his 47 royal mother, he entered the splendid city by the south gate, and following the road that led to that village, he passed 48 (on his way) the king's court. Well pleased was the king by his grave bearing, but kindly feeling arose in him also by reason of a former life lived together. 49 Now once, in time past, there were three brothers, traders in honey; one was used to sell the honey, two to get the 50 honey. A certain paccekabuddha was sick of a wound; and another paccekabuddha, who, for his sake, wished for honey, 51 came even then to the city on his usual way for seeking alms. A maiden, who was going for water to the fiver-bank, SaW 52 him. When she knew, from questioning him, that he wished for honey, she pointed with hand outstretched and said:
Yonder is a honey-store, sir, go thither.' 53 The trader, with believing heart, gave to the buddha who came there a bowlful of honey, so that it ran over the edge. 54 As he saw the honey filling (the bowl) and flowing over the edge, and streaming down to the ground, he, full of faith, 55 wished: ' May I, for this gift, come by the undivided sovereignty of Jambudipa, and may my command reach forth a yojana (upward) into the air and (downward) under the earth. 56 To his brothers as they came, he said: “To a man of such and such a kind have I given honey; agree thereto since the 57 honey is yours also. The eldest brother said grudgingly: It was surely a candala, for the candalas ever clothe them58 selves in yellow garments.' The second said: ' Away with thy paccekabuddha over the sea!' But when they heard his promise to let them participate of the reward, they gave their 59 sanction. Then the (maid who) had pointed out the store wished that she might become the royal spouse of the (first), and (desired) a lovely form with limbs of perfect outline. 60 Asoka was he who gave the honey, the queen Asamdhimittä was the maid, Nigrodha he who uttered the word candala, Tissa, he who had wished him away over the sea.” 61. He who had uttered the word candala lived (in expiation
Adissam an a sandhi means literally with invisible joints'. Pairavadi, lit. 'who had spoken of the further shore.'

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thereof) in a candala village, but because he had desired deliverance, he also, even in the seventh year, attained unto deliverance.
The king, in whom kindly feelings had arisen towards that 62 same (Nigrodha), summoned him in all haste into his presence; but he came staidly and calmly thither. And the king said 63 to him: "Sit, my dear, upon a fitting seat.' Since he saw no other bhikkhu there he approached the royal throne. Then, 64 as he stepped toward the throne, the king thought : “To-day, this samanera will be lord in my house Leaning on the 65 king's hand he (the monk) mounted the throne and took his seat on the royal throne under the white canopy. And seeing 66 him seated there king Asoka rejoiced greatly that he had honoured him according to his rank. When he had refreshed 67 him with hard and soft foods prepared for himself he questioned the samanera concerning the doctrine taught by the Sambuddha. Then the stimanera preached to him the 'Appamadavagga'. 68 And when the lord of the earth had heard him he was won to the doctrine of the Conqueror, and he said to (Nigrodha): 69 “My dear, I bestow on thee eight perpetual supplies of food.’ And he answered: “These will I bestow on my master.' '
The stop should be put after asi. Patthesi refers to the existence as madhu vanija. When the eldest brother had transferred the patti ("reward') to his younger brothers each one of them uttered a patthana, that of the third was mokkha, i.e. the attainment of arahantship.
Sambhav et vain a gun ato is an allusion to 63. The king leaves it to Nigrodha to choose his own place since he does not know his rank. From the fact of Nigrodha's seating himself on the throne Asoka perceives that a monk of the highest rank is before him, and he rejoices that he did not assign a lower place to him.
I.e. the section entitled “unwearying zeal'. There are eleven minor vaggas in the Samyutta-Nikaya, bearing this title, and nine Appamadasuttas.
Upajjhay assa. Every novice on his entrance into the order chooses an upajjhaya 'a master', and an acariya "teacher'. It appears from M.W. 1. 25.6 f., 32. 1 ff., that there is no difference between the functions of the two. The āca riya seems, according lo M.V. I. 32.1, to be only the deputy or substitute of the upajjhāya.

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When again eight (supplies) were bestowed on him he allotted these to his teacher; and when yet eight more were bestowed he gave them to the community of bhikkhus. And when yet again eight were bestowed, he, full of understanding, consented to accept them. Together with thirty-two bhik
2 khus, he went on the following day, and when he had been
served by the king with his own hands, and had preached the doctrine to the ruler, he confirmed him with many of his train in the refuges and precepts of duty.
Here ends the Wisit of the samanera Nigrodha.
Thereon the king, with glad faith, doubled day by day (the number) of bhikkhus (receiving bounty), till they were sixty thousand. Putting aside the sixty thousand teachers of false doctrine,” he bestowed alms perpetually on sixty thousand bhikkhus in his house.
Having commanded costly foods, hard and soft, to be prepared speedily, in order to feast the sixty thousand bhikkhus, and having caused the town to be gaily decked, he went to the brotherhood and bade them to his house; and after he had brought them thither, had bestowed hospitality on them and largely provided them with the things needful for ascetics, he questioned them thus: “How great is (the content of) the dhamma taught by the Master?' And the thera Moggaliputta-Tissa answered him upon this matter. When he heard: “There are eighty-four (thousand) sections of the dhamma, the king said: “Each one of them will I honour with a vihara.'
Then bestowing ninety-six kotis (of money) in eighty-four thousand towns, the ruler bade the kings all over the earth
See note to 1. 32. * Titthiyanam. Those whom his father (according to v. 34) had already supported and whom Asoka did in fact entertain, with certain changes. He now gradually substituted Buddhist monks. Verses 73 and 74 are suspicious, since the Tika, does not comment on them.
Samanaka, see note to 4. 26.

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begin (to build) viharas and he himself began to build the Asokãrãma.
With the grant for the three gems, for Nigrodha and for the sick, he bestowed in (support of) the faith for each of them a hundred thousand (pieces of money) each day. With the treasure spent for the Buddha the (priests) held thupa-offerings of many kinds continually in many viharas. With the treasure spent for the dhamma the people continually prepared the four things needful for the use of bhikkhus who were learned in the doctrine. Of the loads of water borne from the Anotatta-lake he bestowed four on the brotherhood, one every day to sixty teras who knew the tipițiaka ; but one he had commanded to be given to the queen Asamdhimitta, while the king himself had but two for his own use. To the sixty thousand bhikkhus and to sixteen thousand women (of the palace), he gave day by day those tooth-sticks called nagalata.
When, one day, the monarch heard of the naga-king Mahakala of wondrous might, who had beheld four Buddhas, who had lived through one age of the world, he sent for him to be brought (into his presence) fettered with a chain of gold; and when he had brought him and made him sit upon the throne under the white canopy, when he had done homage to him with (gifts of) various flowers, and had bidden the sixteen thousand women (of the palace) to surround him, he (the king) spoke thus: 'Let us behold the (bodily) form of the omniscient Great Sage, of Him who hath boundless knowledge, who hath set rolling the wheel of the true doctrine.' The naga-king created a beauteous figure of the Buddha, endowed with the thirty-two greater signs and brilliant with the eighty lesser signs (of a Buddha), surrounded by the
The Asoka monastery in the capital Pataliputta.
” Ratan attayam. The three gems are Buddha, dhamma, samgha: Buddha, his doctrine and community, see note on 1. 32.
Thup a puja. The tope (thupa) is never missing from a Buddhist inonastery. Festivals of which a tope is the centre are frequently tuentioned in the Mahavamsa.
"The naga-creeper. See 5. 25.
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fathom-long rays of glory and adorned with the crown of flames.
At the sight thereof the king was filled with joy and amaze93 ment and thought: 'Even such is the image created by this (Mahakala), nay then, what (must) the (real) form of the Tathagata have been And he was more and more uplifted 94 with joy, and for seven days without ceasing did he, the great king of wondrous power, keep the great festival called the
Feast of the eyes'.”
Here ends the Entrance (of Asoka) into the doctrine.
95 Now the mighty and believing king and thera Moggaliputta
had already in former times been seen by the holy ones. 96 At the time of the Second Council, the theras, looking into. the future, saw the downfall of the faith in the time of that 97 king. Looking around in the whole world for one who should
be able to stay that downfall, they saw the Brahma, Tissa 98 who had not long to live (in the Brahma heaven). To him they went and prayed him, the mighty in wisdom, to bring this downfall to nought by being reborn himself among men. 99 And he granted their prayer, desiring that the doctrine should shine forth in brightness. But to the youthful Siggava and 100 Candavajji the sages spoke thus: When a hundred and eighteen years are passed the downfall of the religion will 101 begin. We shall not live to see that (time). You, bhikkhus,
On the signs of a Buddha, see the Lakkhana Suttanta in D. III, p, 142 foll., and GRüNwEDEL, Buddhistische Kunst in Indien, p. 138 foll.
* Akkhi pūjā. It corresponds to our “ consecration”. See Vin. iii. 300.
Wasi his by those who have the senses under control'. In the
Kamb. Mahav. follows here (vv. 1276-1338) an episode relating to Asamdhinitta. Asoka puts his consort to the test, she having boasted of merit acquired. He requires of her that she shall provide, between one day and another, robes for the 60,000 monks. With the help of the god Kubera, who remembers the kindness shown by her to the paccekabuddha (see above, vv. 51 foll.), she accomplishes what the king demands of her.
'Tissa, a dweller in the Brahma heaven.

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have had no part in this matter therefore you merit punishment, and your punishment shall be this: that the doctrine may shine forth in brightness, the Brahma Tissa, mighty in wisdom, will be reborn in the house of the brahman Moggali. As time passes on one of you shall receive the boy into the order, another shall carefully instruct him in the word of the Sambuddha.
There was a thera Dasaka-disciple of the thera Upali. Sonaka was his (Dasaka's) disciple, and both those theras were disciples of Sonaka.
In former times there lived in Vesali a learned brahman named Dasaka As the eldest of three hundred disciples he dwelt with his teacher, and at the end of twelve years having come to the end of (studying) the vedas, he, going about with the (other) disciples, met the thera Upali, dwelling at the Valika-monastery, after he had established the sacred word (in council), and sitting down near him he questioned him concerning hard passages in the vedas, and the other expounded them to him. “A doctrine is come after all the doctrines, O brahman, yet all doctrines end in the one doctrine; which is that one?'
Thus spoke the thera concerning the name (of the true doctrine), but the young brahman knew it not. He asked: “What manta is this?' and when the answer was given: The manta of the Buddha, he said: ' Impart it to me,' and the other answered: “We impart it (only) unto one who wears our robe.'
And he (Dasaka) asked his teacher and also his father and mother on behalf of that manta. When he with three hundred young brahmans had received from the thera the pabbajja the brahman in time received the upasampada. Then to a thousand (disciples) who had overcome the asavas,
Imam adhikaranam, that is, in the work of the Second Council.
* That is, he asked if he might be permitted to learn it under the condition mentioned.
By khina, sava in v. 112 (see note on 3. 9) are understood the arahants; by ariya in v. 113, all the Buddha's hearers (Vibhanga D 2
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among whom was the thera Dasaka, did the thera Upali teach 113 the whole tipitaka. Past reckoning is the number of the other Ariyas, and of those who yet stood outside (the religion), by whom the pitakas were learned from the thera. 114. In the land of the Kasi lived the son of a caravan-guide, named Sonaka. With his father and mother he had come 115 trading, to Giribbaja. He went, youth as he was, fifteen years old, into the Veluvana (monastery); fifty-five young brahmans, his companions, came with him. 116 When he saw the thera Dasaka there with his disciples around him, faith came to him and he asked him for the pabbajja-ordination. (The thera) said: “As thy teacher.' 1 17 Afterwards, the young Sonaka, having fasted three meal-times and won his parents' leave to enter the order, came again, 118 and then, when he had received from the thera Daisaka the pabbajja and the upasampada, together with those other 119 youths, he learned the three pitakas. Amid the company of the thousand disciples of the thera, who had overcome the asavas, who were versed in the pitakas, the ascetic Sonaka was the foremost. 120 In the city that bears the name of the patali flower there lived the wise Siggava, son of a minister. He, when eighteen 121 years old and dwelling in three palaces fitted for the three seasons of the year, went, in company with his friend 122 Candavaji, a minister's son, and surrounded by five hundred followers, to the Kukkutarama, and visited the thera Sonaka. 123 And when he perceived that (the thera) sat sunk in a trance
372), by putih ujjanā, the remaining multitude who still stand outside the way leading to perfection.
The Kasis (Skr. kasi) are one of the sixteen tribes of northern India, settled in the district round Benares. Kasi is also the old name of Benares. RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 24.
o The old capital of Magadha, Skr. giri vraja “Mountain Stronghold'. It was situated on the top of a hill, at the foot of which afterwards Rajagalha was built. RHYs DAVIDs, l.c., p. 37.
I.e. Bamboo grove. o I. e. Pãaliputta. See note to 4. 31. Pãtali Bignonia suaveоleт8.
A monastery in Pataliputta. W. A. SMITH, Asoka, pp. 183, 198, 194.

W. 135. The Third Council xx 37
with senses restrained and did not answer his greeting, he asked the brotherhood about this matter. They said: “Those who are deep in a trance give no reply. (So he asked) * How come they forth from (the trance)?' And the bhikkhus said: * At a call from the master, or a call from the brotherhood, or when the allotted time is ended, or at the approach of death they come forth (from the trance).”
As they saw, speaking thus, that these (youths) were destined for holiness, they caused the call from the brotherhood to be given; and (the thera) awoke from the trance and went to them. The youth asked: “Wherefore didst thou not speak to me, venerable one P' The (thera) answered: “We were enjoying that which is for us to enjoy. The (young man) said: “Let us also enjoy this.' He answered: “Those only can we cause to enjoy it who are like unto us.'
Then, with their parents' leave, the young Siggava and Candavajji and their five hundred followers likewise received the pabbajjā and (afterwards) the upasampada-ordination from the thera Sonaka. With him as their master the two eagerly studied the three pitakas and attained to the six supernormal powers.
Thereafter when Siggava knew that Tissa had been born into this world, the thera, from that time, frequented his house for seven years. And not for seven years did it befall him to hear the words “Go further on (said to him). But in the eighth year did he hear those words “Go further on, in that house. As he went forth the brahman Moggali, who was even then coming in, saw him and asked him: ‘Hast thou received aught in our house?' And he answered: “Yes." When (Moggali) went into his house he heard (what had befallen) and when the thera came to the house again, on the second day afterwards, he reproached him with the lie. And
Sam apattis a map an nam. There are eight sama pattis, attainments or endowments, which are eight successive states induced by the ecstatic meditation, CHILDERs, P.D. s.v. See SPENCE HARDY, Manual of Buddhism, p. 170, and J.P.T.S., 1909, p. 61.
See note to 5. 45.
o On the six ab hiîňîňā, see note to 4. 12.
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when he had heard the thera's words the brahman, full of 136 faith, gave him continual alms of his own food, and little by little did all of his household become believers, and the brahman continually offered hospitality (to the thera), giving him a seat in his house. 137 So as time passed the young Tissa gradually came to the age of sixteen years and reached the further shore of the 138 ocean of the three vedas. The thera, thinking that he might have speech with him in this way, made all the seats in his 139 house to vanish, save the seat of the young brahman. Being come from the Brahma-world (this latter) loved cleanliness, and therefore were they used to keep his chair hung up for better care thereof. w 140 Then the people in the house, finding no other seat, full of confusion, since the thera had to stand, prepared the seat 141 of the young Tissa for him. When the young brahman returned from his teacher's house and saw (the thera) sitting there he fell into anger and spoke to him in unfriendly wise. 142 The thera said to him: “Young man, dost thou know the manta ?' And the young brahman (for answer) asked him the 143 same question again. Since the thera replied: “I know it, he asked him concerning hard passages in the vedas. The thera 144 expounded them to him; for, when leading the lay life, he had already studied the vedas even to the end. How should he not be able to expound them since he had mastered the four special sciences?'. 145 ' For him whose thought arises and does not perish, thought shall perish and not arise (again); but for him whose thought shall perish and not arise, thought shall arise (again) and not perish.**
This verse is suspicious; the Tika makes no comment on it.
* Pab hin na patis amb hida, see note to 4. 62.
A play on the double meaning of cittam and nirujjhati. Whosoever thinks aright and whose thought does not go astray, i. e. whosoever knows the truth, his intellect comes unto nibbana. never to return again. But on the other hand, he who does not think aright and does not follow the true doctrine will enter into a new existence and will not reach deliverance.

V. 155 The Third Council 39
The wise thera asked this question from the (chapter called) 146 Cittayamaka. And it was as the (darkness of) night to the other, and he said to him: 'What kind of manta is that, 147 Obhikkhu ?’ “The manta of the Buddha," answered (the thera); and when the other said: ' Impart it to me," he said: * I impart it (only) to one who wears our robe.''
So with the leave of his father and mother (the young man) 148 received the pabbajja-ordination, for the sake of the manta, and the thera, when he had ordained him, imparted to him duly the (method of the) kammatthanas. By practice of 149 meditation this highly gifted man soon won the fruit of sotapatti,' and when the thera was aware of this he sent him to 150 the thera Candavajji that he might learn the suttapitaka and abhidhammapitaka of him. And this he learned (from Candavaji).
And thereafter the monk Siggava, having conferred on him 151 the upasampada, taught him the vinaya and again instructed him in the two other (pitakas). When, afterwards, the young 152 Tissa had gained the true insight, he attained in time to the mastery of the six supernormal powers and reached the rank of a thera. Far and wide shone his renown like the sun and 153 moon. The world paid heed to his word even as to the word of the Sambuddha.
Here ends the Story of the thera Tissa, the son of Moggali.
One day the prince (Tissa) when hunting saw gazelles 154 sporting joyously in the wild. And at this sight he thought: * Even the gazelles sport thus joyously, who feed on grass in 155
I.e. 'The double thought.' The reference is to the Yamakappa karana of the abhidhamma.
o Cf. 5. 109, 110.
Kammat thana. “The foundations of (right) acting'. By this is meant the right method for the practice of meditation. See CHILIDERS, P.D. s. w.
I.e. the first stage of sanctification. See note to 1. 38. The vipassana is one of the signs of the arahant. It is tenfold. See the details in AUNG, Compendium of Philosophy, pp. 65 foll., 180.
Uparaja, viceregent.

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the wild. Wherefore are not the bhikkhus joyous and gay, who have their food and dwelling in comfort?' ' 156 Returned home he told the king his thought. To teach him the king handed over to him the government of the 157 kingdom for one week, saying: Enjoy, prince, for one week, my royal state; then will I put thee to death.' Thus said the ruler. 158 And when the week was gone by he asked: “Wherefore art thou thus wasted away? And when (Tissa) answered: By reason of the fear of death, the king spoke again to him 159 and said: “Thinking that thou must die wher the week was gone by, thou wast no longer joyous and gay; how then can ascetics be joyous and gay, my dear, who think ever upon death?’ Ο 160 And (Tissa) when his brother spoke thus, was turned toward faith in the doctrine (of the Buddha). And afterwards when 161 he once went forth hunting, he saw the thera Mahadhammarakkhita, the self-controlled, sitting at the foot of a tree, 162 and fanned by a cobra with a branch of a sala-tree. And that wise (prince) thought: “When shall I, like this thera, be ordained in the religion of the Conqueror, and live in the forest-wilderness? 163 When the thera, to convert him, had come thither flying through the air, standing on the water of the pond in the 164 Asokarama, he, leaving his goodly garments behind him in the 165 air, plunged into the water and bathed his limbs. And when the prince saw this marvel he was filled with joyful faith, and the wise man made this wise resolve: “This very day will 166 I receive the pabbajja-ordination.' He went to the king and respectfully besought him to let him receive the pabbajja. Since the king could not turn him from (his resolve) he took 167 him with him and went with a great retinue to the vihara. There (the prince) received the pabbajja from the thera 168 Mahadhammarakkhita and with him four hundred thousand persons, but the number of those who afterwards were ordained 169 is not known. A nephew of the monarch known by the name Aggibrahma was the consort of the king's daughter 170 Samghamitta and the son of these two (was) named

V. 182 The Third Council 41
Sumana. He (Aggibrahma) also craved the king's leave and was ordained together with the prince.
The prince's ordination, whence flowed blessing to many folk, was in the fourth year of (the reign of) king Asoka. In the same year he received the upasampada-ordination, and since his destiny was holiness the prince, zealously striving, became an arahant, gifted with the six supernormal powers.
All those beautiful viharas (then) begun they duly finished
in all the cities within three years; but, by the miraculous 1
power of the thera, Indagutta, who watched over the work, the arama named after Asoka was likewise quickly brought to completion. On those spots which the Conqueror himself had visited the monarch built beautiful cetiyas here and there. On every side from the eighty-four thousand cities came letters on one day with the news: “The viharas are completed.'
When the great king, great in majesty, in wondrous power and valour, received the letters, he, desiring to hold high festival in all the aramas at once, proclaimed in the town with beat of drum: “On the seventh day from this day shall a festival of all the aramas be kept, in every way, in all the provinces. Yojana by yojana on the earth shall great largess be given; the aramas in the villages and the streets shall be adorned. In all the viharas let lavish gifts of every kind be bestowed upon the brotherhood, according to the time and the means (of givers), and adornments, such as garlands of lamps and garlands of flowers, here and there, and all that is meet for festivals, with music of every kind, in manifold ways. And all are to take upon themselves the duties of the uposatha-day and hear religious discourse, and offerings of
In my edition of the text the stop should be deleted after samiko and put after na mato. So pi in v. 170 refers to Aggibrahmā.
” He was sa n pa n na upaniss ayo. Cf. note to 5. 45.
Upahara. The Tika explains this word thus: sabbe gandhabbā saka saka turiy abhaņdam gahetvā tattha tattha vi hare su gandhabb am va karon tù ti atth o “Let all the minstrels taking each his own instrument of music play in the viharas everywhere'.
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many kinds must they make on the same day.' And all the people everywhere held religious festivals of every kind, glorious as the world of gods, even as had been commanded and (did) yet more.
On that day the great king wearing all his adornments with the women of his household, with his ministers and surrounded by the multitude of his troops, went to his own ararna, as if cleaving the earth. In the midst of the brotherhood he stood, bowing down to the venerable brotherhood. In the assembly were eighty kotis of bhikkhus, and among these were a hundred thousand ascetics who had sovercome the asavas. Moreover there were ninety times one hundred thousand bhikkhunis, and among these a thousand had overcome the asavas. These (monks and nuns) wrought the miracle called the 'unveiling of the world to the end that the king Dhammasoka might be converted.-Candāsoka (the wicked Asoka) was he called in earlier times, by reason of his evil deeds; he was known as Dhammasoka (the pious Asoka) afterwards because of his pious deeds-He looked around over the (whole) Jambudipa bounded by the ocean and over all the viharas adorned with the manifold (beauties of) the festivaland with exceeding joy, as he saw them, he asked the brethren, while taking his seat: “Whose generosity toward the doctrine of the Blessed One was ever (so) great (as mine), venerable sirs ?”
The thera Moggaliputta answered the king's question: * Even in the lifetime of the Blessed One there was no generous giver like to thee." ,
When the king heard this he rejoiced yet more and asked: Nay then, is there a kinsman of Buddha's religion like unto me ?”
But the thera perceived the destiny of the king's son
* The Tikā understands the word de va. loka, ma no ra mã, thus, and adds: makkhattaglut the deva nagar e de vaganã viya manussä man oramā mahā pūjā, pațiyä, de suņn ti a tth o “As the multitudes of gods in the celestial city, where festival has been proclaimed, so did men arrange splendid offerings'.
* Sās anadāyāda: evidently the termisa title of honour.

W. 20C The Third Council 43
Mahinda and of his daughter Samghamitta, and foresaw the progress of the doctrine that was to arise from (them), and he, on whom lay the charge of the doctrine, replied thus to the king: “Even a lavish giver of gifts like to thee is not a kinsman of the religion; giver of wealth is he called, O ruler of men. But he who lets son or daughter enter the religious order is a kinsman of the religion and withal a giver of gifts.'
Since the monarch would fain become a kinsman of the religion he asked Mahinda and Sanghamitta, who stood near: * Do you wish to receive the pabbajja, dear ones? The pabbajja is held to be a great (good). Then, when they heard their father's words, they said to him: “This very day we would fain enter the order, if thou, O king, dost wish it; for us, even as for thee, will blessing come of our pabbajja...'
For already since the time of the prince's (Tissa's) pabbajja had he resolved to enter the order, and she since (the ordination) of Aggibrahma. Although the monarch wished to confer on Mahinda the dignity of prince-regent, yet did he consent to his ordination with the thought: “This (last) is the greater dignity.’ So he permitted his dear son Mahinda, distinguished (above all others) by intelligence, beauty and strength, and his daughter Samghamitta, to be ordained with all solemnity.“
At that time Mahinda, the king's son, was twenty years old, and the king's daughter Samghamitta was then eighteen years old. On the very same day did he receive the pabbajjaand also the upasampada-ordination, and for her the pabbajjāordination and the placing under a teacher took place on the same day.
The prince's master was the thera named after Moggali;"
See note to 5.45. * Pac caya dayaka. On pa cc ay a see note to 3, 14. * Cf 5. 1Ꮾ7 , 170.
The Tika explains samaham by saplijaisakkaran. This was necessary as Samghamitti was not of the prescribed age. Upajjhaya, see note to 5. 69. * That is, Moggaliputtatissa, “Tissa, the son of Moggali.”
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the pabbajja-ordination was conferred on him by the thera 207 Mahadeva, but Majjhantika pronounced the ceremonial words,
and even in the very place where he (received) the upasampada-ordination this great man reached the state of an arahant together with the special kinds of knowledge.” 208 The directress of Samghamitta was the renowned Dhammapala, and her teacher was Ayupala; in time she became free 209 from the asavas. Those two lights of the doctrine, who brought great blessing to the island of Lanka, received the pabbajja in the sixth year of king Dhammasoka. The great 210 Mahinda, the converter of the island (of Lanka), learned the three pitakas with his master in three years. This bhikkhuni, 211 even like the new moon, and the bhikkhu Mahinda, like the sun, illumined always the sky, the doctrine of the Sambuddha. 212 Once in time past, a dweller in the forest, who went forth into the forest from Pataliputta, loved a wood-nymph named 213 Kunti. Owing to the union with him she bore two sons, the elder was Tissa and the younger was named Sumitta. After214 wards both received the pabbajja-ordination from the thera Mahavaruna and attained, to arahantship and the possession of the six supernormal powers. 215 (Once) the elder suffered pains in the foot from the poison of a venomous insect, and when his younger brother asked (what he needed) he told him that a handful of ghee was the 216 remedy. But the thera set himself against pointing out to the king what things needful in sickness, and against going 217 in search of the ghee after the midday meal. If, on thy begging-round, thou receivest ghee, bring it to me,’ said the 218 thera Tissa to the excellent thera Sumitta. When he went
Kamm a vacam aka: i.e. he was president of the chapter when Mahinda was ordained. Kamma vaca, “ is the name of the proceedings at a kamma or ecclesiastical act, by which some question is decided by vote. CHILDERs, P.D. s. v.
* See note to 5. 144.
* Gilan apac caye is a locative of aim', which concurs with the "final dative" (SPEYER, Ved. and Skr. Syntaæ, para. 81 b), and refers to niveda na n '' informing, announcement ".
The begging-round of the mendicants must be carried out in the forenoon, according to the rules of the order.

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forth on his begging-round he received not one handful of ghee, and (in the meanwhile) the pain had come to such a pass that even a hundred vessels of ghee could not have cured it. And because of that malady the thera was near to death, and when he had exhorted (the other) to strive unceasingly he formed the resolve to pass into nibbana.
Lifted up in the air as he sat, and winning mastery of his own body by the fire-meditation, according to his own free resolve, he passed into nibbana. Flames that broke forth from his body consumed the flesh and skin of the thera's whole body,” the bones they did not consume.
When the monarch heard that the thera had died in this wise he went to his own arama surrounded by the multitude of his troops. Mounted on an elephant the king brought down the bones, and when he had caused due honour to be paid to the relics, he questioned the brotherhood as to (the thera's) illness. Hearing about it he was greatly moved, and had tanks made at the city gates and filled them with remedies for the sick, and day by day he had remedies bestowed on the congregation of the bhikkhus, thinking: might the bhikkhus never find remedies hard to obtain.
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The thera Sumitta passed into nibbana even when he was 226
walking (in meditation) in the cankama-hall, and by this also was a great multitude of people converted to the doctrine
(of the Buddha). Both these theras, the sons of Kunti, who 227
had wrought a great good in the world, passed into nibbana in the eighth year of Asoka.
From that time onwards the revenues of the brotherhood
Tejo.jhã na vasena. The meditating ascetic concentrates all his thoughts on the concept fire' (tejo) which is one of the ten kasin a ni or divisions of kamm at than a (see CHILDERs, s. v. kasino, and note to 5.148); the effect is that a fire arises within his body which consumes him.
* Nim man sa c chari kan dahi sa kalan kaya n, literally, burned the whole body into a fleshless and skinless one.'
Which were still floating in the air. * A can kama belongs to each vihara. It is "a straight piece of ground cleared and levelled for the purpose of walking up and down upon for exercise and meditation'. See S.B.E. xx, p. 103, n. 1.
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were exceeding great, and since those who were converted 229 later caused the revenues to increase, heretics who had (thereby) lost revenue and honour took likewise the yellow robe, for the 230 sake of revenue, and dwelt together with the bhikkhus. They proclaimed their own doctrines as the doctrine of the Buddha and carried out their own practices even as they wished. 231 And when the thera Moggaliputta, great in firmness of soul, saw the coming-out of this exceedingly evil plague-boil 232 on the doctrine, he, far-seeing, deliberated upon the right time to do away with it. And when he had committed his great company of bhikkhus to (the direction of) the thera Mahinda, 233 he took up his abode, all alone, further up the sanges on the Ahoganga-mountain, and for seven years he gave himself up to solitary retreat. 234 By reason of the great number of the heretics and their unruliness, the bhikkhus could not restrain them by the law; 235 and therefore the bhikkhus in Jambudipa for seven years held no uposatha-ceremony nor the ceremony of pavarana in all the Eiramas. 236 When the great king, the famed Dhammasoka, was aware of this, he sent a minister to the splendid Asokarama, laying 237 on him this command: ' Go, settle this matter and let the uposatha-festival be carried out by the community of bhikkhus 238 in my arama. This fool went thither, and when he had called the community of bhikkhus together he announced the king's command: Carry out the uposatha-festival.’ 239 We hold not the uposatha-festival with heretics, the community of bhikkhus replied to that misguided minister. 240 The minister struck off the head of several theras, one by one, with his sword, saying, “I will force you to hold the uposatha241 festival.’ When the king's brother, Tissa, saw that crime he came speedily and sat on the seat nearest to the minister. 242 When the minister saw the thera he went to the king and told
him (the whole matter). 243 When the monarch heard it he was troubled and went with all speed and asked the community of bhikkhus, greatly disturbed in mind: “Who, in truth, is guilty of this deed that has been done?'

W. 256 The Third Council 47
And certain of them answered in their ignorance: The guilt 244 is thine, and others said: “Both of you are guilty'; but those who were wise answered: “Thou art not guilty.’
When the king heard this he said: 'Is there a bhikkhu who 245 is able to set my doubts to rest and to befriend religion? “There is the thera Tissa, the son of Moggali, O king, 246 answered the brethren to the king. Then was the king filled with zeal.
He sent four theras, each attended by a thousand bhikkhus 247 and four ministers, each with a thousand followers, that same 248 day, with the charge laid on them by (the king) himself to bring the thera thither; but though they prayed him he came not.
When the king heard this he sent again eight theras' and 249 eight ministers each with a thousand followers, but even as before he came not.
The king asked: 'Nay then, how shall the thera come?' 250 The bhikkhus told him how the thera could be moved to come: 'O great king, if they shall say to him, “be our helper, 251 venerable sir, to befriend religion,' then will the thera come.'
Again the king sent (messengers) sixteen theras and sixteen 252 ministers, each with a thousand followers, laying that (same) charge upon them, and he said to them : Aged as he is, the 253 thera will not enter any wheeled vehicle; bring the thera by ship on the Ganges."
So they went to him and told him, and hardly had he heard 254 (their message) but he rose up. And they brought the thera in a ship and the king went to meet him. Going down even 255 knee-deep into the water the king respectfully gave his right hand to the thera, as he came down from the ship. The 256
" According to Simp. 310, 12 foll. the king had dreamed a dream, the night before, which the soothsayers interpreted thus, that a saman an aga, a great ascetic, would touch his right hand. As the thera now laid hold of the king's hand the attendants were about to kill him. For to touch the king's hand was a crime punishable by death. However, the king restrained them. But the thera laid hold of the king's hand as a sign that he accepted him as his pupil.

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venerable thera took the king's right hand from compassion toward him, and came down from the ship. 257 The king led the thera to the pleasure-garden called Rativaddhana, and when he had washed and anointed his feet and 258 had seated himself the monarch spoke thus, to test the thera's 259 faculty: 'Sir, I would fain see a miracle.' And to the question which (miracle he desired) he answered: “An earthquake.’ And again the other said to him: 'Which wouldst thou see, 260 of the whole (earth shaken) or only of a single region? Then when he had asked: “Which is the more difficult? and heard (the reply): “The shaking of a single region is the more difficult, he declared that he desired to see this last 261 Then within the boundary of a yojana (in extent) did the thera place a waggon, a liorse and a man, and a vessel full of 262 water at the four cardinal points, and over this yojana by his miraculous power he caused the earth to tremble, together with the half of (each of) these (things) and let the king seated there behold this. 263 Then the monarch asked the thera whether or not he himself shared the guilt of the murder of the bhikkhus by the 264 minister. The thera taught the king : “There is no resulting
guilt without evil intent, and he recited the Tittira-jataka. 265 Abiding a week there in the pleasant royal park he in266 structed the ruler in the lovely religion of the Sambuddha. In
Here there is a play on the words dakkhin a 'right' and dakkhiney ya “venerable”.
The expressions are difficult to render but the sense is clear. On the boundaries of a space measuring a lmile in diameter, there were placed at N. S., E., and W. a waggon, a horse, a man, and a vessel full of water. The earthquake was so strictly limited in its action that these objects were affected by the quaking only as to the half on the inner side, the other half remained unmoved.
In patic cakamma the term kamma is employed in the technical sense as the sum of all good and evil deeds that bring of necessity reward or punishment as their result, and if not balanced lead inevitably to a new existence after death. Patic ca, means 'following on something, conditioned by something'. The formation of the compound is the same as in paticca sam uppādla, paccayākā ra.
“ FAUs BöILL, Jātaka III. 64 foll. The Kambodian Mah. inserts
here a metrical version of the story.

W. 278 The Third Council 49
this same week the monarch sent out two yakkhas and assembled together all the bhikkhus on the earth. On the 267 seventh day he went to his own splendidairama and arranged an assembly of the community of bhikkhus in its full numbers.
Then seated with the thera on one side behind a curtain the 268 ruler called to him in turn the bhikkhus of the several confessions and asked them: 'Sir, what did the Blessed One 269 teach?’ And they each expounded their wrong doctrine, the Sassata-doctrine and so forth. And all these adherents of 270 false doctrine did the king cause to be expelled from the order; those who were expelled were in all sixty thousand. And now 271 he asked the rightly-believing bhikkhus: “What does the Blessed One teach?’ And they answered: “He teaches the Vibhaja-doctrine.2
And the monarch asked the thera : * Sir, does the Sam- 272 buddha (really) teach the Vibhajja-doctrine? The thera answered: “Yes.' And when the king knew this he was glad at heart and said: “Since the community is (henceforth) puri- 273 fied, sir, therefore should the brotherhood hold the uposathafestival, and he made the thera guardian of the order and 274 returned to his fair capital; the brotherhood held thenceforth the uposatha-festival in concord.
Out of the great number of the brotherhood of bhikkhus 275 the thera chose a thousand learned bhikkhus, endowed with the six supernormal powers, knowing the three pitakas and versed in the special sciences,” to make a compilation of the 276 true doctrine. Together with them did he, in the Asokarama, make a compilation of the true dhamma,* Even as the thera 277 Mahakassapa and the thera Yasa had held a council so did the thera Tissa. In the midst of this council the thera Tissa set 278
The different dit thiyo or heretical doctrines, reckoned as sixtytwo in all, are frequently mentioned in the canonical books, thus in the Brahmajālasuttanta of the Dīghanikāya (D. 1, 13 foll.).
* CHILIDERs (P. D. S. w. wibh ajati) renders the sense appropriately with 'religion of Logic or Reason'. Vibhajjavada is identical with the ravada. KERN, Manual, p. 110.
See the notes to 4.62 and 4. 12.
“ Katum saddham masa nga han. See note to 3. 17.
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forth the Kathavatthuppakarana, refuting the other doctrines. Thus was this council under the protection of king Asoka ended by the thousand bhikkhus in nine months.
In the seventeenth year of the king's reign the wise (thera) who was seventy-two years old, closed the council with a great pavarana-ceremony.” And, as if to shout applause to the reestablishment of doctrine, the great earth shook at the close of the council.
Nay, abandoning the high, the glorious Brahma-heaven and coming down for the sake of the doctrine to the loathsome world of men, he, who had fulfilled his own duty, fulfilled the duties toward the doctrine. Who else verily may neglect duties toward the doctrine?
Here ends the fifth chapter, called “The Third Council, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
A work of the Abhidhamma. Aathavatthat, ed. by A. C. TAYLOR, vol. i, ii, P.T.S. 1894, 1897. See note to 12. 2.

CHAPTER WI
THE COMING OF VIJAYA
IN the country of the Wangas in the Vanga capital there 1 lived once a king of the Vangas. The daughter of the king of the Kalingas was that king's consort. By his spouse the 2 king had a daughter, the soothsayers prophesied her union with the king of beasts. Very fair was she and very amorous 3 and for shame the king and queen could not suffer her.
Alone she went forth from the house, desiring the joy of 4 independent life; unrecognized she joined a caravan travelling to the Magadha country. In the Lala country a lion attacked 5 the caravan in the forest, the other folk fled this way and that, but she fled along the way by which the lion had come. ۔۔۔۔
When the lion had taken his prey and was leaving the spot 6 he beheld her from afar, love (for her) laid hold on him, and he came towards her with waving tail and ears laid back. Seeing him she bethought her of that prophecy of the soothsayers which she had heard, and without fear she caressed him stroking his limbs.
The lion, roused to fiercest passion by her touch, took her 8 upon his back and bore her with all speed to his cave, and there he was united with her, and from this union with 9 him the princess in time bore twin-children, a son and a daughter.
The son's hands and feet were formed like a lion's and there- () fore she named him Sihabahu, but the daughter (she named) Silhasivali. When he was sixteen years old the son questioned 11 his mother on the doubt (that had arisen in him): “Wherefore are you and our father so different, dear mother ? She 12 told him all. Then he asked: “Why do we not go forth (from here)? And she answered: “Thy father has closed the cave up with a rock.' Then he took that barrier before the great 13
I. e. Bengal.
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cave upon his shoulder and went (a distance of) fifty yojanas going and coming in one day. 14 Then (once), when the lion had gone forth in search of prey, (Sihabahu) took his mother on his right shoulder and his 15 young sister on his left, and went away with speed. They clothed themselves with branches of trees, and so came to a border-village and there, even at that time, was a son of the 16 princess's uncle, a commander in the army of the Vanga king, to whom was given the rule over the border-country; and he was just then sitting under a banyan-tree overseeing the work that was done. 17 When he saw them he asked them (who they were) and they said: “We are forest-folk”; the commander bade (his 18 people) give them clothing; and this turned into splendid (garments). He had food offered to them on leaves and by reason of their merit these were turned into dishes of gold. 19 Then, amazed, the commander asked them, 'Who are you?' 20 The princess told him her family and clan. Then the commander took his uncle's daughter with him and went to the capital of the Wangas and married her. 21. When the lion, returning in haste to his cave, missed those three (persons), he was sorrowful, and grieving after his 22 son he neither ate nor drank. Seeking for his children he went to the border-village, and every village where he came was deserted by the dwellers therein. 23 And the border-folk came to the king and told him this: A lion ravages thy country; ward off (this danger) O king!' 24 Since he found none who could ward off (this danger) he had a thousand (pieces of money) led about the city on an elephant's back and this proclamation made: 'Let him 25 who brings the lion receive these And in like manner the monarch (offered) two thousand and three thousand. Twice 26 did Sihabahu's mother restrain him. The third time without asking his mother's leave, Sihabahu took the three thousand gold-pieces (as reward) for slaying his own father. 27 They presented the youth to the king, and the king spoke
o Sihabhuja in the text (metri causa) which means the same as Si ha bahu “Lion-arm'.

W. 43 The Coming of Vijaya 53
thus to him: ' If thou shalt take the lion I will give thee at once the kingdom.' And he went to the opening of the cave, and as soon as he saw from afar the lion who came forward, for love toward his son, he shot an arrow to slay him. ܗܝ
The arrow struck the lion's forehead but because of his tenderness (toward his son) it rebounded and fell on the earth at the youth's feet. And so it fell out three times, then did the king of beasts grow wrathful and the arrow sent at him struck him and pierced his body.
(Silhabahu) took the head of the lion with the mane and returned to his city. And just seven days had passed then since the death of the king of the Vangas. Since the king had no son the ministers, who rejoiced over his deed on hearing that he was the king's grandson and on recognizing his mother, met all together and said of one accord to the prince Sihabahu Be thou (our) king.
And he accepted the kingship but handed it over then to his mother's husband and he himself went with Sihas vall to the land of his birth. There he built a city, and they called it Sihapura, and in the forest stretching a hundred yojanas around he founded villages. In the kingdom of Lala, in that city did Sihabihu, ruler of men, hold sway when he had made Sihaslvali his queen. As time passed on his consort bore twin sons sixteen times, the eldest was named Vijaya, the second Sumitta; together there were thirty-two sons. In time the king consecrated Vijaya as prince-regent.
Vijaya was of evil conduct and his followers were even (like himself), and many intolerable deeds of violence were done by them. Angered by this the people told the matter to the king; the king, speaking persuasively to them, severely blamed his son. But all fell out again as before, the second and yet the third time; and the angered people said to the king : “ Kill thy son.”
Then did the king cause Vijaya and his followers, seven hundred men, to be shaven over half the head and put them
The shaving of the hair signifies loss of freedom. In Sinhalese midi (= Skr. mum dita shaven') means "slave'.
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on a ship and sent them forth upon the sea, and their wives 44 and children also. The men, women, and children sent forth separately landed separately, each (company) upon an 45 island, and they dwelt even there. The island where the children landed was called Naggadipa and the island where 16 the women landed Mahiladipaka. But Vijaya landed at the haven called Supparaka, but being there in danger by reason of the violence of his followers he embarked again. 47 The prince named VIJAYA, the valiant, landed in Lanka, in the region called Tambapanni on the day that the Tathagata lay down between the two twinlike sala-trees to pass into nibbāņa.
Here ends the sixth chapter, called “The Coming of Vijaya, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
That is, "Island of children,' from nagga 'naked'.
* That is, * Island of wonnen.'
* Skt. Śürpäraka, situated on the west coast of India, now Sopara, in the Thana District, north of Bombay. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, s.v.

CHAPTER VIII
THE CONSECRATING OF VIJAYA
WHEN the Guide of the World, having accomplished the salvation of the whole world and having reached the utmost stage of blissful rest, was lying on the bed of his nibbina, in the midst of the great assembly of gods, he, the great sage, the greatest of those who have speech, spoke to Sakka who
stood there near him: Vijaya, son of king Sihabahu, is come :
to Lanka from the country of Lila, together with seven hundred followers. In Lanka, O lord of gods, will my religion be established, therefore carefully protect him with his followers and Lanka.'
When the lord of gods heard the words of the Tathagata he from respect handed over the guardianship of Lanka to the god who is in colour like the lotus.
And no sooner had the god received the charge from Sakka than he came speedily to Lanka and sat down at the foot of a tree in the guise of a wandering ascetic. And all the followers of Vijaya came to him and asked him: 'What island is this, sir?' The island of Lanka, he answered. * There are no men here, and here no dangers will arise.' And when he had spoken so and sprinkled water on them from his water-vessel, and had wound a thread about their hands he vanished through the air. And there appeared, in the form of a bitch, a yakkhini who was an attendant (of Kuvanna)."
A name of Indra, king of the gods.
* Devass' uppalavannas sa, that is Visnu. The allusion is to the colour of the BLUE lotus (uppala).
As a paritta, that is as a protecting charm against the influence of demons.
* The Tikä says: Kuvan näya Sisa päti-nä mikä paricärikayak khiņī. The Kambodian Mah. also gives the same , name Sīsapātika.
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One (of Vijaya's men) went after her, although he was forbidden by the prince (for he thought), Only where there is a village are dogs to be found.' Her mistress, a yakkhini named Kuvanna, sat there at the foot of a tree spinning, as a woman-hermit might.
When the man saw the pond and the woman-hermit sitting there, he bathed there and drank and taking young shoots of lotuses and water in lotus-leaves he came forth again. And she said to him: “Stay thou art my prey Then the man stood there as if fast bound. But because of the power of the magic thread she could not devour him, and though he was entreated by the yakkhini, the man would not yield up the thread. Then the yakkhini seized him, and hurled him who cried aloud into a chasm. And there in like manner she hurled (all) the seven hundred one by one after him.
And when they all did not return fear came on Vijaya; armed with the five weapons' he set out, and when he beheld the beautiful pond, where he saw no footstep of any man coming forth, but saw that woman-hermit there, he thought: Surely my men have been seized by this woman.’ And he said to her, “Lady, hast thou not seen mymen ?’ “ What dost thou want with thy people, prince?’ she answered. * Drink thou and bathe.'
Then was it clear to him: “This is surely a yakkhini, she knows my rank, and swiftly, uttering his name, he came at her drawing his bow. He caught the yakkhini in the noose about the neck, and seizing her hair with his left hand he lifted his sword in the right and cried: “Slave give me back my men, or I slay thee!' Then, tormented with fear the yakkhini prayed him for her life. “Spare my life, sir, I will give thee a kingdom and do thee a woman's service and , other service as thou wilt.'
And that he might not be betrayed he made the yakkhini swear an oath, and so soon as the charge was laid on her, Bring hither my men with all speed, she brought them to
There, that is where Wijaya's man followed the bitch. ° N addha paicayudho. The five weapons are, according to CLoUGH, sword, bow, battle-axe, spear, and shield.

W. 35 The Consecrating of Vijaya 57
that place. When he said, 'These men are hungry, she 24 showed them rice and other (foods) and goods of every kind that had been in the ships of those traders whom she had devoured.
(Vijaya's) men prepared the rice and the condiments, and 25 when they had first set them before the prince they all ate of them.
When the yakkhini had taken the first portions (of the 26 meal) that Vijaya handed to her, she was well pleased, and assuming the lovely form of a sixteen-year-old maiden she 27 approached the prince adorned with all the ornaments. At the foot of a tree she made a splendid bed, well-covered 28 around with a tent, and adorned with a canopy. And seeing this, the king's son, looking forward to the time to come, took her to him as his spouse and lay (with her) blissfully on 29 that bed; and all his men encamped around the tent.
As the night went on he heard the sounds of music and 30 singing, and asked the yakkhini, who was lying near him: “What means this noise ?' And the yakkhini thought : “I 31 will bestow kingship on my lord and all the yakkhas must be slain, for (else) the yakkhas will slay me, for it was through me that men have taken up their dwelling (in Lanka).' '
And she said to the prince: Here there is a yakkha-city 32 called Sirisavatthu ; the daughter of the chief of the yakkhas 33 who dwells in the city of Lanka has been brought hither, and her mother too is come. And for the wedding there is 34 high festival, lasting seven days; therefore there is this noise, for a great multitude is gathered together. Even to-day 35
Instead of verses 26-84 the later (Sinhalese) recension has a somewhat divergent reading, the text of which is printed in my edition, p. 326 foll. Appendix A. Cf. ibid., Introd., p. xxxiv.
* To manus sā, vāsakāraņā, “ because of (my) bringing about a settlement of men', the Tika adds the words imas mim dipe "in this island'.
* Lit. of the eldest yakkha.'
* The Tīkā calls the bride's father Mahākālasema, the bride Polamitta, the mother Gonda. The names Kalasena and Polannitta occur also in the Kamb. Mah.

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do thou destroy the yakkhas, for afterwards it will no longer be possible.”
He replied: “How can I slay the yakkhas who are invisible?' 'Wheresoever they may be, she said, “I will utter cries, and where thou shalt hear that sound, strike and by my magic power shall thy weapon fall upon their bodies.’
Since he listened to her and did even (as she said) he slew all the yakkhas, and when he had fought victoriously he himself put on the garments of the yakkha-king and bestowed the other raiment on one and another of his followers.
When he had spent some days at that spot he went to Tambapanni. There Vijaya founded the city of Tambapanni and dwelt there, together with the yakkhini, surrounded by his ministers.
When those who were commanded by Vijaya landed from their ship, they sat down wearied, resting their hands upon the ground-and since their hands were reddened by touching the dust of the red earth that region and also the island were (named) Tambapanni. But the king Sihabahu, since he had slain the lion (was called) Sihala and, by reason of the ties between him and them, all those (followers of Vijaya) were also (called) Sihala.
Here and there did Vijaya's ministers found villages. Anuradhagama was built by a man of that name near the Kadamba river; the chaplain Upatissa built Upatissagama on the bank of the Gambhīra river, to the north of Anuradhagama. Three other ministers built, each for himself, Uijeni, Uruvela, and the city of Vijita.
The soil of Ceylon is composed of laterit which crumbles into a red dust.
* A play on the word tambapani, red hand.
Now Malwatte-oya, which flows by the ruins of Anuradhapura.
This is probably to be sought on one of the right-bank tributaries of the lower Malwațțe-oya. According to Mah. 28. 7 the Gambhīra-nadi flows 1 yojana (i.e. 7-8 miles) north of Anuradhapura.
According to tradition the remains of the city of Vijita exist as those ruins which lie not far from the Kalu-waewa (Kalavapi) about 24 miles south of Anuradhapura in the jungle, TENNENT, Ceylon, ii, p. 602 foll. I think the tradition is right, although PARKER,

WII. 58 The Consecrating of Vijaya 59
When they had founded settlements in the land the ministers all came together and spoke thus to the prince: “Sire, consent to be consecrated as king.' But, in spite of their demand, the prince refused the consecration, unless a maiden of a noble house were consecrated as queen (at the same time).
But the ministers, whose minds were eagerly bent upon the consecrating of their lord, and who, although the means were difficult, had overcome all anxious fears about the matter, sent people, eitrusted with many precious gifts, jewels, pearls, and so forth, to the city of Madhura in southern (India), to woo the daughter of the Pandu king for their lord, devoted
46
47
(as they were) to their ruler; and they also (sent to woo),
the daughters of others for the ministers and retainers.
When the messengers were quickly come by ship to the city of Madhura, they laid the gifts and letter before the king. The king took counsel with his ministers, and since he was minded to send his daughter (to Lanka) he, having first received also daughters of others for the munisters (of Vijaya), nigh upon a hundred maidens, proclaimed with beat of drum: Those men here who are willing to let a daughter depart for
Lanka shall provide their daughters with a double store of
clothing and place them at the doors of their houses. By this sign shall we (know that we may) take them to ourselves.'
When he had thus obtained many maidens and had given compensation to their families, he sent his daughter, bedecked with all her ornaments, and all that was needful for the journey, and all the maidens whom he had fitted out, according to their rank, elephants withal and horses and waggons, worthy of a king, and craftsmen and a thousand families of the eighteen guilds, entrusted with a letter to the conqueror Vijaya. All this multitude of men disembarked at
Ancient Ceylon, p. 237 foll., identifies Wijitapura with a suburb of Polannaruwa mentioned in the twelfth century A. D. As to the site of Uruvela, see 28.36 and note.
1 Now Madura, in the south of the Madras Presidency.
The Tika explains saparicchadam by paribhogabhandikam samakutappäsad hamikam vä. Cf Skt. paric chada.
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Mahatittha; for that very reason is that landing-place known as Mahatittha. 59 Vijaya had one son and one daughter by the yakkhini; when he now heard that the princess had arrived he said to 60 the yakkhini : “Go thou now, dear one, leaving the two children behind; men are ever in fear of superhuman beings.’ 61 But when she heard this she was seized with fear of the yakkhas; then he said (again) to the yakkhini : * Delay not I will bestow on thee an offering by (spending) 62 a thousand (pieces of money). When she had again and again besought him (in vain) she took her two children and departed for Lankapura, though fearing that evil should come of it. 63 She set the children down outside and went, herself, into that city. When the yakkhas in the city recognized the 64 yakkhini, in their terror they took her for a spy and there was great stir among them; but one who was violent killed the yakkhini with a single blow of his fist. 65 But her uncle, on the mother's side, a yakkha, went forth from the city and when he saw the children he asked them: 66 Whose children are you...?' and hearing that they were Kuvanna's he said: “Here has your mother been slain, and they will slay you also if they see you: (therefore) flee swiftly 67 Fleeing with speed they went from thence to the Sumanakita. The brother, the elder of the two, when he grew up 68 took his sister, the younger, for his wife, and multiplying with sons and daughters, they dwelt, with the king's leave, there in Malaya. From these are sprung the Pulinda.
I. e. 'the great landing-place'; now Mantotal opposite the island Manaar.
* Since Kuvanna, is a yakkhini, she must receive like the devatas a bali or religious offering, oblation.
I.e. Adam's Peak.
The central mountain-region in the interior of Ceylon.
Pulinda, a designation of barbarous tribes, is here evidently a name of the Waeddas. The tract of country inland between Colombo, Kalutara, Galle and the mountains is now called Sabaragamuwa from Skt. sabara; p. savara, a synonym of pulinda.

VII. 74 The Consecrating of Vijaya 61.
The envoys of the Pandu king delivered up to the prince 69 Vijaya the gifts and the (maidens) with the king's daughter at their head. When Vijaya had offered hospitality and bestowed 70 honours on the envoys he bestowed the maidens, according to their rank, upon his ministers and retainers. According to 71 custom the ministers in full assembly consecrated Vijaya king and appointed a great festival.
Then king Vijaya consecrated the daughter of the Pandu. 72 king with solemn ceremony as his queen; he bestowed wealth 73 on his ministers, and every year he sent to his wife's father a shell-pearl worth twice a hundred thousand (pieces of money).
When he had forsaken his former evil way of life, Vijaya, 74 the lord of men, ruling over all Lanka in peace and righteousness reigned, as is known, in the city of Tambapanni, thirty-eight years.
Here ends the seventh chapter, called 'The Consecrating of Vijaya', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

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CHAPTER VIII
THE CONSECRATING OF PANDU VĀSUIDEVA
1 THE great king Vijaya, being in the last year (of his life), bethought him: “I am old and there lives no son of mine. 2 The kingdom peopled with (such great) difficulty may come to naught after my death; therefore would I fain have my brother Sumitta brought here (that I may give) the govern3 ment (into his hands).' When he had taken counsel with his ministers he sent a letter to him, and within a short time after Vijaya had sent the letter he passed away to the celestial world. 4. When he was dead the ministers ruled, dwelling in Upatissa5 gama while they awaited the coming of the prince. After the death of king Vijaya and before the coming of the prince was our island of Lanka kingless for a year. 6 In Sihapura, after the death of king Sihabahu, his son 7 Sumitta was king; he had three sons by the daughter of the Madda king. The messengers coming to Sihapura handed 8 the letter to the king. When he had heard the letter the king spoke thus to his three sons: “I am old, dear ones; one 9 of you must depart for the greatly favoured and beauteous
Lanka belonging to my brother, and there, after his death, . assume (the sovereignty of) that fair kingdom. 10 The king's youngest son, the prince Panduvasudeva, thought: ‘I will go thither.' And when he had assured himself 11 of the success of his journey and empowered by his father, he took with him thirty-two sons of ministers and embarked 12 (with them) in the disguise of mendicant monks. They landed
Madda = Skt. Madra, now Madras.
* Natva sotthim gatim hi ca (by asking the Booth Bayers). Tikë: n emittika va can ene va jänit vä, “ knowing from the word of the soothsayers ".

vIII. 22 The Consecrating of Panduvāsudeva 63
at the mouth of the Mahakandara river; when the people saw these mendicant monks they received them with due respect.
When they had inquired about the capital, they arrived gradually approaching (the city), at Upatissagama, protected by the devatas. Now a minister there, charged by the (other) ministers, had questioned a soothsayer concerning the coming of the prince, and he had furthermore foretold him
Just on the seventh day will the prince come and one who shall spring of nis house shall establish (here) the religion of the Buddha.' Now when the ministers saw the mendicant monks arrive there, just on the seventh day, and inquiring into the matter recognized them, they entrusted Panduvasudeva with the sovereignty of Lanka; but since he lacked a consort he did not yet receive the solemn consecration.
A son of the Sakka Amitodana was the Sakka Paņdu. Since he heard that the Sakyas would (shortly) be destroyed he took his followers with him and went to another tract of land on the further side of the Ganges and founded a city there and ruled there as king. He had seven sons.
His youngest daughter was called Bhaddakaccana. She was (even as) a woman made of gold, fair of form and eagerly wooed. For (love of) her did seven kings send precious gifts to the king (Pandu), but for fear of the kings, and since he was told (by soothsayers) that an auspicious journey would
Not identified. Probably one of the rivers falling into the sea north of Mamaar,
* That is, besides the fact of Panduvasudeva's coming he had foretold the details that follow.
The Sakyas were annihilated in war by the Kosala king Widudabha, shortly before the death of the Buddha; see RHYs DAVIDs,
Buddhist India, p. 11. This catastrophe is foretold to Pandu by
soothsayers. Tika: Widtidha bhayuddha to puretaram eva in e mittika va can en e va Sakyān a m b ha vitabb a m vinās arqn janitva ti at tho Since he knew, even before the war with Widiidabha, by the word of the soothsayers the future destruction of the Sakyas'.
“The golden colour of the skin always, in Sinhalese poems, counts for a mark of particular beauty. Kusajat. 172: ran-ruwalk karagena. As a designation of beautiful women ran-liya golden creeper is employed at Saelalihinisandesa. 55; Kusajat. 557
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come to pass, nay, one with the result of royal consecration, he placed his daughter speedily upon a ship, together with 23 thirty-two women-friends, and launched the ship upon the Ganges, saying: ' Whosoever can, let him take my daughter. And they could not overtake her, but the ship fared swiftly thence. 24 Already on the second day they reached the haven called 25 Gonagamaka and there they landed robed like nuns. When they had inquired about the capital, they arrived gradually approaching (the city), at Upatissagama, protected by the devatās. 26 One of the ministers who had heard the saying of a soothsayer, saw the women come, and inquiring into the 27 matter recognized them and brought them to the king. So his ministers, full of pious understanding, consecrated as their king PAN puvAsUDEVA, whose every wish was fulfilled. 28 When he had consecrated Subhaddakaccana, of noble stature, as his own queen, and had given those (maidens) who had arrived with her to the followers who had come with him, the monarch lived happily.
Here ends the eighth chapter, called 'The Consecrating of Panduvasudeva', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1. At the mouth of the Mahakandara-nadi. Cf. 8. 12.
The wording is exactly like v. 13, in order to lay stress on the parallel in the proceedings. In the same way v. 26 is based on vv. 14 and 16.

CHAPTER IX
THE CONSECRATING OF ABHAYA
T.E queen bore ten sons and one daughter: the eldest of 1 all was named Abhaya, the youngest (child, the) daughter was named Citta. When the brahmans skilled in sacred texts saw 2 her they foretold: “For the sake of sovereignty will her son slay his uncles. When the brothers resolved: 'let us kill our 3 young sister, Abhaya restrained them. A
In due time they lodged her in a chamber having but one pillar, and the entry thereto they made through the 4 king's sleeping-chamber; and within they placed a servingwoman, and a hundred soldiers without. But since she 5 (Citta) drove men mad by the mere sight of her beauty, the name given to her was lengthened by an epithet “Ummadacittā ”.
When they heard of the coming of the princess Bhadda-6 kaccana to Lanka her brothers also, except one, urged by their mother, departed thither.
When on arriving they had visited the ruler of Lanka, 7 Panduvasudeva and their youngest sister too and had lamented with her, they, hospitably received by the king and having 8 the king's leave, went about the island of Lanka and took up their abode wheresoever it pleased them.
The place where Rama settled is called Ramagona, the 9 settlements of Uruvela and Anuradha (are called) by their names, and the settlements of Vijita, Dighayu, and Rohana 10 are named Vijitagama, Dighayu, and Rohana. Anuradha 11
The allusion is to um madeti 'makes mad'. Putta, literally: “the sons,' that is, of the Sakya Pandu. Probably over the fate of Ummadacitta. “ Carim su belongs to cāri kam and nivās arm both.
Cf. 7. 43 foll. where the names Anuradha, Uruvela, and Wijita also : appear. Evidently we have to do with a different tradition as to the foundation of the same cities.

