கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Epigraphia Zeylanica 4 
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EPIGRAPHIA
LITHIC AND OTH CE

AZEYLANICA
EING
BRINSCRIPTIONSOF YLON

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EPIGRAPHIA
LITHICAND OTHE CEY
EDITED AND T
DON MARTINO DEZI
INFOUR 190
VOL.I 1904-1912
Dy, 4to, 332 pp. 30 Plates (Reprint London, 1912 Edn.) 1994 (Archaeological Survey of Ceylon)
EDITED AND
DON MARTINO DE ZIL
H.W. CO
VC 192.
Dy 4 to, 38 (Reprint Londo (Archaeological
EDITED AND
H.W. CO
A S. PARAN
V( 193
Dy 4 to, 22 (Reprint Londc (Archaeologica

A ZEYLANICA
EING
RINSCRIPTIONSOF (LON
CRANSLATED BY
LVA WCKREMASINGHE
VOLUMES 4-1934
VOL. II 1912-1927
Dy 4 to, 348 pp, 39 Plates (Reprint London, 1928 Edn.) 1994 (Archaeological Survey of Ceylon)
TRANSLATED BY
VAWICKREMASINGHE
DRINGTON
DL.II 8-1933
Opp. 38 Plates n, 1933. Edn.) 1994 'Survey of Ceylon)
TRANSLATED BY
DRINGTON
AND
NAVITANA
OL.IV 3-1934
Opp. 21 Plates on, 1934 Edn.) 1994 1 Survey of Ceylon)

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EPIGRAPHIA
LITHIC AND OTHER CEY)
EDTED ANDTR
H.W. COD
AN S. PARANA
N FOUR V 1904
VOL 1933
p
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محس
ASANE DUCATC NEW DELHI A M/

ZEYLANICA
INSCRIPTIONS OF LON
ANSLATED BY
RINGTON D AVITANA
/OLUMES 1934
IV 1934
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DNAL SERVICES
ADRAS I 1994

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..RCHAEOLOGICAL
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E F (for I
PAGE 68, line 24, for I 164 read
, 78, line 29, for SasG read , 8o, line Io, for viyala read
158, line 26, for visa-dahar. I68, line 7, for the burning removes sinfulness an I68, delete footnote 2.

R RATA
arts 2 and 3)
II.4. වියළ.
viyala.
a read visada-hara.
poison of mental transgression read who
d affliction of mind.

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Page 13
No. 1: SAMGAMU VIHAR By S. PARA
T Saringamuva, a village about two I A. the Hätahaya Kōraļē of the Kuru hill on which are to be seen the remai The neighbouring tank, Maddekatiya-va foot of the hill on the eastern side, alon shrines and monastic dwellings. A seri cut on the bare side of the rock, leads extent, on which are an old stafa now r a few stumps of rough stone pillars mark The modern vihara is also in this area architectural fragments, to wit, a guard with a symbol resembling the old Brahm rough stone steps lead to a shrine, dat a cave near the top of the hill. This and a new wall, built about five years Brāhmī inscription 1 incised on the drip this shrine, a gigantic rock boulder, und cave, has tumbled down at an unknown pe on its drip-ledge. There are four more one at the foot of the hill close to the ti at the site, about IOO yards to the south
On a flat rock near the modern viha (A.S. J. Nos. 732-742) which, from the between the fifth and seventh centurie “ Goņagiri"; but the fragmentary natur conclude that this was the ancient name
At the top of the flight of rock-cu one ascends the hill, an area measuring into a raised and smoothed panel by cl it; and, on this, the record dealt with
What is now visible of this inscription reads The remaining letters of this inscription rea
VOL IV

A ROCK-INSCRIPTION.
NAVITANA
niles to the north-east of Gokarälla in nagala District, there is a low, rocky ns of an ancient Buddhist monastery. va, when full, approaches almost to the g which ran the old path leading to the es of steps, numbering over a hundred, one to a plateau, about ten acres in educed to a low mound of debris, and ing the sites of old monastic buildings. ; and near the entrance to it are some Stone, a moonstone, and a stone slab i sa carved on it. From this plateau, ing from the Kandyan period, built in shrine is now undergoing renovation; s ago, partly conceals a pre-Christian -ledge of the cave. In the vicinity of ler which was another, more spacious eriod, damaging the Brāhmī inscription * caves at the site: two near the shrine, ank and the last, the most spacious one of the shrine. ༣ ra are fragments of several inscriptions Script, may be ascribed to the period es. One of these contains the name 2 of the record does not permit us to of the place. : steps mentioned above, to the left as 4 ft. 4 in. by 3 ft. o. in. has been made iselling away the rock surface around in the present paper has been incised.
--Parumaka Citagutaha bariya parumaka . . . . . |:-Bafa Saằanaếa....... (aếa јиia Ma . . . . . .
B

Page 14
2 EPIGRAPHIA
This, along with the other epigraphs at by the present writer in 1931 .
Eighteen lines of the record are 1 dressed surface of the rock has room f of any writing are now to be seen here engraved on a rock which is open on tinually to be trodden by people going considerably. Lines 13-16 only are con or less damaged. Line I7 is completely letters can be made out, making it imp this part of the record.
The letters, regularly incised, are, or to the script of the twelfth century and last four lines of the document consist of metre, of which the third pada is comp damaged. The rest of the record is in siderable number of Sanskrit tafsa mas : this period. As regards orthography, are used in writing such Sinhalese wo (l. I4), whereas in vamha (ll, 3-4), the occurs in the Sanskrit word assaradi, th absent. This peculiarity is also notice Grantha script of South India.
As regards grammar, the use of e.g. nokaramha (l. 5) mai/&uvam/ha and tense, is noteworthy.
The contents tell us about an a kramabahu; and, as such, the record We have no difficulty in identifying the kramabahu I. The script of the record two princes belong; and, moreover, the bahu was a contemporary of a Parakrama the two princes were related to each C in-law; and this fact agrees with the s the relationship between Gajabāhu II an
See A. S. C. Annual Ae,

ZEYLANICA (vOL. Iv
the place, was copied for the first time
now visible and, after the last line, the or four more lines; but no indications 2. Owing to the fact that the record is all sides to the weather and liable conup and down the hill, it has suffered npletely legible, the others being more у illegible and, of lines 8-IO, only a few ossible to have a connected reading of
an average, 2 in. in height. They belong call for no remarks in particular. The f a Sanskrit verse in the Vasantatidaea letely, and the fourth more than half, n Sinhalese which also contains a conas is usual in the Sinhalese writings of
it may be noted that conjoint letters rds as Aaramha (l. 5) and mdiéuvamha virama sign is used. The cerebral 4 Lough in classical Sanskrit this letter is l in Sanskrit documents written in the
the verbal forms of the present tense, witvam/ha (l. I4), to express the future
lliance between Gajabahu and Parais of exceptional historical importance, two princes as Gajabahu II and Paral is that of the period to which these ere was only one occasion when a Gajabahu. The document also tells us that other as maternal cousins or brothersstatements of the chronicles regarding d Parākramabāhu II.
óort for I 93o-3 II, p. 5.

Page 15
so. 1) SA MGAMU VIHARA
The document is briefly worded; person. After introducing themselve any formalities, come to the subject clause, they promise that, till the end against each other. The second clau are in no doubt regarding what it de; an agreement that the possessions of away will become the property of th completely illegible and we, therefore dence. By the fourth and last clause that a king who is an enemy of one enter into an offensive and defensive a if they act contrary to this agreement in Sanskrit of which nearly half is oblit
Turning now to the //a/havariasa, narrated with a wealth of detail, we chronicle, how Parakramabahu, after pality of the Dakkhinadesa to which Kittisirimegha, undertook a campaign object of making himself the sole mast which took place during the course of have always the advantage over the trc Polonnaruva, itself falls into the invac help of Manabharana, the ruler of R and, instead of succouring Gajabahu, Sc
Seeing this new danger, Gajabah tion; and the latter, who had recove. hands of the Rohana troops, recaptu the master of the Rajarattha. At th about a reconciliation between the tw dominions of Gajabahu and himself re part, now definitely takes the side of listen to Manabharana's advances for Parakramabahu the heir to his kingd tablet at the Mandalagiri Vihãra. Do
Møp, lxx

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 3
and, in it, the princes speak in the first by name, they at once, and without matter of the agreement. By its first of their lives, they will not wage war se is not completely preserved; but we lt with. By it, the two princes come to the one who would be the first to pass 2 survivor. The third clause is almost cannot speak about it with any confiof the treaty, the two princes declare of them, is an enemy of both, i.e. they liance. Imprecations against themselves are then followed by a benedictary verse erated.
in which the events of this period are read, in the seventieth chapter of that consolidating his position in the princihe succeeded on the death of his uncle against his cousin Gajabahu II, with the er of Larinkā. In the various encounters this campaign, Parakramabahu's generals pops of Gajabahu and the latter's capital, lers hands. Gajabâhu then solicits the ohana, who readily comes on the scene hemes for his own aggrandizement. 1 appeals to Parakramabahu for protec"ed from his temporary reverses at the res Polonnaruva and becomes virtually S stage, the monks intervene and bring o cousins. Parakramabahu restores the tires to his province. Gajabahu, on his Parakramabahu and not only refuses to an alliance; but, moreover, he makes m and has this fact engraved on a stone btless we have, in the present inscription,
vv. I-5.
B2

Page 16
4 EPIGRAPHIA
a copy of the treaty entered into, on this kramabahu I. Perhaps, it was another cop caused to be engraved at the Mandalagiri The last named place, now known as kaduva District of the North-Central Pro Archaeological Survey in 1897 and 19o century were discovered; but the inscrip Ma/avaniisa, has not come to light. Mr. I 924, looked for this inscription; but, inst inscription discovered in 1897. The sit forest and some of the remains are yet but tion, which must have been either ident least, must have had many points in co discovered.
Comparing the Ma/havaniasa account w to be certain discrepancies between the believe that the settlement arrived at, on t was all to the advantage of Parakramab a vanquished monarch, humbled himself mentions the fact that Gajabahu bequeat but does not indicate at all that this as we were reciprocal. Moreover, in this docu first, showing that his antagonist had conc These discrepancies may be due to t of the Mahavamsa had in favour of Pará they are more apparent than real. The of Parakrainabahu. We must not forge was Parakramabahu's overlord and, had would not have treated his younger riva this document. The second clause, by whi parties makes the other his heir, becomes, by Gajabahu to Parakramabahu who was
Í See A.S.C. Annual Report for 1897, p. 7 and the inscriptions see E. Z. Vol. II, pp. 25-33.
Ceylon Antiguary and Aliterary Aegister, vol. X.

ZEYLANICA VOL. Iv
occasion, by Gajabāhu II and Parāy of the same document that Gajabahu Vihara.
Mädirigiriya, is situated in the Tamanvince. The site was explored by the 7, when two inscriptions of the tenth tion of Gajabahu II, mentioned in the Harry Storey, who visited the site in ead, he found a duplicate of the pillar e, which is very extensive, is in dense ied in the debris. Gajabahu's inscripcal with the present document or, at mmon with it, may, therefore, be yet
ith the present document, there appear two. The chronicle would have us his occasion, between the two princes, ahu and that Gajabahu, as befitting in the presence of the former. It hed his kingdom to Parakramabahu; ill as the other conditions of the peace ment, Gajabāhu’s name is mentioned :eded him precedence in rank. he bias which the author of this part ikramabahu; but, on the other hand, treaty is, in reality, to the advantage t that Gajabahu, nominally at least, he not been worsted in warfare, he l as an equal in status as he does in ch, apparently, each of the contracting in effect, the leaving of his kingdom very much the younger of the two.
the Annual Report for Igo7, pp. 30-32. For
, рр. 67—87.

Page 17
SAMGAMU VIHARA
the ordinary course of events, the 13 mabāhu would predecease Gajabāhi
Eet
By consenting to forgo the opp throne when he was able to do so by it in this manner, Parakramabahu has time, there were several other princes \ can that of Parakramabahu to the over kramabahuat once taken possession oft he would have been considered, by n By this treaty, Parakramabahu establi his rivals, to the territories under C questioned whether, according to the could, in this manner, will away his kir
The last clause is, apparently, di Rohana. He, too, had ambitions simila latter's chief obstacle in his way to the bahu had learned by his experience in a successful end, Manabharana's troops tion of the forces of Rohana and Raj powerful for him to resist. By this trea and prevented the possibility of such AMahazamsa (ch. lxxi, v. 2) that Gaja advances for an alliance, shows that he visions of this treaty. Thus, we see appears as advantageous to Gajabahu of it, we find that the latter was the The document must have been word feelings of the humiliated old monarch have been a master in the somewha It may also be of interest to note th vigraha and sana/hana proves that the with the Arthaśastra, the Indian scienc
Gajabahu had two brothers, Mahinda and Polonnaruva than that of Parakramabahu. Man the sovereignty as Parakramabahu.

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 5
re was very little probability that Parāu for the latter to benefit by this agree
ortunity of capturing the Polonnaruva
force of arms and waiting to succeed to shown much political sagacity. At that who could show a claim as good or better lordship of the Rajarattha; and, had Parahe throne when Gajabahu was vanquished, hany of his contemporaries, as a usurper. shed a legitimate claim, above those of ajabahu's rule. It may, of course, be : Sinhalese law of succession, Gajabāhu ngdom. ected against Manabharana, the ruler of ar to those of Parakramabahu and was the throne of Polonnaruva. As Parakramathe campaign that he had just brought to s were not to be despised and a combinaarattha would possibly have become too ity, Parakramabahu isolated Manabharana a combination. The statement in the bahu refused to listen to Manabharana's 2, on his part, faithfully observedy the prothat though, on the face of it, the treaty as to Parakramabahu, on a deeper study person who stood to gain by it in reality. led in this manner in order to spare the and the person who drafted it appears to t Machiavellian diplomacy of the times. at the occurrence of the technical terms document was drawn up by one familiar xe of politics.
Anikanga, who had a better claim to the throne of abharana, the ruler of Rohana, had as much right to

Page 18
6 È PIGRAPHIA ;
One other question that may arise is graved at the Saringamu Vihara. We do mediaeval times; but, though it was withir rule before he became sole monarch of the the place was close to his residence, even the reason why Gajabahu, on his part, wer his version of the agreement, instead of If a conjecture be permissible, we may su Saringamu Vihara were the residences oft exerted themselves to bring about a recon Perhaps, the documents were engraved o who considered such a step necessary to parties, of the agreement entered into.
TEX 1 [සවසති.][]*] ශ්‍රී මහාසමමත 2 [යෙන්] ෙනාපිරිහී ආ සතන්‍ය, 3 Q(s) ult) &s))sh 6 g36. 4 eo (* (ges zSoe, eozsycos) 5 දක්වා විශුහයක් ෙනාකරම 6 මොනාවුන් අයාමෙහි පළමුවූ 7 ෙග · ... ... ... ... පසුවූවන් 8 (වන්න) .. .. .. .. ... එක්6 9 (SD) GAS) .. .. .. [óo]eS AS ẽ 10 ρυ ... ... ... ... ... ... Iφευl Θ 11. එක්ඛකනකු[න්හට] සතුරු 12 මෙනක් ඇත් නම් දෙදෙනා 13 ට විරුධයක් කළකෝමා නම් 14 මැකුවම්භ []*] නරකයෙන් 15 ආ චනලතාරමවතාපජගඳකදී
16 තෙරපා පරාජිව්ධනයෙ0රනd
، بر س --- بر ب س -- ر -- -- 17
18 @සනහාද්දුතා محیا -سه را بالا یا
TRANSC 1 (Svastio) Šri-Mahāsar yen) no-pirihi a satya-d
2

EYLANICA voL, rv
the reason why this document was ennot know what the place was called in the territories under Parakramabahu's : island, there is nothing to prove that temporarily. Equally inexplicable is t to the Mandalagiri Vihara to register doing so at his capital, Polonnaruva. 'mise that Mandalagiri Wilhara and the he principal monks who, on either side, ciliation between the contending rulers. in stone at the instance of the monks :nsure the faithful observance, by both
.
තපරමපරා බනවූ ගජ බඩු වම් යට ජවිතයා නත Ferð (n,*) @
කෞකනකුන් අත්පත් \කනකුන් .. [ලුපත] වන නියාගෙය දෙදනා කෙරෙන් වූ රජදරුවෙක ට මැ සතුරහ [u*] මෙ තුනුරුවන් ආඥා | මුකත මෙනයාවූවමහ [Ir*] 3රාළි »යාරනනායම් []*]
[*] -- 0نع سی -- ری
RIIPT.
hmata-paramparahana-vü Gaja

Page 19
Sllig 111111 Will til
ril ta' fi
 

L' ', ' ', PEL 7 Rick-ITTRICT, TI
-്
réorro 2 ; or:#FF : 1/i':r

Page 20


Page 21
SAMGAMU VIHARA F
bāhu Parākramabāhu -ha * Apa kala Sandh dakwa vigrahayak no-kar -noovun ayämehi palamuge ... . . . . . . ... pa SllVūVa (vanna) ... ... ... ... ... ek-k
- (vä) me ... ... .. rajya v 10 -n . . . . . . Dapal d 11 ek-kenakumhata saturu12 -nek ät nam de-denāța m 13 -ța viruddhayak kallamo 1 14 mäkuvamha [f*) Naraka 15 A candra-taramavatajaj 16 -reesa pararttha-dhanayo -- ری م - ما م م - ر -- -- 17
18 sneh2ärddratäm u u V~ —
TRANSL
Lines 1-4) Hail! We are the two kramabahu, who have come down in of the illustrious Mahāsammata, and to w
Lines 4-14. According to the treat till the ends of our lives, wage war again of the one who will be the first to pass av wil survive * . . . . of one . . . . . so that t there be any kings who are enemies to ei to both of us. Were we to do anything
Siru-badu is a variant form of suhuru-ladu w Aikiya Sangraha, Colombo edition of 1890, p. 28) of the word, see my note “Gajabahu and Mahallal vol. XXX, pp. 452-454. According to the Sinhalese s. the relationship of maternal cousin and brother-in System in C.J. S. G, vol. i., p. 1.85); the term sui "maternal cousin’. Parakramabahu was the son of Parakramabahu was given in marriage to Gajabahu. brothers-in-law.
Pasuviivan :-Literally the one who shall be

OCK-INSCRIPTION
de-sürubadu vamānayața jīvitānta amha * Ovuvū kenakun
n at-pat enakum ... ilupta vana niyäyee-dena keren vū raja-daru-kea saturahan Menam tunuruvan ājñã yen mukta no-vūvamha (n*) gadaaksarzalirzanayorzananyam *
ـــــــــــــــــــــ ــــعت۔ لیW ح
[*]-ta -ں بں ۔
ATION.
brothers-in-law, Gajabahu and Parāunbroken succession from the lineage hom truth is a treasure.
y that we have contracted, we shall not, 1st each other). Of each other . . . . . . Way . . . . . . possession of the one who he kingdom may be destroyed . . . . If ther of the two of us, they are enemies contrary to this agreement), we shall
thich is found in Sinhalese literary works (e.g. the and means “brother-in-law’. For the explanation canaga: their relationship in W. A. A. S., C. A., stem of kinship, the same term is used to denote -law (see Mr. Hocart's 'Indo-European Kinship 'uru-badu or sizru-badu may, therefore, also mean the sister of Gajabahu's father; and a sister of
So the princes may either be called cousins or
the later” (to die).

Page 22
8 EPIGRAPHIA
be as if we had transgressed the comma never be delivered from hell.
Lines 15-18 May this writing 'p the Stars endure; May the union 8 of of others, . . . . . . suffused with love . .
No. 2. THE GADALADE
SEN ÅSAMMATA
By H. W.
HIS inscription is cut op the rocki
Dharmmakirtti, the founder of Gac of Bhuvanaika Bāhu IV. It is followe waning moon of Nikini in the Buddhist king, whose name almost certainly is Ja on palm leaf and has been used in this
The record is dated in the eighth cakravartti, who, as we have seen w plate (AE.Z., Vol. III, pp. 24o-247), was ! Kobbakaduva Vihare sananasa, now ext: Seventh year of this king. The Galgan Vihare or Veravala, otherwise known only in copies, are dated on the eighth (I5 IO A.D.), but give no regnal year. A the present epigraph belongs to anothet (I 5 I II A.D.), Vikrama Bāhu must have April 16, I5 IO and August IO, I5 II. I he came to the throne at the latest in Iz in placing his accession about the Sam which took place in 20 I5 A.B. (I 472-3 A.I tion of the month of Poson in the y
Tumuruvan = P. Ratanattaya. The Budd Aasarali:-Literally a row or series of let Ananyam :-Literally the absence of differ Ā3uduguņa Alaikāraya, and Arankālē doc Swadeia Mitraya of July 27 and August 3, I924.
o E. Z., Vol. III, pp 278-286.

ZEYLANICA vOL. IV
und of the Three Gems. Weshall also
rotect the world so long as the Moon and these two, whose wealth is for the good
ENIYA INSCRIPTION OF
VIKRAMA BÅHU.
CODRINGTON.
mmediately below the record of the monk laladeniya Vihare, dated in the third year d by an epigraph dated the first of the year 2054 (I5 II A.D.) in the reign of a lyavira. A copy of our inscription exists edition. year of Sénasammata Vikrama Bahu. while discussing the Palkuňbura copper the founder of Kandy as a capital. The ant only in a copy, is dated in the thirty5 Vihare tudupata and that of Kuttangal as Radagoda Vihare, both also existing of the waxing moon of Vesak, 2052 A.B. As the inscription immediately following reign and is dated in Nikini of 2054 A.B. ceased to rule at some date between f his thirty-seventh year was 'expired, 74 or I475, and we may not be far wrong e time as that of Bhuvanaika Bahu VI, ..)". This Kotte king's Dādigama inscrip2ar following the eighth or I 48O-I A.D.
ha, the Dhamma and the Sangha. ters'. ’ence '.
:uments, published by Sir D. B. Jayatilaka in the

Page 23
No. 2) INSCRIPTION OF SENASA
rehearses the terms of an amnesty give saninge, " Sinhalese war', to the people ( punishment would ensue " when the affair It is tempting to connect the rebellion, w the Kandyan kingdom and was suppresse of Il in Vikrama Bahu's eighth year, with that the settlement of the affair' (&ariya of the Kandyan king's refractory subjects trust the Aafaratna &aya, was of the same Tradition tells us of Vikrama Bahu, no king of the Hill Country and that th discovered a young prince with his moth Kandy his mother founded the Talagahan devale and pansala; the Gedige Vihare was Asgiri Vihare was named after his mothe to one and the same king the building of According to the Mahavamsa one V 2O85 A.B. (I 542-3 A.D.). This portion of based on the Aajaratnakaraya, itself a name Vira Vikrama nowhere appears in t epithets applied to the king his name ma Bahu. The story of his reign is precede Mayuravati, who was born of a peahen's e. varinsa. The king himself is said to have b great king Jayamahalena Savulu Parakra Mayuravati on the one side, and of t Mehenavara-varnsa on the other. He ca Seńkhanda nam Srivarddhana-pura', whic He conquered his enemies, Sinhalese a
In view of the evidence supplied by the I Rafavaliya, which affected the country between the of Śrīvarddhana Patirāja and Kūragama Himi and the army of the Four Korales, cannot have been same area in I 476 under Goruci, which was also su tioned in the Pegu Kalyani inscription. Perhaps th merited the name of the 'Sinhalese war' or “rebelli year of our present record possibly may be 'expir following the eighth of Bhuvanaika Bahu VI.
WOL. V.

VIMATA VIKRAMA BAH U 9
n on the suppression of the Sinihala f the Four Korales, who feared that in the Uda-rata has also been settled'. nich clearly affected the greater part of d according to our record by the month this 'Sinhalese war', and to suppose in the Hill Country was the reduction to order. Vikrama Bahu, if we may clan as the Kotte monarch . the founder of Kandy, that there was e state elephant, let loose to find one, er at Asgiriya in Matale District. In nula Viharé on Mount Airy as well as a built over her ashes by her son, the king. r's village. Tradition further attributes Gedige Vihare and of Poya Maluva. ira Vikrama became king in Kandy in the Pali chronicle is quite late and is work of no great authority. Now, the he Rafaratnakaraya; from the allusive y have been Vīra Vikrama or Vikrama d by a lengthy account of the princess gg, and of the origin of the Mehenavarabeen the 'grandson' (munudura) of the uma Bahu, descended from the princess he great king Vikrama Bahu of the ume to the throne in “ Katupulla bada h was his by birthright (fanma-praveni). hd Tamil. He placed bodily relics of
)adigama epigraph the Simhala feraliya of the Kalugaiga and the Valave under the leadership which was suppressed by Ambulugala Raja and the whole of the movement. A rebellion in the ppressed by Bhuvanaika Bahu's brother, is menrebellion extended over several years. To have on it must have been widespread. The eighth 2d, in which case it corresponds with the year
C

Page 24
IO EPIGRAPH
Buddha near his city, made a great a storied Uposatha enclosure, the re. Maluva close to Malvatte Vihare. A new Mahā Vihārē for the Great Eld from abroad with thirty-five monks. reformed the Saringha and held an or that he was of Poya Maluva. The k and Mahyangana, and made offerir Bentoța Vihārē, where was enshrined the first king of Ceylon, Vijaya, and impossible figure.
In spite of the absence of any e. there can be little doubt that this kir tional founder of Kandy as a capital plate we have seen that the date 2 the Natha Devale record of the end vīra Mahā-väda-vun-täna. It may stand alone in the Aafaratnakaraya. the year I 929 A.B. (I 386—7 A.D.) to til Further details are supplied by th of the great Bandaras who ruled m Gampola period. The coronation Seemingly after this the turbulence c Vikrama Bahu. He migrated from and thence to the plot of land (6/iiim, Vijaya-bhumi-bhaga, "having suppres Bandãras were deprived of their um! titles. In other words they ceased to of the Vijaya-bhumi-d/haga as the sit to have been due to a hunted hare t Siauruvana Aadaim-pota, however, s sion of the Bandaras.
The title "Senasammata' itself finding of the prince in the absence length of the reign, at least of thirty
1 E. Z., Vo

HIA ZEYLANICA (voIL. Iv
2/hera with stone pillars by it, and built a twoference being to the dagaba and the Poya Among other good works, he constructed a er, learned in the Three Pițakas, who came This Great Elder was Dharmmakirtti, who dination in the Mahavaliganga; tradition has ing also went on pilgrimage to Adam's Peak gs to the Tooth Relic of Buddha and to the Tooth Relic of Maha Kasyapa. Between this king were 25o anointed sovereigns, an
xplicit mention of Asgiri Vihare, I think that ng is identical with Vikrama Bahu, the tradiIn my article on the Palkurinbura copper p85 A.B. cannot be correct, for according to of that year the reigning king was Šrī Jayape noted that this erroneous date does not A few sentences before, this work assigns he reign of Bhuvanaika Bahu VI. le Siauruvaaya Aadaim-bota, a short account nuch of the present Kandy District in the of Bhuvanaika Bahu (V) is mentioned. of the Bandaras was brought to an end by Ganga-Sri-pura (Gampola) to Perademi-pura, iya), where dwelt Seńkhaņda. There on the ised the troubles', he made his capital. The brellas and shields and were given muda di be semi-independent princes. The selection e of the palace in Kandy is said by legend urning on and chasing its pursuers. The eems to connect the name with the suppres
io some extent confirms the tradition of the of any king in the Hill Country, and the
-six years, indicates that the king came to
l. III, pp. 24o-247.

Page 25
No. 2) INSCRIPTION OF SENASA
the throne in his youth. In other doc Sangabō Šrī Sēnāsammata Vikrama B; Mehenavara clan on his mother's side.
The script of our record does not that of the Gadaladeniya slab pillar; it c sixteenth century. The orthography is p as the Hapugastanna inscription of Parak The contents promise that no loss certain provinces named, forming, if not of the Kandyan kingdom of the time, ar of those who have fallen in warfare or in of an heir, be devoted to the restoratic Atasiyapattuva applied to Matale is unkr distinct from Dumbara, roughly equals th Goda-rata has now disappeared, but is fo Maturata and Pasgam-rata. The Larinki speaks of Pattiyagama in Goda-rata; it Lower Hevahate. "Atapediya' appears tion with Kotmale. Mahatota can hardl Mahāvaminsa ”, as no provinces on that sic know that the Adikariya of Nuvarakalav Couto's Periyaturai, which he places be Jafanapatão ' (Dec. V, lib. II, cap. 5). "Mavatu-rata' on the border of Ruhuna as lying between the Kalugaiga, the Ma Maya-rata, and the Mahavaliganga in M: The Yapabhandara of our inscription importance, apparently next in dignity to as the Siaduruvānā AKaqdaim-bota mentio and another in Unambuva. Further a tion. Bound up with the Colombo Mus giving the story of Madagama Devale i. ÄSala in Šaka I 3O4 (I 382 A.D.) a Brahm revealing the presence of a weapon of
o Atabãge mura pirissa vaga pirissa Kotmailê mas-udddova.

MMATA VIKRAMA BÄHU
uments his full name is given as Siri hu. He apparently was only of the
differ in any very marked degree from efinitely is anterior to the middle of the oor. The Malayalam Co, found as early rama Bahu V, is used throughout for 2). of life shall be inflicted on the people of the whole, at least a considerable part ld provide that the heriot or madaraya the elephant hunt shall, in the absence on of vihares in disrepair. The name hown elsewhere. Pansiyapattuva, where e present Uda Dumbara and Vēņdaruva. und in the Maha Aadaim-pota between itilaka inscription of Vikrama Bāhu III t was, therefore, identical with part of in the /Daržióademi Asma, but in connecy be Mantoddam, the Mahatittha of the le of the Island are mentioned and we iya was under Kõțțē ; rather it must be :tween Trincomalee and “the point of The Maha Kaqdaim-pota mentions a in Pihiti-rata, and also defines Ruhuna havăligaiga in Kotmale, the limits of avatu-rata in the Pihiti country. h appears to have been a personage of the king. His name is of some interest, is a Bandara of the name in Gangoda sāpā Raja or Maharaja occurs in tradieum Rājavamsa (M 4) are a few leaves h Sabaragamuva. On the last day of an staying at Madagama had a dream the god Kandasami. The devale was
Atapetiyē (var. Atapediyě) vädldøya polu-zäddøya
* Sinh. Mahavutu, Mãvatu.
C 2

Page 26
2 EPIGRAPHIA
established and the fact reported to “Su one canopy. About 200 years later S king of Sitavaka and Yapa Raja twice v time the two kings fought at Opanake was beaten. Peace was made, the boul at the Peräs-ala, and Yapa went to the th In the proceedings of the Board of Con valatanne Disava gives the history of by Sūriya Maharaja and afterwards e Maharaja also made offerings. Yāpā M thus lived before Rajasimha I (1554-15 The word baju ruvan appears to b certain. It is very tentatively suggeste wealthy, rich; powerful, strong", and n the context, but the termination -vaha Vigulavatta inscription of Vikrama Bah With dit-vage, 'elephant hunt", ma Service holdings of the elephant departr The masaraya, later maradaya, or l In the Island one third of the movables if he left sons, and the whole if he left r “Whensoever any man dies, that h thence must be paid a Bull and a Cow Buffalo, which tax they call Marral" chap. iv; cf. ió., chap. v), and :
“Lands of Inheritance which belon Heriots to the Kingʼ (iö., pt. III, chap. The impost was abolished by Kirt at least was enforced by the last king o document was to secure merit for the de
Mr. Paranavitana writes to me: “On the ex at Mātiyangané in the Dambadeni Hatpattu, there : In addition to such well-known deities as Brahma deity labelled Yapa-bhandara. He holds a katty two centuries old. Of course we cannot be certa the person of that name mentioned in this inscrip
* Documentos ÁRemettidos da India, ii, p. I 36, Foral, fol. I 69, I 72.

A ZEYLANICA VOL. IV
ryya Maharaja who united Lankā under Sūryya Maharaja’s “third grandson’ the vent to war without success. The third Valiyadde-vela and the king of Sitavaka hdary between the kingdoms being fixed irone of Uda-kattuva or the Hill Country. missioners, I82, an ola report of MahaJggal Alutnuvara Devale. It was built ndowed by Yāpā Maharaja ; Rāsirinha Iaharaja, if these stories be not mythical, 93 A.D.). e unknown elsewhere. The reading is d that it is derived from Skt. bajra, ' fat; heans the "great men'. 'Princes' suits Inse is attached to mualadivarum in the
u III. ay be compared waga pangu wasam, the nent in Uva. heriot is well known in India and Ceylon. of the deceased escheated to the Crown one'. Knox says: hath a stock of Cattel, immediately out v with a Calf, and a Male and Female (//istorical ARelation of Ceylon, pt. II,
g to Women are exempted from paying
νii). tiSri (1747-82 A.D.), but on one occasion f Kandy. The provision in the present 2ceased as well as for the king.
iterior of the walls of a cave shrine, now abandoned, are paintings of gods with their names written below. l, Visnu, Skanda, etc., we have here a figure of a in one hand. The shrine appears to be at least in that the deified Yapa-bhandara was the same as tion.’
letter from the king of 3 January, 1612. See also

Page 27
so. 2 INSCRIPTION OF SENASA
Śakradumahādi in line Io is mear doubt as to the reading. Mr. Paranavit, some resemblance to the Grantha óra. written so that they are not joined to ea Śakra Bramihādi.”
The name Sanhas Sivattā Nãyin appears in the Alutnuvara amnesty reco following the twentieth, and in the Kobl seventh year, all of Senasammata Vikrar and the same person is referred to. In t Vihare grants of 2052 A.B. (I5 IO A.D.) th Perumāland "Sannissivatte Kulapperum only in an English translation.
PEX 1 (සචසති) ප්‍රශස්ත [මහා] සමමත පර
జఅలిలా లె@లి (6)ుత్ర లిజ్వరిణిల 2 සචාමීන්[වහ]න්සේට අටවනු හිල අ{
සරසියපතතව • මා{තලය] 3 අටසියප[තතුව දු]මබර ප(න්)සියපත
මෙසාරමබර මෙවල 4 අසස මෙකා තමලේ ගෙපළ මෙදාළේයාස්
නාමලය මඬ 5 ක(ල)[පුව ඇ]තුළු[ව මෙම කී සෑම]කෙර
පජ (රුවන්) පවති[නා] සේ 6 නා[ව)(ගෙ)න් කෙනකුන්ට විකුම බ
භාණඩාර ඇ 7 තුළුවූ පපුරුවන්වහන්සේලා වසින්
[රනු](වත් සේවා)කෙ[ම] 8 යි වැටුණු කෙනකුන් හා ඇත්වගේ
@කෙනක් 9 ණතුව 9 තිබේ නම් ජරාවාසව ති
රුවන්ගේ ආඥාය
* For සාරසියපතතව. * For GeG * Probably for see. * For 3632
For G250. For 8zş

MMA TA VIKRAMA BAH U I3
it for Sakra Brahmadi. There is no ana writes : “ The aksara read as du has As conjoint consonants are sometimes ch other, I would prefer to read this as
ātrum, who attested our document, also rd, in the Vannipola grant of the year bakaduva Vihare sannasa of the thirtyna Bahu. It does not follow that one he Galgane Vihare and the Kuttangal e attestor was Sanhas Sivattēva Kala al"; the last mentioned document exists
KT.
‘ම්පරානුයා(ත සූ)රිය වංශනාභිජාත සේනා
ව (ස)තවක සිදුරුවා නා ෙදනුවර බලවිට Nතුව అయి(ఐరం මතුරට උණුව qరిeంటివి |බෙග් * [බු]{ලත්)[ග]ම මඟතොට కరణ යහි උතතම මඩම[අ]ධම කනිෂටද ? లిల్ల"
V
භාහු මහරජථුරුවන් යාපාභණඩාර රජදරු
* පාණ" හානි මොණ ” කරවනු නො ක
දුව වැටනු * කෙනකුනුගේ මළාරයට හිමි
3බෙන විහාර කැරවීමට පුදනුවත් තුනු
}ළයාස්බාගේ. * For කනිෂඨාදි. .For go-ssó .ک లి. For 238).

Page 28
4 EPIGRAPHI,
10 දළදා පාතූ ධතූන් වහන්සේගේ
දෙවියන් 11 ගේ ආඥාය උත්පලවන්න සුමන විග්
ආඥයි 12 මාහිකාන්තාවගේ ආඥාය පතතිනි (
ଔତ୍ତ 13 ශෛ(හව)රි(න්) @ම් ශිලාමලබාසය මෙක්
නාරූමහ
TIRAN 1 (Svasti) prašasta Mahā) Samm jāta sēnās ammata Vikrar 2 svamin-vahanse-ta atavanu Hil Balavița Sarasiyapattuva * ! 3 Aţasiyapattuva Dumbara Pa(i A țapediya Sorambara Vela 4 assa Kotmale Gaṁpaļa Doļosba
malaya Maňçda5 ka(la)puva ä]tuluva me ki säma stadio catu" paju(ruvan) pa 6 nā[va-(ge)n kenakun-ța Vikram
raja-daru bhandara ä7 tulu-vu pajuruvan-vahansela vasi
(vat sëva)kame-) 8 yi väțuņu kenakun hā ät-vagē
himi kenek 9 nätuva"° tibe-nam jaravasa-va tib
ruvan-gē ājñāya 10 Daļadā Pātra dhatūn-vahansē.g
deviyan
o For CD0EXIS. The GD as written is alm o Sic.
For Sārastija attuva. 5 FO Probably for matu. For zhisin,
For vituau. For dhatun. The dh as written is almost

A ZEYLANICA [voL. Iv
ආඥාය ශකුඩුමහාදි * නිස් තුන් කොටියක්
iෂන ෂන්මුඛාදී සතර වරම් දෙවියන * ගේ
»දවියන්ගේ ආඥාය මෙ කී ආඥා කියා වදාළ
හඹාටවා දුන් බවට [සන්හ]ස් සිවනතා නායි
CREPI. ata paramparanuya (ta Sü)riya varinŠabhina [Bāhu cakrava)rtti a ava (sa) tavaka Siduruvānā De-nuvara Mā[talaya) 1)siyapattuva Go(da)rata Maturata Ova
gè° [Bu](lat)[ga]ma Mahatota Tirukunâ
ayehi uttama maddhama aldhama kanivatinā sēa Bāhu maharajjuruvan Yāpābhaņdāra
no pãnao hãni no o karavanu no karanu
duva vätanu'' kenakunu-gè malaraya-ta
ena vihāra käravīma-ța pudanu-vat Tunu
e ajñãya Sakradumahãdiotis tun kotiyak
Ost indistinguishable from Cô.
* For දෙවියන්. r Dolosbāge. o For kanisthādi. For prana. 0لمة FOr wao * For mätuuzwa indistinguishable from ya. 1“ S.

Page 29
Epigraphia Zeylarifica
nųựgi puutus. A titutumisťuas Jo uositslae su I v súoppiestos) soll.I.
 

፫'፵፣ -
■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■5°

Page 30


Page 31
No. 2) INSCRIPTION OF SENASA
11 gē ājñāya Utpalavarnna Sumana deviyana'-ge ājñāya 12 Mahīkāntāva-gē ājñāya Pattini de
nne13 (h)e(va)ri (n) me Silalekhyaya kota
yinārumha ܫ
TRANS
Hail! On the seventh of the waning Majesty the Sovereign Lord Sénasamm the Sun in lineal descent from the famo follows):-
On no one, high, middling, low, or lo the great men shall continue hereafter Sārasiyapattuva, Mātalē Atasiyapattuva, Maturața, Ūva, Atapeqdiya, Sorambara, V Bulatgama, Mahatota, Trincomalee, Batt loss of life becaused to be inflicted or be Bähu, Yäpäbhandära, the bhandara the And should there be no owner for the h in warfare and in the elephant hunt, (thi tion of vihares which are out of repair.
This is the command of the Three C and Bowl Relics; this is the command ( thirty-three Aoti of gods; this is the com varnna, Sumana, Vibhīşana, Şanmukha, Mahikantava; this is the command of th To the effect that this stone inscript to the royal order setting forth (as sanctio Sivattā Nāyinārun, (do certify).
For deviyan. NoTE.-For the early kings of Kandy see Ceylon Branch, XXXII, pp. 64 ff, and 'Notes on th Centuries, Ceylon Literary Aegister, II (1932), pp.

MMATA VIKRAMA BÄHU 5
Vibhīsana Sanmukhādī satara varam
viyan-gē ājñāya me kī ājñā kiyā vadāļa
vā dun bava-ța [Sanhas Sivattā. Nā
ATION.
moon of Hila in the eighth year of His ata Vikrama Bahu, born of the race of us Maha Sammata (it was decreed as
west, and the rest, of the host, in which , of Siduruvānā De-nu vara, Balavita, Dumbara Pansiyapattuva, Goda-rața, ela-assa, Kotmalē, Gampaļa Dolosbāgē, icaloa, of all this aforesaid region, shall 2 inflicted by the great king Vikrama a king's son, and the other great men. eriot of any one who shall have fallen s heriot) shall be offered for the restora
ems; this is the command of the Tooth of Sakra, (Brahma) and the rest of the mand of the four guardian gods Utpalaand the rest; this is the command of e goddess Pattini.
ion has been cut and given in obedience ns) these aforesaid commands I, Sanhas
Some Documents of Vikrama Bahu', W.A.A.S., e Kandyan Dynasty in the fifteenth and sixteenth
289 ff., 343 ff.

Page 32
16 EPIGRAPHIA
No. 3. THE GADALADENIYA
By H. W. C slab pillar now stands outside
Vihare, a foundation of the fourte Kandy District; it was set up in its p Archaeological Commissioner, who four on all four faces. On the front of the s Siri Saňgabõ Śrī Jayavīra Parākrama vara Tuņayan, nephew of the äóā Pari people of the Five Countries, on the red effected before the Coronatios Festival h Vesak. This is preceded on one of the na beneath the sun and moon, a ca/7a and continued on the other narrow side, is th ful to His Majesty; their leader is here
The script definitely is posterior in the year following the forty-sixth of Pa from that of the Gadaladeniya rock insc mata Vikrama Bāhu and of 2o54 A.B. (I 5 The identity of the grantor of th is doubtful. The fact that, if the read country after raising one canopy of dom he swore to the amnesty in the presence at Kotte, proves that he was not merel therefore, be taken as certain that he wa selves to kings with Vira or 7ayavira i our inscription can be attributed, Vira ĀRājāvada followed Parākrama Bāhu V brother and ultimate successor of Bhuva. As shown in my article on the Oruva Parakrama Bahu VI died about I 467. the Ararinkale palm leaf records we know throne in 2015 A.B. (I 472-3 A.D.). Ther accounted for. The history of this inter to the Aiāfāzalva Vīra Parākrama Bāhu

ZEYLANICA (vol. Iv
SLAB-PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS.
CODRINGTON.
the main entrance of the Gadaladeniya 'enth century situated in Udunuvara of resent position by Mr. H. C. P. Bell, ld it inside the temple. It is inscribed lab is a record of the fifth year of king a Bahu granting an amnesty to Ménaakrama Bahu of Dodamvela, and the uction of the Hill Country then recently held on the twelfth of the bright half of urrow sides by the word Sidal/ii engraved conch shell. On the reverse of the slab, e undertaking of the rebels to be faithcalled Menavara Tunayarun.
date to that of the Madavala record of rakrama Bahu VI. It differs but little iptions of the eighth year of Senasam
I II A.D.) in the reign of Jayavīra. Le amnesty, Jayavira Parakrama Bahu, ing be correct, the king “ came to our inion over Tri Sirinhala', and also that of the Tooth Relic, then undoubtedly y a ruler of the Hill Country. It may, Sa Kotte Sovereign. If we confine ourn their names, there are two to whom Parakrama Bahu, who according to the I, and Vīra Parākrama Bāhu VIII, the naika Bāhu VI. la copper plate (E.Z., Vol. III, pp. 5 I ff.), From the Auduguma 4 lanaraya and v that Bhuvanaika Bahu VI came to the e are, therefore, some five years to be val differs in the authorities. According , the grandson of Parakrama Bahu VI,

Page 33
No. 3) GADALADENIYA SLAB
was speedily dethroned and put to death of this chronicle used by Valentyn styles him a reign of seven years, confusing omitted. Queyroz also calls him “ Jav usual with this author, assigns to hin Rafaratna karaya, however, places betw. Bāhu VI a king Jaya Bāhu, and the ei this period commonly is based on thi reliable information, has a very differe: ‘‘ Maha Pracura Mabago” or “ Javira , v son, who remained on the throne for tw his aunt the regent by Bhuvanaika Bah The existence of Jaya Bāhu seems copper plate of the year following the Sarvajña Paņdita Jaya Bāhu (registered been given at Yapapatana in Pihiti-raja Maha Tera Sāmi. He was the tutor recipient of the grant of 202 I A.B. (1479 already mentioned. This grant of 202 having been given to Phussadeva Sur been examined critically. But the cop existing plate, even should it turn out to ship, probably reproduces a genuine doc that there were two kings between Parak If this was the case, both may have da as did the first two Gampola kings Bāhu VII.
Parakrama Bahu VIII is styled Vi. raya and the Mahāvaminsa, and also by Couto calls him “ Javira Pracura Maba But the Kudumirissa inscription of the t Bāhu confirms agrant to Brahmans by h of at the end of the record as the ori Parakrama Bahu Vada-un-tan. The Parākrama Bāhu VIII. The Oruvala this king, also gives the same name. T Bahu of the present document, therefore
VOL. IV,

-PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS п 7
by Bhuvanaika Bāhu VI. The version him Jayavira Parākrama Bahu and gives him with Bhuvanaika Bahu VI, who is ira-Paracrama-Bau or 'Javira', but, as an impossible number of years. The een Parakrama Bahu VI and Bhuvanaika ghteenth century Mahavanisa, which for work, follows suit. Couto, who had ht account and gives two kings, namely who reigned “a few years', and his idiot o years until replaced at the request of u VI (Dec. V, book I, chap. 5).
to be proved by the Madagoda Vihare 2 third of Siri Saňgabõ Šrī Sakalakalā N.W. P., 683). This purports to have ya to Vīdāgama Maitri Mahanetpāmula of Phussadeva Sumangala Sami, the A.D.), rehearsed in the Ararinkale records I A.B., however, speaks of Madagoda as mangala. The Madagoda plate has not y shows the usual Kotte style, and the be of comparatively modern workmanument. Couto may be right in stating rama Bāhu VI and Bhuvanaika Bāhu VI. ted their accession from the same year, and Parākrama Bāhu IX and Vijaya
a Parakrama Bahu by the Rajaratna &a- the Aafavaliya, Valentyn, and Queyroz. go”, that is Jayavīra Parākrama Bāhu. enth year of Siri Saňgabõ Šrī Parākrama is "father the great king', a grant spoken ginal sanshasa given in the time of Śrī Kudumirissa king almost certainly is :opper plate, which we have assigned to he Siri Saňgabõ Śrī Jayavīra Parākrama may not be the brother of Bhuvanaika
D

Page 34
I8 - EPIGRAPHIA
Bahu VI. A stronger objection to such Vikrama Bahu, who reigned at least before Parākrama Bāhu VIII, and ther he uses the title caeravartti. Of the tw first is to be preferred. The record thu this attribution hardly agrees with Cout If, however, the attempt to identif known Jayavīra or Vīra Parākrama Bāh Pandita Parākrama Bāhu VII and Dha of these two seems to have sat on the t as control of the Hill Country is precl Kandy. Of the second the Rafavaliya 'The king of Kotte having heard country had ascended the throne and m and in open defiance withheld payment who was at Menikkadawara, and entru camped in the Four Korales, and sent with an army, who encamped in Yatinu pitiya. But the king of the hill-country fanam and two elephants, and his own
* Not many days after this, the kin the Four Korales. Dharma Parakram the army to his younger brother Sakala to seize the hill-country. Accordingly, of Yatinuwara. The king of the hill-cc homage, sent a pearl umbrella, a co Sakalakala Walla took the end of the s with it. Then he put it on the neck of of rebuke, "Act not thus again"; and presented himself before king Dharma city Udugampola'.'
Parākrama Bāhu IX according ίΟ
" Better, “ At that time the king of Kõțțē ha Country'. He himself from the context is (sahodara), and for “his own daughter, a daugh the hill-country is not in the Sinhalese. A co 'a conch (coloured) shield'. This and the pearl

ZEYLAN CA vOL. Iv
an identification is that Senasammata for thirty-six years, came to the throne e is no record of his subjection to Kotte; o Vīra or Jayavīra Parākrama Bāhus the us may belong to the year I 47 I-2. But o's account of the idiot king.
y the king of our inscriptions with any u of Kotte be abandoned, we are left with armma Parākrama Bāhu IX. The first hrone but a short while and is ruled out, uded by the reign of Vikrama Bahu of says (ed. B. Gunasekara):–
that the prince then ruling in the hillhade a proclamation by beat of tom-tom, of tribute, sent for prince Sri Rajasinha 1sted the army to him. He himself enhis brother-in-law Kira welle Ralahami wara and took possession of Kunukohuobtained peace by sending three lacs of daughter to boot for a wife. . . . . g of the hill-country raised a rebellion in a Bahu having heard of this, committed kala Walla of Udugampola, and sent him Sakalakala Walla encamped in the heart untry came to meet him, and, in token of nch, and shield, and a neck ornament. aid ornament and tied his beautiful feet Ekanayaka Mudali, warning him by way having come to the city of Jayawardhana, Parakrama Bahu, and returned to his own
the Kalaniya inscription of his nineteenth
lving heard that the prince (rafa) ruling the Hill Rajasirinha. For “brother-in-law, read 'brother ter of his. In the second paragraph the king of nch and shield (hak falliha) should be rendered umbrella were ensigns of royalty.

Page 35
No. 3 GADALADENIYA SLAB
year came to the throne in 205 I A.B. (I5 brother Vijaya Bahu VII (4./.C., no. 1 Saka 1432, normally equal to 15 го-I I plate (6., no. 172) is dated in the year f the dark half of Poson on the occasion C on the required date in 1517 and I 518; in Ceylon. The Poson of the ninth year quently the Šaka year I 432 must be o cur began on March 27 and the Buddhist y two brothers thus came to the throne According to Barros (II, iii, I ; 7 /RAS in September or October, I5O8, their fa ill, and it may have been this sickness royal dignity. The death of the old kin by Albuquerque on November 5, 1513
If Jayavīra Parākrama Bāhu be amnesty will fall on September 3O, I513 be the prince who was ruling the Kan (I 5 I II A.D.). In his Gadalādeņiya epigra king'. His namesake of the Natha D AMahā Väqda-vaunu-täna, A1st/hāna, or Mah the case ravartti of Vikrama Bahu is
Parakrama Bahu's reduction of the Hill mission to Kotte. There seems to be n tion of the Kotte king in the script, whic epigraph of 2054 A.B. Against it is the is styled Siri Saŭgabõ Śrī Parākrama Bā whole, however, in spite of the difficult identify the grantor of the amnesty wit ruler of Kotte. The reduction of the Hi and further the date of the coronation with the limits fixed above for the acces In that year the twelfth of the bright ha The general contents of the inscript vara clan, to which the principal benefic branch of the royal family descended frc marriage with Bodhigupta, one of the s

PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS I9
O8-9 A.D.). The Dondra record of his 63) gives that king's accession year as .D. Vijaya Bahu's Udugampola copper ollowing the eighth on the fifteenth of of a solar eclipse. There were eclipses the last is said not to have been visible , therefore, was that of I5 I7, and conse"rent". This Šaka year, I 43 I o expired", ear 205 I ended on May 4, 15O9. The on some day between these two dates. , Ceylon Branch, XIX, no. 59, p. 366) ther, Parākrama Bāhu VIII, was very which led him to raise his sons to the g was reported to the king of Portugal (44guns /Oocumentos, p. 297).
Parākrama Bāhu IX, the date of the Menavara Tunayan may or may not dyan provinces as Jayavira in 2054 A.B. ph of that year Jayavira is styled 'great evale inscriptions of I543 calls himself a 4 st/hana. The change of style from noteworthy. Perhaps it resulted from Country at least to a semblance of subO ground for objecting to this identifica:h is not very different from that of the fact that IDharmma Parākrama Bāhu IX hu in his Kalaniya inscription. On the y caused by the name, I am inclined to in this king rather than with an earlier Il Country is recorded in the Arafavadiya, given in the inscription fits in perfectly sion, namely March 27 and May 4, I5O9.
lf of Vesak fell on May 1. ions have been indicated. The Mehenaary of the amnesty belonged, was that m the ex-nun (me/ieni) Sunanda by her even Maurya princes who brought the
D 2

Page 36
2O ۔۔ EPIGRAPHIA
Bo tree to Ceylon. Another, Sumitra, clainted by the kings of Kotte.
The enumeration of the “Five Cour prevalent in later times. The De-nuv; Udunuvara and Yatinuvara, but probabl from its name seems at one time to have two divisions; the Gaigapalata, Maid: Balavita is the modern Harispattuva a Pansiyapattuva is Dumbara, In model nuvara (Udunuvara and Yatinuvara), . Hēvāhātē. V− Of interest is the rehearsal of the rc rebel prince had usurped. Uhfortunatel The first, if the reading be correct, can on always a royal right; the second, as deci to elephants; the third, fourth, and fifth ing fanams appears to be unique in the li of the fanam in the Island in the midd pp. 8O, 8 I, 254.
The reading Casió2 e5.665x6) in C have been given by Gaesi 63e) es©-SHO, “ to t lines 35, 36, the reading seems fairly cer kemua ku-ța batak óasak vat minissumu kenua/ inscription of Senasammata Vikrama Ba With the 'commands' of the Three and of the gods, may be compared the the proceedings of the Rata Sabhava, t the North Central Province:-
Sirii/kade ma/ka-ra//uruvant-ge /kolaň otu minē atua danunuavānam la/hanami . . . . / gē toppi /ha/uvē aqua damnavānam tahanan za/zamuamaz za/ha imza impzz.
"If you know the command of the g of the great king of Simhale, of the grea If you know the command of the hat of the Vanniyar), it is forbidden; . . . . As it is forbidden, it is forbidden.

ZEYLANICA [vo L. Iv
the Jaya Maha Lē, was the ancestor
tries' in our first record differs from that Lira of Gampala Siduruvāņā is the later included the present Udapalata, which
formed part of the first named of these palata, and Kaidupalata still remain. nd part, if not the whole, of Tumpane. n times the 'Five Countries' were Deum panē, Hārispattuva, Dumbara, and
yal prerogatives which, it is evident, the y the text is far from being satisfactory. ybe god G8)ga,9, 'trading in elephants', phered by Mr. Paranavitana, also refers are not in doubt. The mention of strikthic records of Ceylon. For the history le ages, see Ceylon Coins and Currency,
, line 33, is clear. Better sense would he extent or best of our strength". In C, tain in view of the phrase. . . . . Atara-vil &un vat no hairi on slab B of the amnesty hu at Alutinuvara.
Gems, of the Tooth and Bowl Relics, following curious sentence occurring in he ancient Sinhalese court still held in
óa maha-rajjauruvan-gē ran kaqduvē ran Vuzvaravāvē Akumārasini/ia Muayansēai . . . devenivatva tumvenivatva ta/hanamai
olden sword and of the golden crown it king of Colombo, it is forbidden . . . . Nu varavävē Kumārasirinha Mudiyansē econd time, a third time it is forbidden,

Page 37
No. 3) GADALADENIYA SLAB
As will be seen the formula has bec Governor of Ceylon; I have omitted th and to the Ratemahatmaya.
The god Boksal is Dadimunda De The 'four guardian divine great kings Dhrtarastra, Virudha, Virupaksa, and Va Saman, Vibhīşaņa and Skandha or Katar
10
15
20
TEX
I.
A. සිඩී
B.
සචසති පුශසත
මහා සමමත පරම නුයාත සූයඹී වංකේ. භූත මහාරාජාධිරා ශීමත් සිරි සඟබෝ శ్రీ అతనిలిర ఆర@లి චකුවතීත සවාමින්: න්සේට පස්වනු ව లuత్రిలెరి Gరివితె6లి( @లి ఏ రీరి0హార 6)్కర) Gలిళలిర ఇళ ගම්පළ සිදුරුවාණ නුවර බළවිට මාත පන්සියපත්තුව උණු ඇතුළුවූ පස්රට වා ය කරන මෙබාෙහා යාත් මෙමවන් මෙවස ර මෙදාමෙළ0ස්වක ස් සහිතෙෂක මඟලාන්‍යයට ළමුව කළ දික්විජ දි භය පත්වැ අභ න ඉල්වා සිටිනා ( ඉදිරියේ දවස කෙම් ක්ත ජනපදයෙහි

PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 21
an interpolated with a reference to the e references to the Government Agent
ivatā Baņdāra Deviyō of Alutnu vara. are those of the divya-loka, namely isravaria. Those of Ceylon are Visnu, agam Deviyō.
T。
'පරා
5
6סנ
ܣ00ܗ̄
මයහි
ಸರಿ ಲಿ මහයින්
Có6d)0 උත්

Page 38
22
25
30
35
O)
15
EPIGRAPHIA
තම මධ්‍යමාධම
ලූ මනුෂන්‍යයන්ට { හානි අඟහානි ප් හානි මොනා කරනු වනුව තුනුරුවන් రācరి క్రిరి రి30ల్లా) තුන්වහන්ෙසෙග් ඥාය ශකූ බුහම වි මෙහගවරාදිවූ දේ න්ගේ ආඥාය කිය සාමීන්ගේ සම්මුඛ දී සතන්‍යෂුතිඥා ෙකු ලියා දෙන්නේයර් @මෙහවරින් කෙම්
ඛාන්‍යය ලියා දුන් බ
I
A
සවසති සිරි සගG) డ్రి తలతెర తిరుపతి චකවතීඟි ස්වාමීන් පස්වනු වප පුර දී (€లి)6లి అర్చక න් බ‍ැන කෙම්ණව, (Eugé2 (39) 6c පටත් රට මෙස්නාව ය දාන ශිලාමෙලබ @දවා වදාළ ති(සි කාතපත්‍රවණැ අ(ප అతనిత్ర ఆర@లి (R) රාෙජ0ත්තමයාණ සේට අප (හා) ර, සින් විරුධ මෙන0 වැ පවතිනුවත් ව ට විපක්‍ෂ රජ යුව මාපා සිටු ෙසෙන කාර ඇතුළුවූ කව

ZEYLAN ICA
සිය
අතීව ජීවිත නු මෙනයා කර fගේ
ඛ0
↑) 2ෂණු දවිය
,ت 9) 0 )ෙයහි
06). වී වදාළ
හිලගාකෙල බවට ·
S)
ܕܙܲ91ܘ̄ ܐ ’වහන්සේට පැළවිය Gදා P ది రిల0 ప్రప 5 లత36 දනම්හ අ වටත් අභ 23 කරවා පහළ)යට එ රට")ට ප්‍රාපත pga) e50 න්(ව)හන් ට මෙසේනාව වි
වී එකාන්ත (පක්‍ෂ)
a) Cass also රජ q፤ ነg50 විරත් අඳි )ර තරම
(VOL. Iv

Page 39
Epigraphia Zey/artica.
**慈怒)。 浣)。 鞑树) 旭s!怒) ----心Lae游泳saeffo
silopoľsuasui ir III.I-qris tosú opplæses) oli.L.
 
 
 
 
 

F.
磅藏&s os 然饶)
ነቴ.. #』,
鸥)
சங்கம்
■ y tir i'r tւք։ ,

Page 40


Page 41
NO. 3
GADALADENIYA SLAB
20
30
35
40
10
@කනකුන්වත් (ප. නුවත් වැඩ උන්(. න්ත පකෂ මෙකන% කෂ මෙනයා වනුවත් දාම ඇතු(න් නැග් ම් ගස්වීම පටබැඳේ කර කැ(ර)වීම . කෙනා කරනුවත් . ... ඔවුන් ... (ය)ත් ගමන් ක(ර)වනුව (ත)යක්" පැමිණී ශෛ(ප ශී)ස්වකමට කැඳවා ගෙන මෙද් [කාරි]ය' ශක්තිවූ [දා,]' මෙඳනුවත් වි [මෙක](නකු)ට පත [නි](ස්සු)න් මෙකන @නා කරවනුවත් වරදවා අඹා ගි(ය) මෙනයා (සි)ටුවා ගම වද තුනුරුවන්ගේ
· දළදා පාතූ ධ0තු% මෙග් ආඥාය (ශකූ විෂණු මෙහශවර
වියන්මෙග් ඥාය කිහිර උපුල්වන් බොක්සල් SSS) 53e @දවියන්ගේ ඥාය සතර ම් දෙවි ම දරුවන්(G ඥාව කි(ය: සතත්‍ය(පුති

PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 23
කෂ) කෙනා ව තැනට) එකා කුන්ට විප
( ... ත් වෙළ)* හ) [ඒ]ම• පණ දවීම ආ
... (ද) ... (දිය)
· ත් • • • (කැඳව ... ... ) )ත් සම්(ම) විට අප අ [ර]ට! සමුදාව නාස් එ කියන
· පණතට ස0 පරිතයකට
yහැක් බසක් මි නකුන් ගමන්
අදහස . මෙකනකුන් 0න් කරවනු හී ආඥාය න්ව[හ]න්සේ ଛେ)ଓ ପେଞ୍ଚି 0ඳි මේද]
3.
ch 双岛
සමන් ' සක ජිණදී \ග් ch ) වර 9(හරජ) »ó) ;) ) @ම් ce) és

Page 42
24 EPIGRAPHIA
ලා මෙලඛන්‍යය යවා දුන් (
15 6లిళ(లిర) Gరిరg(అలీ මහ .. .. .)
RANTSC
I.
A. Siddhi
B. 1. Svasti prašasta
Mahā Sammata paramparānuyâta Süryya-varihsötbhūta mahārājādhirāja 5 Śrīmat siri saňgabõ
Sri J ayavīra Parākrama Bāhu cakravartti Svâmîn vaha
nsē-ța pasvanu Vapa pura päļaviya Dodamvela Parā10 krama Bāhu äpāņan-gē
bäna Mēņavara Tuņayan hā Gampaļa Siduru vāņā De
nuvara Balavița Mātalaya Pansiyapattuva Uva
15 ätuļu-vū pas-rata vāsa
ya karana bohõ janayat mevan Vesaga pura dolosvaka svarņņābhişeka maňgalyaya-ța pa
20 lamuva kala dik-vijayehi
* A r r, ජරට ; 24, ඇතුන් නැග[ඒ]ම; 29, 3 රට ; 33, [කාරි]ය ; 34, e; B I5, are as read by
Doubtful.

ZEYLAN ICA (VOL. IV
@ බ)ව(ව)
@ళl(cs)ర్మలనే ! * ව)
RIPT.
di bhaya pat-vä abhaya dāna ilvā siținā-heyin idiriyè davasa me yathokta janapadayehi uttama maddhyamadhama siyalu manuşyayan-ța artthahāmi aňga-hāni jīvitahāni no karanu no karavanuva Tunu-ruvange ājfiāya Daļadā Pātra dhātunvahanse-ge ajnāya Šakra Brahma Visņu Maheśvarādi-vū deviyan-gē ājfiāya kiyā Daļadāsamin-ge sammukhayehidi satya-pratijñā koțä liya dennèyayi vadala mehevarin mē śilā-lekhyaya liyā dun bava-ța
•, සම්(මත)යක් ; 3o, 3r, අශෛ(ප @)ස්වකමට
Mr. S. Paranavitana.

Page 43
GAĻDALĀ DEŅIYA SLAB-P
II.
A. 1. Svasti Siri Saňgabõ
Śrī Jayavīra Parākrama Bāhu cakravartti svâm invahansé-ta
2
pasvanu Vapa pura päļaviya Do5 (dam)vela Parākrama Bāhu ä
pāņan bāna Mēņa vara Tuņayārun ätulu-vu (äma) denamha apa-țat rața Sēnāva-țat abha- 3 ya dāna śilā-lekhya karavās 10 devā vadāļa Tri (Sininhala)ya-ta e
kā tapatra-vā a(pa rata-)ta prāpta Jayavira Parākrama (Bāhu)
mahārājottamayāņan (va)han- 3 se-ta apa (ha) rata senava vi15 sin viruddha no vī ekānta (pakşa-) vä pavatinuvat Väda-un-tänata vipaksa raja yuvaraja apa māpā sițu senevirat adi- w 4. kāra ätuļu-vū ka vara taram 20 kenakun-țat (pakşa) no va
nuvat Väda-un-(tāna-ta) ekā
1 viyange a
jñaya KihiräliU pulvan Saman Boksal Ska5 ndha Vibhişaņādi deviyan-ge ajñāya satara varam devi ma(haraja-) daruvan-(ge) a
' A II, pa rata; 24, ditun nagaama , 29, 3o, sa
33, [kāri] ya ; 34, [dā }; B I 5, are as read by Mr. S. .
VOL. IV

LLAR INSCRIPTIONS 25
nta paksa kenakun-ta vipakșa no vanuvat (... t vela-)* idāma ātu (n nāga-)ēma paņa5 m gasvima patabandavima a
kara kä(ra)vīma ... ... (da) ... (diya) no karanuvat... t ... .. .. ovun ... (ya)t (käňdava .. .. ) gaman ka(ra)vanuvat sam(ma-) 0 (ta)yak pamini-vita apa a
(р)е s(e)vakama-ta (ra)ta samu
dāva kändavä gena gos e kiyana
kāriya sakti-vū paņata-ta sā[dā) denuvat viparītayaka-ța 5 [ke] (naku)-ta patäk basak mi[ni](sSu)n kenakun gaman no karavanuvat adahasa varadavā āgi (ya) kenakun no (si)tuva gaman karavanu0 va-da Tunu-ruvan-gē ājñāya
Daļadā Pātra dhātunvahansēge ajaya (Šakra Bra)hma Visņu Mahešvarādi de
0 jñāva ki(yā) mē
satya-(pratijiā-) sila-lekhyaya lliyavā dun (ba)va-(ța)
5 Mēņa(vara) [Tuņa)(yā)run
Peru (malun va-) mha · · · · · · ·
m(mata)yak; 30, 3I, a(p)e s(e)zakama-ta rata ; Paranavitana. Doubtful.
E

Page 44
26 EPIGRAPH
TRA
Prosperity ! Hail! On the fir year of His Majesty the Sovereign Parakrama Bahu, the great king s descent from the famous Maha Samr
Vhereas Mēņa vara Tuņayan, Bahu, and the great multitude dwelli of Gampaļa Siduruvāņā, Baļavita, M. the grant of an amnesty having been effected before the Golder. Anointing Waxing moon of this Vesak just pas presence of the Tooth Relic that hen should not be inflicted or caused to b country, all whether great or middli command of the Three Gems, the co command of Sakra, Brahma, Visnu, ordered that (this) should be written
In obedience thereto (it is certifi and given.
Hail On the first of the wax Majesty the Sovereign Lord Siri S We are Ménavara Tunayarun, ne Bahu, and all the other (chiefs). S up and given to us and to the host of our country after raising one canopy of ourselves and of the host of the co
We will not resist the great king tirely on his side; we will not be on prince, heir-apparent, grandee, comm His Majesty; we will not oppose any we will not do the following acts, viz. striking fanams, conferring titles, di

A ZEYLAN ICA (voIL. IV
NSLATION.
I.
it of the waxing moon of Vap in the fifth Lord Śrīmat Siri Saňgabõ Śrī Jayavīra prung from the race of the Sun in lineal
alta. ephew of the aifa Dodamvela Parakrama ng in the Five Countries, (to wit) De-nuwara atale, Pansiyapattuva, and Uva, asked for put in fear on the subjugation of the realm (Coronation) Festival on the twelfth of the t, (His Majesty) faithfully promised in the ceforth loss of property or of limb or of life 2 inflicted upon the people in this aforesaid ng or small, setting forth that such is the mmand of the Tooth and Bowl Relics, the Mahesvara and the rest of the gods, and he and given. ed) that this stone record has been written
II.
ing moon of Vap in the fifth year of His aiīgabõ śrī Jayavīra Parākrama Bāhu. phew of the lifa Dodamvela Parakrama one records of amnesty having been drawn the country by His Majesty, who came to of dominion over Tri Sirinhala, on the part untry (we undertake as follows):-
Jayayīra Parākrāma Bāhu, but will be enthe side of any one, whether king, sub-king, ander-in-chief, or adigar, who is opposed to who are entirely on the side of His Majesty; ? trading in elephants, riding on elephants, ging for precious stones, .... and the like

Page 45
No. 3) GAIDA LADENIYA SLAB
O a O. having summoned them we will s brought we will summon the host of the and carry out that aforesaid business in ( will not send either word or letter or any any one come or go frustrating (this rebe but will send him on his way.
(This is) to the effect that, setting
Three Gems, the command of the Tooth a Brahma, Vişņu, Maheśvara and the other g Saman, Boksal, Skandha, VibhīŞaņa and t guardian divine (? great kings), we have c stone record of faithful promise.
No. 4. THE KAN DY NĀTHA
By H. W. CC HE inscriptions here discussed are c Tit western wall of the Natha Devale and three in the next. The first record across stones A and B, and is continued stone, E, of the top row contains part of an this are two smaller stones, F and G. Th present a consecutive text. There is mis The temple authorities have not improved of cement wash and paint. The estampag the Archaeological Department. It has b
Use also has been made of photographs by the kindness of Mr. H. C. P. Bell, reti
1 s I. The first epigraph is dated on the ter dhist year 2085 (3O March, I543), and rec

ILLAR INSCRIPTIONS 27
nd them (for duty). When an edict is country and go with it on our service bedience to the mighty command. We men to any One for a rebellion; should llious) intention, we will not detain him
orth that such is the command of the nd Bowl Relics, the command of Śakra, ods, the command of Kihiräli-Upulvan, he other gods, the command of the four used to be written and have given this
māil.
DEVALE INSCRIPTIONS.
)LORIN GTON. ut out on eight stones forming part of in Kandy; five stones are in one row is complete. The text reads straight first on C and then on D. The fifth other epigraph. Immediately beneath 2se two with another, H, to their right sing one inscribed stone, if not more. the condition of the record by the use e reproduced is that recently made by een carefully checked with the original. fan older estampage, supplied to me ed Archaeological Commissioner.
h of the dark half of Bak in the Bud
Drds the grant of various concessions
E 2

Page 46
28 EPIGRAPH
by the king śrī Jayavira Mahā viä Pansiyapattuva, Matale, and Uva Tun Services in an attack by the Portugue this king has been discussed in the pa Vol. III, pp. 24 o ff.). The present i the correct name of the ruler who wa this year, according to tradition, marks of that city as the capital. We have a was derived from the record now put foundation of which was attributed to Natha in Senkadagala or Kandy is m reign of Bhuvanaika Bahu V. This devale, quite possibly was rebuilt by however, as it stands, cannot be his, f cut, evidently has been rebuilt, and at in the process.
The script calls for no comment with that of the Gadaladeniya recor document is not the work of a scholar The date was read as 2085 man better condition. The aksara EE) of ç for two aesaras between the e5 and the the arrival of the Portuguese in Ceylo dyan dynasty by Rajasirinha I there at namely the Buddhist years 2065 (s). these the question must be settled in fa aéșara 3 on the stone and in the olde Me (sa) . . ratawala. There is which from the traces remaining seem therefore, may be satara, “ of these fou almost as a synonym of Dumbara. It are mentioned. But many Kandyan Dumbara and Pansiyapattuva, this last bara, Vēņdaruva, and Palispattuva. later are Siduruvana Denuvara and B mountains were these two with Dumb; slab-pillar inscription of Jayavira Para

A ZEYLANICA vOL. IV
da-vun-tana to the people of Dumbara, kinda, and of the village Alutgama for their se on the Hill Country. The identity of per on the Palkuňhbura copper plate (/.Z. lscription chiefly is of value in giving us s on the throne of Kandy in 2085 A. B., as the accession of Vikrama Bahu, the founder lready seen that this date in all probability olished, engraved as it is on a temple the this Vikrama Bahu. A shrine of the god entioned in the Sagama inscription of the shrine, if identical in site with the present Vikrama Bahu. The existing building, or the wall, on which our inscriptions are east one stone of the second epigraph lost
S. It is of use for purposes of comparison d of Senasammata Vikrama Bahu. The
y years ago, when the inscription was in a Sots is quite clear, and there is only room : unmistakable eyes&g on stone B. From in up to the expulsion of the earlier Kan'e only three dates requiring two asksaras, 0), 2o85 (o), and 2O95 (+ 3a). Between vour of 2085 by the remains of the second restampage.
space only for two aesaras, the last of s to have been ra. The defective word, r countries'. Pansiyapattuva often is used this be the case here, only three countries palm leaf registers differentiate between corresponding with the present Uda Dum* The remaining two countries' spoken of alavita. The 'Five Countries above the ara, Mātalē, and Ūva (cf. the Gadalādeņiya krama Bāhu).

Page 47
so. 4) KANDY NÅT HA DĒV
The word Paramingi, “ Frank”, occ Sinhalese literature. Which attack by accompanied by local rebellion is referre was attached to the Court of Kandy fro1 hostilities in the documents published and Voretzsch, Leipzig, 1928) between scription. Fr. S. G. Perera, S.J., wrițes
* I suppose the "disturbance made affair dignified into an incursion and defe Nuno Alvares Pereira set out from Kan the Portuguese Factor Amaro Mendez w Ferreira at the King's request (Schurham opposition from the “ladram que sosegua the Factor went away. It is perhaps th an expulsion of the Portuguese. At le March 1 543, which can even bear a sem guese'; unless perhaps an attack by May, to have been instigated by the Portugue Fr. Perera’s supposition may be 1 by the present edict are those from wh out for service towards Trincomalee. ruvana Denuvara and Balavita, would b Colombo.
Vyadama, literally "expenses, her household. Aaiigi-avurudu-kada presum a pingo load of sweets and the like, no pingo', is still presented to landlords at and Tamil term ajia-murittu-dada or fi perhaps it may be the same as /iiiga-seas service.
The sentence pisiya pera-vā atama idamge was the official guest house of th tain chiefs on circuit therein, and to suppl here, as it is mentioned in connexion wit mean the king's resting-place, later know The word atana usually means "there', sentence, it must be understood to refer

ALE INSCRIPTIONS 29
irs here seemingly for the first time in he Portuguese on the Kandyan country d to is unknown. Nuno Alvarez Pereira n July 1542 and there is no indication of y Schurhammer (Ceylon, Schurhammer Pereira's arrival and the date of the in
tO nine :- y the Portuguese” must be some petty at of the Portuguese. In 1543 February dy with a Captain and 20Oo men to meet ho had come to Trincomalee with Miguel mer, pp. 175-6). Pereira met with some aquela terra"; and Miguel Ferreira and is incident that has been magnified into ast I do not know of any other before blance of a “disturbance by the Portuadunne or Bhuvaneka Bahu was believed se. right, for the countries most favoured ich the people would have been called The remaining two countries; Sidue exposed to an attack from the side of
2 clearly mean the supplies to the royal ably is the Áat rafakariya or pingo duty; ow known as penum Aada, "appearance the New Year. The hybrid Sinhalese le for breaking orders is now unknown; , the money paid for default of personal
idam-batut is difficult. The idama or 2 gama-rada, whose duty it was to enterthem with adual or cooked provisions; h supplies to the royal household, it must n as gaman-madigava, 'journey palace'. in that place'; if this is the case in this to the countries and village mentioned,

Page 48
3O EPIGRAPHIA
a Somewhat forced meaning. If, howev lent of dist/hina, qualifying idlam, that is somewhat better. Pera-va can hardly be The word occurs in the phrase me vak Saig rasta and elsewhere. Clough giv like', 'so; fera-va thus could mean 'a mood of bisanava, 'should one cook" () Gra mamuar, p. 249), or “ that which is c will have to be understood in the sense Second, it will go with fistya, up to an cooking, but in this case the whole p opposed to uncooked rice. And it may meaning ' cooking'.
The diyanno were the minor head provinces until recent times. Asadu-bara later Au/Aian-maduva, Sudu-/tarae-fant the Hunting Dogs, of the White (foreig named department, as being contrary to by Kirttisri and its people turned into a
Aerati-sofa de-fifa at . Aarava. T or 8). I have read this tentatively as me/le, ' work'.
As already stated, the second inscri things, with the uila paiduru or money | the masaraya or heriot. Aeya on slab deya, 'what is proper to be given", whic may have reference to some monetary di or fanams.
The Tunkinda of Uva, of course, Madakirida no longer exists, but is four
TentS.
The king here is styled Asthana or use in the sixteenth century; in later k stricted to the king's brother.