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66 Mahāvansa, IX. 12
built a tank and when he had built a palace to the south of 12 this, he took up his abode there. Afterwards the great king Panduvasudeva consecrated his eldest son Abhaya as viceregent. 13 When the son of prince Dighayu, Dighagamani, heard of 14 Ummadacitta, he went, driven by longing for her, to Upatissagama, and there sought out the ruler of the land, And this (latter) appointed him together with the vice-regent, to service at the royal court. 15 Now (once) Citta saw Gaimani in the place where he stood opposite her window, and, her heart on fire with love, she 16 asked her serving-woman: “Who is that? When she heard: He is the son of thy uncle, she trusted the matter to her 17 attendant and he, being in league with her, fastened a hookladder to the window in the night, climbed up, broke the window and so came in. 18 So he had intercourse with her and did not go forth till break of day. And he returned there constantly, nor was he discovered, for there was no entry (to the chamber). 19 And she became with child by him, and when the fruit of her womb was ripe the serving-woman told her mother, and 20 the mother, having questioned her daughter, told the king. The king took counsel with his sons and said: “He too must be received among us; let us give her (in marriage) to him.' 21 And saying: ' If it is a son we will slay him ; they gave
her to him.
But she, when the time of her delivery was come near, 22 went to the lying-in-chamber. And thinking : “These were accomplices in the matter, the princes, from fear, did to death 23 the herdsman Citta and the slave Kalavela, attendants on Gaimani, since they would make no promise. They were
Gavakkham hi da sapetva rattim kakkatayantakam, lit. "making a crab-machine to bite on to the window'. For explanation of this passage see Mah. ed., Introd., p. xxvi.
* S o pi, namely, Dīghagāmaņi. o Pati îă îña nn a dente, that is, they would not fall in with the design of the brothers to kill the boy who might perhaps come into the world. Cf. Mah. ed., Introd., p. xvi.

IX. 29 The Consecrating of Abhaya 67
reborn as yakkhas and both kept guard over the child in the mother's womb. And Citta made her attendant find another 24 woman who was near her delivery. And Citta bore a son but this woman bore a daughter. Citta caused a thousand (pieces 25 of money) to be handed over to (the other) together with her own son, and the latter's daughter to be then brought to her and laid beside her. When the king's sons heard “a daughter 26 is born, they were well pleased; but the two, mother and grandmother, joining the names of the grandfather and the 27 eldest uncle gave the boy the name Pandukabhaya.
The ruler of Lanka, Panduvasudeva, reigned thirty years. 28 When Pandukabhaya was born, he died.
When the ruler was dead, the king's sons all assembled 29 together and held the great festival of consecration of their brother, the safety-giving ABHAYA.
Here ends the ninth chapter, called 'The Consecrating of Abhaya , in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
A play on the word abhaya the fearless', and abhayada "bestowing fearlessness, freedom from danger, or security'.
F 2

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CHAPTER X.
THE CONSECRATING OF PANDUKĀBHAYA
1 (As) commanded by Ummadacitta the serving-woman took the boy, laid him in a basket and went with him to Dvaramaņdalaka. 2. When the princes, who had gone a-hunting in the Tumbara forest saw the serving-woman they asked her: “Where art 3 thou going? What is that?' She answered: “I am going to Dvaramandalaka; that is a sweet cake for my daughter.' 4 The princes said to her: “Take it out.' Then Citta and Kalavela who had come forth to protect (the boy) caused a 5 great boar to appear at that moment. The princes pursued him; but she took (the boy) and went thither and gave the boy and a thousand (pieces of money) secretly to a certain 6 man who was entrusted (with the matter). On that very day his wife bore a son, and he, declaring: “My wife has borne twin sons, reared that boy (with his own). 7 The (boy) was already seven years old when his uncles found out (where he was) and charged followers of theirs to kill (with 8 him) the boys playing in a certain pond. Now the boy was used to hide, by diving, in a certain hollow tree standing in the water and having the mouth of the hollow hidden under 9 water, entering by the hollow, and when he had stayed long within he would come forth in the same way, and being again among the other boys, however much they questioned him, he would mislead them with evasive words. 10 On the day the (princes') people came the boy with his clothes on dived into the water and stayed hidden in 11 the hollow tree. When those men had counted the clothes and
* According to Mah. 23. 23 the village is situated near the Cetiyamountain (Mihintale), east of Anuradhapura.
* See Mah. ed., Introd., p. liii.

Χ. 25 The Consecrating of Pandukābhaya 69
killed the other boys they went away and declared: “The boys have all been killed ' When they were gone that (boy) went 12 to his foster-father's house, and comforted by him he lived on there to the age of twelve years.
When his uncles again heard that the boy was alive they 13 charged (their followers) to kill all the herdsmen. Just on 14 that day the herdsmen had taken a deer and sent the boy into the village to bring fire. He went home, but sent his foster- 15 father's son out saying: “I am footsore, take thou fire for the herdsmen; then thou too wilt have some of the roast to eat. 16 Hearing those words he took fire to the herdsmen: and at 17 that moment those (men) despatched to do it surrounded the herdsmen and killed them all, and when they had killed them they (went and) told (the boy's) uncles.
Then, when he was sixteen years old, his uncles discovered 18 him; his mother sent him a thousand (pieces of money) and a command to bring him to (a place of) safety. His foster- 19 father told him all his mother's message, and giving him a slave and the thousand (pieces of money) he sent him to Pandula. The brahman named Pandula, a rich man and learned 20 in the vedas, dwelt in the southern district in (the village) Pandulagamaka. The prince went thither and sought out the 21 brahman Pandula. When this latter had asked him: “Art thou Pandukabhaya, my dear? and was answered 'Yes', he 22 paid him honour (as a guest) and said: “Thou wilt be king, and full seventy years wilt thou rule; learn the art, my dear 23 and he instructed him, and by his son Canda also that art was mastered in a short time.
He gave him a hundred thousand (pieces of money) to enroll 24 soldiers and when five hundred men had been enrolled by him (he said): “The (woman) at whose touch leaves turn to gold 25
Ayutta or ayuttaka 'the man entrusted (with the bringing-up)'.
* Tassa rakkham ca disi, lit. “ and disposed (or commanded) his protection'. مح۔
* Sippam uggaņ ha, in this case “the art” is the knowledge needed by a reigning prince.
“ Can den a cassa puttena belongs, according to the Tīkā, to sippaņ samā pitan.

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70 Mahāvansa X. 26
26 make thou thy queen, and my son Canda thy chaplain.' When he had thus said and given him money he sent him forth from thence with his soldiers. Proclaiming his name he, the 27 virtuous prince, fared forth and when in the city of Pana near the Kasa-mountain he had gathered together seven hundred 28 followers and provision for all, he went thence, followed by one thousand two hundred men to the mountain called Girikaņda. 29 An uncle of Pandukabhaya, named Girikandasiva, drew his revenues from this district that Panduvasudeva had handed 30 over to him. This prince was even then on the point of reaping (a field) measuring a hundred karisas; his daughter was 31 the beautiful princess named Pali. And she, with a great retinue, had mounted her splendid waggon, and came bring32 ing food for her father and for the reapers. The prince's men, who saw the princess there, told the prince (about 33 her); the prince coming thither in haste and dividing her followers into two bands, drove his own waggon, followed by his men, near her and asked: “Where art thou going? 34 And when she had told him all the prince, whose heart was
fired with love, asked for a share of the food. 35 She stepped down from the waggon and, at the foot of a banyan-tree, she offered the prince food in a golden bowl. 36 Then she took banyan-leaves to entertain the rest of the people (with food) and in an instant the leaves were changed into 37 golden vessels. When the prince saw this and remembered the brahman's words he was glad (thinking): “I have found the 38 maiden who is worthy to be made queen.’ So she entertained them all, but yet the food became not less; it seemed that but 39 one man's portion had been taken away. Thus from that time onward that youthful princess who was so rich in virtues and merit was called by the name Suvannapali. 40 And the prince took the maiden and mounted his waggon and fared onward, fearless and surrounded by a mighty army.
Probably near the modern Kah agal agam a “village of the Kaha mountain ', about 18 miles SE. from Anurädhapura, and 10 miles WNW. from the mountain Ritigala. See also 25.50, and the Appendix C on Pandukabhaya's campaigns.

X. 53 The Consecrating of Pandukābhaya 71.
When her father heard this he despatched all his soldiers, and 41 they came and gave battle and returned, defeated by the 42 others; at that place (afterwards) a village was built called Kalahanagara. When her five brothers heard this they (also) departed to make war. And all those did Canda, the son of 43 Pandula slay; Lohitavahakhanda was their battle-field.
With a great host Pandukabhaya marched from thence to 44 the further shore of the Ganga toward the Dola-mountain. Here he sojourned four years. When his uncles heard that he 45 was there they marched thither, leaving the king behind, to do battle with him. When they had made a fortified camp 46, near the Dhumarakkha-mountain they fought a battle with their nephew. But the nephew pursued the uncles to this side 47 of the river, and having defeated them in flight he held their fortified camp for two years.
And they went to Upatissagama and told all this to the 48 king. And the king sent the prince a letter together with a thousand (pieces of money) saying: "Keep thou possession of 49 the land on the further shore, but come not over to this shore.' When the nine brothers heard of this they were wroth with the king and said: “Long hast thou been, in truth, a helper 50 to him Now dost thou give him the kingdom. For that we will put thee to death.' He yielded up the government to 51 them, and with one accord they appointed their brother named Tissa to be regent.
This safety-giving Abhaya had reigned as king in Upatis- 52 sagama twenty years.
Now a yakkhini named Cetiya, who dwelt on the Dhuma- 53
I. e. Battle-town. A Kalahagala lies to the south of Mineri-Tank (Manihira), not far from the left bank of the Ambanganga, which flows into the Mahawaeliganga lower down. Census of Ceylon, 1901, iv, pp. 468-469.
Lit. perhaps Field of the stream of blood'. * I. e. Mahāgaṁgī, now Mahawaeliganga. Pāragaṁ gā means, from the standpoint of the narrator (at Anuradhapura), the right, ora gang a "this side , the left bank of the Mahawaeliganga. As to the Dolapabbata (now Dolagal-wela), see Appendix C.
See note to 9. 29.

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54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
72 Mahāvamsa, X. 54
rakkha-mountain near the pond (called) Tumbariyangana, used to wander about in the form of a mare.
And once a certain man saw this beautiful (mare) with her white body and red feet and told the prince: Here is a mare whose appearance is thus and so
The prince took a noose and came to capture her. When she saw him coming up behind her she fled for fear of his majestic aspect. She fled without rendering herself invisible and he pursued her swiftly as she fled. Seven times in her flight she circled round the pond, and plunging into the Mahaganga and climbing forth again to the shore she fled seven times around the Dhumarakkha-mountain; and yet three times more she circled round the pond and plunged yet again in the Ganga near the Kacchaka-ford,” but there he seized her by the mane and (grasped) a palm-leaf that was floating down the stream; by the effect of his merit this turned into a great sword. He thrust at her with the sword, crying: “I will slay thee.' And she said to him: “I will conquer the kingdom and give it to thee, lord Slay me not Then he seized her by the neck and boring her nostrils with the point of his sword he secured her thus with a rope; but she followed wheresoever he would. When the mighty (hero) had gone to the Dhimarakkhamountain, bestriding the mare, he dwelt there on the Dhumarakkha-mountain four years. And having marched thence with his force and come to the Arittha-mountain he sojourned there seven years awaiting a fit time to make war.
Eight of his uncles, leaving two behind, drew near to the Arittha-mountain in battle array, and when they had laid out a fortified camp near a small city and had placed a commander at the head they surrounded the Arittha-mountain on every side.
According to v. 62 foll, not far from the Kacchakatittha (see note to v. 58), on the left bank of the Mahawaeliganga. The Dhimarakkhapabbata is also mentioned, Mah. 37.203 (= 163 of the Colombo edition ii).
Cf. 23. 17 and 25. 12. Now Mahagantota, a ford below the place where Ambanganga and Mahawaeli ganga join. See note to 35. 58.
Now Ritigala, North-Central Province, north of Habarana. Namely, Abhaya and Girikandasiva.

Χ. 79 The Consecrating of Pandukābhcya 73
After speech with the yakkhini, the prince, according to her cunning counsel, sent in advance a company of his soldiers taking with them kingly apparel and weapons as presents and
the message: “Take all this; I will make peace with you.' 6
But as they were lulled to security thinking: “We will take him prisoner if he comes, he mounted the yakkha-mare and
went forth to battle at the head of a great host. The 6
yakkhini neighed full loudly and his army, inside and outside (the camp) raised a mighty battle-cry. The prince's men killed all the soldiers of the enemy's army and the eight uncles with them, and they raised a pyramid of skulls. The commander escaped and fled (for safety) to a thicket; that (same thicket) is therefore called Senapatigumbaka. When the prince saw the pyramid of skulls, where the skulls of his uncles lay uppermost, he said: 'Tis like a heap of gourds; and therefore they named (the place) Labugamaka.”
When he was thus left victor in battle, Pandukabhaya went thence to the dwelling-place of his great-uncle Anuradha. The great-uncle handed over his palace to him and built himself a dwelling elsewhere; but he dwelt in his house. When he had inquired of a soothsayer who was versed in the knowledge of (fitting) sites, he founded the capital, even near
that village. Since it had served as dwelling to two Anuradhas, 7
it was called Anuradhapura, and also because it was founded under the constellation Anuradha. When he had caused the (state) parasol of his uncles to be brought and purified in a natural pond that is here, PAN puKABHAYA kept it for himself and with the water of that same pond he solemnized his own consecration; and Suvannapali, his spouse, he consecrated queen. On the young Canda, even as he had agreed,
I.e. the soldiers he had sent in advance into the enemy's camp and the army approaching now with him.
I.e. "Willage of Gourds.' Even now we find on the map, to the north-west of the Ritigala, a place called Labunoruwa = p. labuna
66
68
73
garaka. Cf. Return of Architectural and Archaeological Remains
... earisting in Ceylon, 1890, p. 76; Census of Ceylon, 1901, vol. iv, p. 464.
Idha, i.e. in Anuradhapura, the residence of the chronicler.

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74 Mahāvansa Χ. 80
he conferred the office of his chaplain and other appointments on his other followers according to their merits. 80 Because his mother and he himself had been befriended by him, he did not slay the king Abhaya, his eldest uncle, but 81 handed over the government to him for the night-time: he became the Nagaraguttika' (Guardian of the City). From that 82 time onward there were nagaraguttikas in the capital. His father-in-law also, Girikandasiva, he did not slay but handed 83 over to this uncle the district of Girikanda. He had the pond deepened and abundantly filled with water, and since he had taken water therefrom, when victorious (for his consecration), they called it Jayavāpi.” 84. He settled the yakkha Kalavela on the east side of the city, the yakkha Cittaraja at the lower end of the Abhaya85 tank. The slave-woman who had helped him in time past and was re-born of a yakkhini, the thankful (king) settled at 86 the south gate of the City. Within the royal precincts he housed the yakkhini in the form of a mare. Year by year he 87 had sacrificial offerings made to them and to other (yakkhas); but on festival-days he sat with Cittaraja beside him on a seat of equal height, and having gods and men to dance before 88 him, the king took his pleasure, in joyous and merry wise.
He laid out also four suburbs as well as the Abhaya-tank, 89 the common cemetery, the place of execution, and the chapel of the Queens of the West, the banyan-tree of Vessavana, and 90 the Palmyra-palm of the Demon of Maladies,o the ground set apart for the Yonas and the house of the Great Sacrifice; all these he laid out near the west gate.
I.e. the pond in Anuradhapura, mentioned in v. 77. Since the old name has been changed, it is impossible to identify the Jayavapi.
I.e. the tank of victory. See v. 88. The Abhaya-vapi which was laid out by the king Pandukabhaya himself, is the tank now called Basawak-kulam. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 360 foll.
I.e. of Kubera, god of wealth (Skt. Waisravana), who perhaps is here considered as a chthonian god.
Or the God of the Huntsmen, according to the reading vyadhadevassa.
On the various buildings and foundations mentioned in 89 and 90,

X. 104 The Consecrating of Pandukābhaya 75
He set five hundred candalas to the work of cleaning the 91 (streets of the) town, two hundred candalas to the work of cleaning the sewers, one hundred and fifty candalas he em- 92 ployed to bear the dead and as many candalas to be watchers in the cemetery. For these he built a village north-west 93 of the cemetery and they continually carried out their duty as it was appointed.
Toward the north-east of the candala-village he made the 94 cemetery, ealled the Lower Cemetery, for the candala folk. North of this cemetery, between (it and) the Pasana-mountain, 95 the line of huts for the huntsmen were built thenceforth. Northward from thence, as far as the Gamani-tank, a her- 96 mitage was made for many ascetics; eastward of that same 97 cemetery the ruler built a house for the nigantha Jotiya. In that same region dwelt the nigantha named Giri and 98 many ascetics of various heretical sects. And there the lord 99 of the land built also a chapel for the nigantha Kumbhanda; it was named after him. Toward the west from thence and 100 eastward of the street of the huntsmen lived five hundred families of heretical beliefs. On the further side of Jotiya's 10 house and on this side of the Gamani-tank he likewise built a monastery for wandering mendicant monks, and a dwelling 102 for the ajivakas and a residence for the brahmans, and in this place and that he built a lying-in shelter and a hall for those recovering from sickness.
Ten years after his consecration did Pandukabhaya, the 103 ruler of Lanka establish the village-boundaries over the whole of the island of Lanka. With Kalavela and Cittaraja, 104
see Mah. ed., Introd., p. liv. Since the Tika leaves us in the lurch it will be difficult to add anything further.
The Gaimanivapi is perhaps the Karambaiwa-tank which lies somewhat more than a mile north from the Bulan-kulam. PARKER, however, identifies it with the Peramiyan-kulam. Ancient Ceylon,
0. 364.
* Name of a sect of ascetics (the Jaina) who went about naked.
o According to the Tīkā we have to take si vikā-sotthis ālam as sivi kā sālam ca sotthisālam ca. The former vordis explained by vijayanaghara 'house of delivery ", the latter by gila nasala
hall for the sick '.

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76 Mahāvansa X. 105
who were visible (in bodily form) the prince enjoyed his good
105 fortune, he who had yakkhas and bhutas for friends. Between the king Pandukabhaya and Abhaya were seventeen years without a king.
106 When the ruler of the earth, Pandukabhaya, the intelligent, being thirty-seven years old, had assumed the rule over the kingdom, he reigned full seventy years in fair and wealthy Anurādhapura.
Here ends the tenth chapter, called 'The Consecrating of Pandukabhaya in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
That is, ghosts; but the expression is ambiguous. It could also meam “ he who had those that had become yakkhas (namely Kāļavela and Citta) for friends'.
* Tika : sa middhe ti, sappattiya ptirit e addhe va “ filled with prosperity or wealthy".

CHAPTER XIII
THE CONSECRATING OF DEVĀNAMPIYATISSA
AFTER his death his son, known by the name of MUTASIVA, 1 the son of Suvannapali, succeeded him in the government, which was (then) in a peaceful state. The king laid out the 2 beautiful Mahameghavana-garden, rich in all the good qualities that its name promises and provided with fruittrees and flowering-trees. At the time that the place was 3 chosen for the garden, a great cloud, gathering at an unwonted season, poured forth rain; therefore they called the garden Mahāmeghavana.
Sixty years king Mutasiva reigned in splendid Anuradha- 4 pura, the fair face of the land of Lanka. He had ten sons, 5 each thoughtful of the other's welfare, and two daughters equal (in beauty), worthy of their family. The second son, 6 known by the name Devanampiyatissa, was foremost among all his brothers in virtue and intelligence.
This DEVANAMPIYATIssA became king after his father's 7 death. Even at the time of his consecration many wonders came to pass. In the whole isle of Lanka treasures and 8.
o Following the reading of the Burmese MSS. and the Tīkā nā mānuga guro dito "eminent in the qualities corresponding to the name'. Mah a megh a va na means "grove of the great cloud". The qualities which it possesses are such as accompany abundant rainfall: streams, trees with thick foliage, shade, coolness and so forth. Cf. the explamation of the Tīkā, Mah. ed., note on this passage. The Mahameghavana was situated south of the city of Anuradhapura, where now the Mahavihara stands. Between it and the southern wall of the city was another park, called Nandana or Jotivana. See 15. 1, 8; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, pp. 272-274.
* Tīkā: an u kūlā ti, samān a vaņņā; ayam su rūpā, ayam vi rūpā ti va can apac chin ditum a na rahā, samāna rūpā ; a ňîňa mañîňa-a nukūlai rūpas a m pattiyā saman nāgatā ti adhippayo. The sense is: they were of equal beauty.

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78 Mahāvamsa XI... 9
jewels that had been buried deep rose up to the surface of the 9 earth. Jewels which had been in ships wrecked near Lanka, and those which were naturally formed there (in the ocean) issued 10 forth upon the land. At the foot of the Chata-mountain there grew up three bamboo-stems, in girth even as a waggon11 pole. One of them, “the creeper-stem,' shone like silver; on this might be seen delightful creepers gleaming with a golden 12 colour. But one was the flower-stem, on this again might be seen flowers of many kinds, of manifold colours, in full 13 bloom. And last, one was the 'bird-stem whereon might be seen numbers of birds and beasts of many (kinds) and of 14 many colours, as if living. Pearls of the eight kinds, namely horse-pearl, elephant-peari, waggon-pearl, myrobalan-pearl, bracelet-pearl, ring-pearl, kakudha fruit-pearl, and common 15 (pearls) came forth out of the ocean and lay upon the shore
in heaps. 16 All this was the effect of Devanampiyatissa's merit. Sap
phire, beryl, ruby, these gems and many jewels and those . 17 pearls and those bamboo-stems they brought, all in the same
week, to the king.
When the king saw them he was glad at heart and thought: 18 “My friend Dhammasoka and nobody else is worthy to have these priceless treasures; I will send them to him as a gift." 19 For the two monarchs, Devanampiyatissa and Dhammasoka already had been friends a long time, though they had never. seen each other. 20 The king sent four persons appointed as his envoys: his nephew Maharitha, who was the chief of his ministers, then 21 his chaplain, a minister and his treasurer, attended by a body. of retainers, and he bade them take with them those, priceless 22 jewels, the three kinds of precious stones, and the three stems (like) waggon-poles, and a spiral shell winding to the right, and
This must be the meaning of rathapatoda, although patoda properly means "goad, whip".
The Tika also tells us the names of Arittha's three companions, namely Tālipabbata (in Kamo. Mah. Hālio), Tela and Tissa. These names are, we may conjecture, taken from the original source of the Mah., the old Ațțhakathā.

XI. 30 The Consecrating of Devānampiyatissa 79
the eight kinds of pearls. When they had embarked at Jambu- 23 kola and in seven days had reached the haven' in safety, and from thence in seven days more had come to Pataliputta, 24 they gave those gifts into the hands of king Dhammasoka. When he saw them he rejoiced greatly. Thinking: “Here 25 I have no such precious things, the monarch, in his joy, bestowed on Arittha the rank of a commander in his army, on the brahman the dignity of chaplain, to the minister he 26 gave the rank of staff-bearer, and to the treasurer that of a guild-lord.
When he had allotted to the (envoys) abundance of (all) 27
things for their entertainment and dwelling-houses, he took counsel with his ministers considering (what should be sent as) a return-gift; and he took a fan, a diadem, a sword, 28 a parasol, shoes, a turban, ear-ornaments, chains," a pitcher, yellow sandalwood, a set of garments that had no need of 29 cleansing, a costly napkin, unguent brought by the nagas, red-coloured earth, water from the lake Anotatta and 30 also water from the Ganges, a (spiral) shell winding in
A landing-place in northern Ceylon. See chiefly 19, 25. * The haven of Tamalitti. See note to 11. 38.
Very characteristic, and throwing light on court-life in India, chiefly in the fifth century A. D. The complimentary bestowing of titles and dignities was then the custom, just as at the present day.
The accusatives in the text are all dependent on v. 33. From this point the things enumerated are merely either the insignia of a royal prince or such as are used for the ceremony of consecrating a king.
Valavijani is a fly-whisk (Skt. camara) made of the hair of a yak's tail.
The Tika explains vatamsa (Skt. a vatamsa) by kannapila n d h a na. See Vinaya Tearts, ii, p. 347, note on C.V. I. 13. 1. Im Thūpav., p. 17** p upp ha vatam sa ka is rendered in Sinhalese malka då.
That pama fig a must be a band or chain is clear from the simile in Thupav. 3". The Buddha Dipamkara winds the girdle round his red garment as one might wind a golden pama figa about a bunch of flowers. The same simile occurs Mahābodhiv., ed. STRoNG, p. 62o; cf. also C.V. 5. 2. 1; Sum. Wil. I. 80 on D. 1.1. 10. (To be read thus, Mah. ed., p. 355, line 29.)

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80 Mahāvansa XII. 311
31 auspicious wise, a maiden in the flower of her youth, utensils as golden platters, a costly litter, yellow and emblic myro32 balans and precious ambrosial healing herbs, sixty times one hundred waggon loads of mountain-rice brought thither by parrots, nay, all that was needful for consecrating a king, 33 marvellous in splendour; and sending these (things) in due time as a gift to his friend the lord of men sent envoys also 34 with the gift of the true doctrine, saying: “I have taken refuge in the Buddha, his Doctrine and his Order, I have declared myself a lay-disciple in the religion of the Sakya son; 35 seek then even thou, O best of men converting thy mind with 36 believing heart refuge in these best of gems and saying moreover: “Consecrate my friend yet again as king,' he dismissed his friend's ministers, with many marks of honour. 37 When the ministers had stayed five months, highly honoured they set forth with the envoys, on the first day of the bright 38 half of the month Vesakha. Having embarked at Tamalitti' and landed at Jambukola they sought out the king, when 39 they arrived here on the twelfth day. The envoys handed the gifts to the ruler of Lanka; the ruler of Lanka made them welcome with great hospitality. 40 But the envoys most faithful to their king consecrated the ruler of Lanka, whose (first) consecration had been held in the month Maggasira on the day when the moon first shows 41 itself, fulfilling the charge of Dhammasoka, yet again as king, they rejoicing in the salvation of their king (consecrated) him who rejoiced in the good fortune of Lanka.
Winding towards the right, dakkhin a vatto; cf. v. 22. I.e. of Buddha, sprung from the tribe of the Sakyas. See 2. 15 foll.
See note to 1. 12. ' Skt. Tamralipti, a harbour in the region at the mouth of the Ganges, now Tamluk. At Tamralipti the Chinese pilgrim Fahien embarked for Ceylon in the beginning of the fifth century A. D. See LEGGE, Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, p. 100.
According to the Dip. 11. 14 and 38, the first &oronation of D. was held in the second winter month under the Nakkhatta, Asalha, and the second coronation on the twelfth day of the bright half of - the Wesākha month. Cf. Introduction, para. 7.

XI. 42 The Consecrating of Devānampiyatissa 81
Thus on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha the ruler 42 of men, in whose name was contained the words friend of the gods, bestowing good upon his people, held his consecration (as king) in Lanka, where in every place they held high festival.
Here ends the eleventh chapter, called 'The Consecrating of Devanampiyatissa’ in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Devanan piya tiss a means 'Tissa, friend of the gods'

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CHAPTER XII
THE CONVERTING OF DIFFERENT COUNTRIES
1 WHEN the thera Moggaliputta, the illuminator of the religion of the Conqueror, had brought the (third) council to an 2 end and when, looking into the future, he had beheld the founding of the religion in adjacent countries, (then) in the 3 month Kattika, he sent forth theras, one here and one there. The thera Majjhantika, he sent to Kasmira and Gandhara, the 4 thera Mahadeva he sent to Mahisamandala. To Wanavasa, he sent the thera named Rakkhita, and to Aparantaka, the Yona 5 named Dhammarakkhita; to Maharattha (he sent) the thera named Mahadhammarakkhita, but the thera Maharakkhita, he 6 sent into the country of the Yona. He sent the thera Majjhima to the Himalaya country, and to Suvannabhumi he sent the 7 two theras Sona and Uttara. The great thera Mahinda, the theras Ittihiya, Uttiya, Sambala and Bhaddasala his dis8 ciples, these five theras he sent forth with the charge: ' Ye shall found in the lovely island of Lanka the lovely religion of the Conqueror.’ w 9 At that time in Kasmira and Gandhara did the naga-king of wondrous power, Aravala, cause the rain called Hail to 10 pour down upon the ripe crops, and cruelly did he overwhelm everything with a flood. The thera Majjhantika went thither 11 with all speed, passing through the air, and wrought (miracles such as) walking on the surface of the water in Aravala's lake and so forth. When the nagas beheld it they told their king with fury about this thing. 12 Then full of fury the naga-king brought divers terrors to
See note to 1. 12. As to the time of the third council, cf. the
Introduction.
Gandhāra comprises the districts of Peshawar and Rawal Pindi
in the northern Punjab. Kas mīra is the modern Kashmīr.

XII. 25 The Converting of Different Countries 83
pass; fierce winds blew, a cloud gave forth thunder and rain, thunder strokes crashed, and lightning flashed here and there, trees and mountain-tops were hurled down. Nagas in grisly forms terrified (beholders) on every side, he himself spat forth smoke and fire threatening in different ways.
When the thera by his wondrous power had brought all these terrors to naught, he said to the naga-king, showing his eminent might: 'Even if the world together with the gods came seeking to terrify me, they would not be equal to me (in strength) whatever fears and dread (they may arouse) in this place. Nay, if thou shouldst raise the whole earth with the ocean and the mountains, thou mighty naga, and shouldst hurl them upon me, thou couldst in no wise arouse fear and dread in me. It were surely but thy own destruction, thou lord of serpents.'
Then to him, humbled by these words the thera preached the doctrine, and thereupon the naga-king came unto the (three) refuges and the precepts of duty, and this likewise did eighty-four thousand serpents and many gandhabbas, yakkhas and kumbhandakas in the Himalaya. But a yakkha named Pandaka with (his wife) the yakkhini Harita and his five hundred sons obtained the first fruit (of sanctification).
Henceforth let no anger arise as of old; work no more harm to the harvest, for living beings love their happiness; cherish love for beings, let men live in happiness.' Thus were they taught by him and they did according to (this teaching). Then the lord of serpents made the thera sit upon a jewel-throne and he stood near, fanning him. But the dwellers in Kasmira and Gandhara who had come to worship
The right reading appears to be yam ettha bhaya bheravan. The construction of the sentence is, however, very difficult. For the explanation of the Tīkā see Mah. ed., note on the passage.
* See note to 1.32 and 62.
Skt. kumbhanda, name of a class of supernatural beings under the rule of Viruhaka. The gandhabbas (= Skr. gandharva) are a class of demigods who are the attendants of Dhataratha, Virtihaka, and Dhatarattha are two of the four great kings of the world (loka pālā), the regents of the south and north.
“ I. e. the sotāpatti phala, Cf. note to 1. 33.
G 2
13
4
7
18
19
2 ()
21
22
23
24

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84 Mahāvansa XII. 26
the naga-king acknowledged the thera as the mightier in
26 working wonders, and when they had paid the thera reverence
27
28
29
30
: l
2
33
they seated themselves on one side near him. The thera expounded to them the dhamma, (namely) the Asivisupam.” . The conversion of eighty thousand persons took place and a hundred thousand persons received the pabbajja from the thera. Since then Kasmira and Gandhara shine with yellow robes and prize above all the three things.
The thera Mahadeva who had gone to the Mahisamandala country preached in the midst of the people the Devadutasuttanta. Forty thousand (persons) made pure (in themselves) the eye of the truth and yet forty thousand received from him the pabbajja-ordination.
The thera Rakkhita, who had gone to Wanavasa," preached, floating in the air in the midst of the people, the Anamataggasamyutta. The conversion of sixty thousand persons took place, thirty-seven thousand in number received the pabbajja from him. Five hundred viharas were founded in the
* Cf. Mah. ed., note on this passage, also 14. 20 with note. The positive mahid dhika stands for the comparative.
* The āsiī visa-s utta of S. IV, pp. 172-175, or the āsīvi sopamā “simile of the serpent' of A. II, pp. 110-111.
See note to 1. 32. “ Namely buddha, dhamma, sang ha, the Buddha, his doctrine and his order. See note to 1.62.
Mah is a mandala is generally taken as the modern Mysore. But FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 429 foll, has shown that this identification is hardly correct. He himself takes Mahisamandala as 'territory of the Mahisha of which the capital was Mahishmatl. Agreeing with PARGITER he places this capital on the island of the Narbada river, now called Mandhata. See Imperial Gazettee' of India, s. v. Mahisamandala is, therefore, a district south of the Windhyan mountains.
I.e. “Discourse on the Messengers of God.' See M. III, pp. 178-187; A. I, pp. 138-142. The suttanta deals with old age, disease, and death as messengers of Yama, the god of death.
* The Wa nawa saka or Wa na was in are mentioned in the Mahabharata, 6. 366, and Harivamsa, 5232, as a people dwelling in southern India. See B.R., Skt. Wib. s.vv. There is also a modern town Banavasi in North Kanara which seems to have preserved the old name. Imp. Ga2. of India, s.v.
o S. II, pp. 178-193.

XII. 41. The Converting of Different Countries 85
country. Thus did the thera establish there the religion of the Conqueror.
The thera Dhammarakkhita the Yona, being gone to Aparantaka and having preached in the midst of the people the Aggikkhandhopami-sutta,” gave to drink of the nectar of truth to thirty-seven thousand living beings who had come together there, he who perfectly understood truth and untruth. A thousand men and yet more women went forth from noble families and received the pabbajja.
The wise Mahadhammarakkhita, who had gone to Maharattha, related there the jataka called Mahanaradakassapa. Eighty-four thousand persons attained to the reward of the path (of salvation), thirteen thousand received from him the pabbajā.
The wise Maharakkhita who went to the country of the Yona delivered in the midst of the people the Kalakaramasuttanta. A hundred and seventy thousand living beings attained to the reward of the path (of salvation); ten thousand received the pabbajja. -
The wise Majjhima preached in the Himalaya region whither
Skr. A paranta the western ends", comprising the territory of morthern Gujarät, Käthiäwär, Kachchh, and Sind. FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 427.
o I. e. “The discourse on the parable of the fames of fire.” A. IV, pp. 128-135.
* Skr. Mahārā și ți ra, the country of the Marāțhī.
* FAUSBöILL, Jāt. vi, pp. 219-255.
* The Yonas (Skt. Yavana) are also mentioned, together with the
Kambojas, in the Rock Edicts W and XIII of Asoka. They "must mean the clans of foreign race (not necessarily Greek) on the northwestern frontier, included in the empire (of Asoka). W. A. SMITH, Asoka, p. 132, n. 2. It is remarkable that just at that time (246 B.C.) the Greco-Bactrian kingdom was founded by Diodotos. See SPIEGEL, Eran. Alterthumsk., III, p. 49 foll.
Probably by this title is meant the suttanta, 24 of the Catukkanipata in A. II, pp. 24-26. The Kalakārama is supposed to be the place where Buddha delivered this discourse.
The companions of Majjhima, according to Dip. 8. 10, Smp. 317', MBv. 115, and Tika, 222, were the theras Kassapagotta, Muladeva. (Alakadeva), Sahadeva, and Dundubhissara. See the Introduction.
34
35
36
3.
38
39
40
41

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5
46
51
52
86 Mahāvamsa ΧΙΙ. 42
he had gone with four theras, the Dhammacakkappavattanasuttanta. Eighty kotis of living beings attained to the reward of the path (of salvation). The five theras separately converted five kingdoms; from each of them a hundred thousand persons received the pabbajja, believing in the doctrine of the Sammasambuddha.
Together with the thera Uttara the thera Sona of wondrous might went to Suvannabhumi. Now at this time, whenever a boy was born in the king's palace, a fearsome female demon who came forth out of the sea, was wont to devour (the child) and vanish again. And at that very moment a prince was born in the king's palace. When the people saw the theras they thought: These are companions of the demons, and they came armed to kill them. And the theras asked: “What does this mean?’ and said to them: 'We are pious ascetics, in no wise companions of the demon.' Then the demon came forth from the ocean with her following, and when the people saw them they raised a great outcry. But the thera created twice as many terrifying demons and therewith surrounded the demon and her following on every side. She thought: “This (country) is come into possession of these (people), and, panic-stricken, she took to flight.
When the thera had made a bulwark round the country he pronounced in the assembly the Brahmajala(suttanta).
Many were the people who came unto the (three) refuges and the precepts of duty; sixty thousand were converted to
I.e. 'The discourse of the setting in motion the wheel of the doctrine.” See M.V. I. 6. 17 foll. (= Vin. Pit. i, p. 10 foll.) ; S. V, pp. 420-431 ; S.B.E. xi, p. 146 foll.
* The general opinion was, until recently, that Su vaņņi abhūmi the gold-land" is lower Burma with adjacent districts. But this is very doubtful, since it is a fact that Buddhism reached Burma from China in the Mahayana-form and not before the fourth century A. D. FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 428, suggests that Suvannabhumi might be the country in Bengal called by Hiuen-tsang Ka-lo-na-su-fa-la-na ' = Karnasuvarna, or else the country along the river Son, a river in Central India, and tributary of the Ganges on its right bank, which is also called Hiranyavaha “ the gold-bearer'.
: * I. e. “The Net of the Religious,” D. I, p. 1 foll.

XII. 55 The Converting of Different Countries 87
the true faith. Three thousand five hundred sons of noble 53
families received the pabbajja and one thousand five hundred daughters of noble families received it likewise. Thenceforth when a prince was born in the royal palace the kings gave to such the name Sonuttara.
Since they did even forbear to enter into the bliss already won-(such was) also the renunciation of the all-compassionate Conqueror-they bestowed blessing on the world, (going) here and there. Who should grow weary in (striving for) the salvation of the world?
Here ends the twelfth chapter, called “The Converting of Different Countries', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The sense is this: The theras had already attained to arahantship and were in possession of nibbana. Nevertheless they forebore to pass into nibbana, in order that they might first show the way salvation to the world. They thus followed the example of the Buddha who had practised the same renunciation (kaddhana). See M.W. I. 5, 2 foll. (= Vin. Pit. i, p. 4 fcll.).
54
55

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CHAPTER XIII
THE COMING OF MAHINDA
1 THE great thera Mahinda, of lofty wisdom, who at that time had been twelve years (a monk), charged by his teacher 2 and by the brotherhood to convert the island of Lanka, pondered on the fitting time (for this) and thought : * Old is the king Mutasiva; his son must become king.’ 3 When he had resolved to visit in the meantime his kinsfolk, he bade farewell to his teacher and the brotherhood and 4 having asked the leave of the king he took with him the four theras and also Samghamitta's son, the miraculously gifted 5 stimanera Sumana, mighty in the six supernormal powers; and he went to Dakkhinagiri to confer on his kinsfolk (the) grace (of his preaching). While he was so doing six months passed away. 6 When he came in time to Vedisagiri the city of his mother 7 Devi, he visited his mother and when Devi saw her dear son she made him welcome, and his companions likewise, with foods prepared by herself, and she led the thera up to the lovely vihara Vedisagiri. 8 When the prince Asoka, while ruling over the realm of Avanti, that his father had bestowed on him, halted in the 9 town of Vedisa, before he came to Ujjeni, and met there a 10 lovely maiden named Devi, the daughter of a merchant, he made her his wife; and she was (afterwards) with child by 11 him and bore in Ujjeni a beautiful boy, Mahinda, and when two years had passed (she bore) a daughter, Samghamitta. At
See 12.7. See 5. 170.
* A vihāra in Ujjenī, Skr. Ujjayi mī. See note to 5. 39.
We disa is the modern Bhilsa in Gwalior State, situated 26 miles north-east of Bhopal. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, s. v.; E. MitjLLER, J.P.T.S. 1888, p. 87; RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 288.

XIII, 20 The Coming of Mahinda 89
that time she lived in the city of Vedisa. The thera who then sojourned there, perceiving (that) the time (was come), thought thus: “In that great festival of consecration commanded by my father shall the great king Devanampiyatissa take part, and he shall know the splendour of the three things when he has heard it from the envoys. He shall climb the Missakamountain on the uposatha-day of the month Jettha. On that same day we will go to the beauteous isle of Lanka.
The great Indra sought out the excellent thera Mahinda and said to him: “Set forth to convert Lanka; by the Sambuddha also hast thou been foretold (for this) and we will be those who aid thee there.'
The son of a daughter of Devi's sister, (a youth) named Bhanduka, who had heard the doctrine preached by the thera to Devi, and who had obtained the reward of one who shall return no more unto life remained with the thera.
When he had stayed there a month the thera, on the uposatha-day of the month Jettha, with the four theras and Sumana," and the lay-disciple Bhanduka also, to the end that they might be known for human beings, rose up in the air (and departed) from that vihara; and he, the (thera) of wondrous powers, coming hither with his following alighted on
Namely, at the time of Mahinda's visit.
2 Cf. note to 12. 28.
Now the mountain Mihintale (= "plain of Mahinda', according to A. GUN AsFKARA), 8 miles to the east of Anuradhapura.
* See note to 1. 12.
A play upon the name Mahinda.
" The stage of a nagami is the third and last stage but one, on the path of salvation leading to nibbana. Such an one will not be re-born, either in the world of gods or of men, but only in a Brahmaworld, where he will attain nibbana. See CHILDERs, s. v.
It seems almost as if v. 18 were an interpolated verse. If we omit it 19 follows perfectly well on 17: “ . . . remained with the thera; with this lay-disciple . . . he rose up, &c. That, besides, the four theras and Sumana were Mahinda's fellow-travellers is already known from 12, 7 and 13. 4.
o With this cf. 14. 31, also Mah. ed., note to 13. 19b and Album Kern. 205-206.
12
13
19
20

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9) Mahāvansa XIII, 21
the pleasant Missaka-mountain, on the Sila-peak on the open and fair Ambatthala.
He who was foretold by the Sage, in the hour of death, as bringing salvation to Lanka, by his merit in converting Lanka, he, who for Lahka's salvation had become like to the Master, alighted there, extolled by the gods of Lanka.
Here ends the thirteenth chapter, called 'The Coming of Mahinda, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Cf. TENNENT, Ceylon, ii, p. 605 foll. The Silakuta is the northern peak of the Mihintale-mountain. Immediately below it lies the little tableland on which the Ambatthala-dagaba stands.
Lit. For the blessing of L."
* The allusion probably is to the Buddha's legendary visit to the island.

CHAPTER XIV
THE ENTRY INTO THE CAPITAL
THE king Devanampiyatissa who had arranged a water- 1 festival for the dwellers in the capital, set forth to enjoy the pleasures of the chase. Attended by forty thousand of his 2 men he went on foot to the Missaka-mountain. The deva of 3 the mountain who desired to show the theras to him, appeared there in the form of an elk-stag browsing in the thicket. When the king saw him, he thought: “It is unseemly to kill 4 an unheeding (creature) and he struck out a sound from his bowstring; the stag fled towards the mountain. The king 5 pursued, but the stag in his flight drew near to the thera. When the thera came into the prince's view the (deva) himself vanished.
Thinking: ' If he sees too many (people) he will be too 6 much afraid, the thera let (the king) see him alone. When the king beheld him he stood still terrified. The thera said to 7 him : * Come hither, Tissa.’ Then, from the calling him by his name, Tissa, the king thought forth with : * (That is) a yakkha.' 'Samanas are we, O great king, disciples of the 8 King of Truth. From compassion toward thee are we come hither from Jambudipa, thus said the thera. When the king 9 heard this fear left him. And remembering the message of his friend, and persuaded that these were samanas, he laid bow 10 and arrow aside and approaching the sage he exchanged greeting with the thera and sat down near him.
Then came his people and surrounded him and the great thera 1 1 caused the others who had come with him to become visible. When the king beheld these too he said: “When did these come 12 hither?' The thera answered: ' (They came) with me.’ And

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92 Mahāvansa XIV. 13
13 he asked moreover: “Are there in Jambudipa other ascetics like to these ? The other said: “Jambudipa is gleaming with 14 yellow robes; and great is the number there of arahants learned in the three vedas, gifted with miraculous powers, skilled in reading the thoughts of others, possessing the heavenly ear: the disciples of the Buddha. 15 (The king) then asked: “By what way are you come?
And since the answer was: “Neither by land nor by water are we come, he understood that they had come through the air. 16 To test him that most wise (thera) now asked a subtle question, and even as he was questioned the monarch answered the questions severally. 17 'What name does this tree bear, O king?
This tree is called a mango.’ “Is there yet another mango beside this?'
There are many mango-trees.’ 18 And are there yet other trees besides this mango and the
other mangoes?'
There are many trees, sir; but those are trees that are not mangoes.” 19 “And are there, beside the other mangoes and those trees
which are not mangoes, yet other trees?
* There is this mango-tree, sir.’ “Thou hast a shrewd wit, O ruler of men lo 20 “ Hast thou kinsfolk, Oking?“
“They are many, sir.’ “And are there also some, O king, who are not kinsfolk of thine ? '''
There are yet more of those than of my kin.' 2l “Is there yet any one besides the kinsfolk and the others?
There is yet myself, sir.’ h * Good! thou hast a shrewd wit, O ruler of men!? 22 When he had known that he was a keen-witted man, the
o Iddhi, ceto pariya ñāņa and di bbasota are three of the six a bhiiňîňā. See note on 4. 12 (No. I, III, III).
* The positive bahti, with the abl. iia tito, stands instead of the comparative. See 12. 25 (with note) also Mah. ed., Introd., p. liv.

XIV. 32 The Entry into the Capital 3
wise thera preached to the monarch the Clilahatthipadupamasuttanta. At the end of the discourse he, with the forty thousand men, came unto the (three) refuges.
In the evening they brought the king's meal to him. Although the king knew that these (bhikkhus) would not eat then he invited the sages to the meal, with the thought: “It were seemly at least to ask them. When they told him: “We do not eat now, he asked concerning the time. And when he was told the time, he said: “We will go into the city.’
“Go thou, great king, we will stay here.'
If that be so, then must this young man come with us.' "This (youth) is one who has attained the goal, has grasped the doctrine and waits for the pabbajja, (therefore) must he abide near us. We wish to bestow on him the pabbajja, now; depart then, O king.' Then, when he had taken leave of the theras with the words: “ To-morrow I will send a waggon, do you enter it and come into the city, he took Bhandu aside and asked him what the theras intended (to do). And he told the king all. When (the king) heard the thera's name he was full of joy and thought : “This is blessing for me.’ And now the king, whose fear had left him because Bhandu
23
24
25
26
2 :
28
29
30
31
was a layman, knew that these were human beings. Saying:
'Let us bestow on him the pabbajja, the thera bestowed on
young Bhanduka, within the boundaries of that village and within that group (of bhikkhus), both the pabbajja and the
1 I. e. “The lesser discourse on the simile of the elephant's footprint.' M.I, pp. 175-184.
See notes to 1. 32 and 62. Namely Bhandu.
Agataphala is a synonym of a nagamiphala. See 13. 17.
See the note to 13. 19. The king's remaining fears that he was in the presence of supernatural beings, were only overcome by the details communicated by Bhandu.
Every monastery has its parish, the bounds of which (sima) are strictly fixed according to M.W. II. 11 foll, and within these the ecclesiastical proceedings take place. Since there were as yet no
monasteries in Ceylon the boundaries of the village situated on Mis
32
saka served as a parish. But the chapter (gana) which carried out
the ordination was formed by Mahinda and his companions.

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94 Mahāvansa XV. 33
33 upasampada-ordination, and even in the same moment he
attained to the state of arahant, 34. Then the thera ordered the samanera Sumana: 'Announceye the time of preaching the dhamma. He asked: “How far, sir, 35 shall I make the time to be heard when I announce it? When
the thera answered: “Over all Tambapanni, he announced the time of (preaching the) dhamma, making it to be heard, by his miraculous power, over the whole of Lanka. 36 When the king, who was seated by the rock-basin at the Nagacatukka and was taking his repast, heard the loud 37 summons, he sent a message to the thera asking: “Has any misfortune come to pass?' He answered: “No misfortune has come to pass; the time was proclaimed for hearing the word of the Sambuddha.' 38 When the earth-gods heard the summons of the samanera they echoed it and so the call rose up gradually to Brahma's 39 heaven. Because of the summons there came together a great assembly of devas; and the thera preached before this gathering the Samaeitta-sutta.” 40 Devas without number were converted to the doctrine and many nagas and supannas came unto the (three) 41 refuges. Even as when the thera Sariputta uttered this discourse so did the devas gather together to hear it from Mahinda. 42 On the morrow the king sent a waggon. The driver came and said: ' Mount into the waggon, we will drive to the city.’ 43 * We will not mount into the waggon; go thou, we will follow thee." Saying this they, full of holy desires, sent the 44 driver away; and they rose into the air and by their miraculous power they descended to the east of the city in the place
By this is probably meant the Nagapokuna situated some distance below the Ambatthala. See GEIGER, Ceylon, p. 204.
* By Sam a citta-sutta, we have to understand Sutta. 5-6 of the Samacitta-vagga, in the Dukanipata of A. I, pp. 63-65. The subject is spiritual calm.
See note to 19. 20.
In sum an oratha, a play on the words rath a "waggon' and siä rath i * driver' is intended. The rath a of the theras is suim an as "pious feeling'.

XIW. 58 The Entry into the Capital 95
where the first thupa (afterwards stood). And thenceforward to this day the cetiya that was built on the spot where the theras first alighted is called the Pathamacetiya.'
Since the women of the royal household, hearing from the king of the virtues of the theras, desired to see them, the monarch had a lovely pavilion built for them within the royal precincts, covered with white stuffs and with flowers and beautifully adorned.
And since he had heard from the thera that they would not sit upon raised seats, he pondered doubtfully: “Will the thera indeed sit upon a raised seat ?" In the meantime the driver saw the theras standing there putting on their robes and in wonderment he came and told the king. Hearing all (this) it became clear to the king that they would not sit on chairs. And commanding: ‘Let the finest carpets be spread upon the ground, he went to meet the theras, greeted them reverently, took the almsbowl from the great thera Mahinda's hand and led the thera into the city, as is the custom in hospitable welcome and homage.
And the soothsayers, when they saw the seats prepared, foretold: “The earth is occupied by these (bhikkhus); they will be lords upon the island. Showing them honour the king
4莎
4t
4.
48
49
5
54
led the theras into the palace. There, according to their rank,
they took their seat on chairs covered with stuffs. The king himself served them with rice-soup and with foods hard and soft. And when the meal was finished, he himself sat down at their feet and sent for Anula, the consort of his younger brother, the sub-king Mahanaga, who dwelt in the royal
palace. When the queen Anula had come with five hundred
women and had bowed down and made offerings to the theras, she stepped to one side. The thera preached the Petavatthu,
• Cf. the same construction in 10. 10. See also Mah. ed., Introd., p. liii.
? The Pațham aceti ya “ the First cetiya” has not been found in he ruins of Anuradhapura. It stood, no doubt, outside the eastern
ate of the city. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 275.
Namely at the spot where they had alighted from the air, and here the driver only arrived after them.
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the Vimanavatthu and the Sacca-samyutta. The women attained to the first stage of sanctification. 59 And many people from the city, hearing from persons who had seen them the day before, of the virtues of the theras, 60 came together desirous to see the theras and made a great stir at the palace-gates. When the king heard that and had been told, on asking, (why it was so,) he said, thoughtful for their 61 welfare: “Here there is not enough space for all these men; let them cleanse the hall of the state-elephant, there shall 62 the townspeople be able to look upon the theras. When they had cleansed the elephant's hall, and had adorned it speedily with canopies and so forth, they prepared seats 63 there (for the theras), according to their rank. The great thera went thither with the (other) theras and when he had taken his seat, he, the eminent preacher, preached the Deva64 duita-suttanta. When the townspeople, who were come together, heard it, they were filled with faith and a thousand persons among them attained to the first stage of salvation. 65 When thus in the isle of Lanka, the peerless thera, like unto the Master in the protection of Lanka, had preached the true doctrine in two places, in the speech of the island, he, the light of the island, thus brought to pass the descent of the true faith.
Here ends the fourteenth chapter, called “The Entry into the Capital, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The Peta vatthu and the Vimāna vatthu are books of the Khuddaka-nikaya in the Sutta-pitaka. The former contains stories of ghosts that dwell in the ghost-world, as a punishment for sins committed, the latter contains descriptions of the marvellous palaces that serve as dwellings for happy ghosts. Both texts have been edited by EDM. HARDY, P.T.S. 1889, 1886.
See S. V., pp. 414-478.
I.e. the sotāpat t.i. Cf. note to 1. 33.
See note to 12. 29.

CHAPTER XV
THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE MAHAVIHARA
WHEN they saw that the elephant's hall was also too small, 1 the people who had assembled there, full of pious zeal, prepared seats for the theras outside the southern gate, in the pleasant 2 Nandana-garden in the royal park, thickly shaded, cool and covered with verdure. The thera went forth by the southgate 3 and seated himself there. Numbers of women of noble families who came thither sat at the thera's feet filling the garden. 4 And to them the thera preached the Balapandita-suttanta." A 5 thousand of the women attained to the first stage of salvation. So, there in the grove, evening fell.
Then the theras set forth saying: “We will go hence to 6 the mountain.' And they told the king, and the king came with all speed. Approaching the thera, he said to him: “It is 7 evening-time, and the mountain is far away; but here in the Nandana-garden is a pleasant place to rest.' When they 8 answered: “It is not fitting (for us) being too near the city, (he said): “The Mahamegha-park is neither too far nor too near; pleasant (is it), and water and shade abound there; 9 may it please you to rest there Thou must turn back, lord Then the thera turned back.
The cetiya (afterwards) built on the spot where he turned 10 back, near the Kadamba-river, is called therefore Nivattacetiya.*
Southwards from Nandana the lord of chariots himself led 11 the thera to the Mahamegha-park, at the east gate. When 12
See note to 11.2. I.e. the discourse of the fool and the wise man.' Probably the suttanta S. II, pp. 23—25, or perhaps A. I, 101-105.
* I.e. the turning-back cetiya. The thupa was probably not far from the Pathamacetiya. See note to 14. 45.

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the king had bidden them prepare fine beds and chairs in fitting wise, in the pleasant royal dwelling, and had taken leave of the theras, saying: ' Dwell here in comfort, he returned to the city, surrounded by his ministers; but the theras sojourned there that night.
As soon as the morning came, the ruler of the land took flowers and visited the theras, greeting them and offering flowers in homage, and he asked them: 'Was (your) rest pleasant? Is the garden fitting (for you)?
* Pleasant was our rest, O great king, and the garden is fitting for ascetics.”
And he asked (moreover): ' Is an arama allowed to the brotherhood, sir?' ' It is allowed,' replied the thera, who had knowledge of that which is allowed ahd that which is not allowed. And he related the accepting of the Veluvanarama. When the other heard it, he rejoiced greatly and (all) the people were pleased and joyful.
But the queen Anula, who had come with five hundred women to greet the theras, attained to the second stage of salvation. And the queen Anula with her five hundred women said to the king: “We would fain receive the pabbajja-ordination, your Majesty. The king said to the thera, “Bestow ye on them the pabbajja!' But the thera made answer to the king: “It is not allowed (to us), O great king, to bestow the pabbajja, on women. But in Pataliputta there lives a nun, my younger sister, known by the name Samghamitta. She, who is ripe in experience, shall come hither bringing with her the southern branch of the great Bodhi-tree of the king of samanas, O king of men, and (bringing) also bhikkhunis renowned (for holiness); to this end send a message to the king my father. When this theri is here she will confer the pabbajja upon these women.'
1 The Weļu van a “Bamboo-grove ” near Rājagaha was a present of the Magadha-king Bimbisara to the Buddha, M.V. I. 22. 17-18 (= Vin. Pit. i, p. 39, S.B.E. xiii, p. 143) ; Jāt. i, p. 85, 1 foll.
* J. e. the sak adlāgāmiphala. A sa kad āgāmī is one who will only once be reborn in the world of men before attaining to nibbāņa.

XV. 34 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 99
It is well, said the king, and taking a splendid vase he poured water (in token) of giving, over the hand of the thera Mahinda with the words: “This Mahamegha-park do I give to the brotherhood.'
As the water fell on the ground, the great earth quaked. And the protector of the earth asked the (thera): “Wherefore does the earth quake?' And he replied: ' Because the doctrine is (from henceforth) founded in the island.'
The noble (king) offered jasmine-blossoms to the thera, and the thera went to the royal dwelling and scattered eight handfuls of blossoms about the picula-tree standing on the south side of it. And then again the earth quaked and when he was questioned he gave this reason: “Already in the lifetime of three Buddhas there has been here a malaka for carrying out the duties of the brotherhood, O king, and now will it be so once more.'
Northward he went from the royal dwelling to the beautiful bathing-tank, and there also the thera scattered as many blossoms. And then again did the earth quake, and being asked (the thera) gave this reason: 'This, O ruler of the earth, will be the tank with the room for warm baths.'
Then the wise (thera) went to the gateway of the same king's dwelling and did homage to the spot with (the offering of) as many flowers. And here again the earth quaked; and cquivering with joy the king asked the reason, and the thera told him the reason: ' Here the south branch of the Bodhi
A play on the words jaitimant of high birth" (jāti), and jaiti "the great flowered jasmine'.
o Tamariac Indica.
I would prefer the reading thite agreeing with picule instead of thito. Certainly B2 is the only one in the collated MSS. that has this reading, but it is supported by the Tika.
Malaka is a space marked off and usually terraced, within which sacred functions were carried out. In the Mahavihara (Tissarama) at Anurādhapura, there were 32 mālakas. Dīp. 14. 78; Mah. 15. 192. The sacred Bodhi-tree for instance was surrounded by a malaka.
o On the jantāgh ara (“a bathing-place for hot sitting-baths", S.B.E. xiii, p. 157, n. 2) see M.V. I. 25. 12-13 ; C.W. V. 14. 3 foll. ; VIII. 8. 1 foll.
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tree of the three Buddhas of our age was planted, when they had brought it hither, O king, and the south branch of the Bodhi-tree of our Tathagata will likewise have its place on this same spot, lord of the earth.'
Then the great thera went to the Mahamucalamalaka and scattered on that spot as many flowers. And then again the earth quaked, and being questioned he told (the king) the reason: 'The uposatha-hall of the brotherhood will be here, O lord of the earth.
Afterwards the wise thera went to the place of the Paihambamālaka.
A ripe mango-tree, excellent in colour, fragrance and taste and of large size, did the gardener offer to the king, and the king offered the splendid (fruit) to the thera. The thera, bringer of good to mankind, let the king know that he would fain rest seated and forthwith the king had a fine carpet spread. When the thera was seated the king gave him the mango-fruit. When the thera had eaten it he gave the kernel to the king to plant. The king himself planted it there and over it, that it might grow, the thera washed his hands. In that same moment a shoot sprouted forth from the kernel and grew little by little to a tall tree bearing leaves and fruit.
When those who were present with the king beheld this miracle, they stood there doing homage to the thera, their hair raising on end (with amazement).
Now the thera scattered there eight handfuls of flowers an then again the earth quaked. And being asked he gave the reason: “This place will be the place where many gifts shall be distributed, which shall be given to the brotherhood, (the bhikkhus) being assembled together, O ruler of men.'
And he went up to the place where (afterwards) the Catussala was, and there he scattered as many flowers, and then The three Buddhas who preceded the historical Buddha in the present age of the world (kappa, lasting many millions of years), are named Kakusandha, Konagamana and Kassapa. According to
the legend they all, like Gotama, visited Ceylon and the events always followed the same course. GEIGER, Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa,
p. 8 foll, and Mah. 15. 57 foll,
? І. е. a quadrangular hall which served as a refectory for the monks.

XV. 60 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 101
again did the earth quake. And when the king asked the 48 reason of the earthquake the thera made answer: “On the occasion of the receipt of a royal park by the three former 49 Buddhas, on this spot the gifts brought from all parts by the dwellers in the island being laid down, the three Blessed Ones and their communities accepted them. And now again 50 the Catussala will stand here and here will be the refectory of the brotherhood, O lord of men.'
From thence the great thera Mahinda, the friend of the 51 island, knowing what was a fitting place, and what unfitting, went to the spot where the Great thiipa (afterwards) stood.
At that time there was within the enclosure of the royal 52 park a little pond called the Kakudha-pond; at its upper end, on the brink of the water, was a level spot fitting for the 53 thüра. .
When the thera went thither they brought the king eight baskets of campaka-flowers.* The king offered the campaka- 54 flowers to the thera and the thera did homage to the spot with the campaka-flowers. And then again the earth quaked, the 55 king asked the reason of the earthquake and the thera gave in due order the reasons for the earthquake.
“This place, O great king, which has been visited by four 56 Buddhas is worthy of a thipa, to be a blessing and happiness to beings.
In our age of the world there lived first the Conqueror 57 Kakusandha, a teacher versed in all truth, compassionate toward all the world. At that time this Mahamegha-grove 58 was known as Mahatittha; the capital called Abhaya lay eastward on the other side of the Kadamba-river, there Abhaya 59 was king. This island then bore the name Ojadipa.
By (the power of) the demons pestilence arose here among 60
See note to 15. 34. Dipavaddhana, lit, furtherer, increaser of the island. I.e. the Ruwanvaeli-dagaba = pāli Hemamā lī, see 15. 167. Michelia Champaka, Lin., belonging to the Magnoliaceae. o Cf. 15. 91 foll., and 125 foll.
I now prefer to refer Kadambanadiya pare to the preceding phrase, therefore Mah. ed. the comma after ahu (58 d.) should be deleted and placed after pare (59a).

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the people. When Kakusandha, who was gifted with the ten powers, knew of this misery, then, to bring it to an end and to achieve the converting of beings and progress of the doctrine in this island, he, urged on by the might of his compas
62 sion, came through the air surrounded by forty thousand
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(disciples) like to him,” and stood on the Devakuta-mountain. By the power of the Sambuddha, O great king, the pestilence ceased then here over the whole island.
Standing there, O king of men, the King of the Wise, the Great Sage, proclaimed his will: “All men in Ojadipa shall
5 see me this day, and if they only desire to come (to me) all
men shall draw near to me without trouble and speedily.'
“When the king and the townsfolk saw the Prince of the Wise, shining and making the mountain to shine, they came swiftly thither.
“The people, who were going thither to bring offerings to the devatas, believed the Guide of the World with the brotherhood to be (such) devatas. And when the king, greatly rejoicing had greeted the King of the Wise, had invited him to a repast and had brought him into the city, the monarch then thinking: “This stately and pleasant place is fitting for the resting-place of the Prince of the Wise, with the brotherhood, and not too small,' made the Sambuddha and the brotherhood sit here on beautiful seats in a fine pavilion raised (by him).
“When the people in the island saw the Guide of the world with the brotherhood sitting here they brought gifts hither from every side. And the king served the Guide of the World together with the brotherhood with his own food, both hard and soft, and with such (foods) as were brought by sundry other folk.
While the Conqueror was seated, after the meal, on this very spot, the king offered him the Mahatitthaka-garden as a precious gift. When the Mahatitthaka-grove, gay with
See note to 3. 6.
Tadi, i.e. like him, blessed like (the Buddha) himself; by extension, a synonym of araha. Cf. Therag. 62, 205, 206; Suttanip. 86,957, &c.
* Idhe va, that is, “ here, just where we now are."

XV. 87 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 103
blossoms at an unwonted season, was accepted by the Buddha the great earth quaked. And sitting even here, the Master 75 preached the doctrine; forty thousand persons attained to the fruit of the path (of salvation).
“When the Conqueror had stayed the day through in the 76 Mahatittha-grove he went in the evening to that plot of ground which was fitting for the place of the Bodhi-tree, and after he, sit- 77 ting there, had sunk in deep meditation the Sambuddha, rising from thence again, thought, mindful of the salvation of the island-people: “Bringing the south branch of my Bodhi-tree, 78 the sirisa, with her, the bhikkhun) Rucananda shall come hither with (other) bhikkhunis.'
“When the theri knew his thought she forthwith took the 79 king of that country with her and went to the tree. Then 80 when the ther of wondrous power had drawn a line with a pencil of red arsenic around the south branch she took the Bodhi-tree thus separated and set it in a golden vase, and this, 81 by her miraculous power she brought hither, O great king, with (company of her) five hundred bhikkhunis, surrounded by the devatas, and she placed it, with its golden vase, in the out- 82 stretched right hand of the Sambuddha. The Tathâgata received the Bodhi-branch and gave it to the king Abhaya to 83 plant; the lord of the earth planted it in the Mahatitthagarden.
“Then the Sambuddha went northwards from this place, and 84 sitting in the beautiful Sirisamalaka, the Tathagata preached 85 the true doctrine to the people. Then, O prince, the conversion of twenty thousand living beings took place. Thereupon the 86 Conqueror went yet further north to that plot of ground where (afterwards) the Thuparama stood, and after he, sitting there, had sunk into meditation, the Sambuddha rising from thence 87 again preached the doctrine to those around him, and even at that place did ten thousand living beings attain to the fruit of the path (of salvation).
Acacia Sirissa. By means of her omniscience.
According to the Tika king Khema of Khemavati (in Jambudipa). See Buddhavaņnsa (ed. MoRRIs, P.T.S. 1882) XXIII. 8.
See note to 1. 32. See below, note to 17. 30.

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88 Giving his own holy drinking-vessel for the homage of the people and leaving the bhikkhuni here with her following and 89 also his disciple Mahadeva, with a thousand bhikkhus, the 90 Sambuddha went eastward from thence, and standing on the place of the Ratanamala, he delivered exhortations to the people; then rising in the air with the brotherhood the Conqueror returned to Jambudlpa. 91 Second in our age of the world was the Lord Konagamana,
the all-knowing Teacher, compassionate toward all the world. 92 At that time this Mahamegha-grove was known as Mahanoma, the capital called Vaddhamana, lay to the south. 93 Samiddha was the name of the king of that region then. This
island then bore the name Varadipa. 9. At that time the misery of drought prevailed here in Varadipa. When the Conqueror Konagamana knew of this misery, 95 then, to bring it to an end, and afterwards to achieve the converting of beings and progress of the doctrine in this island, 96 he, urged on by the might of his compassion, came through the air, surrounded by thirty thousand (disciples) like to him97 self, and stood upon the Sumanakutaka-mountain. By the power of the Sambuddha the drought came to an end, and from the time that the decline of the doctrine ceased rainfall in due season now began. 98 And standing there, Oking of men, the King of the Wise, the Great Sage, proclaimed his will: “ All men in Varadipa 99 shall see me this day, and if they only desire to come (to me) all men shall draw near to me without trouble and speedily.” 100 * When the king and the townsfolk saw the Prince of the Wise, shining and making the mountain to shine, they came swiftly thither. 101 The people who were going thither to bring offerings to the devatas believed the Guide of the World with the 102 brotherhood to be (such) devatas. And when the king, greatly rejoicing, had greeted the King of the Wise, had 103 invited him to a repast, and had brought him to the city, the monarch then thinking: “This stately and pleasant place is
1 Cf. 15. 57 foll, and 15. 125 foll.

XV. 117 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 105
fitting for the resting-place of the Prince of the Wise with the brotherhood and not too small,” made the Sambuddha and the brotherhood sit here on beautiful seats in a fine pavilion raised (by him).
When the people of the island saw the Guide of the World with the brotherhood sitting here, they brought gifts hither from every side. And the king served the Guide of the World together with the brotherhood with his own food, both hard and soft, and with such (foods) as were brought by sundry other folk.
While the Conqueror was sitting, after the meal on this very spot, the king offered him ... the Mahanoma-garden as a precious gift. And when the Mahanoma-grove, gay with
blossoms at an unwonted season, was accepted by the Buddha
the great earth quaked. And sitting even here, the Master preached the doctrine; then thirty thousand persons attained to the fruit of the path (of salvation).
“When the Conqueror had stayed the day through in the Mahanoma-grove, he went in the evening to that plot of ground where the former Bodhi-tree had stood, and after he, sitting there, had sunk in deep meditation, the Sambuddha, rising from thence again, thought, mindful of the salvation of the island-people: “ Bringing the south branch of my Bodhitree, the udumbara, with her, the bhikkhuni Kantakananda shall come hither with (other) bhikkhunis.'
“When the ther knew his thought she forth with took the king of that region with her and went to the tree. Then when the theri of wondrous power had drawn a line with a pencil of red arsenic around the south branch, she took the Bodhi-tree thus separated, and set it in a golden vase, and this, by her miraculous power, she brought hither, O great king, with (her company of) five hundred bhikkhunis, surrounded by the devatas, and she placed it, with its golden vase, in the outstretched right hand of the Sambuddha. The Tathâgata received it and gave it to the king Samiddha to
* Ficus glomerata.
* According to the Tika king Sobhana (Buddhavamsa XXIV. 16: Sobha) in the city Sobhavati.
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plant; the lord of the earth planted it there in the Mahanoma garden. 118 'Then the Sambuddha went northward from the Sirisamala and preached the doctrine to the people, sitting in the Naga119 malaka. When they heard the preaching of the doctrine, O king, the conversion of twenty thousand living beings took 120 place. When he had gone yet further northward to the place where the former Buddha had sat, and after he, sitting there, 121 had sunk into meditation, the Sambuddha, rising from thence again, preached the doctrine to those around him, and even at that place did ten thousand living beings attain to the fruit of the path (of salvation). 122 Giving his girdle as a relic for the homage of the people, 123 and leaving the bhikkhuni here with her following and also his disciple Mahasumba, with a thousand bhikkhus, the Sam124 buddha, standing on this side of the Ratanamala in the Sudassanamala, delivered exhortations to the people; then rising with the brotherhood into the air, the Conqueror returned to Jambudipa. 125 “Third in our age of the world was the Conqueror of the Kassapa clan, the all-knowing Teacher, compassionate toward the whole world. 126 “The Mahamegha-grove was called (at that time) Mahasa127 gara; the capital, named Visala, lay toward the West. Jayanta was the name of the king of that region then, and this isle bore then the name of Mandadipa. 128 At that time a hideous and life-destroying war had broken 129 out between king Jayanta, and his younger royal brother. When Kassapa, gifted with the ten powers, the Sage, full of compassion, knew how great was the wretchedness caused to 130 beings by this war, then, to bring it to an end and afterwards to achieve the converting of beings and progress of the doctrine 131 in this island, he, urged on by the might of his compassion, came through the air surrounded by twenty thousand (disciples) like to himself, and he stood on the Subhaktita-mountain. 132 Standing there, O king of men, the King of the Wise, the Great Sage, proclaimed his will: “All men in Mandadpa
Cf. 15. 57 foll., and 91 foll. See note to 3. 6.

xv. 147 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 107
shall see me this day; and if they only desire to come (to me) all men shall draw near to me without trouble and speedily.’
When the king and the townsfolk saw the Prince of the Wise, shining and making the mountain to shine, they came swiftly thither. The many people who were coming to the mountain bringing offerings to the devatas, that their own side might win the victory, believed the Guide of the World with the brotherhood to be (such) devatas; and the king and the prince amazed, halted in their battle. When the king, greatly rejoicing, had greeted the King of the Wise, had invited him to a repast and had brought him to the city, the monarch then thinking: “ This stately and pleasant place is fitting for the resting-place of the King of the Wise with the brotherhood and not too small,' made the Sambuddha and the brotherhood sit here on beautiful seats in a fine pavilion raised (by him).
* When the people of the island saw the Guide of the World with the brotherhood sitting here, they brought gifts hither from every side. And the king served the Guide of the World together with the brotherhood with his own food, both hard and soft, and with such (foods) as were brought by sundry other folk.
While the Conqueror was sitting, after the meal, on this very spot, the king offered him the Mahasagara-garden as a precious gift. And when the Mahasagara-grove, gay with blossoms at an unwonted season, was accepted by the Buddha, the great earth quaked. And sitting even here, the Master preached the doctrine; then twenty thousand persons attained to the fruit of the path (of salvation).
When the Blessed One had stayed the day through in the Mahāsagara-grove, he went in the evening to that plot of ground where the former Bodhi-trees had stood, and after he, sitting there, had sunk into deep meditation, the Sambuddha, rising from thence again, thought, mindful of the salvation of the island-people; “Bringing the south branch of my Bodhitree, the nigrodha, with her, the bhikkhuni Sudhamma shall come now with (other) bhikkhunis.”
Ficus Indica, the banyan-tree.
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148 When the ther knew his thought she forthwith took the 149 king of that region with her and went to the tree. Then when the theri of wondrous power had drawn a line with a pencil of red arsenic around the south branch, she took the 150 Bodhi-branch thus separated and set it in a golden vase, and this, by her miraculous power, she brought hither, Ogreat king, with (her company of) five hundred bhikkhunis, surrounded by 151 the devatas; and she placed it with its golden vase, in the out-stretched right hand of the Sambuddha; the Tathagata 152 received it and gave it to the king Jayanta to plant; the
lord of the earth planted it there in the Mahasagara-garden. 153 Then the Buddha went northward from the Nagamalaka, and preached the doctrine to the people seated in the Asoka154 malaka. When they heard the preaching of the doctrine, O ruler of men, even there the conversion of four thousand 155 living beings took place. When he had then gone yet further northward to the place where the former Buddhas had sat, and after he, sitting there, had sunk into meditation, the 156 Sambuddha, rising from thence again, preached the doctrine to those around him; and even in that place did ten thousand living beings attain to the fruit of the path (of salvation). 157 Giving his rain-cloak as a relic for the homage of the people, 158 and leaving the bhikkhuni here with her following, and also his disciple Sabbananda with a thousand bhikkhus, he, stand159 ing on this side of the river (and) of the Sudassanamala in the Somanassamalaka, delivered exhortations to the people; then rising with the brotherhood into the air, the Conqueror returned to Jambudipa. 160 Fourth in our age of the world lived the Conqueror Gotama, the teacher, knowing the whole truth, compassionate 161 toward the whole world. When he came hither the first time he drove forth the yakkhas, when he came hither again the 162 second time he subdued the nagas. When, besought by the naga Maniakkhi in Kalyani, he returned the third time, he took 163 his meal there with the brotherhood; and when he had taken
According to the Tika king Kiki in the city of Baranasi (Benares). See Buddhavamsa XXV. 33; Therīgāthā, Comm. (ParamatthadīpanīV), p. 17”, &c.

XV. 173 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 109
his ease in the place where the former Bodhi-trees had stood and in the place here appointed for the thipa and (also) in the place (appointed for the guarding) of those (things) used by him (and left as) relics, and when he had gone to this s.de of the place where the former Buddhas had stood, the great Sage, the Light of the World, since there were then no human beings in Lahkadipa, uttered exhortations to the host of devatas, dwelling in the island, and to the nagas; then rising into the air with the brotherhood the Conqueror returned to Jambudīpa.
Thus was this place, O king, visited by four Buddhas; on this spot, O great king, will the thipa stand hereafter, with the relic-chamber for a dona of the relics of the Buddha's body; (it will be) a hundred and twenty cubits high and (will be) known by the name Hemamali.'
Then said the ruler of the earth: “I myself will build it.' For thee, O king, are many other tasks to fulfil here. Do thou carry them out; but one descended from thee shall build this (thupa). A son of thy brother the vice-regent Mahanama, one named Yatthalayakatissa, will hereafter be king, his son will be the king named Gothabhaya; his son will be (the king) named Kakavannatissa; this king's son, O king, will be the great king named Abhaya, renowned under the title Dutthagamani: he, great in glory, wondrous power and prowess, will build the thipa here.'
Thus spoke the thera, and because of the thera's words the
Lit. when he had enjoyed by sitting down (in meditation) the place, &c."
Cf. 15, 88. 122, 157. Paribhogadhatu is a relic consisting of something used by the dead Saint, in opposition to sariradhatu 'body-relic , i.e. remains of his body.
A certain measure of capacity. See CHILDERs, P. D. s. v. * According to the Abhidhānappadipikā, a, rata na or h att ha is equal to 2 vidatthi (= 8-9 inches). See RHYs DAvIDs, Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 15. The total height of the thupa would accordingly be nearly 180 feet. This is exactly the height of the main body of the Ruwanwaeli-dagaba, without the tee'. SMITHER, Architectural Remains, Anuradhapura, p. 27 and Plate XXIV.
o Cf. 22. 1 foll.
164
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173

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10 Mahävansa XV. 174
monarch set up here a pillar. of stone, whereon he inscribed these sayings. 174 And as the great and most wise thera, Mahinda of wondrous power, accepted the pleasant Mahamegha-grove, the Tissarama, 175 he, the unshakeable caused the earth to quake in eight places;
and when going his round for alms he had entered the city 176 like unto the ocean and had taken his meal in the king's house, he left the palace, and when, sitting there in the Nandana-grove, he had preached to the people the sutta 177 Aggikkhandhopama.* and had made a thousand persons partakers in the fruit of the path (of sanctification) he rested (again) in the Mahamegha-grove. 178 When the thera had eaten on the third day in the king's house, and sitting in the Nandana-grove had preached the 179 Asivisupama, and had thereby led a thousand persons to
conversion, the thera went thence to the Tissarama. 180 But the king, who had heard the preaching, seated himself at the thera's feet and asked: “Does the doctrine of the Conqueror stand, sir?' 'Not yet, O ruler of men, only, 181 O lord of nations, when the boundaries are established here for the uposatha-ceremony and the other acts (of religion), according to the command of the Conqueror, shall the doctrine stand.’ 182 Thus spoke the great thera, and the king answered thus: 'I will abide under the Buddha's command, thou Giver of 183 light Therefore establish the boundaries with all speed, taking in the city.' Thus spoke the great king and the thera 184 answered thus: “If it be so, then do thou thyself, lord of the earth, mark out the course of the boundary; we will establish 185 it.’ It is well, said the lord of the earth, and even like the king of the gods leaving the Nandana (garden) he went forth from the Mahameghavanarama into his palace. 186 When the thera on the fourth day had eaten in the king's house, he preached, sitting in the Nandana-grove, the Ana
1 Cf. 15. 25, 28, 81, 88, 87 , Ꮞ5, Ꮞ7 , 55. 2 Cf. note to 12. 34.
See the note to 12. 26. 4 Cf. note to 14. 32.
Nandana or Nanda (see 81. 44) is the name of a pleasure-garden in Indra's heaven.

XV. 196 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 111
matagga-discourse, and when he had given there a thousand persons to drink of the draught of immortality, the great thera went to the Mahameghavanarama. But having com
187
88
manded in the morning to beat the drum and to adorn the
splendid city and the road leading to the vihara and all around the vihara, the lord of chariots came upon his car to his airama, adorned with all his ornaments, together with his ministers and the women of the harem, with chariots, troops and beasts for riders, in a mighty train. く
When he had here sought out the theras and paid his respects to these to whom respect was due, he ploughed a furrow in a circle, making it to begin near the ford on the Kadamba-river, and ended it when he (again) reached the river.
When he had assigned boundary-marks on the furrow that the king had ploughed and had assigned the boundaries for thirty-two malakas and for the Thuparama, the great thera of lofty wisdom, then fixed the inner boundary-marks likewise according to custom; and thus the ruler (of his senses) did on one and the same day establish all the boundaries.
189
190
191
192
193
194
The great earth quaked when the fixing of the boundaries
was completed.
When on the fifth day the thera had eaten in the king's house he preached, sitting in the Nandana-grove, the Khajjaniya-suttanta, to a great multitude of people, and when he
Note to 12. 31. * The Tīkā, explains say og gabala vāha no so: ett h a yog gam ti rath a sak a țādi, balam ti senā, vāhan e ti hatthias sādi. Ꭴf 25. 1.
* On this verse cf. Mah. ed., p. xxxvi. The ford of the Kadambariver from which the boundary line starts and to which it returns is called in the Tika Gangalatittha. Instead of the one verse 191 the Sinhalese MSS. have, in all, twenty verses which describe how the king himself guides the plough and in which the different areas marked off are designated. The passage is a later interpolation, drawn chiefly from a Simakatha of the Mahavihara.
* The Khajaniyavagga from S. III, pp. 81-104. Specially, perhaps, the Sihasuttanta (XXII. 79) on pp. 86-91. " .
195
196

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112 Mahāvansa XW. 197
had given to drink of the ambrosial draught to a thousand persons there, he rested (again) in the Mahamegha-grove. 197 When also on the sixth day the thera had eaten in the king's house he preached, sitting in the Nandana-grove, the 198 Gomayapindi-sutta, and after the wise preacher had thus brought a thousand persons to conversion he rested (again) in the Mahamegha-grove. 199 When on the seventh day the thera had eaten in the king's house he preached, sitting in the Nandana-garden, the 200 Dhammacakkappavattana-suttanta, and having brought a thousand persons to conversion he rested (again) in the 201 Mahamegha-grove, when he, the light-giver, had in this wise brought eight thousand five hundred persons to conversion in the space of only seven days. 202 The Nandana-grove being the place where the holy one had made the true doctrine to shine forth, is called the Jotivana. 203 And in the very first days the king commanded that a pasada be built for the thera in the Tissarama, and he had the bricks 204 of clay dried speedily with fire. The dwelling-house was dark-coloured and therefore they named it the Kalapasadapariveņa. 205 Then did he set up a building for the great Bodhi-tree, the 206 Lohapasada, a salaka-house, and a seemly refectory. He built many parivenas in an excellent manner, and bathingtanks and buildings for repose, by night and by day, and so
1 I. e. “ the discourse on the clod of cow-dung” S. III, p. 143 foll.
o Cf. note to 12. 41.
I.e. 'Grove of light.'
I.e. "Cell of the black house. On pasad a see note to 27. 14.
We have here apparently a tradition according to which the Lohapasada was built by Devanampiyatissa and not first erected by Dutthagamani. The Tika explains the passage in this way that Dutthagamani built his “House of Bronze' when the old one bad been removed.
Food, given as a present to the monastery collectively, is distributed to the monks by tickets or orders called salaka ('slip' of wood, bark, &c.). The building where the distribution takes place, is the salākagga "salākā-house. CHILDERs, PD, s. v. salā kā.

XV. 214 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 13
forth. The parivena on the brink of the bathing-tank (which was allotted) to the blameless (thera) is called the Sunhataparivena. The parivena on the spot where the excellent Light of the Island used to walk up and down is called Dighacahkamana. But the parivena which was built where he had sat sunk in the meditation that brings the highest bliss is called from this the Phalagga-parivena. The (parivena built there) where the thera had seated himself leaning against a support is called from this the Therapassaya-parivena. The (parivena built) where many hosts of gods had sought him out and sat at his feet is therefore called the Marugana-parivna. The commander of the king's troops, Dighasandana, built a little pastida for the thera with eight great pillars. This famed parivena, the home of renowned men, is called the Dighasandasenapati-parivena.
The wise king, whose name contains the words beloved of the gods, patronizing the great thera Mahinda, of spotless mind, first built here in Lanka this Mahavihara.
Here ends the fifteenth chapter, called “The Acceptance of the Mahavihara, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
I.e. the cell of him who is well-bathed or purified. The nahatapapo" who has washed away the evil' is Mahinda, as also is the dipa dipo in 208.
I. e. the long walk or the long hall for walking. See note to 5.226.
On the eight sa map atti, i.e. the states of trance reached by samadhi' meditation', see KERN, Manual, p. 57.
I.e. cell of the highest reward.
I.e. cell of the thera's support.
I.e. cell of the hosts of gods.
" On this allusion to the author of the Mahavamsa, Mahanama, see GEIGER, Dip. and Mah. (English ed.), p. 41.
Mahavihara, "the great monastery,'... is henceforth the name for the Mahameghavanarama.
207
208
209
210
21
212
213
214

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CHAPTER XVI
THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE CETIYAPABBATA-VIHARA
1 GoING into the city for alms and showing favour to the people (by preaching); eating in the king's house and showing 2 favour to he king (by preaching) the thera dwelt twinty-six days in the Mahamegha-grove. But when, on the thirteenth day of the bright half of the month Asalha, the lofty-souled 3 (thera) had eaten in the great king's house and had preached 4 (to him) the Mahappamada-suttanta, he went thence, for he would fain have a vihara founded on the Cetiya-mountain, departing by the east gate (he went) to the Cetiya-mountain. 5. When the king heard that the thera had gone thither he mounted his car, and taking the two queens with him he 6 followed hard after the thera. When the theras had bathed in the Niigacatukka-tank they stood in their due order to go 7 up to the mountain-top. Then the king stepped down from the car and stood there respectfully greeting the theras. “Wherefore, O king, art thou come wearied by the heat ?" they said; 8 and on the reply: 'Troubled by your departure am I come, the theras answered: "We are come to spend the rain-season 9 even here, and he who was versed in the rules (of the
See mote to 1. 12.
I.e. “Great discourse on vigilance." There are several suttas in S., bearing the title appamadasutta. See note to 5.68.
The later name of the Missaka-mountain, given on account of the many shrines built there. See note to 13. 14.
See note to 14.36
Lit, who was versed in the khandhas, i.e. the sections of the vinaya, (CHILDERs, s. v. vinayo). The vasstipanayika khandhaka is Mahavagga III (OLDENBERG, the Vin. Pit. i, p. 187 foll. ; S. B. E. xiii, p. 298 foll.). During the rainy season the bhikkhus were forbidden to travel, but used to live together in a vihara. See KERN, Muhu ual, p. 80 foll, on the vassavāsa.

XVI. 18 The Acceptance of the Cetiyapabbata-vihāra 115
order), expounded to the king the chapter concerning the
WaSS2.
When the king's nephew, the chief minister Maharittha, who stood near the king with his fifty-five elder and younger brothers, heard this, after seeking the king's leave, they received the pabbajja that very day from the thera, and all these wise men attained to arahantship even in the shavinghall.
When the king, on that same day, had made a beginning with the work of building sixty-eight rock-cells about (the place where) the Kantaka-cetiya (afterwards stood), he returned to the city; but the theras remained in that spot, going at the appointed time, full of compassion (for the people) to the city to beg alms there.
When the work on the rock-cells was finished, on the fullmoon day of the month Asaha, the king came and gave the vihara to the theras as a consecrated offering.
When the thera, who had passed beyond the boundaries (of evil) had established the boundaries for the thirty-two malakas and the vihara, then did he on the very same day in the Tumbaru-malaka, which was marked out as the first of all, confer the upasampada on all those who were weary of the pabbajja. And these sixty-two arahants, taking up their abode during the rain-season all together on the Cetiyamountain, showed favour to the king (by their teaching).
And, in that the hosts of gods and men drew near with reverence to him, the leader of the host (of his disciples), and to his company that had attained to wide renown for virtue, they heaped up great merit.
Her ends the sixteenth chapter, called “The Acceptance of the Cetiyapabbata-vihāra, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Where, as is the rule at the admission of bhikkhus, their hair was shaved off. * See note to 15. 29.
* Pabba.jjäp ekk hanam stands for pabbajja-up ekk hana m. Maharittha and his brothers have only received the pabbajja, or first
10
11
13
14
15
16
18
ordination a few days before (see ll), but they already long for the
higher ordimation, the u pas a m padā.
I 2

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CHAPTER XVII
THE ARRIVAL OF THE RELICS
1 WHEN the great thera of lofty isdom, after spending the rain-season (thus), had held the pavarana-ceremony, on the full-moon day of the month Kattika, he spoke thus to the 2 king: “Long is the time, O lord of men, since we have seen the Sambuddha. We lived a life without a master. There is 3 nothing here for us to worship.' And to the question : " Yet hast thou not told me, sir, that the Sambuddha is passed into nibbana 2 he answered: ' If we behold the relics we behold the 4 Conqueror.’ “My intention to build a thupa is known to you. I will build the thupa, and do you discover the relics.' The thera replied to the king: 'Take counsel with Sumana ; and the king said to the samanera: “Whence shall we have the 6 relics ?' “ O lord of men, when thou hast commanded the adorning of the city and the road and hast taken the uposathavows upon thyself together with thy company, go thou, in 7 the evening, mounted on thy state-elephant, bearing the white parasol and attended by musicians, to the Mahanaga-park. 8 There, O king, wilt thou receive relics of him who knew how to destroy the elements of existence,' so said the samanera Sumana to the (king), glad of heart.
5
Pavaretva. On the pavarana-ceremony at the conclusion of vassa see Mahävagga IV. Viin. Pit., ed. OLDENBERG, i, p. 157 foll.; S.B.E. xiii, p. 325 foll.
See note to 1. 12.
Upo sathi is a synonym of upo Sathika. The uposatha-vows as kept by laymen consist in "fasting and abstinence from sensual pleasures '' (see CHILIDERS, s.v. up o sath o).
The Tīkā explains tālā vacara sam hito by sabbehi tālāvacarehi sahito bherimudiñga di turiyah att hapurisehi parivarito.
A play on the word dhatu, meaning "element' (see KERN, Manual, p. 51, n. 2), and dhatu 'relic '.

XVII. 21. The Arrival of the Relics 17
And now the thera went forth from the king's house to the 9 Cetiya-mountain and summoned the samanera Sumana, bent on holy thoughts. Go, friend Sumana, and when thou art 10 come to the fair Pupphapura, deliver to the mighty king, thy grandfather, this charge from us: “ Thy friend, O great king, 11 the great king, the friend of the gods, desires, being converted to the doctrine of the Buddha, to build a thupa; do thou give 12 him the relics of the Sage and the alms-bowl that the Master used, for many relics of the (Buddha's) body are with thee." When thou hast received the alms-bowl full (of relics) go to 13 the fair city of the gods and declare to Sakka, king of the gods, this charge from us: “ The relic, the right eye-tooth of 14 the (Buddha), worthy of the adoration of the three worlds, is with thee, O king of the gods, and the relic of the right collar-bone. IIonour thou the tooth; the collar-bone of the 15 Master do thou give away. Grow not weary of thy duty toward the isle of Lanka, O lord of the gods''
And the samanera of wondrous power, replying: ‘So be it, 16 sir, went, that very moment, to the king Dhammasoka and 17 found him even as he stood at the foot of a sala-tree and honoured the beautiful and sacred Bodhi-tree with the offerings of the Kattika-festival.
When he had delivered the thera's charge and had accepted 18 the alms-bowl full of relics received from the king he went to the Himalaya. When, on the Himalaya, he had set down that 19 most sacred bowl with the relics, he went to the king of the gods and delivered the thera's charge.
Sakka, the lord of the gods, took from the Culamani-cetiya 20 the right collar-bone (of the Buddha) and gave it to the samanera. Thereupon the ascetic Sumana took the relic and 21 the bowl with the relics likewise and returning to the Cetiyamountain he handed them to the thera.
! Play on the name Su mana and su-manogati. Wijesinha translates the surname 'whose mind was well-disposed to the work that was to be confided to him'. For the rendering in the Tika, see Mah. ed., note on this passage.
See note to 4. 31.
Maruppiya, a synonym of Devanampiya.
A sacred shrine supposed to be erected in the heaven of gods.

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118 Mahāvansa XVII. 22
22
23
24
25
2
7
28
3(
)
3.
33
In the evening the king, at the head of the royal troops, went to the Mahanaga-park, in the manner (already) told. The thera put all the relics down there on the mountain, and therefore the Missaka-mountain was called the Cetiyamountain.
When the thera had put the vessel with the relics om the Cetiya-mountain, he took the collar-bone relic and went with his company of disciples to the appointed place.
* If this is a relic of the Sage then shall my parasol bow down, of itself, my elephant shall sink upon its knees, this relic-urn, coming (toward me) with the relic shall descend upon my head.' So thought the king, and as he thought so it came to pass. And as if sprinkled with ambrosia, the monarch was full of joy, and taking (the urn) from his head he set it on the back of the elephant.
Then did the elephant trumpet joyfully and the earth quaked. And the elephant turned about and having entered the fair city by the east gate, together with the theras and the troops and vehicles, and having left it again by the south gate he went to the building of the Great Sacrifice set up to the west of the spot where (afterwards) the cetiya of the Thuparama was; and when he had turned around on the place of the Bodhi-tree he remained standing, his head turned toward the east.
But at that time the place of the thipa was covered with flowering kadamba-plants, and idari-creepers.
When the god among men had caused this holy place, protected by the gods, to be cleared and adorned, he began forthwith, in seemly wise, to take the relic down from the
Evidently the malrejjaghara mentioned in 10. 90. There, as
here, the Sinhalese MSS. have pabheda instead of mah ejji.
* The thipa of the Thiparima, the erection of which is described in our passage, is situated near the southern wall of the city in the Nandana-garden. Cf. note to 1. 82.
This creeper is mentioned in the Mahavamsa in five places, besides the above passage : 19. 73, 33. 85, 35. 104 : ka da, nn ba pupphagu mba ; 25. 48: kada mbap upphavalli ; 35. 1 16: kada mbap upp hathana. For a dari I would refer to the Skt. names of plants, ādā ra and ā dāri bi mbī.

XVI. 44 The Arrival of the Relics 19
elephant's back. But this the elephant would not suffer, and the king asked the thera, what he wished. And the other 34 answered: “He would fain have (them) put in a place that is equal (in height) to his back; therefore will he not suffer them to be taken down.' ---
Then with lumps of dry clay that he had commanded to be 35brought straight way from the dried Abhaya-tank he raised a pile even as (high as the elephant), and when the king had 36 caused this high-standing place to be adorned in manifold ways and had caused the relic to be taken down from the back of the elephant, he placed it there.
(Then) having entrusted the elephant with the guarding of 37, the relic and having left him there, the king, whose heart was set on building a thupa for the relic, and who speedily com- 38 manded many people to make bricks, went back with his ministers to the city meditating (to hold) a solemn festival for the relic. But the great thera Mahinda went with his company of 39 disciples to the beautiful Mahamegha-grove and rested there.
During the night the elephant paced around the place with 40 the relic; through the day he stood with the relic in the hall on the spot (destined) for the Bodhi-tree. When the 41 monarch, obedient to the thera's wish, had built up 8 the thiipa knee-high above that (brick-)work and had caused the (festival 42 of the) laying down of the relic to be proclaimed in that same place, he went thither and from this region and that, from every side a multitude assembled there.
Amid this assembly the relic rose up in the air from the 43 elephant's back, and floating in the air plain to view, at the height of seven tallas, throwing the people into amazement, 44
Read a napetva, as in good MSS., instead of arapet va.
* See mote to 10. 84.
* According to the MISS. ci nā p et vā should be read, not khai nāpetva (TURNoUR). The sense is as follows: The original brickwork, as described in v. 35, remains standing. Its surface forms the base for the relic-chamber. Round about and from this the building of the thūpa is continued knee-high (jaṁghām atta) so as to be
finished in the shape of a hemisphere, after the placing of the relic in
the chamber thus formed.

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120 Mahāvansa XVII. 45
it wrought that miracle of the double appearances, that caused the hair (of the beholders) to stand on end, even as (did) 45 the Buddha under the Gandamba-tree. By the rays of...light and streams of water pouring down therefrom was the whole land of Lanka illumined and flooded again and again. 46 When the Conqueror lay stretched upon the couch of the great nibbana the five great resolutions were formed by him, who was endowed with the five eyes. 47 'The south branch of the great Bodhi-tree, grasped by Asoka, being detached of itself, shall place itself in a vase. 48 When it is so placed the branch, illumining all the regions of the world, shall put forth lovely rays of six colours from its 49 fruits and leaves. Then, rising up with the golden vase, this delightful (tree) shall abide invisible for seven days in the 50 region of snow. My right collar-bone, if it be laid in the Thiiparama, shall rise in the air and perform the miracle of 51 the double appearances. If my pure relics, filling a donameasure, are laid in the Hemamalika-cetiya, that ornament of 52 Lanka, they shall take the form of the Buddha, and rising and floating in the air, they shall take their place after having wrought the miracle of the double appearances. 53 Thus did the Tathâgata form five resolutions and therefore 54 was the miracle then wrought by the relic. Coming down from the air it rested on the head of the monarch, and full of 55 joy the king laid it in the cetiya. So soon as the relic was laid in the cetiya a wondrous great earthquake came to pass, i56 causing a thrill (of awe). Thus are the Buddhas incomprehensible, and incomprehensible is the nature of the Buddhas, and incomprehensible is the reward of those who have faith in the incomprehensible.
' This yamakam pati hariyam is mentioned again 80. 82 (amb a mūl e pāți hīra nyn) and 31. 99. The reference is to the miracle performed by the Buddha in Savatthi, to refute the heretical teachers (cf. Samanta-pāsãdika, OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. iii, p. 33216). It consisted in the appearance of phenomena of opposite character in pairs, as for example, streaming forth of fire and water. This same miracle was performed by the Buddha repeatedly. (FAUSBöLL, Jātaka, i, p. 77°, 88°)
* Cf. note to 3. 1.

XVII, 65 The Arrival of the Relics 121
When the people saw the miracle they had faith in the Conqueror. But the prince Mattabhaya, the king's younger brother, who had faith in the King of Sages, begged leave of the king of men and received the pabbajja of the doctrine with a thousand of his followers.
And from Cetavigama and also from Dvaramandala and also from Viharabija, even as from Gallakapitha and from Upatissagama, from each of these there received gladly the pabbajji five hundred young men in whom faith iu the Tathagata had been awakened.
So all these who, (coming) from within the city and without (the city), had received the pabbajja of the Conqueror's doctrine now numbered thirty thousand bhikkhus.
When the ruler of the earth had completed the beautiful thtipa in the Thuparama he caused it to be worshipped perpetually with gifts of many jewels and so forth. The women of the royal household, the nobles, ministers, townspeople, and also all the country-folk brought each their offerings.
And here the king founded a vihara, the thupa of which had been built before; for that reason this vihara was known by the name Thuparama.
Thus by these relics of his body the Master of the World, being already passed into nibbana, truly bestowed salvation and bliss in abundance on mankind. How can there be discourse (of this, as it was) when the Conqueror yet lived?
Here ends the seventeenth chapter, called 'The Arrival of
the Relics, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
See note to 10, 1. See note to 7. 44.
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65

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CHAPTER XVIII
THE RECEIVING OF THE GREAT BODH-TREE
1 THE monarch remembered the word spoken by the thera, that he should send for the great Bodhi-tree and the theri, 2 and when, on a certain day during the rain-season, he was sitting in his own city with the thera and had taken counsel 3 with his ministers he entrusted his own nephew, his minister
named Arittha, with this business.
When he had pondered (on the matter) and had sum4 moned him he spoke to him in these words: “Canst thou perchance, my dear, go to Dhammasoka to bring hither the great 5 Bodhi-tree and the theri Samghamitta P' 'I can bring them hither, your majesty, if I be allowed, when I am come back, to receive the pabbajja, O most exalted 6 So be it,' answered the king and sent him thence. When he had received the command of the thera and the king and 7 had taken his leave he set forth on the second day of the bright half of the month Assayuja, and having embarked, 8 filled with zeal (for his mission) at the haven Jambukola and having passed over the great ocean he came, by the power of the thera's will, to the pleasant Pupphapura even on the day of his departure. 9 The queen Anula, who, with five hundred maidens and five 10 hundred women of the royal harem had accepted the ten precepts, did (meanwhile) pious as she was, (wearing) the
See note to 1. 12.
See note to 4. 31.
* Dasasiian. These are the precepts: (1) not to kill any living being, (2) to refrain from taking the property of others, (3) not to commit adultery, (4) to avoid lying, (5) to drink no intoxicating drink, (6) only to take food at certain prescribed hours, (7) to avoid worldly amusements, (8) to use neither unguents nor ornaments, (9) not to sleep on a high or decorated bed, (10) not to accept any gold or silver. There are also frequent references to the five or eight pledges which

XVIII. 22 The Receiving of the Great Bodhi-tree 123
yellow robe, waiting for the pabbajja, in discipline, looking for the coming of the theri, take up her abode, leading a holy life, in the pleasant nunnery built by the king in a certain part of the city. Since the nunnery was inhabited by these laysi ters it became known in Luaṁkā by the name Upāsikāvihara."
When the nephew Maharittha had delivered the king's message to the king Dhammasoka he gave him (also) the thera's message: “The spouse of the brother of thy friend, of the king (Devanampiya), O thou elephant among kings, lives, longing for the pabbajja, constantly in stern discipline. To bestow on her the pabbajja do thou send the bhikkhuni Samghamitta and with her the south branch of the great Bodhi-tree.' And the same matter, even as the thera had charged him, he told the theri; the theri went to her father (Asoka) and told him the thera's purpose.
The king said: “How shall I, when I no longer behold thee, dear one, master the grief aroused by the parting with son and grandson?' '
She answered: “Weighty is the word of my brother, O great king; many are they that must receive the pabbajja; therefore must I depart thither.' 'The great Bodhi-trees must not be injured with a knife, how then can I have a branch mused the king. Then when he, following the counsel of his minister Mahadeva, had invited the community of bhikkhus and had shown them hospitality the monarch asked: “Shall the great Bodhi-tree be sent to Lahka, sirs?
The thera Moggaliputta answered: “It shall be sent thither,' and he related to the king the five great resolutions that the (Buddha) gifted with the five eyes had formed.
one may take on oneself. These are the first five or eight respectively of the above series. For members of the order the third precept is
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
2.
22
more rigorous, since sexual intercourse must be avoided altogether.
See note on 1, 62.
I.e. 'Vihara of the lay-sisters." * That is, from Mahinda and Sumana, the son of Samghamittā, and Aggibrahmā (5. 170; 13. 4, &c.).
* See 17. 46 foll.

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124 Mahāvansa XVIII. 23
23 When the ruler of the earth heard this he was glad, and when he had caused the road, seven yojanas long, leading to the great Bodhi-tree to be carefully cleaned he adorned it in 24 manifold ways, and gold he caused to be brought to make ready a vase. Vissakamma, who appeared in the semblance of 25 a goldsmith, asked: “How large shall I make the vase ?
Then being answered: “ Thyself deciding the size do thou 26 make it,” he took the gold, and having moulded it with his hand he made a vase in that very moment and departed thence. 27 When the king had received the beautiful vase measuring nine cubits around and five cubits in depth and three cubits 28 across, being eight finger-breadths thick, having the upper edge of the size of a young elephant's trunk, being in radiancy 29 equal to the young (morning) sun; when, with his army of four divisions stretching to a length of seven yojanas and a width of three yojanas, and with a great company of 30 bhikkhus, he had gone to the great Bodhi-tree, decked with manifold ornaments, gleaming with various jewels and gar31 landed with many coloured flags; when he, moreover, had ranged his troops about (the tree), bestrewn with manifold flowers and resounding with many kinds of music and had 32 covered it round with a tent; when in seemly wise he had surrounded himself and the great Bodhi-tree with a thousand great theras at the head of a great company (of bhikkhus) and with more than a thousand princes who had been 33 anointed as king, he gazed up with folded hands at the great
Bodhi-tree. 34 Then from its south bough the branches vanished, leaving
a stump four cubits long.
The Goëofskill; Skt. Visvakarman.
See note to 15. 16.
Caturangini sena, consisting of foot-soldiers, cavalry, combatants in chariots, and elephants.
On the world-wide custom of decking out sacred trees with gay strips of stuff see ANDRÉE, Ethnogr. Parallelen und Vergleiche, p. 58 foll. Concerning such a 'Lappenbaum' on the Terrace of the Ruwanwaeli-dagaba in Anuradhapura, see GEIGER, Ceylon, p. 181.

XVIII.46. The Receiving of the Great Bodhi-tree 125
When the ruler of the earth saw the miracle he cried out, 35 rejoicing: ' I worship the great Bodhi-tree by bestowing kingship (thereon), and the monarch consecrated the great 36 Bodhi-tree as king of his great realm. When he had worshipped the great Bodhi-tree with gifts of flowers and so forth, and had passed round it three times turning to the left and had done reverence to it at eight points' with 37 folded hands, he had the golden vase placed upon a seat inlaid with gold, adorned with various gems and easy to 38 mount, reaching to the height of the bough; and when, in order to receive the sacred branch, he had mounted upon it, grasping a pencil of red arsenic with a golden handle he drew 39 (with this) a line about the bough and uttered the solemn declaration:
* So truly as the great Bodhi-tree shall go hence to the 40 isle of Lanka, and so truly as I shall stand unalterably firm in the doctrine of the Buddha, shall this fair south branch of 41 the great Bodhi-tree, severed of itself, take its place here in this golden vase.'
Then the great Bodhi-tree severed, of itself, at the place 42 where the line was, floating above the vase filled with fragrant earth. Above the line first (drawn) the ruler of men drew, 43 at (a distance of) three finger-breadths, round about ten (further) pencil-strokes. And ten strong roots springing from 44 the first and ten slender from each of the other (lines) dropped down, forming a net.
When the king saw this miracle he uttered even there, 45 greatly gladdened, a cry of joy, and with him his followers all around and the community of bhikkhus raised, with glad 46
Tipadakkhin am katva, i.e. had walked round it in such a manner that the thing or person worshipped is kept on the right hand.
I.e. at the four cardinal points, E., N., &c., as well as the intermediate points, NE., N.W., &c.
* The conception of the sacca kiriya, lit. effect of the truth,' is hardly to be rendered in a translation. Beside the declaration it includes a wish. The sacca kiriya is always given in this form: if or so truly as such and such is the case shall such and such a thing come to pass. See CHILDERS, P. D., s. v.

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26 Mahāvamsa XVIII.47
hearts, cries of salutation and round about was a thousandfold waving of stuffs. 47 Thus with a hundred roots the great Bodhi-tree set itself there in the fragrant earth, converting the people to the 48 faith. Ten cubits long was the stem; five lovely branches (were thereon), each four cubits long and (each) adorned with 49 five fruits, and on these branches were a thousand twigs.
Such was the ravishing and auspicious great Bodhi-tree. 50 At the moment that the great Bodhi-tree set itself in the vase the earthquaked and wonders of many kinds came to 51 pass. By the resounding of the instruments of music (which gave out sound) of themselves among gods and men, by the ringing-out of the shout of salutation from the hosts of devas 52 and brahmas, by the crash of the clouds, (the voices) of beasts and birds, of the yakkhas and so forth and by the crash 53 of the quaking of the earth all was in one tumult. Beautiful
rays of six colours going forth from the fruits and leaves of 54 the Bodhi-tree made the whole universe to shine. Then rising in the air with the vase the great Bodhi-tree stayed for seven days invisible in the region of the snow. 55 The king came down from his seat and sojourning there for seven days he continually brought offerings in many ways 56 to the great Bodhi-tree. When the week was gone by all the snow-clouds and all the rays likewise entered into the 57 great Bodhi-tree, and in the clear atmosphere the glorious great Bodhi-tree was displayed to the whole people, planted 58 in the golden vase. Whilst wonders of many kinds came to pass the great Bodhi-tree, plunging mankind into amazement, descended on the earth. 59 Rejoiced by the many wonders the great king worshipped again the great Bodhi-tree by (bestowing on it) his great 60 kingdom, nd, when he had consecrated the great Bodhi-tree unto great kingship he abode, worshipping it with divers offerings, yet another week in that same place. 61. In the bright half of the month Assayuja on the fifteenth uposatha-day he received the great Bodhi-tree; two weeks
I.e. gods of lower and higher rank, Cf. on 53-54 the prophecy in 17. 48, 49.

XVIII. 68 The Receiving of the Great Bodhi-tree 127
after in the dark half of the month Assayuja, on the four- 62 teenth-uposatha day the lord of chariots brought the great Bodhi-tree, having placed it on a beautiful car on the same 63 day, amid offerings, to his capital; and when he had built a beautiful hall (for it) adorned in manifold ways, and there 64 on the first day of the bright half of the month Kattika had caused the great Bodhi-tree to be placed on the east side of the foot of a beautiful and great sala-tree, he allotted to it 65 day by day many offerings. But on the seventeenth day after the receiving (of the tree) new shoots appeared on it all 66 at once; therefore, rejoicing, the lord of men once more worshipped the great Bodhi-tree by bestowing kingship upon it. When the great ruler had consecrated the great Bodhi- 67 tree unto kingship he appointed a festival of offerings in divers forms for the great Bodhi-tree.
So it came to pass that the festival of adoration of the 68 great Bodhi-tree, vivid with gay and lovely flags, great, brilliant and splendid, in the city of flowers, opened the hearts of gods and men (to the faith) (even as) in the lake the sun (opens the lotuses).
Here ends the eighteenth chapter, called “The Receiving of the Great Bodlii-tree, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The festival of the Bodhi-tree is compared to the sun (saran sa), the city of flowers, i.e. Pataliputta, to the lake (saras), and the hearts of gods and men to the lotus-flowers, growing in the lake.

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1
CHAPTER XIX
THE COMING OF THE BODHI-TREE
WHEN the lord of chariots had appointed to watch over the Bodhi-tree eighteen persons from royal families and eight
2 from families of ministers, and moreover eight persons from
brahman families and eight from families of traders and persons from the cowherds likewise, and from the hyena,
3 and sparrowhawk-clans, (from each one man), and also from
the weavers and potters and from all the handicrafts, from
4 the nagas and the yakkhas; when then the most exalted
prince had given them eight vessels of gold and eight of silver, and had brought the great Bodhi-tree to a ship on the
5 Ganges, and likewise the theri Samghamitta with eleven
bhikkhunis, and when he had caused those among whom
6 Arittha was first to embark on that same ship, he fared forth
from the city, and passing over the Viñjha-mountains the prince arrived, in just one week, at Tamalitti.
7 The gods also and the nagas and men who were worshipping
the great Bodhi-tree with the most splendid offerings, arrived
8 in just one week. The ruler of the earth, who had caused
the great Bodhi-tree to be placed on the shore of the great
In devakula the word deva is evidently to be taken in the sense of "king', and merely as a synonym of khattiya. Kula. means here, as below in 30 and 31, the individual belonging to a class or craft.
* Taraccha (= Skt. tarak sa) "hyena", and kulinga (= Skt. kulinga), the name of a bird of prey, the "fork-tailed shrike ’, seem here to designate certain clans or crafts. Perhaps the names have a totemistic origin. FRAZER, Totemism, p. 3 foll.
To water the tree during the journey. The king travels by land over the Windhya range to the mouth of the Ganges. Here he again neets the ship carrying the Bodhi-tree and its escort. Un T'aimalitti, see note to 11.38.

XIX, 20 The Coming of the Bodhi-tree 129
ocean, worshipped it once more by (bestowing upon it) the
great kingship.
When the wish-fulfiller had consecrated the great Bodhi
tree as a great monarch, he then, on the first day of the
bright half of the month Maggasira, commanded that the
same noble persons, eight of each (of the families) appointed at the foot of the great sala-tree to escort the great Bodhitree, should raise up the great Bodhi-tree; and, descending there into the water till it reached his neck; he caused it to be set down in seemly wise on the ship. When he had brought the great theri with the (other) theris on to the ship he spoke these words to the chief minister Maharittha : “Three times have I worshipped the great Bodhi-tree by (bestowing) kingship (upon it). Even so shall the king my friend also worship it by (bestowing) kingship (upon it).
When the great king had spoken thus he stood with folded hands on the shore, and as he gazed after the vanishing great Bodhi-tree he shed tears. Sending forth a net like rays of sunshine the great Bodhi-tree of the (Buddha) gifted with the ten powers' departs, alas ! from hence !”
Filled with sorrow at parting from the great Bodhi-tree Dhammasoka returned weeping and lamenting to his capital.
The ship, laden with the great Bodhi-tree, fared forth into the sea. A yojana around the waves of the great ocean were stilled. Lotus-flowers of the five colours blossomed all around and manifold instruments of music resounded in the air.
By many devatas many offerings were provided, and the nagas practised their magic to win the great Bodhi-tree.
10
11
12
13
14
16
17
18
19
The great theri Samghamitta, who had reached the last goal 20
of supernormal powers, taking the form of a griffin' terrified
See note to 1. 12.
* Ucca return mahabodhim is dependent on dinnehi. The passage is related directly to 19. 1, Mahabo dhirakkh an at tham dat vana.
o Cf. note to 3. 6.
* The supaņņā (Skt. supa rņa) or garu ļā (Skt. garu da) are mythical creatures who are imagined as winged and are always considered as the sworn foes of the nagas. See GRÜNWICDEL, Buddhist. | Kunst in Indien, p. 47 foll. −

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130 Mahāvansa XIX.21
21 the great snakes. Terrified, the great snakes betook them to the great ther with entreaties, and when they had escorted the great Bodhi-tree from thence to the realm of the serpents 22 and had worshipped it for a week by (bestowing on it) the kingship of the nagas and by manifold offerings they brought 23 it again and set it upon the ship. And on that same day
the great Bodhi-tree arrived here at Jambukola.
King Devanampiyatissa, thoughtful for the welfare of the 24 world, having heard before from the samanera Sumana of its arrival, did, from the first day of the month Maggasira on25 wards, being always full of zeal, cause the whole of the highroad from the north gate even to Jambukola to be made 26 ready, awaiting the arrival of the great Bodhi-tree, and abiding on the sea-shore, in the place where the Samuddapannasala (afterwards) was, he, by the wondrous power of the theri, saw the great Bodhi-tree coming. 27 The hall that was built upon that spot to make known this miracle was known here by the name Samuddapannasala. 28 By the power of the great thera and together with the (other) theras the king came, with his retinue, on that same day to Jambukola. 29 Then, uttering an exulting cry moved by joyous agitation at the coming of the great Bodhi-tree, he, the splendid (king), 30 descended even neck-deep into the water; and when together with sixteen persons (of noble families) he had taken the great Bodhi-tree upon his head, had lifted it down upon the
I.e. in Ceylon. I.e. the sea-hut. In the reading of the text accepted by the Colombo Editors tad ahe va, maharaja, the verb is missing from the sentence. Only the text of the Burmese MSS. tad ahe vagama raja yields a correct construction.
Udanayam. By udana is understood an utterance, mostly in metrical form, inspired by a particularly intense emotion, whether it be joyous or sorrowful. The udana of Devanampiyatissa in the circumstances described was according to the Tika: a gato vata re da sa balassa sa rann sijāla visajja nako bodhirukkho, an exact parallel to v. 15.
Kulehi. Cf. on this note to 19. i.

XIX. 43 The Coming of the Bodhi-tree 131
shore and caused it to be set in a beautiful pavilion, the king 31 of Lanka worshipped it by (bestowing on it) the kingship of Lanka. When he had then entrusted his own government to the sixteen persons and he himself had taken the 32 duties of a doorkeeper, the lord of men forthwith commanded solemn ceremonies of many kinds to be carried out for three days.
On the tenth day he placed the great Bodhi-tree upon 33 a beautiful car and he, the king of men, accompanying this, the king of trees, he who had knowledge of the (right) places 34 caused it to be placed on the spot where the Eastern Monastery (afterwards) was and commanded a morning meal for the people together with the brotherhood. Here the great thera 3 Mahinda related fully to the king the subduing of the nagas which had been achieved by the (Buddha) gifted with the ten powers.
When the monarch heard this from the thera, he caused 36 monuments to be raised here and there in such places as had been frequented by the Master by resting there or in other ways. And, moreover, when he had caused the great Bodhi-37 tree to be set down at the entrance to the village of the brahman Tivakka and in this and that place besides, he, (escorting it) on the road, sprinkled with white sand, bestrewn 38 with various flowers, and adorned with planted pennons and festoons of blossoms, bringing thereto offerings unweariedly, 39 day and night, brought the great Bodhi-tree on the fourteenth day to the neighbourhood of the city of Anuradhapura, and 40 after, at the time when the shadows increase, he had entered the city worthily adorned by the north gate amid offerings, and (when he then), leaving the city again by the south gate, 41 had entered the Mahameghavanarama consecrated by four Buddhas,” and here had brought (the tree) to the spot worthily 42 prepared by Sumana's command, to the lovely place where the former Bodhi-trees had stood, he, with those sixteen noble 43
s
The reference is to the second visit of the Buddha to Ceylon, and the events related in Mah. I. 44-70.
* The comma after pa vesi ya in Mah. ed. v. 41o should be struck out and placed after cat u bu d d h an i se vitam.
K 2

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132 Mahāvamsa XIX. 44
persons, who were wearing royal ornaments, lifted down the great Bodhi-tree and loosed his hold to set it down. | 44 Hardly had he let it leave his hands but it rose up eighty cubits into the air, and floating thus it sent forth glorious 45 rays of six colours. Spreading over the island, reaching to 46 the Brahma-world, these lovely rays lasted till sunset. Ten thousand persons, who were filled with faith by reason of this miracle, gaining the spiritual insight and attaining to arahantship, received here the pabbajja. 47 When the great Bodhi-tree at sunset was come down from (its place in the air) it stood firm on the earth under the 48 constellation Rohini. Then did the earth quake. The roots growing over the brim of the vase struck down into the earth, 49 closing in the vase. When the great Bodhi-tree had taken its place all the people who had come together from (the country) round, worshipped it with offerings of perfumes, 50 flowers and so forth. A tremendous cloud poured forth rain, and cool and dense mists from the snow-region surrounded 51 the great Bodhi-tree on every side. Seven days did the great Bodhi-tree abide there, awaking faith among the people 52 invisible in the region of the snow. At the end of the week all the clouds vanished and the great Bodhi-tree became visible and the rays of six colours. 53 The great thera Mahinda and the bhikkhuni Samghamitta went thither with their following and the king also with his 54 following. The nobles of Kajaragama and the nobles of
Candanagama and the Brahman Tivakka and the people too. 55 who dwelt in the island came thither also by the power of the gods, (with minds) eagerly set upon a festival of the great Bodhi-tree. Amid this great assembly, plunged into amaze56 ment by this miracle, there grew out of the east branch, even
as they gazed, a faultless fruit.
This having fallen off the thera took it up and gave it 57 to the king to plant. In a golden vase filled with earth mingled with perfumes, placed on the spot where the Now Kata raga ma on the Menik-ganga, about ten miles north
of Tissamaharama in the province of Rohana. See PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 114 foll.

XIX. 68 The Сотing of the Bodhi-tree 133
Mahaasana (afterwards) was, the ruler planted it. And while 58 they all yet gazed, there grew, springing from it, eight shoots; and they stood there, young Bodhi-trees four cubits high. W
When the king saw the young Bodhi-trees he, with senses 59 all amazed, worshipped them by the gift of a white parasol and bestowed royal consecration on them.
Of the eight Bodhi-saplings one was planted at the landing- 60 place Jambukola on the spot where the great Bodhi-tree had stood, after leaving the ship, one in the village of the 61 Brahman Tivakka, one moreover in the Thuparama, one in the Issarasamanarama, one in the Court of the First thupa, one in the ārama of the Cetiya-mountain, one in Kijara-62 gama and one in Candanagama. But the other thirty-two 63 Bodhi-saplings which sprang from four (later) fruits (were planted) in a circle, at a distance of a yojana, here and there in the viharas.
When thus, for the salvation of the people dwelling in the 64 island, by the majesty of the Sammasambuddha, the king of trees, the great Bodhi-tree was planted, Anula with her 65 following having received the pabbajja from the theri Samghamitta, attained to arahantship. The prince Arittha also, 66 with a retinue of five hundred men, having received the pabbajja from the thera, attained to arahantship. The eight 67 (persons from the) merchant-guilds who had brought the great Bodhi-tree hither were named therefrom the Guild of the Bodhi-bearers’.
In the nunnery, which is known as the Upasikavihara 68
Setacchatta, as symbol of royal rank.
According to the Rasavahimi (ed. Saranatissatthera, Colombo, 1901, 1899), ii. 888, situated on the dam of the Tissavapi, now Issurumumagala, about a mile south of the Mahavihara in Anuradhapura.
* Path ama cetiya. See note to 14, 45.
This is to be taken as meaning that on four other branches of the tree the same miracle was accomplished as already described. Thus the Tika, also says: pacin a sakh ato ava se sas u ca cattisu sakhasu ga hitehi it are hi pakkaphalehi jata, sambhita upp anna ti attho. .
5 Cf. 18. 12.