A ZEYLANICA vOL. IV
ær, we can take itas the Sinhalese equiva
'the royal resting places', the sense is : peraza, "having wrapped up or covered'. bera-va, up to this time', in the Ai/kaya es vā as a particle of comparison, “as”, s before'. Aisiya may be the conditional Mudaliyar A. M. Gunasekara's Sin/halese ooked'. If the first be correct, fera-va as before qualifying idan-dataud; if the d including what is cooked', that is the hrase is superfluous as that is cooked as
be doubted whether fisya can bear the
men; diyana-rada was so used in certain geri-as-madala must be identical with the iya, and 41s-fba nutiya, the Departments of (n) Cattle, and of the Horses. The first the principles of Buddhism, was abolished
military body, the Maduve dif/0. The missing aksara almost certainly is 90 Gé), me, the contracted form of 6968),
I.
ption is defective. It deals, among other oresents on appointment to office and with E has been taken not as thing" but as h suits the preceding words. AAatosayi enomination such as rilaź or panta mu, larins
s Udukiňda, Mädakiňda and Yațikiňda. ld in the Kandyan and early British docu
Maha Asthana. The title was in common andyan times it seems to have been re

Page 49
KANDY NĀTHA DĒV.
TEX
I.
A,
ශී බඩ වක්‍රීයෙන් (දෙද)හ(ස්) [අ](සූ උඩරටට පරථගී(න් වේ)[කෙර]දුවූ වියවු සියපත්තුව මාතලෙ උව [තුන්කි]ඳ అలా లిబ936లిపO అతి (రి) . . පරථගීන්ටත් කොටා බොහෝ ප(a
වෙගන් රජගෙට ගන්නා වියදමින් නැඟි
@පරවා අතන ඉඩම් බතුත් ඇර සෙසු දෙරටට ග
ලිය(න්) නන්ටවත් බ(ලූ) පරෙගරි අස්මඩල
කෙනකු
(න්)ට ලංකාරලයාකුට එක දවසකට සාල් තු @න බත් ඇර අමුතු බතක් ෙනා : ටත් අමුතු අගයක් නො ගන්ටත් : වැඩවුන්ටෝ තනට පෙරළී මෙකාට මෙඳව (ක)රවා සිටි එතෙකක් ඇත්නම් උෙ ගෙට ගන්නා ඇම වියදම්ම ගන්ට තැන ආශ්‍ය පවතින0 කෞතක් මෙ අස් ට පවතින0 පණතට සක් (ඇම) ස
යන් ඇතුළුවූ සියලු තිස් (තුන් ෙක ටියත් දෙවියන් දෙස්බෙකාට කු(ඩා ත් සේනාවට මෙම් සිලාමෙලබාජ්‍යය මෙ කාටාවා දුන් බවට ශීජයටිර ම ఆ లి ఓఇఅల్మాణ లిలిరి)
Traces of 9) or &

ALE INSCRIPTIONS 3 I
T.
|) පස්වනු බග අව දසවක }ලවූ තැන් දුමබර ප(න්)
අලුත්ගම(ත්) [ල]ත්දන් ජයවිර රටවල කුඩා මහත් සේනාව ක්‍ෂපා)තව සිටි නිසා මෙම කියන සේනා
අවුරුදු කදත් ආඥාමුරිත්තුදඩත් පිසිය
මටත් රටට ඇරි රදලටවත් කොරළයාට
මට අගයක් කෙනා මෙදන්ටත් ගිය රදල
áള്
తన టెర 3ට අත් ... ගන් රජ ත් වැඩවුන් ජීන රඟ }තර වරම් දෙවි
); perhaps G. &.

Page 50
32
1.
EPIGRAPHIA
I
උව තුන්කිඳට
ඇතුළුවූ කුඩා මහත් සේනාවට తణలెర (pedభా లలిలాలి0 G్కర) రొ න්ම නම් නිල කත් ත. ..." ....* කෙස ඇර නිල පඬුරු එකලොසයි. මළ
IF, G නනි% සරක් (ඇ)ති එතෙකක් මෙළ රජගෙට ගන්ටත් ජයවිර මහා ආස් ෙම් රඟට පැවති බව දැනගැන්ම
RANS
و A Šrī Buddha varşayen (de-da)ha(s Uda-rata-ta Pararingi(n) kere-vu siyapattuva Mātale Uva (Tunki) Maha Wada-vun-tena-ta me (sa Pararingīn-tat kotā bohō pa (ksapā raja-ge-ta gannā viyada min nāfigi
pera-vā atana idam batut ära sesu de-rata-taga
ța liya(m-) nan-ta-wat ba(lu)-parageri-as-mat
kenaku
C (n-)ţa köralayaku-ţa eka davasaka-ța sāl tune bat ära amutu batak no kantatamutu agayak no gantat Jaya Vāda-vun-tena-ta perali-kota de (ka)ravā siti ekek āt-nam u-gen r ge-ta ganna ama viyadam-magai täna ajõä pavatinā tek me asna r. ța pavatinā paņata-ța Sak (äma) S.
3 or 63. * G, 6, or C
Traces of m or v); perhaps mé.

ZEYLAN ICA [vOL. Iv
F., H.
නම් උගෙන් එ ක(මව) 'ථාන ආඥා යහපති
CRIP.
B. ) (a)(sli) pasvanu Baga ava dasavaka
viyavula-vū tän Dumbara Pa(n-) ída Alutgama(t) [l]atdan Jayavīra ) .. .. rațavala kuçdā mahat sēnāva )ta-va siti nisā me kiyana sēnāvagen -avurudu kadat ajña-murittu dadat pisiya
ma-tat rata-ta äri radala-ta-vat koralayä
dala-ța agayak no dențat giya radala
·
vira,
pita at.
ajantat Vada-vunangaatara varam devi
3. 8 Or sols, or so.25.

Page 51
FFIEF "FIFT "KI A'"'''T 77 CT The Kandy Natha I.
క్ష్
3. Tile F - F, I ħatra f' 1, irri li fi? I
 
 
 
 
 
 

tivālē lESCTiptions
R
==+I|اتFil_FF". E
III? ; "", rašius II ř, š, ť, I april

Page 52


Page 53
No. 4) KANDY NATHA DEV
D. yan atulu-vu siyalu tis (tun ko) țiyak deviyan des-koța ku (dā ma)h t sēnāva-ța mē sillā-lekhyaya koțāvā dun bava-ța śrī Jayavīra hā Väda-vun-täna vamha -
II
E. Uva Tunkiñda-ta ätulu-vū kudā mahat sēnāva-ța Jayavīra Åsthāna pavatvā dema nma nam nila kat ta .'.” sesu de
ära nila panduru ekalosayi malära
F, G, nanio sarak (ä)ti ekek male nam u raja-ge-ța ganțat Jayavīra Mahā 3 mē raňga-ța pävati bava dänagänn
TRANSL
I.
A, B, C On the tenth of the waning moon Because, when there was a disturbance m Country, the governors of Dumbara, Pans Alutgama, (and) the host, small and great, the Portuguese, were very loyal to Jaya supplies taken for the king's house from th the New Year pingo, the fine for infringi the supplies of cooked rice for the royal
For the remaining two countries ano (govern) the division nor to the Áoradaya a be paid for the departments of the hunting Except the cooked rice (equal to) three (pa or koradaya who has gone (on circuit), no be eaten, no new (contribution of) money
mi or ti. * 4, li, or la.
VOL. IV

ALE INSCRIPTIONS 3
3
-gene ka(mata) Asthāna ājñā na yahapati
ATION.
, D. of Bak in the year of Buddha 2085. ade by the Portuguese against the Hill iyapattuva, Mātalē, Ūva Tunkiida, and of these (four) countries, having beaten vīra Mahā Väda-vu n-tena, from the tis aforesaid host there shall be remitted ng orders, and, should food be cooked, resting places as heretofore. i the village neither to the chief sent to und the minorheadmen shall any money g dogs, the foreign cattle, and the horses. rts of) uncooked rice a day for any chief
new (contribution of) cooked rice shall
shall be taken.
* Or näni, or mäti.
F

Page 54
34 EPIGRAPHIA
If there be any one who has rebelle who has (worked) for both sides, from hi and every one of the (usual) supplies.
To the command, which is to endu order of Majesty shall endure, I, śrī Ja, that I have called to witness all the thirt ull the four guardian gods and have caus have given it to the host, small and grea
I
E.
1. To the Tunkiñda of Uva . . . . . 2. to the host, small and great, incli 3. established and given by Jayavi 4. titles, offices, 2 pingos, . . . . . (and 5. except . . . . . . the money preser
F, G
If any one dies having cattle they sha for that business. It is well to know 1 Asthana are to this effect.
No. 5. POIONNARUVA: CO
INSCRI
By S. PAR
HE sub-joined record is engraved c
two nearly equal pieces, which are n Archaeological Museum at Anuradhapur Nissarinka Malla's Council Chamber on Polonnaruva; and has been noticed in t Survey of Ceylon for I go9, p. 39. The b: one, have both been broken off; and it : purpose, possibly as a tread in a flight of
An inscribed pillar serves a similar purpose gava in the Citadel at Polonnaruva.

ZEYLAN ICA (vol. Iv
d against Jayavira Vada-vun-tena or im shall be taken for the king's house all
re according to this edict so long as the yavīra Mahā Väɖa-vun-täna, (certify) y-three &oti of gods including Sakra and ed to be inscribed this stone record and
it.
I.
lding . . . . . . . . . ra Åsthāna . . . . . . . . . . ) the remaining things proper to be given its for offices, I; the heriot . . .
H.
ill be taken from him for the king's house that the commands of Jayavira Maha
UNCIL CHAMBER PILLARPTION.
ANAVITANA.
on the four sides of a pillar, broken into ow joined together and preserved in the a. It was discovered in the vicinity of
the embankment of the Topavāva at he Annual Aefort of f/he 4rchaeological ase of the pillar and its capital, if it had seems to have served some architectural steps. The two pieces of the pillar now
in the pavilion popularly known as the Rajamali

Page 55
No. 5 POĻONNARUVA: COUNC
stand together to a height of 5 ft. 9 in...; Owing to the rough usage the pillar has are considerably wasted and some chips has also suffered to some extent from its on the upper part of side A, the greate of sides B and D are, therefore, deciph a reasonably full and accurate reading c of two other fragmentary inscriptions, to similar to those of the present epigraph The letters, engraved fairly deep, script, which is somewhat cursive in typ tenth, century. The aesarasba and ga. from ta and/ha. The following orthogra Aimbur in A. l. 25 is obviously the san not certain whether this is actually a v. buwan (B ll. 4-5) is evidently the same munumbur. The loss of r in this nomi is the possibility of a clerical error. I I — II 2) is strange; from the analogy of one would have expected the form Va documents as bila .
The language presents several poi epigraph, a number of words which are APuffbak (A l... 2 I) and sud-hiúgur (Bl. 22) h of the modern words fluvae and sidalini are the prototypes. A rigiya in All. I đraksya; and the change of A to gin thi is taken to be the same as Skt. buna h-f), has the instrumental singular termination is villain in the pillar inscription of Mahi words of which the meaning is either do be discussed in the footnotes attached form devanu labamha (C ll. 26-27) is al very common in the later stages of the
" See E. Z. Vol I, p. I, 33; Vol. II, pp. I * See below p. 6o.

IL CHAMBER INSCRIPTION 3.5
and the sides are II and 8 in in breadth. been subjected to, the ends and the edges are missing at the fractures. The pillar exposure to the weather; and the writing part of side C, and a few lines at the top ared with some difficulty. Nevertheless of the whole text is possible with the aid be noticed later, whose contents are very
vary in size from 1 to 2 inches. The e, is Sinhalese of about the ninth, or early can hardly be distinguished, respectively, aphical peculiarities may also be noted:- he as the familiar word Atum (5ur; but it is ariant form or a clerical error. Mat numas munumó uran, the genitive plural of nal form is noteworthy; but, again, there The termination à in Doti Valaknä (Bll. similar names in mediaeval documents, laknā. Pälla (B. l. 2 I) occurs in other
nts of interest. We have, in the present not found in other records of the period. help us to determine the correct etymology guru, of which these forms, respectively, 5-I 7 is, most probably, derived from Skt. sword is noteworthy. Punafuna Al. I8) una4, P. punappunami. 4 tyän in Cl. 27 än, instead of the usual en; a parallel form nda V?. The record also contains certain ubtful or altogether obscure. These will to the translation. The passive verbal So worthy of note, as such forms, though language, are rare in the period to which
Io, 233, 286, and 288, and Vol. III, p. I 93.

Page 56
36 EPIGRAPHIA
this epigraph belongs. That part of the ness in its syntax; for instance, the geru the finite verb vasanaanal occurs at the e The date given in the record is th his viruda title of Abhaya Salamevan. with Kassapa V (circa 9o8-918); but, as of the script, to decide this point, we can the record may be ascribed to Dappula of whom had this viruda title; but there is to determine the question as to which of mevan of this inscription has to be identi The record is concerned with the gr by an individual, whose name is not clea condition of paying, annually, one fifa o Doti Valakna. The paying of a small ( a religious or charitable institution was mediaeval Ceylono.
We have numerous examples of e belonging to religious institutions, and, mediaeval Ceylon; and they are all writ ninth and tenth centuries, a formula in whi to have been in use. There are, of cours main, all these grants of immunities wer model. They open with the date in the re after giving the names of the land and th tion the order delivered, with the conse heir-apparent, as the case may be, granting the names of the officials who were depu concerned and the details of the immuniti was exempted, or the officials whose entry Sometimes, the names of the officials who regarding the immunities. Such edicts a
selves, as attanui, pära/här, attānuifbära här
A.S. C. Annual Aefort for I909, p. 39.
* For instance, see the Nāgama Pillar-Inscrip Slab-Inscription (ibid., No. 1 2).
* See AE Z , Vol. I, Nos. I I-I3, I 6 and I 7 ; V

ZEYLANICA (vOL. Iv
document coming on side Blacks clear. nd wadanda in ll. 8-9 is superfluous as ld of this clause.
fourth year of a king referred to by Mr. Bell has identified this monarch we have no other data, except the form lot be quite certain. Palaeographically, V (circa 9 I 8-93o) or Kassapa V, both no other evidence which would help us these two monarchs the Abhaya Salafied with. ant of immunites to certain lands held rly legible, as a famatau (freehold) on f dried ginger to a hospital founded by uit-rent by holders of freehold land to a custom not infrequently met with in
dicts, granting immunities to estates, sometimes, to private individuals, in ten in the same style 8. In fact, in the ch such documents were worded, seems e, many variations in detail; but, in the 2 drawn up according to a stereotyped gnal year of the reigning monarch and, e institution or person concerned, menht of the Council, by the king or the the immunities specified. Then follow ted to proclaim the edict in the village es, such as the dues from which the land to the estate in question was forbidden. proclaimed the edict follow the details 'e referred to, in the documents them
aō/aya or samvatā.
ion (E. Z., Vol. II, No. 4) and the Rambāva
l. II, Nos. Ir-I 2 and Vol. III, Nos. 5 and 28.

Page 57
POLONNARUVA: COUNC
The present document departs alm is not delivered by the king, nor by th whose personal name, but not his offic of the Council (sadha). The order i. whom, the administrators of the distri situated, are referred to by their person merely referred to by the names of thei exhorted to protect the lands in questio tenure of the land and the immunities to the statement that the pillar was set up officials to whom the order was addres received and the land may become a ba the date are given towards the end oft any of the technical terms above mentic Only two other inscriptions of thi so far known to me. One of these is the Dambadeni Hatpattu of the Kurun found at a place named Mada-Ulpota in These two inscriptions, though not of m help in arriving at the correct reading where the writing is not clearly legible; therefore, taken them as the subject of
The document throws some light c the ninth and tenth centuries. We have land had annually to pay one fifa of g ginger was to be measured by a particul held four admand. This statement sho' various la/hasu measures of different c arrived at from the Badulla pillar inscr Aa/aasu measure, but without giving its different parts of Ceylon, the grain mea. tion, vary in capacity.
If the owner of the land failed to su quired to give, in lieu of it, one sauna of each la/assa. It may reasonably be as:
1 E. Z., Vo

IL CHAMBER INSCRIPTION 37
ost entirely from this model. The order Le heir-apparent; but by some dignitary ial title, is given. No mention is made addressed to certain officials, two of cts in which the lands concerned were al names. The other minor officials are r offices; and all these functionaries are n. Then follow the details regarding the which it was entitled. After this occurs at the request of the first-named of the sed, so that the notice of kings may be zmanat (free-hold). The regnal year and he document which is referred to, not by oned, but by arak “ protection ". s type-both of them fragmentary-are from Rajamahavihara at Viharegama in agala District; and the other has been Gaigala Pallēsiya Pattuva, Mātalē East. uch interest in themselves, were of some in certain places of the present reeord and, for purposes of comparison, I have, he next two articles. in the economic conditions of Ceylon in : already mentioned that the owner of the ginger, as quit-rent, to a hospital. The arta/hassa (modern Sinhalese laha) which ws that there were, in the tenth century, pacities. The same conclusion can be iption which also mentions a particular capacity'. Even at the present day, in sures, though bearing the same designa
Ipply the ginger as specified, he was regold computed at the rate of one aka for
umed that the gold given in lieu of the
l. III, p. 79.

Page 58
38 EPIGRAPHIA
ginger was the market value of the com what difficult to utilize this information f in the ninth century with that prevailing in val /a/assa is of the same capacity as proves that the number of lahasu in a bit As the systems of weights and measur period are not well ascertained, the data however, be utilized with certainty. Thre tions, kindly supplied by Mr. Codrington I do not, therefore, propose to discuss tl Mahamal Bud (Mahamalla Buddha document, is referred to without mentic fact that he issued orders to the governo held a very high position in the adminis covered in 1931 in a garden near the Ma Anurādhapura, is concerned with the gra fail it unt in the family of Mahamal Bud. of a king named Aba Salamevan and it is mal Bud figuring in the present epigrap) to the governorship of the district called figures in the fragmentary pillar inscripti city as he does in this record. It is at his and, therefore, his position is similar to Indian documents. Hivalä Agbo, the ot is not otherwise known.
As regards the geographical name which is evidently the name of a distric rattha mentioned in the Mahavanisa (ch figures in the chronicle in the account ( Gajabahu II; and from the trend of the na adjoining the Kalavāva. If the original where near Polonnaruva–as it is natur utilized the pillar would not have taken great distance-the territory included in from the Kalavāva to the neighbourhoc
The exact meaning of this term is not

ZEYLANICA vOL. IV
modity then prevailing. But it is someor comparing the price of this commodity ow, as we are not certain that the mediaehe modern da/ha. This statement also z was the same as that of a Āas in a /uta. s which were current in Ceylon at this supplied by the present epigraph cannot, e valuable notes dealing with these ques, have been appended to this paper and em here. ), who issued the order embodied in this ning his official position; but from the rs of two districts, we can infer that he tration of the state. An inscription dislvatu Oya, within the municipal limits of nt of immunities to certain lands held as This record is also dated in the reign possible that it refers to the same Mahah. Diyavalla Kasba who, in addition Maharat, also held the office of maua-shi, on from Mäda-Ulpota, in the same caparepresentation that the order was issued, that of the officer called the viviafiti in ner official mentioned in this inscription,
's occurring in this document, Maharat, it, seems to be the same as the Mahaap. lxxii, vv. 14 I, I63, 190 and I 99). It f Parakramabahu I's campaign against rrative, it seems to have been the country site of the present inscription was anyl to believe, because the builders who he trouble to transport it from a very the Maharattha seems to have extended d of Polonnaruva. We may, however,
known. See below p. 45, footnote II 2.

Page 59
NO. 5)
*
POLON NARU VA : COUNCI
surmise that the original site of the pilla that district, as the order was addressed
well as the adjoining one. This was ev
affected by the order were in two differe
two properties belonging to the same pe
document were situated not far from eat
were near the very confines of the respec
Maharat was included in a danazzy other sources. A da naviya, therefore, w
10
TE
لے
මහමල් බු දාහු වජ නින් (E లిEGలో නවිෙයනි ම sరE Gరి 3 a9 Geoea zabad ನಿpdg Öಖ @වතරටලද් හි edea ere koios)) යනු ඉසා කුළ සම්අරුබ් පිට ත්සමද්‍යුරු බිකනැමියන් @ರೆ೦ ®Ûಲ್ಲಿ ಲಿ]
(වෙද්)නා (රක් තු)මා ඉසා ෙමක් 3) οι όιξε [නු]මබූවන් @Ö೦ ಆಲಿ පුරෙන් මෙනයා ෙතධාරා වළ නදා ෙපාලි ය බැන්දූ

L CHAMBER INSCRIPTION 39
r was very near the eastern boundary of
to the governors of both that district as idently due to the fact that the two lands
nt districts.
It is natural to believe that
rson and forming the subject of the same h other, and therefore it follows that they tive districts in which they were included. a called (Giri)wadunna, not known from as a territorial division larger than a rata
XT.
A.
15
6
17
1S
1
12
13
14
15
16
17
1S
19
20
ද්ෙකාල්කැමි - යන් ඉසා අ රිහිය යුතු පුනපුනා []*] ෙතා ප රට්හි වූ දෙ @සණක් නු ලූපුපක් ෙකාට ගැමැ ෙඳකෙමළකනැ බැල්ල ඉසා అఅరLప663
වර් ඉසා මෙමඟි
G లి ఇప దర్తి @වඳහල ට් හවුරු දු හවුරුදු [පතා බද්] දට් සාර් අඩ්මනා ගන්නා ල හසුකෙයන්

Page 60
4O
21
22
23
24
25
EPIGRAPHIA
එක්පැළක් සුද්භිගු ර් දි වළන්දානු මෙකාට් ඉසා සුද්හිගු
අකක් රන් නුනක් යොදනු అభ్మకrద్దిరి30 මෙ ගමැ G casu) බැල්ලට් 23)) මබුර්කඩව රට වූ වි[යවූ ලක්] ඇත. ස බාමෙය හින්ද් න සම්දරුව න් සාහා (පසි) නද්වන්නා ඉසා තුන්නකය( කැබැලි ගනු ත් කැබැලි ග
coda) අවුද්
අප් පු රට්හි ද න්වීමෙයන් {5 . . . లి0 . . దా @මක්නු නියමි න් මෙම කනු කො[ට්] අ[ග]
6 3ே08 @මවන් ම
g69s)0)

A ZEYLANICA vOI. Iv
26 ඊ මෙන0ඳිය 27 නුණ එක් 28 ලහසුව 29 කට් එක්
16 න්නා ඉසා 17 කෞමයට් මඟන් 18 ශිව පියගි 19 ව බෝමලාත්නි 20 පෙබරනාටටු ර 21 ද්කොල්කනැමි 22 යන් නොවදනා 23 ඉසා පමණ 24 වන මෙසය. මි 25 පල් නුවනක් 26 දෙවනු ලබම් 27 හා අටිය(න් 28 මෙම අරක් මු 29 ක්හිකම කර් 30 s) teecca
15. සතරව 16 න හවුරු 17 දුකෙයහි 18 කෞවසගර්‍ 19 සනද් පුන් 20 මස්හි කෙත 21 තෙළස්වක් 22 දවස් වදාළ 23 ම්හ[]*]මෙම දව 24 ස් පිටින් 25 කෞමක්නු තැ 26 න මිනිසුන් 27 වැද සග 28 (ත්) කුබුර්

Page 61
Epigraphia Zeylarırca
Polonnaruwa; Council Chambe
Ը]
5
3.
பீரர் விகித rர்: le f:
 

Wùዚ !'' ዘTዘg፬†£: [ሁ
:r Pillar-Inscription

Page 62


Page 63
No. 5 POLONNAIRUVA : COUNCI
TRANS
A 1 Mahamal Bu2 -dähu vajanin 3 (Giri)vadunnà-da4 – naviyelhi Ma5 -harat-lad Diya
Vallā Kas7 - bāyahu isā 8 v(c) ta-rat-lad Hi:) - vala Agbo10 -yahu isi kula11 sam-arub piţa12" -t-sann-aru13 -b-kiniyan 14 isa sesu-ra
B. 1 (ved)nā 2 (Rak tu)mā
3 isa mek
-hu daru-mu-[nu]mbuvan isã para
-puren notorā vala-nda pol[i]- 10 -ya bändä 11 Doti Vala 12 -knä * kala 13 vedahala14 -t havuru15 -du havuru du
* The letter ku is not quite clear; but the read inscription, below p. 53.
* This letter can also be read as ga'.
* Though the letters of this line are for the n Certain.
VOL. IV

L CHAMBER INSCRIPTION 41
CRIPT.
5
16
17
18
19
20
21.
22
23
24
25
26
27
16
17
18
9
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
-d-kol-kami-yan isa a-rigiya yutu punapunā (*) To-pa raț-hi vū deSenak hu-lu-pupak Koţgämä Demel-kä-bälla isā Maharäkäye Kambur-kada-var isä mehi
vü maha- *
patā bad-dat sārad-mana gannā la-hasuyen ek-palak Sud-hingu-r di vallandanu kot isā Sud-hingu-r no-diyahuņa eklahasuva
-kaț ek
ing given above is supported by the Viharegama
Can be read as Pala&nd also.
host part destroyed, the reading given is fairly
G

Page 64


Page 65
42 EPIGRAPH
1 akak ran 2 hunak denu 3 kot isā 4 me gamä de-kä5 -bällaț [Kä6 -mbur-kadava7 -rat vü viyavu8 -lak) ata sa9 -baye hind10 -na sam-daruva11 -n saha (pasi)- 12 -ndvannā isā 13 tun-nakaya 14 kābāli ganu15 -t käbäli ga
1 Kasbā 2 avud 3 ap pu4 -raț-hi dä5 -nviyen 6 ap . . . . 7 -vā .. ... kä* 8 mek-hu 9 niyami1 0 -n me kanu 11 koț Abha12 -ya Sala13 meVan ma14 -purmuka
Compare the Mada-Ulpota inscription, be
* No connected reading of lines D 6-7 is p
No traces of writing are visible after line inscription did not end here.

A ZEYLANICA (voIL. IV
C.
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
low p. 57. possible.
e 28; but the
-nnā isā meyat manggiva piyagi-va mellātti
perenāțțu ra-d-ko-kami–yan novadanā isā pamaņu vana sey mipal nuvanak devanu labam-ha atiyän me arak mu-k-hi- kam kar-na Diyavällä
Satara-Val
-na havuru-duyehi Vesagsand punmas-hi te-lesvak davas vadala-mha no Me dava-s pițin o mek-hu tä-na minisun vädä saga
-(t) kubur*
May also be pivin. Maida-Ulpota record shows that this

Page 66
No. 5 POLONNARUVA: COUNC
TRAN
Lines A 1-18). By the commando who has received the governorship of of (Giri)wadunna", and by Hivala Agb the adjoining district, and by the offi sam-arud, and by the other officers of tected again and again.
P. Mahamala Buddha. In this name, E.Z., Vol. III, p. I 99.
* Kasbå= P. Kassaøa, Skt. Kåsyapa. Diy * With the expressions Maharat-lad and ziet expressions like rata läbi karazana, which are us * Girizvadun nā:- If this reading is correct, t = P. Aggabodhi. Hizala is the nam “ Allau-sam-aruband Abitat-sam-arub which, ol have here been met with for the first time. The Viharegama inscription, by the slightly different t Uipota pillar has fifassam-arub and, in the missir have occurred. From the contexts in which they refer to two classes of government officers. All t together are concerned with the grant of pamunu they are expressly named while the other classes ( may presume that they had an intimate conne: government. An officer called a fitassam is men company with another styled rafge updini &dimi (A. certain allowance from the income of the monaste that they were servants of the monastery. But th to have had some connexion with the palace as w were common both to the monasteries and to the Mihintale inscription, has not been satisfactorily turally by “one who arranges outside affairs (E. essential element appears to be atsam or assan officials mentioned in the Mihintale tablets, to dum mal-assam. An earlier form of atsam, name Puvarasankulam near Mihintale. Various sugges atsamu. Müller, deriving it from Skt. hasta + sa B. Gunasekara by 'sealing' and Dr. Wickremas however, has anything to recommend it. In pit term used in juxtaposition with it, namely, Aulat-s. know of any place where the word is found used meaning. Arub, the last element of these two etymology. It is doubtful whether it is the same Mihintalë tablets (E. Z., Vol. I, p. 92).

IL CHAMBER INSCRIPTION 43
LATION.
Mahamal Budi. By Diyävälla Kasbão the district of Maharat' in the province d', who has received (the governorship of) ers called the kuda-sam-arud and bifatthe royal household, this should be pro
ahamala is obviously a viruda title for which see
villa is a place name. i-ral-lad, it may be interesting to compare modern :d in referring to officials like Ratemahatmayas. he name is equivalent to P. Girivaddhamana. e of a village. viously, are the designations of some minor officials, same two classes of officials are referred to, in the erms Aulat-sam-arub and fitas-samun. The Mādang portion of that record, the other term too must occur in the three records, it is clear that these terms he documents in which these officials are mentioned lands to private individuals and from the fact that of royal officers are referred to in a general way, we kion with this branch of the administration of the tioned in the Mihintalē tablets of Mahinda IV in . Z., Vol. I, p. 95). Both these officials were given a ry and, therefore, we may be justified in presuming e second named officer, from his title itself, appears ell. It is a well-known fact that certain functionaries royal palace. The term fifassamu, occurring in the xplained. Dr. Wickremasinghe renders it conjecZ, Vol. I, p. Io8, n. 9). In both these terms, the which also occurs in other names of monastery wit, zieher-atsam, Aarandu-atsamu, dage-atsam, and y, atasama, occurs in a fragmentary inscription at ions have been put forward for the interpretation of ', renders it by “receiver of revenues; Mudaliyar ghe by 'keeper'. None of these interpretations, t-sam-arub, fitat means “outer'; therefore, in the m-arub, kulat may mean “interior”, though I do not this sense, nor any etymological reasons for this compounds, is also obscure both in meaning and sarub, equivalent to Pali arama, occurring in the
G 2

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44 EPIGRAPHI
Lines A 19-C 3). The Tamil all and areca-palms in the village of . village of Maharakaya . . . . . in th without cessation", by His Worship ( grandchildren of this personage). T and one päla o of dried gingero [mea
* Demela-käbälla:-See E. Z., Vol. III, p. * For the explanation of this word, see E.Z * Fenugreek, trigonella foenum graecum. Si Pupak :-This word is a compound of f Sinhalese, means “fruit and is probably derived denote “ripe fruit or nut and later extended in Geiger, E. S., s. v. The modern equivalent of A, at a difficulty to account for ae. The form pre correct etymology of the modern Sinhalese word Adimbur-Aadavar is evidently the name ol form of, or a clerical error for, the familiar word the first letter is not legible, we are not able to t word Aaaavar is possibly the earlier form of inscription at Gadaladeniya, in the phrase Aumb, the word appears to mean “share". Kada is per jecture is possible as to the meaning of vara. compound be taken as equivalent to aumbur, be
o The occurrence of the gerund vallandā in words in the sentence. It is unnecessary, as th refers to this as well as the other clauses.
" The reading mahavedna is very doubtful, Aikaya Sangraha as one of the principal funct cognate title of Sulu'vedand the Junior Physicia mabahu I, found at Anuradhapura. But the wo the tenth century. Aak = P. Aakkha.
* Aoliya bindi:-Aoli interest occurs ver with the Tamil root poli, “to increase. Binda, mortgaged. It may be conjectured that the ho ment of the dues to the hospital, was reques necessary for this purpose.
About these terms of capacity, see Mr. C. * Sud-hiigur = Skt. uddha frigavera, P. suddha Azaranava has the meaning of cleaning also be the same as the modern Sinhalese sudu cleaned ginger' or “white ginger'. Sud-hingur i the term by which the Skt. magara is translated "reated it ås having the same meaning as Skt. ne

A ZEYLANICA VOL. IV
otment, comprising of two senāso of hulu * Kotgam and Kambur-kadavar in the is . . . shall be enjoyed in their lineage, Mahavedna) Raki and the children and he same shall be rented to yield interest" sured by a Aashasu' taking four admana
I43.
, Vol. III, p. I 43. ee E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 4o, n. 4 and p. I 43. u (Skt. biga) arecanut and paa which, in literary from Skt. bakva "ripe, used in a secondary sense to meaning to express' fruit or “nut” in general. See upak is fuzak which Geiger derives from aiga, but is served in this epigraph helps us to understand the , puivak. f a land. Admbur, however, appears to be a variant kumbur. The name is repeated on side C; but, as est the correctness of the form occurring here. The adavara occurring in the fourteenth-century rockuru biju . . . . munak hā gam-kadavara ekek. Here haps equivalent to Skt. Afianda “piece"; but no conAimbur-adavar may, if the first member of the interpreted as “share of a field'. Bll. 8-9, interrupts the smooth flow of the order of e finite verb valandanu at the end of this sentence
Mahavedna “the Chief Physician’ occurs in the ionaries of the state under Parakramabahu I. The n is found in an inscription of the reign of Parakraird has not been met with in any other document of
commonly in the modern language and is connected literally, “having tied may mean “having rented or lder of the land, in order to ensure the regular payed to rent out as much of the land as would be
)drington's notes appended to this paper.
uddha singivera. In modern Sinhalese, the phrase or “removing the husk, of cereals, &c. Sud might white'. Thus sud-hingur may mean 'prepared or undoubtedly the earlier form of siddinguru which is in Sinhalese books on medicine. I have, therefore, gara and translated it by "dried ginger'.

Page 68
No. 5) POLONNA RUVA : COUNC
should be given year after year as rent to Should it not be possible to give the dri computed at the rate of one aka for O lieu ofit.
Lines C 3-23). Should there be allotment of this village or the eimbu, assembly shall arbitrate and settle the sa lands) if Aibaidi be taken from the lands officers of the royal household, such as are not to enter this estate).
Lines C 23-D 23). With the desi order that this estate may become a performs the office of mue-hi came a
o Doti Valaknà:–Doti=P./oti, frequently a title; but its significance is not clear and it has
* For these terms, see Mr. Codrington's note Deliabilla :-It is quite clear from the cont are repeated in C ll. 4-7. In place of the word dedibailla is substituted here. We can, therefore, mous. In fact, dedibdilla seems to be nothing mo compound word dekäbäli-laduvan occurs in the sla at Anuradhapura (E.2, Vol. I, No. 8), where it h recipients of two allotments.
* Sam-daruvan :-See E.Z., Vol. III, p. 88.
7 un-nakaya (P. Mikayattaya, the three frat the Jetavana sects of monks. 7 FC
* See E.Z., Vol. III, p. I Io.
Literally, “we shall be caused to be give devanu labamha be correct. The reading as wel beyond doubt.'
For this word, which is usually spelt famue ' This word has not been found elsewhere; of an office, though we do not know exactly what mukhya, in which case, it means' chief'. In South 'word of the king' and the officer, whose duty it was mugavetti, an official title which was, in the slightly in Ceylon during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuri mukavetti of later times. This supposition is stren of Diyavalla Kasba, who performed the office of: was issued. Probably it was the royal consent wh
Aurai-hi is also not known from any other Aburas orburas tĀā.
' No reading, which would give any sense, of are clear.

IL CHAMBER INSCRIPTION 45
the hospital founded by Doti Valakna. edginger, as specified), a shuna' of gold, ne lahasu of ginger, should be given in
any dispute in connexion with the Tamil -kadavar, the gentlemen' who sit in the me. Acibili shall be taken from these Oelonging to the three fraternities. The magiwa, pegiva", melati and perenatu”
re that we shall be noticed by kings in bama nu, and as Diyavalla Kasba who nd notified in our presence . . . . . this
met with as a personal name. Valakinä is obviously also not been met with elsewhere. is appended to this article. ext that the names of the lands given in All. 2 I-26 ZDemala-Adibaida in the earlier part of the record, be almost certain that these two words are synonyre than an abbreviated form of demel-Aiddilla. The ab-inscription near the Stone Canoe in the Citadel as been translated by Dr. Wickremasinghe as “the
o See E.Z., Vol. III, p. 277, n. 9. ernities) were the Mahavihāra, the Abhayagiri, and
or these two terms, see E.Z., Vol. III, p. I 46.
9 Ibid.,p. I45. n an eye by kings, if the reading mibal nuvana & ll as the translation offered of this phrase are not
nu, see E.Z., Vol. III, p. 276, n. 3.
but from the context it is clear that it is the name its nature was. Muk-hi may be derived from Skt. Indian documents, magasm (Skt. mukstam) means the to note down the verbal orders of the king, was called different forms of mukazetti and mohotti, also current es. Muk-hi in this record is perhaps the precursor of gthened by the fact that it was on the representation mu &-hi, that the order embodied in this document nich was communicated by Diyavälä Kasba. document. I have taken furaf to be derived from
lines. D6-7 is possible, though most of the letters

Page 69
46 EPIGRAPHIA
pillar was set up by the order of this ID regulations of protection' on the thirt of Vesag in the fourth year of His Ma Lines D 23-28). After this day, this person), having come" . . . . .
APPE
NOTES ON THE HUNA
By H. W. C
I. I UNDERSTAND thc text to mean tha ginger measured by a lahassa of 4 admands, each la/assa. 制
The modern Table of grain measures is
pata /ugauva mäliya l б4 о 32O I 6o Twenty amunas make I gala.
This Table, however, does not represent handfuls in the näiliya varies, as does the num and a large laha. In some places it is ten of the large. The tiniba and the bila are consid amuna; each is divided into so many lastas, Moggallana's Abhidhanappadipika gives Akuduba, pasata pattha āļ/aka
2o,48o 5, I2O I,28O He also gives a few other details. Thus, a the pattha the māli, and for the vāha the saka
It is not clear from the context to whom Diyavalla Kasba, as his name precedes this word. can then be interpreted to mean that the pillar w valla Kasba. The opening clause of the docum higher official than Diyavalla Kasba, for the form difficulty, I have, though in a somewhat forced m the actual setting up of the pillar was executed at embodied in the document were according to th first person, in the opening words of the documen
* 47ak = Skt. äraksä. * P. Vesåkha, Skt. Vaisakha. The second
P. Stāmeg/azaņņa. The exact purport of the clause contained places, is not certain. The same clause occurs in some more words, not clearly legible, after kubur haps, this epigraph also contained the additional

ZEYLANICA (VOL. Iv
yavalla Kasba), and we delivered these 2enth day of the bright half of the month jesty Abhaya Salamevan“.
the field . . . . . . . men from the place of
NDIX.
AND GRAIN MEASURES.
OI) RINGTON
the grantee was to pay yearly I pila of white or, in default, J huna, that is, I aka of gold for
a/ia timřba pāla a muta 4O Ι Ο 4 I
actual practice ; the number of patas or single ber of nati in the lasia. There is also a small the small which make a bila, in others ten of ered to be fixed as the tenth and quarter of the the number varying with their size. the following Table :-
doņa mānikā A/hard vāha
32O 89 2O I nother name for the ālhaka is the tumba, for ta, which last is etymologically the equivalent
V
mee-hu refers. I have assumed that it refers to
But this gives rise to a difficulty. The sentence as set up by Mahamal Bud on the orders of Diyaent makes it quite clear that Mahamal Bud was a 2r issues orders to the latter. In order to avoid this anner, taken this part of the record to mean that the orders of Diyavalla Kasba, while the regulations e command of Mahamal Buda, who speaks in the t.
Sinhalese month, April-May.
Pitin, literally “outside'. in ll. D 23-28 is not clear as the reading, in some the Māda-Ulpota inscription with the addition of with which the present-record seems to end. Perwords found in that inscription.