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134 Mahāvamsa XIX., 69
the great theri Samghamitta dwelt with her company (of 69 nuns). She caused twelve buildings to be erected there, of which three buildings were important before others; in one 70 of these great buildings she caused the mast of the ship that had come with the great Bodhi-tree to be set up, in one the rudder, and in one the helm, from these they were named. 71 Also when other sects arose these twelve buildings were
always used by the Hatthahaka-bhikkhunis. 72 The king's state-elephant that was used to wander about at 73 will liked to stay on one side of the city in a cool grotto, on the border of a Kadamba-flower-thicket, when he went to feed. Since they knew that this place was pleasing to the elephant 74 they put up a post in the same spot. One day the elephant would not take the fodder (offered to him) and the king questioned the thera who had converted the island as to the 75 reason. The elephant would fain have a thipa built in the 76 Kadamba-flower-thicket, the great thera told the great king. wiftly did the king, who was ever intent on the welfare of people, build a thupa, with a relic, in that very place and a house for the thupa. 77 The great theri Samghamitta, who longed for a quiet dwelling-place, because of the too great crowding of the 78 vihara where she dwelt, she who was mindful for the progress of the doctrine and the good of the bhikkhunis, the wise one 79 who desired another abode for the bhikkhunis went (once) to the fair cetiya-house, pleasant by its remoteness, and there she
1 Kŭ paya țiți hi, piya, aritta. According to the Tīkā, the three a garaini bore the names Culaganagara, Mahaganagara and Sirivaddhagara. They were afterwards designated Kupayatthithapitaghara (Piyathapitaghara, Arittathapitaghara), "House where the mast and so forth is set up."
The Tika names as an example the sect of the Dhammarucikas. Cf. 5. 3.
* The episode is to explain how the dwellers in the Upasikavihara came by the name Hatthalhaka (i.e. 'elephant-post-nuns"), mentioned by the poet in v. 71.
Alhaka, to tether the elephant during the night. * Thtipas sa gharan, th tipagharan, or cetiyagharan, as in v. 79, 82. See Appendix, s.v. thupa.

XIX. 85 The Coming of the Bodhi-tree 135
the skilled (in choice) of dwelling-places, the blameless, stayed the day through.
When the king came to the convent for bhikkhunis to salute the theri, he, hearing that she had gone thither, went also and when he had greeted her there and talked with her and had heard the wish that was the cause of her going thither, then did he, who was skilled in (perceiving) the desires (of others), the wise, the great monarch Devanampiyatissa, order to be erected a pleasing convent for the bhikkhunis round about the thupa-house. Since the convent for
80
81
82
83
the bhikkhunis was built near to the elephant-post therefore
was it known by the name Hatthalhaka-vihara.
The well-beloved, the great theri Samghamitta of lofty wisdom now took up her abode in this pleasing convent for bhikkhuņīs.
Bringing about in such wise the good of the dwellers in Laihka, the progress of the doctrine, the king of trees, the great Bodhi-tree, lasted long time on the island of Lanka, in the pleasant Mahamegha-grove, endowed with many wondrous powers.
Here ends the nineteenth chapter, called “The Coming of the Bodhi-tree, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
84

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0
11.
12
CHAPTER XX
THE NIBBANA OF THE THERA
IN the eighteenth year (of the reign) of king Dhammasoka, the great Bodhi-tree was planted in the Mahameghavanarama. In the twelfth year afterwards died the dear consort of the king, Asamdhimitta, the faithful (believer) in the Sambuddha. In the fourth year after this the ruler of the earth Dhammasoka raised the treacherous Tissarakkha to the rank of queen. In the third year thereafter this fool, in the pride of her beauty, with the thought: Forsooth, the king worships the great Bodhi-tree to my cost' drawn into the power of hate and working her own harm, caused the great Bodhi-tree to perish by means of a mandu-thorn. In the fourth year after did Dhammasoka of high renown fall into the power of mortality. These make up thirty-seven years.
But when king Devänampiyatissa, whose delight was in the blessing of the true doctrine, had brought to completion in seemly wise his undertakings in the Mahavihara, on the Cetiya-mountain and also in the Thuparima, he asked this question of the thera who had converted the island, who was skilled in (answering) questions: 'Sir, I would fain found many vihāras here; whence shall I get me the relics to place in the thupas ?
There are the relics brought hither by Sumana, with which he filled the bowl of the Sambuddha and which were placed here on the Cetiya-mountain, Oking. Have these relics placed on the back of an elephant and brought hither.' Thus addressed by the thera he brought thus the relics hither. Founding vihāras a yojana distant from one another he caused the relics
In the Dadhivāhana-jātaka (FAUsBöILL, Jātaka, ii, p. 105) is related how the kernel of a mango-fruit is deprived of its germinating power by being pierced with a mandu-thorn.

Page 105
MAP OF ANURADHAPURA
Molambahalaka
O Abhayagiri-vihāra
Maņisomārāma Vetavama - Dag.
or thern Wa | 1
oSilāsobbhakąpdaka
Lashgirdma-Dag.
oThūpārāma Nan da Vа па 2
Mahã m eg haMaricavattivihāra P ühaplasada
- Mahāvihāra Miriswagi-Dg. Sacred Bodhi it
W2 a Ά". ODakkhita-vih ܠ ܐ
f/dra Tomb.
Ancient Mames = Mahâthüpa Modern flaness fuwainwael
) ! | l)
lssa asamaņa
vihara
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

XX, 22 The Nibbana of the Thera 137
to be placed there in the thupas, in due order. But the bowl that the Sambuddha had used the king kept in his beautiful palace and worshipped continually with manifold offerings.
The (vihara that was built) in the place where the five undred nobles dwelt when they had received the pabbajja from the great thera, was (named) Issarasamanaka. That (vihara that was built) where five hundred vessas' dwelt, when they had received the pabbajja from the great thera, was (called) in like manner Vessagiri. But as for the grotto inhabited by the great thera Mahinda, in the vihara built upon the mountain, it was called the Mahinda-grotto.
First the Mahavihara, then the (monastery) named Cetiyavihara, third the beautiful Thuparama, which the thupa (itself) preceded, fourth the planting of the great Bodhi-tree, then fifth the (setting up) in seemly wise (of the) beautiful stone pillar which was intended to point to the place of the thtipa, on the place where the Great cetiya (afterwards) was, and also the enshrining of the Sambuddha's collar-bone relic, sixth the Issarasamana (vihāra), seventh the Tissatank, eighth the Pathamathupa, ninth the (vihāra) called Vessa (giri), then that pleasant (nunnery) which was known as the Upasika (vihāra) and the (vihara) called the Hatthalhaka, those two convents as goodly dwellings for the bhikkhunis; and (furthermore) for the accepting of food by the
1. Cf. for this, 19.66. See note to 19, 61.
I.e. people of the third caste (Skt. vaisya). The Wessagiri-vihara is situated near Anuradhapura, south of Issarasamanaka-vihara, Arch. Surv. of Ceylon, Annual Rep. 1906 (xx. 1910), pp. 8-10; E. MüLLER, Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, pp. 32, 33; WICKREMASINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 10 foll.
I.e. in Cetiyapabbata-vihara on Mihintale. I would now prefer to take the words sa pabbate vihare (' in the monastery, which, or the name of which was connected with the mountain') as belonging to the relative clause yaya, &c., and to place the comma here instead of after guha.
o Cf. note to 15. 214.
See 17. 62-64.
" On this passage cf. Mah. ed., pp. xxix., xxx. On the givadhatu see 1. 37 foll., on the silāyū pa 15. 173.
See note on 14, 45.
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138 Mahāvansa XX. 23
brotherhood of bhikkhus when they were visiting the alwell23 ing of the bhikkhuņīs (called) Hatthāļhaka(vihāra), the refectory called Mahāpali, easy of approach, beautiful, stored 24 with all provisions and provided with service; then lavish gifts, consisting of the needful utensils for a thousand bhikkhus, (which things he gave) on the pavārana-day, every 25 year; in Nagadipa the Jambukolavihara at this landing 26 place, the Tissamahavihara, and the Pacinarama : these works, caring for the salvation of the people of Lanka, Devanampiyatissa, king of Lanka, rich in merit and insight, 27 caused to be carried out, even in his first year, as a friend to virtue, and his whole life through he heaped up works of 28 merit. Our island flourished under the lordship of this king;
forty years did he hold sway as king. 29 After his death, his younger brother since there was no son, the prince known by the name UTTIYA, held sway piously 30 as king. But the great thera, Mahinda, who had taught the peerless doctrine of the Master, the sacred writings, the 31 precepts of righteousness and the higher perfection,' full
The instrumental bhikkhusam ghena belongs to the verbal noun gahanam. Subordinate to this noun are the parallel gerunds o sa ritvā and gant vām a, the last being almost a pleonasm. On this subject the Tika remarks that at that time the monks in order to receive food went in order of seniority to the Hatthahaka-convent. The new hall was built by Devanampiyatissa for this purpose, i.e. as refectory for the bhikkhus, separate from the nunnery.
On Nagadipa (note to 1. 47) as the name of a district of Ceylon see 85. 124; 36.9. On Jambukola, 11. 23, 38; 18, 7, &c.
In south Ceylon, situated NE. of Hambantota. * I.e. “East Monastery in Anuradhapura. Cf. 19. 34. o Pariyat tim p a țipattim palți ve dham ca. According to the Tika pariyatti is a synonym of tipitaka, while patipatti represents the contents of the doctrines of the sacred scripture, namely, the way leading to deliverance as pointed out by the precepts of morality (Tika: pa riyattisasanas sa at thabhuto siladikhandhattaya sahito nibban agamim aggo). By pative dha (literally "attainment') are meant the nine transcendental conditions (the lokuttaradhamma) which result from the observance of the patipatti (Tika: patipattisa sanassa phalabhüto navavid halokuttaradhammo). Those nine conditions of perfection are the

ΧΧΙ 42 The Nibbana of the Thera 139
excellently in the island of Lanka, (Mahinda) the light of Lanka, the teacher of many disciples, he who, like unto the Master, had wrought great blessing for the people, did, in the eighth year of king Uttiya, while he, being sixty years old, was spending the rain season on the Cetiya-mountain, pass, victorious over his senses, into nibbāna, on the eighth day of the bright half of the month Assayuja. Therefore this day received his name.
When king Uttiya heard this he went thither, stricken by the dart of sorrow, and when he had paid homage to the thera and oft and greatly had lamented (over him) he caused the dead body of the thera to be laid forthwith in a golden chest sprinkled with fragrant oil, and the well closed chest to be laid upon a golden, adorned bier; and when he had caused it then to be lifted upon the bier, commanding solemn ceremonies, he caused it to be escorted by a great multitude of people, that had come together from this place and that, and by a great levy of troops; commanding due offerings (he caused it to be escorted) on the adorned street to the variously adorned capital and brought through the city in procession by the royal highway to the Mahavihara.
When the monarch had caused the bier to be placed here for a week in the Paiihambamalaka-with triumphal arches, pennons, and flowers, and with vases filled with perfumes the vihara was adorned and a circle of three yojanas around, by the king's decree, but the whole island was adorned in like manner by the decree of the devas-and when the monarch had commanded divers offerings throughout the week he built
four magga paths' or stages of holiness, with the corresponding four phalani results, effects', besides nibbana as the ninth. It is, therefore, said that Mahinda had proclaimed the Buddha's doctrine and the holiness resulting therefrom.
Reckoned from upasampada-Crdination onwards. Notice the play on words in was sa n sa t thiyas so wasan wasi.
* Sãdhu phus sitam. Cf. Jặt. vi, 51010: nivãse phussitaggale in a safe-bolted dwelling'.
* I refer janog hena and balog hena to anayitva na in 38 c, not to kā rento pūja nāvidhim. This should rather stand quite independently, as does kā rento sādhukīlanam in 36 d.
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140 Mahāvansa ΧΧ. 43
up, turned toward the east in the Theranambandhamalaka, 43 a funeral pyre of sweet smelling wood, leaving the (place of the later) Great thupa on the right, and when he had brought 44 the beautiful bier thither and caused it to be set upon the
pyre he carried out the rites of the dead.
And here did he build a cetiya when he had caused the 45 relics to be gathered together. Taking the half of the relics the monarch caused thupas to be built on the Cetiya-mountain 46 and in all the viharas. The place where the burial of this sage's body had taken place is called, to do him honour, Isibhūmahgaņa. 47 From that time onwards they used to bring the dead bodies of holy men from three yojanas around to this spot and there to burn them. 48 When the great theri Samghamitta, gifted with the great supernormal powers and with great wisdom had fulfilled the duties of the doctrine and had brought much blessing to the 49 people, she, being fifty-nine years old, in the ninth year of this same king Uttiya, while she dwelt in the peaceful 50 Hatthalhaka-convent, passed into nibbana. And for her also, as for the thera, the king commanded supreme honours of 51 burial a week through, and the whole of Lanka was adorned
as for the thera.
The body of the theri laid upon a bier did he cause to be 52 brought when the week was gone by, out of the city; and to the east of the Thuparama, near the Cittasala (of later 53 times) in sight of the great Bodhi-tree, on the spot pointed out by the theri (herself), he caused the burning to take place. And the most wise Uttiya also had a thiipa built there. 54. The five great theras also, and those theras too of whom Arittha was the leader, and many thousand bhikkhus who 55 were freed from the asavas, and also the twelve theris among whom Samghamitta stood highest, and many thousand bhik
Sakkaram antimam "the last honours'.
I.e. “Courtyard of the sage.' I.e. 'Many-coloured hall.' 'Those who had come to Ceylon with Mahinda. For the following cf. 19, 66 and 19. 5.

XX. 58 The Nibbana of the Thera 141
khunis who were freed from the asavas, who, endowed with 56
great learning and deep insight had expounded the holy scripture of the Conqueror, the vinaya and the rest, fell, in time, into the power of mortality.
Ten years did king Uttiya reign; thus is mortality the destroyer of the whole world.
A man who, although he knows this overmastering, overwhelming, irresistible mortality, yet is not discontented with the world of existence and does not feel, in this discontent, resentment at wrong nor joy in virtue-that is the strength of the fetters of his evil delusion -such an one is knowingly fooled.
Here ends the twentieth chapter, called “The Nibbana of the Thera, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Wijesinha gives a wrong sense to the clause in taking it as a question. The verbs nibbin date and kurute belong to the relative sentence. The governing clause is jānanym pi (so) sa mmuy hati. The words tas sesā atimohajā labala tā are only intelligible as a parenthesis.
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CHAPTER XXI
THE FIVE KINGS
1 UTTIYA's younger brother, MAHASIVA, reigned after his 2 death ten years, protecting the pious. Being devoted to the thera Bhaddasala, he built the noble vihara, Nagarangana, in the eastern quarter (of the city). 3 Mahasiva's younger brother, SURATIssA, reigned after his 4 death ten years, zealously mindful of meritorious works. In the southern quarter (of the city) he founded the Nagarahgana-vihara, in the eastern quarter the vihara (called) Hat5 thikkhandha and the Gonnagirika (vihara); on the Vanguttara-mountain the (vihara) named Pacinapabbata and near 6 Raheraka, the (vihara) Kolambahalaka; at the foot of the Arittha(mountain) the Makulaka (vihara), to the east the Acchagallaka(vihāra), but the Girinelavahanaka(vihara) 7 to the north of Kandanagara ; these and other pleasing viharas, in number five hundred, did the lord of the earth build on this and the further bank of the river, here and 8 there in the island of Lanka, before and while he reigned, during the period of sixty years, piously and justly, devoted 9 to the three gems. Suvannapindatissa was his name before his reign, but he was named Suratissa after the beginning of the reign. 10 Two Damias, SENA and GuTTAKA, sons of a freighter who
The verb on which the accusatives in v.4 foll. depend is karesi in 8.
* See mote to 25. 80.
According to the Tika to the east of Anuradhapura near Dahegallaka.
I.e. the Mahawaeliganga.
Sadhukam, i.e. according to pious aims, dham men a without oppressing the people.
See notes to 1. 62; 12. 28.

XXI. 20 The Five Kings 143
brought horses hither, conquered the king Suratissa, at the 11 head of a great army and reigned both (together) twenty-two years justly. But when ASELA had overpowered them, the son of Mutasiva, the ninth among his brothers, born of the 12 same mother, he ruled for ten years onward from that time in Anurādhapura.
A Damia of noble descent, named EIARA, who came hither 13 from the Cola-country to seize on the kingdom, ruled when he had overpowered king Asela, forty-four years, with even 14 justice toward friend and foe, on occasions of disputes at law.
At the head of his bed he had a bell hung up with a long 15 rope so that those who desired a judgement at law might ring it. The king had only one son and one daughter. 16 When once the son of the ruler was going in a car to the Tissa-tank, he killed unintentionally a young calf lying on 17 the road with the mother cow, by driving the wheel over its neck. The cow came and dragged at the bell in bitterness 18 of heart; and the king caused his son's head to be severed (from his body) with that same wheel.
A snake had devoured the young of a bird upon a palm- 19 tree. The hen-bird, mother of the young one, came and rang the bell. The king caused the snake to be brought to 20 him, and when its body had been cut open and the young bird taken out of it he caused it to be hung up upon the tree.
* This is perhaps the meaning of assanavika (lit.“horse-seafarer'). The Sinh. Thũpavamsa. has as - m ae viyaku ge put vũ; the Pũjãvaliya: Lak- diva-ța a s un gerņā aśvācā ri-de-bæ -ken ek; the Rājāvaliya: Luak - di v a-ța a s um gerņā a sur u-de-bãē - kenek.
Following the reading duve diva visa vassani. See the Introduction, S 8.
Asela's eight brothers are enumerated in the Tika. They are named Abhaya, Devanampiyatissa, Uttiya, Mahasiwa, Mahanaga, Mattābhaya, Sūratissa, and Kīra.
Southern India. Lit. With embittered heart.' Note the play on words in gh attiesi gh attitās ayā. The Tīkā paraphrases the last word: putta so kema kupita cittā.

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invite the brotherhood of bhikkhus, he caused, as he arrived upon a car, with the point of the yoke on the waggon, an injury to the thupa of the Conqueror at a (certain) spot. The ministers said to him: King, the thupa has been injured by thee.' Though this had come to pass without his intending it, yet the king leaped from his car and flung himself down upon the road with the words: “Sever my head also (from the trunk) with the wheel. They answered him : * Injury to another does our Master in no wise allow; make thy peace (with the bhikkhus) by restoring the thupa ; and in order to place (anew) the fifteen stones that had been broken off he spent just fifteen thousand kahapanas.”
An old woman had spread out some rice to dry it in the sun. The heavens, pouring down rain at an unwonted season, made her rice damp. She took the rice and went and dragged at the bell. When he heard about the rain at an unwonted season he dismissed the woman, and in order to decide her cause he underwent a fast, thinking: ' A king who observes justice surely obtains rain in due season.' The guardian genius who received offerings from him, overpowered by the fiery heat of (the penances of) the king, went and told the four great kings' of this (matter). They took him with them and went and told Sakka. Sakka summoned Pajjunna and charged him (to send) rain in due season. The guardian genius who received his offerings told the king. From thenceforth the heavens rained no more during the day throughout his realm; only by night did the heavens give rain once every
| Cf the note to 21. 8. By rata naggas sa is meant the Buddha, with whom the doctrine of the rat an attaya originates.
* Cf. note to 4. 13.
* These are the four guardians of the world, the lokapala, who usually appear near Indra in the brahmanic pantheon: Dhatarattha, Virulhaka, Wirtipakkha, and Wessavana, rulers, in the above order, of the east, south, west, and north.
* Skt. Parjanya, the god of rain.

Unly because he freed himself from the guilt of walking 34 in the path of evil did this (monarch), though he had not put aside false beliefs, gain such miraculous power; how should not then an understanding man, established in pure belief, renounce here the guilt of walking in the path of evil?
Here ends the twenty-first chapter, called 'The Five Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

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CHAPTER XXII
THE BIRTH OF PRINCE GAMANI
1 WHEN he had slain Elara, DUTTHAGAMANI became king. To show clearly how this came to pass the story in due order (of events) is this: 2 King Devanampiyatissa's second brother, the vice-regent 3 named Mahanaga, was dear to his brother. The king's consort, that foolish woman, coveted the kingship for her own son and 4 ever nursed the wish to slay the vice-regent, and while he was making the tank called Taraccha, she sent him a mangofruit which she had poisoned and laid uppermost among 5 (other) mango-fruits. Her little son who had gone with the vice-regent, ate the mango-fruit, when the dish was un6 covered, and died therefrom. Upon this the vice-regent, with his wives, men and horses, went, to save his life, to Rohana. 7 In the Yatthalaya-vihāra his wife, who was with child, 8 bore a son. He gave him his brother's name. Afterwards he came to Rohana and as ruler over the whole of Rohana the 9 wealthy prince reigned in Mahagama. He founded the
On the insertion of the Dutthagamani epic see Dip. and Mah., p. 20 (English ed.). In the Nidanakatha (Jit. i. 50) the story of the dream of Maya before the birth of the Buddha is inserted with almost the same introducing words. See WINDISCH, Buddha's Geburt und die Lehre von der Seelen wanderung, p. 156.
The south and south-east part of the island. There is certainly better authority for the form Y at thalaya. However Yatthalaya gives an appropriate meaning to the name: dwelling or temple of the sacrificer'. (Skt., ya star, p. yatthar and Skt. P. alaya.) Tradition seems to identify the monastery with the Yațagala-vihāra to the NIE. of Point de Galle. The Ceylon National Retrievo, iii, p. 110.
He was named (after his birthplace and Devanampiyatissa)Yatthalayakatissa,
NE. of Hambantota near the place where the ruins of the

ΧΧΙΙ. 22 The Birth of Prince Gaimani 14
Nagamahavihara that bore his name; he founded also many (other) viharas, as the Uddhakandaraka (vihara) and so forth.
His son Yatthalayakatissa reigned after his death in that 1. same place, and in like manner also Abhaya, son of this (last).
Gothabhaya's son, known by the name Kakavannatissa, 11 the prince, reigned there after his death. Viharadevi was 12 the consort of this believing king, firm in the faith (was she), the daughter of the king of Kalyani.”
Now in Kalyani the ruler was the king named Tissa. His 13 younger brother named Ayya-Uttika, who had roused the wrath (of Tissa) in that he was the guilty lover of the queen, fled thence from fear and took up his abode elsewhere. The 14 district was named after him. He sent a man wearing the 15 disguise of a bhikkhu, with a secret letter to the queen. This man went thither, took his stand at the king's door and 16 entered the king's house with an arahant who always used to take his meal at the palace, unnoticed by that thera. When 17 he had eaten in company with the thera, as the king was going forth, he let the letter fall to the ground when the queen was looking.
The king turned at the (rustling) sound, and when he 18 looked down and discovered the written message he raged, unthinking, against the thera, and in his fury he caused the 19 thera and the man to be slain and thrown into the sea. Wroth at this the sea-gods made the sea overflow the land; 20 but the king with all speed caused his pious and beautiful daughter named Devi to be placed in a golden vessel, whereon 21 was written a king's daughter, and to be launched upon that same sea. When she had landed near to (the) Lanka 22
Tissamaharama lie on the left bank of the Magama-river. The village at the mouth of the river still bears the name Magama.
The Mahanaga-dagaba still exists in the ruins of Mahagama.
See PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 324.
- * See mote to i. 63. . " Or as she (i.e. the queen) was going forth with the king', according to the reading raifa sain a vinig game of the Burmese MSS.; the Tika seems also to agree with this.
L 2

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(vihara) the king Kakavanna consecrated her as queen. Therefore she received the epithet Vihara. 23 When he had founded the Tissamahavihara and the Cittalapabbata (vihara) and also the Gamitthavali and Kutali 24 (vihāra) and so forth, devoutly believing in the three gems, he provided the brotherhood continually with the four needful things. 25 In the monastery named Kotapabbata there lived at that time a samanera, pious in his way of life, who was ever busied with various works of merit. 26 To mount the more easily to the courtyard of the Akasa27 cetiya he fixed three slabs of stone as steps. He gave (the bhikkhus) to drink and did services to the brotherhood. Since his body was continually wearied a grievous sickness came 28 upon him. The grateful bhikkhus, who brought him in a litter, tended him at the Tissarama, in the Silapassayapariveņa. ""..وين ".. 29 Always when the self-controlled Viharadevi had given lavish gifts to the brotherhood in the beautifully prepared 30 royal palace, before the mid-day meal, she was used to take, after the meal, sweet perfumes, flowers, medicines and clothing and go to the arama and offer these (to the bhikkhus) according to their dignity. 31 Now doing thus, at that time, she took her seat near the chief thera of the community (in the vihara) and when ex32 pounding the true doctrine the thera spoke thus to her: Thy
Cf. above the note to v. 8.
The ruins of the Cittalapabbata, or, in the later form, Situlpawvihara lie 15 miles NE. of the Tissamaharama near Katagamuwa. See A. JAYAWARDANA in The Ceylon National Review, ii, p. 23; ED. MtjLLER, Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, p. 29. The monastery is mentioned once again in 35.81, and in the Cilavamsa, 45. 59 under king Dathopatissa II, the first half of the seventh century A.D.
See note to 3. 14.
* I.e. the Air-cetiya', which is still shown, not far from the Cittalapabbata-monastery. It is so named because it is situated on the summit of a rock. Cf. Ceylon National Review, ii, p. 24. See also note to 33, 68.

XXTT., 44 The Birth of Prince Gamani 149
great happiness thou hast attained by works of merit; even now must thou not grow weary of performing works of merit.' But she, being thus exhorted, replied: “What is our happiness here, since we have no children? Lo, our happiness is therefore barren
The thera, who, being gifted with the six (supernormal) powers, foresaw that she would have children, said: “Seek out the sick samanera, O queen. She went thence and said to the samanera, who was near unto death: Utter the wish to become my son; for that would be great happiness for us.' And when she perceived that he would not the keen-witted woman commanded, to this end, great and beautiful offerings of flowers, and renewed her pleading.
When he was yet unwilling, she, knowing the right means, gave to the brotherhood for his sake all manner of medicines and garments and again pleaded with him. Then did he desire (rebirth for himself in) the king's family, and she caused the place to be richly adorned and taking her leave she mounted the car and went her way. Hereupon the samanera passed away, and he returned to a new life in the womb of the queen while she was yet upon her journey; when she perceived this she halted. She sent that message to the king and returned with the king. When they two had both fulfilled the funeral rites for the samanera, they, dwelling with collected minds in that very parivena, appointed continually lavish gifts for the brotherhood of bhikkhus.
And there came on the virtuous queen these longings of a woman with child. (This) did she crave: that while making a pillow for her head of a honeycomb one usabha long and resting on her left side in her beautiful bed, she should eat the honey that remained when she had given twelve thousand bhikkhus to eat of it; and then she longed to drink (the water) that had served to cleanse the sword with which the
A certain measure. According to Abhidhanappadipika =20y at thi ( staves) each 7 ratana (cubits). RHYs DAVIDs, Ancient Coins and Meавиres of Ceylon, p. 15.
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150 Mahāvansa XXIII. 45
head of the first warrior among king Eara's warriors had 45 been struck off, (and she longed to drink it) standing on this very head, and moreover (she longed) to adorn herself with 46 garlands of unfaded lotus-blossoms brought from the lotus
marshes of Anuradhapura.
The queen told this to the king, and the king asked the 47 soothsayers. When the soothsayers heard it they said: “The queen's son, when he has vanquished the Damilas and built up a united kingdom, will make the doctrine to shine forth brightly.' 48 ' Whosoever shall point out such a honeycomb, on him the king will bestow a grace in accordance (with this service), 49 thus did the king proclaim. A countryman who found, on the shore of the Gotha-sea a boat, which was turned upside 50 down, filled with honey, showed this to the king. The king brought the queen thither and, in a beautifully prepared pavilion, caused her to eat the honey as she had wished. 51 And that her other longings might also be satisfied the king entrusted his warrior named Velusumana with the 52 matter. He went to Anuradhapura and became the friend of the keeper of the king's state-horse and continually did 53 him services. When he saw that this man trusted him he, the fearless one, laid lotus-flowers and his sword down on the 54 shore of the Kadamba-river early in the morning; and when he had led the horse out and had mounted it and had
The Tika here contains a narrative, taken from the Atthakathi. of the finding of the boat; cf. Dip. and Mah., p. 37. The author of the Kamb. Mah. has versified and adopted it in his text.
Gothasamudda (cf. 22. 85) is a designation of the sea near Ceylon. In Sinhalese the corresponding word is gou muhu du the sea not far from the land, the shallow sea, ” (CLOUGH, Simh.-Engl. Dict..., s. v.).
* The Tikā explains the passage thus: A nu rādhap u rassa uppalakkh ettato ga hitam uppa la nnālam ca attan o khagga - ratanam ca, gahetvā pāto va Kadam banadiyā tīram net vā kassaci a sah kito tatthat hape si "When he had taken lotusflowers gathered from the lotus-marshes of Anuradhapura, and his own precious sword, he brought it early in the morning to the shore of the Kadambarriver and laid it there down, without being afraid of anybody'. . . . . . . . .

XXII. 63 The Birth of Prince Gamani 151
grasped the lotus-blossoms and the sword, he made himself known and rode thence as swiftly as the horse could (go).
When the king heard that he sent forth his first warrior 55 to catch him. This man mounted the horse that came second (to the state-horse) and pursued the other. He (Velusu- 56 mana), sitting on the horse's back, hid himself in the jungle, drew the sword and stretched it toward his pursuer. Thereby 57 was his head, as he came on, so swiftly as the horse could, severed (from the trunk). The other took both beasts and the head (of Elara's warrior) and reached Mahagama in the evening. And the queen satisfied her longings even as she would. 58 But the king conferred on his warrior such honours as were in accordance (with this service). A
In time the queen bore a noble son, endowed with all 59 auspicious signs, and great was the rejoicing in the house of the great monarch. By the effect of his merit there arrived 60 that very day, from this place and that, seven ships laden with manifold gems. And in like manner, by the power of 61 his merit, an elephant of the six-tusked race brought his young one thither and left him here and went his way. When a fisherman named Kandula saw it standing in the 62 jungle on the shore opposite the watering-place, he straightway told the king. The king sent his (elephant)-trainers to 63 bring the young elephant and he reared him. He was named Kandula as he had been found by Kandula.
* Attă n am nive dayitvă as elsewhere năm am să vayitvă na (10.26; 33. 65).
* Lit. 'with the swiftness of the horse."
According to the Tika. Eara's man-at-arms was named Nandasarathi, his horse was called Sirigutta, the horse stolen by Welusumana is called Waha.
Lit. “To him who was coming at his back or after him.'
The Tika, explains dhaifiam by paripake gabb he maha. p uffi a sampannam puñiatejussa dam ti va atth o.
The chaddanta are supposed to be a particularly noble breed of elephants. Chaddanta is also a sacred lake in the Himalaya named after these elephants. Mah. 5. 27, 29. SUBHŪTI, AbhidhānappadipikāSūci, p. 130 : Ch a ddanto, nāgarājā, tas sa nivāsaț țhāmasa mīpat tā Chaddanto saro.

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64 A ship filled with vessels of gold and so forth has arrived.’ This they announced to the king. And he bade them bring (the precious things) to him.
65 As the king had invited the brotherhood of the bhikkhus, numbering twelve thousand, for the name-giving festival of his
66 son, he thought thus: “If my son, when he has won the kingship over the whole realm of Lanka, shall make the doctrine of
67 the Sambuddha to shine forth (in clear brightness) then shall just one thousand and eight bhikkhus come hither and they shall wear the robe in such wise that the alms-bowl shall
68 be uppermost. They shall put the right foot first inside the threshold and they shall lay aside the prescribed waterpot
69 together with the umbrella (made of) one (piece). A thera named Gotama shall receive my son and impart to him the confession of faith and the precepts of morality. All fell out in this manner.
I.e. the alms-bowl shall not be covered by the folds of the garment. The twice repeated ca, is striking. The author of the Kamb. Mahavansa also feels this; he alters ca to sa.
The contrary would be an unlucky omen. This superstition still prevails among the modern Sinhalese. PARKER, Village Folk-tales of Сеylот, p. 14. - ' Ekacchattayutan dham makarakan niharantu ca. My translation is based on SUBHUTI's interpretation (letter dated Colombo 2. I. 1911). The dhammakaraka is a pot into which the water is strained before drinking; the strainer being called parissavana. See C.W. W. 13. 1; WI. 21. 3). The waterpot and the umbrella (chatta) are two principal articles used by the monks when going out.” Eka c chatta or ‘ single umbrella' is “an umbrella made of leaf, having its own handle'. According to SILANANDA (letter received from H. T. de Silva, Colombo 21. I. 1911) ek a cchattayutam must be taken as “provided with one handle' as an adjective belonging to dhammakarakam. The waterpots are made without or with a handle or neck. In this case the neck of the waterpot would be compared to a chatta on the top of a building.
* WIJESINHA, Mah., p. 87, n. 1, refers the words not to the boy but to the assembly present. He says: "It must here be borne in mind that it is customary with the priesthood to administer the confession of faith (sarana) and the five precepts (paica, sila) TO THE AssEMBLY before the commencement of any ceremony.' But Mah. 24. 24 Gotama (cf. v. 28) is expressly designated railio (i.e. of Duttha

XXIII. 84 The Birth of Prince Gamani 153
When he saw all these omens the king, glad at heart, bestowed rice-milk on the brotherhood; and to his son, bringing together in one both the lordship over Mahagama and the name of his father, he gave the name GamaniAbhaya.
When, on the ninth day after this, he had entered Mahagama, he had intercourse with the queen. She became thereby with child. The son born in due time did the king name Tissa. And both boys grew up in the midst of a great body of retainers.
When, at the festival time of the presenting of the (first) rice-foods to both (children), the king, full of pious zeal, set rice-milk before five hundred bhikkhus, he, when the half had been eaten by them, did, together with the queen, take a little in a golden spoon and give it to them with the words: “If you, my sons, abandon the doctrine of the Sambuddha then shall this not be digested in your belly.” Both princes, who understood the meaning of these words, ate the rice-milk rejoicing as if it were ambrosia.
When they were ten and twelve years old the king, who would fain put them to the test, offered hospitality in the same way to the bhikkhus, and when he had the rice that was left by them taken and placed in a dish and set before the boys he divided it into three portions and spoke thus: “Never, dear ones, will we turn away from the bhikkhus, the guardian
70
71
72
73
76
77
78
79
80
spirits of our house: with such thoughts as these eat ye this
portion here.' And furthermore: “We two brothers will for ever be without enmity one toward the other; with such thor.hts as these eat ye this portion here.' And as if it were ambrosia they both ate the two portions. But when it was said to them: “Never will we fight with the Damilas; with such thoughts eat ye this portion here, Tissa dashed the food away with his hand, but Gaimani who had (in like manner) flung away the morsel of rice, went to his bed, and
gamani) sikkhaya daiyako, with distinct reference to 22.69. We take it them to mean that Gotama, from the very fact that he * receives' the boy (patigan hati), expresses his willingness to become his teacher in the future.
8.
82
83
84

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154 Mahāvamsa XXIII. 85
drawing in his hands and feet he lay upon his bed. The 85 queen came, and calessing Gamani spoke thus: “Why dost thou not lie easily upon thy bed with limbs stretched out, my son?' 'Over there beyond the Ganga are the Damias, 86 here on this side is the Gotha-ocean, how can I lie with outstretched limbs?' he answered. When the king heard his thoughts he remained silent. 87 Growing duly Gamani came to sixteen years, vigorous,
renowned, intelligent and a hero in majesty and might. 88 In this changing existence do beings indeed (only) by works of merit come to such rebirth as they desire; pondering thus the wise man will be ever filled with zeal in the heaping up of meritorious works.
Here ends the twenty-second chapter, called “The Birth of Prince Gaimani', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
See note to 10. 44. * See mote to 22. 49.

CHAPTER XXIII
THE LEWYING OF THE WARRIORS
FoREMOST in strength, beauty, shape and the qualities of 1 courage and swiftness and of mighty size of body was the elephant Kandula, Nandhimitta, Suranimila, Mahasona, Gothaimbara, Theraputtabhaya, Bharana, and also Velusumana, Khañjadeva, Phussadeva and Labhiyavasabha : these 3 ten were his mighty and great warriors.
King Elara had a general named Mitta; and he had, in 4 the village that he governed, in the eastern district near 5 the Citta-mountain, a (nephew, his) sister's son, named after his uncle, whose secret parts were hidden (in his body). In 6 the years of his childhood, since he loved to creep far, they were used to bind the boy fast with a rope slung about his body, to a great mill-stone. And since, creeping about on 7 the ground, he dragged the stone after him and in crossing over the threshold the rope broke asunder, they called him 8 Nandhimitta. He had the strength of ten elephants. When he was grown up he went into the city and served his uncle. Damias, who desecrated at that time thupas and other 9 (sacred memorials), this strong man used to tear asunder, treading one leg down with his foot while he grasped the 10 other with his hand, and then (he would) cast them out (over
2.
The story of the ten paladins of Dutthagamani is treated also in the Rasavāhinī II, p. 78 foll. (Ed. by SARAŅATIssATHIERA, Colombo, 1901 and 1899.)
* Kamm antagama, i.e. 'Willage of labour' or “activity'. 'I think the word is equivalent to the nindagama of the present day. It is a village the tenants of which are liable to render services to the landlords.” WIJEsINHA, Mah, p. 88, no. 4.
* Possibly the name of the village is Khaņdarāji. Rasav. II. 80* seems to bear this out.
That is the boy's parents.

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the walls). But the devas caused those dead bodies that he cast out to vanish. 11 When they observed the diminution of the Damias they told the king; but the command “Take him with his prey ! . 12 they could not carry out.” Nandhimitta, thought: “And if I do thus, it is but the destruction of men and brings not the 13 glory to the doctrine. In Rohana, there are still princes who have faith in the three gems. There will I serve the 14 king, and when I have overcome all the Damias and have conferred the overlordship on the princes, I shall make the doctrine of the Buddha to shine forth brightly.' Then he 15 went and told this to prince Gamani. When this latter had taken counsel with his mother he received him with honour, and with high honours the warrior Nandhimitta continued to dwell with him. | 16 King Kakavannatissa caused a guard to hold the Damias in check to be kept continually at all the fords of the Maha17 ganga. Now the king had, by another wife, a son named Dighabhaya; and he gave the guard near the Kacchaka18 ford into his charge. And to form the guard this (prince) commanded each noble family within a distance of two 19 yojanas round (to send) one son thither. Within the district of Kotthivala, in the village of Khandakavitthika, lived the chief of a clan the headman named Samgha who had seven 20 sons. To him, too, the prince sent a messenger demanding a son. His seventh son named Nimila had the strength of 21 ten elephants. His six brothers who were angered at his
1 The reading should be, without doubt, sa h odham ga ņ hathe na n, cf. J. R.A.S. 1910, p. 860; J. P.T.S. 1910, p. 137. Skt. sah o qh a. The Tikal has hit the meaning with the paraphrase sa bh a, rq qaka, rpm. The Rasaväh. II, p. 80'° makes the characteristic alteration to sah as a ganhat he nam, a proof that the phrase was no longer understood in its original sense but had fallen into a stereotyped use. Cf. also Jāt. iii. 59"o.
* Since they did not succeed in finding out the doer of the deed.
See note to 22. 6. 4 See note to 10. 58. Rasavahini: Nimmala or Surainimmala. The first part of the latter name is derived from sura “spirituous liquor", and must (according to II, p. 84) refer to the drinking prowess of the hero.

XXIII.33 The Levying of the Warriors l b'li
bent toward idleness, wished that he might go, but not so his mother and his father. Wroth with his other brothers he 22 went, in the early morning, a distance of three yojanas, and sought out the prince even at sunrise. And he, to put him 23 to the test, entrusted him with a far errand: “Near the Cetiya-mountain in the village of Dvaramandala is a brahman 24 named Kundall, my friend. In his possession is merchandise from over-seas. Go thou to him and bring hither the 25 merchandise that he gives thee.' When he had thus spoken to him and had offered him a meal he sent him forth with a letter. He travelled, yet in the forenoon, nine yojanas from 26 that place hither' toward Anuradhapura and sought out the brahman. “ When thou hast bathed in the tank, my dear, 27 come to me," said the brahman. As he had never yet come to this place he bathed in the Tissa-tank, and when he had 28 done reverence to the great Bodhi-tree and the cetiya in the Thuparama he went into the city; when he had (then) seen the whole city and had bought perfumes in the bazaar, 29 had gone forth again by the north gate and had brought lotus-blossoms from the lotus-field he sought out the brahman, 30 and questioned by him he told him of his wayfaring. When the brahman heard of his first march and of his march hither he thought, full of amazement: “This is a man of 31 noble race; if Elira hears of him he will get him into his power. Therefore must he not dwell near the Damias, he must 32 rather take up his abode with the prince's father.' When 33 he had written in the same sense he gave the written message into his hands, and giving him Punnavaddhana-garments'
1 The reading sa muid da pla raibh an dä nii, in a Sinhalese MS., is only a conjecture, but is probably the correct reading.
Here, as frequently, taking the standpoint of the author, who lives in Anuradhapura.
* I.e. to Anuradhapura.
I.e. the distance covered in the morning from Kacchakatittha to Dvāramaņdala.
That is, to Anuradhapura and from there back to Dvaramandala.
“ Tika : a nag g h a ni ewan na mika ni watth ay u ganiti 'precious pairs of garments bearing that name '.

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158 Mahāvansa XXTII. 34
and many gifts (to take with him), and having fed him he sent him (back) to his friend. He came to the prince at the time that the shadows grow longer and delivered up to the king's son the letter and the gifts. Then rejoicing (the prince) said: ' Honour this man with a thousand (pieces of money).
The other servitors of the prince grew envious, then ordered
he to honour the youth with ten thousand (pieces). And when (according to his charge) they had cut his hair and bathed him in the river, and had put on him a pair of Punnavaddhana-garinents and a beautiful fragrant wreath, and had wound a silken turban about his head, they brought him to the prince, and the latter commanded that food from his own stores be given him. Moreover, the prince bade them give his own bed worth ten thousand (pieces of money) to the warrior as a couch. He gathered all these together and took them to his mother and father and gave the ten thousand (pieces of money) to his mother and the bed to his father. The same night he came and appeared at the place of the guard. When the prince heard this in the morning he was
2 glad at heart. When he had given him provision for the
journey and an escort and had bestowed on him (as a gift) ten thousand (pieces of money) he sent him to his father. The warrior brought the ten thousand to his mother and father, gave it to them and went into the presence of king Kakavannatissa. The king gave him (into the service of) the prince Gamani, and with high honours the warrior Suranimila took up his abode with him.
In the Kulumbari-district in the village Hundarivapi lived Tissa's eighth son named Sona. At the time when he was seven years old he tore up young palms; at the time when he was ten years old the strong (boy) tore up great
Wethay it va, a verb common to both and governing the accusative, must be supplied to punnav addha nayugam and gandhamālam.
* Kulum barikannikäya ; cf. Nakula maga kannikayam, Mah. 23. 77; Kālāy a na ka ņņik a mhi, Mah. 34. 89 ; and Hu vācakan nike, Mah. 34. 90. Rasav. II. 86“ reads Kada 1 um barikan nikāya.

XXIII. 61 The Levying of the Warriors 1.59
palm-trees. In time Mahasona became as strong as ten 47 elephants. When the king heard that he was such a man he took him from his father and gave him into the service of 48 the prince Gamani that he might maintain him. Receiving honourable guerdon from him, the warrior took up his abode with him.
In the region named Giri, in the village Nitthulavitthika, 49 there lived a son of Mahanaga strong as ten elephants. By 50 reason of his dwarfish stature he was named Gothaka; his six elder brothers made a merry jest of him. Once when they 51 had gone forth and were clearing the forest to lay out a beanfield they left his share and came back and told him. Then 52 forthwith he started out, and when he had torn up the trees called imbara and had levelled the ground he came and told (them). His brothers went and when they had seen his 53 amazing work they returned to him praising his work. Because of this he bore the name Gothaimbara, and him 54 too, in like manner, the king commanded to stay with Gāmaņi.
A householder named Rohana, who was headman in the 55 village of Kitti near the Kota-mountain, gave to the son who was born to him the name of the king Gothabhaya. At the 56 age of ten to twelve years the boy was so strong that in his 57. play he threw like balls for playing stones that could not be lifted by four or five men. When he was sixteen years old 58 his father made him a club thirty-eight inches round and sixteen cubits long. When, with this, he smote the stems 59 of palmyra or coco-palms, he felled them. Therefore was he known as a warrior. And him, too, did the king in like 60 manner command to stay with Gamani. But his father was a supporter of the thera Mahasumma. Once when this house- 61 holder was hearing a discourse of Mahasumma in the Kotapabbata-vihara he attained to the fruition of (the first stage of
The Rasav. II. 88 foll. tells yet another story of Gothaimbara, that he subdued a yakkha named Jayasena and then went among the monks. The "dwellers in the Uttaravihara' are mentioned as the source of this story.
Samā nanāmam kāresi, lit. "made of him oflikename vith . . .

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62 salvation called) sotapatti. With heart strongly moved he told this to the king, and when he had given over (the headship of) his house to his son he received the pabbajja from the 63 thera. Given up to the practice of meditation he attained to the state of an arahant. Therefore his son was called Theraputtabhaya. 64. In the village of Kappakandara a son of Kumara lived named Bharana. In time, when he was ten to twelve years 65 old, he went with the boys into the forest and chased many hares; he struck at them with his foot and dashed them, 66 (smitten) in twain, to the ground. Then when he, at the age of sixteen years, went with the village-folk into the forest 67 he killed antelopes, elks, and hoars in like manner. Therefore was Bharana known as a great warrior. And him did the king in like manner command to stay with Gaimani. 68 In the district called Giri, in the village of Kutumbiyahgana there dwelt, held in honour (by the people) there, a house69 holder named Vasabha. His fellow-countrymen Vela and Sumana, governor of Giri, came when a son was born to their 70 friend, bringing gifts, and both gave their name to the boy. When he was grown up the governor of Giri had him to dwell 71 in his house. He had a Sindhu-horse that would let no man mount him. When he saw Velusumana, he thought: Here 72 is a rider worthy of me,’ and he neighed joyfully. When the
governor perceived this he said to him: ' Mount the horse.' ' 73 Then he mounted the horse and made him gallop in a circle; and the animal appeared even as one single horse around the 74 whole circle, and he sat on the back of the courser seeming
Jatasamvego, the conception of samvega is the negative side to the positive pasada. See note to 1. 4.
* I. e. Abhaya, the son of the thera. The Rasav. II. 94" foll. states that the son was already a samanera, then relates a story from which it appears that in strength he was even superior to Gothaimbara. −
* A river of this name in Rohaņa is also mentioned, Mah. 24. 22, besides a monastery, Rasav. II. 881, 94”.
* Thus Rasav. II. 96o8: Kumār o nām ek o kulțum biko.
Skt. sain dhava 'horse from the Indus country, an excellent breed much prized in Indiam literature.

XXIII. 87 The Levying of the Warriors 161
to be a chain of men and he loosed his mantle and girt it about him again and again fearlessly. When the bystanders 75. saw this they broke into applauding shouts. The governor of Giri gave him ten thousand (pieces of money) and thinking:
he is fit for the king, he gave him joyfully into the king's 76 service. The king made Velusumana dwell near him, giving 77 him honourable guerdon and favouring him greatly.
In the district of Nakulanaga in the village of Mahisadonika, there lived Abhaya's last son, named Deva, endowed 78 with great strength. Since he limped a little they called him Khaijadeva. When he went a-hunting with the village-folk, 79 he chased at those times great buffaloes, as many as rose up, and grasped them by the leg with his hand, and when he had 80 whirled them round his head the young man dashed them to the ground breaking their bones. When the king heard this 81 matter, having sent for Khafijadeva, he commanded him to stay with Gaimani.
Near the Cittalapabbata (vihara) in the village named 82 Gavita, there lived Uppala's son named Phussadeva. When 83 he went once as a boy to the vihara with the (other) boys he took one of the shells offered to the bodhi-tree and blew it mightily. Powerful even as the roar at the bursting asunder 84 of a thunderbolt was his tone, and all the other boys, terrified, were as if stunned. Therefore he was known by the name 85 Ummadaphussadeva. His father made him learn the archer's art handed down in the family, and he was one of those who 86 hit their mark (guided) by sound, who hit by (the light of the) lightning, and who hit a hair. A waggon laden with sand and a hundred skins bound one upon another, a slab of 87 asana or udumbara-wood eight or sixteen inches thick, or
The Tīkā (see Mah. ed. note on this passage) explains vassaharam va by “like an unbroken row of men holding together'. Wassa presupposes a Skt. varsan related to Skt. vrsan. The neuter gender in hara 'string of pearls', is striking. Cf. the Greek legend of Alexander's horse Bukephalos. w
* See Mah. 22. 23 (with note); Rasav. II. 101”.
* Skt. a sana, Terminalia tomentosa and u dumbara, Ficus gloтerata.

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88 one of iron or copper two or four inches thick he shot through with the arrow; an arrow shot forth by him flew 89 eight usabhas over the land but one usabha through the water. When the great king heard this thing he had him taken away from his father and commanded him to stay with Gaimani. 90 Near the Tuladhara-mountain in the village of Viharavapi 91 lived a son of the householder Matta, named Vasabha. Since his body was nobly formed they called him Labhiyavasabha. At the age of twenty years he was gifted with great bodily 92 strength. Taking some men with him he began, since he would fain have some fields, (to make) a tank. Making it he, 98 being endowed with great strength, flung away masses of earth such as only ten or twelve men had moved else, and thus in 94 a short time he finished the tank. And thereby he gained renown, and him too did the king summon and, allotting him honourable guerdon, he appointed him to (the service of) 95 Gamani. That field was known as Vasabha's Dam. So
Labhiyavasabha abode near Gāmaņi. 96 On these ten great warriors did the king henceforth confer 97 honours like to the honours conferred on his own son. Then summoning the ten great warriors the king charged them : 98 “Each one find ten warriors. They brought thither warriors in this way and again the king commanded these hundred 99 warriors to levy (others) in like manner. They too brought thither warriors in this way and these thousand warriors did the king again command to levy (others) in like manner. 100 They also brought warriors thither. And they, reckoned altogether, were then eleven thousand one hundred and ten warriors. 101 They all continually received honourable guerdon from the
ruler of the land and abode surrounding the prince Gamani. 102 Thus when a wise man, mindful of his salvation, hears of
1. See mote to 22. 42.
* The Rasav. 11. 103 135 says: Kāka vaņņa tissa mahārājā tann ānā petva, mahantam sakkāram katvā udaka vāragā maņ tass' eva dapesi; tato patthaya so Vasabhod akavaro ti pakat o ah osi.

XXIII. 102 The Levying of the Warriors 163
the marvels wrought by the pious life, he should surely, turning aside from the evil path, evermore find pleasure in the path of piety.
Here ends the twenty-third chapter, called 'The Levying
of the Warriors, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Μ 2

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CEHAPTER XXIV
THE WAR OF THE TWO BROTHERS
1 SKILLED in (guiding) elephants and horses, and in (bearing) the sword and versed in archery did the prince Gamani dwell 2 thenceforth in Mahagama. The prince Tissa, equipped with troops and chariots did the king cause to be stationed in 3 Dighavapi in order to guard the open country. Afterwards prince Gaimani, reviewing his host, sent to announce to his 4 father the king : * I will make war upon the Damias.' The king, to protect him, forbade him, saying: 'The region on this side of the river is enough. Even to three times he
5 sent to announce the same (reply). If my father were a man
he would not speak thus: therefore shall he put this on.’ 6 And therewith Gaimani sent him a woman's ornament, And
enraged at him the king said: ' Make a golden chain with
that will I bind him, for else he cannot be protected.' 7 Then the other fled and went, angered at his father, to Malaya, and because he was wroth with his father they named him Dutthagamani. 8 Then the king began to build the Mahanuggala-cetiya. When the cetiya was finished the monarch summoned the 9 brotherhood. Twelve thousand bhikkhus from the Cittalapab
I believe that up a sana in katupas an a must be taken in the
sense of archery, which is borne out by Abhidh. 390. The Tika, it
is true, explains katupasano, in a general way, by kata sikkho, das sita sippo.
See note to 1.78. * Cf. the note to 10. 44. The Mahaganga is considered the border between the region occupied by the Damias and the provinces ruled over by the Mahagama dynasty.
4 Cf. mote to 7. 68.
I.e. the angry Gaimani. Cf. Dip. and Mah., p. 21, m. 1.

XXIV. 22 The War of the Tuvo Brothers 1.65
bata (vihara) gathered together here, and from divers (other) places twelve thousand also.
When the king had celebrated the solemn festival of the cetiya he brought all the (ten) warriors together and made them take an oath in the presence of the brotherhood. They all took the oath: “We will not go to (thy) sons' battlefield; therefore did they also not come to the war (afterwards).
When the king had built sixty-four viharas and had lived just as many years he died then in that same place. The queen took the king's body, brought it to the Tissamaharama.' in a covered car and told this to the brotherhood. When the prince Tissa heard this he came from Dighavapi, and when he himself had carried out with (due) care the funeral rites for his father, the powerful (prince) took his mother and the elephant Kandula with him and for fear of his brother went thence with all speed baek to Dighavapi. To acquaint him with these matters the whole of the ministers, who had met together, sent a letter to Dutthagamani. He repaired to Guttahala, and when he had placed outposts there he came to Mahagama and caused himself to be consecrated king. He sent a letter to his brother (asking) for his mother and the elephant. But when after the third time he did not receive them he set forth to make war upon him. And between those two there came to pass a great battle in Cullahganiyapitthi : and there fell many thousands of the king's men.' The king and his minister Tissa and the mare Dighathinika, those three, took flight; the prince (Tissa) pursued them. The bhikkhus created a mountain between the two (brothers). When he (Tissa) saw it he turned about, thinking : “This is the work of the brotherhood of the bhikkhus.’
When he came to the Javamala ford of the river Kappa
In Mahagama. * Cf. note to 22. 8. Now Buttala, situated thirty to thirty-five miles to the north of Mahagama, where the high-road crosses the Menik-ganga. The road from Mahagama to Mahiyangana led through Guttahalaka (cf. 25.6). The outposts were stationed there by Dutthagamani as a security against a surprise from Tissa, residing at Dighavapi.
I.e. of Dutthagamani. * I think that the battle took place at some distance from Guttar
11
12
13
20
21

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166 Mahavansa ΧΧΙV. 23
kandara, the king said to his minister Tissa: “I am spent 23 with hunger. He offered him food that was placed in a golden vessel. When he had set aside of the food for the 24 brotherhood and had divided it into four portions he said: Proclaim the meal-time. Tissa proclaimed the time. When, by means of his heavenly ear, he who had taught the king 25 the holy precepts, the thera (Gotama), dwelling in Piyahgudipa, heard this he sent the thera Tissa, the son of a house26 holder, thither, and he went there through the air. Tissa (the minister) took his almsbowl from his hand and offered it to the king. The king commanded the portion for the brotherhood 27 and his own portion to be poured into the bowl. And Tissa poured his portion in likewise, and the mare also would not have her portion. Therefore did Tissa pour her share too into the bowl. 28 The king handed to the thera the bowl filled with food; and hastening away through the air he brought it to the thera 29 Gotama. When the thera had offered their share in morsels to five hundred bhikkhus, who partook of the food, 30 and had (again) filled the bowl with the fragments that he received from them, he caused it to fly through the air to the king. (The minister) Tissa who saw it coming received it 31 and served the king. When he himself then had eaten he fed the mare also; then the king sent the almsbowl away, making of his own field-cloak a cushion to bear it upon.
halaka in the direction of Dighavapi. The site of Culanganiyapitthi may, therefore, be near Muppana, about ten miles to the north-east from Guttahalaka. On his flight the king had to cross the Kumbukkan-oya. This may be the Kappukandaranadi. Then the Javamala, ford was near the village Kumbukkan.
" Châtajjhatto, in this sense also Jät. i. 345°. o See mote to 4. 12.
See note to 22. 69 and below, v. 28. I.e. 'Panicum, or Saffron Island." The monks living there enjoyed a reputation for particular holiness. Cf. Mah. 25. 104 foll.
On alopa see CHILDERs, P.D. s. v. ; literally translated it would be: 'when he had given (of it) in morsel-portions."
By cumbata is meant a cloth rolled into a circular shape which serves as the support for a vessel when carried upon the head.

XXIV. 45 The War of the Two Brothers 16
Arrived in Mahagama, he assembled again a host of sixty 32 thousand men and marching into the field began the war with his brother. The king riding on his mare and Tissa on the 33 elephant Kandula, thus did the two brothers now come at once together, opposing each other in battle. Taking the 34 elephant in the middle the king made the mare circle round him. When he, notwithstanding, found no unguarded place he resolved to leap over him. Leaping with the mare over 35 the elephant he shot his dart over his brother, so that he wounded only the skin on the back (of the elephant)."
Many thousands of the prince's men fell there, fighting in 36 battle, and his great host was scattered. “By reason of the 37 weakness of my rider one of the female sex has used me contemptuously; so thought the elephant, and in wrath he rushed upon a tree in order to throw him (Tissa). The prince 38 climbed upon the tree; the elephant went to his master (Dutthagamani). And he mounted him and pursued the fleeing prince. The prince came to a vihara and fleeing to the 39 cell of the chief thera, he lay down, in fear of his brother, under the bed. The chief thera spread a cloak over the bed, 40 and the king, who followed immediately, asked: “Where is Tissa ?' He is not in the bed, great king'; answered the 41 thera. Then the king perceived that he was under the bed, and when he had gone forth he placed sentinels round about 42 the vihara; but they laid the prince upon the bed and covered him over with a garment and four young ascetics, grasping 43 the bed-posts, bore him out as if (they were carrying) a dead bhikkhu. But the king, who perceived that he was being 44 carried forth, said: 'Tissa, upon the head of the guardian genii of our house art thou carried forth; to tear away anything 45 with violence from the guardian genii of our house is not my
To see whether he could perhaps attack him from above.
* This passage was corrupt at an early period. The Tika, too, mentions varying readings. The sense appears to me to be that Dutthagamani only wishes to show his superiority without wounding either his brother or the elephant seriously. Cf. Mah. ed., Introd., p. xxii.
* Lit. "Has leaped over me." But the word ' lang hayi' is evidently to be taken also metaphorically here.

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168 Mahāvansa XXI W. 46
custom. Mayst thou evermore remember the virtue of the 46 guardian genii of our house Hereupon the king went to Mahagama, and thither did he bring his mother, whom he 47 greatly reverenced. Sixty-eight years did the king live, whose heart stood firm in the faith, and he built sixty-eight viharas. 48 But the prince Tissa, carried forth by the bhikkhus, went 49 thence unrecognized and came to Dighavapi. The prince said to the thera Godhagatta Tissa: “I have done ill, sir; I 50 will make my peace with my brother'. The thera took Tissa, in the habit of a servitor, and five hundred bhikkhus with him 51 and sought the king out. Leaving the prince above on the stairs the thera entered with the brotherhood. The monarch 52 invited them all to be seated and had rice-milk and other (food) brought (to them). The thera covered his almsbowl, and on the question: “Wherefore this? he answered: “We have 53 come bringing Tissa with us.' To the question: “Where is the traitor?' he pointed out the place where he stood. The Vihāradevī hurried thither and stood sheltering her young som. 54 The king said to the thera: “It is known to you that we are now also your servants. If you had but sent a simanera of 55 seven years our strife had not taken place (and all had ended) without loss of men.' 'O king, this is the brotherhood's guilt, the brotherhood will do penance.” 56 “You will (first) have (to do) what is due to (guests), arriving. Take the rice-milk and the rest.' With these words he offered the (food) to the brotherhood; and when he 57 had called his brother hither he took his seat with his
According to the conjectural reading a ňāta k o. Cf. Mah. ed., Introd., p. xlvii.
* We have here a surname given to the thera because of his spotted complexion, Tika: evam na mi kassa. TURNOUR translates, concerning the explanation of the name given in the Tika, thus: “Who was afflicted with a cutaneous complaint which made his skin scaly like that of the godha." (WIJESINHA: of an iguana.)
Nato vo dasabha voidani no, i.e. even after I have become king; n o is honorific plur.
Hess at agatakic cam vo stands briefly for agatanam kiccam hess ti vo kic cam. With these words the king returns to the hospitality shown to the bhikkhus.