Page 70
NOTES ON THE HUNA
of the Sinhalese yāla. Further, Io dona au I Anambha.
Moggallana's Table is based on Pali au That part of it, however, dealing with the nominations is common also to the Cola, M. or mali all differ. Combining Moggallana's his supplementary material, and including t timba, we get -
pasata pattha or māli ā/
64o I6o His information touching the ammama doub single handfuls in it agrees with the modern fourth of the amuna in Nissarhka Malla's in The Mihintale Tablets mention the mail, find I aạdmanā 2 patas, in aņother 2 adman, not in connexion with the other denominati and it is fairly certain that 4 patas equal the Combining the Mihintale data with thos
4 palas = I a Ιό βαίας = 4 ας The lahassa thus equals the modern laha, a Moggallana.
The lahassa is still in use in Jaffna in measure of superficial area. In the Penins 2 seers of paddy seed are required to sow or to its place in the Table of grain measures 8 cundu = 2 The number of cundu in the laccam thus ag. II. It is evident from the present inscri to the pila. We may consider the huna as
The huna as a weight is given in the and in subsequent Tables as the equivalent other hand, makes I suvanama equal to 5 dh, of 24 akas implies a pilla of 96 admands, a Both these figures are far in excess of the v making the amuna both in Moggallana and sider the huma as a weight.
In inscriptions the huna occurs but rar (1) 19 Sena II (Ceylon Coins and ( gold.
(2) 9 Udaya I (ibid.), pas huntak ran (3) ? Kassapa IV (ibid.), eka huma de c (4) Mr. Paranavitana supplies a four namely :-eka saya huma kavama one hundre ing to a shrine in the Northern Dagaba ar.

AND GRAIN MEASURES 47
e said to make I am mana, and Io ammahuas
horities and does not agree with the Sinhalese. asata or single handful and the next two dealabar, and Kandyan Tables; above the pattha igures, where, the others are in agreement, with ne donya, which corresponds with the Sinhalese
aka or tumba dona атташа
4O IO I tless is from Sinhalese usage, as the number of Table. The bila is absent, but it occurs as the scriptions. ya, the admianā, and the pata. In one place we is (the highest given), and once the mailiya, but ons. More than 2 patas are never mentioned, : agmarzā. e supplied by the present inscription, we find:- manā 'mana = I lahassa. nd the admana the ordinary maliya, the mali of
| the Tamil form of laccam, that is lassa, as a ula 4 cunqdu make I kottu or paqdi (seer), and he laccam of ground. If the laccam be restored we get:-
bag = lāccam. ees with the number of hundu in the laha. ption that, as I aka is to the huna, so I lahassa is a weight and as a coin. ogarnava of the reign of Bhuvanaika Bahu I of 3 kadaidas or 24 akas. Moggallana, on the tranas (kallaňdas) or 4O akkhas (akas). A humua nd a huna of 4o akas a bdila of I6o admanas. lue of the päla, 64o patas, that is, 16 o aqdmanās, the modern Tables. We need not further con
:ly:- Turrency, p. I97), dasa hunak ran, ten humas of
five lunas of gold. ikakä mal, one huna two akas (?worth of) flowers. h instance dating from about the sixth centus ty, d huna &ahavana. This occurs on a step leada near Burrows' Pavilion'. Mr. Paranavitana

Page 71
48 EPIGRAPHIA
Compares the formation of huma ka[ha]vata already known from inscriptions.
Examples (II) and (2) may refer to bullion must mean coin.
It may be noted that the word huna is sp also so spelt in E.Z., Vol. I, p. 97, though der tracing huna to suvarmna. That this is the corr by the names of the weight corresponding to Malabar 3 halaicu make I Aarsam, in the the Gamita Sara Samigraha for gold 2 dhara? of the suvanna has been given above. Karsa From the analogy of the Tamil pon and ( huna was a synonym for the Aahavamuva coi hirañña, and this is in accordance with the usi the Pāli hirañña by kahavupuu and suvaņņa by (Ceylon Coins and Currency, pp. 52, I88, 254). vana in the sixth-century inscription coupled w though much later in date than the epigraph r the huna was the largest gold coin of the perioc gold coin was 8 akas in weight. Accordingl contain 8 lahassas or 32 admands. This is tw. the converse process of reasoning we work b a huna of Io akas, and no coin of this weight
Thus, the most likely solution of the prob one by which the huna is a coin and not a Io lahas, but rather one of 8 lahassas. There analogy of small and large maili and lahas an make its existence not impossible. The bara mentioned in the following Note.
III. The relation of the aqdmanuā, “half ma. obscure. Rhys Davids surmised that the two ports this view. But the fact that both are m identification doubtful. A solution of the prob at the present day of two maili, the ordinary bahạdāra-mäliya, “ royal näiliya”, in use in templ
The first mentioned mailiya according to practice varies greatly. The bandaira-maliya i ordinary mailiya. Thus in Vavuniya District it and at Dambulla of 6 against 4; in Lower Du ordinary ndiliya of 3 handfuls, by others to be
Also in the temples is the bandara-kurua, laha, kurumiya in some parts of the country be
* The difference between the laha and the ku, a wooden plate, the latter a pot-like vessel, as is als

ZEYLANICA voL. Iv
with that of mala-kahavana, dama-kahavana,
(3) may refer to bullion or coin; (4) certainly
alt with the dental so. But assumu, lime', is ved from Skt. cürgga, there is no dificulty in act etymology is rendered more than probable he huna in the cognate Tables. Thus in the old Tamil 2 Atalaifu make i kaisu, and in as are equal to II karya. Moggallāna’s value and suvarraria are synonyms. anarese honnu "gold', it may be argued that n. But the Mahavamsa Tika calls this coin ual practice of the commentators, who render rat-rama, 'red gold, that is fine gold bullion In spite of this, the expression huma-kahaith sogna-kahãpana in Mahāvaniusa, lxxxi, 45, ow under discussion, inclines me to think that or a coin of account of the same value. This y, the pila of the present document should p lahas short of the modern bdila. But if by ack from the existing measure, we arrive at is known. lem presented by the inscription seems to be weight, and the bila not the modern one of is no direct evidence for such a bila, but the d the great variation in measure now in use , the equivalent of this hypothetical pilla, is
nava’, to the maliya in the Mihintale Tablets is were identical, and Moggallana's Table Sup2ntioned in the same inscription makes this lem, perhaps, is to be found in the existence measure of the name, and the hamba- or CS. the Tables should consist of 4 patas, but in n general usage is slightly in excess of the is of Io single handfuls against the usual 7, mbara it is said by some to be I times the of 5 handfuls of a big man. ya. This seems to be a variety of the larger ing a synonym of lahuan. In Lower Dumbara
waiya is in the shape of the measure. The former
the ndiliya.

Page 72
NOTES ON THE HUNA
it is said to be of 9 mali; it is not connecte of bandara-maili.
The silver nailiya, of the Dalada Malig handfuls. It is known simply as mailiya, th in the Tables. Four make a bandara-kur This kuruttiya is identical with the old Cola
But anciently there was also a nailiya maya :-o addha-nāli mattarih, ada-näļiyak ma Jayatilaka, p. Ioo).* This näliya of I6 handf it may be the Mihintale measure.
We thus find three distinct mali, of 4 h represented by the Maligava silver miliya agreeing as it does with the South India 'Sinhalese mali of the Vinayattha Maifasa The Maligava maliya, being a double admana of this name still exists in the Low Count nailiya. But its contents in handfuls may w The following Table of early mediaeval figures in heavy type are those obtained fro the Dampiya atuvasannaya, and the Maligav included. The division of the amuna into 5 patas given both by Moggallāna and by the
– ? mamāva pata “COGIE“ (Mälligaya GGGG
näliya)
4.
8 2
6 4 2. 32 8 4. 2. 64 6 8 4. 28 32 I6 8 б4о 6o 8o 4O
Support for the above Table is given employed for measuring paddy land. The divided into 4pā or quarters, 2o massas, and The pa, therefore, was the amuna, the ma bandara-kurugiya. We must, however, aw Table can be fixed with absolute certainty.
This is the exact capacity of the official M * I am indebted for this reference to Mr. S.
WOL. V.

AND GRAIN MEASURES 49
in the popular mind with any definite number
ava, as tested in my presence, contains 8 single ough double the ordinary measure of this name umuiya, and I6 the bara, “ burden” or head-load”.
kuru or marakkāl. . of 4 admands, witness the Dampiya atuva santu-de adamanak matuyayi seyi' (ed. Sir D. B. als thus is equal to the lahassa of our inscription;
andfuls, of I6 handfuls, and an intermediate one and the different bandara-maili. The smallest, n, may be the 'Tamil', and the largest the (Karikhaivitarani Tika, Colombo, I912, p. 174). , seems really to be an old manava. A measure y, and according to the Tables is half the usual fell have varied with the mailiya,
grain measures is put forward tentatively. The m the Mihintale Tablets, the present inscription, a. The hypothetical paida of 8 lahassas has been instead of 4 pilas is required by its value of 640
modern Tables.
(banqdāra- dona päla kurugiya) (tiñaba) (bara) amuiga
2 4. 2.
2Ο IO 5
by the mediaeval kiriya and its fractions, once : birya was equated with 4 amunas and was 8o kinas, on the same principle as the kahipanta. ssa the pidla of 8 lahassas, and the kàina the ait further light from inscriptions before this
aldivian nảliya of 4 đãhi (Sinh, huạạư). Parinavitana. . See p. 48, note I.

Page 73
5O EPIGRAPHIA
No. 6. VI HAREGAMA
By S. PAR
T Viharegama, in the Udukaha KO A in the Kurunagala District, there Rajamaha Vihara. The site, which is C times. The remains include some caves of pre-Christian date, a ruined shrine wi various architectural fragments now di A flight of rough stone steps leads to th this, to the right, is now placed the uppe: shaped capital. It is said to have bee present site from a neighbouring chema ; from where.
The preserved portion of the pillar Io in. by 2 ft. 7 in. in height. The firs the whole of side B, except the first six fifth line on side D occur four symbols pillar inscriptions of the ninth and tenth c to have ended here. Possibly, the rema below these symbols on the missing por drawn, roughly parallel to one another, three sides of the pillar; and in the spac lines of writing, according to the size of inches in height.
The script may be ascribed to the forms more developed than in the recorc writing is regular and uniform and there i attention. As regards grammar, the O buravun in B l. 3 which may be compar Council Chamber pillar-inscription. Th
* A. S. J. No. 659, see C.V. Sc. G, vol. ii, p. 4 * A. S. J. No. 66o, see C.V. Sc. G, vol. ii, p. : time, by the writer in 193I.

ZEYLANICA [voL. Iv
PILLAR-INSCRIPTION.
ANAVITANA.
rale West of the Dambadeni Hatpattu is an ancient monastery now known as in a low hill, has been restored in recent one of which has a Brahmi inscription h pillars of the Polonnaruva style, and splaced and utilized in modern works. e top of the hill; and, at the bottom of r half of an inscribed pillar' with Aalasain removed, several decades ago, to its but nobody was able to tell me exactly
measures, without the capital, Jo in. by t five lines of side A are badly worn and lines, is altogether illegible. After the which are usually found at the close of enturies; but the record does not appear ining part of the sentence was inscribed tion of the pillar. Horizontal lines are at an average distance of 6 inches, on es thus formed are written three or four the letters which, on an average, are I;
irst half of the tenth century and shows dealt with in the foregoing article. The s nothing regarding it calling for special nly point to be noted is the form munued with mumuöuzan in the Polonnaruva is word is the genitive plural of mumu
II. : II. The two records were copied, for the first

Page 74
No. 6 VIHÄREGAMA
buru and the regular form would b and in Cl. 4 has not been found in The record is dated in the ninth brother or cousin (di) of the heir-ap edict was issued. Palaeographically between Kassapa IV and Mahinda have to select a ruler of this period and whose mahafa was related to h period, Kassapa V, Dappula V, Ser extending to nine years or more. Dappula whose relationship to the f shown that Dappula could possibly correct, he was a younger cousin of latter as di. In the reign of Dappu it is certain, was not the former's you the mahapā was Udaya (II) who, fro been a son of Kassapa IV. If the ; a brother of Udaya II and if the pa III, p. I 4 I, be accepted, these two by the present record. Mahinda IV is out of the question. Sena V hac Thus, our epigraph may belong to present, to be more exact; but the candidate.
The object of the record was to is not preserved, to a person named thereto. In style, the document close ber pillar-inscription, many words a officers instrumental in proclaiming and he is not known to us from oth
* E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 42. * See the Puliyankulam slab-inscriptic pp. I 4 I-II 42.
* E2. Z., Vol. III, p. 296.

PILLAR-INSCRIPTION 5 I
2 munuduran or munuduruvan. The word
any other document of the period. year of an unnamed king who was the elder parent (mahapa), also unnamed, by whom the the epigraph ought to be assigned to a reign V and, in order to identify the monarch, we whose reign extended for nine years or more im as a younger brother or cousin. In this na III, Mahinda IV and Sena V, had reigns in the reign of Kassapa V, the mahapa was ormer is not stated. But I have elsewhere have been a son of Udaya II ; and, if this be Kassapa V, and could have referred to the la V, the heir-apparent was Udaya (III) who, nger brother or cousin. In Sena III's reign, m the Velmilla inscription, is known to have statement in the Pūjāvalī that Sena III was rentage of the latter suggested by me in A. Z. orinces were not related in the manner given 7, who had a son of his as the heir-apparent, a younger brother of his own as mahafa. Kassapa V or Sena V. We are unable, at earlier monarch appears to be the likelier
register the gift of a land, the name of which
Niligalu Bud, and the immunities granted ly resembles the Polonnaruva Council Chamnd phrases being peculiar to both. Of the the edict, the name is preserved of one only er documents.
on (E. Z., Vol. I, pp. I82-I9o) and E. Z., Vol. III,
H2

Page 75
52
:
10
11
12
2
| EPIC RAPH IA :
EXT
න් ඉසා ජෛව ල්වැස්ස න් ඉසා රට් ලදුවන් ඉ
සා කුළත්ස මඅරුබ් පිට
ලිගලු බුද් තුමා ඉසවා මෙම කු දරුමුනුබු රවුන් ඉසා ප
මෙකාට් ඉසා @ම ගැමිනි මෙහ ළකුලී කෞදෙම ළකුලී නින්ද් මෙකාට් ඉසා මෙ ගමට් මහ් ගිව කෞපල්හිව @මලාට්සින් රද්මෙකාල්කරු මියන් මෙන0 ව දනා මෙකාට් ඉස9 කෞසසු
වර කුඩසලා එරා ඉසා මෙතු වක් දෙනමෝ

ZEYLAN ICA VOL. IV
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
ස්සමුන් ඉ සා මෙසපු රද්ෙකාල්කැ මියන් ඉසා අරිගිය යු & gasogas)0) කෞතනාප රට්හි ආවූ සතර් @සණක්
රපුතෙරන් කෙන0 කෞතධාරා වළනදා
ගැම්හි කැ බැලි ගනුත් මෙම ගැමහි කැබැලි කෙනයා ගන්නා මෙකාට් ඉසා බෑවත් හිමියන් වහන න්ෙස නවවන හවුරුදුයෙහි මහප0ණන්
වහන්ෙස ව
එක්කෙස වැ නි ලිගලු බුද් හට් මෙම

Page 76
Erigrisi hirt ?eglariicat - -
Wilhārega, III a. I
5
நீ க்ரா
N Titiallpol:
-- I
+ I5
பி: Br 13
 
 

F. F. Pine
illar Inscription
i forrå fø 1. fear
Pilla-Inscription
十 I
+r。嵐リ。
rester to I foot

Page 77


Page 78
No. 6 VIHAREGAMA PILL
TRANSC)
A.
1 ... .
2 ma
3
4 n . . . . . . . 5 . ... ka6 -n isā ve7 -l-vassa8 -n isā rat9 laduvan i10 -sa kulat-sa11 -m-arub pița
E
1 -ligalu Bud 2 tumā isā me
3 -ku daru-munubu4 - ravun isā pa
1 kot isā 2 megámhi he 3 --kulī deme4 -l-kuli nind 5 kot isā 6 me gamaț mañg7 giva pegiva
8
9
melätsin
rad-kol-ka10 -miyan no-va11 -dană koț
12 isā sesu
1 vara Kudasalā 2 rā isā metu 3 -väk denamo

AR-INSCRIPTION 53
RIPT.
12 -ssamun i
13 -Sa SeSul14 -radkol-kā15 -miyan isā
16 arigiya yu17 -tu punapunā (*) 18 Topa rat-hi 19 āvū Satar20 seņāk
5 -rapuren no6 torā vaļandā
13 gämhi kä14 -bäli ganut 15 me gämihi
16 käbäli no17 gan nākot 18 isā bā-vat19 himiyan vaha20 -nse naVaVama 21 havurudyehi 22 mahapāņam 23 vahanse va
4 ekse vä Ni5 -ligalu Bud-hat me

Page 79
54 EPIGRAPHIA
TRANSL
8 h e. by the vel-vaissan', a Aiudad-Sam-arub, the bifassam-arud and th this should be protected again and again which comprises of four senas of . . . . . . and his children and grandchildren shou interruption . . . . . . . . . and having . . . . Audi proprietary" (to this estate itself) and metafsi and other officers of the royal h having made the käóäli 10 to be not levied fr from other estates, as it was ordered by F year of His Majesty, the King his elder b persons including . . . . . . . . . . . , and Ku Niligalu Bud, this . . . . . . . . . . . .
No. 7. MADA-ULPOTA P
By S. PARA BOUT three years ago, the lower port A. the paddy field at Maida-Ulpota, Udasiya Pattuva of the Matale District. field and the inscription on it was copie Without taking into account the base of
By this term is meant, most probably, a clas Buddhannehala pillar inscription, E.Z., Vol. I, p. I9
* ARat-laduvan, see E.Z., Vol. III, p. III.
For these two terms, see above, p. 43, n. 6. * See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 43.
These two terms occur also in the Iripinniyāv kinds of imposts levied respectively on the Sinhal probably to be understood by these two technical te Aind:-This is undoubtedly the earlier form the Kandyan land tenure system, a minda village or f word mind is probably derived from Skt. mlja “one's the demesne lands of a landlord (J. R.A.S. for 1929. o For these two terms, see E. Z., Vol. III, p. I4 o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 1 Io. ' For the interpretation of gam as “estaie, see, ' The word bi may also mean an elder paternal

ZEYLANICA R VOL IV
TION.
ld the governors of districts and the e other officers of the royal household, 8 which is in your districts and O A His Worship Niligalu Bud' ld enjoy (this) in their lineage without nd having made the hel-euli and demelhaving made the manggiva, piyagiva, ousehold not to enter this estate and om this estate li even if käóäli be levied Iis Highness, the mahapa, in the ninth rother"* . . . . . . . . . . . . the aforesaid dasala Era, having come together, to
ILLAR-INSCRIPTION.
NAVITANA.
ion of an inscribed pillar was unearthed an abandoned village in the Gaigala It now stands in a chena adjoining the id by the present writer in July, I932. he pillar, which was buried below the
s of agricultural officers. It also occurs in the 7.
P. Milagala Buddha. , pillar-inscription (E. Z., Vol. I, p. 168). Two se and Tamil inhabitants of the country are
S. of ninda in the modern word mindagama. In eld was one held in exclusive possession. The own", cf. the Bengali naj, a word which denotes p. 9o). 6.
' bid., p. 277, n. 9.
E. Z., Vol. III, p. 276, n. I. cousin.

Page 80
No. 7) MÄDA-ULPOTA PI
ground, the preserved portion measure A and D have each eleven lines of writi The figure of a dog is engraved below The writing is between parallel lir The letters average II ; in. in size. Li of side Care wholly or partly illegible; fairly well preserved. The script may or the closing decades of the ninth, c than the script of the Polonnaruva Co two records cannot be separated from years, as Diyavalla Kasba figures in bc
The name of the king in whose been preserved. The object of the e a land which was situated in a villag was set apart for the benefit of the se Owing to the fragmentary nature of ascertain further details regarding the
In style, the document resembles inscription and it enables us to settle of that record. Therefore, this fragme interest in itself.
T
+ 1 ටස්සමද + 2 රුබ්කනැමිය + 3 න් ඉසා මෙස + 4 සු රද්මෙකාල් + 5 කැමියන් ඉ + 6 සා අරිගිය
+ 1
+ 2 .. .. .. .. .. + 3 .. ... (ගන්නා) + 4 . అబురి అర్థి . . + 5 ... ට් (මතා .. .. + 6 & 81 (9) + 7 . 6z řs(zbo) + 8 ×ණකිහල කෙමෙහ
See Plate

LLAR-INSCRIPTION 55
s 8; in. square by 3 ft. in height. Sides ng preserved, side B fifteen and C thirteen. the last line on side D. les three inches apart from one another. nes + I to +7 of side B and + I and + 2 the rest of the writing on this fragment is be assigned to the first half of the tenth, entury. It shows more developed forms uncil Chamber pillar-inscription; but the each other by a considerable number of oth in the same capacity. reign the document was dated has not pigraph was the grant of immunities to 2 called Panavali and which, apparently, rvitors at the Council Hall (attani-hala). the record, we are not in a position to grant.
the Polonnaruva Council Chamber pillarone or two doubtful points in the reading 2nt is published here though not of much
XT 1. A.
+ 7 ప్రర ద్దిరg + 8 sbo[*] 63Yoes රට් + 9 හි ආවූ එක් + 10 මෙස<ණක් නු + 11 g esas)) ezó
B.
9 කරුවන් බ 10 මබෙදයෙන්
11 වළන්දානු මෙකාට් 12 ඉසා මෙයට් 13 මඟිව පිය 14 ගිව මෙලාත් 15 ති රද්මෙකාල්
б, facing p. 52.

Page 81
EPIGRAPHI
ට් පමණ [ව] න ඉසය [මිපල්] పరిర)జటే [6] නු ලබම්[හ] අටිය(න් [මෙ]
සනද් පුන්ම ස්හි දසප ක් දවස් ව දාළම්හ []*] මෙ දවස් පිටි න් මෙකුන් වැද
RAN
taSSan-a- -rub-kamiya-n isa se-Su-rad-kolkämiyan i-sa arigiya
. (gannā) ... koț de . . « to ... . -t vä (ma) . ru at(tā)- -ni-hala mehe

A ZEYLANICA vOL. Iv
C.
SCRIPT.
10 11 12
13
10
11
O
11
10
11
12
13
14
15
අරක් මුක් භිකම් කර 3) Essae Cg భరిని අවුද් අප පූ රට්හි දැන්වි
සගත් කු මබුර්(හි) කෙනා
• · තැන් (ක)ම් කරව a *
yutu punapu-nan*] Topa rat-hi āvū eksenak hu-lu Panāväli
karuwan ba-mbadeyen valandanu koț isā meyat mañgiva piyagiva melāt-tirad-kol

Page 82
No. 7 MÄDA.-ULPOTA PII
Ο
- 1
+ 2 . . . . . + 3 -t pamanuva+ 4 -na sey [mipal) + 5 nuvanak de+ 6 -nu i labam[ha] + 7 atiyän me
+ 1 sand pun-ma+ 2 -shi dasapa+ 3 -k davas va+ 4 -dalamha Me + 5 davas piţi+ 6 -n mekun vädä*
TRANSI
. . . . . . by the officers called Ιρ of the royal household, this should village Panavali which is in your distr bulu o . . . . . . . . . . . . should been the Council Hall. To this estate), ma
The Polonnaruva Council Chamber pillar Alabamha of this record. See above, p. 4o.
* The Polonnaruva inscription has mekhu tär With ll. D+ 4-II of this pillar, comparell. that this particular passage in both these epigraph therefore, not possible.
See above, p. 43, n. 6. o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 43.
Bambadeyen :-For the explanation of this * Attåni-hala is probably derived from Skt. å met with before, seems to support Dr. Wickremas attāni in the oft-recurring word attānipära här, assembly or “council'. See below, p. 66, n. 3.
o For these two terms, see E. Z., Vol. III, p.
WOL. W.

LAR-INSCRIPTION 57
+ 8 arak muk+ 9 -hi-kam kara+ 10 -na Diyaväl+ 11 -lā Kasbā + 12 avud apa pu+ 13 -rat-hi dänvi
.
+ 7 sagat ku+ 8 -mbur(hi) no -- 9 ... .. tän + 10 (ka)m karava+ 11 -yi (*)
ATON,
ifassam-arub and by the other officers be protected again and again. The ict and which comprises of one sena of joyed, unreservedly", by the survitors at 'ngiva, piyagiva ', melafsi and the other
-inscription has devanu labamha in place of denu
tä minis un vädä.
D 23-28 of the Polonnaruva record. It is a pity s is not well preserved and a correct reading of it is,
o Ióid., Vol. III, p. I43. word, see below, p. 67, n. 5. isthana-sala. This compound, which has not been inghe's suggestion (E. Z, Vol. I, p. 161, n.8) that in the mediaeval Sinhalese inscriptions, means
I46. "o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I Io.

Page 83
58 EPIGRAPHIA
officers of the royal household are not lesire that we shall be noticed by kings, and as Diyavalla Kasba who performs our presence . . . . .1 1 ܀ ܀ • - • . . WW e ( bright half of the month of . . . person having entered. . . . . . ."
1 Ll. C+3-1 3 of this record are identical Chamber pillar-inscription. Compare the transla
* /itin :-See above, p. 46, n. 5.
The meaning of the word sagat occurring a " For the passage occurring in J. D + 4-II,

ZEYLANICA [vOL. IV
to enter . . . . . . . . . . . . With t's, so that this estate may become a she Jva unu the office of my ua-/ came and notified in rdered . . . . . on the tenth day of the After" this day, the field . . . . . this
with ll. C 23-D 5 of the Polonnaruva Council ion and notes relating to this part of that record.
fter kumbur in I. D+7 is not quite clear. ompare above, p. 46, n. 6.

Page 84
No. 8. POLONNA RUVA PILLA R
By S. PAR
T HIS lillar was discovered at the eas
ruva and is now preserved in the A Its base and its capital are both missing lintel, for on one side are two square mor for fitting it to the two door-jambs. Its 5 ft. in height. 拳
The epigraph, which covers all the as No. 42 in the list of inscriptions, copi the /4 unuaa/ /Reg/ort of f/c 4 rchaeologica. eye-copy of it, prepared under the supe the Office of the Archaeological Comr original stone.
The letters, which are very shall I in. apart from One another, are, on an rough treatment that the psillar has unde preservation. Excepting some letters in and, on the second face, lines 2 and 6 illegible. The third face has been ba holes; and of this side, lines 7-28 are a side is also considerably worn, but the v difficulty. Sides A and B each contai there were on side C cannot be definite. tured that it also had the same number of writing and the figures of the sun, t and a dog.
The script is Sinhalese of the tenth c. with that of the inscriptions of Mahinda ment is written in a very florid style. found in a fragmentary inscription, from
See the Mihintale Tablets (E. Z., Vol. I, plat Cance at Anuradhapura (E. Z., Vol. I, plate 16).
V () .. i V.

INSCRIPTION OF MAHINDA V
ANAVITANA.
tern porch of the Quadrangle at Polonna rchaeological Museum at Anuradhapura. and it seems to have been utilized as a tice holes, which were obviously intended present dimensions are 8 in. by 7 in. by
our faces of the pillar, has been included ed between 19o I and I 905, appended to A Survey of Cydon for I 905 (p. 4O). An rvision of Mr. Bell, is also preserved in nissioner. I edit the epigraph from the
wly incised betw een parallel lines, each average, an inch in height. Owing to the gone, the writing is in a very bad state of lines 16-19, side A is fairly well preserved; are partly, and lines II 8-2o completely, dly damaged in cutting the two mortice most completely obliterated. The fourth writing can be deciphered without much in 32 lines of writing. How many lines ly ascertained, though it may be conjecas sides A and B. Side Dhas nine lines he moon, a monk's fan, a scythe, a crow
2ntury and agrees, almost in every detail, IV . The introductory part of the docuSome of the phrases used here are also Ranava in the Nuvarakalaviya I)istrict,
es T 4 and I 5) and the slab-inscription near the Stone
K

Page 85
бо EPIGRAPHI
belonging to the reign of a king named the script employed, may be identified gards orthography and grammar, the standard of the period; nevertheless, a words :- Vutumu (Skt. 2'estanta), in A l volunu ; the forms vulun and vufumi ( the Jetavanarama Slab inscription (l visain in Al. 9, see my remarks on this tion *. As regards the instrumental si fai/sin, occurring in the phrase sivipd/ain pradipika", may be compared. Aiment fine which is a variant form of fiyum (Sk dialect. The form occurring in our re advanced phonetic decay, than fiyum. monly in the form of 4 sesai.
The record is dated in the second been identified by Mr. Bell with Mah names of the parents of this king g becomes untenable. The mother of S Sahga-rajna and his father is said to h; ing maha-raalun in the name of Sirisań last three a ksaras being too much we The only other possible reading to be su but, if we adopt this reading, we cann record with other well-established facts record should be ascribed on palaeogr with the throne name of Sirisangbo, Mahaya (or Mahapā). This was Uda rajna, whereas the mother of the Sirisal cannot, therefore, be considered identic
This inscription is yet unpublished. See * IE. Z., Vol. I, pp. 22 2 and 223.
Colombo Edition of 1915, p. 273. o „VE. Z., Vol. I, p. I 83. Udaya III, who wa masinghe to be a son of Mihind Mahaya (see A. A2. Z., Vol. III, pp. 294-3o2.

A ZEYLANICA. (VoIL. IV
Abha Salamevan, who, from the form of with Dappula V or Kassapa V. As represent document is in keeping with the ttention may be drawn to the following l. 7-8, is generally found in literature as ocative singular), however, are found in No. 1) attributed to Mahinda IV*. For word in the Kataragama pillar inscripgular termination in this word, the form vana-atural shodavamin, in the ZO/harmamain A. l. Io is the instrumental singular of it. padma) found in the standard Sinhalese :ord, though earlier in date, shows more 4 saida in All. 25-26 is found more com
year of a king styled Sirisangbo who has inda IV (954-97o A.D.) o ; but from the iven in the epigraph, the identification Sirisangbo of the present record is called ave been Mihind-maharad). The readgbo's father is, of course, conjectural, the athered to be deciphered with certainty. bstituted for maha-radun is maha-banan; ot reconcile the data gathered from this
During the tenth century, to which this aphical grounds, there was only one king, whose father was a prince named Mihind ya II; but his mother was named Kitagbo of this record was Sanga. The two al. Thus we have to reject the possible
A.S.C. Annual Aeport for 1895, p. 9.
* See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 22o. A.S.C. Annual Aeport for 19o5, p. 4o. s also a Sirisangbo, has been taken by Dr. WickreZ., Vol. III, p. 2o). But see the Velmilla inscription,

Page 86
( PILLAR-INSCRIPTI (0.8א
alternative reading ma/afauan and ad monarch named Mihind (Mahinda) who tury king was the fourth of that name. of the eighth century and a son of his sons of Mahinda IV, namely, Sena V ( A.D.), reigned after him; but the first r therefore, be identified with the Sirisang Mahinda V, who, from the order of su of Sirisañgbo, that the author of the pr As regards Sangarajna, the mothe Mihindmaharad (Mahinda IV), it may var minsa, Mahinda IV espoused a prince: her he had two sons, one of whom, al( clhronicle *, was Sena. V. The /l/a/batzua son of the Kalinga princess, nor does it Mahinda was. Dr. Wickremasinghe a yuzarāja of Sena V, but, for some unk throne, was the second son of Mahind Mlahinda V was a son of a princess Mr. John Still, on the other hand, tak princess and assumes that she was tl Mahinda IV. Prof. Geiger seems to From this inscription, it becomes clea. Kitti; but we cannot be quite certain wil princess or was a wife of Mahinda IV no of this record has been correctly read, M stock; and as none of his ancestors pr may conjecture that it was through his the Kalinga lineage". If so, Sanga, the the same as the Kalinga princess who
* See Ciūlavamsa, English translation, Pt. I, Ibid., v. 57. See C * Index to the A/ahavamsa, Genealogical Tr " Cilazansa, English translation, Pt. I, p. For the custom of sons being regarded C.V. Sc. (G.), vol. ii, pp. 235-24o.

ON OF MAHINDA V 6 I
opt the reading mafia radun. The only could have been a father of a tenth-cenMahinda III flourished towards the end is, therefore, out of consideration. Two 97 I-98 II A. D.) and Mahinda V (98 I — IO I 7 nentioned was a Salamevan and cannot, gbo of this record. Hence, it is only with :cession, was entitled to the viruda name esent epigraph can be identified. r of Sirisangbo (Mahinda V) and wife of be stated that, according to the Mafiass of the Kalinga royal family; and by :cording to the explicit statement of the is a does not give the name of the other state who the mother of the third son of ssumes that prince Udaya, who was the nown reason, did not succeed him on the la IV from the Kālińga princess, and that Kitti, another consort of Mahinda IV. zes Kitti to be the same as the Kalinga he mother of all the known children of be of the same opinion as Mr. Still. r that the mother of Mahinda V was not hether Sanga was the same as the Kalinga it mentioned in the chronicles. If A 1.18 Iahinda V claims to belong to the Kaliiga ofesses to belong to this royal family, we mother that he traced his descent from mother of Mahinda V, may be considered m Mahinda IV espoused. And as it is
p. I85, n. 5. o Alfhv. liv. 9—II. Senealogical Tree facing p. 59 of E. Z., Vol. II. "ee No. 5.
356.
as of the same stock as that of their mothers, see
K 2

Page 87
62 EPIG RAPHIA
expressly stated that this princess bore and as the second son can reasonably be the third son of Mahinda IV, must have not mentioned in the chronicles.
In contrast to the fulsome eulogie epigraph, he appears from the chronicle A certain tragic interest attaches to Anuradhapura kings. In the thirty-six of the great Cola king Rajaraja swept queen and his treasures fell into the inv of his inefficient rule by ending his day. The epigraph is a grant of immun naru, in the Eastern Quarter, belongi obliterated, in the monastery called Ma officers who were instrumental in promu Vatrak Kasba Araksamana, the nam Ataviragolläva Pillar-Inscription attrib whether both inscriptions refer to the s is fifty-three years earlier in date than t
[සි]රිබර්ක(ත්කු ලෙකාන් ඔකාවස් පරපුරෙන් බ[ට ල]ක්දිව්පොළොවෙයා න් පරපුරෙන් හි මිවූ නාගදෙවුමෙඳ විබමබුන් වුටු නුමැණමෙම බමර වැළැන් මෙහකි සර ණපීමෙන් ලකුළු [ෙjලාපිළිසරණමු නිතපුනීපත් සැහැ
See Mhz., chap. lv.

A Z EYLANICA (VOL. IV
only two sons, one of whom was Sena V, identified with Mahinda V, prince Udaya, been born of Kitti or some other princess
s bestowed on Mahinda V in the present s to have been a weak and incapable ruler. is name as the last of the long line of th year of his inglorious reign, the armies over his kindgdom; he himself with his ader's hands and had to pay the penalty s as a captive at the Cola court. ities to land in the village of Muhundng to a pirizena, of which the name is hamevna Tisaram. The names of the ulgating this edict cannot all be made out. e of one of the afiaffis, also occurs in the uted to Dappula V'; but it is doubtful ame person, for the Átaviragolläva pillar he present epigraph.
EXT.
13 කුලෙකච්ලූ සුෙදා, 14. නාපරපුරෙන් ආ 15 ලක්නිරිතද්කිරි{ළ] 16 කුළනි @තද්ගිනි 17 න් දැවි පවර් ... 18 · ක[ලිගු]කුලෙක[0 s 19 ත්] මගිනද්මහ[ර 20 දුන්] වහන්[ෙස 21 O) ఈcదLజీల 22 2ē š3 363 23 ගෙඛාමහරජහු 24 සත් ලැඟු දෙවන
* Z.Z., Vol. II, p. 48.