XXIV, 59 The War of the Tuvo Brothers 169
brother even there in the midst of the brotherhood; and when he had eaten together with him he gave the brotherhood leave to depart. And thither too he sent his brother to direct the work of harvest; and he too, when he had made it known by
eat of drum, directed the work of harvest.
Thus are pious men wont to appease an enmity, though heaped up from many causes, even if it be great; 'what wise man, pondering this, shall not be of peace-loving mind toward others?
Here ends the twenty-fourth chapter, called “The War of the two Brothers, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
That is, there, where he had sent the bhikkhus, i.e. to Dighavapi. The sassaka, m maini are preparations for the campaign against the Damiļas.
* The Tika explains an ekavikap pacitam by an eka dha upacitam, pun appunãn usaranava sem a rãsikatam ti attho.
59

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CHAPTER XXV
THE VICTORY OF DUTTHAGAMANI
1 WHEN the king Dutthagamani had provided for his people and had had a relic put into his spear he marched, with 2 chariots, troops and beasts for riders, to Tissamaharama, and when he had shown favour to the brotherhood he said: “I will go on to the land on the further side of the river 8 to bring 3 glory to the doctrine. Give us, that we may treat them with honour, bhikkhus who shall go on with us, since the sight of 4 bhikkhus is blessing and protection for us.” As a penance
the brotherhood allowed him five hundred ascetics; taking this company of bhikkhus with him the king marched forth, and when he had caused the read in Malaya leading hither to be made ready he mounted the elephant Kandula and, surrounded 6 by his warriors, he took the field with a mighty host. With the one end yet in Mahagama the train of the army reached to Guttahälaka. 7 Arrived at Mahiyahgana" he overpowered the Damia Chatta. When he had slain the Damias in that very place he came then to Ambatitthaka, which had a trench leading 8 from the river, and (conquered) the Damia, Titthamba; fighting the crafty and powerful foe for four months he
5
The spear serves as a royal standard, which is always carried before the prince.
2 See note to 15. 189-190. See note to 24. 4. * Cf. 24. 55.
That is to the north of the island, towards Anuradhapura. Note to 10. 77. On Malaya see note to 7. 68.
* Mahaga, mena sambaddha, lit. “connected with Mahagäma.'. 7 Mahiyangana = Bintenne (Alut-nuwara). See Appendix C.
A ford of the Mahawaeliganga, not far from Bintenne. o Katahattha = Skt. krta hasta, and must be taken in the same
S61862,

XXV. 22 The Victory of Dutthagamani 171
(finally) overcame him by cunning, since he placed his mother 9
in his view.
When the mighty man marching thence down (the river). had conquered seven mighty Damila princes in one day and had established peace, he gave over the booty to his troops. Therefore is (the place) called Khemarama.
In Antarasobbha he subdued Mahakottha, in Dona Gavara, in Hālakola Issariya, in Nāļisobbha. Nalika. In Dīghābhayagallaka he subdued, in like manner, Dighabhaya; in Kacchatittha, within four months, he subdued Kapisisa. In Kotanagara he subdued Kota, then Halawahanaka, in Wahittha, the
10
12
13
Damila Vahittha and in Gamani (he subdued) Gamani, in Kum- 14
bagäma Kumba,in Nandigäma Nandika, Khänu in Khänugäma
but in Tamba and Unnama, the two, uncle and nephew, named 15
Tamba and Unnama. Jambu also did he subdue, and each village was named after (its commander.)
When the monarch heard (that it was said:) Not knowing their own army they slay their own people', he made this solemn declaration: “Not for the joy of sovereignty is this toil of mine, my striving (has been) ever to establish the doctrine of the Sambuddha. And even as this is truth may the armour on the body of my soldiers take the colour of fire.’ And now it came to pass even thus.
All the Damias on the bank of the river who had escaped death threw themselves for protection into the city named
Vijitanagara. In a favourable open country he pitched a 20
camp, and this became known by the name Khandhaivarapițthi.
16
17
18
19
Since the king, in order to take Vijitanagara, would fain 21
put Nandhimitta to the test, he let loose Kandula upon him
(once) when he saw him coming towards him. When the 22
. . The allusion is too terse for us to make any safe conjecture as to the cunning mentioned. According to the Tika (vivahakaranale. sena) the reference is to Gaimani's promising to his adversary marriage with his mother, and with it the expectation of government.
On sacca kiriya, see note to 18.39. Near the northern bank of the Kalavapi (Kaluwaewa), about 24 miles SSE. from Anuradhapura.

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172 Mahāvansa XXV. 23
elephant came to overpower him, Nandhimitta seized with his hands his two tusks and forced him on his haunches. 23 Since Nandhimitta fought with the elephant the village built on the spot where (it came to pass) is therefore named Hatthipora. 24 When the king had (thus) put them both to the test he marched to Vijitanagara. Near the south gate befell a 25 fearful battle between the warriors. But near the east gate did Velusumana, sitting on his horse, slay Damias in great numbers. 26 The Damias shut the gate and the king sent thither his men. Kaņdula and Nandhimitta and Sūranimila, at the 27 south gate, and the three, Mahasona, Gotha and Theraputta, 28 at the three other gates did their (great) deeds. The city had three trenches, was guarded by a high wall, furnished with gates of wrought iron, difficult for enemies to destroy. 29 Placing himself upon his knees and battering stones, mortar and bricks with his tusks did the elephant attack the gate of 30 iron. But the Damias who stood upon the gate-tower hurled down weapons of every kind, balls of red-hot iron and molten 31 pitch. When the smoking pitch poured on his back Kandula, tormented with pains, betook him to a pool of water and dived there. 32 Here is no sura-draught for thee, go forth to the destroy
ing of the iron gate, destroy the gate thus said Gothaimbara, 33 to him. Then did the best of elephants again proudly take heart, and trumpeting he reared himself out of the water and stood defiantly on firm land. 34 The elephants' physician washed the pitch away and put on balm; the king mounted the elephant and, stroking 35 his temples with his hand, he cheered him on with the words: “To thee I give, dear Kandula, the lordship over the whole island of Lanka.’ And when he had had choice 36 fodder given to him, had covered him with a cloth and had put his armour on him and had bound upon his skin a seven
Sura is an intoxicating drink. The meaning is: it is not for pleasure's sake that thou hast come here.

XXV. 51 The Victory of Dutthagamani 173
times folded buffalo-hide and above it had laid a hide steeped 37 in oil he set him free. Roaring like thunder he came, daring danger, and with his tusks pierced the panels of the gate and 38 trampled the threshold with his feet; and with uproar the gate crashed to the ground together with the arches of the gate. The crumbling mass from the gate-tower that fell 39 upon the elephant's back did Nandhimitta dash aside, striking it with his arms. When Kandula saw his deed, in contentment 40 of heart he ceased from the former wrath he had nursed since he (Nandhimitta) had seized him by the tusks.
That he might enter the town close behind him Kandula 41 the best of elephants turned (to Nandhimitta) and looked at that warrior. But Nandhimitta thought : “I will not enter 42 (the town) by the way opened by the elephant and with his arm did he break down the wall. Eighteen cubits high 43 and eight usabhas long it crashed together. The (elephant) looked on Suranimila, but he too would not (follow in) the track but dashed forward, leaping the wall into the town. 44 Gotha also and Sona pressed forward, each one breaking down a gate. The elephant seized a cart-wheel, Mitta a waggon- 45 frame, Gotha, a cocos-palm, Nimila his good sword, Mahasona 46 a palmyra-palm, Theraputta his great club, and thus, rushing each by himself into the streets, they shattered the Damias there.
When the king in four months had destroyed v, jitanagara 47 he went thence to Girilaka and slew the Damia Giriya. Thence he marched to Mahelanagara that had a triple trench 48 and was surrounded by an undergrowth of kadamba flowers, possessed but one gate and was hard to come at; and staying 49 there four months the king subdued the commander of Mahela by a cunningly planned battle. Then nearing Anurādhapura 50 the king pitched his camp south of the Kasa-mountain. When he had made a tank there in the month Jetthamula he held 51
1 Cf. 28. 58.
Mantayuddhena. TURNouR translates: “By diplomatic stratagem.”
On parato see note to 36. 56; on Kasapabbata, note to 10.27.

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174 Mahāvansa XXV. 52
a water-festival. There is to be found the village named Pajjotainagara. 52 When the king Elara heard that king Dutthagamani was come to do battle he called together his ministers and said: 53 * This king is himself a warrior and in truth many warriors (follow him). What think the ministers, what should we 54 do?’ King Elara's warriors, led by Dighajantu, resolved: “To55 morrow will we give battle. The king Dutthagamani also took counsel with his mother and by her counsel formed thirty-two 56 bodies of troops. In these the king placed parasol-bearers and figures of a king; the monarch himself took his place in the innermost body of troops. 57 When Elara in full armour had mounted his elephant Mahapabbata, he came thither with chariots, soldiers and 58 beasts for riders. When the battle began the mighty and terrible Dighajantu seized his sword and shield for battle, 59 and leaping eighteen cubits up into the air and cleaving the effigy of the king with his sword, he scattered the first body 60 of troops. When the mighty (warrior) had in this manner scattered also the other bodies of troops, he charged at the 61 body of troops with which king Gamani stood. But when he began to attack the king, the mighty warrior Siranimila 62 insulted him, proclaiming his own name. Dighajantu thought: “I will slay him, and leaped into the air full of rage. But Suranimila held the shield toward him as he alighted (in 63 leaping). But Dighajantu thought: ‘I will cleave him in twain, together with the shield, and struck the shield with 64 the sword. Then Suranimila let go the shield. And as he clove (only) the shield thus released Dighajantu fell there, and Stiranimila, springing up, slew the fallen (man) with his 65 spear. Phussadeva blew his conch shell, the army of the Damias was scattered; nay, Elara turned to flee and they
' Tika: raio pa tirti pak a n kat tha may arti pakarp ti, i.e. wooden figures to represent the king.
* The usual form of challenge to single combat.
: In the original text of vv. 62, 63 there are only the pronouns ita ro, ita ro, s o, ita ro, instead of the names Dīghajantu, Sūranimila, Dīghajantu, Sūranimila.

XXV. 79 The Victory of Dutthagamani 175
slew many Damias. The water in the tank there was dyed 66 red with the blood of the slain, therefore it was known by the name Kulantavapi.
King Dutthagamani proclaimed with beat of drum: “None 67 but myself shall slay Elara. When he himself, armed, had 68 mounted the armed elephant Kandula he pursued Elara and came to the south gate (of Anuradhapura).
Near the south gate of the city the two kings fought; 69 Elara hurled his dart, Gamani evaded it; he made his own 70 elephant pierce (Elara's) elephant with his tusks and he hurled his dart at Elara; and this (latter) fell there, with his elephant.
When he had thus been victorious in battle and had united 71 Lanka under one rule he marched, with chariots, troops and beasts for riders, into the capital. In the city he caused the 72 drum to be beaten, and when he had summoned the people from a yojana around he celebrated the funeral rites for king Elara. On the spot where his body had fallen he burned it 73 with the catafalque, and there did he build a monument and ordain worship. And even to this day the princes of Lahka, 74 when they draw near to this place, are wont to silence their music because of this worship.
When he had thus overpowered thirty-two Damila kings 75 DUTTHAGAMANI ruled over Lanka in single sovereignty.
When Vijitanagara was destroyed the hero Dighajantuka 76 had told Elara of the valour of his nephew, and to this 77 nephew named Bhalluka, he had sent a message to come hither. When Bhalluka had received (the message) from him 78 he landed here, on the seventh day after the day of the burning of Elara, with sixty thousand men.
Although he heard of the king's death after he had landed 79
I would now like to adopt the form of this name as given in the Burmese MSS., as it gives good sense: “End of the tribe." The Tika ed. has Kul at tha vapi. This, however, is no guarantee for the reading of the MSS.
Ekatap attaka, lit. Being under one parasol (a tap atta).' Cf. ek a chatte na in v. 75.
The Tika, adds to tassa the subst, lekha sandesam.

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8.
8
88
89
90
91
92
176 Mahāvansa XXV. 80
yet, from shame, with the purpose: “I will do battle, he pressed on from Mahatittha hither. He pitched his camp near the village Kolambahalaka.”
When the king heard of his coming he marched forth to battle in full panoply of war, mounted on the elephant Kandula, with warriors mounted on elephants, horses and chariots, and with foot-soldiers in great numbers.
Ummiidaphussadeva, who was the best archer in all the island (followed). armed with the five weapons, and the rest
3 of the heroes followed him (also). While the raging battle
went forward Bhalluka in his armour came at the king there; but Kandula, the king of elephants, to weaken his onslaught, yielded his ground quite slowly and the army with
5 him drew also back quite slowly. The king said: 'Aforetime
in twenty-eight battles he has never retreated, what may this be, Phussadeva. ?’ And he answered: Victory lies behind us, O king; looking to the field of victory the elephant draws back, and at the place of victory he will halt.' And when the elephant had retreated he stood firm beside (the shrine of) the guardian god of the city within the precincts of the Mahāvihāra.
When the king of elephants had halted here the Damila Bhalluka came toward the king in that place and mocked at the ruler of the land. Covering his mouth with his sword the king returned insult for insult. I will send (an arrow') into the king's mouth, thought the other, and he let fly an arrow. The arrow struck on the sword-blade and fell to the ground. And Bhaluka, who thought : " He is struck in the mouth, uttered a shout for joy. But the mighty Phussadeva sitting behind the king, let fly an arrow into his mouth wherewith (as the arrow passed) he lightly touched the king's ear-ring. And since he made him thus to fall with his feet toward the king, he let fly yet another arrow at the falling man and struck
1 To Anurādhapura. Cf. note to 7. 58.
It is called Kolambalaka in 33. 42, and was situated (cf. note to that passage) not far from the north gate of Anuradhapura.
See note to 7. 16. After pate mi 'I let fly', understand “kan dam', as in the Tika.

XXV. 105 The Victory of Dutthaga mami 177
him in the knee; and making him (now) to turn with his 93 head toward the king, thus with swift hand he brought him down. When Bhalluka had fallen a shout of victory went up.
To make known his fault Phussadeva himself forthwith cut 94 off the lobe of his own ear and showed the king the blood streaming down. When the king saw this he asked: “What does 95 this mean?' 'I have carried out the royal justice upon myself, he said (in answer) to the ruler of the land. And to the 96 question: “What is thy guilt?’ he answered: “Striking thy ear-ring.' “Why hast thou done this, my brother, taking as guilt that which was no guilt?' replied the great king, and 97 in gratitude he said moreover: Great shall be thy honourable guerdon, even as thy arrow.'
When the king, after winning the victory, had slain all 98 the Damilas he went up on the terrace of the palace, and when, in the royal chamber there in the midst of the dancers 99 and ministers, he had sent for Phussadeva's arrow and had set it in the ground with the feathered end uppermost, he 100 covered the dart over and over with kahapanas poured forth upon it, and these he forthwith caused to be given to Phussadeva.
Sitting then on the terrace of the royal palace, adorned, 101 lighted with fragrant lamps and filled with many a perfume, 102 magnificent with nymphs in the guise of dancing-girls, while he rested on his soft and fair couch, covered with costly draperies, 103 he, looking back upon his glorious victory, great though it was, knew no joy, remembering that thereby was wrought the destruction of millions (of beings).
When the arahants in Piyangudipa knew his thought 104 they sent eight arahants to comfort the king. And they, 105 coming in the middle watch of the night, alighted at the
Pada to katva and sisato katva, lit. he made him footwise' or "headwise’. Rajanam (Dutthagamanim) is dependent on paida to (sisato). On the first shot Bhalluka fell backwards, so that he would have lain with his feet towards Dutthagāmaņi. To prevent this Phussadeva, then shot a second arrow at him, which struck Bhaluka in the knee, even as he fell, so that he now fell forward on his face. From that moment he lay in the posture of one conquered and overthrown, or of a slave before the king.
See note to 4, 13. * See mote to 24 25.
N

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178 Mahāvapusa, XIXW., 106
palace-gate. Making known that they were come thither through the air they mounted to the terrace of the palace. 106 The great king greeted them, and when he had invited them to be seated and had done them reverence in many ways he 107 asked the reason of their coming. “We are sent by the brotherhood at Piyangudipa to comfort thee, O lord of men.’ 108 And thereon the king said again to them: “How shall there be any comfort for me, O venerable sirs, since by me was caused the slaughter of a great host numbering millions?' 109 From this deed arises no hindrance in thy way to heaven. Only one and a half human beings have been slain here by 110 thee, O lord of men. The one had come unto the (three) refuges, the other had taken on himself the five precepts. Unbelievers and men of evil life were the rest, not more to be 111 esteemed than beasts. But as for thee, thou wilt bring glory to the doctrine of the Buddha in manifold ways; therefore cast away care from thy heart, O ruler of men 112 Thus exhorted by them the great king took comfort. When he had bidden them farewell and had given them leave to 113 depart he lay down again and thought: “Without the brotherhood you shall never take a meal, thus our mother and father 114 have caused to swear us in our boyhood at the meal. Have I ever eaten anything whatsoever without giving to the brotherhood of bhikkhus?' Then he saw that he had, all 115 unthinkingly, eaten pepper in the pod, at the morning meal, leaving none for the brotherhood; and he thought : “For this I must do penance.' 116 Should a man think on the hosts of human beings murdered for greed in countless myriads, and should he carefully keep in mind the evil (arising from that), and should he also very carefully keep in mind the mortality as being the murderer of all, then will he, in this way, shortly win freedom from suffering and a happy condition.
Here ends the twenty-fifth chapter, called “The Victory of Dutthagamani, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
See notes to 1.32 and 62.

CHAPTER XXVII
THE CONSECRATING OF THE MARICAVATTIVIHARA
WHEN that king of high renown had united Lanka in one 1 kingdom he distributed places of honour to his warriors according to their rank. The warrior Theraputtabhaya would 2 not have that which was allotted to him, and being asked:
Wherefore ?' he answered: “It is war.' And questioned 3
again): “When a single realm is created what war is here ?' he answered: ' I will do battle with those rebels, the passions, (battle) wherein victory is hard to win.' Thus 4 said he, and again and again the king sought to restrain him. When he had entreated again and again he took the pabbajijā with the king's consent. After taking the pabbaja he attained 5 in time to arahantship, and he lived in the midst of five hundred (bhikkhus) who had overcome the asavas.
When the week of the festival of kingship was gone 6 by the fearless king Abhaya, who had carried out the consecration with great pomp, went to the Tissa-tank, that was 7 adorned according to the festival custom, to hold festival plays there and to observe the tradition of crowned kings.
All that had been made ready for the king and hundreds 8 of offerings did they place on the spot where the Maricavattivihara (afterwards stood). There in the very place where 9 the thupa (afterwards) stood the king's people who carried the spear planted the splendid spear with the relic. When 10 the king had disported himself in the water the whole day
A play upon the words abhayo and gata bhayo. * Now Miris veti in the south-west part of Anurādhapura, north of Tissawaewa. SMITHER, Architectural Remains, Anuradhapura, p. 19 foll.; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 294 foll,
* Cf. 25. 1, with note.
N 2

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180 Mahāvansa XXVI. 11
through, together with the women of the harem, he said, in the evening: “We will go hence; carry the spear before us." 11 And the people entrusted with (this duty) could not move the spear from its place; and the king's soldiers came to12 gether and brought offerings of perfumes and flowers. When the king saw this great miracle, glad at heart he appointed sentinels there, and after he had returned forthwith into 13 the city he built a cetiya in such wise that it enclosed the
spear and founded a vihara that enclosed the thupa. 14. In three years the vihara was finished and the ruler of men called the brotherhood together to hold the festival (on 15 the consecration) of the monastery. A hundred thousand bhikkhus and ninety thousand bhikkhunis were gathered together 16 there. Then in this assembly the king spoke thus to the brotherhood: “Without a thought of the brotherhood, vener17 able sirs, I ate pepper in the pod. Thinking : This shall be my act of expiation, I have built the pleasant Maricavatti18 vihara, together with the cetiya. May the brotherhood accept it With these words he poured forth the (ceremonial) water of a gift and piously gave the monastery to the brother19 hood. When he had set up a great and beautiful hall in the vihara and round about it, he commanded that lavish gifts 20 should be given there to the brotherhood. The hall was so planned that stakes were set even in the water of the Abhayatank, what need of further words to speak of the remaining space (covered)? 21 When the ruler of men had given food, drink and so forth, for a week, he offered as a gift the whole of the costly 22 necessaries for samanas.' These necessaries began with a cost of a hundred thousand (kahapanas) and ended with a cost of 23 a thousand. All this did the brotherhood receive. The money that was spent there in gratitude by the wise king,
See note to 10. 84.
* The most costly parikkhara (see note to 4. 26) was allotted to the most distinguished monks (Tī. sa mg hatt herānam); the value was then graduated according to the rank of the recipient. The literal translation runs thus: the parikkhara had at first (at the beginning) the value of . . ., at the end the value of . . . .

XXVI. 26 Consecrating of the Maricavațiți-vihāra 181
who was a hero in battle as in largess, whose pure heart was filled with faith in the Three Gems, who desired to raise the (Buddha's) doctrine to glory, (that was spent) to honour the Three Gems, beginning with the building of the thupa and ending with the festival of the vihara, (all this money), leaving aside the rest of the priceless (gifts), is reckoned as but one less than twenty kotis.
Treasures which, in truth, bear on them the blot of the five faults' become, if they be acquired by people who are gifted with special wisdom, possessed of the five advantages; therefore let the wise man strive to have them thus.
Here ends the twenty-sixth chapter, called “The Consecrating of the Maricavatti-vihara, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The construction of the sentence in vv. 23-25 is thus: dhanani tena katai unia rai ia pa ric cattani, ratan attayam pujetum-se sani an agghani (da nani) vi mufi ciya - h onti e kaya tina, visatikotiy o. The instrumental cases y uddhe din e ca stirena, sữ rinã, ra tam at tay e pa 8 an mã m a la citten a, sã sanujj Otan att himā are attributes of raíñîňā, and the plural neuter thū pakārā panādi to vihāramah anantāni attribute of dhana ni.
* According to the Tika, the five dangers which threaten the wealth are meant : loss by fire, water, living creatures, confiscation or brigandage.
* The construction is: bhogā . . . h on ti . . . gahīta sãrã. The five benefits are, according to the Tika : popularity among men, high esteem among pious men, fame, fidelity in fulfilment of layduties, and attainment of heaven after death. These advantages are possessed by a kingdom when well governed.
24
25
26

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CHAPTER XXVII
THE CONSECRATING OF THE LOHAPĀSĀDA
1 HERE UPON the king called to mind the tradition known to all, and duly handed down: “The thera rich in merit, ever intent on meritorious works, who formed his resolves in 2 wisdom, who converted the island did, as is known, speak thus to the king, my ancestor: “Thy descendant, the king 3 Dutthagamani, the wise, will hereafter found the Great Thupa, the splendid Sonnamali a hundred and twenty cubits 4 in height, and an uposatha-house, moreover, adorned with manifold gems, making it nine stories high, namely the Lohapäsäda.” 5 Thus thought the ruler of the land, and finding, when he made search, a gold plate kept in a chest and laid by in the 6 palace with such a written record thereon, he commanded that the inscription be read aloud: “When one hundred and 7 thirty-six years have run their course, in future time will Kakavanna's son, the ruler of men, Dutthagamani, build 8 this and that in such and such wise. When the king had heard this read he uttered a cry of joy and clapped his hands. Then early in the morning he went to the beautiful Maha9 megha-park, and when he had arranged a gathering together of the brotherhood of the bhikkhus he said to them: “I will 10 build for you a pasada like to a palace of the gods. Send
I.e. 'provided with golden garlands,' now Ruwanwaeli. The usual designation in Mah. is Mahāthūpa.
* For the sense of apphoteti (= Skt. å-sphotayati) ef. Thüpavamsa, 33’’: vāmah attham ābhujitvā dakkhiņa hatthena app hotesi.
* See note to v. 14. The building was destined to contain the cells of the bhikkhus.

XXVIII. 20 The Consecrating of the Lohapāsāda 183
to a celestial palace and make me a drawing of it.' The brotherhood of the bhikkhus sent thither eight (theras) who had overcome the asavas.
In the time of the sage Kassapa a brahman named Asoka, who had set out eight ticket-meals 8 (to be apportioned) to the brethren, commanded his serving-woman named Birani : * Give of this continually. When she had given these gifts faithfully her whole life long she left this (world) and was reborn as a lovely maiden in a gleaming palace, floating in the air, (and she was) continually served by a thousand nymphs. Her gem-palace was twelve yojanas high and measured forty-eight yojanas round about; it was adorned with a thousand jutting window-chambers, nine-storied and provided with a thousand chambers, gleaming with light, four-sided, with a thousand shell-garlands and with windows as eyes and provided with a vedika (adorned) with a network of little bells. In the middle of the (building) was the beautiful Ambalatthika-pasada, visible from every side, bright with pennons hung out. When the theras, going to the heaven of the thirty-three (gods), saw that (palace) they made a drawing of it with red arsenic upon a linen cloth, and they returned, and being arrived they showed the linen to the brotherhood. The brotherhood took the linen and sent it to the king. When the king full of joy saw it he went
By vimana are meant the palaces serving as abodes for the gods and happy spirits. Cf. the Wimanavatthu, note to 14.58.
* The last Buddha before Gotama; see 1. 10; 15. 125. * Salãk a bhatta. See mote to 15. 205.
Here then we have a construction of several stories, diminishing in size towards the top (na vabhumika !) after the style of the Assyro-Babylonian ziggarat (RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 70 foll. ; PERROT et CHIPIEz, Histoire de l'Art dans l'antiquité, ii, p. 390 foll.). Such a building is the Sat - mahall-prāsā, da at Polannaruwa, although belonging to a later time. See TENNENT, Ceylon, ii, p. 588; BURRows, Archaeological Report, x, 1886, p. 8; FERG Usson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 1910, i, p. 245; Argh. Survey of
Ceylon, Annual Report, 1908 (lxv, 1908), p. 14 foll. The word pasada,
serves now to designate the graduated galleries which form the base of thupas. See SMITHER, Anuradhapura, p. 20, &c.
13
14
5
16
17
18
19
20

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184 Mahāvansa, XXVII. 21
to the splendid arzima and caused the noble Lohapasada to be built after the drawing. 21. At the time that the work was begun the generous (king) commanded that eight hundred thousand gold pieces should be 22 placed at each of the four gates; moreover, at each gate he commanded them to lay a thousand bundles of garments and many 23 pitchers filled with ball-sugar, oil, sugar-dust, and honey, and proclaiming, “No work is to be done here without reward, he had the work done (by the people), appraised, and their wage given to them. 24 The pasilda was four-sided, (measuring) on each side a 25 hundred cubits, and even so much in height. In this most beautiful of palaces there were nine stories, and in each story 26 a hundred window-chambers. All the chambers were overlaid with silver and their coral vedikas were adorned with mani27 fold precious stones, gay with various gems were the lotusflowers' on the (vedikas) and they (the vedikas) were surrounded with rows of little silver bells. 28 A thousand well-arranged chambers were in the pasada, 29 overlaid with various gems and adorned with windows. And since he heard of Vessavana's chariot which served as a car for the women, he had a gem-pavilion set up in the middle 30 (of the palace) fashioned in like manner. It was adorned with pillars consisting of precious stones, on which were figures of lions, tigers, and so forth, and shapes of devatiis; 31 a bordering of pearl network ran round the edge of the pavilion and thereon was a coral vedika of the kind that has been described above. 32 Within the pavilion, gaily adorned with the seven gems, stood a shining beauteous throne of ivory with a seat of 33 mountain-crystal, and in the ivory back (was fashioned) a sun
On the balustrades of the projecting windows, cf. the descriptions in FoUCHER, L'Art Gréco-Bouddhique du Gandhära, fig. 100; GRÜNwEDEL, Buddhist. Kunst, fig. 27. See Appendix D, no. 30.
* For lotus-blossoms as a frequent ornament: FoU CHER, in the same work, fig. 97, 98; GRÜNWEDEL, fig. 3; balustrade with leafornaments on cornices: FoucHER, fig. 99.
See note to 10, 89.

xxvIII. 45 The Consecrating of the Lohapāsāda 185
in gold, a moon in silver, and stars in pearls, and lotus-blossoms
made of various gems were fitly placed here and there and Jataka-tales in the same place within a festoon of gold.
On the exceedingly beautiful throne covered with costly cushions was placed a beautiful fan of ivory, gleaming (magnificently), and a white parasol with a coral foot, resting on mountain-crystal and having a silver staff, shone forth over the throne. On it, depicted in the seven gems, were the eight auspicious figures* and rows of figures of beasts with jewels and pearls in between; and rows of little silver bells were hung upon the edge of the parasol. Palace, parasol, throne, and pavilion were beyond price.
Costly beds and chairs, according to rank, and carpets and coverlets of great price did he command them to spread about. The rinsing-vessel and the ladle (belonging thereto) were even of gold; what need then to speak of the other utensils in the palace? Surrounded by a beautiful enclosure and provided with four gateways the pasada gleamed in its magnificence like the hall in the heaven of the thirty-three (gods). The paisada was covered over with plates of copper, and thence came its name “Brazen palace'.
When the Lohapasada was ready the king assembled the brotherhood, and the brotherhood came together as at the consecration-festival of the Maricavatti (vihara). Those bhikkhus who were yet simple folk stood on the first story, those learned in the tipitaka on the second, but those who had entered on the path of salvation and the others (stood)
On events in the former existences of the Buddha as a motive for decorative scenes see particularly FoU CHER, l. l., p. 270 foll. For arrangements in the manner described here, see CUNNINGHAM, Bharhut, plate xl foll.
* WIJEsIŅIHA enumerates the a țț ha maňga likāni : lion, bull, elephant, water-pitcher, fan, standard, conch-shell, lamp. The Thupavamsa, 64°°, mentions siri va c cha as the first (cf. 30. 65).
* Acamakumbihi or a cama nakumbihi-thus the Thupawansa 54-is a vessel to hold water for washing the feet and lands, and is placed at the entrance of the temple (WIJEsINHA). See M.V. I. 25. 19; C.W. W. 35. 4. بر
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45

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186 Mahāvansa XXVII. 46
each on one of the third and higher stories, but the arahants stood on those four stories that were highest of all. 46 When the king had bestowed the pasada on the brotherhood, after pouring forth the (ceremonial) water of presentation, he commanded, as before, a lavish gift of alms for 47 a week. That which was spent by the generous king for the pasada, leaving aside all that which was beyond price, is reckoned at thirty kotis. 48 The wise who consider how marvellously precious is the giving of alms, while the gathering together of treasures (for oneself) is worthless, give alms lavishly, with a mind freed from the fetters (of lust), mindful of the good of beings.
Here ends the twenty-seventh chapter, called the Consecrating of the Lohapasada, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
That is, on the 3rd, 4th, and 5th stories stood those who had attained to the first three stages of the path: the so taip anna, the saka dāgā mino, and the anāgā mino. See notes to 1. 33, 15. 18 and 13. 17. “ Simple folk” in verse 44 is putih ujjanā, the unconverted, those who had not even entered on the path.

CHAPTER XXVIII
THE OBTAINING OF THE WHEREWITHAL TO BUILD THE GREAT THUPA
SPENDING a hundred thousand (pieces of money) the king 1 hereupon commanded a great and splendid ceremony of gifts for the great Bodhi-tree. As he then, when entering the 2 city, saw the pillar of stone raised upon the place of the (future) thupa and remembered the old tradition, he became glad, thinking: “I will build the Great Thupa. Then he mounted 3 the high terrace (of his palace), and when he had taken his repast and had lain down he thought thus : “ At the conquer- 4 ing of the Damiļas this people was oppressed by me. It is not possible to levy a tax; yet if without a tax I build the 5 Great Thupa, how shall I be able to have bricks duly made?
As he thus reflected the devata of the parasol observed his 6 thought, and thereupon arose a tumult among the gods; when Sakka was aware of this he said to Wissakamma:
King Gaimani has been pondering over the bricks for the 7 cetiya: Go thou a yojana from the city near the Gambhirariver and prepare the bricks there.” 8 Thus commanded by Sakka, Vissakamma came hither and prepared the bricks in that very place.
In the morning a huntsman there went into the forest with 9 his dogs; the devatā of the place appeared to the huntsman in the form of an iguana. The hunter pursued it, and 10 when he came (to the place) and saw the bricks, and when the iguana vanished there, he thought: “Our king intends to 11 build the Great Thupa; here is an aid thereto Thereupon he went and told (this thing). When the king, to whom his 12
see note to 18.24. See note to 7. 44. * To Laṁkā or to Anurādhapura. 4. Or a great thipa'.

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people's good was dear, heard his welcome words he, glad at heart, bestowed on him a rich guerdon. 13 In a north-easterly direction from the city, at a distance of three yojanas and near Acaravitthigama, on a plain covering 14 sixteen karisas (of land) there appeared nuggets of gold of different sizes; the greatest measured a span, the least were 15 of a finger's measure. When the dwellers in the village saw the earth full of gold, they put some of it into a gold vessel and went and told the king of this matter. 16 On the east side of the city, at a distance of seven yojanas, on the further bank of the river and near Tambapittha, copper 17 appeared. And the dwellers in the village there put the. nuggets of copper into a vessel, and when they had sought the king they told him this matter. 18 In a south-easterly direction from the city, four yojanas distant, near the village of Sumanavapi many precious stones 19 appeared. The dwellers in the village put them, mingled with sapphires and rubies, into a vessel and went and showed them to the king. 20 In a southerly direction from the city, at a distance of eight yojanas, silver appeared in the Ambatthakola-cave.' 21 A merchant from the city, taking many waggons with him, in order to bring ginger and so forth from Malaya, had set 22 out for Malaya. Not far from the cave he brought the waggons to a halt and since he had need of wood for whips 23 he went up that mountain. As he saw here a branch of a bread-fruit-tree, bearing one single fruit as large as a waterpitcher, and dragged down by the weight of the fruit, he cut 24 the (fruit) which was lying on a stone away from the stalk with his knife, and thinking: “I will give the first (produce as alms), with faith he announced the (meal) time. And there came thither four (theras) who were free
" Where the Rajatalena-vihāra (Mah. 35. 4) was afterwards built, now the Ridi-vihara (Silver Monastery), to the north-east of Kurunaegala, cf. E. MüLLER, Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, p. 39; TURNOUR, Mah. Indee, s. v. Ambat thakola; RHYs DAVIDs, Ancient Coins, &c., p. 17. The distance between Anuradhapura and Ridi-vihara is 55 miles s: 95 km. as the crow flies.

XXVIII 39 Wherewithal to build the Great Thūpa 189
from the asavas. When he had greeted them gladly and 25 had invited them with all reverence to be seated, he cut away the rind around the stalk with his knife and tore out the 26 bottom (of the fruit), and pouring the juice which filled the hollow forth into their bowls he offered them the four bowls filled with fruit-juice. They accepted them and went their way. 27 Then he yet again announced the (meal) time. Four other theras, free from theasavas, appeared before him. He took their 28 alms-bowls and when he had filled them with the kernels of the bread-fruit he gave them back. Three went their way, but one did not depart. In order to show him the silver he 29 went further down and seating himself near the cave he ate the kernels. When the merchant also had eaten as he wished 30 of the kernels that were left, and had put the rest in a bundle, he went on, following the track of the thera, and when he saw the 31 thera he showed him the (usual) attentions. The thera opened a path for him to the mouth of the cavern: “Go thou now 32 also on this path, lay brother! When he had done reverence to the thera he went that way and saw the cave. Standing 33 by the mouth of the cave and seeing the silver he struck upon it with his axe, and when he knew it to be silver he took 34 a lump of the silver and went to his freight-waggons. Then leaving the waggons behind and taking the lump of silver with him the excellent merchant went in haste to Anuradha- 35 pura, and told the king of this matter, showing him the silver.
In a westerly direction from the city, at a distance of five 36 yojanas, near the landing-place Uruvela, pearls in size like to great myrobalan fruits, mingled with coral, six waggon- 37 loads, came forth to the dry land. Fishermen who saw them piled them together in a heap, and taking the pearls together 38 with coral in a vessel they went to the king and told him of this matter.
In a northerly direction from the city, at a distance of 39
然
Pan a should probably be altered to puna. {
* According to our passage the site of Uruvela seems to be near the mouth of the Kala-oya, which is distant about 40 miles, as the crow flies, from Anuradhapura.

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190 Mahāvansa XXVIII. 40
seven yojanas, in a cave opening on the Pelivapikagama40 tank, above on the sand, four splendid gems had formed in size like to a small mill-stone, in colour like flax-flowers, 41 (radiantly) beautiful. When a hunter with his dogs saw these he came to the king and told him: “I have seen precious stones of such and such a kind.' 42 The lord of the land, rich in merit, heard, on one and the same day, that the bricks and the other (treasures) had 43 appeared for the Great Thupa. Glad at heart he bestowed due reward upon those people, and appointing them forthwith as watchers he had the treasures all brought to him. 44 Merit, that a man has thus heaped up with believing heart, careless of insupportable ills of the body, brings to pass hundreds of results which are a mine of happiness; therefore one must do works of merit with believing heart.
Here ends the twenty-eighth chapter, called the Obtaining of the wherewithal to build the Great Thupa', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious. W
The Pelivapi is the present Vavunik-kulam, a little over 50 miles north of Anuradhapura. The river, of which the damming-up has formed the tank, is called Pali-airu. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, pp. 256, 365 -366.

CHAPTER XXIX
THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT THUPA
WHEN the wherewithal to build was thus brought together 1 he began the work of the Great Thupa on the full-moon day of the month Wesakha, when the Visakha-constellation had appeared. When he had ordered to take away the stone pillar 2 the lord of the land had the place for the thupa dug out to a depth of seven cubits to make it firm in every way. Round stones that he commanded his soldiers to bring hither 3 did he cause to be broken with hammers, and then did he, having knowledge of the right and the wrong ways, command 4 that the crushed stone, to make the ground firmer, be stamped down by great elephants whose feet were bound with leather.
The fine clay that is to be found on the spot, for ever 5 moist, where the heavenly Ganga falls down (upon the earth) (on a space) thirty yojanas around, is called because of its fine- 6 ness, butter-clay.’ Samaneras who had overcome the asavas, brought the clay hither from that place. The king commanded 7 that the clay be spread over the layer of stones and that bricks then be laid over the clay, over these a rough cement and over 8 this cinnabar, and over this a network of iron, and over this sweet-scented marumba that was brought by the samaneras 9
See note to 1. 12.
The reading sattahatthe is undoubtedly the correct one. WIJEsINHA (note to this passage) says: the Tika has sata. That, however, is not the case. It also reads satta.
The idea is that the Ganga flows through the atmosphere, the earth and underworld.
Kuru vinda is 'ruby' or cinnabar'.
Marumba is used (C.W.W. 14.5; 35.4; WI. 3.8) for besprinkling a d'amp pari vena (living-cell). At Päcittiya X. 2 (Vin. Pit, iv, p. 33) pāsā.ņā, sakkharā, kathalā, marumbā, vāli kā follow one upon another.

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192 Mahāvansa XXIX. 10
from the Himalaya. Over this did the lord of the land com10 mand them to lay mountain-crystal. Over the layer of mountain-crystal he had stones spread; everywhere throughout the 11 work did the clay called butter-clay serve (as cement). With
resin of the kapittha-tree, dissolved in sweetened water, 12 the lord of chariots laid over the stones a sheet of copper eight inches thick, and over this, with arsenic dissolved in sesamum-oil, (he laid) a sheet of silver seven inches thick. 13 When the king, glad at heart, had thus had preparation made upon the spot where the Great Thupa was to be built, 14 he arranged, on the fourteenth day of the bright half of the month Asaha, an assembly of the brotherhood of the 15 bhikkhus, and spoke thus: “To-morrow, venerable sirs, I shall lay the foundation-stone of the Great Cetiya. Then let our 16 whole brotherhood assemble here, to the end that a festival may be held for the Buddha, mindful of the weal of the people; and let the people in festal array, with fragrant flowers and 17 so forth, come to-morrow to the place where the Great Thupa
will be built.
He entrusted ministers with the adorning of the place of 18 the cetiya. Commanded by the lord of men, they, filled with deep reverence for the Sage (Buddha), adorned the 19 place in manifold ways. The whole city also and the streets leading thither did the king command to be adorned in 20 manifold ways. On the following morning he placed at the four gates of the city many barbers and servants for the 21 bath and for cutting the hair, clothes likewise and fragrant flowers and sweet foods (did) the king (place there) for his 22 people's good, he who rejoiced in the people's welfare. Taking, according to their wish, the things thus put before them, townsfolk and country-people went to the place of the thupa. 23 The king supported, in order of their rank, by many 24 ministers, richly clothed as befitted their office, surrounded
* Feronia Elephantum.
Rasodaka is translated by TURN ouR 'water of the small red cocoanut'. The Tika gives no explanation.
* The Tika, following the Atthakatha, gives their names, Visakha and Sirideva.

XXIX. 36 The Beginning of the Great Thūpa 193
by many dancers richly clothed like to celestial nymphs,
(he himself) being clad in his state-raiment, attended by
forty thousand men, while around him crashed the music (he being) glorious as the king of the gods; in the evening he who had knowledge of fit and unfit places went to the place of the Great Thupa, delighting the people (with the sight). A thousand and eight waggon-loads of clothes rolled in bundles did the king place in the midst, and on the four sides he had clothes heaped up in abundance; and moreover he had honey, clarified butter, sugar and so forth set (there) for the festival.
From various (foreign) countries also did many bhikkhus come hither; what need to speak of the coming of the brotherhood living here upon the island ? With eighty thousand bhikkhus from the region of Rajagaha came the thera Indagutta, the head of a great school. From Isipatana
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
came the great thera Dhammasena with twelve thousand
bhikkhus to the place of the cetiya.
With sixty thousand bhikkhus came hither the great thera Piyadassi from the Jetarama-vihara.' From the Mahavana (monastery) in Vesali came the thera Urubuddharakkhita, with eighteen thousand bhikkhus. From the Ghositarama in Kosambi came the thera Urudhammarakkhita with thirty thousand bhikkhus. From the Dakkhinagiri in Ujjeni came the thera Urusamgharakkhita with forty thousand ascetics.
With a hundred and sixty thousand bhikkhus came the
1 We should rather expect Mahāthūpa pa tițțhān a țiți hānamn
than a vicakkhano: “he went to the place where the Great Thupa.
should be built, having knowledge of (fitting) places."
o Cf. mote to 2. 6.
A park and afterwards a monastery near Baranasi (Benares)
where the Buddha had preached his first sermon. M.V. I. 6.6 foll.
I.e. Jetavana. See note to 1. 44. See note to 4. 9. Also M.W. WI. 30. 6; C.W.W. 13.3, and in many
other places.
* I. e. Mahābuddharakkhita. " See note to 4. 17; M.W. X. 1. 1; C.W. I. 25. 1, and often.
32
33
34
35
36
" See note to 5. 39; 13. 5. Notice that the names of the three
theras in 33, 84, 85, contain the words buddha, dhamma, samgha. O

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thera named Mittinna from the Asokarama in Pupphapura. 37 From the Kasmira country came the thera Uttinna bringing 38 with him two hundred and eighty thousand bhikkhus. The wise Mahadeva came from Pallavabhogga with four hundred 39 and sixty thousand bhikkhus, and from Alasanda the city of the Yonas came the thera, Yonamahadhammarakkhita with 40 thirty thousand bhikkhus. From his dwelling by the road through the Vinjha, forest mountains, came the thera Uttara with sixty thousand bhikkhus. 41 The great thera Cittagutta came hither from the Bodhi42 manda-vihara with thirty thousand bhikkhus. The great thera Candagutta came hither from the Vanavasa, country 43 with eighty thousand ascetics. The great thera Suriyagutta came from the great Kelasa-vihara with ninety-six thousand 44 bhikkhus. As for the number of the bhikkhus dwelling in the island who met together from every side, no strict account 45 has been handed down by the ancients. Among all these bhikkhus who were met in that assembly those alone who had overcome the asavas, as it is told, were ninety-six kotis. 46 These bhikkhus stood according to their rank around the place of the Great Thupa, leaving in the midst an open space 47 for the king. As the king stepped into this (space) and saw
I.e. Pataliputta; see note to 4. 31. For Asokarama, cf. 5.80. Pallava is the name of the Persians=Skt. Pallava or Pahlava. bhoggam is perhaps' fief"; cf. rajabhog gam in D. I. 87° and often elsewhere. I
Alexandria, in the land of the Yonas, i.e. the Greeks, probably the town founded by the Macedonian king in the country of the Paropanisadae near Kābul. See ARRIAN, Anabasis iii. 28, iv. 22.
I. e. Vindhya. See 19.6 with note. A monastery built near the bodhim and a at Bodhgaya, the place where Gotama attained to Buddhaship.
See note to 12. 31. The Tika, gives here (from the Atthakatha) the following peculiar explanation: “As the king steps into the middle of the circle he expresses the following wish : if his work is to conne to a happy issue then, as a sign thereof, may theras who bear the name of the Buddha, his doctrine and his order, take their places on the east, south, and west sides; but on the north side a thera with the name of Ananda, the Buddha's beloved disciple. Each bhikkhu shall be surrounded by

XXIX. 58 The Beginning of the Great Thūpa 195
the brotherhood of bhikkhus standing thus he greeted them joyfully, with believing heart; when he had then duly offered 48 them fragrant flowers and had passed round them three times, turning to the left, he went into the midst, to the consecrated place of the filled pitcher. Then forthwith uplifted by the 49 power of pure gladness he, devoted to the welfare of the beings, commanded that the pure turning staff (for tracing the circular boundary), made of silver and secured (by means 50 of a rope) to a post of gold, be grasped by a minister of noble birth, well attired and in festival array, and, being 51 resolved to allot a great space for the cetiya, he ordered him to walk round (with the turning staff in his hands) along the ground already prepared. But the great thera of wondrous 52 power named Siddhattha, the far-seeing, prevented the king as he did this. Reflecting: “If our king shall begin to build 53 so great a thupa death will come upon him, ere the thupa be finished; moreover, so great a thupa will be hard to repair, 54 he, looking to the future, prevented (the measuring of) that great dimension. In agreement with the brotherhood and 55 from reverence toward the thera, the king, though he would fain have made (the thupa) great, hearkened to the thera's word and did, according to the thera's instruction, allot a 56 moderate space for the cetiya, that the (foundation) stones might be laid.
Eight vases of silver and eight (vases) of gold did he, with 57 tireless zeal, place in the midst, and in a circle around these he 58 placed a thousand and eight new vases, and likewise (around
a troop of companions of the same name. The king's wish is fulfilled.' The theras in question and their companions are called (cf. Tika, pp. 383—384 and above v. 33 foll.) Mahābuddharakkhita, Mahādhammarakkhita, Mahāsamgharakkhita, and Mahāmanda.
Katvāna tipa dakkhiņam. See note to 18. 36.
* Tīkā: Abhimanga labhūtenā ti, ja nehi pīņit attā abhim aṁ gala samma te hi ah at a v at thā dih i alam kāre hi patim aņditattā, ca samaigaliko ti 'he was samaigalika because he was liked by the people and because he was adorned with ornaments that were believed to be festival, as new garments (not washed before) and so forth'.
And to draw, in this way, the circular outline of the thipa.
Ο 2

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60
61
62
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64
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196 Mahāvansa XXIX., 59
each of these) a hundred and eight garments. Eight splendid bricks did he lay, each one apart by itself. When he then had commanded an official chosen for this and adorned in every way to take one of them, he laid on the east side, which had been prepared with many ceremonies, the first foundation stone, solemnly, upon the sweet-smelling clay,
When jasmine-flowers had been offered on that spot an earthquake came to pass. And he caused the other seven (stones) to be laid by seven (other) ministers and ceremonies (of consecration) to be carried out. Thus he caused the stones to be laid on the day appointed, the fifteenth uposatha day in the bright half of the month Asaha.
When he had reverentially greeted the four great theras who were free from the asavas, who stood there at the four heavenly quarters, and when he had honoured them with gifts he came in due course, greatly rejoicing, to the north-east side, and when he (here) had greeted the great thera Piyadassi, who was free from the asavas, he took his place near him. Exalting the festival ceremony there this thera preached the true doctrine to him; the preaching of the thera was rich in blessing for the people. The conversion of forty thousand to the true doctrine took place, and (yet) forty thousand (more) became partakers in the fruit of entering into the path of salvation. Althousand lay-folk became even
Tr
Accordigitótfe‘tikaro. atthittare at thutt are to visum visumišobe read astoši sentere, so that the stop after pana (in 58d) in the edition shotild tieġ deleted. In this case we must add in 58 c, d a sècQnd - pa riva fi yágith the meaning: “laying around (them), and the translation“ wöüld be “andin a circle around these he placed a thousand and eight new vases, and eight splendid bricks did he lay, each one apart by itself, (laying in a circle around) each of them a hundred and eight garments'.
* Namely East, NIE., N., and so forth. The stones are called pavara, as they were of gold.
According to the Tika the thera Mittasena had mixed the clay (gan dhapiņ da), the thera Jayasena had poured the water on it.
o Jati and sumana are both names for Jasminum grandiflorum.
They attained to the first stage of sanctification. See notes to 1. 32 and 33.

xXIX. 70 The Beginning of the Great Thūpa 197
such as have but one (earthly) existence before them, a thousand became such as have no other (earthly) existence (to come), and a thousand also became arahants. Eighteen thousand bhikkhus and fourteen thousand bhikkhunis attained to arahantship.
Even so may every one whose heart is inclined to (faith in) the Three Gems, knowing that by a benefactor of mankind, whose heart is set on generous giving, the highest blessing is brought to pass for the world, strive toward the attainment of many virtues, as faith and so forth.
Here ends the twenty-ninth chapter, called 'The beginning of the Great Thupa, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious,
They attained to the second and third, and to the last and highest stage of sanctification. See notes to 15, 18 and 13, 17.
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CHAPTER XXX
THE MAKING OF THE RELIC-CHAMBER,
1 WHEN the great king had reverentially greeted the whole brotherhood he invited them, saying: * Even till the cetiya is 2 finished accept ye alms from me.’ The brotherhood would not consent; when he then by degrees prayed (them to 3 accept) for a week he won acceptance, for one week, by the half of the bhikkhus. When he had obtained this from them 4 he, satisfied, had pavilions set up in eighteen places around the place of the thupa and commanded there, for one week, lavish gifts to the brotherhood. Then he gave the brotherhood leave to depart, 5 Thereupon commanding that the drums be beaten he called the master-builders together with all speed; in number they 6 were five hundred. And one of them answered the king, on his asking: “How wilt thou make (the thupa)?' Taking a 7 hundred workmen I will use one waggon-load of sand in
one day.
The king rejected him. Thereon they offered (to work with) one half less and yet one half less again, and (at last 8 with) two ammanas of sand. These four master-builders also did the king reject. Then an experienced and shrewd master9 builder said to the king: ' I shall pound (the sand) in a mortar, and then, when it is sifted, have it crushed in the mill and (thus will use) one ammalha (only) of sand.’
I.e. limiting his invitation more and more.
* The use of too much sand would tell against the durability of the thtipa. Therefore the Tika, makes the king say to the masterbuilder: “Shouldst thou do so the cetiya would be like a heap of pure sand and would be covered with grass and bushes.'
As a measure of capacity. The Abhidhanappadipika. 484 defines the am mana, as 11 dona. The dona is 64 p a sata, i.e. handfuls. Cf. RHYs DAVIDs, Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, pp. 17-18.

XXX. 23 The Making of the Relic-Chamber 199
And on these words the lord of the land, whose courage was like to Indra's, consented, with the thought : “There will be no grass nor any such thing on our cetiya, and he questioned him saying: ' In what form wilt thou make the cetiya ?’ At that moment Vissakammal entered into (and possessed) him. When the master-builder had had a golden bowl filled with water, he took water in his hand and let it fall on the surface of the water. A great bubble rose up like unto a half-globe of crystal. He said: 'Thus will I make it.' And well-pleased the king bestowed on him a pair of garments worth a thousand (pieces of money) and ornamented shoes and twelve thousand kahapanas.
How shall I have the bricks transported without laying burdens on the people? Thus pondered the king in the night-time; when the gods were aware of this they brought night after night bricks to the four gates of the cetiya and laid them down there, always as many as sufficed for one day. When the king heard this, glad at heart, he began work on the thupa. And he made it known: “Work shall not be done here without wage. At every gate he commanded to place sixteen hundred thousand kahapanas, very many garments, different ornaments, solid and liquid foods and drink withal, fragrant flowers, sugar and so forth, as well as the five perfumes for the mouth.
* Let them take of these as they will when they have laboured as they will.’ Observing this command the king's work-people allotted (the wages).
Abhikkhu who wished to take part in the building of the thipa took a lump of clay which he himself had prepared, went to the place of the cetiya, and deceiving the king's work-people, he gave it to a workman. So soon as he received it he knew what it was, perceiving the bhikkhu's design.
1. Cf. the note to 18.24. Thus it is the god who acts and speaks through the medium of the master-builder.
* I.e. had kneaded and mixed. As he received no wage for this he hoped to have a share in the meritorious work of building the thupa.
He recognized the brick by the difference in the composition.
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A dispute arose there. When the king afterwards heard this he came and questioned the workman. 24 “Sire, with flowers in the one hand the bhikkhus are used 25 to give me a piece of clay with the other; but I can only know (just so much) whether he be a bhikkhu from another land or of this country, Sire.’ 26 When the king heard this word he appointed an overseer to show him the ascetic who had offered the lump of clay. The other showed him to the overseer and he told the king. 27 The king had three pitchers with jasmine-blossoms placed in the courtyard of the sacred Bodhi-tree and bade the overseer give 28 them to the bhikkhu. When the bhikkhu, observing nothing, had offered them, the overseer told him this while he yet stood there. Then did the ascetic understand. 29 A thera living in Piyahgalla in the Kotthivala district, who also wished to take part in the work of building the cetiya 30 and who was a kinsman of that brick-worker, came hither and
when he had made a brick in the size (such as was used there) . 31 after having learned (the exact measure) he, deceiving the work-people, gave it to the workman. This man laid it on its place (in the thupa), and a quarrel arose (on this matter). 32 When the king knew this he asked: “Is it possible to recognize the brick? Although the workman knew it, he 33 answered the king: “It is impossible. To the question: Dost thou know the thera, P’ he answered: “Yes,’ So that he might be made known the king placed an overseer near 34 him. When the overseer had thereby come to know him he went, with the king's consent, and visited the thera in the 35 Kathahala-parivena and spoke with him; and when he had learned the day of the thera's departure and the place whither
The workman means by this that a more exact description of the personage was impossible to him. The conjectural reading of the Colombo edition in e vā ti instead of devāti is unnecessary. The Thuipavamsa has also (p. 61'): ayam pana agam tuko ayam ne vā siko ti ett a kam jānāmi. See Mah. ed., note to this
passage.
* So that the bhikkhu might be rewarded in this way for his work on the thipa.

XXX. 45 The Making of the Relic-Chamber 201
he was going, and had said to him: “I am going with thee to thy village, he told the king all. The king commanded that 36 a pair of garments, worth a thousand (pieces of money), and a costly red coverlet he given to him, and when he had (also) 37 commanded to give him many things used by samanas, and sugar and a nail of fragrant oil withal, he laid his command upon him.
He went with the thera, and when Piyahgallaka was in 38 sight he made the thera sit down in a cool shady place where there was water, and when he had given him sugar-water and 39 had rubbed his feet with fragrant oil and put sandals upon them, he gave him the necessaries (saying): 'For the thera 40 who visits my house have I brought these with me, but the two garments for my son. All this do I give to thee now.' When with these words he had given those (necessaries) to 41 the thera who, after receiving them, set out again upon his journey, he, taking leave of (the thera), told him, in the king's words, the king's command.
While the Great Thupa was built, people in great numbers 42 who laboured for wages, being converted to the faith, went to heaven. A wise man who perceives that only by inner faith 43 in the Holy One is the way to heaven found, will therefore bring offerings to the thipa.
Two women, who since they had also laboured here for hire, 44 were re-born in the heaven of the thirty-three (gods), pondered when the thupa was finished, upon what they had formerly 45
* A measure of capacity (Abhidh. 1057), Sinh, maeliya, according to CLOUGH “about three pints wine-measure.
* Ku lūpa ka or -aga is the name given in a family to a bhikkhu who continually frequents, the house to receive alms, and enters thus into confidential relations with the family.
* After te must be understood pa rikkhāre.
lt is significant that in the Tika, there is no explanation of verses 42–50. These have indeed the look of a monastic legend (cf. particularly the practical application in verse 43), which may have been interpolated at a later period. In any case the interpolation must be old. It is found in all the groups of MSS. and also in the Kambodian Mahavamsa, and the story appears again in the ThupaWasa.

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done, and when they both became aware of the reward of their deeds, they took fragrant flowers and came to do 46 reverence to the thupa with offerings. When they had offered the fragrant flowers they did homage to the cetiya. At this moment came the thera Mahasiva who dwelt in 47 Bhativanka (with the thought): “I will pay homage by night to the Great Thupa. As he, leaning against a great 48 sattapanna-tree, saw those women and without letting himself be seen stood there gazing at their marvellous splendour, he, when their adoration was ended asked them : 49 Here the whole island shines with the brightness of your bodies; what works have ye done that ye have passed from 50 this world into the world of gods?' The devatas told him of the work done by them in the (building of the) Great Thupa; thus does faith in the Tathâgata bring a rich reward. 51. The three terraces for the flower-offerings to the thupa
did the theras of miraculous power cause to sink down so soon as they were laid with bricks, making them equal to the 52 surface of the soil. Nine times did they cause them to sink down when they were laid: Then the king called together an 53 assembly of the brotherhood of bhikkhus. Eighty thousand bhikkhus assembled there. The king sought out the brotherhood, and when he had paid homage to them with gifts and had 54 reverentially greeted them he asked the reason of the sinking down of the bricks. The brotherhood answered: “In order that the thupa may not sink down of itself was this thing done by the bhikkhus of miraculous power, O great king; they will do it no more, make no alteration and finish the Great Thūpa.” 56 When the king heard this, glad at heart he caused the work
on the thupa to be continued. For the ten flower-terraces
5
Skt. saptaparna, Alstonia scholaris.
* It seems that pupp hadhana means the three concentric galleries (the so-called pā sā da) which form the base of the thūpa proper. SMITHER, Architectural Remains, Anat ridhapura, p. 27; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 286.
* I.e. for the nine pupp hadhan attayani which had sunk and the tenth that remained on the surface.

XXX. 71 The Making of the Relic-Chamber 203
ten kotis of bricks (were used). The brotherhood of 57 bhikkhus charged the two samaneras, Uttara and Sumana, saying: “Bring hither, to (make) the relic-chamber in the cetiya, fat-coloured stones.’ And they set out for (the land 58 of) the Northern Kurus and brought from thence six massive fat coloured stones measuring eighty cubits in length and 59
readth, bright as the sun, eight inches thick and like to ganthi blossoms. When they had laid one on the flower- 60 terrace in the middle and had disposed four (others) on the four sides, in the fashion of a chest, the (theras) of wondrous 61 might placed the sixth, to serve (afterwards) as a lid, upon the east side, making it invisible.
In the midst of the relic-chamber the king placed a bodhi- 62 tree made of jewels, splendid in every way. It had a stem 63 eighteen cubits high and five branches; the root, made of coral, rested on sapphire. The stem made of perfectly pure 64 silver was adorned with leaves made of gems, had withered leaves and fruits of gold and young shoots made of coral. The eight auspicious figures were on the stem and festoons 65 of flowers and beautiful rows of fourfooted beasts and rows of geese. Over it, on the border of a beautiful canopy, was 66 a network of pearl bells and chains of little golden bells and bands here and there. From the four corners of the canopy 67 hung bundles of pearl strings each worth nine hundred thousand (pieces of money). The figures of sun, moon and 68 stars and different lotus-flowers, made of jewels, were fastened to the canopy. A thousand and eight pieces of 69 divers stuffs, precious and of varied colours, were hung to the canopy. Around the bodhi-tree ran a vedika made of all manner 70 of jewels; the pavement within was made of great myrobalanpearls.
Rows of vases (some) empty and (some) filled with flowers 71
See note to 1. 39. See note to 1. 18.
* The Tīkā, explains ga ņți hip upp ha by band h ujīva kapuppha. Cf. B.R., Skt.-Wtb, s.v. bandhujiva : Pentapetes phoenicea (hat eine schöne rote Blume . . .).
4 Cf. note to 27. 37.
o See 11. 14 ; cf. 28. 36.

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made of all kinds of jewels and filled with four kinds of fragrant water were placed at the foot of the bodhi-tree. On a throne, the cost whereof was one koti, erected to the east of the bodhi-tree, he placed a shining golden Buddhaimage seated. The body and members of this image were duly made of jewels of different colours, beautifully shining. Mahabrahma stood there holding a silver parasol and Sakka carrying out the consecration with the Vijayuttara shell, Paficasikha with his lute in his hand, and Kalanaga, with the dancing-girls, and the thousand-handed Mara with his elephants and train of followers. Even like the throne to the east (other) thrones were erected, the cost of each being a koti, facing the other seven regions of the heavens. And even thus, so that the bodhi-tree was at the head, a couch was placed, also worth one koti, adorned with jewels of every kind.
The events during the seven weeks he commanded them to depict duly here and there in the relic chamber, and also the prayer of Brahma, the setting in motion the wheel of the
According to the Tika, the finger-nails and the whites of the eyes were made of mountain-crystal, the palms of the hands, soles of the feet, and the lips of red coral, the eyebrows and pupils of sapphire, the teeth of diamonds, &c.
o Pañca sikh o gandhabba putto (ID. II. 265?1? foll. ; Jāt. IV. 69) is the poet and minstrel of the gods. He appears in attendance on Sakkain Jāt. III. 222o, &c.; IV. 637, &c., and often. The gandhabbā (Skt. gandharva) are the heavenly musicians.
To represent the death-bed of the Buddha, the parinibbanamaica, and intended as a receptacle for the relics.
* In the vv. 78-87 scenes from the Buddha’s life, from the sa ņn bod hi to his death and obsequies, are enumerated. Cf. for this especially M.V. I. 1—23 (OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. 1 foll.); the Jātakanidāna (FAUsBöILL, Jātakas, i, p. 77 foll.); and for 84d foll. the Mahāparinibbāņasutta (D. III. p. 106 foll. ; RHYs DAVIDs, S.B.E. xi, p. 44 foll., and S.B.B. iii, p. 71 foll.). KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 21 foll. On such scenes as the subject of bas-reliefs in buddhistic monuments see FoUCHER, L'Art Gréco-Bouddhique, i, p. 414 foll. ; GRüN wEDEL, Buddh. Kunst, pp. 61 foll., 118 foll.
The time immediately after the sambodhi which the Buddha spent near the bodhi-tree.
Brahma and the other gods entreat the Buddha to preach the discovered truth to the world.

xxx. 84 The Making of the Relic-Chamber 205
doctrine, the admission of Yasa into the order, the pabbajja of the Bhaddavaggiyas and the subduing of the jatilas; the visit of Bimbisara and the entry into Rajagaha, the accepting of the Veluvana, the eighty disciples, the journey to Kapilavatthu and the (miracle of the) jewelled path in that place, the pabbajja of Rahula and Nanda, the accepting of the Jetavana, the miracle at the foot of the mango-tree, the preaching in the heaven of the gods, the miracle of the descent of the gods, and the assembly with the questioning of the thera, the Mahasamayasuttanta, and the exhortation to Rahula, the Mahamahgalasutta, and the encounter with (the elephant) Dhanapala; the subduing of the (yakkha) Alavaka, of the (robber) Anguli
The smaller circle of the disciples after the admission of Sariputta and Moggallana. -
The miracle of the ratana ca, hkama, consisted in this that the Buddha created a path of gems in the air, pacing upon which he preached to the Sakyas. According to Joit. i., p. 88, the Buddha performed in Kapilavatthu the yamaka pati hariya (also called in v. 82 a, m ba, müle pa, tihi ra). Cf. note to 17. 44.
* Mah. ed. read Rāhu lan an da o instead of Rāhu lāno. * On these legends see SPENCE HARDY, Manual of Buddhism, pp. 295 foll., 298 foll., 301. Cf. FoUCHER, l. l., pp. 473 foll., 483 foll., 537 foll.
The allusion is to the assembly before the gates of Sankapura, where the Buddha appears, after his return from the heaven of the gods, and Sariputta's intellectual superiority to the other disciples is demonstrated. SPENCE HARDY, l. l., p. 302.
= Sutta 20 of the Dighanikāya (D.II. p. 253 foll.) preached in Kapilavatthu.
" In Majjhima-Nik. I. p. 414 foll. is an Ambalațțhikã-Rāhulovādasutta preached in Weļuvana near Rājagaha ; and at III. p. 277 foll. a Citila-Rahulovadasutta preached at Jetavana. Cf. also SarpyuttaNik. IIII. 135—136 ; IV. 105—107. A.
o = Sutta-nipata II. 4 (ed. FAUSBöLL, p. 45).
A later name of the elephant which Devadatta lets loose upon the Buddha to crush him and whom the Buddha subdues by the power of his gentleness. SPENCE HARDY (l.l., p. 320 foll) mentions Nalagiri or Malagiri as his original name. The Milindapaiha, (ed. TRENCKNER), p. 207, has Dhanapālaka. In Sanskrit Buddhist sources Wasupala also occurs, KERN, Buddhismus, transl. by Jacobi, i, p. 251; FoUCHER, l. l., p. 542 foll.
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māla and the (nāga-king) Apalāla, the meeting with the Parayanakas, the giving-up of life, the accepting of the dish of pork, and of the two gold-coloured garments, the drinking of the pure water,o and the Parinibbāņa itself; the lamentation of gods and men, the revering of the feet by the thera, the burning (of the body 8), the quenching of the fire, the funeral rites in that very place and the distributing of the relics by Dona.0 Jatakas also which are fitted to awaken faith did the noble (king) place here in abundance. The Vessantarajataka
1 SPENCE HARDY, l. l., pp. 261 foll., 249 foll.; BURNOUF, Introduction à l'histoire du Bouddhisme Indien, p. 377 ; FoUCHER, l.l., pp. 507 foll., 544 foll.
TURN oUR: the Parayana brahman tribe (at Rajagaha).' Three months before his death the Buddha resolves to enter into the nibbaina at the end of that appointed time. An earthquake accompanies his resolve.
The dish set before the Buddha, by the smith Cunda - the stikaram add ava - brought on the illness which finally caused his death.
The garments were presented to the Buddha, by the Malla Pukkusa. As Ananda put them on him his body radiated unearthly brightness, as a sign of approaching death. v
The turgid waters of the Kakutthai-river become clearby a miracle when Ananda takes from it a draught for the Master.
* Nome can succeed in setting light to the funeral pyre on which the body of the Buddha is lying, for the thera Mahakassapa is still on his way from Paiva to pay the last honours to the dead Master.
After Mahakassapa has passed round the funeral pyre three times, and has then uncovered the master's feet and done homage to them, the pyre breaks into flame of itself.
Streams of water fall from heaven and extinguish the fire. In order to settle the dispute that threatens to burn fiercely over the remains of the Buddha, the brahman Dona divides them into cight parts.
On pictorial representations of the Buddha's former existences (jātaka-stories) see FoUCHER, l. l., p. 270 foll.
"o The Jātaka, ed. FAU s BöILL, vi, p. 479 foll. The existence as Vessantara is the Buddha's last earthly existence. He passes from this into the Tusita-heaven. Hence this jataka has a particular significance. See FoucHER, l. l., pp. 288-285. On a fresco representing this jataka in a series of detached single scenes, in the Degaldoruwa monastery in Ceylon, see CooMARASWAMY, Open Letter to the Kandyan Chiefs, p. 6 foll. (reprinted from Ceylon Observer, Feb. 17, 1905).

xxx. 97 The Making of the Relic-Chamber 207
he commanded them to depict fully, and in like manner (that which befell beginning at the descent) from the Tusitaheaven even to the Bodhi-throne.
At the four quarters of the heaven stood the (figures of) the four Great kings, and the thirty-three gods and the thirty-two (celestial) maidens and the twenty-eight chiefs of the yakkhas; but above these devas raising their folded hands, vases filled with flowers likewise, dancing devatas and devatas playing instruments of music, devas with mirrors in their hands, and devas also bearing flowers and branches, devas with lotus-blossoms and so forth in their hands and other devas of many kinds, rows of arches made of gems and (rows) of dhammacakkas ; * rows of sword-bearing devas and also devas bearing pitchers. Above their heads were pitchers five cubits high, filled with fragrant oil, with wicks made of dukula fibres continually alight. In an arch of crystal there was in each of the four corners a great gem and (moreover) in the four corners four glimmering heaps of gold, precious stones and pearls and of diamonds were placed. On the wall made of fat-coloured stones sparkling zig-zag lines were traced, serving as adornment for the relic-chamber. The king commanded them to make all the figures here in the enchanting relic-chamber of massive wrought gold.
1 FoUcHER, l. l., pp. 285–289, 290 foll. The tu sitā, are a class of gods, Skt. tu șit a.
* The four guardians of the world (lokapala.) : Dhatarattha in the N., Viruha in the S., Virtipakkha in the W., and Wessavana in the E. * According to the Tikas interpretation this tato pari belongsto aňja li pagga hā devā. The comma in Mah. ed, should then be moved accordingly.
The 'whel of the doctrine', a sacred symbol of the Buddhists. Originally perhaps a sun-symbol. See SEwELL, J.R.A.S. 1886, p. 392. Vijjulata, literally 'lightnings'. The Tiki explains viijulatā ly meghalatā nāma vijjukumā riyo. and quotes from the Porārņā (cf. G EIGER, Dāp. and Mah., p. 45) the following verse : meghalatā vij juku mārī meda piņdika bhittiyā samantā cat uro pas se dha tuga, bbh e pa rikkhipi.
The Tika goes into fuller details, to refute those who may perhaps doubt the truth of the description. GEIGER, l.l., p. 35.
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98 The great thera Indagutta, who was gifted with the six supernormal faculties, the most wise, directed here all this, 99 being set over the work. All this was completed without hindrance by reason of the wondrous power of the king, the wondrous power of the devatas, and the wondrous power of the holy (theras). 100 If the wise man who is adorned with the good gifts of faith, has done homage to the blessed (Buddha) the supremely venerable, the highest of the world, who is freed from darkness, while he was yet living, and then to his relics, that were dispersed abroad by him who had in view the salvation of mankind; and if he then understands: herein is equal merit; then indeed will he reverence the relics of the Sage even as the blessed (Buddha himself) in his lifetime.
Here ends the thirtieth chapter, called “The Making of the Relic-Chamber, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

CHAPTER XXXI
THE ENSHRINING OF THE RELICS
WHEN the subduer of foes had completed the work on the 1 relic-chamber he brought about an assembly of the brotherhood and spoke thus: “The work on the relic-chamber has been com-2 pleted by me; to-morrow I will enshrine the relics; do you, venerable sirs, take thought for the relics. When the great 3 king had spoken thus he went thence into the city; but the assembly of bhikkhus sought out a bhikkhu who should bring relics hither; and they charged the ascetic named Sonuttara, 4 gifted with the six supernormal faculties, who dwelt in the Puja-parivena, with the task of bringing the relics.
Now once, when the Master was wandering about (on the 5 earth) for the salvation of the world, on the shore of the Ganges a brahman named Nanduttara invited the Sam- 6 buddha and offered him hospitality together with the brotherhood. Near the landing-place Payaga the Master, with the brotherhood, embarked on a ship. As then the 7 thera Bhaddaji of wondrous might, endowed with the six supernormal faculties, saw there a place where the water whirled in eddies, he said to the bhikkhus: 'The golden 8 palace measuring twenty-five yojanas wherein I dwelt, when I was (the king) Mahapanada, is sunk here. When the 9 water of the Ganges comes to it here it whirls in eddies.'
The bhikkhus, who did not believe him, told this to the Master. The Master said: “Banish the doubts of the 10 bhikkhus.’ Then to show his power to command even in the Brahma-world he rose, by his wondrous might, into the 11
Skt. Prayaga, the holy place where Ganga and Yamuna unite. o Cf. Mah. 2. 4; Dīp. 3. 7. There is also mention of M.’s palace, Mah. 37. 62 (= Cūlavamsa 37. 12, ed. Col., p. 7 ; TURNoUR, Mah., p. 239).
P

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20 Mahāvansa ΧΧΧΙΙ. 12
air and when he, floating at a height even of seven talas, had taken the Dussa-thupa in the Brahma-world upon his 12 outstretched hand, and had brought it hither and shown it to the people, he put it again in the place to which it belonged. 13 Thereon he dived, by his wondrous power, into the Ganges, and seizing the palace by its spire with his toe he raised it high up, and when he had shown it to the people he let it 14 fall again there (to its place). When the brahman Nanduttara saw this wonder he uttered the wish: May I (at some time) have the power to procure relics that others 15 hold in their possession.' Therefore did the brotherhood lay this charge upon the ascetic Sonuttara although he 16 was but sixteen years old. Whence shall I bring a relie?’ he asked the brotherhood, and thereupon the brotherhood described the relics thus: 17 Lying on his deathbed the Master of the world, that with his relics he might bring to pass salvation for the world, 18 spoke thus to (Sakka) the king of the gods: O king of the gods, of the eight donas of my bodily relics one dona, adored 19 (first) by the Koliyas in Rimagama, shall be borne thence into the kingdom of the nagas and when it will be adored even there by the nagas it (at the last) shall come to be 20 enshrined in the Great Thupa on the island of Lanka. The far-seeing and most wise thera Mahakassapa, then, mindful of the (coming) division of the relics by king Dhammasoka,
' Dathavamsa 85 (J.P.T.S. 1884, p. 113). o For the meaning of thū pikā see Attanagaluvamsa, ed. A LwIs, IX. " 7 (p. 82”): c etiya, sise kiritan viya kanaka mayam th tipikan cay ojet va, "having fastened a golden thupika on the summit of the cetiya like a diadem'.
Who had in fact been that same Nanduttara in a former existence.
A certain measure of capacity. See 17. 51. For the passage following cf. D. II. pp. 165-168.
The Koiyas were a tribe related to the Sakyas. The Rohini was the boundary river between them. In the Sumangala-Vilasini (ed. BHYs DAVIDs and CARPENTER, i, p. 262) the capital pf the Koliyas is called Wyagghapaja,
The samghathera after the Buddha's death and head of the First Council.

XXXI. 32 The Enshrining of the Relics 211
had a great and well-guarded treasure of relics placed near 21 Rajagaha (the capital) of king Ajatasattu as he brought 22 thither the seven donas of relics; but the dona in Ramagama he did not take, knowing the Master's intention. When the 23 king Dhammasoka saw the great treasure of relics he thought to have the eighth dona also brought thither. But, bethinking 24 them that it was destined by the Conqueror to be enshrined in the Great Thupa, the ascetics' of that time who had overcome the asavas prevented Dhammasoka from (doing) this. The thupa in Rajagama, that was built on the shore 25 of the Ganges, was destroyed by the overflowing of the Ganges, but the urn with the relics reached the ocean and 26 stayed there in the twofold divided waters on a throne made of many-coloured gems surrounded by rays of light. When 27 the nagas saw the urn they went to the naga palace Mafijerika of the king Kalanaga and told him. And he went 28 thither with ten thousand kotis of nagas, and when he had brought the relics to his palace, (adoring them) with offerings meanwhile, and had built over them a thupa made 29 of all kinds of jewels and a temple above the (thupa) also, he, filled with zeal, brought offerings continually, together with the (other) nagas. There a strong guard is set; go thou 30 and bring the relics hither. To-morrow will the lord of the land set about enshrining the relics.
When he had heard these words of the brotherhood he, 31 answering Yes (I shall do so), withdrew to his cell pondering over the time when he must set forth. To-morrow the 32 enshrining of the relics shall take place, thus proclaimed the king by beat of drums in the city, by which all that
Kārā pento at 21 c seems to be employed pleonastically. The construction of the sentence may be explained, as I have indicated by the punctuation in the edition, thus: Mahakassapathero ... mahādhātu midhānam ... kā rayi, Rāja, gahassa, rai io Ajāta" s att u n o sām ante (tam mi dhānam) kārā, p ento.
* Tīkā: tattha khīņā savā yatī ti tas mim Dhammāsoka kā le khīņā savā bhikkhū.
The waters of the sea divide to receive the urn. TURNOUR's translation: “Where the stream of the Ganges spreads in two opposite directions,' certainly does not give the right sense.
P 2

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212 Mahāvamsa XXXI. 33
33 must be done is set forth. He commanded that the whole city and the road leading hither be carefully adorned and 34 that the burghers be clad in festal garments. Sakka, the king of the gods, summoning Vissakamma (for this task), caused the whole island of Lanka to be adorned in manifold ways. 35 At the four gates of the city the ruler of men had garments, food and so forth placed for the use of the people. 36 On the fifteenth uposatha-day in the evening, (the king) glad at heart, well versed in the duties of kings, arrayed in all 37 his ornaments, surrounded on every side by all his dancingwomen and his warriors in complete armour, by a great body 38 of troops, as well as by variously adorned elephants, horses and chariots, mounted his car of state that was drawn by 39 four pure white Sindhu-horses and stood there, making the (sumptuously) adorned and beautiful elephant Kandula pace before him, holding a golden casket under the white parasol. 40 A thousand and eight beautiful women from the city, with the adornment of well-filled pitchers, surrounded the car and, 41 even as many women bearing baskets (filled) with various 42 flowers, and as many again bearing lamps on staves. A thousand and eight boys in festal array surrounded him, bearing 43 beautiful many-coloured flags. While the earth seemed as it were rent asunder by all manner of sounds from various instruments of music, by the (thundering) noise of elephants, 44 horses and chariots, the renowned king shone forth, as he went to the Mahameghavana, in glory like to the king of the gods when he goes to Nandavana. 45 When the ascetic Sonuttara, sitting in his cell, heard the noise of the music in the city as the king began to
I.e. to the Mahavihāra.
Suratha, according to the Tika, is used here as mangalaratha elsewhere.
* See mote to 23. 71.
To receive the relics.
o The loc. absol. bhijjan te viya, bhūta le does not belong to the whole sentence but especially to the pres. part. yanto.
o See mote to 15. 185.
" Pure is not “for the first time” (TURN oUR) but = nagara mihi
(Tīkā).

XXXII, 56 The Enshrining of the Relics 213
set out, he went, plunging into the earth to the palace of the 46 nagas and appeared there in a short time before the nagaking. When the king of the nagas had risen up and had 47 greeted him and invited him to be seated on a throne, he paid him the honours due to a guest and questioned him as to the country whence he had come. When this was told he 48 asked the reason of the thera's coming. And he told him the whole matter and gave him the message of the brotherhood: “The relics that are here in thy hands are appointed 49 by the Buddha to be enshrined in the Great Thupa; do thou then give them to me.' When the naga-king heard this, he 50 was sorely troubled and thought: “This samana might have the power to take them from me by force; therefore must the 51 relics be carried elsewhere, and he made this known by a sign to his nephew, who was present there. And he, who was 52 named Vasuladatta, understanding the hint, went to the temple of the cetiya, and when he had swallowed the urn (with the relics) he went to the foot of Mount Sineru and 53 lay there coiled in a circle. Three hundred yojanas long was the ring and one yojana, was his measure around. When 54 the (naga) of wondrous might had created many thousand (heads with puffed-up) hoods he belched forti, as he lay there, smoke and fire. When he (then) had created many 55 thousand snakes like to himself, he made them lie about him in a circle.
Many nagas and devas came thither then with the thought: 56 We will behold the combat of the two nagas.'
Name of the mythical mountain Meru which is the central point of the universe.
That is, the naga's body was a yojana in circumference. The Tika gives another sense to the passage. According to it bhogo is equal to bhogavã, i.e. snake, and yojan avatta vã equal to yojana satav atta, va, sata being understood from what precedes. That is certainly too artificial. TURNOUR translates, with a hood forty yojanas broad'; WIJESINHA: one yojana broad.' But none of this appears in the text.
A double meaning. Read one way naga 'snake-demon', refers to Wasuladatta; the other way, referring to the thera, it means, 'hero, great or mighty man.'

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57 When the uncle perceived that the relics had been taken thence by his nephew, he said to the thera: There are no 58 relics with me.’ The thera told him the story of the coming of the relics from the beginning, and said then to the nagaking: “Give thou the relios.’ 59 And to content him by some other means the serpent-king took the thera with him and went to the temple with the 60 cetiya and described it to him: “See, O bhikkhu, this cetiya adorned with many gems in many ways and the nobly built 61 temple for the cetiya. Nay, but all the jewels in the whole island of Lanka are not of so great worth as the stone-slab at the foot of the steps; what shall be said of the other (treasures)? 62 Truly it beseems thee not, O bhikkhu, to bear away the relics
from a place of high honour to a place of lesser honour. 63 Verily, there is no understanding of the truth among you nagas. It were fitting indeed to bear away the relics to 64 a place where there is understanding of the truth. The Tathagatas are born for deliverance from the samsara; and thereon is the Buddha intent, therefore I will bear away the 65 relics. This very day the king will set about enshrining the relics; swiftly then give me the relics without delay.' 66 The naga said: “If thou shalt see the relics, venerable sir, take them and go.' Three times the thera made him repeat 67 this (word), then did the thera standing on that very spot create a (long) slender arm, and stretching the hand straight68 way down the throat of the nephew he took the urn with the relics, and crying: “Stay, naga he plunged into the earth and rose up (out of it) in his cell. 69 The naga-king thought: “The bhikkhu is gone hence,
At the lower end of the stairway of buildings in Ceylon lie semicircular stones with gracefully executed ornaments, the so-called “Moonstones'. SMITHER, Anuradhapura, p. 58, with Plate LVII, fig, 3.
* Certainly to be taken in the concrete sense of the four holy Truths (ariya sac cani) which form the foundation of Buddhist doctrine: the Truths concerning sorrow, the cause of sorrow, the cessation of sorrow, and the way leading to the cessation of sorrow. Samyutta, v. 420.

XXXI. 83 The Enshrining of the Relics 25
deceived by us,’ and he sent to his nephew to bring the relics (again). But when the nephew could not find the urn in his belly he came lamenting and told his uncle. Then the nagaking also lamented: “We are betrayed, and all the nagas who came in crowds lamented likewise. But rejoicing in the victory of the mighty bhikkhu the gods assembled, and adoring the relics with offerings they came together with the (thera).
Lamenting, the nagas came to the brotherhood and made right woful plaint sorrowful over the carrying away of the relics. From compassion the brotherhood left them a few of the relics; rejoicing at this they went and brought treasures as offerings.
Sakka came to the spot with the gods bringing a throne set with jewels and a casket of gold. In a beautiful pavilion made of jewels that was built by Vissakamma on the spot, where the thera had emerged (from the earth), he set up the throne and when he had received the urn with the relics from the hand of the thera, and had put them in the casket he placed it on the throne.
Brahma held the parasol, Samtusita the yak-tail whisk, Suyama held the jewelled fan, Sakka, the shell with water. The four great kings stood with swords in their grip and the thirty-three gods of wondrous power with baskets in their hands. When they had gone thither offering paricchattakaflowers the thirty-two celestial maidens stood there bearing lamps on staves. Moreover, to ward off the evil yakkhas the twenty-eight yakkha-chieftains stood holding guard. Paicasikha stood there playing the lute, and Timbaru who had set up a stage, making music to sound forth. Many devas (stood there) singing sweet songs and the naga-king Mahakala
Lit. "Of the naga among bhikkhus.’ See note to v. 56. * Samtusita and Suyāma, also appear as devaputtã, at A. IV. 242o, 243, and S. IV. 280*8. Cf. also Jāt. I. 48°, 537, 8110-11; IV. 266°.
See note to 30.89. Blossoms of a tree growing in the Tavatimsa-heaven. M.W.I. 20. 10; Jāt. I. 2021“, IV. 265'o.
o On Pañcasikha see note to 30. 75; Timbaru is called in D. II. 268** Gandhabba-rãja. With rangabhũmi cf. Sinh. ra.ăgabim (= rai gama dulu) place for acting, theatre".
70
71.
72
73
74
や
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83

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216 Mahāvansa XXXI. 84
84 chanting praises in manifold ways. Celestial instruments of music resounded, a celestial chorus pealed forth, the devatas 85 let fall a rain of heavenly perfumes and so forth. But the thera Indagutta created, to ward off Mara, a parasol of copper 86 that he made great as the universe. On the east side of the relics and here and there in the five regions the bhikkhus raised their song in chorus. 87 Thither, glad at heart, went the great king Dutthagamani, and when he had laid the casket with the relics in the golden 88 casket that he had brought upon his head, and had placed it upon a throne, he stood there with folded hands, offering gifts to the relics and adoring them. 89 When the prince saw the celestial parasol, the celestial perfumes, and the rest, and heard the sound of celestial in90 struments of music and so forth, albeit he did not see the Brahma-gods he, rejoicing and amazed at the miracle, worshipped the relics, with the offering of a parasol and investing them with the kingship over Lanka. 91 To the Master of the world, to the Teacher who bears the threefold parasol, the heavenly parasol and the earthly and 92 the parasol of deliverance I consecrate three times my kingly rank." With these words he, with joyful heart, thrice conferred on the relics the kingship of Lanka, 93 Thus, together with gods and men, worshipping the relics with offerings, the prince placed them, with the caskets, upon 94 his head, and when he, surrounded by the brotherhood of the bhikkhus, had passed three times, going toward the left, around the thupa, he ascended it on the east side and 95 descended into the relic-chamber. Ninety-six koțiis of arahants stood with folded hands surrounding the magnificent 96 thupa. While the king, filled with joy, when he had mounted into the relic-chamber, thought: “I will lay them on the 97 costly and beautiful couch, the relic-casket, together with the relics, rose up from his head, and, floating at a height of 98 seven talas in the air, the casket forthwith opened of itself; By this is meant east, west, south, and north, and north-east,
also cf. 29.64 and 65. In Skt. the north-east is called aparajita diś, Manu VI. 81.

XXXI. 110 The Enshirining of the Relics 217
the relics rose up out of it and taking the form of the Buddha, gleaming with the greater and lesser signs, they performed, 99 even as the Buddha (himself) at the foot of the gandambatree that miracle of the double appearances, that was brought to pass by the Blessed One during his lifetime. As they 100 beheld this miracle, with believing and joyous heart, twelve kotis of devas and men attained to arahantship; those 101 who attained the three other fruits (of salvation) were past reckoning. V
Quitting the form of the Buddha those (relics) returned to their place in the casket; but the casket sank down again 102 and rested on the head of the king. - Then passing round the relic-chamber in procession with the thera Indagutta and 103 the dancing-women, the glorious king coming even to the beautiful couch laid the casket on the jewelled throne. And 104 when he, filled with zeal, had washed again his hands in water fragrant with perfumes, and had rubbed them with the five kinds of perfumes, he opened the casket, and taking out 105 the relics the ruler of the land, who was intent on the welfare of his people, thought thus: ' If these relics shall 106 abide undisturbed by any man soever, and if the relics, serving as a refuge for the people, shall endure continually, then may they rest, in the form of the Master as he lay upon 107 his deathbed, upon this well-ordered and precious couch.'
Thinking thus he laid the relics upon the splendid couch; 108 the relics lay there upon the splendid couch even in such a shape. On the fifteenth uposatha-day in the bright half 109 of the month Asaha, under the constellation Uttarasalha, were the relics enshrined in this way. At the enshrining of 110 the relics the great earth quaked and many wonders came to pass in divers ways.
See note to 5.92. , Cf. 17. 44, also the note to 30.81.
* I. e. the state of a sotāpann o, of a sa kad āgāmī or of an ana gami. See notes to 1.33; 15. 18; 13. 17.
* Pari haram (part. pres.). The subst. parihāra = Sinh. pærahara means a solemn procession.
o A saccakiriyā, cf. note to 18. 39.

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111. With believing heart did the king worship the relics by (offering) a white parasol, and conferred on them the entire overlordship of Lanka for seven days. 112 All the adornments on his body he offered in the relicchamber, and so likewise (did) the dancing-women, the 113 ministers, the retinue and the devatas. When the king had distributed garments, sugar, clarified butter and so forth among the brotherhood, and had caused the bhikkhus to recite 114 in chorus the whole night, then, when it was again day, he had the drum beaten in the city, being mindful of the welfare of the people: 'All the people shall adore the relics 115 throughout this week. The great thera Indagutta, of wondrous might, commanded: “Those men of the island 116 of Lanka who would fain adore the relics shall arrive hither at the same moment, and when they have adored the relics here shall return each one to his house.’ This came to pass as he had commanded. 117 When the great king of great renown had commanded great offerings of alms to the great brotherhood of the 118 bhikkhus for the week uninterruptedly, he proclaimed: “All that was to be done in the relic-chamber has been carried out by me; now let the brotherhood take the charge of closing the relic-chamber.' 119 The brotherhood charged the two samaneras with this task. They closed up the relic-chamber with the fat-coloured stone that they had brought. 120 "The flowers here shall not wither, these perfumes shall not dry up; the lamps shall not be extinguished; nothing 121 whatsoever shall perish; the six fat-coloured stones shall hold together for evermore.' All this did the (theras) who had overcome the asavas command at that time. 122 The great king, mindful of the welfare (of the people), issued the command: "So far as they are able (to do so) the 123 people shall enshrine relies.’ And above the great relictreasure did the people, so far as they could, carry out the 124 enshrining of thousands of relics. Enclosing all together
Cf, with this 30.61. The two novices are Uttara and Sumana, mentioned in 30, 57.

XXXI. 126 The Enshirining of the Relics 219
the king completed the thupa and, moreover, he completed the four-sided building on the cetiya.
Thus are the Buddhas incomprehensible, and incomprehensible is the nature of the Buddhas, and incomprehensible is the reward of those who have faith in the incomprehensible.” Thus do the pious themselves perform pure deeds of merit, in order to obtain the most glorious of all blessings; and they, with pure heart, make also others to perform them in order to win a following of eminent people of many kinds.
Here ends the thirty-first chapter, called “The Enshrining of the Relics, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
A dagaba consists essentially of three elements. The dome, usually hemispherical, and ordinarily raised on a cylindrical base, forms the principal part. In the upper part of this is the relic chamber. The second part is a square block of brickwork now mostly known by the Burmese term 'tee'. This is the caturassacaya of our passage. Finally the tee' forms the base for the conical spire (chatta = parasol) that crowns the whole. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 263. In 32.5 is evidently muddhave di 'top or upper-terrace' or 'rail', a designation of the 'tee’. Cf. Appendix D, s. v. vedi.
2 Ꭴ£ 17. 5Ꮾ.
* Tīkā : khatti yabrāh maiņādi vivi dha vis es ajana pa rivārahetubhūtāni puiiāni pi pare ca kā rentīti attho 'they make also others to perform meritorious works which are the cause of (obtaining) a following of eminent people of various kinds as khattiyas, brahmanas and so forth.'
125
126

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| CHAPTER XXXII
THE ENTRANCE INTO THE TUSITA-HEAVEN
1 ERE yet the making of the chatta and the plaster-work
on the cetiya was finished the king fell sick with a sickness 2 that was (fated) to be mortal. He sent for his younger brother Tissa from Dighavapi and said to him: ' Complete 3 thou the work of the thupa that is not yet finished. Because of his brother's weakness he had a covering made of white cloths by seamsters and therewith was the cetiya 4 covered, and thereon did he command painters to make on it a vedika duly and rows of filled vases likewise and the row with 5 the five-finger ornament.” And he had a chatta made of bamboo-reeds by plaiters of reeds and on the upper vedikā 6 a sun and moon of kharapatta. And when he had had this (thupa) painted cunningly with lacquer and kankutthaka he declared to the king: 'That which was yet to do to the thupa is completed.' 7 Lying on a palanquin the king went thither, and when on
On chatta see note to 31. 124. By sudhakamma is meant covering with stucco the dome of the cetiya which was made of brick.
* The vedika (rail) seems, as it was counterfeited in painting, to have been merely an ornament. "Buddhist railings' occur in lowrelief as ornament on the cornice of the first pasada of the Ruwanwaeli-dagaba (SMITHER, Anuridhapura, p. 26) as also, which may be taken into account here, on the 'tee of the Abhayagiri and the Jetavana-dagaba (SMITHER, pp. 47 and 52). We also frequently meet with "urns' as ornaments. But it is not clear what ornament is meant by paîň caṁgu lika pantikā.
Muddhave di = tee', see note to 31. 124. The picture of the sun on the four sides of the 'tee' is an emblem constantly found. Kharapatta =Skt. kharapatra is a name of different plants.
On kankutthaka “a kind of soil or mould of a golden or silver colour” = Skt. kan kuşț ha, see Mah. ed., p. 355.

XXXII. 19 The Entrance into the Trusita-Heaven, 221
his palanquin he had passed round the cetiya, going toward the left, he paid homage to it at the south entrance, and as he 8 then, lying on his right side on his couch spread upon the ground, beheld the splendid Great Thupa, and lying on his 9 left side the splendid Lohapasada, he became glad at heart, surrounded by the brotherhood of bhikkhus.
Since they had come from here and there to have news of the 10 sick (king), there were (present) in that assembly ninety-six kotis of bhikkhus. The bhikkhus, group by group, recited in 11 chorus. When the king did not see the thera. Theraputtabhaya among them he thought: “The great warrior, who fought 12 victoriously through twenty-eight great battles with me nor ever yielded his ground, the thera. Therasutabhaya comes not 13 now to help me, now that the death-struggle is begun, for methinks he (fore)sees my defeat.
When the thera, who dwelt by the source of the Karinda- 14 river on the Pañjali-mountain, knew his thought he came 15 with a company of five hundred (bhikkhus) who had overcome the asavas, passing through the air by his miraculous power, and he stood among those who surrounded the king. When the king saw him he was glad at heart and he bade him 16 be seated before him and said: “Formerly I fought with you, the ten great warriors, by my side; now have I entered alone 17 upon the battle with death, and the foe death I cannot conquer.
The thera answered: “O great king, fear not, ruler of men. 18 Without conquering the foe sin the foe death is unconquerable. All that has come into (this transitory) existence 19 must necessarily perish also, perishable is all that exists;
The Kirindu-oya or Magama ganga of which the mouth is in the Southern Province, east of Hambantota, and the source in the mountains south of Badulla. Consequently the Pañjali-pabbata must be sought here also.
* The thera alludes to the oft-quoted verse that is put into Sakka's mouth after the Buddha's death in the Mahaparinibbanasutta (D. II. 1579):
amic cā, va ta sa mkhārā uppāda vaya dhamm in o uppajjit va ni rujjh anti te sa m vij pa sa mo sukho
"Transient are, alas ! the sankharas, having the nature of growth and

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222 Mahāvansa XXXII. 20
20 thus did the Master teach. Mortality overcomes even the Buddhas, untouched by shame or fear; therefore think thou: all that exists is perishable, full of sorrow, and unreal. 21. In thy last mortal existence thy love for the true doctrine was indeed great. Albeit the world of gods was within thy 22 sight, yet didst thou, renouncing heavenly bliss, return to this world and didst many works of merit in manifold ways. Moreover, the setting up of sole sovereignty by thee did serve 23 to bring glory to the doctrine. Oh thou who art rich in merit, think on all those works of merit accomplished by thee even to this present day, then will all be well with thee straightway 24 When the king heard the thera's words he was glad at heart and said: “In single combat also thou art my help.” 25 And rejoicing he forth with commanded that the book of meritorious deeds be brought, and he bade the scribe read it aloud, and he read the book aloud : 26 Ninety-nine viharas have been built by the great king, and, with (the spending of) nineteen kotis, the Maricavatti27 vihara; the splendid Lohapasada was built for thirty kotis. But those precious things that have been made for the Great 28 Thupa were worth twenty kotis; the rest that was made for the Great Thupa by the wise (king was worth) a thousand 29 kotis, O great king.” Thus did he read. As he read further:
In the mountain-region called Kotta, at the time of the famine called the Akkhakhayika famine, two precious ear-rings were 30 given (by the king), and thus a goodly dish of sour milletdecay; having been produced they are dissolved again; blissful is their subjection. The meaning of samkhara is by no means fully rendered by ' existence". RHYs DAVIDs, S.B. E. xi, p. 117; S.B.B. iii, pp. 175-176, translates it with each being's parts and powers'.
This refers to the story told in 22.25-41. o Cf. 26. 25. 3 Cf. 27.47.
According to the Tika, the adorning of the relic-chamber is meant here.
o Translation of the words ti v utte in 32.
Lit. famine during which the nuts called akkha (Terminalia Bellerica) were eaten, which at other times are used as dice. In the Ațțhakathā, according to the Tīkā, the famine is called Pā sāņacha taka.

XXXII. 39 The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven 223
gruel was gotten for five great theras who had overcome the asavas, and offered to them with a believing heart; when, 31 vanquished in the battle of Cullahganiya, he was fleeing he proclaimed the hour (of the meal) and to the ascetic (Tissa), 32 free from the asavas, who came thither through the air he, without thought for himself, gave the food from his bowlthen did the king take up the tale:
* In the week of the consecration-festival of the (Mari- 33 cavatti) vihara as at the consecration of the (Loha) pasada, in the week when the (Great) Thupa was begun even as when the relics were enshrined, a general, great and costly giving 34 of alms was arranged by me to the great community of bqth (sexes) from the four quarters.' I held twenty-four great 35 Vesakha-festivals; three times did I bestow the three garments on the brotherhood of the island.
Five times, each time for seven days, have I bestowed (glad 36 at heart) the rank of ruler of this island upon the doctrine. I have had a thousand lamps with oil and white wicks 37 burning perpetually in twelve places, adoring the Blessed (Buddha) with this offering. Constantly in eighteen places 38 have I bestowed on the sick the foods for the sick and remedies, as ordered by the physicians.
In forty-four places have I commanded the perpetual giving 39 of rice-foods prepared with honey; and in as many places * Tikai : kaim gutan duilliam ga het via a mbillay agum pacià petvä attano santikam agatanam Malayamahadev at the radinam pai cannam khīņā savam ahātherānam adā si.
2. Cf. with this 24. 22-31. 8 Cf. 26. 21 ; 27. 46 ; 30. 4; 31. 117. * Ubhato-sang h a is bhikkhusangha and bhikkhunisang ha. We meet with the epithet catud disa. ' of the four quarters', frequently in the oldest cave-inscriptions of Ceylon. Cf. E. MitjLLER, Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, p. 73; WICKREMAs.INGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 144 foll.
Tradition makes the Buddha's nibbana fall on the full-moon day of the month Wesakha (at that time March-April), Sum. I, p. 2; Simp, p. 283; Mah. 3. 2. See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 6 foll.
° Ꭴf. 81. 90-92 ; 111. * Tika: sankha tam madhupayasan, sakkharamadhusappitelebi Sarpy ojit arn ma dhupaya Sarp.

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40 lumps of rice with oil, and in even as many places great jala-cakes, baked in butter and also therewith the 41 ordinary rice. For the uposatha-festivals I have had oil for
the lamps distributed one day in every month in eighty.
42 viharas on the island of Lanka. And since I heard that a gift (by preaching) of the doctrine is more than a gift of worldly wealth I said: At the foot of the Lohapasada, in 43 the (preacher's) chair in the midst of the brotherhood, I will preach the Mahgalasutta to the brotherhood; but when I was seated there I could not preach it, from reverence for 44 the brotherhood. Since then I have commanded the preaching of the doctrine everywhere, in the viharas of Lanka, 45 giving rewards to the preachers. To each preacher of the doctrine did I order to give a nai' of butter, molasses and 46 sugar; moreover, I bestowed on them a handful of liquorice,
four inches long, and I gave them, moreover, a pair of garments. But all this giving while that I reigned, rejoices 47 not my heart; only the two gifts that I gave, without care for my life, the while E was in adversity, those gladden my heart.' 48 When the thera Abhaya heard this he described those two gifts, to rejoice the king's heart withal, in manifold ways:
49 When (the one) of those five theras the thera Malayama
hadeva, who received the sour millet-gruel, had given thereof
50 to nine hundred bhikkhus on the Sumanakuta-mountain
he ate of it himself. But the thera Dhammagutta who 51 could cause the earth to quake shared it with the bhikkhus in the Kalyāņika-vihāra,o (who were) five hundred in num52 ber, and then ate of it himself. The thera Dhammadinna,
* Tīkā: telul lopaka m e va cāti, tela ussa dakhīra sappiman da sam khātam ãlop a dãi nam ca a dã, p ảyim.
What jalapliva is I do not know. Nor does the Tika give any explanation.
o Suttamipata, ed. FAUsBöLL, p. 45. See note to 30.83. * See note to 30. 37.
atthimadhukā (= Skt. y asti madhukā) the same as madh uil at thikai in CHILIDERs, P.D., s. v.
A detailed narration of the story alluded to in 32. 30. See note to 1. 33. * See note to 1.63.

XXXII. 63. The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven 225
dwelling in Talaiga, gave to twelve thousand (bhikkhus) in Piyangudipa and then ate of it. The thera Khuddatissa of 53 wondrous power, who dwelt in Mangana, divided it among sixty thousand (bhikkhus) in the Kelasa (vihara) and then ate of it himself. The thera Mahavyaggha gave thereof 54 to seven hundred (bhikkhus) in the Ukkanagara-vihara and then ate of it himself.” M
The thera who received the food in his dish divided it 55 among twelve thousand bhikkhus in Piyahgudipa and then ate of it himself.
With such words as these the thera Abhaya gladdened the 56 king's mood, and the king, rejoicing in his heart, spoke thus to the thera: 0 سے
Twenty-four years have I been a patron of the brother- 57 hood, and my body shall also be a patron of the brotherhood. In a place whence the Great Thupa may be seen, in the 58 malaka (bounded about) for the ceremonial acts of the brotherhood, do ye burn the body of me the servant of the brotherhood.’
To his younger brother he said: “All the work of the 59 Great Thupa which is still unfinished, do thou complete, my dear Tissa, caring duly for it. Evening and morning offer 60 thou flowers at the Great Thupa and three times (in the day) command a solemn oblation at the Great Thupa. All the 61 ceremonies introduced by me in honour of the doctrine of the Blessed (Buddha) do thou carry on, my dear, stinting nothing. Never grow weary, my dear, in duty toward the brother- 62 hood.' When he had thus exhorted him, the king fell into silence.
At this moment the brotherhood of bhikkhus began the 63 chanting in chorus, and the devatas led thither six cars with
See note to 24, 25. We cannot establish the identity of Talanga. TURNoUR (Mah., p. 25) says: “Singh. Ta laguru-wih áire in Róhaņa not identified.' −
* The geographical names in 53 and 54 cannot be identified. Kelasa according to 29. 43 was a monastery in India.
The allusion in this verse is to the story in 24, 22-31; 32. 31-32. * See note to 15. 29.

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64 six gods, and severally the gods implored the king as they stood in their cars: “Enter into our delightful celestial world, O king.’ 65 When the king heard their words he stayed them with a gesture of his hand: “Wait ye as long as I listen to the 66 dhamma. Then the bhikkhus thinking: ' He would fain stop the chanting in chorus, ceased from their recitations; 67 the king asked the reason of the interruption. “Because the sign (to bid us) “be still' was given, they answered. But the king said: “It is not so, venerable sirs, and he told them what had passed. - 68 When they heard this, certain of the people thought: * Seized by the fear of death, he wanders in his speech. And 69 to banish their doubts the thera Abhaya spoke thus to the king: “How would it be possible to make known (the presence 70 of) the cars that have been brought hither?' The wise king commanded that garlands of flowers be flung into the air, these severally wound themselves around the poles of the cars and hung loose from them. 71 When the people saw them floating free in the air, they conquered their doubts; but the king said to the thera: 72 "Which of the celestial worlds is the most beautiful, venerable
sir?' And the other answered: “The city of the Tusitas, 73 O king, is the fairest; so think the pious. Awaiting the time when he shall become a Buddha, the compassionate Bodhisatta Metteyya dwells in the Tusita-city.' 74 When the most wise king heard these words of the thera, he, casting a glance at the Great Thupa, closed his eyes as he lay. 75 And when he, even at that moment, had passed away, he was seen, reborn and standing in celestial form in the car 76 that had come from Tusita-heaven. And to make manifest the reward of the works of merit performed by him he drove, 77 showing himself in all his glory to the people, standing on the same car, three times around the Great Thupa,
See note to 30.88. Metteyya = Skt. Maitreya is the name of the future Buddha, successor of the historic Buddha Gotama.

XXXII. 84 The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven 227
going to the left, and then, when he had done homage to the thupa and the brotherhood he passed into the Tusita-heaven.
Even where the dancing-women who had come thither laid off their head-ornaments there was a hall built called Makutamuttasala. Even where the people, when the body of the king was laid on the funeral pyre, broke into wailing there was the so-called Ravivatisala built.
The malaka outside the precincts (of the monastery), in which they burned the body of the king here bears the name Rājamālaka.
The great king Dutthagamani, he who is worthy of the name of king, will be the first disciple of the sublime Metteyya, the king's father (will be) his father and the mother his mother. The younger brother Saddhatissa will be his second disciple, but Salirajakumara, the king's son, will be the son of the sublime Metteyya.
He who, holding the good life to be the greatest (good), does works of merit, passes, covering over much that perchance is evil-doing, into heaven as into his own house; therefore will the wise man continually take delight in works of merit.
Here ends the thirty-second chapter, called “The Entrance into the Tusita-heaven, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
That is, Metteyya's.
Niyatapapakam is that which is certainly or without doubt evil; a niyatapapakam that which is possibly evil. Here there is an allusion to the scruples of conscience which the king himself felt at the close of his warlike career. See 25. 103 foll.
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CHAPTER XXXIII
THE TEN KINGS
1 UNDER the rule of the king Dutthagamani the subjects in the kingdom lived happily; Salirajakumara was his famous son. 2 Greatly gifted was he and ever took delight in works of merit; he tenderly loved a candala woman of exceedingly 3 great beauty. Since he was greatly enamoured of the Asokamaladevi, who already in a former birth had been his consort, because of her loveliness, he cared nothing for 4 kingly rule. Therefore Dutthagamani's brother, SADDHATiss A, anointed king after his death, ruled, a peerless (prince), 5 for eighteen years. He finished the work on the parasol, and the plaster-work and the elephant-wall of the Great 6 Thupa, he who won his name by his faith. The magnificent Lohapasada caught fire from a lamp; he built the Lohapasada 7 anew, seven stories high. And now was the pasada worth (only) ninety times a hundred thousand. He built the Dak8 khinagiri-vihara and the (vihāra) Kallakalena, the Kalambaka-vihara, and the (vihāra) Pettahgavalika, (the viharas)
The story is told at length in the Tika. Cf. GEIGER, Dip. and Mah., p. 37.
Hatthipakara: according to PARKER (Ancient Ceylon, p. 284), who bases his conjecture on the dimensions of the tiles, the sustainingwall of the upper 'pasada" on which are figures of elephants in relief. The sustaining-wall of the great terrace om which the Ruwanwaeli-dagaba stands is also ornamented with similar figures of elephants in relief, the forepart of the body jutting out from the wall (SMITHER, Anuradhapura, p. 40). But this hatthipakara seems to be of later origin.
* A play on the name Sadd hati s sa from sa ddha = faith. ' A monastery of this name appears also in the Culavarpsa, 52.60.

XXXIII. 211 The Ten Kings 229
Velaigāvitthika, Dubbalavāpitissaka and Dūratissakavāpi, 9 and the Matuviharaka. He also built viharas (from Anuradhapura) to Dighavapi, one for every yojana (of the way).
Moreover, he founded the Dighavapi-vihara together 10 with the cetiya; for this cetiya he had a covering of network made set with gems, and in every mesh thereof was 11 hung a splendid flower of gold, large as a waggon-wheel, that he had commanded them to fashion. (In honour) of 12 the eighty-four thousand sections of the dhamma the ruler commanded also eighty-four thousand offerings. When the 13 king had thus accomplished many works of merit he was reborn, after his death, among the Tusita gods.
While the great king Saddhatissa lived yet in Dighavapi 14 his eldest son Lafijatissa built the beautiful vihara called Girikumbhila; and Thulathana, a younger son of this same 15 (king), built the vihara, called Kandara. When his father 16 (Saddhatissa) went to his brother (Dutthagamani at Anuradhapura) Thulathanaka went with him, to bestow land for the use of the brotherhood upon his vihara.
When Saddhatissa died all the counsellors assembled, and 17 when they had summoned together the whole brotherhood of bhikkhus in the Thuparama, they, with the content of the 18 brotherhood consecrated the prince THULATHANA asking, that he might take the kingdom under his protection. When LANJATISSA heard this he came hither, overpowered him, 19 and took the government upon himself. Only for one month and ten days had Thulathana been king.
During three years did Lafijatissa use the brotherhood 20 slightingly and neglect them, with the thought: They did not decide according to age. When, afterwards, he was 21
See 37.48. * The tank Diratissa is situated in Rohana not far from Mahagama. PARKER, l. l., p. 393 foll.
* See mote to 1. 78. * The Tīkā, explains nānārata maka c c h an nam by satta ratanakha citajā lam.
Lajjitissa or Lafijitissa are variants of this name. That is, to Anuradhapura. Gahetva is, without doubt, an euphemism for " (having) killed'.

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reconciled with the brotherhood, the king built, in atonement, spending three hundred thousand (pieces of money), three stone terraces for offerings of flowers to the Great Cetiya, and then did the lord of the land, with (the expense of) a hundred thousand, have the earth heaped up between the Great Thupa and the Thuparama, so that it was level. Moreover, he made a splendid stone mantling to the thupa in the Thuparama, and to the east of the Thuparama, a little thupa built of stones, and the Larijakasana hall for the brotherhood of bhikkhus. Moreover, he had a mantling made of stone for the Khandhakathipa. When he had spent a hundred thousand for the Cetiya-vihara he commanded that at the (consecration) festival of the vihara called Girikumbhila the six garments' be distributed to sixty thousand bhikkhus.
He built the Arittha-vihara and the (vihara) Kuijarahinaka, and to the bhikkhus in the villages he distributed medicines. To the bhikkhunis he ordered to give rice as much as they wanted. Nine years and one half-month did he reign here.
When Lafijakatissa was dead his younger brother named KHALLATANAGA reigned six years. Round about the Loha
See note to 30. 51. The Thuparama is situated 400 yards north of the Ruwanwaelidagaba.
PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 297, identifies the thuipa called Dighathilipa in the Dip., with the so-called Khujjatissarama, or Seladagaba. But this is not situated to the east (the Mah. has purato just as the Dip. 20. 11 describes the position of the Dighathtipa by Thuparama-pur at thato) but to the south-east of the Thliparama, and it is twice as far from this latter as from the Ruwanwaeli-dagaba, so that orientation by the last-named, would be much more to the purpose. SMITHER (Anuradhapura, p. 55) is probably right in the conjecture that there is a reference in silathtipaka to a little stone dagaba, a sort of model, similar to one that stands on the platform of the Ruwanwaeli-dagaba.
The monastery on the Cetiyapabbata or Missaka-mountain. Cf. note to 20. 16.
* That is, to each one a pair of the three articles of clothing (ticīvara), the antara vāsaka “under-garment, shirt”, the uttarais a fig a "robe, and the samghati 'mantle'.
On the Arithapabbata, now Ritigala. See note to 10.63.

XXXII. 42 The Ten Kings 231
pasada he built thirty-two exceedingly beautiful (other) pasadas to make the Lohapasada, yet more splendid. Round 31 the Great Thtipa, the beautiful Hemamal,” he made as a border a court (strewn) with sand and a wall. Moreover, he 32 built the Kurundavásoka-vihara, and yet other works of merit did the king carry out.
A commander of troops named Kammaharattaka, over- 33 powered the ruler, king Khallatanaga, in the capital itself. But the king's younger brother named VATTAGAMANI killed 34 the villainous commander and took on himself the government. The little son of his brother, king Khallatanaga, 35 whose name was Mahaculika, he took as his son; and the 36 (child's) mother, Anuladevi, he made his queen. Since he had thus taken the place of a father they called him Pitiaja.4
In the fifth month after he was thus anointed king, a young 37 brahman named Tissa, in Rohana, in the city (that was the seat) of his clan, hearkened, fool that he was, to the pro- 38 phesying of a brahman and became a rebel, and his following waxed great. Seven Damilas landed (at the same time) 39 with their troops in Mahatittha. Then Tissa the brahman and the seven Damias also sent the king a written message 40 concerning the (handing over of the) parasol." The sagacious king sent a written message to Tissa, the brahman: 'The 41 kingdom is now thine, conquer thou the Damias. He answered: “So be it, and fought a battle with the Damias, but they conquered him.
Thereupon the Damias made war upon the king; in 42
Perhaps dwellings of smaller dimensions, for the bhikkhus.
See 15. 167; 17. 51 and 27.3.
Literally, a “sandcourt-boundary'. The allusion is to the so-called elephant-path that runs all round the terrace of the Ruwanwaelidagaba and is bounded on the outside by a wall. On the east, south, and north it is 97 feet wide, on the west, i.e. at the back, 88 feet, SMITHER, l. l., p. 41.
* I.e. 'King father."
* I read kula nag are and understand by this Mahagama, the town from which the dynasty of Dutthagamani came.
See note to 7. 58. As the symbol of kingly rank.

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a battle near Kolambalaka the king was vanquished. (Near the gate of the Tittharama, he mounted into his car and fled. But the Tittharama was built by king Pandukabhaya and it 43 had been constantly inhabited under twenty-one kings.) As a nigantha, 8 named Giri saw him take flight he cried out 44 loudly: 'The great black lion is fleeing. When the great king heard that he thought thus: “If my wish be fulfilled I will build a vihara here.' 45 He took Anuladev with him, who was with child, thinking : * She must be protected, and Mahacula also and (his son) the prince Mahanaga, also thinking: “They must be 46 protected.' But, to lighten the car the king gave to Somadevi his splendid diadem-jewel and let her, with her own consent, descend from the car. 47 When going forth to battle he had set out, full of fears, taking his little son and his two queens with him. Being 48 vanquished he took flight and, unable to take with him the almsbowl used by the Conqueror, he hid in the Vessagiri49 forest. When the thera Mahatissa from Kupikkala (vihāra) saw him there, he gave him food, avoiding thereby the giving 50 of an untouched alms. Thereon the king, glad at heart,
Evidently identical with the Kolambahalaka, mentioned in 25.80. See the note thereon.
* The passage enclosed in brackets occurs in all the groups of MSS. and is also referred to in the Tika. I have omitted the three lines of verse from the edition, chiefly for reasons of form (see Introduction, p. xxi) as being a later gloss. The battle took place not far from the north gate of the city. See also 25.80 foll. and the note to 33.81.
See note to 10. 97. The name Tittharama alone indicates that the monastery was inhabited by non-Buddhist monks (tittha = sect). Mahakala sihala is a play on the word siha 'lion' and the name si hala (Mah. 7.42).
His second wife. According to Mah. 17. 12 foll. it had come to Ceylon as a relic in the time of king Devanampiyatissa.
South of Anuradhapura. See note to 20. 15 on the Vessagiri-vihara. The bhikkhu is not allowed to share with a layman before he himself has eaten of the food that he has received as alms. So Mahatissa first ate of the food and then offered some to the king. SuBHt TI, communication in a letter of Feb. 27, 1903.

. XXXIII., 64 The Ten Kings . 233
recording it upon a ketaka-leaf, allotted lands to his vihara for the use of the brotherhood. From thence, he went to 51 Silasobbhakandaka, and sojourned there; then he went to Matuvelahga near Samagalla and there met the thera (Kupik- 52 kalamahatissa) whom he had already seen before. The thera entrusted the king with due carefulness to Tanasiva, who was his attendant. Then in the house of this Tanasiva, his subject, 53 the king lived fourteen years, maintained by him.
Of the seven Damias one, fired with passion for the lovely 54 Somadev1, made her his own and forthwith returned again to the further coast. Another took the almsbowl of the 55 (Master) endowed with the ten miraculous powers, that was in Anuradhapura, and returned straightway, well contented, to the other coast.
But the Damia PULAHATTHA reigned three years, making 56 the Damia named Bahiya commander of his troops. BAHIYA 57 slew Pulahattha and reigned two years; his commander-inchief was Panayamara. PANAYAMARAKA slew Bahiya and was 58 king for seven years; his commander-in-chief was Pilayamara. PLAYAMARAKA slew Panayamara and was king for seven 59 months; his commander-in-chief was Dathika. And the 60 Damia DATHIKA slew Pilayamara and reigned two years in Anuradhapura. Thus the time of these five Damia-kings 61 was fourteen years and seven months.
When one day, in Malaya, Anuladevi went to seek 62 her (daily) portion the wife of Tanasiva struck against her basket with her foot. And she was wroth and came weeping 63 to the king. When Tanasiva heard this he hastened forth (from the house) grasping his bow. When the king had 64 heard what the queen said, he, ere yet the other came, took
Pandanus odoratissimits. As a rule royal donations were recorded on copper plates or might be on silver and gold plates. GEIGER, Litteratur und Sprache der Singhalesen, pp. 24–25.
Cf. note to 33.87; judging from the Tika, we should probably read oka ņ da ka mihi rather than oka tak a mhi. * Tahim = in Malaya, according to 33. 62.
That is, he returned oversea to India. * Ga het va. Cf. note to 33. 19.

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65 the two boys and his consort and hastened out also. Putting the arrow to his bow the glorious (hero) transfixed Siva as he came on. The king proclaimed (then) his name and gathered 66 followers around him. He obtained as ministers eight famous warriors, and great was the following of the king and his equipment (for war). 67 The famous (king) sought out the thera Mahatissa of Kupikkala and commanded that a festival in honour of the 68 Buddha be held in the Acchagalla-vihara. At the very time when the minister Kapisiisa, having gone up to the courtyard of the Akasa-cetiya to sweep the building, had come down 69 from thence, the king, who was going up with the queen, saw him sitting by the road, and being wroth with him that he had not flung himself down (before him) he slew Kapislsa. 70 Then in anger against the king the other seven ministers withdrew themselves from him, and going whither it seemed 71 good to them, they were stripped of their possessions by robbers on the way, and they took refuge in the vihara Hambugallaka where they sought out the learned thera, Tissa. 72 The thera, who was versed in the four nikayas, gave them, as he had received it (as alms), clothing, sugar and oil, and rice, too, in sufficing measure. 73 When he had refreshed them the thera asked them: Whither are you going? They made themselves known 74 to him, and told him this matter. But when they were asked afterwards: “With whom will it be possible to further the doctrine of the Buddha? With the Damias or with the 75 king ? they answered: “By the king will this be possible.' And when they had thus convinced them the two theras,
Cf. the Skt. dhan uh samdha in the same sense B.R., Skt. Witb., s. v. dha with sa m.
* A play on the words Sivam and mahaisivo.
See note to 21. 6. If the Tika is right in placing the Acchagalla-vihāra to the a east of Anurādhapura, the ākās ac eti ya mentioned in verse 68 cannot be identical with that mentioned in 22.26 (see the note). The site of the latter is, no doubt, in Rohana.
I.e. in the four oldest collections of the Sutta-pitaka: Digha, Majjhima-, Samyutta- and Anguttara-nikaya.