Page 88
N. .. 8
4
()
12
13
14
15
16
PILLAR-INSCRIPT
හවුරුදුයෙහි ඇ සැලැ අව අටව ක් දවස් වැන්දෑ වදා, ළ එක්ත( න්සමියෙ
න ෙමකථාප්පර්
@రి3 శతెGog
లిలి ద్దిరి30 అ) అభద్రగిలి భ . తె ఇరీని తెరజా పగిలd[5] శరణాజలిత تتنتقویت آن تک لایت C)ఆఆ పగిలి ఈ ఎగిరిది స్థకు 6లి) තුවක් දෙනෙවා වැද වජයාල එක් තහැන්සමියෙන් అ6లిపే [5] සර[ම්] රජ්Lම
වැරි කෞපෙර නාට්ටි යම් කෙනාවද[න0*], ඉසා @දරුවන( ෙඳකම් . . . තැන් කෙනාවද්නා ඉ සා ගැල්කෙගාන් මිවු න් මෙනයාගන්නා ඉසා
[ణప్ణ పోటీ [හය ඇතුළු|] මෙම තුවාක් දෙනෙමා [రిరరె] లిర్మిత్రి లీ ක්තහැන්සමියෙ

ION OF MAHINDA V 63
9 න් අත්තාණකණු
2
:30 හිනද්වන්නට් නි }l శ్రGoఆఆ ఆ 32 කෞඛානාවන් වරැ [ව]
B.
17 හ]ෙවෙහර්හි .. 18
20 · · · · [e] | 21 : රිවෙන්හි ... ...
22 පැදුම්පස්හි 23 ఇజ్రాలచేణరLఅలియా | 24 බහාලූ පස්ප 25 යලt සතර්සි 26 මායෙන් ඇතුළ
· 27 [වූ]තාත් තැ[න]ට්
· 28 [මjග්[ග]ච් පි{ය]ග 29 ව් නොවද්නා ඉ 30 සා ෙමලා,[ට්]සි ර 31 [දෙකාල්]කැ[මිය | 32 න් කෙනාවද්නා] ඉසා
C.
7–28 米 米 米 米 米 29 [:కలిగతతి) . . 80 Gడ్డలి) Q30 (39] 31 రస ధారిణిని []ర 32 హాజఅళత లిరL
D.
න් මෙ අත්තණි
කණු පෙරැහැ
ර් බමබෙද[මෙය]
· න් දු[න්]මහයි. []*]

Page 89
б4
:
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
EPIGRAPHIA
TRAN
A (Siribar-kät-ku-la-kot Okāvasparapuren bata Lakdiv-polo-yo-n parapuren hi-mi-vu na-gadevu-de-vi-bambun vuţu-nu-mäņa-me bamaravälän hebi sara-ņa-pīmen lakulu lo-pilisarana-mu-nindunzipat Sähäkula-kevlu Sudo
-na-parapuren a Lak-nirind-kiri kuļhi ted-gini
-na Mekâppar Maha ... ... ... .. isā Damgamu Sivim isā Ma-hakilińgam Ni
. . m. isā Va-trak Kasbā Araksamaņa-n varä Kudsa-la-watkami Sa-inghayi isā me-tuvak denamo vädä vajāļa ektan-Samiyen Mahamevnā, Ti-saram raj-ma

ZEYLAN ICA VoL, IV
SCRIPT.
ها
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
-n dävi pavar .. ... Kalingu-kula-ko-t Mihind-mahara-dun vahanse-ta Sanga-rajna kusä dunu Sirisa-ingbo-maharaj-hu sat langu devana havuruduyehi Ä-sällä ava ațava-k davas vändä vadā-la ek-tan-samiye-n attani-kanu hindvannaț Ni-lgonnā, Ag-bonāvan varä va
-ha-veherhi.
. . . . . [pի-rivenhi ... .. padum-pas-hi Muh[u]ndnaru[ven] bahālū pas-pa-yala Satar-si-māyen ätul
vūtāk tā nat mang-giv piyagi-v no-vadna i-sa melat]si ra-d-kolkamiya
-n no-vadnā isā

Page 90
Epigraphs Zelysnnicn
s
荔
그}
ဒ္ဓိဦး
嗣 L
**፳፧ኑ , *్క
*గ్లో
it. HA-町
The Polonnaruva Pi
ήξειλε ενάμική Ι:
 
 
 
 

Fy, F. PE F
llar-Ilı scription of Mahinda. W
门 + +
flestes fø T af

Page 91


Page 92
No. 8) PILLAR-INSCRIPTIC
Ο väri perenätti-yam no-vad [nā*) isā deruvanä dekamtän no-vadnā i-sä gäl-gon mivu
-n no gannā isā
Kudsalā Sang-hay ātuļu me-tuväk denamo [vändä) vadāļa ez
-k-tan-samiye
TIRAN Lines A I-27). On the eighth da Asal in the second year after the raisir great king Sirisangbo who is descende nacle of the very illustrious Aksatriya raci of the young damsel, the land of Lakd Sudona', the banner of the Sahai race in the Refuge of the World, who is adorne two feet, made beauteous by Swarms of b of nagas, gana/harvas, gods and bra/ima burning on mountain peaks which are th who is the pinnacle of the Kalinga ro great king Mihindo in the womb of qui
Skt. Asådha, June-July. * P. Siri Sai, * P. Lankådiøa, Skt. Lafikådvpa, ie. the isla P. Suddhodana. The name of the Buddha * P. Såkya or Sakka. Skt. Sakya. * Mwnindu = Skt. munžmara, P. muninda, a Different classes of supernatural beings. o Lak-mirind-kiril-kulhi tedaginin därvi :-Thol stone, the reading is beyond doubt as it is support in the Devannadi Hatpattu of the Kurunagala Dis kevulu Sudonā baraóuren ā Zak-mirind-kiril-kulhi te Ausai du nu Abha Salamezan maharad-hu. But, th phrase, its appropriateness here is not quite obviol
o P Mahinda.

IN OF MAHINDA V 65
7-28 /ategible
29 Kiling-gam ... .. 30 Devim isā Vat31 rak Kasbā (Ara32 -ksamaņam varä
6 -n me attaņi
7 kaņu perähā
8 -r bamba-deye
9 -n du[n]mahayi[u*]
SLATION.
ty of the waxing moon in the month of g of the umbrella of dominion by the 2d from the lineage of Okavas, the pine; who is, by right of descent, the lord liv; who has come in succession from
which was born the Chief of the Sages", d with a pair of lotuses, which are his ees, which are the jewels on the diadems s'; who, by the fire of his majesty caused e crowns of the other kings of Lanka; yal house; and who was borh unto the een Sañgä1'.
ghabodhi. * P. Okkåka, Skt. Ikyvåku. nd of Ceylon. s father.
ame of the Buddha.
gh this phrase is not quite well preserved on the ed by a fragmentary pillar inscription from Bayava rict, the relevant part of which reads 'Sahi-kulaPoginin därvi pavar Sirisaingbo rad-hat dā Saingā-rijina ough I have given the literal translation of this is, and the metaphor used is unusual.
" P. Sanghā.

Page 93
66 EPIGRAPH I.
Lines A 27-C 6). In accordan declared, after making salutations" to Set up, l, Maha . . . . . . and I, Da) . . . . \lenbers of the Bodyguard, all Kudsala-vatkami Sahghay, in the st We all of us--in accordance with the C making salutations to the king, order within the four boundaries of the five East rin Ouarter given to the . . . . . d Mahamevna Tisaram, the said lan and fiyagic," not to be entered by
AA-tin-sami'en :-The exact meaning of rendering see AE.Z., Vol. III, p. I o 7.
* ländi zaudāla :—This phrase, which occu, Mädirigiriya Pillar-Inscription of Kassapa V (ZE. . of the same king (AE. Z., Vol. II, p. 42). It als Vijayabâhu I as 7d zindi (7. From these phras royal order to the messengers, they bowed down See Ayotiss J/ission to Aandy, Colombo, 1862, p. The word attani-Azanu is of frequent occur IDr. Wickremasinghe derives the word attaini from p. 161, n.8) and this seems to be supported by fragmentary in Scription at Mäda Ulpota (see abO in the compound attaini-firahir 'immunities gr. shortened form of attini-fira 5 -&ame “the pillar Council.
“ The wordi faya la is often found in inscri for references. It appears to have been a term C connected with the form faila.
* A fragmentary pillar of Sena I (see E. Z., \ village named Muhundehiganna which may perha of our inscription. A village named Muhunnart v. 42); but as this was in the Southern Quarter,
P. Ma/iameghaziana Tissarama. This mo inscription of Mahinda IV (E. Z, Vol. I, p. 33). Mahavihara at Anuradhapura which was establisl Mahameghavana. Dr. Wickremasinghe equates form of mezan in unediaeval Sinhalese (cf. Sala Mahameghavana is referred to, in Sinhalese lit I922, p. 666).
* See /E. Z., Vol. III, p. I Io. The interpreta supported by the occurrence, in North-Indian in

A Z EYLAN ICA voL. Iv
‘e with the decree of unanimous assent the king, that an edictal pillar should be mgamu Siva and I, Mahakiliṁgam Ni in the service of Nilgonna Agbona ; and ervice of Vatrak Kasbā Araksamaņa — ecree of unanimous assent declared after
that in regard to all those lands included
fbayasas from Muhundnaruva in the firiella in the great royal monastery of ds are, not to be entered by maiggiv ne/afsi and other officers of the royal
this word still remains obscure. For this tentative
’s thrice in the present record, is also found in the Z., Vol. II, p. 3 T), and the Bilibāva Pillar-Inscription o occurs in the Alibagamuva Rock-Inscription of es, it appears that when the officers delivered the to the king. For similar customs in Kandyan times,
58.
'ence in inscriptions of the ninth and tenth centuries. Skt. āsthāna “assembly” or “ council” (PE. Z., Vol. I, the phrase attani-/hala meshekaruvan occurring in a ve, p. 56). The word attazzi also occurs frequently anted by the Council. Attaini Aanu is probably a (on which is written) the immunities grated by the
ptions of this period. See Index to E. Z., Vol. II, f land measurement; but it is doubtful whether it is
Vol. III, pp. 29 I-294) from Polonnaruva mentions a ps be the same as Mu, mundnaru (P. Samuddanagara ) iggama is mentioned in the Mahavamsa (Ch. lviii it was different from the village mentioned here. nastery is also mentioned in the “Vessagiriya slab It appears to be another name of the well-known led by king Devanampiya Tissa in the garden named meznd with meghazianna; but the latter assumes the mevan for Silameghazianna) and the garden called rature, as Mahamevna (see Alfazaliva, Colombo,
" See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 46. ion of meditsi and is variant forms suggested there is scriptions, of the word uparikara as the name of

Page 94
NO. 8 PILLA R-INSCRIPTI
household, not to be entered by vair aerauzvä mua * and deka mu tänu “; that carts, o
Lines C 29-D 9). We, all of us, e 8 a e and Kudsala Saihghay i mana, gave these immunities as a fhir pillar, in accordance with the decreeo
the king
No. 9. POLONN A RUVA : FRAC OF SUNDAR
By S. PA N EAR the Royal Palace at Polonn
which is built on a platform in t stone. This edifice, which has been Rajavesya-bhujanga-mandapa, mentior kramabahu I, was conserved by the A in the course of the work, it was foun
some kind of impost. (See Vournal of the Biha. aparikara and Tamil me/afsi are of the same me and one may actually be a translation of the othe The compound mediatsi-radkol Adimian cat called the ne/assi.
* See E. Z., Vol. I, p. 53, n. 7. o See AE. o Bambadeyen or bambadesen :-See AE.Z., V which is the same as Pāli brahmadeyya, the follow; the Commentary to the ZDigha Aikaya, will be help rāja-samkhepe óhuñjitabban ti attiho (P.T.S. Ed excellent gift; it means that (what is granted) sh (of possession) raised. As an alternative explan deyyam yathā din nam na só una gahetabbiamin /hoti i brahmadeyya means an excellent gift; what is gi nounced; what is given in this manner is meant. appears to be a gift over which the donor renour For descriptions of this building see A.S. pp. 7—8 and 4. S. C. AMemoirs, vol. ii, p. 3.
WOL. W.

ON OF MA H IN ID.A. W. 67
not to be entered by
Xen and buffaloes are not to be impressed.
and herciāf'fi ya mvo
namely], . . . . . . . I, Kiliñggam Devu in the service of Vatrak Kasba Araksaa/madya gift in the form of an edictal funanimous assent declared after saluting
GM HENT ARV S LA R-INSCRIPTION A-MAHADEVI.
RAINAVITA NA
aruva, there are the remains of a mandaf. hree tiers faced with sculptured slabs of identified by Mr. A. M. Hocart with the led in the Ma/hava izsa as built by Pararchaeological Department in 193 I; and, d that the builders of this structure had
r and Orissa Research Society, vol. xvi, p. 78.) Skt. aning (upari - měl “above and karg = assi tax) er.
n also be translated as “officers of the royal household
Z., Vol. III, p. I 44. “ See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 43. ol. III, p. I 9 I, n. I 2. For the meaning of this word, ing passages from Buddhaghosa’s Sumaringa/a7ilās in 7, ful. Brahmade'an ti self/hade'amii, chattamin us sā/etzã ition, Part I, p. 246). “A bra/madeya is a most ould be enjoyed in royal manner having the umbrella ation Buddhaghosa adds : — Brahmadeyan ti setlhanissathan /ariachattan ezan dinnan ti attho. ' ' A ven is not to be taken back; it is given up and re.' A bra/madeyya gift, according to this explanation, ces any sort of future claim.
C. Annual Aefort for 1905, pp. 3-5; for I930-31,
I.

Page 95
68 EPIGRAPHIA
utilized several earlier inscribed stone stones. At the same time, evidence Hocart's hypothesis concerning the iden been repaired, and its original design bably during the reign of Parakramabal these inscribed stones were used in the when it was restored later. The fragm the present paper is inscribed on a slab of the lowest of the three tiers of this p.
The slab measures 5 ft. I in. by 2 Scribed all over and must have containe one-sixth of the record, consisting of its rest having been effaced, perhaps wilf present purpose. Even in the preserve lines are illegible, while lines 3—7 are fai rather shallowly incised, are about in. century and contains nothing worthy of calls for no remarks; and, as regards gr Auf, is noteworthy as it has not been fo The preserved part of the record is port was. The first two lines contain a Ananda; and the next five lines introdu of Vikramabahu I (II 16-II 37 A.D.) wh I I64 A.D.). The only other epigraph m Kalinga, is the inscription in a cave District. The present record, so far a contain anything which we do not alre queen. -
The thera named Allanda, mention as a great dignitary of the Buddhist Chu raised aloft in the land of Larinka and is the Buddhist Church of Tambarattha as the full text of the verse in question can what this connexion was.
A preliminally account of these inscriptions 2 o8-209. 2 AZE.

ZEYLANICA [voL. Iv
s for the steps, mouldings, and coping was found, which, while confirming Mr. tity of this edifice, also proves that it had materially altered, at a later period, prou II. It is therefore not certain whether building when it was first constructed or 2ntary record which forms the subject of used for the coping on the eastern side atform. ft.; and originally one face of it was ind about 45 lines of writing. Only about first seven lines, is now preserved, the ully, when the slab was utilized for its 'd portion, some letters of the first two rly clear. The letters, which have been in size. The script is of the twelfth particular mention. The orthography ‘ammar, the gerund kobā, from the root und elsewhere.
not enough to determine what its purL Pali stanza eulogizinga thera named ice us to Sundaramahadevi, the queen o was the son of Vijayabāhu I (I o 582ntioning this princess, who came from at Diffibulagala in the Tamankaduva S the preserved portion goes, does not ady know about these rulers and the
2d in the opening Pali verse, is described Irch in Ceylon. He is called 'a banner
said to have had some connexion with well as that of the Cola country; but, as not be made out, we cannot say precisely
will be found in C.V. Sc. (G.), vol. ii, pp. I86 and 2., Vol. II, pp. I 84-I89 and I 94-2o2.

Page 96
No. 9) POLONNARUVA FRAGME
Tambarattha was the country from the Ma/hava izsa , invited a Buddhist mo kitti. Professor Geiger is of opinion that India; but there are facts which go a writings, like the Auyava/i “, the country to Ceylon is called Tamalińgamu. TI Candrabhanu, the Javaka king who tw Parākramabāhu II, and was on both oci gamu“. The Pāli chronicle A7att/havant states that Candrabhanu's country was Therefore it is clear that the Sinhalese and Zambadinga were names of one an Madamalingam, mentioned in the inscri territories which submitted to his arms, liñgamu of the Sinhalese writings. Mā found prefixed to the names of countries lam for Pappalam (Papphala of the Ma tions, Mādamaliñgam is mentioned alor Indo-China and the Malay Peninsula, a in that area.
Now, Monsieur G. Coedés publisl Sanskrit, found at a place named Jaiya Kaliyuga year 4332 (I 2,3o A.D.), of a ki given. There is no doubt, as M. Coed Jaiya inscription is the same as the Jav, Ceylon in the reign of Parakramabahu
' Chap. lxXxiv, vv. I I— I 4. * The 34th chapter, edited by the Rev. Panc * The Sinhalese Attanagaluvamsa, Colomb Colombo edition of I9 I7, p. 3.
English translation by James de Alwis, Co. o South Indian Inscriptions, vol. ii, p. Io9. " /Ibid., vol. iii, Introduction, p. 2 I, and M/v. * Bulletin de l’École française d'Extrême-Orie * See Monsieur Coedés's paper “A propos d tot de Taal-Zand- en Volkenkunde van Wederlandst

NTARY SLA B-INSCRIPTION 69
which Parākramabāhu II, as stated in nk of Saintly character, named Dhammathis Tambarattha was a district of South gainst this identification. In Sinhalese from which the elder Dhammakitti came he Sinhalese chronicles also state that ice invaded Ceylon during the reign of asions repelled, was a king of Tamalisigal/a-visiara-vanisa , on the other hand,
called Tambalinga (Skt. 7amraliiga). 7Tamalingamu and the Pāli 7 amóaratt/ha d the same region. The country called ptions of Rajendra Cola as one of the also appears to be the same as Tamain the Tamil name means 'great', and is and towns, as, for instance, in Ma-pappathavamsa)". In Rajendra-Cola's inscripg with the names of other countries in nd its location must also be looked for
ned in 1918 an inscription in incorrect in the Malay Peninsula, and dated in the ng to whom the epithet Candrabhanu is és has shown", that Candrabhänu of the aka king Candrabhanu who twice raided II. The date of the accession of Parā
* Ciūlavaminsa, text, part II, p. 6o6. it Mabópitiye Medhathkara, Colombo, I932, p. 33. o edition of 1925, p. 47 ; and Dalibadeni Asna,
ombo, 1866, p. I 28
lxxvi. 63. nt, tome XVIII, pp. I5 si. 2 la chute du royaume de Çrivijaya' in Bijdragen h-Indie, IDeel 83, pp. 459-472.
L 2

Page 97
7 O R \ I \
krai abahu II is 234 A.I.', and he an wei (; therefore contemporaries. This C the king of Srī | Dharmmarāja (Nagara s Tha{}]]hnrat or Ligor) a: ! also gives hì lord Oi i li in loralitiga). I thus proves another namn i for Nagara , ri l Dharmmai sli v n abov: that the names /a/a7ra/s. to th sa; e Country, lambarattha must
irofessor Sylvain Lévi, in his paper (inted out that Tamali, which Occi's in in the lAa/siliatesa, is the same as Tann Nagara Sri | Dharmmarāja, in. the verna Nakhon Si Thammarat; and it a pears nothing but the vernacular form ' ThamI The country with which Tambarat modern ligor or Nakhon Si Thammarat as Sri I) harmarāja Nagara, was a centre C of the Christian era, and at the time of flourishing in that region. It was from t of the earliest kings of Sukhodaya, invite Buddhist religious institutions of the new it is not improbable th: ther were relat those of Nakhon Si Thammarat ' , and referring to that country when it mentior On the other hand, there is also evi of a region known as Tanbarat tha. Af treatises on the Abhidhamma, and who i at the beginning of the twelfth century, s, the /’a yra una /t/la -F 'iuiicc/hay'a, that he, w Country round Raincipura, composed that
Ce’son -1 infiguary ind Ziferal Aegister, vol. s " In /f/ides asiatiyases, published on the occa
a/art/re. Orievu.
* Fournerau, / co Siam ancienzie, l’aris, T 895, pa * See my paper Religious Intercourse betwee in V /?. --1. S., t. /?.., ; col XXxii, pp II 9 - 2 I 3.

/lY LANICA VOL. IV
Candral hinu of the Jaiya inscription igraph tolls us that Candrabhinu was . Dharm maraja, the modern Nakhon Si
the epithet of Tamralingesvara (the hat 7am (, aliga (P. 7 mba/iiiga) was ja, the modern Ligor. And, as we have ( and / näiiga in Pali wercaplied De identified with Ligor. (osélytéo, le AVidalosa cé /a/37/ha/Áasha*, has stCreotyped list of geographical names alińga ; and has identified it with Ligor. ular language of the country, is called hat /amáa 74/a of the Mastavajsa is narat in a Pāli garb. ha can thus be identified, namely, the , and which was known in ancient days f Indian culture from the early centuries this record, Theravada Buddhism was lnis country that Rāma Klnomhčng, One d a learned nasat/cra to organize the ly founded state of Siam. Therefore ions between the monks of Ceylon and our inscription may well be taken as s Tanlarattha. lence for the existence, in South India, uruddha, who was the author of three ; generally believed to have flourished y's, in the colophon of one of his works, O was born at Kavira-nagara in the work while he was staying at the city
, p. 98. on of the 25th anniversary of l'Ecole frança! Fe
t I, p. 237. Ceylon and Siam in the 13th-15th Centuries'

Page 98
No. 9) POONNARUVA FRAGME
of Taija (Tanjore) in Tambarattha. T was that part of the Cola country in whi sume that there was a town called Taija coupling of Tambarattha, in our inscri weight to the argument that it was in So tions and in Tamil literature, so far as Il this or a similar name.
The evidence forthcoming in our ins identification of the thera Ānanda ment f/ie as of this name who are known to roughly be ascribed to the period of this
TEX
1 සවසති ශ්‍රී []*]
gaఆ రD3లిలేర్స్ (939 లయర{టె)
Cంద3లాgరుదిరాQGర0 2 පවෙරා
ෙයා න මාබ රාජ්‍ය යති - (න ^ කෙළුරභූ Øච0 Oල සු සාසන ෆා - ~ ~ ක0දී සිරිවත් අපිරියන් ලොඉකුත්ගු ණමූළ වනි අන්ක( සුන්කුල ජයාමිලි කළ ඔක්
ඤශගාසෙෙනකශරණවෑ දශරාජධt 35 3) zd ó5 z5)ć9 66363 GG) - පක්‍රමබාහූ ෙඳවයන්ට අගමෙමෙහසුන්
TRANSC 1 Svasti Šri[*]
Ananda-nama-viditojayaté Larinkatalaussita-dhajo
Seffie Aaici-fi/re rai, he Aule saňjāta -b/histena lev/ A murmudad/evwa tierena cov, Za zvubevratf/ie zasa uženia ?,
* වසනත නීලකා වෘත:

N TARY SLAB-INSCRIPTION 7 1
his would show us that Tambarattha sh Tanjore was situated, unless we asin the Malay Peninsula as well. The tion, with the Colas would also lend uth India. But in S. luth Indian inscripxnow, there is no territorial division of
cription is not sufficient to attempt an ioned therein with one of the many us from Pali literature, and who can record.
8563)3y3
යති.[සො][I*]
26.30
යි සෙරා []*]? }නුතුරන් මුළුඳමබඳි කාවස්රජපරපුරෙන් බට ෙලා මීම ෙනාෙකාපා මුළුලත්දව එක්ස
నిని వ్రా6లియార (Gరలొర్ళ
} වූ රිවිකුලෙකාත් සුහඳජමහා ෙදී
XCRIPT.
i(ddhi)-patto
Áāzi ra- nasc re zare less: fe/?c? ?idaivid 'draudž/ua-'assassivuā agare 7&añía namuake.
ونت نت لات

Page 99
72 EPIGRAPH
2 pa Yo Tamba-rattha-yati – Coļesu sāsana ri - ri ri kā
A.
Sirivat apiriyat-lo-ikut-guna-m -vahi an-kät-kula pämili kala ( 5 -ka-śāsanzaika-śarana-vã. daś:
ek-sa-tkārā raja kala Sirisahgabo Vikramabāhu-devayanța ag
mahâde8 -(vīn) . . . .
TRANS
Hail! Prosperity ! May that nobl Ananda, be victorious-he who has : a banner raised aloft in the land of Lal the Tamba country and who, the Wise discipline among the Colas.
Sundaramahadevi, the pinnacle o Majesty Vikramabahu, who is the son c who was descended from the royal line c in an assemblage of illustrious, boundl the other Asatriya dynasties of Jambuc having made the island of Larinkā su being the only refuge of the world a violating the ten principles of royal con
Metre Vasantatisaad. * Lines 3-4 of this record contain the stereo tenth and twelfth centuries, see E. Z., Vol. I, p. ;
The dasa-rajadharmma are, charity, piety, freedom from wrath, humanity, forbearance, and mnemonic verse in Pali:-
/Oānami sīļari Abaricāgami 4Ả:Ảàoả/ho azrihiritsã ca &/ầa

A ZEYLAN ICA (vOL. Iv
aro yatī[sol]] [*] ~y ~y thera-bhuto
i dihiro[*]' ulin2 unturat mulu-Dambadikāvas-raja-parapuren bața lo
-raja-dharmma no-kopa mulu-Lakdiva
Vijayabāhu-devayan urehidā
-mehesun vū rivi-kula-kot Sundara
BIATION,
2 chief of monks, known by the name of attained psychic power, who is like unto inka, who is a thera . . . . . the monks of One, has effected . . . . . . of the religious
f the Solar dynasty, the chief queen of His f His Majesty Sirisangabo Vijayabahu, of the Okkaka dynasty which, abounding 2ss and transcendental virtues, has made vipa its vassals, and who reigned, after bject to the authority of one umbrella, nd the religion of Buddha, and without duct . . . . . .
* Skt. Ikyvåku. yped phrases occurring in many inscriptions of the 34, Vol. II, p. 2 I 3, and Vol. III, p. 32 I. iberality, rectitude, gentleness, religious austerity, bsence of malice. They are given in the following
javam madalavam tafami ti ca az irod/hatā.

Page 100
No. 10. BATALAGODA-V By S. PAI
). ATALAGODA-VAVA is an an eight miles from Kurunagala ( stored by the Ceylon Government abo many thousands of acres of rice fields. the work of restoration, has, in his well397–4OO), given a detailed account of t vāva, there is the site of an ancient tow has also been dealt with by Mr. Parke beyond doubt with Badalatthali of the ownership and is covered with coco-nut The slab-inscription discovered ne: of the present paper, seems to be th Inscriptions in Ceylon, referred to by t gives neither a reading nor a transla ascribes it to the fifteenth century.
Mr. Parker has the following refer the adjoining ancient site: -'The last contained in an inscription which was l the reservoir, by Queen Kalyanavati Nissamka-Malla, in the third year of h recorded her restoration of the tank : town, and her reconstruction of a wiha its "short" dagaba, the Kota Waeha related in the Mahāvansa (II. p. 268) * says:- There is a worn inscription in at the embankment, which indicates th ordero, and a longer one on a large sla
See Parker, Ancient Ceylon, p. 253 and C * Probably a misprint for 'Batalagoda-vāva
Ancient Ceylon, p. 254. * This inscribed pillar is not to be seen at I was told that it is in the bed of the reservoir,

ÄVA SLAB-INSCRIPTION.
ANAVITANA.
cient irrigation reservoir situated about in the road to Darnbulla. It was reut forty years ago, and is now irrigating Mr. H. Parker, who was in charge of known work Ancient Ceylon (pp. 252 and he reservoir. Close to the Batalagodan, now known as 'Parana-nuvara', which r. This site, which has been identified Mahavaniasa', has now passed into private
plantations. ar this reservoir, which forms the subject e same as No. 166 of Miller's Ancient he name Batalagoda-luva“. Dr. Müller tion of the inscription and incorrectly
ence to this inscription in his account of reference to the place (Parana-nuvara) is eft on a large slab on the embankment of (I2O2-I2O8 A.D.), the widow of King er reign, that is I 2O4 or 1205. Init she at "Batalagoda at Mahalapura", the old 'a-now termed Kota-weriya (sic?) from ra-at an adjoining village, Pannala, as In his account of the tank, Mr. Parker characters of the tenth century on a pillar at it was then restored, or was in working o left there by Queen Kalyanawati (12O2
odrington, in V. AR. A. S., C. B., vol. xxix, p. 66. A. I. C. p. 7 I.
he place now. When I visited Batalagoda in 1931, nd can only be seen when the water level is low.

Page 101
74 EPIGRAPH
I2O8 A.D.) and cut in the third year of had examined the sites of "the known besides causing three breaches to be f to which the inscription of Kalyanawa that the reservoir once possessed seve any foundation'".
Mr. Parker has given neither the he also seems to have misunderstood correctly as the third year of Kalyanav name, ' Paranavuvara', of the ancient antiquity, had led him to read the alte pura”. As will be seen from the trai ments that it was Queen Kalyanavati to the reservoir and religious benefact the record seems to support the mode seven sluices, are not supported by th The text and translation of this e P. Bell 8 to whom we are indebted for of historical value. Mr. Bell correct record to the third year of Kalyanavat inaccuracy of some of Mr. Parker's sta voir. Buthe retains Mr. Parker's wrc also several other points in the text a ment. Mr. Bell himself admits that h hence, a new edition of this interesting The slab on which this inscription o in. It has been broken into severa The preserved pieces have been joir Some one, presumably by Mr. Parker of the reservoir. The slab thus rest( | culvert over the sluice. The restorer tion has led him to overdo the work; together what was left of the record, b
Ancient Ceylon, p. 299. Ceylon Antiguary and Literary Aegister,

A ZEYLANICA - voL. Iv
her reign, in which she relates that she sluices' and had rebuilt one of them; led up' . Again, he says, " A tradition, tī appears to contain a reference, states n sluices; it seems to have been without
text nor a translation of the record; and :ertain parts of it. He gives the date inat; and the presumption that the modern site near by, goes back to a considerable rnative name of Badalagoda as “ Mahalanslation given below, Mr. Parker's stateherself who was responsible for the repairs ions mentioned in the document, and that rn tradition of the reservoir having had e inscription. pigraph were first published by Mr. H. C. bringing to light many Sinhalese records ed Mr. Parker's error of attributing the i; and his translation also pointed out the tements regarding the history of the reserong reading "Mahalapura'; and there are is read by him, which admit of improveis text and translation are only vientative;
document may be found useful. is engraved measures 4 ft. 6 in. by. 2 ft. il fragments, some of which are missing. led, and the gaps filled with cement, by when he was in charge of the restoration ored has been built to the parapet of the s zeal for the preservation of this inscripfor he was not content with merely putting but has also tried to restore, conjecturally,
* Abid., p. 4oo. "ol. iv, pp. 29—3 I. ... "

Page 102
No. 10 BATALAGODA-VAVA
the lacunae in the text, and had these resembling those of the period to which restorations thus made are generally un obvious ones, and they have, for the m below.
The record now consists of sevent does not bring the sentence to a close, ; eighteenth line of which no traces ar. average, I inches in size. The script inscriptions of Nissarinka Malla and his As regards orthography, the foll e-sait is used for the usualck-sat; the S in line 4 as fóint resvara ; the ligature tvā in line 6; and partya in line I 2 stands line 9 is perhaps a clerical error for Za, sibility that it is a name distinct from grammar, the only point worth menti line 5 which seems to have been used h of other documents of the period. Un a//basa (line I I), bainu-báil (line I 2), kasuwhich will be dealt with in the notes at The record is dated in the fifth ye the throne in I2O2 A.D. The object of effected to the Batalagoda-vava, and shrine, by an officer (adhikari) named containing the titles of this dignitary prived of the means by which we could held was. There is also no other ment records of the period.
The general Lakvijaya Abo Sin what connexion, it is not clear, as that occurs is very fragmentary. It may, command that Cudamani carried out th obviously the same as Lakvijaya Singu on the throne, and Lakvijaya Singu
See E. Z., VOL. IV.

SLAB-INSCRIPTION 75
: inscribed on the cement, in characters the inscription belongs. The conjectural acceptable, except in the case of the most Ost part, been ignored in the text given
een lines; but, as the end of the last line a few more letters must have formed an e now visible. The letters are, on an agrees in detail with that of the numerous successors, and calls for no remarks. owing points are noteworthy:-In line I, anskrit tatsama form puresvara is written is found in the Sinhalese word bavated for pratya. La &vifaya Sami Singal in &vijaya Singu ; but there is also the posl that occurring in line 3. As regards oning is the active verbal form Aada in ere in a passive sense. The style is that usual words occurring in the record are 'dagada (line II), and Alavuuuvai (line I6) tached to the translation. ar of Queen Kalyanavati who ascended the inscription was to record the repairs the benefactions made to a neighbouring Cudamani. That part of the record is mutilated; and we are, therefore, del have ascertained what the position he ion of this officer, so far as I know, in the
gu. Senevina is also mentioned; but in : part of the record in which his name however, be surmised that it was at his e works at Batalagoda. This general is Senevi Abona, who placed Sahasamalla Senevi Tavuruna who is mentioned in
Vol. II, p. 22o.
M

Page 103
76 EPIGRAPHIA
Nissarinka Malla's inscriptions as the ger to South India and to whom was entrus at Polonnaruva '. In the Sanskrit porti Polonnaruva, this general is referred to b it is reasonable to believe that he is the in the Mahavamsa, who placed Kalyana kingdom in her name, and who, together put to death by Aņikańga, an adventu ' Tavuruna' is given to this general in th the same as Tavuru Senevirat who, acc bāhu, the son and successor of Niśśarimka general who maintained Kalyāņavatī O Senevirato ; hence this last identificatio Dr. Wickremasinghe " has also sug general, of Lakvijaya Siñgu Kit Senevi v inscription, was the prime minister of //a/havanisa. But the reasons given by clusive. However that may be, this important figure in Ceylon during the f a veritable king-maker who held the r whilst maintaining puppet sovereigns on It is not certain whether the general in line 9, was the same as Lakvijaya Ab If we take the syllable Sam to be a cleric as identical; but, on the other hand, San name common enough in mediaeval tim a monastery, at Batalagoda, founded by of Kalyanavati, dillapidated and abando edifice built by Lakvijaya Abo Singu character as to require extensive repairs inclined to take these two names as thos
" E. Z., Vol. II., pp. I 67 and I 76. o Ayasmanta is the Pāli form of the Sanskrit , “ Mahāvamsa, chap. lxxx, vv. 33-34 and 43o Pujāvali, chap. xxxiv, ed. B. Gunasekara (C ' bid, p 31.

ZEYLANICA voI. Iv
Leral who led that monarch's expedition ted the work of building the Vatadage on of the inscription of Sahasamalla at y the name “Ayusmat'; and therefore same as the general, called Ayasmanta 3. 7ati on the throne and administered the with the infant ruler Dhammasoka, was rer from South India. As the title he epigraphical records, he was possibly ording to the Pitfaivali, murdered ViraMalla. But the Pafawali refers to the in the throne, by the title "Elalu Äbõ n is not beyond question. gested the identification, with the same who, according to the Abhayavāva pillar Lilavati and is called Kitti in the ' him for this identification are not congeneral seems to have been the most irst decade of the thirteenth centuryeins of government in his own hands
the throne. named Lakvijaya Sarh Singu, mentioned o Singu mentioned earlier in the record. cal error, we may consider the two names it can easily stand for Sangha, a personal es. It is stated that Cudamani repaired this general, but which was, in the reign ned. It is difficult to believe that an would have been of so ephemeral a during his own lifetime. I am therefore e oftwo different personages.
* Iðid, p. 221. Ayuşmat.
44. olombo, 1893), p. 31.
" E. Z., Vol. II, p. I 9 I.

Page 104
No. 10) BATALAGODA-VAVA
The record, so far as it is preserve Queen Kalyanavati herself was concern lagoda-vava and the religious foundatic Mahavamsa, to have founded a vihara been identified with the modern Panna
Touching the geographical nam (now Batalagoda) has been identified by Badalatthali of the Ma/havamsa. This importance in the eleventh and twelfth captured by the general of Vijayabahu the Dakkhinadesa. The town was the h general of Kittisirimegha; and it was h the sacred thread was performed on the also here that Parākramabāhu, in orde uncle, Kittisirimegha, caused the murde joying the hospitality of that general. reconciliation of Parakramabahu to his u The longer version of the 34th chapter of Parakramabahu II, the king's eldest gala and establishing monasteries there, to guard that fortress. The Lankatilal bãhu IV records the grant, to that tem and Alut (new) Badalagoda. This to been in the Maya kingdom, which is as what connexion the territorial division name, in ancient Ceylon, has not been inscription, Badalagoda had also the a city). Parker has read this name as “ Paraņa-nuvara "by which the ancient si the land granted to the viliara at B tion.
' /Ma/hdivaníhsa, chap. lviii, v. 43.
Ibid, chap. lxv. " Edited by the Rev. Pandit Mabópitiye Me 'V.A. 4. S., C. B., vol. x, p. 9.

A SLAB-INSCRIPTION 77
ld, does not contain anything to show that ed with the works of repair to the Batans at the place. But she is said, in the at the village named Pannasala which has la near Batalagoda. Les occurring in this record, Badalagoda y Messrs. Parker and Codrington with the place seems to have been of considerable centuries. It was one of the strongholds I in his campaign against the Colas in lead-quarters of Sankha-senapati, a trusted here that the ceremony of investing with a young prince Parakramabahu. It was * to escape from the guardianship of his 2r of Sankha-senapati, whilst he was enThe place also figures in the story of the incle after his escapade in the Rajarattha. of the Pajavali states that in the reign Son Vijayabāhu, after fortifying Kuruņäappointed the people of Badalagodanuvara &a inscription of the reign of Dihuvanaikaple, of lands in Paraņa (old) Badalagoda wn is said, in the present record, to have one would expect; but it is not clear in Madhyadesa occurs. A district of this met with elsewhere. At the time of this ppellation 'Mangalapura' (the auspicious Vahalapura' and equates it with the name ite at the place is now known. Sotemuna, adalagoda, does not admit of identifica
Ibid., chap. lxiv, vv. 6-17. Ibid., chap. lxvii, vv. 81-82. edhankara Thera (Colombo, I932), p. 46.
M2

Page 105
78
1.
10
11
12
13
14
15
EPIGRAPHIA
TE
[ති.]]සිංහළයෙහි එක්සැන්ද [భవి) ఈ
ලGම]වෙන් කලායාණවතී පස්වන්
.. .. తీర ప్రాణాలెతన భGని తీర్చ
· 7 මධ්‍යමෙඳශ ස ... ... ය
యెప5 అఆ . වූඩාමණ්' කෞතම( මෙම ... ... වැව
[බුන්]වැ මනාපවත්[වැ] තුබූ කල්හි මෙ බ ... ... හැලිෙස @රාවක් නැති මෙහයින් බොහො කෞකත්[වත් නො]පවත සුදුසු බිමක් දැකැ එතැ න්හි තමන් නමින් අධිකාරෙ මියරින් කණව ... .. .. ටි නැනිවැ හස්වදනා කොටu (
නාවන් කැරැවූ [Gස] GఆరెతూతెEGOఆcరి (నిరD) టెఅ
පිළිමගෙය කරවා දාගබ කසුදාගබ Gමකාටා
අත්පස පැන්ප(ල් සහිත ෙකාටදැ කරව
@යන්' උප සථාන ෙකෙරමින් මෙසෙ [ලො
දුක් අතිශෙය|[න්] සාතීවක කරනු කැමැතිවැ තම
උදුරා වියල බහා තැනු බිජුවට සත[රඅමුණක් විහ]pර
කුසලාන්හස්නම
! ' පුතාන්‍යයෙන්

A ZEYLANICA (vol. Iv
XT.
గలదిర ల(అశలో) . . .
@නහි රාජශාසන ... ... ... ... ... ශාසන(ය)
eజ6ణతెలారియా වැ ... ... ... ... මායාරෙස්ය
.. .. تلتقت كت 6 بنحت تعt Stلاكع لتاً له GGلهة
) තුන්කමෙඩකින් කඩා හැලිසොමෙරඹා සුන්
}බාබෙරා ලවා පවතවා පෙරැමැ දෙවැනි ෙසා
§ කෙස දැක( සවබඩින් [සොකෙරාjබිම් බලා
සාකෙරාවය( යන මෙසාෙරඹාවක් ලවා යැටි
99లి లిరL (హౌలెలయా ఇం డc 6ణGఅలె
ධාරය ජීණර්ණවැ අනාවාසවැ තුබුවා දැකැ ! බන්ඳවා అజితి కళల్లి బంజరులిద q
0. · මහසංඝයා වඩා හිඟුවා චතුබ්බිධපතකී
]සසුන් වැඩ කරන්නාහු තමන් වැවට ගත්
න් නමින් ලැවූ Gසාෙතමුළුණින් කණුමුල්
යට කුසලාන් කරනු කැමැතිවැ . මෙපරු
න්" යි කියවනු,

Page 106
Epigraphia Zeylanica
Polonnaruva: Fragmentary Slab-II
团 烹 දීර బ్తో
}ggقE
Scale 3 fick
Batalagoda-viva. Slali-Insc
5
Z .. ز جہ تسمیہ 家 筠 է: 恋
羲 §
,
التي تقتات " مت
aki *** .
ဌိဋ္ဌိဋ္ဌိနှီဒွိ
13 ఫీల్డ్ర6డ్లే స్జే 15 శ్రీశ్రీగిటీడి
ඝණ්ණිෂ්ඨශිෂුද්‍රිෂුද්‍රි.
geLuటికై
(இஜ்.
§
. . . .
„%r fIñr (I &*4 ! I.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

§ ჭჭ3ჭჯშვჭესყჭ#; eL A AAA kk EAe eL eYALkKkAA eTTSiAAAAuY
të rfit *。ない。 థ్రెథ్రెడ్డి
r
ise حسع - سوء . "
pris
agg32
O 鲨兰蕊愿 蕊
ar. క్ష్ ..
* +ت
fra Årets fai I yo

Page 107


Page 108
No. 10
16
17
BATALAGODA-VAVA
. . . . . [මෙම ] කුසලානට උදී
වුණුවණැ ලූ බත් කැ* මෙස්ය බලු (ඩු වූයේයැ අටම)හනරකයෙහි
මතු වන්නවුන් තමන් කළ මේ
TRANSC
... Tri-Sirnhalayehi ek-sāt-raja
Abha Sa
-lame van Kalyänavati pas-van
. sita Lakvijaya“ Abo Siňg
rājya ... .. .. ... ... ä Madhyadeśa sa .. .. ya Bad: . ādhikāri " Man ... .. .. Cūdāmaņi ” temä me... ... ' väva t
vä no-pavat-vä l” tubu kalhi me b . . hali-soro
näti heyin boho ket-vat no-pavat se daká
bimak däkä e-tä- ' -nhi taman namin Adhikāra-sorov
kaņāva '' .. . . -ti näti-vä has-vadanā kotā me
senevi-nāvan káravuo Se
! ' ආරක්ෂාකළයුතු ' කියා වාකන්‍යය සමපූ
2
3.
The two syllables missing might have been S. Bt. rāja.
Bt. waidu. Mr. Parker has restored as zidoir o Bt. Asahala. Mr. Bell reads ( * Bt. Man(da-nāzian).
9
Mr. Bell, leaves the letters after Cida unread
left on the stone, ignoring Mr. Parker's restorations.
' Mr. Parker restores as maha-viva. o The sixth line up to the 18th aksara has
Alisorodiva Vijambe which gives no sense.
' Bt. Sedu Kais/a Budim. 14 Bt. Vbi "o Bt. ka nāvā. " Bt. (vehasa). o Bt. kala.

SLAB-INSCRIPTION 79
)රණයක් කළ එතෙකක් ඇත් නම් කා කවු පැසුණේය( []*] මෙම අප කළ කුසල to c. ...
R.I.P.T.
- * siri pä(miņi) .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. ..
nehi rāja-śāsana .. .. .. .. ... śāsana(ya)
u Senevinävam vä ... ... ... ..* Mäya
alagoda nämäti Mangala '-puresvara
8
un-kadekin kada hàli * '-soro sun-[bun
lavā pavatvā perä-mā deväni sorovak
Sva-buddhīn 1* [soro]-bim balā sudusu
7a-yä yana Sorovak lava yäti- '°miyarin
mä nuvarä ' Lakvijaya Sarin ' Sihgu
ණි කරගත හැකියි lasti. Mr. Parker's restoration has Sria.
“ Bt. (Lolupäila) kulaku Vijay'a. men. Vaidiru men may be a likelier restoration. Laikā A) dikāri which is a possible restoration.
, but the above reading is supported by what is
11 Bt. gäli. been read by Mr. Bell as tu . . Aaligimbe
madak e(ta). 1° Bt. Lacha dhe/i. "o Bt. Mainyavarä. "o Bt. yan.

Page 109
8O
EPIGRAPHIA
10 -nevirat-pirivena-yä [yana]" däkä pilima-geya 11 karavā dāgaba kasu-dāgaba sanghãrãmayao da atpasa 12 päin-päl sahita koțä karavā mah
partyayen o upa-11 13 sthāna keremin mese lo-sasun
atišayen“ 14 sartthaka “ karanu kāmāti-va ta
udurä viyala bahä tänu .. 15 bijuvata satara-amuņak vihā
kusalan-hasna-ma" 16 . . . . . . (me kusalanata ud lū’ bat kā sēya ballu-ka 17 -(du vuyë-yäata-ma)ha-narakay matu vannavun taman kal:
TRANS
Lines I-6 . . . . . . In the fifth ye * 8 e e who has attained the supreme 8 A O royal decree . . . . . . decree . . .
Lakvijaya Ābo Siṁgu, the adhikāri MI
Bt. se (... na). * Bt. däkävä zimasä Yatalavä. 强
Bt. (Kara) vā. 7 Bt. m o Bt. vädä hindavä. Read pratyaye * Bt. du . . . 18 Bt. "o Bt. Lävu-Sotemumiini. 8 ” Bt. gastra(ra). * Bt. Vasa *o Bt. käyok. * Bt. narak
* Perhaps the missing portion is to be resto * The viruda title Abha Salamevan is give
Vol. II, p.
I 9 II and V. AR. A. S., C. B., vol. vii, p.
* According to the reading famini. If the
be altered to who, having attained'.
* The three kingdoms into which Ceylon
and Pihiti.

A ZEYLANICA (voIL. Iv
viharaya jrnna-vä anāvāsa vä* tubuvä
| * kotã bandavã ° mehi-mà 7 jirụna- vũ
la-sainghayā vadā hinduvā’ caturbbidha
-väda karannāhu taman vävața gat duko
aman namin lävü Sotemluqin '* kanu-mul
rayața kusallān karanu kämäti-vä perä
dharaņayak o kala ekek ät nam kāvuņuvä
V1
ehi * päsuņe-yä oo n*) Me apa kala kusala a se a ... o
LATION.
ar of Abhā Salamevan Kalyāņavatī, : regal splendour in the three Sinhalas
... (? by the order) of the generalissimo an ... Cidamani, lord of Mangalapura
* Bt. an zvada zva.
Bt. Dågaba. o Bt. Kadu Däga(ba). 2の。 * Bt. pusphārāmaya. 'n which is Mr. Bell's reading. ' Bt (dasa). atiśayin. “ Bt. ... ... ka. S. Vayala baha toimu is wanting in Mr. Bell's text. ramayak. "o Bt. kävudu bälu. ayedī duk. ** Bt. pasugnoya.
red as araksa Aada yutu. Mr. Bell has Aala sé veyi. 2n to this queen in other records also, see A. Z., I8I.
reading painind be preferred, the translation should
was divided in ancient times, viz., Ruhuņu, Māyā,

Page 110
No. 10 BATALAGODA-VAV
alias Badalagoda . . . Madhyadeśa in 1 ... reservoir was lying unused, its places and its canals and sluice bein and the sluice and made them to be of Lines 6-13 Having seen that not as there was no second sluice even in f examined sites fit for sluices, and hav constructed there a sluice called, after brought under cultivation . . . . from that the monastery called Senevirat-p generalissimo Lakwijaya Sarh Singu, 1 repaired the image-house, rebuilt the paired also the dilapidated residences o the latrine" and the water-closet, invite monks, made them reside therein and sites 9.
Lines I 3-I5 Performing, in thi religion, and being desirous of making of this reservoir exceedingly fruitful religious endowment, to the vihara,
" See E. Z., Vol. II, p. 33o, n. 4. * 7иn-fadežin. Kada may mean “breach" ( The fragmentary nature of the record do andua, which does not occur elsewhere, from the Yiti-miyarin may also be rendered as "frol appropriate as there is no evidence of the reservo
Aasu-dagaba is taken as equivalent to P. occurring in the Mahavamsa (chap. i., v. 42) and pp. 46 and 47). The Sinhalese Zhipazansa, in dagiba in the corresponding passages. Probably correct reading ought to be, as in the present epi " The word atpasa occurs with the same mea P, 24.
Pinfaila occurs in the Aifivali (34th chap The four requisites of the Buddhist monks medicaments.
o Kusalām :—See E. Z. Vol. III, p. 95, for " See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 325, n. 7.

A SLA B-INSCRIPTION 8
the kingdom of Maya, at the time this embankment being breached in three ng destroyed . . . . . . repaired the canals
Se. many fields and gardens were flourishing, ormer times, he, by his own judgement, ing found a suitable site [for a sluice, he his own name, the Adhikara-sluice and the lower embankment. Having seen irivena, established in this town by the remained dilapidated and uninhabited, he dagada making it a mantle-dagada, ref the monks in the same place, including 2d the members of the great community of attended on them with the four requi
s wise, service to the world and to the g the pains that he had taken on account , and also being desirous of making a of the sowing extent of four amuzas of
* A/opavat = Skt. apravrtta. Skt. A handa) or 'place’ (cf. T. Aadai). , es not permit us to guess the meaning of the word
e COriteXt. · m below the embankment. This might be more ir having had two embankments. kañcuka-dhātugablóha. Cf. the word kañcuka-cetiya in the Pāli Thūpavamsa (Colombo edition of I 896, the printed editions, has Aasua-dagaba and Aasunthese readings are due to clerical errors and the graph, Atasu-dagaba. aning in the Heranasika, Colombo edition of I 9 III,
pter, op. cit. p. 29) with the same meaning.
(P. catupacaya) are:-robes, food, residences, and
the meaning of this word.

Page 111
82 EPIGRAPHIA
seed paddy from Sotemuna, which was the stumps of trees and roots remove llas C. . . . . . . . the former endowment-de
Lines 16-17) Should there be any o endowment, he is as if he has eaten the r become a crow or a dog and will be b merit that we have performed (should be it has been performed by their own selve
No. 11. TWO ROCK-INSCR) By S. PARA
HE two inscriptions' dealt with in
logical Department, in I 93 II, fror Madure Korale of the Vaudavili Hatpa first inscription (Reg. No. 689) is engrav belonging to the villagers, and known The second inscription (Reg. No. 690), t than twenty feet from the first, is within called the Ogodapola Estate, in the Delv the hill-side had completely buried this
Fields were measured in mediaeval Ceylon, a capacity of being sown with seed paddy.
* Voyala öaha tänu:–The word vivala is curre heap of mud, for example in mati-vivala. In inscr to denote the fields prepared for sowing paddy by I Mahinda IV near the Stone Canoe in the Citadel nerut, vival no nerna, vival nel tanhi (E.Z., Vol. I, near the Malvatu Oya, and now in the Anurādhapu bahu I, we have the phrase diture tani viyala.
* Kanu = P. khāņu, for which see P.T.S. Pāli " Kāvuņuzvā Zū bat kā seya :-Similar imprecat Galapata Vihara rock-inscription we have kaivamuy Advanuva as “the bowl or other utensil in which ric or sherds for feeding crows and other birds' (/. р, хxiv).
A preliminary account of these epigraphs will and in C.V. Sc. (G.), vol. ii, pp. I 87— I 88 and 2 I 7.

ZEYLANİCA (VOL. Iv
made suitable for sowing by having d, and which was granted in his own cree itself. محمم ne who has caused harm to this religious ice put in the havunuza ; he also will boiled in the eight great hells. This : protected) by those of the future as if
S.
[PTIONS AT KOTTANGĒ.
AN AV TANA.
this paper were copied by the Archaeon the village called Kottange in the ttu in the Kurunägala District. The ved on the top of a boulder in a land, as Puvak-aramba or Kottange-aramba. hough engraved on a flat rock not more the boundaries of a coco-nut plantation, ita Group. The soil washed down from rock; and its existence was altogether
s they are in the villages to-day, according to their
2nt in the modern colloquial language to mean “a iptions of the tenth and twelfth centuries, it seems making them muddy. In the slab-inscription of of Anuradhapura, we find the expressions vival ). II 7). In an unpublished slab-inscription found ra. Museum, belonging to the reign of Parakrama
: Alictionary, s.v.
ions occur in other records of the period. In the zhi lit bat &divun samanayo yd Mr. Bell explains :e is received for eating by Rodiyas and beggars A. A. S., C. B., Motes and Queries, April, I9I4,
be found in the A. S. C. A. AR. for I 93o-3 II, p. 6,

Page 112
No. 11 TWO ROCK-INSCRIPT
unsuspected till a villager, who had see about it when he visited the site to cop to remove the earth to a depth of abou posed. The existence of an inscription of the Architectural and Archaeological published by the Ceylon Government it have been studied by any one before
Department. No other antiquities of vicinity of these rock-inscriptions.
The first epigraph is incised in two natural transversal crevice åt the mid avoided by the engraver. The panel C by 2 ft. o. in. and is enclosed in a recta drawn at distances varying from 3 to area into eight unequal spaces in which of all the lines, excepting the fourth and framing on the right-hand side. Abc figures of the sun and the crescent mo, crow, facing the inscription. The righ I ft. 3 in. and is also enclosed in a rectal is divided into five spaces by horizonta from 3 in. to 2 in. from one another. the figure of a dog, facing the inscripti
The letters, engraved fairly dee execution of the record, on the whole line 3, the syllable se has been left ou line. The document is in a fairly goo lines 4 and Io, that some letters-thre which is beyond doubt.
The script, on the whole, resemb Malla and other monarchs of the later culars, it has points in common with instance, the medial vowel sign for i, from that of the inscriptions of Nissari
that king's records, consists of a vertic
VOL. IV.

IONS AT KOTTANGE 83
n it many years ago, informed the writer y the first inscription. It was necessary t two feet before the inscription was exat this place is mentioned in the Aeturn and other Antiquities eatisting in Ceylon, n I89o; but the records do not seem to they were copied by the Archaeological any description are to be seen in the
I.
panels separated from each other by a dle of the rock surface, which has been on the left-hand side measures 3 ft. 9 in. ngular framing. Parallel horizontal lines, 2 inches from one another, divide this the letters are engraved. The last letters the eighth, are written partly outside the ve the inscribed area are engraved the on; and to the left of it is the figure of a t-hand side panel measures 4 ft. o. in. by ngular linear framing; and the whole area l parallel lines drawn at a distance varying To the right of this panel is engraved
D. p, vary in size from 2 to I inches. The , has been done with some care; but in it by mistake and added later, below the i state of preservation; and it is only in e in each-are too weathered for a reading
bles that of the inscriptions of Nissarinka
Polonnaruva period; but, in certain parti
the script of about a century later. For
occurring in this record, differs markedly
ka Malla. This symbol, in the script of
al stroke slightly curved towards the left,
N

Page 113
84 EPIGRAPHIA
detached, and written to the right of the record, it comprises an almost semicir symbol by means of another short vert The letters, in general, assume more rol Šarinka Malla's reign. This difference i individual idiosyncracies of the scribe ra by the passage of time, for in the par Daňbadeniya period, which is about ha record, seems to agree with that of Niss There is nothing noteworthy about as for grammar, the use of the verbal objects may be worth mentipning. In classical literature, bihiti would have b style are in keeping with those of other inscription belongs.
The record is of considerable histor the grant of a village named Kalama to Lokesvara-bâhu Cakravartti, in recogr the Colas. The name Lokesvara-bahu i sara or Lokeśvara of the orchronicles. Ti the historical writings of Ceylon; and bc periods in troubled times and were not d ments. The first of these was the gene //a/avarisa', and Lokešvara in the Pija when the Colas were dominating the authority over the Rohana country for head-quarters, and was in the end vanqu pelled the Colas and ascended the thr The second Lokesvara reigned for seve was preceded and also followed on the th grounds, the record ought to be ascribec only document so far brought to light.
Mv. 1vii. 1-2. ' A Contribution to the fistory of Ceylon,
(Colombo, 1895), p. 33, and Aafavaliya, B. Gunas
* Mv. lvii. 64.

ZEYLAN ICA W vOL. Iv
consonantal symbol; but, in the present 'cular stroke joined to the consonantal ical stroke, and on a much higher level. 1nded forms than in the script of Nisin Script seems to be due more to the ther than to natural development caused ticulars noted above, the script of the lf a century later than the date of this arinka Malla’s inscriptions. the orthography of the document ; and, form siti in connexion with inanimate the modern language, as well as in the een used instead. The language and documents of the period to which this
ical interest. Its object was to register the general Loke Arakmena, by king lition of the former's services in defeating in this record obviously stands for Lokiswo rulers of this name are mentioned in oth of them occupied the throne for short istinguished for any remarkable achieveral, named Loka and Lokanātha in the tzadi and other Sinhalese writings”, who, greater part of Ceylon, wielded some
six years, having Kataragama as his lished by Kitti, the prince who later reone of Polonnaruva as Vijayabahu I. n months at Polonnaruva in I 2 IO and hrone by Līlāvatī“. On palaeographical d to Lokeśvara II, of whom this is the
translated from 'Aafavaliya , by B. Gunasekara ekara's translation (Colombo, I 9oo), p. 59.
* Abid, lxxx. 46-5o.

Page 114
No. 11) TWO ROCK-INSCRIF
The chronicles say nothing more had been wounded in the shoulder by self of the throne with the help of a g ruled for seven months till he was ous authorities are silent about his lineage to have been a usurper'. The presel name Sirisangabo and belonged to th formation shows us that he must have and Sähasamalla, both of whom wei neither this inscription nor any othe relationship was. At any rate, he mu as any of the ephemeral kings and q succession in the period between the c of the island by Magha.
The encounter, referred to in Sinhalese, in which the latter were vic Nothing is said as to whether the stru we can be quite certain that, in the co he could not have fitted out and sent their own territories. The fight, ther by the Cola king to this island. Th tuńga III, whose reign began in II I 78 .. his inscriptions dated the 9th and 2 1s gained over the Sinhalese ; but thes of Lokesvara, as they occurred before shown that these expeditions must ha I 20O A.D. This particular invasion w not seem to have been mentioned in t natural as the Colas were not success
The general Loke Arakmenâ als tion of Ni$Sarihka Malla. He is said “ of the Ruvanvalisaya after the great * Arakmena' is a title which was give
" Abid., lxxx. 47-48. * South /ndian Inscriptions, vol. iii, pp. 2o. o V. AR. A. S., C. AB., vol. xxxi, pp. 384-386

TIONS AT KOT TANGË 85
about Lokesvara beyond the fact that he a spear and that he, after possessing himeat Tamil army from the opposite shore, ed by a general named Parakkama. The ; and Dr. Wickremasinghe considers him it record informs us that he had the throne : Kalinga dynasty. The last piece of inbeen related somehow to Nissarinka Malla e members of the Kalinga dynasty; but r record helps us to determine what the Ist have had as good a title to the throne ueens who followed one another in quick leath of Nissanka Malla and the invasion
this record, between the Colas and the torious, is not mentioned in the chronicles. ggle took place in Ceylon or abroad; but nfused times in which Lokesvara reigned, an expedition to give battle to the Colas in . afore, must have been with an army sent e Cola monarch at this time was KulotA.D. and lasted till I 2 16°. Kulottunga, in years of his reign, boasts of victories he : cannot refer to the encounter in the reign : the latter's accession. I have elsewhere ve occurred sometime between I I go and hich was repelled by Loke Arakmena does he South Indian inscriptions, which is quite ul in their attempt.
figures in the Ruvanvalisaya slab inscriphere to have been entrusted with the care offerings made to that shrine by the king. to the officials who guarded the Bo-tree
* E. Z., Vol. III, p. 24.
and 43. * /Öbid., p. 2Ə6.
o E. Z., Vol. II, p. 83
N 2

Page 115
86 EPIGRAPHIA
at Anuradhapura; and the first to hold Maurya princes who are said to have acc the time of A$oka.
The land granted, it is stated, was having had any disputes concerning it set ayatan of the Vilgammula fraternity. * Mahapandi', the name of the family t longed, as stated in the 34th chapter of t to have been a branch of the Ganava Maurya princes. The Sada/harmamaratn name for the Lāmāni family to which bel Ceylon. Loke Arakmena was, in all Ganavāsi stock, a supposition strengthe inscription at the site and also by the tit The fraternity of monks known as V as I know, figures in history for the first gallãna. Thera, the author of the Pali lexit in the Jetavana-vihara built by Parakran of this fraternity. The authors of sever, produced in the fourteenth century were Ayatan which seems to have belonged from other sources.
As regards the geographical nam obviously the old name of the land in boundaries, which are given, cannot no instance, "the silk-cotton tree standing b
Simhala Bodhivamsa (Colombo edition of arakmenā is ārakkha-pāricariya (see Mahābodhivam
' Uöhaya-kula-parišuddhava päväti GanaväsiMayiirafida-farivenadhipati Buddhafutra-sthaviray (The 34th chapter of the Piafavali, edited by Rev. ) T932, p. 5o.)
Colombo edition of 1923, p. 296.
See Abhidhanaffadfia, Colombo, 1883, p.
Wickremasinghe, Catalogue of Sinhalese Ma Malalasekara, Zoe Pali Ziterature of Cejlon, pp. 253

ZEYLANICA voL. Iv
this office was Jutindhara, one of the ompanied the sacred tree to Ceylon in
o be enjoyed in the Mapandi family, tled by the senior thera of the Vapasina'Mapandi' is obviously the same as which the author of the Pitfavali behat work. This family is said therein si clan which traced its origin to the 7 kara o states that Gaņaväsi is another onged most of the kings of mediaeval robability, a scion of the Lamāni or ned by what we learn from the other le Arakmena which he bore. ilgammula (P. Sarogamamizda), so far time in the Polonnaruva puriod. Mogcon Ab/id/anappadipiká, and who lived abahu I at Polonnaruva, was a member al well-known Sinhalese and Pãli works of this fraternity of monks. Vapasină to this college of monks, is not known
es occurring in the record, Kalama is which the inscription is found. Its
w be identified, as most of them, for
y thc side of the high road' and the
1928), p. 22 o. The Pāli word translated by sa, P.T.S. edition, p. 166). kulehi avinasta-vi ()/aha/andi-vansa äti . . . .
必2Z。 Pandit Mabopitiye Medhankara Thera, Colombo,
See below, pp. 88-go. 3I3. nuscripts in the British Museum, p. xviii, and
-254.

Page 116
Frgraphir Frgarico
Kol, gan g: Roc
9 ప్రక్షిప్స్లో
- -
أ - - பின் 1
K ottalig: Rock
علتهابیت با:
- - § 5 న్దేత్తల్లీ
岑 鷲 菇 §පූර්‍ථුද්ද 6 డ్లేర్తిడికల్ప్స్ 1 ప్లేట్ట్లైడ్లే
பீr 1, !
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

.
k-Inscription, No. 1, of Lokesvarabāhu
ಟ್ವಿಟ್ತಿ
4.
to É፭
臀 芷 §
يقع
శొ;
s 翌葱8
.
*、 §
rh i'r ie? I'd Iŵr?
Inscription, No. 2
P.
: "I . . .'''

Page 117


Page 118
No. 11) TWO ROCK-INSCRI
gata-kos tree standing on the side of was, however, told by the villagers
'Villiya', too, still exists in the name and possibly has given its name to th
ශ්‍රිමහාසමමතපරමපරායෙන් මෙ. ආ කාලිගකුලතිලකායමානවූ
ශවරබාහු චක්‍රවතතිසවාමීන්වහ: න්සෙට සොළීන් සාධා දුන් ද නාවන්ට හිරසනඥපමුණු කොට නහිරින් කපපලමෙගණඬ ටඹ භ: සිටි භිඹුල හා පැළදිගින් කතු ස හා උතුරුදිගින් විල්ලිය ම තුළු තෙකාට කතුවුයේ සිටි ඇටඹ ණුවට සතරදිගැ හිමි []*] මෙම මුළ වපසිනහැදෘයතන්නායක ම @සගෙන් කන්ලuවු පසින්දුවා ම සමෙය ඇත්තවුන් වළන්දනු සිරි
RA
Sri-Mahasammata-parampara a Kalinga-kula-tilakayamana-Švara-bahu cakravartti-sv -nse-ța Solīn sādhā dun das-k navan-ta hira-sandapamunu -nahirin Kappalagoda tamba siți himbula hā päla-digin ka -sa hā uturu-digin Villiya mä -tulu koţa kandure siţi ăţamb -ņuvața satara-digä himi [?*) mula Vapasina-ayatan-nayal -segen kanlāvu pasinduvā M. -saye ättavun valandanu sirit
Writtel

PTIONS AT KOTTANGE 87
he hill', are not permanent landmarks. I hat a field called Pilikutihbura still exists. s of the villages 'Udavili' and “Yativili' e Villi- or Väudavilli-Hatpattu.
EXT.
5858 සිරිසගෙබඩා කෙල[9]G\ක කන්කෞස තමන්වහ ස්කමට ශෛලාෙක අ[රක්ටෝම] ( දුන් මෙම කළමට නැගෙ
· දකුණුදිගින් මංකඩ |පිට සිටි ගැටබෙකා හැඳ පිලිකුඹුර ඇ ]ය හා මෙම පමු
(గిలి ల్లి) . . . తి(అలి ‘ලූවරුන්වාන් )Jපඩිවo 3 [յ*].
NSCRIPT.
yen no-piirihī vu Sirisangabo Lokeimin-vahanse taman-vahaamata Loke A[rakmekoțä dun me Kalama-ța nägehā dalkuņu-digin marin-kada ndu-piţa siţi găţa-koda Pilikumbura äaya hā me pamuMe (himä vü) ... ... ... Vilgama maluvarun-van
pandi-varin
in).
below the line.

Page 119
88 EPIGRAPHIA
TRANS, Lines 1-lo) To this village of K. till the Sun and Moon endure, by His Lokesvara-bahu, who is descended in u. the illustrious Mahāsammata and who is dynasty, to Loke Arakmena, for the val for I is Majesty-to this famutual village are:-on the east, the pillar at Kappalag standing by the side of the high-road, on the side of the hill, on the north, the aifa, stream, thus including, within its limits middle of Villi. p
Lines IO-I 3. It shall be customary be enjoyed by those of the Mapandi fam it settled by His Worship the prior" wh of Vilgammula,
II. The second inscription at the site, graved on a rock very close to the firs measuring, approximately, 7 ft. 4 in. by 3 before the writing was executed and, in a hand side, the lines have become of une engraved between parallel lines which a another. The average height of the lette suffered badly from the action of the weat about a third of the document is complete
" See E. Z., Vol. II, p. ir I, 7, n. 5.
* The above rendering is by taking das as equi dasya, in which case services rendered may be sub
o The root saidh, from which the gerund sādhā to prepare, &c.; but it is capable of assuming var. used with the same meaning as in this record, in th
(Colombo edition of 1890, p. 2 o):-sa/alie Vijaya
/Lakdiw a gam ni "among am raifiad/tdini purdi un Demala
' A species of jack.
The word rendered by complaints' is Aanu
Aannadavu, occurring with this meaning in literature
Maluza run, a contraction of mahalaezarun.
laka rock-inscription, l. Io. (See/. AR. A. S., C. B.,

ZEYLAN ICA . . . . vOL. Iv
ATION.
lama, granted, as a famunu to exist Majesty, the Emperor Sirisangabo hbroken succession from the lineage of like unto an adornment of the Kalinga Our shown in disposing of the Colas -the boundaries on the four directions goda, on the south, the silk-cotton tree the west, the gaita-kos' tree standing on inda tree standing near the mountain , the field called Pilikumbura in the
for the land within these boundaries to ily, getting any complaints regarding o is the head of the Vapasinai Ayatan
as has already been mentioned, is enit. It covers an irregular rock-surface ft. 2 in. The rock has not been dressed (voiding the uneven areas at the rightqual length. The letters have been re, on an average, 3 inches from one 2rs is about 2 inches. The record has her, particularly the right half of it, and ely illegible.
valent to Skt. daksa. It may also stand for Skt. ostituted for “ valour shown ”.
comes, has the primary meaning of to make', ious shades of secondary meaning. This verb is he following passage from the Nikaya Sangraha bi/hu mam maharajaao sayisi hazuruddak mululle mahasenaga sādhā Sirilaka eksat kola.
A species of mango. 'civu. I have taken it to be a variant form of
The form maluvarum also occurs in the Lankativol. X, pp. 87 and 95).

Page 120
No. 11 TITWO ROCK-INSCRIPTI
The script shows more developed f and it may therefore be inferred that th date—a conclusion which is also supporte is given in the document. It opens with line is completely preserved. The rest ( tells us that a masat/hcra of the Wilgamm granted to the sangha the panungat villag longing to him. This ma/ad/terra is said t who belonged to the Lāmāni family; but is also not preserved. We may presume Loke Arak menā, to whom the village w recorded in the first inscription. This si the fact that, as shown by the title “ Ara Lamani stock. His connexion with the the stipulation in the first inscription tha question were to be settled by a masat/te
TEX
1 . . . . . . లిరిడీరీ అది 0C000) . . . . මෙම දිගීඝකාලමහිතාය . නා ශිලා (භවළු) . මො ප්‍ර ... [II*] සඳී පිරිහී ආ ලැමැනිකුලතිලකායමාන න්සේගේ මුනුබුරු වල්ගමමුලa අඳි වහන්ෙස තමන්වහන්ෙසෙග මෙම උඩුසැළ ගම්බාවසටවත් පින් පිණි න මහසෙසයාවහන්ෙස් සනතක කැ[]t*]ෙම පින්කමට වියවුලක් ක. 10 නිරයෙ උපන්කෙනාය. මට පින්කම 11 කෙමෙනක් ඇත. සමභාගයක පින් 12. බෙත් []*]
2
TRANS.
. caturddiśāyāta .. ... me dirggha-kalam-hitaya . Sila (bhavatha) . mo pra .. (n“) pirihī ā Lämäni-kula-tilakāyamā

ONS AT KOTTAN GE 89
orms than in that of the first inscription is record belongs to a somewhat later 'd by a study of its contents. No date a Sanskrit verse of which not a single of the document, which is in Sinhalese, ulla fraternity, whose name is obliterated, e of Kalama, and some other lands beD have been the grandson of a personage , unfortunately, the name of the latter : that the ma/hat hera was a grandson of as originally granted by Lokesvara, as upposition gains further strength from kmena, general Loke belonged to the Vilgam mula fraternity is also shown by t any disputes concerning the lands in ra of that religious institution.
T。
LSLS S LLL LLLS SS SSDLSLYS S S LLLLL LS S SLLLLSS S SSMLL LL
)සති ග්‍රීමත් .................... .. .. ... ... [මෙන0]
• • • •. ... වහ ගය ... .. ... ... මහමෙතරුන්
කළම් පමුණුවත් ... ... ... ... ... විත් ණිස සතරදිගින් වඩ මෙකාට සිවුපසයට ලුසේ ළ මෙකෙනක් කවුඩු බලු වූවොය අටමහ 69 .. .. .. .. ..
Gւ
CRIP.
Tha • • • • . . • • Svasti śrīmat .. [nona ... ... .. .. ... vaha

Page 121
9O EPIGRAPHIA
-nsēgē munuburu Vilgam-mu) vahanse taman-vahansege me . Udusāļa Gambāvasatavat pin -na maha-saringhaya-vahanse sa -kä*Me pin-kamata viyavul:
maha10 niraye upannoya mața pin-kam 11 kenek äta sama-bhāgayaká pin 12 -bet)
RANS
come from the four directi 0 Hail! His Worship, the grea the grandson of His Holiness . . . . w Lāmāni family, and who was descended
e o e for gaining merit, made this fam, Udusäla and Gambävasatava°, belon Samgha coming from the four directions
Any persons who shall cause hind as crows and dogs and will also be b any persons who (would support) me in merit of an equal share.
No. 12. GAIỌALÅ DENIYA DHARMMA KİR
By S. PAF
T Gadaladeniya, a village in the U there is, on a wide stretch of flat century. This temple, which was origi
* See E. Z. Vol. III, p. 267, n. 3.
Though the letters of this name are quite in Ceylon.
1.e. half of the merit.

A ZEYLANICA vOL. IV
ä Abhaya .. .. .. .. mahaterunKalam-pamunuvat . . . . . . Vat Dinisa satara-digin vaçaintaka kota sivu-pasayata lu-seak kala kenek kavuqdu balu vūvoya ața
aţa - - - -
lä
LATION.
OlS . . . . . . for my benefit for a long time t thera Abhaya . . . . . . of Wilgam mula,
ho was like unto an adornment to the in unbroken succession from the illustrious tumu village called Kalama and . . . . . . ging to His Holiness, the property of the s, and gave them for the four requisites. rance to this act of charity will be born orn in the eight great hells. If there be this act of charity they would receive the
A ROCK-INSCRIPTION OF TTII STHAVIRA.
RAINAVITAN.A.
dunuvara division of the Kandy District, rock, a Buddhist shrine of the fourteenth nally built entirely of stone, is remarkable
clear, it does not look like an ordinary place name

Page 122
No. 12 GAIỌALÅDEN I YA IR
for the fact that, though it was intenc worship, it resembles, in its architectu shrines of South India in the early Vijay dyan style, constructed of timber, on b1 the original architectural design is much The ascent to the rock on which th the north-eastern side; and, to the right large area of rock-surface, measuring, r inscriptions contiguous to one another, a which occupies the top-most position of weathered one of four lines, datable in Sirisańgabo Śrī Parākramabāhu Vikram five lines, also very fragmentary, and of of a Sirisangabo Śrī Parākramabāhu. paper is incised immediately below thi inscribed rock-surface at this place. I inscription of Senasammata Vikramabah ante, pp. 8— Í5), which is followed by a n Buddhist era. On the rock near the which are almost totally obliterated; a entrance to the shrine, bears inscription Mr. Codrington (ante, pp. I 6-27) *.
The inscription now dealt with, v records found at this site, is also the lor ing, approximately, I4 ft. by 13 ft. 6 in. three are almost totally effaced. The fi right than the other lines; possibly it opening Sanskrit stanza in this line alone 3 in. in size, have been boldly incised ti served portions of the record, are clearl rock-surface have peeled off, thereby c incumbent priest told me that this da
For a description of Gadaladeniya, see
pp. 34I ff.
* For a preliminary account of the inscriptio and 205-206.
VOL. IV.

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 9 I
led for purposes of Buddhist religious ral features, the contemporary Hindu ranagara style. A roof in the later Kanick piers, covers the vimania; and thus
obscured at present. e shrine is built was, in olden days, on of the rock-cut steps, as one ascends, a oughly, 24 ft. by 13 ft., is covered with all more or less damaged. The record this inscribed area is a short and much the fifteenth century, of a king styled labahu. Below this is another record of the same period, dated in the third year The record dealt with in the present s, and occupies more than half of the mmediately below this epigraph is the nu, edited by Mr. H. W. Codrington (see nuch weathered record dated 2054 of the Bo-tree, there are two other inscriptions ind a slab-pillar, now standing near the hs which have also been dealt with by
which is the earliest in date of all the gest; and covers a rock-surface measur
It consists of 45 lines of which the last rst line extends about a foot more to the has been done so in order to finish the 2. The letters, which are, on an average, o a considerable depth and, in the prey legible. Large patches of the inscribed :ausing many lacunae in the text. The mage has been wantonly caused by the
H. W. Cave, The Book of Ceylon, New edition,
ns at Gadalädeniya, see C./. Sa, G., vol. ii, pp. io9
O

Page 123
92 EPIGRAPHIA
villagers at the instance of a certain chi the intention of depriving the temple of having been dedicated to it. Whether of the rock-surface seems to have been ( The script is Sinhalese of the fo example of an inscription of this peric Epigraphia Zeylanica, a few remarks ab here. Between the script of the four naruva period, of which numerous examp there is not much of a divergence. Th able change during the one and a half c are ma, ma, ma, ra, wa, sa, and la, as m. syllables in the two periods shown side
፲ta ጎ፲a Twelfth century 6>- 2 Fourteenth century ്യന گے
The general tendency of the script du more than in the preceding one, the sin the modern Sinhalese alphabet. The sc little from the modern; and any one fan will find no difficulty in recognizing the period, except the symbols for i, fa, a these letters, the relation of the modern teenth century requires very little expl inscription itself, there are certain lette example, we find the letter ma, almost i by side with the more developed forms line 3 I with the I5th of line I4. Other types are nua, ja, ra, and la.
This want of uniformity is a cha Gampola period in general. The Laf
same year as this record, contains form
1. See / R.A. S., C. B., vol. xxii, plate C fac

ZEYLANICA vOL. IV
ef who lived about a century ago, with the lands mentioned in the record as this story is true or not, the peeling off lue to the kindling of fire on it. urteenth century. As this is the first d to be reproduced in facsimile in the out the script may not be out of place teenth century and that of the Polonoles have been reproduced in this journal, 2 letters which have undergone considerenturies which divide these two periods ay be seen from the symbols for these by side :-
2226Z 21, SOZ da
h 63 Ŭ ĈU k h 9 O ) - C
ring this period is to emphasize, much uous curves which are characteristic of ript of the fourteenth century differs but niliar with the Sinhalese writing of to-day letters in an inscription of the Gampola 'a, ma, ra, and 4a. Even in the case of symbols to their prototypes of the fouranation to be understood. Within this rs which are not uniform in type. For dentical with the Polonnaruva form, side hown above; compare the 17th letter of letters of which we find slightly differing
racteristic feature of the script of the
katilaka rock-inscription, dated in the s which are closer to the Polonnaruva
ng p. 36o, which gives only a section of this record.