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Tissa and Mahatissa, took them forth from thence and brought them to the king and reconciled them one to another. The king and the ministers besought the theras saying: ' If our undertaking has prospered then must ye come to us, when a message is sent to you.' The theras agreed and returned ea h one to his place.
When the renowned king had come to Anuradhapura and had slain the Damia Dathika he himself assumed the government. And forthwith the king destroyed the arama of the niganthas and built there a vihara with twelve cells. When two hundred and seventeen years ten months and ten days had passed since the founding of the Mahavihara the king, filled with pious zeal, built the Abhayagiri-vihara. He sent for the (two) theras, and to the thera Mahatissa, who had first assisted him of the two, he gave the vihara, to do him honour. Since the king Abhaya built it' on the place of the arama of (the nigantha) Giri, the vihara received the name Abhayagiri. .
When he had sent for Somadevi he raised her again to her rank and built, in her honour, the Somarama, bearing her name. For this fair woman, who had alighted from the car at this spot and had concealed herself in a ticket of flowering Kadambas, saw in that very place a samanera who was relieving
According to 33. 42-44 the monastery of the niganthas, the Tittharama stood outside the north gate of Anuradhapura. Since, on its place the Abhayagiri-vihara was built, it cannot be identical with the vihara of the dagaba, which is now called the Abhayagiri-dagaba, but it must be that of the now so-called Jetavana-dagaba. On the other hand, as we will see below (cf. note to 37. 33), the site of the Jetavana-vihara, must be looked for south of the city where now the so-called Abhayagiri-dagaba stands. Tradition appears to have confounded one name with the other. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 299 foll.
* The king's full name was Wattagamani Abhaya.
The Somarama or Manisomarama, as the monastery is called 36.8, 106, 107 (in allusion to the story in 33.46) after the cullamani entrusted to Somadevi, must be sought near the Abhayagiri-vihara, perhaps in the place of the building described by SMITHER, Anuridhapura, p. 61, which is popularly designated the 'Queen's Pavilion'.
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his need, using (decently) his hand for concealment. When the king heard her story he built a vihara there.
To the north of the Mahathupa this same king founded upon a lofty spot the cetiya called Silasobbhakandaka.
One of the seven warriors (of the king), Uttiya, built, to the south of the city, the so-called Dakkhina-vihara.” In the same place the minister named Mula built the Mulavokasavihara, which was, therefore, called after him. The minister named Saliya built the Saliyarama, and the minister named Pabbata built the Pabbatarama; but the minister Tissa founded the Uttaratissarama. When the beautiful viharas were completed they sought out the thera Tissa and gave them to him with these words: “In gratitude for thy kindness we give thee these viharas built by us.”
The thera established sundry bhikkhus everywhere (in these vihāras), according to their rank, and the ministers bestowed upon the brotherhood the different (things) useful to a samana. The king provided those (bhikkhus) living in his vihara with the (needful) things for use, so that nothing was lacking: therefore were they many in number.
A thera known by the name Mahatissa, who had frequented the families of laymen, was expelled by the brotherhood from our monastery for this fault, the frequenting of lay-families. His disciple, the thera who was known as Bahalamassutissa, went in anger to the Abhayagiri (vihāra) and abode there, forming a (separate) faction. And thenceforward these bhikkhus came no more to the Mahavihara: thus did the bhikkhus of the Abhayagiri (vihara) secede from the Thera
The statement as to locality, given in our verse, points, as PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 311, rightly insists, to the Lankaramadagaba, which is situated about a mile north of the Ruwanwaelidagaba. It received this name in remembrance of the place where Wattagamani had found refuge, according to 33.51.
I.e. “South Monastery.' PARKER, l. l., p. 312, identifies the remains of the thupa belonging to this monastery with the building south of the Mahavihara, which is called by the people, "Eara's sepulchre.” See also note to 35. 5.
to “from here is from the standpoint of the author, out of the Mahavihara.'

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vada. From the monks of the Abhayaguri-vihara those of the Dakkhina-vihara separated (afterwards); in this wise those bhikkhus (who had seceded) from the adherents of the Theravada were divided into two (groups).
He (the king) built the cells of the vihara, so that a greater number were joined together, for he reflected: “In this way it will be possible to restore them.'
The text of the three pitakas and the atthakatha thereon did the most wise bhikkhus hand down in former times orally, but since they saw that the people were falling away (from religion) the bhikkhus came together, and in order that the true doctrine might endure, they wrote them down in books.
Thus did the king Wattagamani-Abhaya reign twelve years, and, at the beginning, five months beside.
Thus does the wise man labour, when he comes to rule, for the bliss of others and for his own bliss, but a man without understanding does not render the possessions which he has won, however great they are, blissful for both, being greedy of (more) possessions.
Here ends the thirty-third chapter, called 'The Ten Kings, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
After 98 a spurious verse is interpolated: “To bring prosperity to
98
99
O
101.
102
103
the bhikkhus dwelling on the island, who belonged to the great
Abhaya-(giri-community), the lord of the land, Wattagamani, made over to them the so-called patti." In 35. 48 patti simply means "revenue'.
* That is, before the Damias dethroned him.
Laddhabhogam, according to the Tīkā stands (metri causd) for laddha (= labhit va, Skt. labdhva) bhogarn. But, I think, this is not necessary. We have to take laddha bhoga m = laddham bhogam and ubhayahitam as predicative object.

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CHAPTER XXXIV
THE ELEVEN KINGS
1 AFTER his death MAHAct. MAHATIssa reigned fourteen
years with piety and justice. 2 Since he heard that a gift brought about by the work of a man's own hand is full of merit, the king, in the very first 3 year (of his reign), went in disguise and laboured in the riceharvest, and with the wage that he received for this he gave 4 food as alms to the thera, Mahasumma. When the king had laboured also in Sonnagiri three years in a sugar-mill, and 5 had received lumps of sugar as wage for this, he took the lumps of sugar, and being returned to the capital he, the ruler of the earth, appointed great almsgiving to the brotherhood of 6 bhikkhus. He bestowed clothing on thirty thousand bhikkhus
and the same on twelve thousand bhikkhunis. 7 When the protector of the earth had built a well-planned vihara, he gave the six garments to sixty thousand bhikkhus 8 and to bhikkhunis likewise, in number thirty thousand. The same king built the Mandavapi-vihara, the Abhayagallaka 9 (vihara), the (viharas) Vankavattakagalla and Dighabahu
gallaka and the Jalagama-vihara. 10 When the king (inspired) by faith had done works of merit in many ways he passed into heaven, at the end of the fourteen years.
I.e. 'Gold mountain, according to the Tika, situated near Ambathakola. On this see note to 28. 20. The rocky mountain that rises on the east of Ambatthakola bounding the valley of NalandaDambul on the west is called Rangala. GEIGER, Ceylon, p. 155: ED. MitjLLER, Ancient Inscriptions, p. 36. The Dambulla-caves are also called Suvannagiri-guha in king Nissanka Malla's inscription, ED. MüLLER, l.l., pp. 92, 126.
* See note to 33. 26. به

XXXIV. 27 The Eleven Kings 239
Vattagamani's son known as CoRANAGA lived as a rebel 11 under the rule of Mahacula. When Mahacula had departed 12 he came and reigned. Those places, where he had found no refuge during the time of his rebellion, eighteen viharas, 13 did this fool destroy. Twelve years did Coranaga reign. And eating poisoned (food) that his consort gave him the 14 evildoer died and was reborn in the Lokantarika-hell.
After his death king Mahacula's son ruled three years as 15 king, being known by name TISSA. But Coranaga's spouse, 16 the infamous Anula, had done her infamous (consort) to death, giving him poison, because she was enamoured of one of the palace-guards. And for love of this same palace-guard Anula 1 7 now killed Tissa also by poison and gave the government into the hands of that other.
When the palace-guard, whose name was SIVA, and who 18 (had been) the first of the gate-watchmen, had made Anula. his queen he reigned a year and two months in the city; but 19 Anula, who was enamoured of the Damia Watuka, did him to death with poison and gave the reign to Vatuka. The 20 Damia, VATUKA, who had been a city-carpenter in the capital, made Anula his queen and then reigned a year and two 21 months in the city.
But when Anula (one day) saw a wood-carrier, who had come to the house, she fell in love with him, and when she had 22 killed Vatuka with poison she gave the government into his hands. TISSA, the wood-carrier, when he had made Anula his queen, ruled one year and one month in the city. In haste 23 he had a bathing-tank made in the Mahameghavana. But 24 Anula, enslaved by passion for a Damia named Niliya, a brahman who was the palace-priest, and eager to be united with him, did Tissa, the wood-carrier to death giving him 25 poison and gave the government into (Niliya's) hands. And the brahman NILIYA also made her his queen and reigned, 26 upheld constantly by her, six months here in Anuradhapura. When the princess Anula (who desired to take her pleasure 27 even as she listed with thirty-two of the palace-guards) had
The passage enclosed in brackets occurs in all the groups of MSS., but seems, as it interferes with the division of the slokas,

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240 Mahāvansa ΧΧΧΙV. 28
put to death Niliya also with poison, the queen ANULA herself, reigned four months. 28 But king Mahaculika's second son, named KUTAKANNA29 TIssA, who had fled from fear of Anula and had taken the pabbajja returned hither when, in time, he had gathered an 30 army together, and when he had slain the wicked Anula he, the ruler of men, reigned twenty-two years. He built upon the Cetiya-mountain a great building for the uposatha31 festival and to the east of this building he raised a thupa of stone, and in that same place on the Cetiya-mountain he planted a bodhi-tree. 32 In the region between the rivers, he founded the Pelagamavihāra and in the same place (he made) a great canal called 33 Vannaka and the great Ambadugga-tank and the Bhayoluppala, and moreover (he made) around the city a wall seven 34 cubits high and a trench. When he had burned the licentious Anula in the palace (upon the funeral pyre), he, withdrawing a little (distance) from thence, built a new palace. 35. In the city itself he laid out the Padumassara-park. His mother entered the order of the doctrine of the Conqueror 36 when she had just cleansed her teeth. On a plot for building
belonging to his family he founded a nunnery for his mother: and this was therefore known by name Dantageha. 37 After his death his son, the prince named BHATIKABHAYA, 38 reigned twenty-eight years. Since he, the pious ruler of the earth, was the brother of king Mahadathika, he was known 39 on the island by the name Bhatikaraja. Here did he carry out the work of repairing the Lohapasada and built two
to be a later addition. (See Mah. ed., Introduction, p. xxi.) kattum in kattukama is a pregnant expression for samvasam kattum.
We fail to establish the names here because we do not know what is meant by anta ragangaya. The expression hardly denotes the delta of a river, but perhaps rather the region between Ambanganga and Maha waeliganga. --
* Lit. place for a house.' I read kulasante. The Tika, too, renders its kulay atte by lkula santake.
Lit. "Tooth-house.'
I.e. in Anuradhapura.

ΧΧΧΙV. 50 The Eleven Kings 241.
vedikas for the Mahathupa, and the (hall) called the Uposatha (-hall) in the (vihara) named after the thupa.
And doing away with the tax appointed for himself he planted sumana and uijuka-flowers over a yojana of land round the city. And when the king had commanded that
the Great Cetiya, from the vedika at the foot to the parasol at
the top, be plastered with (a paste of) sweet-smelling unguent four fingers thick and that flowers be carefully embedded therein by their stalks, he made the thipa even as a globe of flowers. Another time he commanded them to plaster the cetiya with (a paste of) minium eight fingers thick, and thus he changed it into a heap of flowers. Yet another time he commanded that the cetiya be strewn with flowers from the steps to the parasol on the top, and thus he covered it over with a mass of blossoms. Then when he had raised water by means of machines from the Abhaya-tank he, by pouring (masses of) water over the thipa, carried out a wateroffering. From a hundred waggon-loads of pearls, he, bidding that the mass of plaster be carefully kneaded together with oil, made a plaster-covering (for the Great Thupa). He had a net of coral prepared and cast over the cetiya, and when he had commanded them to fasten in the meshes thereof lotus-flowers of gold large as waggon-wheels, and to hang clusters of pearls on these that reached to the lotus-flower beneath, he worshipped the Great Thtipa with this offering.
When he heard one day in the relic-chamber the sound of the arahants' chanting in chorus he made the resolve: “I will not rise up till I have seen it, and fasting he lay down at the foot of the stone-pillar on the east side. The theras
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
created a door for him and brought him into the relic
I.e. in the Thuparama. * Tika: mah äsumanāni ca. ujjakasumanani ca, namely two kinds of jasmine.
The steps form the ascent from the elephant-path' (cf. note to 38. 31) to the great terrace, on which the cetiya stands.
Tadi is a synonym of araha, o The Tīkā paraphrases pā cīna didika mūlamh i with pācīna addikassa samīpe, pā, cīm adisāya silãtt hambhaus sāpitațiți hāne.

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242 Mahāvansa XXXIV. 51
51 chamber. When the ruler of the earth had beheld all the adornment of the relic-chamber he went forth and made an offering of figures modelled with clay in close likeness to those (within). 52 With honeycombs, with perfumes, with vases (filled with flowers), and with essences, with auri-pigment (prepared) as 53 unguent and minium; with lotus-flowers arrayed in minium that lay ankle-deep in the courtyard of the cetiya, where they 54 had poured it molten; with lotus-flowers that were fastened in the holes of mattings, spread on fragrant earth, wherewith 55 the whole courtyard of the cetiya was filled; with many lighted lamps, prepared with wicks made of strips of stuff in clarified butter, which had likewise been poured (into the 56 courtyard) when the ways for the outflow had been closed up; and in like manner with many lamps with stuff-wicks in 57 madhuka-oil and sesamum-oil besides; with these things, as they were named, the prince commanded severally with each seven times offerings for the Great Thupa. 58 And moreover, urged by faith, he ordered year by year perpetually a great festival (for the renewing) of the plasterwork; and festivals also of the great Bodhi-tree (in honour) 59 of the watering of the Bodhi-tree, and furthermore twentyeight great Vesakha-festivals' and eighty-four thousand lesser 60 festivals, and also divers mimic dances and concerts, with the playing of all kinds of instruments of music (in honour) of 61 the Great Thupa. Three times a day he went to do homage to the Buddha and he commanded (them to give) twice (a day) continually (the offering known as) the flower-drum. 62 And he continually gave alms at the preaching and alms at the pavarana-ceremony, and (distributed) also, in abundance, the things needed for the ascetic, such as oil, molasses,
Oil pressed from the seeds of the Bassia. Latifolia. The MSS. all have madh u ka, and this should be the reading. In Skt. also the form madh u ka exists beside madh ti ka.
* See note to 32, 35.
* Tīkā, : di va sa s sa dvi su vāre su niya tam pupphapūja npn ca akārayi.
Very doubtful. The MSS. support the reading chand a danam. Perhaps chanda is here a synonym of sajjhaya.

XXXIV. 73 The Eleven Kings 243
garments and so forth among the brotherhood. Moreover, 63 the prince bestowed everywhere land for the cetiyas, to the end that the cetiyas might be kept in repair. And constantly the 64 king bestowed food (as alms allotted) by tickets to a thousand bhikkhus in the vihara (of the) Cetiya-pabbata. At five spots, 65 namely, the three receiving-places, called Citta, Mani, and Mucala, as also in the Paduma-house and the beautiful Chattapasada, offering hospitality to the bhikkhus who were harnessed 66 to the yoke of the sacred word he provided them always with all that was needful, being filled with reverence for the religion. Moreover, all those works of merit which had been 67 ordered by the kings of old regarding the doctrine, all these did king Bhatika carry out. ό
After the death of Bhatikaraja his younger brother named 68 MAHADATHIKAMAHANAGA reigned twelve years, intent on 69 works of merit of many kinds. He had kificikkha-stones laid as plaster on (the square of) the Great Thupa and he turned 70 the sand-pathway round (the thupa) into a wide court; in all the viharas he had (raised) chairs put up for the preachers. The king built the great Ambatthala-thipa; since the 71 building was not firm he lay down in that place, bethinking him of the merit of the Sage (Buddha), risking his own life. 72 When he had thus made the building firm and had completed the cetiya he set up at the four entrances four bejewelled 73 arches that had been well planned by artists and shone with
Salakavattabh atta, see note to 15. 205.
Up at thana, is "attendance, service'. Thus the allusion is to a place where people waited on the monks to offer gifts. The Tika calls the three places which are said to have been in the interior of the royal palace, Cittupatthianapasada, Maniupatthanapasada, and Mucalupatthanapasáda.
Cf. Skt. kirijalka stamens of the lotus-blossom'. CHILDERs, P. D., s. v. 'Kifijakkhapasano appears to be some sort of marble or other ornamental stone'.
On the valikamariyada, see note to 33. 31.
On the Cetiya-pabbata (Mihintale). See PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, pp. 320—322. Cf. 18. 20.
He ran a risk of being killed by falling stones during his meditation.

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244 Mahāvansa · XXXIV. 74
74 gems of every kind. To be fastened to the cetiya he spent a cover (for it) of red stuff and golden balls thereto and festoons of pearls. 75 When he had made ready around the Cetiya-mountain a (tract of land measuring a) yojana, and had made four gateways 76 and a beautiful road round about (the mountain), and when he had then set up (traders') shops on both sides of the road and had adorned (the road) here and there with flags, arches, 77 and triumphal gates, and had illuminated all with chains of 78 lamps, he commanded mimic dances, songs, and music. That the people might go with clean feet on the road from the Kadamba-river to the Cetiya-mountain he had it laid with 79 carpets-the gods themselves might hold a festival assembly
there with dance and music-and he gave great largess at the 80 four gates of the capital. Over the whole island he put up chains of lamps without a break, nay over the waters of the 81 ocean within a distance of a yojana around. At the festival of (consecrating of) the cetiya these beautiful offerings were appointed by him: the splendid feast is called here (in the country) the great Giribhanda-offering. 82 When the lord of the earth had commanded almsgiving in eight places to the bhikkhus who were come together in the 83 festal assembly, he, with the beating of eight golden drums that were set up even there, allotted lavish gifts to twenty-four 84 thousand (bhikkhus). He distributed the six garments, commanded the remission of the prison-penalties and he ordered the barbers to carry on their trade continually at the four 85 gates. Moreover, all those works of merit that had been decreed by the kings of old and that had also been decreed by his brother, those did he carry out without neglecting any86 thing. He gave himself and the queen, his two sons, his state-elephant and his state horse to the brotherhood as their own, albeit the brotherhood forbade him. 87 To the brotherhood of the bhikkhus he gave gifts worth six hundred thousand, but to the company of bhikkhunis : 88 (such gifts) worth a hundred thousand, and in giving them,
On samajja see HARDY in Album Kern, p. 61 foll. * Āmaņdagāmaņi Abhaya and Tissa.

XXXIY. 94 The Eleven Kings 245
with knowledge of the custom, various possessions suited (to their needs) he redeemed (again) himself and the rest from the brotherhood. In Kalayanakannika the ruler of men built the (vihara) called Maninagapabbata and the vihara, which was called Kalanda, furthermore on the bank of the Kubukandariver the Samudda-vihara and in Huvacakannika the vihara that bore the name Culanagapabbata. Delighted with the service rendered him in the vihara that he himself had built, called Pasanadipaka, by a samanera who had given him a draught of water, the king bestowed on that vihara (a tract of land) in measure half a yojana round about, for the use of the brotherhood. And rejoicing likewise at (the behaviour of) a samanera in the Mandavapi-vihara, the prince gave land for the use of the brotherhood to this vihara.
Thus men of good understanding, who have conquered pride and indolence, and have freed themselves from the attachment to lust, when they have attained to great power, without working harm to the people, delighting in deeds of merit, rejoicing in faith, do many and various pious works.
Here ends the thirty-fourth chapter, called “The Eleven Kings, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
According to the Tika a district in Rohana,
89
90
91
92
93 ཅ
94

Page 160
CHAPTER XXXV
THE TWELVE KINGS
1 AFTER Mahadathika's death AMAN PAGAMANI ABHAYA, his son, reigned nine years and eight months. On the splendid 2 Great Thiipa he caused to be made a parasol above the parasol, and he built even there a vedi at the base and at the top. 3 And in like manner he made an inner courtyard and an inner verandah to the Lohapasada and to the (building) called the 4. Uposatha (house) of the Thtiparama. Moreover, for both he built a beautiful pavilion adorned with precious stones; and 5 the ruler of men also built the Rajatalena-vihara. When he had made the Mahagamendi-tank on the south side (of Anuradhapura), he, who was clever in works of merit, bestowed it 6 on the Dakkhina-vihara.' On the whole island the ruler of men commanded not to kill. All kinds of vine-fruits did he 7 plant in divers places, and the king Amandiya, filling the almsbowls with the fruit called “flesh-melons, and bestowing 8 garments as a support (for the bowls) he gave of these, with believing heart, to the whole brotherhood; because he had
I.e. he heightened the cone crowning the thupa at the top. * For ajira cf. Abhidhänappadipika 218 (ajira = Skt. ajira "courtyard'). Alinda is the terrace before the house-door, as is evident from D. I. 898, S. See also the passages M.W. WI. 36.4, and C.W.WI. 3.5 and 14. 1. (Vn. Pit., ed. OLDENBERG, i. 248°, ii. 153°, 169°)
Now Ridi-vihara, see note to 28. 20. Cf. note to 33.88. The Mahagamendi-vapi will probably be the smaller tank which is in the immediate neighbourhood of the ruins of the monastery. Note the play on the words puññadakkhino and dakkhin as sa viharas sa.
o Kumbhaņ da ka is, according to Abhidh. 1030, a creeping-plant which (according to SUBHữTI) is now called in Sinh. puhu 1 “pumpkin gourd’. Evidently mamsak is a particular variety. Since our text connects the king's name with it, aimanda, which elsewhere means the ricinus plant, seems to be a synonym of the above-mentioned.

XXXν. 21 The Twelve Kings 247
filled the almsbowls (with them) he received the name Āmaņdagāmaņi.
His younger brother, the prince KANIRAJANUTISSA, reigned 9
three years in the city, when he had slain his brother. He 10
decided the lawsuit concerning the uposatha-house in the (vihāra) named after the cetiya, but sixty bhikkhus who were
involved in the crime of high treason did the king order to be 11
taken captive, with all that was theirs, upon the Cetiyapabbata, and he commanded these evildoers to be flung into the caves called Kanira.
After Kanirajanu's death Amandagamani's son, the prince 12
CULABHAYA, reigned a year. The king built the Culagallaka-.13
vihara on the bank of the Gonaka-river to the south of the capital.
After the death of Culabhaya his younger sister SIVAL, 14
the daughter of Amanda, reigned four months. But Amanda's 15
nephew named IANAGA dethroned Sivali and raised the
e
parasol (of sovereignty) in the capital. When, one day, in the 16
first year (of his reign), the king went to the Tissa-tank, many of the Lambakannas deserted him and went back to the capital.
When the king saw them not he was wroth and (in punishment) 17
he ordered that they, even they themselves, should make a road to the Mahathupa, commanding to stamp it down
firmly, where it ran beside the tank, and he set candalas 18
to be their overseers. And full of anger because of this the
Lambakannas came together, and when they had taken the 19
king captive and imprisoned him in his palace they themselves administered the government; but the king's consort put
festal garments on her little son the prince Candamukhasiva, 20
gave him into the hands of the serving-women and sent him
to the state-elephant, charging (the attendants) with a message. 21
Judging from the expression used (cf. 34.39) the Thtiparama must be meant. Cetiya = thipa.
* See note to 23. 11.
This is, no doubt, the correct reading. The Gona-nadi is the river now called Kalu-oya. By banking it up king Dhatusena constructed the Kāla-vāpi (Kaļuvaewa), Cūlavamsa 38. 42.
4 An important clan in Lanka.
N

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248 Mahāvamsa XXXV. 22
The serving-women conveyed him thither and gave the state22 elephant the queen's whole message: “This is thy lord's son; thy lord is in prison; better is it for this (boy) to meet his 23 death by thee than by the enemies; then slay thou him: that is the queen's command. With these words they laid him 24 down at the elephant's feet. And for grief the elephant began to shed tears, and breaking to pieces the posts (to which he was chained) he pressed forward into the palace and 25 dashed against the gate with fury, and when he had broken down the door in the room where the king sat, he made him 26 mount upon his back and went towards Mahatittha. There the elephant made the king embark on a ship (that brought him) to the western shore of the sea; he himself went toward Malaya. 27 When the king had stayed three years on the other coast he 28 raised an army and went by ship to Rohana. Having landed at the haven Sakkharasobbha the king assembled there in 29 Rohana a mighty force. Then came the king's state-elephant forthwith out of the southern Malaya to Rohana to do him 30 service. As he had heard there the Kapi-jataka' from the great thera, the preacher of jatakas, named Mahapaduma, who 31 dwelt in the (vihara) called Tuladhara, he, being won to faith in the Bodhisatta, restored the Nagamahavihara and gave it 32 the extension of a hundred unbent bows in length, and he enlarged the thupa even to what it has been (since then); moreover, he made the Tissa-tank and the tank called Dura. 33 When the king had raised an army he marched to battle; when the Lambakannas heard this they also prepared them34 selves for battle. Near the gate of Kapallakkhanda on the
While divara means the principal gate of a building, kavatani are the doors of the separate rooms in the interior. See S.B.E. xx. p. 160, m. 3.
Two jatakas bear this title, in FAUsBöLL's edition, ii, pp. 268-270 and iii, pp. 355-358.
Dhanu is a measure of length equal to about 8 feet. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 274.
In the neighbourhood of Mahagama, PARKER, l. l., p. 388 foll.
Probably the Duratissa-vapi, to which Saddhatissa, according to Mah. 88.8, built a monastery. Karesi here means, I presume, “to restore” mot “to build".

XXXV. 48 The Twelve Kings 249
field of Hankarapitthi was waged the battle between the two (armies) that brought destruction to both.
Since their bodies were exhausted by the sea-journey, the 35 king's men yielded their ground, therefore the king proclaimed his name and pressed forward. Terrified thereat 36 the Lambakannas threw themselves down upon their belly, and they hewed off their heads and heaped them up high as the nave of the (king's) waggon-wheel, and when this had 37 come to pass three times the king, from pity, said: “Slay them not, but take them captive living.’
When then the king had come into the capital as victor in 38 battle and had raised the parasol (of sovereignty) he went to a festival at the Tissa-tank. And when he, fully'arrayed in 39 his ornaments and armour, had withdrawn from the watersports and reflected on the good-fortune that he had attained, and thought of the Lambakannas who had opposed his progress, 40 he was wroth and commanded that they be yoked two and two behind one another to his car, and thus did he enter the city in front of them. Halting on the threshold of the 41 palace the king gave the command: “Here on this threshold, soldiers, strike off their heads.’ “These are but oxen yoked to 42 thy chariot, O lord of chariots; therefore let their horns and hoofs be struck off, thus admonished by his mother the 43 king recalled (the order) to behead them and commanded that their nose and toes be cut off. The district where the elephant 44 had stayed the prince allotted to the elephant; and therefore the tract is called Hatthibhoga.
So Ilanaga, ruler of the earth, reigned full six years as king 45 in Anurādhapura.
After the death of Ilanaga his son CANDAMUKHA SIVA 46 reigned eight years and seven months as king.
When the lord of the earth had constructed a tank near 47 Manikaragamaka, he gave it to the vihara called Issarasamana. This king's consort who was known by the name 48 Damiladevi, allotted her own revenues from that village to the same vihāra.
1. Cf. with this 26. 6-7.
I.e. 'the elephant's usufruct, the elephant's fief.'

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250 Mahavansa . XXXV. 419
49 Having slain Candamukha Siva in the festival-sports at the Tissa-tank his younger brother, known by the name 50 YASALALAKATIssA, reigned as king in delightful Anuradhapura,
the fair face of Lahka, seven years and eight months. 51. Now a son of Datta, the gate-watchman, named Subha, who was himself a gate-watchman, bore a close likeness to 52 the king. And this palace-guard Subha did the king Yasalalaka, in jest, bedeck with the royal ornaments and place upon 53 the throne and binding the guard's turban about his own head, and taking himself his place, staff in hand, at the gate, 54 he made merry over the ministers as they paid homage to (Subha) sitting on the throne. Thus was he wont to do, from time to time. 55 Now one day the guard cried out to the king, who was
laughing: “Why does this guard laugh in my presence? 56 And SUBHA the guard ordered to slay the king, and he him
self reigned here six years under the name Subharaja. 57. In both the great viharas Subharaja built a noble row of 58 cells called Subharaja after him. Near Uruvela (he built). the Valli-vihara, to the east the (vihara) Ekadvara and at the mouth of the Ganga, the (vihara) Nandigamaka. 59 One sprung of the Lambakanna (clan), named Vasabha, whose home was in the northern province, served under his 60 uncle, a commander of troops. Since it was declared: “One named Vasabha shall be king, the king at that time commanded that all in the island who bore the name of Wasabha 61 should be slain. The commander, thinking: “We must deliver up our Vasabha to the king, and having taken counsel with his wife (upon the matter) set out early in the 62 morning to go to the king's residence. And the wife, to guard Vasabha carefully who went with him, put betel into his hand but without powdered chalk."
According to the Tika Abhayagiri and Mahavihara. o Gangante, by Gaṁ gā we should probably understand the Mahawaeliganga. The Tika has Kacchakanaditire. Kacchaka is the name of a ford in the Mahawaeliganga (see note to 10. 58).
According to the Tika Yasalalaka was said to have uttered a similar prophecy publicly.
* Betel is chewed with powdered chalk (cumna, Sinh. humu).

XXXV. 75 The Twelve Kings 251
Now when the commander, at the gate of the palace, saw 63 the betel without chalk, he sent him back for chalk. When 64 Vasabha came for the chalk the commander's wife spoke with him secretly, gave him a thousand (pieces of money) and aided nim to take flight. Vasabha went to the Mahavihara and by 65 the theras there was provided with milk, food and clothes, and 66 when he had again heard from a leper the certain prophecy that he would be king, rejoicing he resolved: “I will be a rebel. And when he had found men suited (to his purpose) 67 he went, seizing in his further course village by village, according to the instruction (in the story) of the cake, to Rohana, and gradually winning the kingdom to himself he 68 advanced, after two years, with the needful army and train, towards the capital. When the mighty VASABHA had con- 69 quered Subharaja in battle he raised the parasol (of sovereignty) in the capital. His uncle had fallen in battle. But his 70 uncle's wife, named Pottha, who had first helped him, did king Vasabha raise to be queen.
Once he questioned a soothsayer concerning the length of 71 his life, and he told him secretly (that he should live) just twelve years. And when he had given him a thousand 7 (pieces of money) to keep the secret the king assembled the brotherhood and greeted them reverently and asked them: * Is there perchance, venerable sirs, a means to lengthen life?' 73
There is, so did the brotherhood teach him, “a way to do away with the hindrances (to long life); gifts of strainers' 74 must be given and gifts of dwellings and gifts for maintenance of the sick, O ruler of men, and in like manner the 75 restoring of ruined buildings must be carried out; one should take the five precepts on himself and keep them carefully,
f
1 The story of Candagutta and the kapal la pūva is to be found in Mah. Tīkā, p. 1234 foll. ; cf. GEIGER, Dip. and Mah., pp. 39-40; RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhist India, p. 269; JACOBI, Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan, viii. 290-296 ; preface, p. 58.
* The parissava na is anong the requisites of the bhikkhu : its use is for straining water so that he who is drinking shall not swallow some living creature who may perhaps be in it,

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252 Mahāvansa XXXV. 76
76 and one should also keep the solemn fast on the uposathaday.' The king said: “It is well, and went thence and carried out all these (duties). 77 Every three years that went by the king bestowed the 78 three garments on the whole brotherhood in the island; and to those theras that lived far away he sent them. In thirtytwo places he ordered milk-rice with honey to be distributed, 79 but in sixty-four places a lavish gift of mixed alms.
He had a thousand lamps lighted in four places; that is, 80 on the Cetiya-pabbata, about the cetiya in the Thuparama, about the Great Thupa and in the temple of the great Bodhi-tree. 81 In the Cittalakuta (vihara) he built ten beautiful thupas 82 and over the whole island he restored ruined buildings. From pious trust in a thera in the Walliyera-vihara he built the vihara 83 called Mahavalligotta. And (moreover) he built the Anurarama (vihara) near Mahagama and bestowed on it a thousand 84 and eight karisa (of land) of (the village) Heligama. When he had built the Mucela-vihãra o in Tissavaddhamãnaka o he allotted to the vihara a share in the water of the (canal) Alisāra. 85 To the thupa in Galambatittha he added a mantling of bricks, and he built an uposatha-house too, and to provide oil for 86 the lamps he constructed a pond (yielding water to) a thousand karisa (of land) and gave it to the (vihara). In the Kumbhi87 gallaka-vihara he built an uposatha-house. In like manner the king built an uposatha-house in the Issarasamanaka 88 (vihara) here and in the Thuparama a thupa-temple. In the Mahavihara, he built a row of cells facing the west, and 89 he restored the ruined Catussala (hall). In like manner the same king made four beautiful Buddha-images and a temple for the images in the fair courtyard of the great Bodhi-tree. 90 The king's consort, named Pottha, built in that same
The same as Cittalapabbata, see note to 22. 23. Tīkā : a țițh uttaram ka rīsa saha ssaka mm. According to the Tīkā situated puratt him a di sābhāge. Ꭴf. 87. 48. In TURNoUR's view sahassakarisa is the name of the pond. o Cf. note to 19. 61.

XXXV. 102 The Twelve Kings 253
place a splendid thupa and a beautiful temple for the thupa. When the king had completed the thupa-temple in the 91 Thuparama he commanded lavish almsgiving for the festival of its completion. Among those bhikkhus who were busied 92 with (the learning of) the word of the Buddha he distributed the things needed (by bhikkhus), and among the bhikkhus who explained the doctrine butter and sugar-molasses. At 93 the four gates of the city he had food given away to the poor and, to such bhikkhus who were sick, food suited to the sick. The Cayantī1 and the Räjuppala-tank, the Vaha and the 94 Kolambagamaka, the Mahanikkhavatti-tank and the Maharametti, the Kohāla o and the Kāli-tank,o the Cambuți, the 95 ; Cathamangana and the Aggivaddhamanaka: these twelve tanks and twelve canals he constructed, to make (the land) 96 fruitful. For safety he built up the city wall even so high (as it now is) and he built fortress-towers at the four gates 97 and a palace besides; in the garden he made a tank and put geese therein.
When the king had constructed many bathing-tanks here 98 and there in the capital he brought water to them by subterranean canals. And in this way carrying out various works 99 of merit king Vasabha did away with the hindrances (to long life), and delighting perpetually in well doing he reigned 100 forty-four years in the capital. He appointed also fortyfour Vesakha-festivals."
Subharaja while he yet lived had anxiously, for fear of 101 Wasabha, entrusted his daughter to a brick-worker and had 102
The names are extraordinarily erratic in the MSS. This adds greatly to the difficulty of identifying the separate tanks.
The Tika has Kehala and places the tank near Titthapattana. The Tīkā reads Keļi vā sam ca instead of Kāli vāpim ca. “ See WIcKREMAsINGHIE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 211. o The Tīkā, gives the height of 18 cubits (a țiți hāra sah att happamanam) = about 25-27 feet.
I do not believe that we need have recourse to the translation “swan' or "flamingo'. The goose is a sacred bird to the Buddhists and appears frequently on the monuments of Ceylon.
See 1. 12 and 32.35 with note.

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at the same time given into his care his mantle and the royal insignia. When he was killed by Wasabha the brick-worker 103 took her with him, put her in the place of a daughter, and brought her up in his own house. When he was at work the girl used to bring him his food. 104. When (one day) in a thicket of flowering kadambas, she saw an (ascetic) who was in the seventh day of the state of 105 nirodha, she the wise (maiden) gave him the food. When she had then prepared food afresh she carried the food to her father, and when she was asked the cause of the delay she 106 told her father this matter. And full of joy he bade (her) offer food repeatedly to the thera. When the thera had come out (of his trance) he said to the maiden, looking into 107, the future: “When royal rank has fallen to thy lot then { behink thee, O maiden, of this place.’ And forthwith the
thera died. 108 Now did king Wasabha when his son Wankanasikatissa had 109 come to (full) age seek a fitting wife for him. When those people who understood the (auspicious) signs in women saw 110 the maiden in the brick-worker's village they told the king; the king thereon was about to send for her. And now the 111 brick-worker told him that she was a king's daughter, but that she was the daughter of Subharaja he showed by the mantle and so forth. Rejoiced the king gave her (in marriage) to his son when all had been duly provided." 112 After Wasabha's death his son WANKANASIKATISSAKA reigned 113 three years in Anuradhapura. On the bank of the Gonariver the king Vankanasikatissaka, built the vihara called : 114 Mahamangala. But his consort Mahamatta collected money
to build a vilhara, bethinking her of the thera's words. 115 After Wahkanasikatissa's death his son GAJABAHU KAGAMANI
Nirodha or samiaivedayitanirodha is a state of trance, cessation of consciousness. KERN, Manual, pp. 55, 57. If the state lasts over seven days it ends in death.
Skt. krtamah gala (f. d) means a person over whom prayers have been pronounced or who is arrayed with the auspicious things for some undertaking. B.R., Skt. Wtb, sv. mañgala. The påli kata mangala must be taken in the same sense.

XXXV. 127 The Twelve Kings 255
reigned twenty-two years, Hearkening to his mother's word the king founded the Matuvihara on the place of the thicket of flowering kadambas, in honour of his mother. His wise mother gave to the great vihara a hundred thousand (pieces of money) for the plot of land and built the vihara; he himself built a thupa of stone there and gave (land) for the use of the brotherhood, when he had bought it from various
OWners.
He erected the great Abhayuttara-thtipa, making it greater, and to the four gates thereof he made vestibules. When the king had made the Gaimanitissa-tank he bestowed it on the Abhayagiri-vihara for maintenance in food. He made a mantling to the Maricavatti-thupa and gave (land) thereto for the use of the brotherhood, having bought it for a hundred thousand (pieces of money). In the last year he founded the vihara called Ramuka and built in the city the Mahejasanasala (hall).
After Gajabahu's death the king's father-in-law MAHALLAKA NAGA reigned six years. (The viharas) Sejalaka in the east, Gotapabbata in the south, Dakapāsana in the west, in Nagadipa Salipabbata, in Bijagama Tanaveli, in the country of Rohana Tobbalanagapabbata, in the inland country Girihalika: these seven viharas did the king Mahallanaga, ruler of the earth, build in the time (of his reign), short though it was.
In this way do the wise, doing many works of merit, gain with worthless riches that which is precious, but fools in their blindness, for the sake of pleasures, do much evil.
Here ends the thirty-fifth chapter, called “The Twelve Kings, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious,
The meaning plainly is that the mother and son jointly founded the vihara. In 116 it is said, in a general way, that the king together with his mother, founded the Matuvihara. How the undertaking was shared is explained in 117 and 118. The mother buys the plot of land and constructs the monastery buildings; the in builds the thtipa and presents the necessary lands for the maintenance of the inmates of the monastery.
116
117
18
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
12

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CHAPTER XXXVI
THE THIRTEEN KINGS
2 reigned twenty-four years in Lanka. He built a wall around the Mahavihara. When the king had built the Gavaratissa3 vihara he made the Mahamani-tank and gave it to the vihara. 4 Moreover, he built the vihara called Bhatikatissa. He built an uposatha-house in the beautiful Thuparama; the king 5 also made the Randhakandaka-tank. Filled with tenderness towards beings and zealous in reverencing the brotherhood the protector of the earth commanded lavish almsgiving to the community of both sexes. 6 After the death of Bhatikatissa (his younger brother) KAN1TTHATIssAKA reigned eighteen years in the island of 7 Lanka. Since he was well pleased with the thera Mahanaga in the Bhutarama he built for him in splendid fashion the 8 Ratanapasada in the Abhayagiri. Moreover, he built in the Abhayagiri a wall and a great parivena and a great parivena 9 besides in the (vihara) called Manisoma. In that place he built a temple for the cetiya and in like manner for the Ambatthala-thipa; and (he ordered) the restoration of the 10 temple in Nagadipa. Doing away with the boundary of the Mahavihara, the king built there the row of cells (called) 11 Kukkutagiri with all things provided. In the Mahavihāra the ruler of men built twelve great four-sided pasadas, 12 admirable to see and beautiful, and he added a mantling to the thupa of the Dakkhinavihara, and a refectory besides, 13 doing away with the boundary of the Mahameghavana. And moving the wall of the Mahavihāra to the side, he also made 14 a road leading to the Dakkhinavihara. He built the Bhuta
1 AFTER the death c. ူမျိုးမျို his son BHĀTIKATISSAKA
The name means “the younger brother Tissa'. o Cf. note to 33. 84.

ΧΧΧΥI, 26 The Thirteen Kings 257
ramavihāra and the Ramagonaka, and the arama of Nandatissa besides.
In the east the king built the Anulatissapabbata (vihara) 15 in Gahgaraji, the Niyelatissarama and the Pilapitthivihara as well as the Rajamahavihara. In like manner he built in 16 three places an uposatha-house, in the three following viharas, 17 the Kalyanikavihara, the Mandalagirika, also the (vihara) called Dubbalavapitissa.
After Kanittihatissa's death his son, who was known as 18 KBUJJANAGA, reigned one year. The younger brother of 19 Khujjanaga KušCANAGA, when he had slain the king his brother, reigned two years in Lanka. During the great 20 Ekanalika famine the king maintained without interruption a great almsgiving appointed for five hundred bhikkhus.
But the brother of Kuficanaga's consort, the commander of 21 troops, SIRINAGA, became a rebel against the king, and when 22 he was equipped with troops and horses he moved on to the oapital and when he, in battle with the king's army, had put 23 king Kuficanaga to flight, victorious he reigned over Lanka nineteen years in splendid Anuradhapura. When the king had 24 placed a parasol on the stately Great Thupa, he had it gilded in admirable and splendid fashion. He built the Lohapasada, 25 keeping it within five stories (height), and he restored the steps to the four entrances leading to the great Bodhi-tree. When 26 he had completed the parasol and the pasada he commanded offerings at the festival (of the consecration); great in compassion, he remitted the tribute of families throughout the island.
1 Cf. 32. 51 and note to 1. 63.
Nali is a certain measure = 4 pasata handfuls'. RHYs DAVIDs, Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 17. To so small a quantity of food were the people reduced in that famine. Thence the designation.
* Mahapella, lit. "great basket,' in contrast to ekan alika.
* The reading is, I think, chattapasadam. Still Chattapasada may also be understood as the name of a building. Thus TURNoUR, WIJESINHA and my edition.
Kulambana is obscure. Perhaps it means a certain tribute in kind (ambana is a measure of capacity, used as a corn-measure), which was levied from single families (kula).
S

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27 . After the death of Sirinaga his son Tissa reigned twentytwo years, with knowledge of (the) law and (the) tradition. 28 Because he first in this country made a law that set aside (bodily) injury (as penalty) he received the name king Voharika29 tissa. When he had heard the (preaching of the) doctrine by ... the thera Deva, who dwelt in Kappukagama, he restored five 30 buildings. Moreover, contented with the thera Mahatissa, who dwelt in Anurarama, he commanded almsgiving in Mucela31 pattana. When the king Tissa had set up a pavilion in the two great viharas' and in the eastern temple of the great 32 Bodhi-tree two bronze images, and had built also the Sattai pannakapasada, goodly to dwell in, he appointed every month 33 a thousand (pieces of money) for the Mahavihara. In the Abhayagiri-vihara and in the (vihara) called Dakkhinamtila, sin the Maricavațți-vihāra and the (vihāra) called Kulālitissa, 34 in the Mahiyangana-vihara, in the (vihara) called Mahagamanaga, in the (viharas) called Mahanagatissa, and Kalyanika. 35 he put parasols to their eight thipas. In the Mulanagasena36 pati-vihara and in the Dakkhina(vihāra), in the Maricavattivihara and in the (vihara) called Puttabhaga, in the (vihara) called Issarasamana and the (vihara) named Tissa in Naga37 dipaka; in these six vihāras he put up a wall, and he also built an uposatha-house in the (vihara) called Anurarama. 38 For the occasions when the Ariyavamsa was read he decreed over the whole island a regular giving of alms, from reverence 39 for the true doctrine. With the spending of three hundred
According to 35.83 near Mahagama in the province of Rohana.
o According to the Tīkā m u celapa țița na is the name of a 'ship' made of bronze in which offerings were placed. Such “canoes'
but of stone," which evidently served the same purpose, are, in fact, found in the ruins of Anuradhapura. (BURROWs, Buried Cities of Ceylon, pp. 38, 43-44.)
Following the reading Tissaraja mandapam. If we read Tissarãja mandapam we must translate “a pavilion (called) Tis sa raja (after him)". -
I.e. the Mahavihara and Abhayagiri-vihara. According to the Tika, articles of clothing. Lit. 'book of the holy ones, probably the life-histories of men eminent in the Buddhist Church, which were read aloud publicly for the edification of the people.

XXXVI, 50 The Thirteen Kings 259
thousand (pieces of money) this king, who was a friend to the doctrine, freed from their indebtedness such bhikkhus as were in debt. When he had decreed a great Vesakha-festival, he bestowed the three garments on all the bhikkhus dwelling in the island. Suppressing the Vetuliya-doctrine and keeping heretics in check by his minister Kapila, he made the true doctrine to shine forth in glory.
This king's younger brother, known as ABHAYANAGA, who was the queen's lover, being discovered (in his guilt) took flight for fear of his brother and went with his serving-men to Bhallatittha and as if wroth with him, he had his uncle's hands and feet cut off. And that he might bring about
4()
41
42
43
44
division in the kingdom, he left him behind here and took his
most faithful followers with him, showing them the example of the dog, and he himself took ship at the same place and went to the other shore. But the uncle, Subhadeva, went to the king and making as if he were his friend he wrought division in the kingdom. And that he might have knowledge of this, Abhaya sent a messenger thither. When Subhadeva saw him he loosened (the earth) round about an areca-palm, with the shaft of his spear, as he walked round (the tree), and when he had made it thus (to hold) but feebly by the roots, he struck it down with his arm; then did he threaten the (messenger), and drove him forth. The messenger went and told this matter to Abhaya. And when he knew this, Abhaya took many Damias with him and marched from there against the city to do battle with his brother. On news of this the king
1. See note te 32. 35.
Cf. the Waipulya-sutras, sometimes also called Waitulya-sutras, which form part of the Northern Mahayanist Canon. KERN, Manual, p. 5; idem, Verslagen en Mededeelingen van de K. Ak. van Wetenschapen, Afd. Letterk, 4e R., D. VIII, p. 312 foll., Amsterdam, 1907 (see L. DE LA VALLÉE PoUssIN, J.R.A.S. 1907, p. 432 foll. ; WINDISCH, Abh. d. k. Sächs. Gesellsch. d. W., xxvii, p. 472; OLDENBERG, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, xiii, 1910, p. 614).
* According to the Tika, when he was about to embark on the ship, he had chided and punished a dog that he had with him. Nevertheless the animal followed him, wagging his tail. Then he
said to his followers, "Even as this dog, you must stand by me with unchangeable fidelity.'
S 2
45
46
47
48
49
50

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260 Mahāvansa XXXVI. 51
took flight, and, with his consort, mounting a horse he came to 51 Malaya. The younger brother pursued him, and when he had slain the king in Malaya, he returned with the queen and reigned eight years in the capital as king. 52 The king set up a vedi of stone round about the great Bodhi-tree, and a pavilion in the courtyard of the Lohapa53 sada. And obtaining garments of every kind for twice a hundred thousand (pieces of money), he distributed gifts of clothing among the brotherhood of bhikkhus on the island. 54. After Abhaya's death, SIRINAGA, the son of his brother 55 Tissa, reigned two years in Lanka. When he had restored the wall round about the great Bodhi-tree, then did this king also 56 build in the sand-court of the temple of the great Bodhitree, to the south of the Mucela-tree, the beautiful Hamsavatta and a great pavilion besides. 57 Sirinaga's son named VIJAYA-KUMARAKA reigned for one
year after his father's death. 58 (At that time) three Lambakannas lived in friendship at Mahiyangana : Samghatissa and Samghabodhi, the third 59 being Gothakabhaya. When they were coming (to Anuradhapura) to do service to the king, a blind man who had the gift of prophecy, being by the edge of the Tissa-tank, 60 cried out at the sound of their footsteps: “The ground bears here three rulers of the earth. As Abhaya, who was walking last, heard this he asked (the meaning of the saying). The 61 other uttered yet again (the prophecy). “Whose race will endure? then asked again the other, and he answered: * That of the last.’ When he had heard that he went (on). 62 with the two (others). When they were come into the capital the three, being the close and trusted (counsellors) of the king, remained in the royal service about the king. 63 When they together had slain king Vijaya in his royal palace the two (others) consecrated SAMGHATISSA, the com64 mander of the troops, as king. Thus crowned did Sapgha
Valikatala is employed here in the same way as valikangana in 33.31.
Parato is paraphrased in the Tika by dakkhina disabhage, cf. Mah. 25. 50.

XXXVI, 76 The Thirteen Kings 261
tissa reign four years in stately Anuradhapura. He set up 65 a parasol on the Great Thtipa and gilded it, and moreover the king put four great gems, each worth a hundred thousand (pieces of money), in the middle of the four suns, and put 66 upon the spire of the thipa a precious ring of crystal. At 67 the festival of (consecrating) the chatta the ruler of men distributed the six garments to the brotherhood (in number) forty thousand. As he (one day) when listening to the khandhakas 68 heard from the thera Mahadeva, dwelling in Damahalaka, the sutta that sets forth the merit of (a gift of) rice-gruel, 69 he, joyfully believing, distributed to the brotherhood at the four gates of the city an abundant and well-prepared gift of rice-gruel. A.
From time to time the king, with the women of the royal 70 household and the ministers, used to go to Pacinadipaka to eat jambu-fruits. Vexed by his coming the people dwelling in 71 Pacinadipa poisoned the fruit of the jambu-tree from which the king was to eat. When he had eaten the jambu-fruits he 72 died forthwith even there. And Abhaya consecrated as king Samghabodhi who was charged with the (command of) the army.
The king, who was known by the name SIRISAMGHABODHI, 73 reigned two years in Anuradhapura, keeping the five precepts.
In the Mr havihara he set up a beautiful salaka-house. 74 When the king heard that the people of the island were come to want by reason of a drought he himself, his heart 75 shaken with pity, lay down on the ground in the courtyard of the Great Thipa, forming the resolve: 'Unless I be raised 76
Which were placed on the four sides of the Tee'.
The sections of the M.W. and C.W. in the Vinayapitaka.
See M.V. VI. 24. Cf. particularly 5 and 6. The scene of the exhortation is Andhakavinda.
* I. e. “ East-Island.” The Tīkā says : Mahā titt ha pat ța ne parato sa mudda majjhe sa nabhutan Paci nadipan agamasi. According to this Pacinadipa is one of the islands between the north point of Ceylon and the Indian continent.
See note to 1.62.
'On sala.kagga see note to 15. 205.

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up by the water that the god shall rain down I will nevermore 77 rise up from hence, even though I die here. As the ruler of the earth lay there thus the god poured down rain forthwith on 78 the whole island of Lahka, reviving the wide earth. And even then he did not yet rise up because he was not swimming in the water. Then his counsellors closed up the pipes by 79 which the water flowed away. And as he now swam in the water the pious king rose up. By his compassion did he in this way avert the fear of a famine in the island. 80 At the news: “Rebels are risen here and there, the king had the rebels brought before him, but he released them again 81 secretly; then did he send secretly for bodies of dead men, and causing terror lo the people by the burning of these he did away with the fear from rebels. 82 Ayakkha known as Ratakkhi, who had come hither, made 83 red the eyes of the people here and there. If the people did but see one another and did but speak of the redness of the eyes they died forthwith, and the yakkha devoured them without fear. 84 When the king heard of their distress he lay down with sorrowful heart alone in the chamber of fasting, keeping the 85 eight uposatha vows, (and said): “Till I have seen the yakkha I will not rise up.’ By the (magic) power of his 86 piety the yakkha came to him. To the king's (question): “Who art thou? he answered: “It is I, (the yakkha).' 'Why 87 dost thou devour my subjects? Swallow them not Give up to me then only the people of one region,’ said the other. And being answered: “That is impossible, he came gradually 88 (demanding ever less and less) to one (man) only. The (king) spoke: “No other can I give up to thee; take thou me and devour me.' With the words: “That is impossible, the other
He had the corpses burnt in place of the rebels and thus inspired the belief that he had condemned them to death by fire. Cf. also stile ut tā seti “ to impale ”. Jāt. I. 5001 and frequently.
* I.e. 'Red-eye." Perhaps scarlatina ? The Attanagaluvamsa which relates this episode in chap. WI (ed. Alwis, p. 16 foll.), speaks of a fever (jararoga) beginning with inflammation of the eyes.
Cf. with this SPENCE HARDY, Eastern Monachism, p. 237.

XXXVI. 103 The Thirteen Kings 263
prayed him (at last) to give him an offering in every village. “It is well, said the king, and over the whole island he 89 decreed that offerings be brought to the entrance of the villages, and these he gave up to him. Thus by the great 90 man," compassionate to all beings, by the torch of the island was the fear pestilence brought to an end.
The king's treasurer, the minister Gothakabhaya, who had 91 become a rebel, marched from the north against the capital. Taking his water-strainer with him the king fled alone by 92 the south gate, since he would not bring harm to others.
A man who came, bearing his food in a basket, along that 93 road entreated the king again and again to eat of his food. When he, rich in compassion, had strained the water and had 94 eaten he'spoke these words, to show kindness to the other:
I am the king Samghabodhi; take thou my head and show 95 it to Gothabhaya, he will give thee much gold.' This he 96 would not do, and the king to render him service gave up the ghost even as he sat. And the other took the head and 97 showed it to Gothabhaya and he, in amazement of spirit, gave him gold and carried out the funeral rites of the king with due care.
Thus GoTHABHAYA, also known as Meghavannabhaya, ruled 98 thirteen years over Lanka.
He built a palace, and when he had built a pavilion at the 99 entrance to the palace and had adorned it, even there did he daily invite a thousand and eight bhikkhus of the brother- 100 hood to be seated, and rejoicing them with rice-gruel and with foods excellent and of many kinds, both hard and soft, together with garments, he bestowed alms lavishly upon them. 101 Twenty-one days did he continue (to give) thus.
In the Mahavihara he built a splendid pavilion of stone; 102 be renewed the pillars of the Lohapasada. He set up a vedi 103
By bali are understood particularly the offerings brought to the subordinate divinities, devatas, tutelary genii, local sprites, &c.
Mahas atta is used elsewhere as designation of a Bodhisatta.
* Lit. 'He set them up when he had changed them." In Skt. pa rivartayati (B.B. s. v. vart with pari) has the same meaning.

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264 Mahāvamsa XXXVI. 104
of stone for the great Bodhi-tree and an arched gateway at the northern entrance, and likewise at the four corners (of the courtyard) pillars with wheel-symbols. 104 At three entrances he made three statues of stone and at 105 the south gate he set up a throne of stone. To the west of the Mahavihara, he laid out a tract of land for exercises of meditation, and over the island he restored all ruined 106 buildings. In the Thuparama he ordered the thupa-temple to be restored and also in the Ambatthala-monastery of the thera 107 (Mahinda); and in the arama called Manisoma, and in the Thuparama, in the Manisomarama and in the Maricavatti (vihara), and moreover in the vihara called Dakkhina (he 108 restored) the uposatha-houses. And he founded also a new vihara called Meghavannabhaya and at the (time of) festal 109 offerings at the consecration of the vihara, he distributed the six garments to thirty thousand bhikkhus dwelling on the island, whom he had assembled.
In like manner he appointed then a great Wesakha-festival, 110 and yearly did he distribute the six garments to the brother111 hood. Purifying the doctrine by suppression of heresy he seized bhikkhus dwelling in the Abhayagiri (vihara), sixty in number, who had turned to the Vetulya-doctrine and were 112 like a thorn in the doctrine of the Buddha, and when he had excommunicated them, he banished them to the further coast. Abhikkhu from the Cola people, named Samghamitta, 113 who was versed in the teachings concerning the exorcism of .
spirits, and so forth, had attached himself to a thera banished
1. See mote to 30. 92.
* CHILLDERs, P. D. s. v. padh an am, says : *p a dhän a bhuimi, a cloister in a monastery for monks to walk in who are striving to attain arhatship."
The Therambatthalaka is without doubt the Ambatthala-thtipa built in memory of Mahinda on the Cetiya-mountain. See note to 34.71.
* - Cf. note to 32. 35. o Cf. mote to 36. 41.
* Kat vana niggaham te sam, lit. “ having suppressed them.' See - pā pakānam nigg a he na in v. 110.
Nissito, the term for one who stands to an older monk in the relation of pupil to teacher (nis saya).

XXXV. 123 The Thirteen Kings 265
thither, and he came hither embittered against the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara.
When this lawless (bhikkhu) had thrust himself into an assembly in the Thuparama and had refuted there the words of the thera living in the parivena of Samghapala, namely the thera Gothabhaya, uncle of the king on the mother's side, who had addressed the king with his (old) name, he became a constant guest in the king's house. The king who was well pleased with him entrusted his eldest son Jetthatissa and his younger son Mahasena, to the bhikkhu. And he made the second his favourite, therefore prince Jetthatissa bore ill-will to the bhikkhu.
After his father's death JETTHATIssA became king. To punish the hostile ministers who would not go in procession with him, at the performing of the king's funeral rites, the king himself proceeded forth, and placing his younger brother at the head and then the body following close behind, and then the ministers whilst he himself was at the end (of the procession), he, when his younger brother and the body were gone forth, had the gate closed immediately behind them, and he commanded that the treasonous ministers be slain and (their bodies) impaled on stakes round about his father's pyre.
Because of this deed he came by the surname the Cruel. But the bhikkhu Samghamitta, for fear of the king, went hence
The passage is very obscure as the course of events in the Thuparama is too briefly described. I believe that we must supply the object rājān am to raiño námen alapato, and that we have to understand the passage in the following way. A solemn assembly of the brotherhood was held in the Thuparama to settle the dissensions between the various parties. The king himself was present. In this assembly Sanghamitta exposed his heretical doctrine, speaking against the monks of the Mahavihara, and he succeeded in convincing the king. The thera Gothabhaya, the king's uncle, after whom the king himself was named, tried to bring the king round to the orthodox party. But although he spoke urgently to him, even addressing him tenderly, not with his royal title Meghavannabhaya, but with his familiar name Gothabhaya (Tika: tata Gotha bhaya Gotha bhayati...), he did not succeed, and Samghamitta even became the king's kultipaka. On this see note to 30.40.
4
115
16
1 7
118
19,
120
121.
122. 123

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266 Mahāvanasa ΧΧΧΥΠ. 124
at the time of his coronation, when he had taken counsel with Mahasena, to the further coast awaiting the time of (Mahāsena’s) consecrating. 124. He (Jetthatissa) built up to seven stories the splendid Lohapasada, that had been left unfinished by his father, so 125 that it was now worth a koti (pieces) of money. When he had offered there a jewel worth sixty thousand, Jetthatissa named it the Manipasada. 126 He offered two precious gems to the Great Thupa, and he built three gateways to the temple of the great Bodhi-tree. 127 When he had built the vihara Pacinatissapabbata, the ruler
gave it to the brotherhood in the five settlements. 128 The great and beautiful stone image that was placed of old 129 by Devanampiyatissa in the Thuparama did king Jet thatissa take away from the Thuparama, and set up in the arama 130 Pacinatissapabbata. He bestowed the Kalamattika-tank on the Cetiyapabbata (vihāra), and when he celebrated the consecrating festival of the vihara and the pasada and (held) 131 a great Vesakha-ceremony he distributed the six garments among the brotherhood, in number thirty thousand. Jettha132 tissa also made the Alambagama-tank. Accomplishing thus many works of merit, beginning with the building of the pasāda, the king reigned ten years. 133 Thus, reflecting that sovereignty, being the source of manifold works of merit, is at the same time the source of many an injustice, a man of pious heart will never enjoy it as if it were sweet food mixed with poison.
Here ends the thirty-sixth chapter, called “The Thirteen Kings, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Wippakata is used (e.g. D.I. 2') of an interrupted discourse. Here we have the interrupting of building (cf. 36. 102 cd.). The Tika renders the word correctly nitt hanan agatan a pa rinitthāpitam.

CHLAPTER XXXVII
KING MAHASENA1
AFTER king Jetthatissa's death, his younger brother MAHA-1 SENA ruled twenty-seven years as king. And to consecrate him 2 as king, the thera Samghamitta came thither from the further eoast, when he heard the time (of Jetthatissa's death). When he had carried out the consecration and the other 3 ceremonies of various kind, the lawless (bhikkhu) who would fain bring about the destruction of the Mahavihara won the 4 king to himself with the words:- The dwellers in the Mahavihara do not teach the (true) vinaya, we are those who teach the (true) vinaya, O king', and he established a royal 5 penalty: “Whosoever gives food to a bhikkhu dwelling in the Mahavihara is liable to a fine of a hundred (pieces of money). w
The bhikkhus dwelling in the Mahavihāra, who thereby 6 fell into want, abandoned the Mahavihara, and went to Malaya and Rohaņa. Thus was our Mahāvihāra desolate for 7 nine years and empty of those bhikkhus who (else) had dwelt in the Mahavihara. And thes unwise thera persuaded the 8
After verse 50 in chapter 37 the old Mahavamsa breaks off. But the later author, who continued the work, carried on this chapter and added 198 verses, giving to the whole the subscription Sattarajako = "the Seven Kings'. (However, there are in reality six :-Mahasena, Kittisiri-Meghavaņņa, Jețțhatissa II, Buddhadāsa, Upatissa III, and Mahanama.) Our section (verses 1-50) has thus no conclusion, neither the usual memorial verse, nor a subscription. The substance of the former ought to have corresponded to that of the closing verses of the Dip., but was clothed in a more artistic form. The writer who continued the Mah. put the last two verses of the Dīp. at the head of his own work and thus connected the new part of the poem with the old one. On the whole process, cf. GEIGER, Dip. and Mah., pp. 18-19.
* Tīkā: kā lapa fiatvā, Jetthatissassa matakālam jānitvā.