Page 124
No. 12) GAIỌALĀ DENI YA
script; for example the letter ra CS. T
inscriptions, which are, respectively, onl present document, have forms of ra, 4 corresponding letters in this epigraph records shows, even without the aid of to the same period.
After the auspicious words at the b sloka in the Indravafra metre; and the document belongs to the period which writings; hence, as may be expected, th
works, is correct and grammatical. M duced into the document, as is also the the period. In the fourth line of the S sody have been infringed by making th perhaps due to having overlooked the combination of consonants is counted peculiarities may also be noted:-Ma Sanita/ha (l. 29), should correctly have respectively. As in the South-Indian the vowel r is the same as the symbol member of a ligature. Hence the wor also be read as wraesa and matra. Th might be a variant form of, or a clerical Aumara (l. 3 I) and gamin (l. 32) have of the engraver. Aadavara in the co occur in any other document of the “ sculptor' (l. I II) has not been found in epigraphical, except in this and the Lai
The record is dated in the third and also mentions the Saka year II 266, contains the date has been interpreted same as the year of accession of Bhuva sentence is against such an interpretat mentioned in the epigraph is equivalent
Ibid., plate D facing p. 362, Bell, Aeport on the Adigalla District, p. 92,

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 93
he Hapugastānna and the Vigulavatta
y fifteen and sixteen years later than the a, na, and na differing widely from the
Nevertheless, the script of all these the dates given therein, that they belong
eginning, the first line contains a Sanskrit rest of the record is in Sinhalese. The has produced the best Sinhalese prose he language, reminiscent of that of these any Sanskrit fatsamas have been introcase with the literary Sinhalese prose of anskrit verse, however, the rules of prohe seventh syllable a long one. This is a fact that a short vowel, followed by a as long. The following orthographical da/haye (l. 1 2), Mayitri (l. 13), and Nisbeen madhyaye, Maitri, and Nissani &a
Grantha documents, the medial sign for for the consonant ra occurring as the last ds vrása (ll. 15—16) and mātr (l. 16) can e form marendraya-sata occurring in l. 3, error for, marendrayā-hasta. The words been repeated owing to an inadvertence mpound gam-kadavara (l. 35). does not period; and the Sanskrit word st/hafati any other Sinhalese writing, literary or ikatilaka inscriptions.
year of Bhuvanaikabahu (the Fourth) expired. That part of the sentence which tO mean that the Šaka year given is the naikabāhu o, but a proper analysis of the ion and would show that the Saka year t to the third year of the king. According
Ibid., plate E facing p. 362 n. I, and Codrington, Short Aistory of Ceylon, p. 88.
O 2

Page 125
94 EPIGRAPHI
to the context, it is rather difficult to sanda as an adverbial clause modifyi word mekal between the two is again hence, the Šaka date cannot, in my opin accession. On the other hand, the more would be to take the two clauses Sri 7vekal raja pämini ... ... . tunvanne as fying that part of the sentence in whic the date are given. If the sentence b taken, not as the date of Bhuvanaikal third regnal year. The passage giving tion is almost in the very words of the hence, the above remarks apply to it a
The Šaka year mentioned in this record has already been correctly rea Lankatilaka inscription published by same year as the date of that document of Ceylon (p. 88) has similarly given records. Dr. Wickremasinghe, howev of the Lankatilaka inscription, found I 264 as the date given in that record Wickremasinghe in this respect. In b is quite clear on the rocks and the ( Lankatilaka record can easily be taken Messrs. Bell and Codrington, who as that of Bhuvanaikabahu's accession, initial regnal year was 1344-5 A.D.
* See V. KR. A. S., C. B., vol. x, p. 83. * See Refort on the Aegalla District, p. 9. p. I2O.
The text of the Lankaitilaka inscription p by Mudaliyar Gunasekara, towards the end, diff text is based not on the rock-inscription but on S copper-plates or palm-leaves. * AE. Z., Vol. III, p. 29. o Ciāla z'amsa, English translation, Part II, p same work takes the date as Saka 126ర్య

A ZEYLANICA voL. Iv
p take Sri Saka-varsayen A 8 Abruņu ng rafa baimini. The occurrence of the st such an analysis of the sentence; and ion, be taken as that of Bhuvanaikabahu's 2 reasonable way of analysing this sentence Saka-varsayen . . . . . . piruuu sanda and independent of each other and both qualih details regarding the month and day of e thus analysed, the Šaka year has to be Dahu's accession, but as equivalent to his the date in the Lankatilaka rock-inscrip: corresponding passage in our inscription; s well. inscription as well as in the Lankatilaka d by Mr. Bell as 1266; the text of the Mudaliyar B. Gunasekara also gives the :8. Mr. Codrington, in his Short Aistory the Saka year mentioned in both these er, on the authority of a manuscript copy in the British Museum, has taken Šaka , and Professor Geiger also follows Dr. both these inscriptions, the reading sasaita late in the British Museum copy of the
as a clerical error (suscita for sasaita). take the Šaka year given in this epigraph come to the conclusion that this monarch's Dr. Wickremasinghe, who interprets the
2, n. I, and A. S. C. Annual Refort for I9 I-12,
ublished in the V. ÄR. A. S., C. B., vol. x, pp. 83-86,
ers widely from what is on the rock. Perhaps this ome other version of the same document written on
}. xxii. Professor Geiger in n. I at p. 2 II of the

Page 126
No. 12 GAIỌALADENIYA
sentence similarly, but reads the date year of Bhuvanaikabāhu IV. Profe on a statement in the Mikaya Sangra, on contemporary documents engraved this king's reign began in 350-51 A. If, on the other hand, the pass. inscriptions be interpreted in the man I 266 has to be taken not as the d equivalent to his third regnal year. full-moon day of the month of Vesa equivalent to Wednesday, April 28, 1 current at this date his reign must ha As has already been referred to, ti Sada/harmmaratna Atara ', and the Ma/ with 1894 A.B., which makes his first Professor Geiger. Between this and t ancy of nine years. Dr. Wickremasing discrepancy between the authorities one on which Bhuvanaikabahu becam and the later one, I 347 A.D., was that hypothesis becomes untenable when v which is dated 1344 A.D., Bhuvanaika applicable to a reigning king only, an more reliance on the statements foun on those in literary works, the earlies after the accession of Bhuvanaikabah AVikaya Sangraha is definitely wrong About this monarch himself, our new. He was the first Sinhalese king there is nothing to show why he left personage and, in the writings of the of his powerful minister, Sena Larinka
* According to Dewan Bahadur Swamika
* Colombo edition of 1890, p. 25.
o AE. Z., Vol. III, pp. 29-3o and Cūlavam
Ceylon Antiguary, vol. ix, p. I86.

ROCK-INSCRIPTION
differently, has given I 342 A.D. as the first sor Geiger, however, places more reliance 'a, which will be noticed in the sequel, than on stone, and comes to the conclusion that
D. ges which contain the date in these two ner I have suggested above, the Šaka year te of Bhuvanaikabāhu’s accession but as Ithe exact date of the present record is the ga (Skt. Vaiśākha) in Šaka I 266, which is 344 A.D.; and as the third regnal year was ve commenced in I34 I-2 AD. le Wikāya Sañugraha o, and, following it, the avanisa , equate the fourth year of this king year I 35o-I A.D., as has been taken by he date arrived at by us, there is a discrepghe and Professor Geiger try to explain this py assuming that the earlier date was the e the ipa (heir-apparent) of his predecessor of his accession to the throne. But this we consider the fact that in this inscription, abahu is referred to by epithets which are l not to an ifa. We should, I think, place d in contemporary stone inscriptions than t of which was written about half a century u IV. Mr. Codrington has shown that the in two other dates given therein". record does not help us to learn anything co rule from Gampola, and in the chronicles the earlier capital. He is rather a vague period, his figure is overshadowed by that dhikāra.
nu Pillai’s Indian Ephemeris.
//bid, I 923, p. 293. Chap. xc, v. Io8. a, translation, pp. xxiii-xxiii.

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96 EPIGRAPHIA
The contents tell us about the fou ladeniya by the great st/havira Dharn stock. The account of the building of one-third of the record, is followed by i various personages. The Ganaväsi famil ing the Sacred Bo-tree. The origin of t greatest figures in the history of Ceylon larly given in the Sagama inscription of cording to the Sadad/harmaratmākara *, Gra family which had, as its progenitors, the who were sent to Ceylon by Asoka to ac tree. The name Gama våså is said to hav its members, in course of time, became into a corporate body (gana) o.
The hierarch Dharmmakirtti of this the Buddhist Church in Ceylon in the 1 belonged to the sect of forest-dwelling m hermitage founded at Palabatgala (P. P. reign of Parākramabāhu II *. Laudator. we can also gather a few biographical fac Sangraha 9 and the colophon of the Sa works of his pupil and namesake, Dharn kara ", a work of Vimalakīrtti who was These accounts not only confirm what w but add that he was the author of severa
" V. KR. A. S., C. B., vol. xxii, pp. 364-365.
Āramayen samū/avagaņāzi /eyin Gaņavās is a popular etymology of the word Gaziaz'disi. It Gana means “the Buddhist congregation' and late and vast is found in the tenth century inscription E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 13). The family probably hac power and influence. This derivation of the wor having been descended from the princes who acco officials entrusted with the administration of the va of noble birth.
* See Pi/äza, Colombo, I. 922., p. 694 and /
Colombo edition of I924, pp. 764-765.

ZEYLANICA voL. IV
hdation of a shrine of Buddha at Gadaamalkirtti who came of the Ganavasi he temple, which comprises more than a long list of lands dedicated to it by y is said to have come to Ceylon bringhis family, which produced some of the during the fourteenth century, is simithe reign of Bhuvanaikabāhu V . Acanazaisi is another name for the Lamani Šākya princes Sumitra and Bodhigupta company the branch of the sacred Bodhi re attached itself to this family because numerous and constituted themselves
record was one of the greatest figures of middle of the fourteenth century. He onks, which had its head-quarters at the stad/hattasela) near Adam's Peak, in the y accounts of this hierarch, from which its about him, are given in the Aikaya da/harmmadanara (, both of which are nmakirtti, and in the Saddharmaratnaa pupil of the second Dharmmakirtti. e learn about him from the inscription, l Pali works among which were included
* Op. cit, p. 296. Jamśaya 'i kiyā da. There is no doubt that this can be interpreted to mean monastery official'. racquired the secondary meaning of monastery’; is with the meaning “employee or 'official' (see l its origin in some temple officials who acquired d does not preclude the possibility of the family mpanied the Bo-tree in the third century B.C. The st estates of the mediaeval monasteries were often
fv. lxxxiv. 24. * Op. cit, pp. 28 and 32. * Op, cit, p. 49o.

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No. 12 GAIỌA LÄDENIYA
Pāra māsa taka and Vanānztrāgacarta vihara, also built a ci/tara adorned w District). He was also responsible unification of the sects carried out du vara, and is said to have lived up to Our record also tells us that Dh of the Gadaladeniya temple, construc house at Śrī Dhānyakațaka (i.e. An confirmed by the Sada/harmaratna &a. Dharmmakirtti's works of religious question in the Saaa/harmaratna &a, the images were worshipped in the B is translated below:-
Abroad, he (Dharmmakirtti) al Dhanyakataka making it, in workm image of the Lord, in sitting postur that stone shrine, and which was dail. with scented paste to a thickness of tw affixed thereon so that the stalk of of morning of the second day, he anoint image of flowers, (firstly) with scented thirdly with milk, and fourthly with p scented powder; and was thus made image five thousand balls of rice, fift milk-rice and bowls of rice and currie. nine thousand lamps with sesamum and seventy-five lakhs of jasmine f offerings to that image of the Lord." The references to Amaravati in Atara contain, I think, the last recorde ment of the Andhra country before it rather a pity that the author of the S
For Airamisataa, see Malalasekara's Manuscripts of the Wananuragacarita have not
* For the identification of Dhanyakataka and/agaya Abeta Sāgas, p. 3.

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 97
; that he, in addition to the Gadaladeniyaith stone-work at Alavatura (in the Kāgalla for the purification of the sang/ha and the ing the administration of the great Alakesthe age of I IO.
armmakirtti, before he started the building ted, or rather repaired, a two-storied imagelaravati) in India. This statement is also ra which gives a more detailed account of devotion at Amaravati. The passage in ra, which is also interesting to show how uddhist shrines of the fourteenth century,
so restored a stone-built vihāra named Śrī anship, as it originally was. The marble e, eighteen cubits in height, which was in y being anointed with water, he besmeared to inches and offered to it sevatvanda flowers, he flower touched that of the other. In the ed the stone image, which appeared like an I water, secondly with pots of sesamum oil, iure water, after the image was rubbed with exceedingly clean. He next offered to the y at a time, in addition to dishes filled with s. Moreover, in one day alone, he lighted oil and offered twenty Aotis of ialaa flowers owers. Thus he made different kinds of
our inscription and in the Saadharmaratnad events in the history of that great monuwas discovered in modern times; and it is addharmaratnakara has not given a fuller
Z’ãi Ziferature of Ceylon (London, I928), p. 242. been heard of.
with the modern Amaravati, see Burgess, Amarivati

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98 EPIGRAPHI
account of the place as it then existed, is not the only instance of the Ceylon to revive the dying flame of South In Larinkadhikara, who was a contempo patched men and money to Kaificial city.
The inscription also gives certain the shrine and the images and paintin is said to have been of three storey taking the terraced roof of the ardhaand a cell in the vimana, on a higher the ground floor. As stated in the i ground floor-a seated Buddha atte ma/eara-forama behind the Buddha are however, of the representation of a Bo said in the record to have been show the paintings to be seen in the cella, v ones mentioned in the inscription. In says, there was originally an image di dhamma to the gods. This image ha to be seen some scenes from the Ve times. We cannot expect anything of preserved till now as it is stated that the plaster work. The name of the a as Gaņeśvarācāri. His name indicat architecture, that he was a South Indi
Among the persons who granted are a number of the great dignitaries bankers, and so forth. The majority other sources, while a few are mention time as well as in literature. The mo, dhikara who has already been referre other great architectural monument
' See Wikaya Sangraha * See Sadd/harmaratna,

A ZEYLANICA vòL. Iv
The work of Dharmakirtti at Amaravati Buddhists of the fourteenth century striving lian Buddhism. The great minister Sena ary of Dharmakirtti, is said to have disd established a Buddhist shrine in that
details about the architectural features of gs with which it was adorned. The shrine S which seem to have been calculated by tandafa and anta rada as the second storey evel, as the topmost storey, in addition to inscription, there are three images on the inded by two standing figures. On the
figures of deities. No trace can be seen, dhi-tree under which the Buddha figure is h seated. We cannot be certain whether which are only decorative designs, are the side the cell of the vimana, the inscription epicting the Buddha preaching the Abhis now disappeared; and on the walls are SSantara Jataka painted during Kandyan the original paintings of this shrine to be Parakramabahu VI (1412-1467) renewed rchitect who designed the building is given ces, as we can also guess from the style of
a Îl. lands to the shrine, after it was completed, of the time-princes, feudal lords, generals, of these personages are not known from led in the other epigraphical records of the st important among these is Senā Larinkād to. It was this minister who built the of the Gampola period, the Lankatilaka
, English translation, p. 24. ara, oft. Cat, p. 298.

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No. 12 GADALADENIYA R
vihara, about three miles from Gadal; Lashkatilaka, one in Sinhalese and the ol Alavala in the Kurunigala District, give and the lands dedicated to it by this mit dhikara is also one of the signatories in and he is mentioned in the Mikaya other Sinhalese writings. Virasirinhal in the Vigulavatta inscription. Prince tion of about the fourteenth century, dist in Hevagam Korale, as the founder of sufficient ground to take, as Mr. Bell ha inscription is the same as the great warri who was the most important figure in C this inscription.
As regards the geographical name: has already been dealt with. Singuru name of this part of the country in media of Singuruvana are now preserved in th and "Yati-Nuvara'. Our inscription sh site of the Gadaladeniya temple was a Among the names of villages in which 1 not been able to find Ilupandeniya, May and Unapatange, in the official village li survey. The majority of the others are given in the inscription ; and are situa from the shrine. Gadaladeniya, Pamunu Piligama are in Mädapalāta Kõraļē of til Săpâna are the modern Ambakka and is the modern Handessa in Gaigapalata is in Mādapalata Korale of the Yatinuv probably the modern Ambilimigama
The Sinhalese inscription at the place has unpublished. For the Alavala record, see C.J. S
* /. A. A. S., C.A., vol. xxii, p. 363. * Op. cit, pp. 293-294.
Ceylon Antiquary and Ziterary Register, vol VOL. IV.

OCK-INSCRIPTION 99
ideniya. The two long inscriptions at her in Tamil, and the rock inscription at an account of the building of that shrine listeras well as by others. Senā Larinkāthe Vigulavatta (Gampola) inscription Sangraha ', Saaa/armara/nakara ' and Patiraja was also one of the signatories Virasundara is mentioned in an inscrip:Overed at the village called Malvattegala a vihara at that place. There is not s done", that Nissarinka Patiraja of this or and statesman, Nissarinka Alakesvara, eylon a decade or two after the date of
s mentioned in the record, Dhanyakataka vana (also spelt Siiduruvana) was the aeval times; and the two zuzaras (cities) e two territorial divisions 'Udu-Nuvara' ows that, in the fourteenth century, the ut the boundary of these two districts. ands were dedicated to the shrine, I have Tatgamu, Nārarin-riyana, Mińginiyāpotta, ists or in the maps of the topographical : Still known by the same names as are ted, as may be expected, not very far Iva, Rangama, Dällivela, Kirivavula, and he Udunuvara Division. Ambakka and Hāpana of the same Korale. Sandessa Kõrale in Udunuvara. Pilimatalavuva ara Division and Ämbulimigama is most in the same Korale. Gannoruva and
already been noted. The Tamil inscription is yet c, (G.), vol. ii, p. I 88.
* Op. cit, p. 25. o C.V. Sc., G., vol. ii, p. 2oo. . іі, р. І84.

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I OO EPIGRAPHIA
Mangalagama are in Gaigapalata Koral is in Gandahe Korale of the Pata Heval lata Korale of Tumpane. All the abo District. Bisovala is a village in Kaidu in Tunpalata West, Paranakuru Korale, may be the same as Uturala in Egoda case Elirata, in which Uturalla is said to territorial division of the fourteenth ce. modern Kägala District. I have not co this name in the Kaqdaimushot which dea Ceylon.
TE 1. සවසති ශුභමසතු []*]
ශීධමීමකි.ඵ්කනිසථවිරාධි(කාබොකෙර ජන ^ න - තු[o] පුණන්‍යාමෙෙනකර 2 ශීශකවෂී බෙයන් එක්වා[දහස්] දෙ [ෙම]කල් රජපැමිණ ත්‍රිසිංහ 3 ළගාධීග්වර ගුටෙනකබා[ගු නJමෙර
ස්වක ශ්‍රීමහාබෝධි වඩා 4 ශ්‍රිලංකාචීපයට පැමිණි [ගණ]වැ
වහන්සෙ ද 5 මබඳිවැත් ශීධානයකටGය * (මෙඳම [ර]න්,[රුවන්], ... .. ... [ලo]ක 6 යෙහිත් [බොහො]කාලයක් පවතී
· වනු කැමැතිවැ රජ යුව 7 රජ අ[ධිකාර සෙ.]ෙනවිරත් (අත්‍යම්
... ... ලිය 8 න්නන් ආ[දිවූ පෘ]ථුවීගවරයන්*
ශාන්‍ය ශුද්‍රවාදී [උතත]මා 9 ධම ජනයන් ද සිංහළ දෙමළ
කරවා පණමින් ල[ක්]] 10 ෂයක් විචරන් වී තුන්සියක් යාළ
@යහි වි . . . . .
! ' ධානා3කටකයෙ ‘ යි කියවනු.

ZEYLANI CA [vol. Iv
5 in the Yatinuvara Division. Uduvela näta Division and Aludeniya in Udapare-mentioned villages are in the Kandy pita North, Belligal Korale, and Iddavela both in the Kagalla District. Uturalla pota Korale, Kägalla District. In that have been included, must have been a ntury which comprised that part of the ome across an old territorial division of is with the geography of late mediaeval
KT.
- ܟ ܟ ܚ- ܟ ܟ (ܐܵ հ>03 Բ Բ [/*]
§පථ කාරාපයන් ශීඝනශ්‍රිවිහාරය []*] දසිය සසtට අවුරු[දිඳක් පි]රුණු [සjතඥ
‘තුලයහට තුන්වනු (වෙසග) [සූර] පසළො
[සි]වෙශනාභිජාත ධමීමකීර්තිසථවිරපාදයන්
'0)ල් පිළිමගෙයක් ... .. .. ... බොහො 0වීප Y
ත්නා ලෙසැ සි[ලාමය පිළි]මෙගයක් කර
')නාය[ක] · ... ... නායක · ... ... නායක
ද .. .. ... න් ද (කෂතිය) බු0(හමණ චෛව)
ආදිවූ · ... ... මෙසන0 මෙක · ... තත · ....
විචරන් [දි] වාසභුශ0සතුප්‍රතිමාශ[ගොසතුගාදි]
* * පාථිවීගවරයන්' යි කියවනු.

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No. 12
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GAIDALADENIYA RC
සථපතිගණධීපති ග[G\ණ]ශචරඹාචාරි
&[cర]లిళG නුවර මධයෙ! දික්ගලඅතළො තුන්
මාලෙ ශකූ බුහම සුයාම සනතුෂිත නාථ මයික්‍රී* ආදී
රූඪවg @බාධීන්වහ න්සෙට පිට ලා වැඩගැ හුන් {
දෙදෙනාවහන්ෙසත් [ෙනා] යෙක් චිත්‍රකම්මානනයෙන් විචිතූ '
@යෙහි පා[රිජාත]වා කෂමූලයෙහි පාණඩුකමබලා[සනා'
@ද[වියන් පි]රි . වරා විජම්බොදශනාවට වැඩ හුන් වකුත් උව මැනනැවැ යි .. ... , විරජෙගයකුත් කරවා බොධි මෙල්
තමන්වහන්සෙ .. .. .. ... ය න් කරවනලද ... ... ... ... ... ධමීම . . అశలో . . . . Q මියා කෞ .. ... [කමීමා]නතයට පණි
දි(වෙල් වහ)ල් සරක් ස ... .. ... නරබත්ගමින් පිද
రg
తినే అ3 టెరణం అవి ఆభరతణు (గ్రి
ණියෙ)න් පිදූ මූල්බිජු జులై6ఈజటే Gడలు (భరణారణ
පිදූ කුබුරු බි ජු එක්යාළ දසාමුවේණක් ෙකසව
මන් හා දෙන්නා සතු ස ... (ගඩි)ලාදෙණිගම් මෙදා
මහ[යෙහි පි] టైంది 6(c)లితర ఆభరత[ణలిన రాతి
බිජු සාමුණක් Both . . · සරක්රු දසවේ
రర8
* මධ්‍යකෙය' යි කියවනු, * මෙග
VOL. V.

)CK-INSCRIPTION I OI
න් පුබාන කොට ඇති ආචාරිවරුන් ලවා
ඊමාල් පිළිමගෙය* කරවනසෙක් පල්ලෙ
· දෙවියන් විසින් පිරිවරනලද වපුරාසනා
සබාතුක මහපිළිමසාමි{නුත්] අනුපිළිම
මකාට කරවා මුදුන්මාලෙ කෙමෙචතත්‍යගයීඟ
රූ]ඪවැ මාතෘමෙඳවසූත්‍රපුමුඛ ශකූබුහමාදි
[බුධ]රූපය කරවා වි හාරjයට ආරක්ෂා
.. 69
Nචතන්‍ය පුෂපාරාම එලාරාමා{දින්] සරහා
කිත්ති නම් මෙවිහා{රය දැකගැ] සමාධිවැ
ණම් තුන්දාසක් වි{චරන්], ... .. ... ෙගවළ
துெ . . . . . . . . . . 63இ8ை)
හා) මෙඳන්නා මෙ ... ... ... ... ඉලූපෑ(න්මෙඳ
§ තම(න්ට දිවෙලට) සිටි සං[දෙස්සෙ]න්
లిళళనాజnఅనే వి0 (GB)
භාගමෙයන් මුල්බිජු ... ... මුණක් මූලාර
න්ට දිවෙලට සිටි ... .. .. ... ලපිටිගමින්
යක් බිමෙසාටළ ෙද පතිරාජයන් එළිරට
6SP * * ගෞමතී' යි කියවනු,
P. 2

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IO2
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EPIGRAPHIA
ලන්' [පිද කුමබ]රු බිජු යාලේක්
මබුරු [බිජු], ...................... ක් හා මෙගවත් පිදූ බි{ජු අමුණෙl]ක් විජයා ප;
දෑමුණක් so වහල්රූ තුමෙණක් විරුසුඤර (කුම
කුමධුරු බිජු હીંડોલ ૯ઈ યુવક છું છjછ



Page 134
Epigraph fra Zey/T /7cT.
Garlaideiya Rock-Inscri
තීබිග්‍රිරිචුයිට්‍රිමුද්‍රි.
భిన్ధ நீதி§
ը s డ్లే
*
333 st భర్తీస్గ
ఛీ 登
25
33
35
Gడ్లేరిస్ల్లో Gర్తిస్తళ్లి §2බ්‍රි: ర్నిగ్రిల్లిద్దో
థ్రో
4)
越
శొ
స్గ
* xarotz" , irri & Pool I Wo.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

W. W. Potte
ption of Ibhairm makīrtti
క్ష్
Wስሃ &





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GAIQ ALĀ IDEN I YA R
olegoôl (65)ைைல(னைவி) :
O s e O · කොට නගාර නව ... .
TRANSLIT
Svasti šubhamaastu (*)
Sri-Dharmmakirtti-sthav,
rr-turn punyamzanaika-ru Sri-Saka-varsayen ek-va-dahas [sa]nda (me)-kal raja-pamin ladhisvara Bhuwanaikabahu na pasalosvaka śrī-mahā-bodhi
− Sri-Larinkadvipaya-ta pämiņi (
rtti-sthavira-padayan-vahal -mbadivat Sri-Dhanyakataye
[ra]n-ruvan ... .. .. Larink yehit (boho}-kâlayak pavatna les
mâtivâ raja) yuvaraja adhikāra senevirat (arttha
... .. liya-nnan adi-vu prthuvisvarayan
vai)šya šudrzädi Luttamaä-dhama janayan da Sirinhala De karava panamin lak-şayak vicarat vi tun-siyak yāla ãdiyehi vi .. .. .. .. .. sthapati-gaņādhipati Gaņešva
lavā Singuru vāņā-denuvara maddhaye * Dikgala-at
palle māle Šakra Brahma Suyāma Santușita Nātha May vajrasanzarüdha-va Bodhin
Read A/hanyakatakave. * Read " Perhaps to be read as geyak.

OCK-INSCRIPTION IO3
· ... ... ... (විළියාය) ... ... ... ... •
· ... ... ... න් උඩ තැනු කුමාවූරු බිජු
ERATION.
rādhi (kārai) in A — A OM — jananavi o o (“) parin kārāpayan Šrīghana-šrī-vihārarin'
de-siya sa-säta avuru-ddak piļruņu Tri-Sirnha]]rendraya-hața tun-vanu (Vesaga) [pura) vadā - Gaņa väsi varihšābhijāta Dharmmakī nse Da
(demā)l pilima-geyak . . . . boho a-dvipasä silāmaya piļi)ma-ge(yak karavanu kä
)nāyaka] .. .. .. nāyaka .. .. ... nāyaka
o
o da .. .. .. n da (ksatriya) brã(hmana
mala ādi-vū .. .. ... Senā ke ťta .. ..
vicarat di vastu-Sastra-pratima-Sastra
rācārin pradhāna koța äti ācārivarun
ale tun-māl pilima-geya * karavanasek
trī ādi deviyan visin pirivarana-lada -vaha
rithivīśvarayan. Read madhyaye.
Read Maitri,
P 3





Page 137
IO4.
14
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
EPIGRAPH
-nse-ta pita lã vădã hun sadhã
dena-vahanset no-yek citra-karmmāntayen viciti
yehi pārijāta-vr-ksa-mulayehi pandu-kambala Śakra-Brahm2ādi de[viya -varā vijam-deśanāva-ța väçla
araksavak-ut uva mänäva -viraja-geyak-ut karavã bodhi
taman-vahanse . . . . y -n karavana-lada . . . . ... I
samādhi-vā . . deņi .. . -miyā e .... karm)mäntaya-t
di(vel vaha)l sarak sa .. .. .. nara-batgamin pic -n hā Vīrasirinha Patirājaya
pidū mul-biju sāmu ņek Senā Larinkādhikāra
pidū kuburu bi-ju ek-yāļa dasāmu ņek Kesava
hā dennā satu sa . . (Gadi)lādeņi-gam C
rambhayehi pi-duya (D)evagiri Patiraja yal
biju sāmuņak pudā ... . . . . Sarak-rü das
Uturali-len pidū kumburu biju yā
pidū ku-mburu biju . . . k hā ge
nuven pidū biju amuņek Vijayā Pa
dämuņak hā vahal-rū tuņek Vīrasundara (
pidū kumburu biju
Read Uturallen. Three aksaras have been repeated here by

A ZEYLANICA vol. iv
uka maha-pilima-sāmīnut anu-pilima de
kota karavā mudun-māle caitya-garbbha
Sanzarudha-va Matr-devaputra-pramukha n pirinun [Buddha-rupaya karava vihāra]ya-ta yi ... ... ... ... decaitya puşpārāma phalārām2ādīn) Sarahā a
harmmakīrtti nam me-vihäraya däkä ... ... i
a paņam tun-dāsak vicarat . . gevaļa
lū biju. . .. . . . . . .. senevi-radu(hā) dennā . e ... .. .. ... Ilupä(ndeņiye)n
yantama (n-ta) (divelata) siti Samdessen
, Wannakkan ha Dan(gamu).... man
le-bhāgayen mul-biju . .. muņak mūlā
1) taman-ta divelata siti ........lpiti-gamin
ayek Bisovala De Patirajayan Elirata
ek Kaļu Sițāņan Māyatgamu batgamin
rattek Niśśarimkha * Patirājayan Pamu
tirājayan Rangamin pidū kumburu biju
kumāra). Kumārayange Nāraihriyanin
* Read Avissania. mistake.





Page 138
No. 12 GADALADENIYA RO
32 amuņek Anurā Attarun Gannoru 33 prayojana vindina lesata pidŭ kun
Jivasirinha] Kumārayan 34 Miñginiyāpotten pidū kumburu
Sarindes(sen pidi) kumburu 35 biju ... .. .. muņak hā gam-kadava
pidū gam-kadavarak hā ku36 -mburu biju amu[ņek mese-ma
Aludeņiye Gattara-di37 - velin amunek Pilimatalavuven a
al
38 -munek Iddavelin amunek A . .
päle
39 -k Unapatańgen tun-pälek Mańga
Digi
40 -li Senanayakayan Ambakke Bo 41 Min Dahampasak-nävan Kiriva
de-pale42 -k vatana-pasa de-palek yati-migc
43 (Seţți) . . . . . . . . . k (l
... k
44 Peragama Senānāyakayan
45 . . . . . . . . kota Nāra .
na [va] .. .. ..
RANS,
Line I Hail! Let there be Happin kirtti-sthavira, . . . . . . . . . people . . . .
vihara for Buddha to be constructed.
Three aksaras have been repeated here by m
The word vihara, which originally meant an Sinhalese, to an image-house, on the ground tha Buddha).

K-INSCRIPTION IO5
gamin (gamin)' aya otu di bandhūnut buru biju pasamuņek (desima deke)k
iju das2āmu ņek Suva Kumārayan
a ekek Suva (Patirajayan Uduvelin
Dälivelin kumburu biju dāmu ņek
munek Kirivavulen amunek Säpänin
... namunek Ämbulmigamin tun
lagamin tun-pälek Piligamin de-pälek
kē-kumburen pidū biju dāmuņek vulen pidū biju amuņek. . . . . .
»n de-ruvek’ kumburu biju. . . .
Be)regamin paņam . . . k dī gat
a .. .. .. .. .. .. (Viliyaya) .. .. .. .. ..
... n uda tänu kumburù biju
TION.
ss! By the exertion of Sri Dharmma... merit of diverse kinds, in causing a
stake. onastery, is here applied, as it is also in modern it is the abode of Buddha (i.e. the image of





Page 139
IO6 EPIGRAPHI
Lines 2-3. When One Thousanc been completed from the year of the ill King Bhuvanaikabahu, the overlord sovereignty at the present time-on til Vesaga.
Lines 3-5. His Holiness Dharm Ganavasi which has come to the island bodhi (tree), (restored) a two-storied Dambadiva", too, by spending much
Lines 5-12) He, being desirous be founded in the island of Lanka, lords of the earth such askings, sub
the army, judges', . . . . chiefs . . . . . c ésatriyas, órahmanas, vaisyas, and íit. Tamils. ... being made . . . . . . . . and
in fanams and three thousand yadas expanse of flat rock called Dikgala, b a three-storied image-house, by engag Ganesvaracari, the chief of the guild ( arts as architecture and image-making, (Lines I 2-I8) In the lowest stor made, beautified by diverse paintings which depicted Buddha) seated on the Bodhi-tree and attended by gods such
* See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 33o, n. 2, for the t divided.
* Skt. /ambudvipa, i.e. India.
The purport of this part of the sentence Dharmmakirtti secured the co-operation of varic the work of building the shrine.
For this coin, see Codrington, Ceylon Coi o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. r83. ' The practice ofdepositing relics inside im ." Buddha was seated on a vajrasana, under the Jafrasana in Buddhist iconography, see B.
' The king of the heaven called Yama, the ' The king of the heaven called Tusita, the

A ZEYLANICA [vOL. Iv
Two Hundred and Sixty Six years had ustrious Saka, and in the third year unto of the three Sirinhalas, who has attained he fifteenth day of the waxing moon in
makirtti-sthavira, born in the family of of Sri Lanka bringing the holy Mahaimage-house at Śrī Dhānyakaţaka in gold and jewels.
of causing an image-house of stone to so that it may last a long time, . . . . . . -kings, officers of state, commanders of hiefs, scribes, high and low folk such as 7۶a , . . . . . . . army, such as Sinhalese, having given about a hundred thousand of paddy, he caused to be built, on the etween the two towns of Sihguruvana, ging master-artisans, at whose head was of sculptors, who was (well versed) in such
ey of that image-house, he caused to be , the principal image, containing relics", : vajrasana, with his back to the Sacred as Sakra, Brahma, Suyama”, Santusita",
three kingdoms into which Ceylon was theoretically
* Arthanāyaka. , which is fragmentary, seems to be to state that pus dignitaries of state, as well as ordinary men, in
ns and Currency, pp. 8o-8I.
lages is first mentioned in this period. the Bodhi-tree, when he attained omniscience. For 3hattacarya, Buddhist Iconography, p. II. third from below according to Buddhist cosmology.
one above Yama.





Page 140
No. 12 GAIỌALÄDEN IYA RI
Natha, and Mayitri. 9; and two attendant the top-most storey, he caused to be mac seated), for delivering the discourse on the kambala under the Parijata tree, and at others, led by Matr-devaputra". Thinki tion for this vihara, he caused a shrine C built.
Lines 18-45 Pleased at seeing this caused to be established by . . . . . . His Bodhi-trees, caityas, flower gardens, &c. three thousand fanams for the work, ... 9 0 a s s y and (the Sowing extentof.... se sowing extent of six amunas' of Sprout
Avatha -is the shortened form of Alohesizara sattva Avalokitesvara is known in Ceylon (see C.V., faitrea, the Buddha-to-be, is believed to ex * What is referred to as a caitya here is the dor * The third section of the Pāli Tipiṭaka (in S matters, is said to have been first delivered by Budd
* The stone seat of Sakra, king of the gods.
A celestial tree in the Nandana park in Sakra " Queen Māyā, the mother of Buddha, who di born in the Tusita heaven and is known as Matr-de The shrines of Hindu gods now attached to first to have been introduced in order to install thes of gods being applicable to more than one god, we was originally installed at Gadaladeniya.
' According to the Saddharmmaratnäkara (o known as Saddharmmatilaka.
' The record being fragmentary here, the conn clear. The missing words probably expressed the granted lands, &c., to the shrine for its maintenance
' The fragmentary nature of the text here stands for.
"* Divel, see E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 9 I, foot-note '. A bagama, in Kandyan times, was a royal v Codrington, Glossary of Aative, Aforeign, and Anglic
“ See E.Z., Vol. III, p. I 84. ” Mul-bijiu :-Paddy, before being sown, is kep century, as it is still in Sinhalese villages, fields wer with which they were capable of being sown.

DCK-INSCRIPTION по7
images. In the cell of the caitya on e an image of Buddha depicting him : Abhidharmma, on the throne Pandutended by the gods Sakra, Brahma, and ng] that there should also be a protecf . . . . . , the king of gods, too, to be
great vihara, named Dharmmakirtti', Holiness, and which was provided with ’. . . . . Deņi . . . imiyā . . . . . about ..' maintenance lands, slaves, cattle eed from the óalgama 13 . . . . nara; the ed seed" paddy from Ilupa (ndeniya),
Waitha, the name by which the Mahayana BodhiSc., (G.), vol. ii, pp. 52 ff.). ist, at present, as a god in the Tusita heaven. ne-shaped windina of the shrine. inhalese Vijam), which deals with psychological ha to the gods.
l's heaven. ed a week after his birth, is said to have been vaputra.
almost every Buddhist temple in Ceyloh, seem e deities as guardians. The title dev-rafa king are not in a position to say what particular deity
b. cit., p. 490), the vihara at Gadaladeniya was
exion of this clause to those which follow is not idea that the personages, whose names follow,
does not permit us to conjecture what gezala
9. illage tenanted by people of the Padu caste, see ised Words, s.v.
t in water till roots sprout forth. In the fourteenth e measured according to the quantity of paddy





Page 141
Ιο8 EPIGRAPHI
granted by the two, . . . . . . Senevirad , Sowing extent of one yada and ten amu, held as maintenance lands of his, g Sowing extent of . . . . . amunas of sp. of the (Gadi)ladeni village, belonging Dan (gamu). . . . . . man, were gran Sowing extent of ten amunas of see tenance land of his,.... and ten head C fields of the sowing extent of ayala ( De Patiraja of Bisovala; fields of one house and garden from the 6, Sitana ; the sowing extent of an an
Aatiraja, occurring in this as well as in se is obviously a title. Persons bearing this titl W.A. A. S., C. B., vol x, p. 91 and vol. XXii, p. 3 Pijavali (op. cit, p. 698) and the Attanagalu-v. printed editions of these works, the word, howeve as a compound of Skt. prati and rajan, and i Sanskrit compound fratirafa means “enemy kin state official or courtier. Our inscription mentio of Bhuvanaika bāhu IV, and probably there were could not have been “viceroys'. Moreover, the it is reasonable to assume that the contemporary trafa as due either to the ignorance of copyists, literary works. We may therefore take this w material part of the compound is pati “ lord ' : precisely as it occurs in the Sinhalese word sene (op, cit. p. 27), in order to justify the title of pra five catagories of persons to whom the title rafa (dipadhiraja), ruler of a district (mandalika-raja). (antarabhogika-rafa) and counsellors (anusasak titles fatirafa and prabhuraja might have had th the feudatory nobles who, in mediaeval Ceylon, barons of contemporary Europe. The title fa continued in use till about the end of the fifteent * Vannakka means “appraiser’. In Kanc Nilame' (see D'Oyly, Constitution of the Kandya The expression Bisovala de patirafayan car I have taken De as a personal name equivalent t
* Sitana is the Sinhalese form of Skt. rest the Madavala rock inscription (E. Z. Vol. III, p.