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268 Mahāvansa XXXVII. 9
9 unwise king :- Ownerless land belongs to the king,' and when he had gained leave from the king to destroy the Mahavihara, this (bhikkhu), in the enmity of his heart, set on people to do so. 10 An adherent of the thera Samghamitta, the ruthless minister Sona, a favourite servant of the king, and (with 11 him) shameless bhikkhus, destroyed the splendid Lohapasada seven stories high, and carried away the (material of the) 12 various buildings from hence to the Abhayagiri (vihara), and by means of the many buildings that were borne away from the Mahavihara the Abhayagiri-vihara became rich in build13 ings. Holding fast to his evil friend, the thera Samghamitta, and to his servant Sona, the king wrought many a deed of wrong. 14 The king sent for the great stone image from the Pacinatissapabbata (vihāra) and set it up in the Abhayagiri (vihāra). 15. He set up a building for the image, a temple for the Bodhitree, a beautiful relic-hall and a four-sided hall, and he 16 restored the (parivena) called Kukkuta. Then by the ruthless thera Samghamitta was the Abhayagiri-vihara made stately to See. - 17 The minister named Meghavannabhaya, the friend of the king, who was busied with all his affairs, was wroth with him 18 for destroying the Mahavihara; he became a rebel, and when he had gone to Malaya and had raised a great force, he pitched a camp by the Diratissaka-tank. 19 When the king heard that his friend was come thither, he
' A play on the words assamiko and path a visami 'owner (ruler) of the earth'.
Pasada means here, in quite a general sense, the habitations of the bhikkhus in the Mahavihara, which were demolished here and the material of which was conveyed to the Abhayagiri-vihara.
Catu(s) sala. A certain building of this name in Anuradhapura is mentioned, Mah. 15. 47, 50; and 35. 88. In our passage the word is evidently an appellativum.
By this is probably meant the Kukkutagiri-parivena erected by Kanittihatissa. See 36. 10. سمسمبر
See note to 33.9. Meghavannabhaya evidently marches from the central mountain-district of Malaya to secure the province of Rohana.

xxxVIII. 34 King Mahasena 269
marched forth to do battle with him, and he also pitched a camp.
The other had good drink and meat, that he had brought 20 with him from Malaya and thinking: “I will not enjoy it without my friend the king, he took some, and he himself 21 went forth alone by night, and coming to the king he told him this thing. When the king had eaten with him, in perfect 22 trust, that which he had brought, he asked him: 'Why hast thou become a rebel?' 'Because the Mahavihara has been 23 destroyed by thee he answered. “I will make the vihara to be dwelt in yet again; forgive me my fault, thus spoke 24 the king, and the other was reconciled with the king. Following his counsel the king returned to the capital... But 25 Meghavannabhaya, who persuaded the king (that it was fitting to do this), did not go with the king that he might collect in the meantime the wherewithal to build. V
One of the king's wives, who was exceedingly dear to him, 26 the daughter of a scribe, grieved over the destruction of the Mahavihara, and when she, in bitterness of heart, had won over 27 a labourer to kill the thera who had destroyed it, she caused the violent thera Samghamitta to be done to death as he came to 28 the Thuparama to destroy it. And they slew likewise the violent and lawless minister Sona. But when Meghavanna- 29 bhaya had brought the building-materials (that he had collected), he built several parivenas in the Mahavihara. When 30 this fear had (thus) been calmed by Abhaya the bhikkhus coming from here and there again inhabited the Mahavihāra. But the king made two bronze images and set them up on 31 the west side of the temple of the great Bodhi-tree.
Being well-pleased with the hypocrite, the plotter, the 32 lawless thera Tissa, his evil friend, who dwelt in the Dakkhinarama, he, although he was warned, built within the 33 boundaries of the Mahavihara, in the garden called Joti, the Jetavana-vihara. Then he called upon the brotherhood 34
According to 15. 202, Jotivana is a name for the Nandana park which, according to 15. 1, 7-8, was situated immediately before the south gate of Anuradhapura. From this and from our passage it appears quite certain that the Jetavana-vihāra must be the monastery

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35
37
38
39
40
41
270 Mahāvansa xxxVII. 35
of monks to do away with their boundaries, and since the bhikkhus would not do this, they abandoned the vihara. But now, to make the shifting of the boundary void of effect, if others should seek to do this, certain bhikkhus hid themselves in various places.
Thus was the Mahavihara abandoned for nine months by the bhikkhus, and the other bhikkhus thought: “We will begin to shift (the boundaries). Then, when this attempt to shift the boundary was given up, the bhikkhus came back hither and dwelt again in the Mahavihara. But within the brotherhood of bhikkhus a complaint touching an offence of the gravest kind was raised against the thera, Tissa, who had received the (Jetavana) vihara. The high minister, known to be just, who decided (the matter) excluded him, according to right and law, from the order, albeit against the king's wishes.
The king built also the Manihira-vihara' and founded three viharas, destroying temples of the (brahmanical) gods:-the Gokanna (vihāra), (and another vihara) in Erakavilla, (and a third) in the village of the Brahman Kalanda; (moreover
the thipa of which was mistakenly (called) the Abhayagiri Dagaba. On the other hand the present Jetavana Dagaba to the north of the city belonged to the Abhayagiri. Cf. note 33.81.
Namely, within the old boundaries of the Mahavihara, possession of which was thus formally maintained. Tīkā: an to si māy a e va aiiiiia titha again tva ta s minn ta smim thane patic ch an n a h utva niliyinsu.
* Evidently since the bhikkhus remaining behind raised a protest.
Antimavatthu is a matter that involves expulsion from the order. Cf. M.V. II. 22. 3; 36. 1 ; S.B.E. xiii, p. 276, note 1.
Now Minneriya, the name of a tank (see below, v. 47) not far from Polonnaruwa.
According to the Tika, the Gokanna-vihara is situated on the coast of the 'Eastern Sea’, ‘the two other viharas in Rohana. The Tika then adds : e vann sabbatth a Laṁ ka dīpa mihi ku dițiți hikāna npn ālayan viddhams etvā, Siva lingā dayo nāset vā buddhasās an am e va pa tițț ha pe si “ everywhere in the island of Lahkã he established the doctrine of the Buddha, having destroyed the temples of the unbelievers, i.e. having abolished the phallic symbols of Siva and so forth'.

XXXVII. 50 King Mahasena 271
he built) the Migagãma-vihãra and the Gangãsenakapabbata (vihara). To the west, he built the Dhatusenapabbata 42 (vihara); the king founded also the great vihara in Kokavata. He built the Thuparama-vihara and the Hulapitthi (vihāra) 43 and the two nunneries, called Uttara and Abhaya. At the place 44 of the yakkha Kalavela, he built a thipa, and on the island he restored many ruined buildings. To one thousand sam- 45 ghattheras' he distributed alms for theras, at a cost of a thousand (pieces of money), and to all (the bhikkhus he distributed) yearly a garment. There is no record of his gifts 46 of food and drink.
To make (the land) more fertile, he made sixteen tanks, the 47 Manihira, the Mahagama, the Challira, and the (tank) named Khanu, the Mahamani,' the Kokawata ' and the Dhamma- 48 ramma-tank, the Kumbalaka and the Vahana, besides the Rattamalakandaka, the tank Tissavaddhamanaka, that of Velahgavitthi,' that of Mahagallaka, the Cira-tank and the 49 Mahādāragallaka and the Kalapasana-tank. These are the sixteen tanks. On the Ganga, he built the great canal named 50 Pabbatanta.
Thus did he gather to himself much merit and much guilt.
The Mahavamsa is ended.
1 Cf. 10. 84.
I.e. superiors of the communities of bhikkhus. Cf. 3. 4; 4.56.
See above note to 37. 40.
A Khanugama is mentioned 25. 14.
In 36. 3 the construction of a Mahamani-tank is ascribed to Bhātikatissa.
o Cf. the Kokavāta-vihāra in 37. 42.
* Maharatmala is the older name of the great Padaviya-lake in the North Central Province, 25 miles north of Anuradhapura. Arch. Survey of Ceylon, XIII, 1896, p. 40. There is, however, also a Ratmala-tank 2 miles south of Anuradhapura. ED. MüLLER, Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, p. 27.
A village or district of this name is mentioned in 35.84.
* A vihara of the same name, see 33, 8.

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APPENDIX A
THE DYNASTY OF MAHASAMMATA
ON Mah. 2 = Dīp. 3 = Sum. T. p. 258 = Rājāv. p. 4 foll. (Engl. transl. by B. GUNAs EKARA) I should like to give a reference to two parallel passages in northern Buddhist literature, the Mahdivaetul which belongs to the Vinaya of the Mahasamghikas and, moreover, of the Lokottaravāda-school, and to the Dulva, the Tibetan translation of the Vinaya of the Sarvastivadins.
The names handed down in hoth these sources may be compared with those of the D. and M. in the following list :-
Dīp. Mah. Mahāvastu " Dulva
Mahāsaņmata Mahāsaņnimata Mahāsammata Roja - Rõkha, Wararoja -- --- Kalyāņa Kalyāņa Kalyāņa Varakalyāņa Rava ? Varakalyāņa Uposatha Upoșadha Utpoșadha Mandhätar Māndhāta Māndhātā Caraka Kāru Upacara --- Upakāru
.c. Kāru mat, &c& ܙܹܠ Okkäka Ikşvāku Ikşvāku (Dīp. : surnamed (surnamed Sujāta) | (Gotama)
Sujita) Okkāmukha, Nipuņa Ulkāmukha, Nipura Ulkāmukha, Nūpura
and three other and three other and two other SOs SOS SOS
Ed. SENART, i, p. 348. * See RocKHILL, Life of the Buddha (1907), p. 11 foll. * In the Mahāvastu tradition mot Ulkāmukha but Opura is said to be the eldest son; but in the Dulva again the former is so.
T

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274 Appendia A
In the Mahavastu I. 348-3528 and in the Dulva (RocKHILL, p. ll foll.) there follows a story about the rise of the Sakya and the founding of Kapilavastu. Iksvaku banishes his legitimate sons from the country as he wishes to hand on the throne to Jenta the son of a concubine. He is thus fulfilling a promise into which the mother of Jenta has beguiled him. Iksvaku's sons withdraw into the wilderness and there take to wife their sisters who have accompanied them. Afterwards Kapilavastu is built by them. Their descendants are the Šākyas.
This story was also known to the Theravadins. It occurs in Sum. T. p. 258 foll. and in the Tika to the Mahavamsa, p. 84. In agreement with the Dulva, the M.T. mentions only four sons of Okkaka who were banished from the country; the fifth is Jantu to whom the brothers have to give way.
Further on (I. p. 352 foll.) the Mahavastu relates the story of a Sakya king's daughter who is a leper and therefore banished to the forest. Here she is cured and is found by a hermit named Kola. Kola had formerly been king of Benares and had withdrawn into the forest because he too suffered from leprosy. He married the Sakya princess and from these two sprang the Koliya clan.
This legend too was known in Ceylon, we come across it in Sum.T. p. 260 foll, and in the (Sinhalese) Rajavali immediately following on the story of the sons of Iksvaku.”
The Mahavastu and Dulva speak of Simhahanu (= Sihahanu in Dip. Mah.) as the Buddha's grandfather. He has four sons: (1) Suddhodana the Buddha's father, (2) Dhautodana, (3) Suklodana and (4) Amptodana. These are the Suddhodana, Dhotodana, Sukkodana and Amitodana of the Dīp. and Mah., which add yet another, Sakkodana.
According to the Dīp. Mah. the Buddha’s genealogical tree * is this:-
o Mahavansa-Tika, ed. BATUwANTUp AwE and NANIssARA BEIKsHU, Colombo, 1895. GEIGER, Dip. and Mah., p. 38. -
The Rajavaliya, ed. (in English) by B. GUNAsekARA, Colombo, 1900, pp. 11-13. GEIGER, l.l., p. 95.
See also RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhism (1910), p. 52.

The Dynasty of Mahasammata 275
Devada hasakka, Jayasena
s Aήjana Kaccana, married to Sihahanu Yasodharā,
married to Afjana
Sudan married to Maya
Bodhisatta
The Mahāvastu I. 355, foll names as Maya's father Subhuti who was married to a Koliya princess and lived in Devadaha. Plainly this is the Añjana of the Mah., and the Suprabuddha of the Dulva (p. 14), while the Mah. (2. l8-19) takes Suppabuddha to be the son of Aijana and brother of Maya. Perhaps Suprabuddha was a surname borne by the father and son.
For the whole subject cf. also SPENCE HARDY, Manual of Buddhism, p. 125 foll.

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APPENDIX B
THE BUIDDHIST SECTS
(On Mah., 5. 1-13)
RHYs DAVIDs. The Sects of the Buddhists, J.R.A.S., 1891, p. 409 foll.; the same, Schools of Buddhist Belief, J. R.A.S. 1892, p. 1 foll. ; MINAYEFF, Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, p. 187 foll.
SoUTHERN BUDDHISTLISTs (SB.) occur besides Mah. 5 in the Dip. 5. 39 foll.; also in the Mahabodhivamsa (ed. STRONG, P. T.S. 1891), pp. 96-97, in the Sasanavansa (ed. M. BoDE, P. T. S. 1897), p. 14, 24–25; in the Sinhalese NikiyaSamgraha (ed. WICKREMASINGHE), pp. 6-9. Special mention should be made of the Commentary on the Kathavatthu, the Kathavatthuppakarana-Atthakatha (ed. MINAYEFF, J.P. T.S. 1889, pp. 2—3, 5 and passim). The Kathāvatthuppakaraņa is ascribed to Tissa Moggaliputta, who is said to have composed it after the holding of the Third Council in order to refute the views held by sectaries. The names of the sects are not mentioned in the Kathāvatthu but are in the commentary thereon, mentioned above, which was composed by Buddhaghosa.*
All the Southern Buddhist lists are in complete agreement with one another.
I adhere to this assertion (Mah. 5. 278) as a statement of fact. That the objection raised by MINAYEFF (Recherches, p. 200) to the age of the work is based upon an error has been already demonstrated by OLDENBERG, Z.D.M.G., 52, p. 633, and RHYs DAVIDs, Dialogues, i, p. xviii.
* Quoted by me as Kvu. Co.

The Buddhist Sects 277
I will mention, when occasion arises, certain trifling variations in the Nik. Sangr. The ground for the agreement is that all the southern sources are based, in the last resort, upon the old-sinhalese Atthakatha.
NoRTHERN BUDDHIST LISTs (NB) occur in the Dulva, the Tibetan Vinaya of the Sarvastivadins according to a work of Bhavya, see RocKHILL, Life of the Buddha (1907), p. 182 foll. (R.), and according to a work of Vasumitra, see WASSILJEW, Der Buddhismus (1860), i, p. 224 foll. (W.), also BEAL, “The Eighteen Schools of Buddhism” (Ind. Ant., ix, p. 299 foll.) (VB). l.
Besides we have lists in Taranatha. See ScHIEFNER, Tirandtha's History of Buddhism in India (1869), pp. 270-274 (Tar).
ST. JULIEN gives five Chinese lists based, for the most part, upon Vasumitra : *Listes diverses des noms de dix-huit écoles schismatiques qui sont sorties du Bouddhisme, Journ. As., v. série, t. Xiv (1859), p. 327 foll. (St. J.). To these may be added the statements of the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hian, Hiuenthsang and I-tsing.
The number of the sects is unanimously given as l8. Evidently we again have to do with one of those established numbers which form the backbone of tradition.
The individual names vary and the dividing-up of the sects also shows certain variations. This is shown by the following survey:-
1. SB. THERAvADA = NB. STHAvIRAvADA is one of the two original schools into which the united church was divided at the first schism. It was so according to Mah. Dip., &c., also according to St. J., p. 343 (list V), 100 years after the Nirvana. On the other hand the number is l16 in St. J. 333 (list II); and 160 in R. 182, St. J. 336 (list V).
BEAL gives two lists following Wasumitra, as RoCKHILL gives two following Bhavya.
I call them Ch. 1, 2, and quote Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang according to BEAL (B.), Buddhist Records of the Western Worlds.
A record of the Buddhist religion by I-tsing, transl. by TAKAKUSU, Ch. 3.

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278 Appendiac B
We may consider as a synonymous designation :- 1°. SB. HEMAvATA = NB. HAIMAvATA in W. 253, VB.
300, R. 184. Still in R. l90 distinctions are made between
the Sthaviras and the Haimavatas. In Dīp. and Mah., &c., they
are considered as separate sects. Probably the Haimavatas were a local school of the Sthaviras of continental India.
2. SB. MAHAsAMGHIKA = NB. MAHASAMGHIKA." For their particular doctrine see W. 258 foll. They are the second school of the first great schism.
3. SB. GoKULIKA = NB. GoKULIKA (R. 186, 187; Tär. 27l; VB. 301; St. J. 330, 334, 337,341 = lists I-IV). The name is missing in Ch. 1, 2, 3 as also in W. In its place here appears :-
3. KUKKUTIKA (W. 252, 258) or KUKKULIKA (W. 249; VB. 300). Similarly in St. J. 344 (list V), the Kaukkutikas, are put in instead of the Gokulikas and the two are expressly said 34 l (list IV) to be identical.
Very closely related to the Gokulikas are :- 3. LOKOTTARAVADIN who do not appear in the tradition of the Southern Buddhists. They are mentioned immediately beside the Gokulikas (or Kukkutikas). (W. 249, 252,258; VB. 301; St. J. 334,337,341, 343 = lists II-V.) In R. 182 they are to be found just in the place where we should expect, the Gokulikas. Cf. St. J. 330 = list I and Tar. 271, where the Gokulikas appear in the list, whilst, on the other hand, the Lokottaravadins are missing. Lastly, Tar. says, 273, that Lokottaravadins and Kaukkutapadas are the same. Ch. 2 mentions the L. in Bamian (BEAL, i. 50).
4. SB. EKAvYoHARIKA = NIB. EKAvYAvAHARIKA (W. 249, 252; VB. 300, 301; R. 182, 187; Tar. 27; St. J. 330, 334, 337, 341, 344 = lists I-V). According to Tar. 273 the name is employed as a general designation of the Mahasamghikas. Their doctrines according to W. 258 are the same as those of 2, 3 and 3.
In St.J. 340 (list II) the Karmikas, besides the Yogācāras and Aišvarikas, are reckoned as belonging to the Mahasamghikas.

The Buddhist Sects 279
5. SB. PANNATTIvADIN = NB. PRAJNAPTIvÁDIN (W. 251; R. 182; Tair. 271; St. J. 341 = list IV; missing in VB. 300; St. J. lists I-III, V, also in R. l85). They are the Si-chi in VB. 30l. For their particular doctrines see W. 268, R. 189.
6. SB. BAHULIKA = NB. BAHUŠRUTiYA (W. 250; VB.300, 30l; R. 182; Tair. 250, 252; St. J. 330, 334, 338, 341, 345 = lists I-V). For their doctrines see W. 268; R. 189.
7. SB. CETIYAvADA = NB. CAITIKA or CAITYIKA (W. 251, 252; VB. 300, 30l; R. 182, 186). They are said to be a branch of the Gokulikas, R. 189; Tair. 252. In Tair. 273 they are said to be identical with the Purvasailas. Corresponding to them in the lists I-III, W = St. J. 330, 334, 338, 345 are the Jetikas or Jetavaniyas or Jetasailas.
8. SB. MAHIMsÄsAKA = NB. MAHI$ÄsA KA. They are, according to R. 186; Tar. 271, to be reckoned as belonging to the Vibhajyavadins (cf. 14) and are said to be a branch of the Sarvastivadins in W. 254; VB. 300, 301; St. J. 335, 339, 342, 345 = lists II-V. For their doctrines see R. l85, 191; W. 280 foll. Ch. 2 mentions them in Swat (BEAL, i, p. 121). According to the same authority (BEAL, i, p. 226) the Bodhisattva Asanga professed himself to be of the school of the M., but went over to the Mahayana.
9. SIB. VAJJ IPUTTAKA = NB. VATsiPUTRIYA or VASAPUTRIYA (W. 253, 256; VB. 300, 301 ; R. 182, 184, 186, 193; Tar. 27l, 272, 273; St. J. 331, 335, 339, 342 = lists I-IV). They are said to be a branch of the Sarvāstivadins in W. 253, VB. 301, St. J. 335 (list II), while according to the southern Buddhist tradition the relation is reversed; and they are said, R. 186, to be a principal branch of the Sthaviras beside the Sarvāstivadins. The Kvu. Co., however, mentions them very slightly. The Pali form of the name must be understood as an assimilation to the name of the Vajjiputtaka monks, the sectaries oI Vesālī.
10. SB. DHAMMUTTARIYA = NB. DHATRMOTTARIYA the Dharmakarikas of the Nik. S., are said, as also in the southern

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280 Appendiac B
tradition, to be a branch of the Vatsiputriya (W. 253; VB. 300, 30l; R. 182, 186; Tār. 271; St. J. 331, 335, 339, 342, 345 = lists I-V).
ll. SB. BHADRAYANIKA = BHADRAYANIYA are also a branch of the Vatsiputriyas (W. 253; WB. 300, 301; R. l86; Tar. 27l, 278; St. J. 335, 339, 342, 345 = lists II-V), and stand in especially close relation (R. 194) to the Dharmottariyas from whom, according to St. J. 33l (list I), they had taken their rise. For lo and ll, R. gives the common designation Mahagiriya.
12. SB. CHANDĀGĀRIKA = NB. SAŅŅAGARIKA “ those from the 6 cities, also a branch of the Vatsiputriyas (W. 254; VB. 300; R. 186, cf. 194; Tair. 27l; St. J. 335, 342 = lists II, IV) and are but slightly distinguished from 11 (W. 279). In the lists I, III, V in St. J. 337, 339, 345 there appear, instead of them, the Abhayagirivasins.
13. SB. SAMMITIYA = NB. SAMMATIYA, taking their rise like 10-12, from 9 (W. 254, R. 186; Tar. 271, 272; St. J. 331, 335, 339, 342, 345 = lists I-V). According to R. 182 they are also called (13*) AVANTAKA or (13b) KURU KULLAKA, and Tar. 272 relates that according to the view of the Sarvastivadins, the Kaurukullakas, the Avantakas, and the Watsiputriyas are the three kinds of the Sammatiyas. They are the Mi-li in VB. 30l. They must have been a widely spread sect; Ch. 2 mentions them repeatedly as a school of the Hīnayāna (see BEAL, ii. 14, 44, 45, 186, &c.) ; according to Ch. 3 (TAKAKUSU, p. xxiv) they fall into four subdivisions and are spread over Western India and in Campa (CochinChina) especially. The Kivu. Co. in a whole series of passages is occupied with their doctrines. On those see R. 194.
14. SB. SABBATTHAvADIN = NB. SARVASTIVADIN. According to W. 253, VB. 301, St. J. 339 (list III) and 342 (list IV), they are also called (14°) HETUvĀDA or HETUvIIDYA, and according to R. 182, also Muruntaka, and they are said (W. 253, R. 182, Tar. 271) to be, beside the Vasiputriyas,
It should be observed, however, that in the list I, in St. J., each school is made to take its rise from the one mentioned before it.

The Buddhist Sects 281
one of the principal schools of the Sthaviras. The statements of the Chinese pilgrims agree with this.
Ch. 1 (BEAL, i, p. lxx) states that the Vinaya of the S. is held to be particularly correct and agrees in essentials with that which is observed in China. Ch. 2 (BEAL, i, pp. 18, 19, 49, &c., ii, pp. 182, 270, &c.) mentions them frequently as a branch of the Hinayana; the Bodhisattva Vasubandhu (BEAL, i. 226) professed himself of this school. According to Ch. 3 (TAKAKUSU, p. xxiv) the S. were (beside the Sthaviras, Mahasamghikas and Sammatiyas) one of the four principal Buddhist schools; they themselves fell into four groups (Mūlasarvāstivādins, Dharmaguptas, Mahīšāsakas and KāŠyaplyas), and had spread mostly in Magadha and Eastern India. On their doctrines see W. 270 foll. ; R. 184, 185, 190. See also TAKAKUSU, J.P. T. S. 1904—1905, pp. 67 foll.
Here I will mention :-
l4°. SB. VIBHAJJAvADIN = NB. VIBHAJYAvADIN. These are mentioned Mah. 5. 271. It is said here that the Buddha professed himself belonging to the V. From this as from the relation of the list in Tair. 271, 272 to the Ceylonese list (Dīp. 5. 45 foll. ; Mah. 5. 6-9), OLDENBERG 1 has concluded that V. is another name for the Theravadins. In the Mahabodhivamsa, besides, this is said in plain terms. However, according to Tar. 272, the W. are reckoned as belonging to the Sarvastivadins, beside which they appear in R. 182 as a Sthavira school. According to R. 186, 191, Tair. 27l they embrace the sects of the Mahisasakas, Kasyaplyas, IDharmaguptakas and (14) TAMRASATIYAs. The last named are in Tar. 272, 274 counted as belonging to the Sarvāstivādins and identified with the Samkrantikas and (14) the Utta Riyas.
If we resume these data it appears that Vibhajavadin denotes not so much a particular sect but rather a philosophical tendency, which, for the Theravadins, was bound up
" Vin. Po..., i, p. xili foll.
o P. 9517 : therānam sambandhavacanattā, theravādo ti, ribhalijavãdinā mumindena desitattā vibhalijavādo ti vuccati. The same conclusion may be drawn from Mah. Tīkā, 94°, 99”.

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with their conception of orthodoxy and to which their different schools thenceforward laid claim.”
l5. SB. DHAMMAGUTTIKA = NB. DHARMAGUPTAKA. They are, as we have just seen, reckoned as belonging to the Wibhajyavadins and are said (W. 254; VB. 300, 301; St. J. 335, 339, 342, 345 = lists II-V) to be a branch of the Mahisasaka. On their doctrines see W. 283, R. l.92.
l6. SB. KAssAPIYA = NB. KĀśYAPĪYA, belonging also to the Vibhajyavadins. They took their rise in the Sarvastivadins (W. 255; VB. 300, 301 ; St. J. 335, 340, 342, 346 = lists III-V) and are also called (16°) SU VARŞAKA (W. and St. J. as above; cf. Tar. 271). For their doctrines see W. 283–284, R. 193.
17. SB. SAMKANTIKA = NB. SAMKRANTIvADIN, a branch of the Sarvāstivādins (W. 255; BV. 300, 301 ; Tār. 271, 272; R. 193; St. J. 336, 340, 342 = lists II-IV). Their other name is said to be Uttariya (R. 183; Tar. 273), also Tamrasatya (see under 14b). In W. 256, St. J. 336, 342 = lists II-IV they are identified with the Sautrāntika.
18. SB. SUTTAVADA = NB.: SAUTRANTIKA. The accounts of this school are far from clear. In the SB. sources no further mention is made of it. Its identity with 17 seems also to be evident from R. 186 where in the list the Sautrantikas are introduced as a branch of the Sarvastivadins, but the Samkrantivādins are missing.
In Ch. 2 also the former (see BEAL, i, pp. 139, 226; ii, p. 302) are mentioned, but not the latter. Besides, in list I, St. J. 332 the Sautrantika evidently appear in the place of 17, being a branch of the Kasyapiya. On the other hand, according to St. J. 340, 346 (lists III, V) the Sautrāntika would seem to be identical with the Prajñaptivādins (5), thus would belong not to the Sthaviras at all but to the Mahāsamghikas.
Only thus can we understand how the Buddha himself can be called a Vibhajavadi. He could never be called a Theravadi.
o Cf. Kathāvatthu (ed. TAYLoR), ii, p. 578, with the Co., pp. 177-178.

The Buddhist Sects 283
It seems that this last conclusion may also be drawn from R. 186 (n. l) and Tar. 271.
Besides these eighteen schools the SB. sources mention the following branches:-
19. SB. HEMAv ATA = NB. HAIMAvATA. See above l*.
20. SB. RĀJAGIRIYA = NB. RĀJAGIRIYA. They are counted (R. 186) as belonging to the Mahasamghikas, but are missing entirely from the other list, R. 182. In Tair. 271, too, they only appear in the list helonging to the Mahasamghikas. In the Chinese lists in St. J. they appear just as little as in Ch.l., 2, 3.
21. SB. SIDDHATTHIKA. They are not mentioned in the NB. lists.
22. SB. PUBBAsEILIYA = NB. PŪRVAśAII.A. It is clear and beyond doubt, from all the data, that these are most closely related to the Caityika. They are mentioned beside them (R. 182, 186; Tar. 271) or positively in place of them (W. 25l., 252). In Ch. 2 they are mentioned only once as the Avaraśaila (BEAL, ii, p. 221); Ch. l and 3 do not mention them. In St. J. 331, 334,338, 342,345 (lists I-V) the (22) UTTARASAILA are also mentioned, always beside the Jetikas; in list I, VB. 300, also beside the Purvasailas; and in list W, VB. 301 beside the Aparašailas.
23. SB. APARASELIYA = NB. APARASAILA or AVARA$AILA, introduced as a school of the Mahasanpghikas in W. 254, 255; R. 182, 186; Tār. 271.
24. SB. WAJIRIYA (Dip. 5.54 = Apararajagiriya). They are not mentioned in the northern sources, and the same may be said of the 23. DHAMMARUCI and 24. SAGALIYA which are expressly called (Mah, 5. 13) Ceylonese sects. Lastly, we may refer- to the 25. VETULYA mentioned Mah. 36. 41, 111, also KERN's ingenious combination by which they are brought into relation with the Mahayana.
1 On their origin see the interesting passage in the Mah. Tīkā, p. 115, l. 31 foll., translated by TURNoUR, Mah., p. liii.

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284 Appendiac B
The different opinions as to the relation of the different sects to one another and their rise of one from another may be given in the form of a genealogical tree.
1. WASUMITRA (W. 249; WB. 301) divides them after the separation of land 2 thus
2
—l- --
14 = 14a 1a (19) (a) 4 8ኳ 8* i (b) 6 (c) 5
7 23 22
)d( 18 -ت 17 16 بیت l6 8
10, 11, 13, 12 15
2. BHAvya (R. 182, 186) represents two views of which
the one is based on the same division as in Vasumitra's list,
but the second on an original division into three, where the Vibhajyavadins form the third group.
I. 2
-- 一ー
1 = 1a, 14, 14, 14b, 9, 2, 3b, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11, 13, 8, 15, 16a = 16, 14d 22, 23
II. - 2 14b
14 9 2, 22, 23,
20, 1,7, 8, 16, 15, 14 14 18 13, 10, 11, 12 17, 3
3. TARANATHA (270-271) gives four different lists: I, according to the Sthaviras; II, according to the Mahāsamghikas; III, according to the Sammatīyas; and IV, according to the Sarvastivadins. The first is based on a division into two principal groups, the second on a similar division into three, the third and fourth on a division into four. The first two lists coincide with those of Bhavya.

The Buddhist Sects 285
I. 1. 2
1, 14, 9, 10, 11, 13, 2, 4, 3b, 6, 5, 8, 15, 168, 14d 7, 22, 23
III. 2 14b
14 9 2, 22, 23, 8, 16, 15, 14
20, 18, 7, 17, 3 14 18 13, 10, 11, 12
III.
14 9 1a -- -- 2,4,3, 14, 14b, 6, 15, 8, 10, 11, 13 without branch 6, 5, 7 14, 16, 17
Iv. 2 14 13
--
Jetavaniya, 22, 23, 14, 16, 8, 15, 13a, 13b, 9 Abhayagiriya 1ጫ, 8ካ, 5 6, 14e, 14b
Mahaviharin
4. Of the Chinese lists in St. Julien the lists II-V are in agreement with each other and agree with Vasumitra's list with quite trifling variations. List I is connected with Bhavya's first list and Vasumitra's also (in BEAL), but makes each sect branch off from the preceding one within the two great groups. The series is as follows:-
1. : 14: 1a : 9:10: 11 : 13: 13a i : 15: 16 : 18. 2,:4:3:6:7:22:22°。
5. I-TsING admits four principal groups: (a) Mahasamghika (with seven subdivisions); (b) Sthavira (with three subdivisions); (c) Sarvāstivāda (with Milasarvāstivada, Dharmagupta, Mahisasaka, and Kasyapiya as subdivisions); and (d) Sammitiya (with four subdivisions). Here, too, eighteen is given as the sum-total of the schools.
The sect of the Abhayagirivasins is inserted between 13 and 13.

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286 . Appendia B
6. According to Dīp. and Mah. the relation of the schools takes this shape (cf. list I of Tar.):-
2
8 9 3 4 - - - - - - 14 15 10, 11, 12, 13 5, 6, 7 16 17 18
As regards the time at which the separate schools arose, according to the Ceylonese sources the first schism took place 100 years after the Nirvana. The remaining sects must have arisen in the time between the Second and Third Council, i.e. between 100 A.B. and 247 A.B., the most of them in the second century after the Nirvana, but the last six (19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24) in the third century, the Dhammarucis, according to the Mah. Tīkā, at the time of Vațțagāmaņi, the Sāgaliyas at that of Mahasena.
Among the Northern Buddhists we find quite similar traditions.
According to Vasu MITRA (W. 249 foll, VB. 301) the sects 4, 3, and 3, as also 6 and 5, were formed in the course of the second century A.B., that is, after the first schism. By the end of the second century 7, 22, and 22 had arisen. In the third century arose 14 (14), and l, later 9, and then lo, ll, 13, 12, also 8, and from this last 15. Only the rise of 17 (=18) is placed in the fourth century. These dates are transferred from Vasumitra into the Chinese lists (ST. JULIEN).
The information given by I-TsING on the spread of the schools at his time, i.e. towards the end of the seventh century A.D., is of great interest. At that time the Sarvastivadins prevailed in Magadha, the Sammitiyas in North-west India, the Sarvastivadins in the North, and in the South the Sthaviras. In the East the four great groups, i.e. the three above mentioned and the Mahasamghikas, were mixed.
See p. 283, n. 1. * TAKAKUSU, I-tsing, pp. 8-9.

The Buddhist Sects - 28
In the polemics of the Kathavatthu the most prominent schools, according to the commentator Buddhaghosa, are the Theravadins, the Sammitiyas, the Mahimsasakas, the Sabbatthavadins, and the Mahasamghikas. But more frequently than these the names ANDHAKA and UTTARAPATHAKA are employed, in which Buddhaghosa evidently comprises the South Indian and North Indian sects.
See RHYs DAVIDs, J.R.A.S. 1891, p. 413.

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APPENDIX C
CAMPAIGNS OF PANDUKĀBHAYA (Mah. 10. 27 foll) AND DUTTHAGĀMANI (Mah. 25. Il foll)
PAN puKABHAYA takes refuge from the persecution of his uncles in Pandulagamaka.
The place is unknown. In our inquiry, therefore, we must take as starting-point Pana, where he gathers together his first followers, to engage in battle with his uncles.
Paņa iš situated near Kāsapabbata. This name has been, I believe, preserved in the modern Kahagala-gama, the name of a village situated about ten miles to the north of Kaluwaewa and fifteen miles to the south-west of Anuradhapura.
From Pana, he does not direct his march northward on the then capital of the country Upatissagama. He is not strong enough for this. Rather he is obliged to follow the tactics of all rebels, to bring first the border-districts, the paccantagand, into his power. Therefore he marches first towards the southeast, more or less along the line which Dutthagamani followed, in the opposite direction in his march against Anuradhapura. Probably the old military road ran along here. So he comes first into the district of Girikandasiva. This name is, we may conjecture, connected with that of Girilaka, which is mentioned Mah. 25. 47 with reference to Duțithagāmaņi’s campaign. We must look for this district between the Kaluwaewa and the Ritigala.
On the map of Ceylon, four miles to an inch.
* Upatissagāma is situated on the Gambhīramadī (Mah. 7. 44) to the north of Anurādhapura. From here to the Gambhīranadī (Mah. 28. 7) is a distance of a yojana = 7-8 miles. By this we arrive at a general notion of the position of Upatissagama.
* GEIGER, Dip. and Mah., pp. 39-40.

Сgтраідтs of Pandukabhaya and Dutthagamani 289
P. now marches on southward of Ritigala to the spot where the Ambanganga and Mahawaeliganga unite. To the south of the Mineri-tank the people of Girikandasiva come up with him. The result is the battle of Kalaha-nagara. This is the Kalahagala of the present day, situated 7-8 miles distant from the lake mentioned. Not far from here we must look for the scene of the second battle of Lohitavahakhaņda (Mah. 10. 43).
Although the victory in both battles is attributed to P., he does not yet venture to attack Upatissagama directly. On the contrary, he continues his march in the direction followed hitherto, and crosses the Mahawaeliganga (pdragangan, Mah. 10. 44). A.
The place where he crossed over must have been the Kacchaka-ford, which I take to be the Mahagantota below the spot where the Ambanganga flows into the Mahawaeliganga.
As the base of further operations P. chooses a region on the right bank of the Mahāgaṁgā (Mahawæliganga), the Dolamountain. This name survives in that of the village Dolagalawela in the Bintenne district, twenty miles to the north of the place so named, which is now called Alutnuwara.
During the four years that P. spends near the Dola-mountain he is said to have been making preparations for the really decisive battle. This is made possible for him by the fact that he has now the whole province of Rohana, with all its resources, behind him. By his position he has also the key to the most important or the only ford of the Mahawaeliganga.
In the meantime P.'s uncles have also completed their preparations. They march against the rebels and entrench themselves on the Dhumarakkha-mountain. Its position is shown clearly by Mah. 10. 53, 57, 58. We must look for it
See Census of Ceylon, 1901, iv, p. 468. Itineraru of Roads in Ceylon, i (1909), p. 39, no. 68. * Census, 1901, iv, p. 262. The Doļukaņça, which PARKER Ancient Ceylon, p. 192) mentions cannot be the Dola-pabbata of the Mah., since it is situated (PARKER, in a letter dated July 17, 1910) about ten miles to the north of Kurunaegala.
U

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290 Арретdir C
on the left bank of the Mahawaeliganga, not far from the Kacchaka-ford. The chief object of the uncles was evidently to prevent P. from crossing the river.
However, to be beforehand with them, P. risks the crossing. He defeats the enemy in flight, and takes possession of their camp. He then proceeds on the direct road to the capital.
On the Arittha-pabbata (Ritigala) he pitches an entrenched camp which is to serve as a base for his final operations. The uncles once more march against him with fresh troops. The decisive battle takes place near Labu-gamaka (Mah. 10. 72), the Labunoruwa of the present day, on the north-west slope of the Ritigala. P. carries off the victory.
The road to the capital now lies open to him. He takes possession of it and afterwards, having assumed sole sovereignty, he removes the royal residence to Anuradhapura.
We see that the information given by the Mahavamsa on Pandukabhaya's campaigns, if rightly understood, is quite adequate. The military measures taken seem thoroughly methodical; their aim can be clearly understood.
On quite similar lines is the advance of Dutthagamani on Anuradhapura, a proof that we have to do in both cases with old connecting roads between the regions left and right of the Mahawaeliganga. P. was obliged to secure these in order to carry out successfully his operations against Upatissagama. D. used them for bringing up his troops.
Dutthagāmaņi starts (Mah. » 25. 5) from Mahāgāma in Rohana, the site of which is indicated by the ruins of TissaMaharama in the South Province, sixteen miles north-east of Hambantota. Taking a northerly direction, he marches through Guttahalaka, now Buttala, towards Mahiyangana. This, according to the local tradition, is the modern Bintenne or Alutnuwara.
1 Censu8, 1901, iv, p. 464. .
* The evidence for this site is chiefly Mah. 24. 17. D. stations out
posts in G. on the look-out for his brother Tissa, whose advance from Dighavapi is expected here.

Campaigns of Pandukabhaya and Dutthagamani 291
I). is here on the bank of the Mahawarliganga. Now follows the enumeration of a whole series of forts which were occupied by l)amilas and taken by D.
A mong these, too, appears Kaccha-tittha (now Mahagantota), to take which required a four months' siege (Mah. 25. 12). I think, therefore, that the places mentioned are mere frontier-outposts or forts which had been placed along the Mahawaeliganga, from the bend of the river above Bintenne to the neighbourhood of the mouth. The individual names cannot now be settled.
The remains of the vanquished Damila-divisions retreat towards Vijita-nagara. It still seems to me most probable that we should look for this city in the neighbourhood of Kaluwaewa, where the Vijitapura-vihara is now situated, and ruins in the jungle testify to the former existence of a larger settlement.'.
In all probability D. will have crossed the Mahagangii near Kacchaka-tittha. On the advance against Vijita, he first followed the same road that Pandukabhaya used when he marched from the Kasa-pabbata to the Dola-pabbata. It must have run somewhere between Sigiri and the Minoritank. s
The siege and storming of Vijita are described with great clearness and vivacity. The further stations, Girilaka, Mahela-nagara, and Käsa-pabbata layfar along the rond which leads from Dambul to Anuradhapura. On the Kiisa-pabbata D. entrenched himself, evidently in order to await, in a favourable position his adversary Elara. Here again in fact it comes to a decisive battle, the fortunate issue of which opens to D. the road to the capital. The conquered foe was pursued up to the immediate vicinity of Anuradhapura. In a last attemp to bring the fleeing troops to a halt beneath the walls of the city Eira falls by the hand of D. in heroic single combat.
o Cf. Mah. 25. 19, where this seems to be plainly said. * BURRows, Buried Cities of Ceylon, p. 75. I’ARKER certainly (Ancient Cylon, p. 37 foll, looks for Vijita in the region of the later
Polonnarawa.
2

Page 183
APPENDIX ID
LIST OF PALI TERMS OCCURRING IN THE TRANSLATION
1. ACARIYA, teacher, master. See p. 31, n. 4.
2. ARAHANT. Literally * able, worthy', a person who has reached the ideal. In an Arahant the disava, the deadly drugs of delusion, are brought to an end; he is no longer subject to re-birth, but lives in Nirvana, the final liberation. RHYs DAVIDs, Buddhism, ll0; Early Buddhism, 72-74.
3. ARAMA, park, garden.' Designation of a Buddhist convent = vihara, CHILDERs, Pali Dictionary, s. v.
4. ASAVA. The term is hardly translatable. It has been first explained by RHYs DAVIDs, Dialogues, i, p. 92, ii, p. 28 (= SBB. ii, iii). According to Buddhaghosa, Asl. 48, wellmatured spirituous liquors are called āsravā. Jāt. IV. 222 o we read: disavo tita lokasmin surd naima pavuccati. The underlying idea is, therefore, that of overwhelming intoxication, not that of a deadly flood. There are four disava: (1) Adma lust, desire', (2) bhava (desire of a future) existence, (3) avija ignorance (of the four holy truths), and (4) ditthi false belief”. D. I. 84; III. 8l ; M. H. 7, &c., khānāsava “ one who has overcome the asavas, and and sava one who is free from the asavas, are epithets of the arahant.
5. BHIKKHU, BHIKKHUNI, mendicant monk, nun. Member of the Buddhist order. -
6. BUDDHA (Sambuddha, Sammdi-Sambuddha convey the same notion in a heightened degree) denotes a being who by his own force has attained to possession of the highest knowledge. He is neither man nor god. He is able to perform certain wonders in accord with the laws of nature. In an endless

List of Pāli Terms 293
series of existences the Buddha prepares himself for his state of Buddhahood. During the whole of this time he is called a bod/isatta (Skt. bodhisattva) till in his last existence as a manthe last but one he generally spends in a heaven of the godshe attains to knowledge (bodhi, Sambodhi, abhisambodhi). In the ancient texts &ambodhi is always the insight of an Arahant. Since this event comes to pass for the historical Buddha under an assatt/a tree (Ficus religiosa), this is the sacred tree of the Buddhists, and the “ Bodhi-tree” (Sinh. Ủãya/a) is not lacking in any Buddhist sanctuary in Ceylon.
A Paccekabuddha has also reached Nirvana (see below) by his own force, but does not come forward as a teacher. The historical Buddha is called, after his family, Gotama Buddha or Sakyamuni, the sage of the house of the Sakyas. See KERN, p. 62 foll.
7. CETYA. See under THUPA.
8. DEVATA, divinity, genius, particularly applied to the spirits which, according to popular belief, inhabit trees, wells, hills, and in fact every place. In Mah. 28. 6 a devatā of the royal parasol is mentioned.
9. DHAMMA, truth, religion, the sum-total of Buddhist doctrine. Cpposed to vinaya, Discipline, the monastic rule, Dhamma in the more restricted sense denotes the second part of the tipitaka (which see).
10. KARISA, first a measure of capacity; in another sense all area of about 4 acres, i.e. as much ground as can be sown with a karisa of seed-corn. See RHYs DAVIDs, Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 18.
ll. KHATTIYA (Skt. Ayatriya), the class of nobles or warriors. This was one of the four ancient cannd, or social grades. The Buddhists and Jainas put them first in the list, the Brahmans put themselves first. The Khattiyas have been sometimes called a caste; but they never formed an organized community, like the modern castes, with connubium and commensality between al Khattiyas. See RHYs DAvIDs, Dialogues, i. 96-107; Buddhist India, 52 ff.
RHYs DAVIDs, Dialogues, i, pp. 190-192.

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12. MANTA, formula, sacred formula, charm, spell, designation of the Vedic hymns. Cf. Mah. 5. 109.
13. NAGA, designation of supernatural beings, snakedemons, sometimes represented in human form with a snake's hood in the neck, sometimes as mixed forms, half man half snake. They are distinguished by devout reverence toward the Buddha. Their sworn enemies are the Garuda, winged beings resembling the griffin (cf. p. 129, n. 4). See GRÜNWEDEL, Buddhist. Kunst, p. 42 foll.
14. NIBBÅNA (Skt. nirvåya). One of the terms for Arahantship. At Samyutta IV. 251, 26l it is defined as the destruction (in the heart) of raga, dosa, and moha (lust, illwill, and stupidity); and is stated to be attainable by the eightfold Path. See also DE LA VALLÉE PoUssIN, Bouddhisme, p. 57 ff.
15. PABBAJJA. Literally going forth'; the technical term for giving up the household life and becoming a religieuai, entering an order. The rules for the reception of candidates for membership varied in the various orders. The Buddhist rules are now translated by RHYs DAVIDs and H. OLDENBERG, Vinaya Teats, vol. i. When a candidate is first admitted he is called a Saimanera, novice.
16. PAccEKABUDDHA. See under BUDDIA.
17. PARIVENA, monk's cell, the private dwelling of a bhikkhu within the monastery.
18. PAVARANA, invitation, name of a festival held by the bhikkhus at the close of the vassa, i.e. the rainy season, spent in the monastery. See Winaya Tects, i, pp. 335-353.
19. SAMANA, ascetic, designation of the Buddhist priests as opposed to the Brahmana.
20. SAMANERA. See under PABBAJJA. 21. SAMGHATTHERA. See under THERA.
22. SUDDA (Skt. Śudra), a man of the fourth, non-Aryan caste.

List of Pāli Terms - 295
23. TALA. Lit. palm, a measure of length. RHYs DAVIDs, Ancient Coins, dec., p. 18.
24. TATHAGATA, one of the terms of veneration applied to the Buddhas. The Buddha usually speaks of himself thus. The meaning is a matter of controversy. The native commentators explain the word in quite different ways. See BURNOUF, Introduction à l'histoire du Bouddhisme indien, p.75.
25. THERA, THERi (Skt. ststarira, "rå), term of respect applied to monks and nuns, especially to those of venerable age. Samghat thera is the denotion of the senior priest in any assembly of bhikkhus, or in the whole community. See J.P. T.S. 1908, p. 19.
26. THŪPA (Skt. tipa, tope), name of edifices which serve as receptacle for a relic or as monument. They are hemispherical or bell-shaped, and rest upon a base of three concentric stories which form ambulatories round the tope; they sustain a cubical erection, the so-called tee from which rises the spire (chatta) which crowns the whole. The relic-chamber (d/dtugalba, whence the name 'Dagaba, used in Ceylon for the whole edifice) is in the interior, below the tee.
The expression cetiya (Skt. caitya), originally the most general term for 'sanctuary-a tree, too, can be a cetiya-is used in the Mah. mostly as a synonym for thipa. Cf., for instance, Mahacetiya or Mahathipa as the name of the Ruwanwæli-Dagaba in Anurādhapura.
There is frequent mention in the Mah. of a thüpaghara or cetiyaghara, house of the thupa or cetiya.'
There can be no doubt, from Mah. 3 l. 29, that sometimes a sort of roof or temple was built over the tope. In Anuradhapura the Thuparama-Dagaba is surrounded by four concentric rows of pillars. It appears as if the two inner rows, where the capitals of the pillars have tenons, were intended to bear the roof of a thupaghara. PARKER (Ancient Ceylon, p. 270) considers it altogether possible, differing in this from Sv. I TI E IR (Anuradhapura, p. 7). Of course such temples could only be

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constructed over the smaller thupas, and, as far as I can see, are only mentioned in this case. If mention is made of a bodhidhara, i.e. of a temple for the bodhi-tree, then it is naturally only a question of building round and not over the sacred tree.
27. TPITAKA (Skt. tripitaka). Lit. three baskets, collective name for the canonical scriptures of the Buddhists. They fall into three main divisions, Vinaya-pitaka, Sutta-p. (or Dhamma), and Abhidhamma-p. See CHILDERs, s.v.; KERN, p. Il foll.
28. UPASAMPADA, the solemn ordination of the monk who is a novice until that time, by a chapter of the order; the higher consecration of the priesthood. See CHILDERs, s. v.; KERN, p. 77 foll. ; SP. HARIDY, Eastern Monachism, p. 44 foll.
29. UPosATHA (Skt. uparasatha). The Buddhist sabbath which is considered a holy day both for priests and laymen. It occurs four times in the month: on the full- and new-moon day, and on the eighth day following full- and new-moon. On two of these four days the recitation of the Patimokkha-precepts (patimokkhuddesa) takes place, i.e. the priestly ceremony of confession, in which every member of the order is to acknowledge the faults he has committed. CHILDERs, s. v.; KERN, p. 99.
Unosathagdra, or uposathaghara, is a building belonging to the monastery used for the performance of the uposatha ceremonies.
30. VEDĩ or VEDIKA (Skt, thể same), means first * terrace, altar'. When in Mah. 36.52 a pasdinaved around the bodhitree is mentioned, it means a stone terrace, on which such sacred trees usually stand. Cf. in the same sense silivedi, Mah. 36. l03.
Further, this word has the sense of terrace with balustrade. It is to be understood thus in D. III. pp. 182-183 in the description of Sudassana's palace. Exactly in the same manner, D. II. pp. 181-182, by sopāna a “ staircase with balustrade” is meant, and in both passages an accurate description follows,

List of Pāli Terms 297
mot of the terrace or of the staircase, but especially of the rail. *ン When a muddhavedi and padavedi of a thupa are mentioned (Mah. 35. 2) the former is the so-called tee, the latter the storied base (see no. 26). Railings in relief are frequently added to both. Syl THER, p. 52, 27. Finally the meaning balustrade, railing supersedes the others. Thus by the coralvedikas to the kitiiodira, the window-chambers of the Lohapisiida, the parapet-balustrade to the windows is evidently meant. Cf. vediAi-citapana, C.V. VI. 2. 2. Plainly in the same way vedika, C.W. W. 4. 2, means a balustrade. See S.B. B. xx, p. l04, n. 3; p. l62, n. 4.
31. VEssA (Skt. vaisya), a man of the third social grade.
32. VIHARA, dwelling, habitation for gods as also for monks, therefore temple or convent (FERGUsson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 1910, i, p. 170). In the Mah. the latter meaning prevails.
33. YAKKHA (f. yakk/ini; Skt. yaksa, yaksin), designation of certain supernatural beings who are under the rule of Vessavana (Skt. Wai8ravana, name of the god Kubera). In the Mah. the aboriginal inhabitants of Ceylon are frequently called Yakkha.
34. YoJANA, a measure of length. According to the system of the Abhidhanappadipika l96, l yojana is = 4 gavuta = 80 usabha = 20 yatt/ki = 7 ratama (or Mattha “ ell”) = 2 ridatthi (span) = 12 aiguda. According to RHYs DAVIDs, Ancient Coins &c., p. 15 foll., the native tables of linear measures make the yojana between l? and 12 miles, but in actual practice it must have been reckoned as 7-8 miles.

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INDEXES
(The numbers refer to pages and notes)
A. LIST OF GEOGRAPHICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Acchagallaka-vihara, 142.3 Anuräräma, 258. 1 Anotatta-lake, 3.5 Aparantaka, 85.1 Abhayagiri-vihara. 235. 1; 269. 1 Abhaya-vapi, 74.3 Ambațțhakola, 188. 1 Ambatitthaka, 170. 8 Ambatthala, 90. 1 ; 243. 5; 264. 3 Arithapabbata, 72.8 Alasanda, 194. 3
Avanti, 21. 2
Akasa-cetiya, 148. 4
Isipatana, 193. 3 Issara samamarama, 133. 2 ; 137. 35
Ujjemi, 29. 1 Uttarā Kurū, 3. 4 Upatissa-gama, 58.4 Uruvela in India, 2.2 Uruvela, in Ceylon, 189.2
Kacchaka-tittha, 72.2 Kadamba-madi, 58.8 Kapilavatthu, 11. 1 Kappukandaranadi, 165.5 Karinda-madi, 221. 1 Kalaha-nagara, 71. 1 Kalyāņī, 7.4 Kasmīra, 82. 2 Kajara-gama, 1821 Kaiaváрі, 58. 5; 247. 3 Kasa-pabbata, 70. 1 Kāsi, 36. l Kukkutarama, 86. 5 Kusāvatī, 10. 3 Kusinaira, 14.2 (see J.R.A.S. 1902,
p. 139 foll. ; 1903, p. 367 foll. Kolambahalaka, obalaka, 176, 2 Kosambi, 21.2 (see J.R.A.S. 1903,
p. 583; 1904, p. 249)
Gaňgā= Mahāgaṁgā, Gandhara 82 2 Gambhira-nadi, 58. 4 Gaimani-vapi, 75. 1 Giri-dupa, 4.4 Giribbaja, 36. 2 Guttahālaka, 165. 3 Gotha-samudda, 150.2 Gona-gamaka, 64. 1 Gona-nadl, 247. 3
Cittala-pabbata, 148.2 Cūļaingaņiyapitthi, 165. 5 Cetiya-pabbata, 114.3 Coļa, 143. 4
Jambukola, 79. l
Jambudīpa, 15. 5
Javamala-tittha, 165. 5.
Jetavana in India, 6, 1
Jetavanarama in Ceylon, 235. 1;
269. 1
Jotίναna, 77. 1
Tā malittī, 80. 4 Tissamahāvihāra, 138. 3 Tissa-vapi, 247. 4 Tissa-vapi, 248. 4
Thūpārāma, 9. 2; 230, 2
Dakkhinavihara, 246, 2 Dakkhinagiri, 88. 3 Dīghathūpa, 230. 3 Dighavapi, 8.1 Duratissa-vapi, 229. 2; 248.5 Dolapabbata, 713 Dvaramandala, 68. 1
Dhumarakkha-pabbata, 72. 1
Nandana-vana, 77.1 Naga-catukka, 94. 1

Nāga dīpa, 6. 2 Nivatta-cetiya, 97.3
Pathamacetiya, 95. 2 Payaga, 209. I Picīna dīpa, 261. 4 Pataliputta, 22. 5 Pāvā, 21. 2 Pāveyyakā, 21.2 Pupphapura, 22. 5 Pulimdā, 60. 5 Peli-vapi, 190. 1
Bārāņasī, 108. 1 Bodhimanda-vihara, 194.5
Maņisomārāma, 235. 3 Maņihīra, 270. 4 Madda, 62. 1 Madhula, 59. 1 Maricavatti-vihara, 79.2 Malaya, 60. 4 Mahakandara-nadi, 63. 1 Mahāgaṁgā, 3. 9; 71. 3 Mahāgāma, 146. 5 Mahātittha, 60. 1 Mahameghavana, 8. 2; 77. 1 Mahārațțha, 85. 3 Mahāvana, 20. 2 Mahiyangaya, 3. 9; 170. 7 Mahisamandala, 84, 5 Mithilā, 10. 3 Missaka-pabbata, 89.3
Inderes 299
Yatthalaya-vihara, 146. 3 Yona, 85. 5
Rajatalena-vihara, 246. 3 Rattamala-kandaka, 271.7 Rājagaha, 10. 3 Rolhaņa, 146. 2
Laikā, 3. 7 Lālugāmaka, 73. 2
Vainga, 51. 1 Vanavāsin, ovāsaka, 84. 7 Vijita-pura, (-nagara), 58.5; 171.3 Viňjhā, 128. 4; 194.4 Vedisa, 88. 4 Veluvana, 98. 1 w− Wesall, 19. 2 (see J.R.A.S. 1903,
p. 583 Wessagiri-vihara, 137. 3
Sineru, 213. 1 Silasobbha-kandaka, 236. 1 Sīlakūța, 90. 1 Suppāraka, 54. 3 Sumamakūța, 5. 1 Suvannabhümi, 86. 2 Soņņagiri, 238. l Somārāma, 235. 3 Soreyya, 21. 5
Huvaca-kannika, 245. 1
B. LIST OF TERMS EXPLAINED IN THE NOTES
anagamin 89 6 93 4 antimavatthu, 270. 8 abhiiňňā, 20. 1 ; 92. 1 ariyā, 35. 3 arūpabhava, oloka, 25. 2
āgataphala, 93. 4 ācariya, 31.4 acariyavada, 26. 1 ājira, 246. 2 ālinda, 246, 2
iriyāpatha, 17. 1
udāna, 1304 upajjhāya, 31. 4 upanissaya, 29. 3 upasana, 164. 1 ubbāhikā, 23. 3 ubhatosamgha, 228.4
kammațțhāna, 39. 3 kamma vācā, 44. l kasina, 45. 1 kahā paņa, 20. 3 kāmabhava, loka, 25. 2 kulumbaņa, 257. 5 kultipaga, “ka, 201. 2
khīņāsava, 35. 3 garula, 129. 4
caňkama, 45. 4 caturassacaya, 219. 1
jatilā, 3. 2
tādin, 102. 2
thūpikā, 210. 2 theravada, 26. 1; 49.2

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dasasila, 122.3
dhanu, 248. 3 dhamma, 17. 4 dhammasaryngaha, 16. 1 dhammasamgīti, 16. 1 dhammābhisamaya, 4. 6
nāļī, 201, 1 nigaņțha, 75. 2 nirodha, 254. 1 nissita, 264. 7
рассауа, 15. 7 paticcakamma, 48. 8 paribhogadhātu, 109. 2 parissãvana, 251. 2 pasāda, l. 1 pārmainga, 79. 7 puthujjana, 35. 3 pupphādhāna, 202. 2
bala, dasa balāni, 14. 4 bhava, 25, 2
marumba, 191. 5 mālaka, 99. 4 muddhavedī, 219. 1; 220. 3
Inderes
yațțhimadhukā, 224. 5 yamaka pāțiihāriya, 120. 1
ratanattaya, 33. 2 rūpabhava, °loka, 25. 2
vatamsa, 79. 6 vinaya, 17. 4 vibhajjavada, 49. 2 vetulya, 259. 2 vedī, vedikā, 220. 2
samvega, l. 1 sakadāgāmin, 98. 2 samklhāra, samkhata, 25. 3 saccakiriyā, 125. 3 samapatti, 37. 1 saraņa, 4. 6; 7. 2 sarīradhātu, 109. 2 salākā, salākagga, 112.6 sāmaņaka parikkhāra, 22. 1 sīla, 4. 6 ; 7. 3 ; 122. 3 supaņņa, 94. 3; 129. 4 sekha, 16. 3 sotāpatti, sotāpanna, 5. 2
hatthipākāra, 228. 2
AIDDENDA
v. 132. The meaning is as follows: The words gacchditi are a polite form of refusing a mendicant friar: "go on (to the next house).” Therefore Siggava could say that he had received something (i. e. a polite answer), without telling a lie. Formerly he had received nothing at all, no alms, nor even an answer, but had been entirely disregarded. See Milinda paiha 8; RHYs DAVIDs, S.B.E. xxxv, p. 15, and note.
xxix. 40. Translate : From his dwelling-place, the Wattaniya (airama) in the Winjha forest hills came the thera Uttara &c.

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