A ZEYLANICA vOL. Iv
and Virasirinha Patiraja; fields of the as of seed from Sarindessa, which has been ranted by Senā Larinkādhikāra; the routed seed paddy from the two shares to the two, Kesava Wannakka and ted at the beginning of the work; the i from . . . . . pitigama, which is a mainof cattle granted by (D)evagiri Patiraja; of seed from Uturalla in Elirata granted by the sowing extent of . . . . seed, and algama Māyatgamu, granted by Kaļu auna of seed from Pamunuva, granted by
veral other names of persons figuring in this record, e also figure in other contemporary records (see 63) and in literary works of the period such as the arisa (Colombo edition of I925, p. 48). In the r, is given as prairaja; and Sinhalese pandits take it nterpret in some way to mean “viceroy'. But the g’ and is altogether inappropriate for the title of a ns a number of fatirafas who flourished in the reign 2 others who had this title at that time. All of those inscriptions invariably use the form patirafa, and as documents used the correct form, we may take ëraor to the pedantry of the modern editors, of the ord as a compound of Skt. Abati and rāfam. The and raja is most probably suffixed as an honorific, virada (Skt. senapatiråja). The Mikaya Saigraha 'bhuraifa borne by Alakesvara, says that there were can be applied, namely, supreme ruler of the island ruler of a province (Aradesa-raja), feudatory nobles a-rafa). Aati and prabhu being synonymous, the he same significance and were possibly adopted by wielded a good deal of influence, like the feudal atirifa first occurs in the thirteenth century and h. lyan times, there was an official called “Wannaku in Aingdom, Colombo, I 929, p. I37).
also be translated as "the two patirajas of Bisovala'. o ĀOeza. tin, P. sett hi “ a banker”. Compare “Joti Sițāņa” in
239).





Page 142
No. 12 GAIỌALĀDENIYA R
Nissarinka Patiraja; fields of the sowir Rangama and three head of slaves grar Sowing extent of an ama una of Seed fl Virasundara; fields of the sowing ext village of Gannoru, and two desima o, gra right for his relations to enjoy them pay of the sowing extent of ten a munas of Prince Jivasirinha; fields of the sowing one gami-Aadavara from Sarndessa, grant and fields of the sowing extent of one a Suva Patiraja; likewise granted by the tent of two amunas of seed from Dalive amuna from Kirivavula, an amuna fron am una from A . . . . , three pälas o from i tanga, three faifas from Mangalagama, tw tent of two amunas of seed from Boke-k Senanāyaka; the sowing extent of an by Min Dahampasakna; two paidas . .
Vahal-ri, literally 'bodies of slaves'. Thes in line 27, sarak-ri dasayek.
* The reading of this word is doubtful and its
Attara occurring in this name appears to be It also occurs in an earlier form in the names Para gaņē inscription, see E. Z., Vol. III, p. 7o. It is al Otu :- For details regarding the levying of th of the Aandvan Kingdom, op. cit, p. 55, and Codring
Words, op. cit, s.v.
* The term gam-kadavara, so far as I know 'village' or “estate. Aadavara may be the same Aadavar in the Polonnaruva Council Chamber pillar'share' (see above, p. 44, n. 3).
“ For päla, see HE. Z., Vol. III, p. I 84. ' ' Digiliya' was the name by which Haiguranl Robert Knox, An Aistorical Aelation of Ceylon, 'commander of the army'.
' Daham-fasak-na is an official title. A digni officials in the system of administration established p. 2 I); but it is not known what the precise duties
The expression valand fasa occurs in the pasayața pridū Muingayimayi (E. Z., Vol. III, p. 7o) ;

OCK-INSCRIPTION Ιο9
ng extent of two amunas of seed from ted by Vijaya Patiråja; fields of the "om Nārarinriyana, granted by Prince ent of five a munas of seed, from the inted by Anurā Attara o, reserving the ving [the usual) dues and tithes *; fields seed from Minginiyapotta, granted by g extent of . . . . . a munas of seed and ed by Prince Suva ; one gam-fadavara 'muna of seed from Uduvela granted by Same person), fields of the sowing exela, an amura from Pilimatalavuva, an n Säpana, an amz unua from Iddavela, an Ambulmigama, three failas from Unapa'o faifas from Piligama; the sowing exumbura in Ambakka, granted by Digili amuna of seed from Kirivavula granted P two failas for requisites for the
same expression is used in connexion with cattle
meaning is altogether obscure.
a title, the significance of which is not known. krama Atvara, and Mīnd Atvara in the Nākolaso preserved in the place-name Attaragaha. is due in Kandyan times, see D'Oyly, Constitution gton, Glossary of Avative, foreign, and Anglicised
, occurs only in this document. Gam means as Aadavar occurring in the expression kimbur. inscription, which, I have conjectured, may mean
ceta was known in the time of Rajasirinha II (see Glasgow, I 9 II, p. 9). “Senānāyaka’’ means
tary having this title was one of the chief state by Parakramabähu I (Wikaya Sangraha, op. cit, of this functionary were.
Nākolagaņē rock-inscription, ĀVāgalata zaļa nāand not infrequently in Sinhalese literary works





Page 143
I O EPIGRAPH
maintenance of the monks, two head of . . . . . . Seed . . . . . (Sețţi) . . . . . paying . . . . . . /апатs . . . . . Peragam field of the sowing extent of nine . . made.
POST
Since going to press, I have bee Rev. Vailivita Saranankara Thera of Script copies of this inscription written or when these copies were made; but, found in them, it becomes apparent attempts made in deciphering this insc have been very much the same as the and attempts have been made, in man phrases, particularly in the Sanskrits attempts at restoration are altogether the mark. Some of the words, which : been left out in these copies, for instal there are certain readings which migh that time, of letters which are now \ point, as these might very well be only the following readings on the authorit l. 3, si(lamaya) and (karavanu käme (AP)evagiri in l. 26. On the whole, th a better and more complete text of thi
of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, for /Pasa is derived from P. obaccaya and means othe equivalent to P. valla (as in dama-zattam), and The compound therefore may be rendered as 1 a vihara). In a secondary meaning the word the above purpose.
Yaii-mīgon :-What the word yati mea buffalo andyati (Skt. yasti) ordinarily means to be yoked to wagons.

A ZEYLANI CA [vOL. Iv
of buffaloes, fields of the sowing extent . from Beragama which was bought by
La Senanayaka . . . . . the stretch of fields, . . . prepared above Nara . . . . . . . having
TCRI PT.
'n supplied, through the kindness of the Malvatte Vihāra, Kandy, with four manuon palm-leaves. It is not known by whom from a comparison of the variant readings that the four copies contain two different ription. The lacunae in the text seem to ay are now when these copies were made; y places, to restore the missing words and tanza in l. I. As may be expected, these arbitrary and sometimes go very wide of are even to-day legible gn the stone, have nce st/hafati in l. II. On the other hand, it have been due to the preservation, at worn. But one cannot be certain on this lucky guesses. However, I have adopted y of these manuscript copies: (Kesaga) in iti-vä) in l. 6, Dan(gamu) in l. 24 and ese copies do not help us in arriving at is epigraph.
• example, in the Wikaya Sangraha (op. cit.), p. 29. : requisites of the Buddhist monks'. Vatand may be Skt. artti or varttana and may mean * maintenance': equisites necessary for the maintenance (of monks in
is used, as it is here, to denote lands dedicated for
ns in this expression is not clear. Migon means “staff. Perhaps yati-migon meant buffaloes trained





Page 144
No. 13. ANURADHAPUR KH U DDA
By S. PAF
inscribed slab, which is now ג'ייT
at Anurädhapura, is Said to hav Abhayagiri (mis-called the Jetavana) V in 4. S. C., A.A. for 19II-2, p. 73, a from Nuvara-kalāviya exhibited at Anu find out any other reference to it giving
The slab, excluding its base whicl 5 ft. 2 in. by II in. by 5 in. It is insc one of the sides formed by its thickn not been dressed. The lines of writi side A and one line each on B and C a few letters. Side A is well preserve line 3, which are totally illegible. Si letters both at the beginning and the e pletely effaced, and side C is also part formed and boldly engraved, measure t
The script of this record is som be seen, is the last quarter of the fifth c hārāma slab-inscription of Mahānāma ( in date than this epigraph, is distinctly Nāgirikanda rock-inscription of Kumār of a century later, is written in a script of this epigraph. The changes which o epigraphs would have justified the assum that the period which separated them f actually is. Of the individual letters i hardly distinguishable from the da Occ
earlier date and a, g , helps us to unders
letter, came to assume the form whic
See below,
VOL. IV.

A : SLAB-INSCRIPTION OF -PARINDA.
ANAVITANA,
preserved in the Archaeological Museum e been discovered in the area of the ihara at that ancient city. It is included s No. I6 in the list of lithic inscriptions radhapura; but I have not been able to
further details about its provenance. h is now buried below ground, measures ibed not only on its face (A) but also on ess (B), and on the back (C) which has ng run vertically, there being three on The line on side C consists of only l, but for two letters at the beginning of de B is considerably weathered, many ind of the line on this side being comly effaced. The letters, which are well wo to three inches in size. ewhat archaic for its date which, as will entury. The alphabet of the Tissama4.1. C. No. 67), which is somewhat earlier of a more developed type. Similarly, the adasa', which is only about three-quarters considerably more developed than that ine notices between the scripts of the two ption, if both of them had been undatable,
rom each other was much greater than it .
in the present epigraph, ta is of a form urring in other inscriptions of a slightly
stand how the second-century form of this
h it had in the eighth and ninth centuries,
, pp. I п5-г 28.





Page 145
II 2 EPIGRAPHIA
'). Two types of ma occur in the epi occurring as the third in line I with th line 3. The na occurring in this inscri The horizontal bar at the base of the se this record, lost that part which extende the right half of this stroke is diagonal i
As regards orthography, it is wor marked in places where it should occ legible of line 4 read ma da-ari/ha, whe of the period, it should be me de-Åari/ia. words in the Nagirikanda inscription an century dealt with below. It is, therefo orthographical feature of the period rath grammar, the forms mafurumu and d which we should not have suspected tha The first of these two forms is equivaler an inscription of the reign of Buddhada. record, in the form of mafu ruma &a, s sufficient for the complete loss of the la preceding one to mu. Thus the word ha a form almost identical with mafu rum, Biseva is equivalent to Skt. aö/isi&tā century form bisec 8. In the modern la (l. 2) is evidently the same as Skt. Sri (l tiru. Another word which shows Tamil which will be discussed in the sequel prising, for they occur in the names of a vahira (l. 4) for the earlier vihara (P. v
Mr. Bell, in the list of inscriptions of the king occurring in this epigraph a a name is known in the period to whic What Mr. Bell has read as Zafura is, king, as appearing in the record, is Aue taken as a clerical error for, or a vari
E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 22. o AE. Z., Vol. * As the syllable da occurs immediately befo been slurred over in pronunciation and thus giver

ZEYLANICA vOL. Iv
graph; compare, for instance, the letter at which is the third from the end of ption is also of a form worth noticing. !cond-century form of this letter has, in d to the left of the vertical stroke and instead of being horizontal. thy of note that the medial e-sign is not ur. For instance, the first five letters reas, on the analogy of other inscriptions This peculiarity is also noticed in some d the Vessagiriya epigraphs of the sixth re, justifiable to treat this as a peculiar her than as a clerical error. As regards iseva show phonetic decay of a degree it the fifth-century language had reached. ht to Skt. *mahapramukha; and occurs in sa , less than a century earlier than this howing that this interval of time was ist syllable and the change of a in the d already, in the fifth century, assumed which was current in the tenth century . and is almost identical with its tenthnguage it occurs as bisõ. The word tiri P. siri) and may be compared with Tamil influence is fa in the name 'Lapahideva', These Tamil influences are not surTamil king and his consort. The form ihara) is also noteworthy. already referred to, has given the name s Buddhadasa Dapura. No king of such h this record belongs palaeographically. in fact, A afari- and the full name of the ladasa A. a-Aarideva. Pariaeva may be ant form of, Paridadeva, particularly in
I, pp. 25 and 46. Ibid., pp. 46 and 9 I. rede in this word, the former might very well have
rise to the form Aaridezia.





Page 146
No. 13 ANURADHAPURA:
view of the fact that the latter name oc in the Kurunagala District. Parida name given in the chronicle to one of throne of Anuradhapura before the acc to the name of any royal personage a assumption that AParadadeva and Pār, Sinhalese means 'tender or "young' Tamil alai of the same meaning *. * Pārindadeva the Younger ' and is equ Parinda), the name given in the chro successor. We can, therefore, assign t Parinda, the Tamil king who reigned, to 513. According to the chronolo, Khuddha Pārinda’s date was about hal The object of the epigraph was Buddhist monastery by the queen of K queen nor that of the monastery which preserved in full. The name of the was not the Abhayagiri Vihara, in the found. It is therefore reasonable to as removed from its original position to th architectural purpose.
The queen of Khudda Parinda fig a Buddhist monastery. Khudda Parinc “the servant of Buddha”. Pārinda als has recorded his donations to a Buddh plausible reasons for the identification Mahanaga) and his father Sarataraya (
* See C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii, p. I 8 I. * The Tamil illai becomes illa in compound to Skt. yuvarāja. Ila- in Ilanāga, the name of a nected with T. idai.
P. Ahudda and Sin. Auda, though literally of kings to distinguish them from their earlier na called Kuda Agbó to distinguish him from his Mahavamsa, chapter 42, v. 4o.
* C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii, pp. I8II-I 82.

SLAB-INSCRIPTION II 3
curs in an inscription found at Aragama is obviously the same as Parinda, the the six Tamil rulers who occupied the ession of Dhātusena. Deva can be added ind there should be no objection to the inda refer to the same person. Act in and is etymologically connected with Ala-Aarida)aeva would therefore mean ivalent to A/udda 3 Parinda (the lesser nicle to Parinda's younger brother and his record without any doubt to Khudda according to Wickremasinghe, from 498 gical tables of Wijesinha and Geiger, if a century earlier.
to register some donations made to a hudda Parinda. Neither the name of the benefited by her munificence is, however, monastery ended in la and, therefore, it a precincts of which the inscription was ssume that this inscribed stone had been he Abhayagiri Vihara, probably for some
ures in this record as the benefactress of da himself is given the epithet of Budadasa so, in his inscription found at Aragama, ist monastery. I have elsewhere“ given n of Mahadali Mahana (P. Mahādāțhika P. Siridhara), mentioned in an inscription
S. Compare ilaiko and ilavarasan, corresponding
first-century king of Ceylon, is also probably con
meaning 'small, are found prefixed to the names amesakes. Thus, in the APiğjāvali, Aggabodhi II is incle and predecessor Aggabodhi I. Compare also





Page 147
I I4 EPIGRAPHIA
at Kataragama 1, with Dāțhika and Tiri dynasty as Parinda and Khudda Parind that inscription as making gifts to th appears, therefore, that the Tamil p1 twenty-seven years towards the end of t Owing to its fragmentary nature, it is no gifts recorded in this epigraph; they, ho two Aarzsas.
TE:
1 Siddham Mapurumu Budadasa 2 -haraja-apayah-ata biseva-r(e) ja 3 .. ..saba rej(e)na * Acabalaņa Va 4 & 8 m(e)
(dukula dasa ca) . . va . 5 .. .. la-vahirața dina
RANSI
Hail ! Queen Tiri Maha ... .. saba, Budadasa * aparideva o Apaya o, gav
* E. Z., Vol. III, pp. 2 I 6-2 I 9. * Perhaps to be corrected to Aa-Aaridadeva, s The e-sign of re is not clear. There are two are not due to the weathering of the stone, would
The short vertical stroke attached to fa is ul conjecturally read as the sign for the medial vowel The aksaras occurring in line 3 after the wor and it may be possible to separate them into wors has been done above.
May be read as thama also. The only diffe of the circle. What appears as a dot in the estam What has been translated by His Majesty p. II 2. w
* P. Buddhadāsa. o La-Parideva = P. Khudda- Pārinda, see ab hybrid compound of T. pār “earth” and P. inda earth.
The word Abaya (P. Abhaya) occurs after m part of the personal name, of the king. See A. Z.

ZEYLANICA vOL. Iv
tara, who belonged to the same Tamil a. Mahadali Mahana is represented in e Buddhist shrine at Kataragama. It rinces who ruled at Anuradhapura for he fifth century were Buddhist by faith. ot possible to say what exactly were the wever, included fields to the extent of
ΧT.
La-Parideva ma
na o Tiri-maha alakaya Kadaba-namabara
d(e)-kariha kubura nava thama o ca
ATION.
queen of His Majesty" the great king ve Acabalaņa, Valakaya, Kadaba-nama
see above, p. II I 3.
strokes visible, attached to the na, which, if they justify the reading of this syllable as no, nlike the sign for the medial vowel i. It has been
e d ref(e)na, are meant to indicate some place-names is somewhat differently from the way in which it
rence between tha and tha is the dot in the centre page may be due to the weathering of the stone.
is the word mapurumu, for which, see above,
ove, p. I I 3. The word Parinda seems to be a lord. The name therefore means 'lord of the
vaharafa and is used as a title, rather than as a
Vol. III, rc. I 24.





Page 148
Εμήμrπμήία Σεμία Πίτα
sepuȚIEJ EppnųXI Jo uoỊdįIOSu.I-qťI
S : E.III d'Eqpisantry
 

k', '' Piff 77
„offs" i o, șores i zyros
EsĖpɛIĘtuny. Jo uositis IJsu I-400,isput:HỊusī£N
žogs I os rosy, o'i ossos
r シ





Page 149






Page 150
NO. 13) A NU RÅDHAPURA :
bara o . . . . . . . these two karisas” of fi to the monastery of . . . . . . . la.
No. 14. NÃGIRIKANDA ROCK-Il
By S. PAR
agirikanda, situated in the Kadav NE half a mile to the east of Madavacciya to Kappitigollava, is the which was re-occupied in the Kandya for centuries. The modern shrine is in a ings of the usual Kandyan style. Very monastery which, as we know from the existed there in the early centuries of th rocks, have been discovered at the plac three lines and, from the script, can be the later and longer one is the record d
The two inscriptions at Nagirika. 4. I. C. Müller's texts of both inscri natural at a time when the study of Cey translations are consequently not accura the list appearing on p. 9 of the Annua Ceylon for 1890; and eye-copies of thei of Mr. Bell, are preserved in the library inscription now edited was re-copied by 445, and a short notice of it has been i. published in the C3. Sc. G., vol. ii, par
See above, p. II.4, footnote 5. * For karihi (P. karisa, mediaeval Sin. kiri), Thama is taken as equivalent to P. thambh reading thama be adopted, there would be no ch origin. Compare thabhe (thabha) in the Paderia y " The reading duAula dasa ca, which has bee doubtful. Even if the reading be correct, there is (woven silk) in order to get the above meaning, fc ' A brief notice of Nagirikanda is found in .

SLAB-INSCRIPTION I I5
elds, nine pillars, (ten silk cloths") . . . . .
NSCRIPTION OF KUMĀRADĀSA.
...AN.A.WITAN.A.
at Körale of the North-Central Province, the fourth mile-post on the road from site of an ancient Buddhist monastery n period, after having been abandoned hold cave and contains images and paintfew vestiges are to be seen of the ancient. evidence of inscriptions found at the site, he present era. Two inscriptions, both on e. The earlier one is a short record of : assigned to about the fourth century; ealt with in the present paper. nda are included as No. 97 in Müller's ptions contain numerous errors, as was flon epigraphy was in its infancy, and his te. The inscriptions are also included in ul AReport of the Archaeological Survey of m, prepared in I 894 under thea direction of the Archaeological Department. The me in 1928, has been numbered 4.S./. included in the “Epigraphical Summary'
t 2 (p. IO3). Հ
see E. Z., Vol. III, pp. I 89-r9o. a, Skt. stambha, Sin. tåm. Even if the alternative lange in the meaning as it could be of the same Edict of Asoka (Ep. Ind., vol. v., p. 4). in tentatively translated as ten silk cloths, is very some difficulty in equating dukula with Skt. dukila or, in Skt., the word is spelt with a dental A. 4. S. C. Annual Aeport for 1890, p. 8.





Page 151
I 16 EPIGRAPHIA
The inscription covers a rock surfac lines of writing. The first line is rather pletely obliterated and the upper portio) away. The other four lines are in a f. average size of the letters is 2 inches.
This epigraph is written in a script between the Brāhmī and the mediaeval S century, the Brahmi script in Ceylon was in vogue in India; but, by about the alphabet in Ceylon took a distinctive tur. an alphabet which can definitely be calle of its letters, from the many alphabets th inscription comes midway between these able value for an understanding of the ev period is the most obscure in the epigra left very few inscriptions which contain t therefore, be dated. The present recor known so far, belonging to the sixth assigned without any doubt to particular has yet been published in the AAigrap/hia about the script may not therefore be out
Comparing the script of this record the reign of Šrīmeghavarņņa *, which als find that, in the period of about one and a the dates of these two epigraphs, the scri of development. The letters in which in ta, cha, ma, ya, and sa, as may be seen fr( the two epigraphs shown in the chart rep ga, ta, ata, ma, ba, da, ra, Zia, and fha, shov offa, la, and ya, though the forms appea of the Tonigala inscription, there were fo contemporary with, or even somewhat ea The fa occurring as the twelfth lette from the symbol for that aksara occurrin
The other is an inscription, recently discover the reign of Daļa-Mugalana (Mogallāna II, circa 54:
* See E.Z., Vol. III, pp. I 72-188.

ZEYLANICA voL. lv.
e of 7 ft. by 2 ft. and contains seven badly damaged, five letters being coms of another five being partly broken irly good state of preservation. The
which represents the transitional stage nhalese. Till about the third or fourth practically the same as that which was fifth century, the development of the and by the eighth century was evolved i Sinhalese, as it differed, in the shape at were then prevailing in India. Our two dates and is, therefore, of considerolution of the Sinhalese script. This phical history of the island, for it has he name of the reigning king and can, d is one of the only two inscriptions, and seventh centuries, which can be reigns. No inscription of this period Zeydanica and some detailed remarks ... of place. with that of the Tonigala inscription of D we have examined in some detail, we half centuries which intervened between ot has undergone a considerable degree uch change is noticed are a, ca, fa, da, m the symbols for those syllables from roduced on Plate T5. The letters ha, r very little or no change. In the case ing here differ considerably from those rms closely resembling them in records rlier than, that epigraph.
r in l. 5 is of archaic type and differs g elsewhere in the record. The letter
:d at Nilagama in the Matale District, dated in —56 r.). V,





Page 152
No. 14) NAGIRIKANDA R
da, too, shows variant forms, the form from that in 1.3, the former being dist worthy that the auspicious word sida written in letters which are different i the document, and nearly identical ir of the second century. This practice
auspicious significance or of special imp other records. For instance, in some r word Sagasa is written in the earliest ordinary writing, had gone out of use a signs for the medial vowels, the script
methods which were prevalent in the fe
In comparing this script with that
to the tenth centuries, we find that cert sa are very similar in both ; and, in the
in this and other contemporary records
corresponding symbols of the eighth ce. a, ca, na, na, dia, &c., it is difficult to see two periods. When we compare the wi eighth and ninth centuries, one fact whic in the intervening period, some influenc in the form of the letters; and that th different from that in which the evolu centuries of the Christian era seemed to seventh century, the script favoured h after this period, they are, as far as pos forms coming into favour. It is precise zontal lines and angular forms, that the periods. It is true that there are cer fourth century, which show a preference I have already suggested, many of the traced to symbols appearing in those. E and we might, therefore, inquire as to w and rounded forms in the eighth centur script may have had some influence in t
* See E.Z., Vol. III, pp

OCK-INSCRIPTION I 17
occurring in l. I being markedly different inctly cursive in type. It is also noteham, with which the record begins, is n form from those used in the rest of type with the corresponding symbols of writing a word, considered to be of ortance, in archaic letters, is met with in ecords of the first or second century, the form of the Brahmi script which, for that time. In the matter of attaching does not show any departure from the urth century. of the succeeding period, i.e., the eighth ain letters like ka, ja, pa, ma, ya, ora, and case of those letters, the forms appearing can be regarded as the prototypes of the ntury. But in certain other aesaras like the connexion between the forms of the riting of the sixth century with that of the h strikes us is that there must have been, 'e at work which accelerated the change is has worked in a direction somewhat tion of the script during the first five be tending. Up to about the sixth or orizontal lines and angular forms; but sible, avoided, curved lines and circular ly in such letters as do not contain horire is the least change between the two tain documents, dating from about the ; for curvilinear forms of writing and, as eighth- and ninth-century forms can be But such documents are not very common hy the Sinhalese script assumed curved or thereabouts. The Pallava Grantha his sudden change; but, in my opinion,
. I 2 o-I2 I and I73-174.





Page 153
II 8 EPIGRAPHIA
the most important factor seems to have writing.
In Ceylon, the material used for w. by Europeans, consisted of palm-leaves, a sharp-pointed stylus. As the palm-leav to split if straight horizontal strokes ar. such strokes may be due to the adoption common writing material. Curved and developed in all parts of India and th adopted palm-leaves as material for writi are not so commonly used for the purp been in a different direction.
If we accept this hypothesis, it natur alphabet assumed distinctly round and cu were not avoided as such, the common ma something other than palm-leaves. The his remarks on chap. xi, v. I 3, of that ( books, suggesting that they were used as "a missive' in classical Sinhalese is Adifa words derived from Skt. kast/ha and patre board'. The use of such a word points t on wooden tablets with a paint brush as people of Central Asia “.
The language, which is old Sinhales able development from the stage reached the Tonigala inscription. The change of ratasa for AKumāradāsa ; the similar ch records *. Other phonetic changes, affecti record, are also noticed in the language C fourth centuries. The vowel changes not
" For the influence of writing material on the si tiz'e Grammar of the Modern Aryan Zanguages of V2,
* See Mahazianisa-fia, Colombo edition of /kam mndini Z'iy'a. .
* Hundreds of examples of such documents
Sir Aurel Stein in his excavations in the sand-buried
Central Asian 77racks, London 1933, pp. 75 ff.).
* See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 2 I and p. I 72, n. 2.

ZEYLANICA [voL. Iv
been a change in the material used for
iting before the introduction of paper on which the letters were incised with es contain longitudinal fibre, they tend 2 incised and the studious avoidance of , at this period, of palm-leaves as the rounded forms of writing have been e neighbouring countries which have ng upon. In North India, where they ose, the development of the script has
ally follows that, before the Sinhalese rved forms, and when horizontal strokes uterial used for writing must have been e commentator of the All/a/hāvamiusa, in thronicle, mentions bamboo boards of writing material". The word meaning fat which, being a compound of two 1, would etymologically mean wooden o a time when documents were written was the custom among the Indianized
se, shows, in some particulars, considerin the fourth century as exemplified by intervocalic da to ta is seen in Aumahange of ó to p is noticed in earlier ng consonants, which are found in this of the period between the second and iced in the words vahera for P. visiara
hapes of letters, see John Beames, A Compara"dia, vol. i, pp. 64-65. I.894, p. 2 to: Portlakavaisap/ialake varijadi
written on wooden tablets have been found by cities of Central Asia (see Sir Aurel Stein, On





Page 154
No. 14) NÄGIRIKANDA R
and beta for pati (P. patti) are also fou to e is seen in begia- (or ógji-) ibati which inscriptions. The phonetic changes u the second-century inscriptions, in assu are the same as those of the change of been found in any earlier record. By th the form which has been in use from th In the conjunction ce (Skt. & P. ca), the junction is found in the earliest Sinhale ācao. The dropping of an intervocalic words Zazaa and Gayaa, the result b followed by another. This is the only been noticed in the Sinhalese language dialects, particularly in Maharastri . I A, g, t, and d are very often taken by y; document it may be permissible to holl articulated y (Aaghufraya/nataraya-Ata, in place of the omitted consonant. Thi the Prakrits, except in manuscripts wi Sinhalese words as paya (P. pāala) aliya intervocalic consonants dropped in mc when compared with initially occurring yaéā (P. yaéléha), &c. The dropping ou (P. catarz), if this is not taken as a occurs in the same line, we are, I thi error and not as a variant form. If it to treat it as the prototype of the for language. The length of the vowel i earlier form *cayara and not cara.
As regards inflexions, the genitive terminating in -ha, the use of the ste accusative singular of neuter nouns, features common enough in earlier rec
/bid., pp. I 2 I and 175.
* Ibid., p. I 17. The word also occurs in th Ibid., pp. II6 and 176. * See F o Pischel, op. cit., para. 187, and A. C. Woo
WOI, IV

CK-INSCRIPTION - I IQ
d in earlier records'. The change of o epresents boi-pati of the second century idergone by the word vavi, occurring in ing the form veva, found in this record, jati to peta ; but the word veva has not
change of e to di, this word has assumed : eighth century up to the present day. vowel a has changed to e. This cone documents as ca and later as ica, and
consonant (possibly e) is found in the eing that the vowel a is immediately locument in which this phenomenon has , though it is the rule in most Prakrit n Sinhalese, the place of the intervocalic and arguing from evidence in the present i that this y is no other than the weakly ra) which was pronounced in the Prakrits sy was never graphically represented in itten by the Jainas . They in such (P. udaea), &c., which takes the place of st Prakrits, is articulated very weakly in words such as yatura (Skt. yantra), t of a whole syllable (ta) is found in cara lerical error. But as the form catara nk, justified in regarding it as a clerical is taken as a variant form, it is possible ms sar and sara occurring in the later n this form would, however, point to an
singular (used in an instrumental sense) m form to denote the nominative and and the nominative singular in -e, are irds and they are also found in the later
variant forms bojakapati and boiya-fati. schel, Grammatik der Arakrit Sprachen, para. 186. her, Introduction to Arakrit, p. I2.
R





Page 155
I2O EPIGRAPHIA
stages of the language. Three forms namely, in the words vaherafaya (l. 1) di form has the modern termination for th nates in -e, eg, va/here in l. 3. This ter records, in which the locative ends in -sz if we recollect that the palatal S is alr Ceylon, would seem to be the same as th Dhauli edicts of Aśoka *. With the cha -/ii. It is difficult to imagine how the term the earlier -/zi; and one has to come to
termination of a-bases in Sanskrit, Pãli, c in this record would thus be equivalent later stages of the Sinhalese language it be justified in assuming, on account of th earlier document, that this termination c. fifth or sixth century. It was probably e. -hi, though not preferred by the writers as a good literary form about this period eighth century or so; and, in classical S and its variants. The change undergone
for the conjecture that the vowel i in the e. In the nominative and accusative ca there is no termination by which the plur. For instance, the word veva in the phrases from the context, to be in the plural, whi the record, must be in the singular. In t a-stems is formed by the elision of the
indicates the singular. In the script of
to indicate that a consonant is not vocal therefore possible that, though the sin represented alike, there was some differ tention, in the later language, of the vov singular number, was due to the fact
seem to have the Pali and Prakrit genit
For this termination, see Mtiller, A. J. C., p * See E. Z., Vol. I, p. 58.

ZEYLAN ICA VOL. v.
of the dative are found in this record, &usagahata and facayata (l. 4). The last is case . The locative singular termimination has not been found in earlier or -/hi. The earliest form is -si which, nost universal in the Brāhmī script of e locative termination in the Khālsī and nge of sa to ha, this termination became ination -e could have been derived from the conclusion that its origin lies in the und Prakrit. The form vahere occurring to Skt. P. and Pkt, vihåre; and in the assumed the form ve/ieri. We should not e fact that it has not been found in any ame into the Sinhalese language in the xisting side by side with the termination of inscriptions, and came to be regarded . This termination changed to -i in the inhalese, it existed side by side with -/ii by this case-ending is additional evidence : Sinhalese language is a modification of ses of words denoting inanimate objects, al can be distinguished from the singular. newaltaka weva and mae catara weva, seems, le the same word, occurring elsewhere in he modern language the plural of neuter final vowel, while the stem form itself this period, the use of the virama sign ized has not come into vogue and it is gular and plural forms are graphically ence in pronunciation. Possibly, the rewel in the last syllable of forms in thė that this was accented. In atano, we ive single termination of n-stems.
O.
* See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 2 I.





Page 156
NO. 14) NÀGIRIKANDA R
As regards verbal forms, we have ciple (dine) and the gerund (koțu) with it show any development from the earlier of the last in which the earlier terminati
The object of the record was to regi to the ancient monastery on the site, w managiri), by king Maha-Kumaratasa. served intact and Dr. Müller, in the text it quite differently and has not even recog one of the seven letters comprising the k and the lower portions, which are still p us in no doubt as to what"they are. Th the next one, ha, only a small portion, missing. The only other letter which parison with other pas and /ha’s occurri take this aksara as a ha. Of the third of which the left half is clearly, and impossible to mistake it for ru, the only to it. The lower half, which is preser that it is a ma and the letter which follo ra only. The next two letters are qui whole name reads Mafia-Aumaratasa, Ma/aa-Aumaradasa. The shortening Sinhalese and the change of intervocalic period, Skt. påda, for instance, becomi be ignored, as this is often found prefixe can be called great; and the part of the
No Sinhalese king of this name oc who is called Kumara-Dhatusena i Sinhalese historical writings from the P as Kumāradāsa (Sin. Kumaradas) o.
* This word occurs in the Diyagama inscriptic p. 77, where the word has, however, been wron Kataragama inscription (E. Z., Vol. III, pp. 2 I 5-2
See Aafazali (37th chapter) translated by Fernando's translation (Colombo, Igo8), pp. I6 and I90o), p. 55.

OCK-INSCRIPTION 2
only examples of the past passive partiis causative form (kemavi). These do not stage of the language, except in the case on -vaya has contracted to zi. ster the gift of some tanks andpaddyfields hich was called Bamanagiriya (P. BrahThe king's name is unfortunately not preof this record given in 4. I. C., has read nized a proper name. However not even ing's name has been entirely obliterated reserved, of the damaged letters, leave he first letter ma is quite intact and of at the end of the right-hand stroke, is :an be mistaken for it is ba; but comng in the record makes it reasonable to letter, the short cross-bar in the centre, the right half faintly, visible, makes it other aksara which has a resemblance ved, of the next letter, makes it certain ows is almost intact and can be read as te clear and are ta and sa. Thus the This stands etymologically for Skt. of long vowels is a rule in early a to t is noticed in other records of the ng pata . The word maha 'great" can 2d to the names of kings who in no sense
name which matters is Kumaradasa. 'curs in the Ma/havariasa ; but the ruler n that chronicle, is referred to, in all ufavali (thirteenth century) downwards, This inscription proves that there was
on of about the fifth century. See Miller, A. J. C., gly read as pita. Compare also patagada in the: ! I 6). 3. Gunasekara (Colombo, I895), p. 27; AVik. C. M. I8; and KR., B. Gunasekara’s translation (Colombo,





Page 157
122 EPIGRAPHIA
actually a king called Kumaradasa som the fact that there was only one king O bore this name, and the similarity of 'Kumaradasa', we may be certain that Our inscription does not contain any hi and the Mahavaniasa also dismisses him Moggallana I, that he caused a revision he died in the ninth year of his reign, b about his prowess and liberality towards the Pitfavali, have, however, been busy with his namesake, the author of the Sa make him a contemporary of the great I come to Kumaradasa's court and both a their lives through their common attach his own life in his grief at the death ( said to have taken place at Matara in spot where the king was cremated is sti tants of the place. These stories, hov students of history ; and Sanskrit schola raneity of the author of the Yamakzharan that poem was the work of a Ceylon ki be exactly determined. According to 5 I5 A.D., and Codrington has adopted According to the systems of Ceylon chro and Wickremasinghe, this date has bee
The record enables us to learn th which existed at Nagirikanda was Bam of this name finds mention in the chron
See A. B. Keith, History of Sanskrit Liter doubt the tradition that the author of the Jaina, appearing at the end of the last canto, in a ma definitely state that the author of the poem was verses also give some biographical details of Kum know of Kumaradasa the king. It is therefore ev distinct personages, the latter was also a scion o Mr. M. Doraswamayya in Tirumalai Sri ИейRate.

ZEYLANICA (voIL. Iv
:time in the sixth century and in view of f Ceylon, known from any sources, who
the names " Kumara-Dhatusena' and the present record is of that monarch. storical information concerning this king, with the statement that he was a son of to be made of the sacred texts and that eside a few conventional words of praise the religion. Later legends, alluded to in with his name and have identified him inskrit poem Yana&z/harana. They also ndian poet Kalidasa who is said to have re said, in a popular story, to have lost ment to a courtesan, the king sacrificing of his friend the poet. The incident is the south of the island; and the very ll pointed out to visitors by the inhabiwever, are not taken seriously by Sober ars do not admit the alleged contempo'a with Kalidasa. Nor do they admit that ng '. The date of Kumaradasa cannot Wijesinghe, his initial regnal year was this merely for the sake of convenience. onology evolved independently by Seiger h given respectively as 513 and 57O. at the ancient name of the monastery aņagiri (P. Brāhmaņagiri). No vi/āra icles.
ature, p. 8o. Prof. Keith and other scholars also Biharana was a native of Ceylon. But the verses nuscript of the poem recently found in Malabar, a member of the royal family of Ceylon. These aradasa the poet, which do not fit in with what we ident that though the king and the poet were two f the Sinhalese royal family. For the subject, see 'vara, vol. i, pp. 2o3-2 I 2.





Page 158
No. 14) NAGIRIKAN DA ROC
T五文T1
1 Siddham Maha-Kumaratasa-ra, ataya kenavi cada o kotu 2 dinaka Mahagariya veva-sara ce)
Sara ce) Katacanaka-pula Sara 3 veva ce ma catara veva-sara d
gariya-vahere bika-Sagahaata 4 pacayața dine “ saga-begi- kereya
Nilasa-veva ce Gajaa-veva ce 5 vataka veva daka-p[eta ce bejasagahzata de-peta-kara-kadaka
TRANSLA1
Hail. By king Maha-Kumaratasa A. granted as donations to the Bamanagariy of Mahagariya, the tank and wet lands o of Kabuba and the wet lands and the ta tanks and the wetlands, the water-shareh share granted to the b/hi&hu community their four requisites. These have been m
monks). Of the following tanks which
Miller's text runs as follows:-. . . . . . ta . . . . vehera dayo kino wenadaka dawaka maha-bariye (2) sara kalinaka-pulasara (3) wawa sama satara wawisara bikasagahața caka (4) paca yața dine saga baga kariy gata awiwa kahawana (5) wataka Wawi daka pata .. b pita karakațaka saga sari.
This reading is not quite certain. The synbo elsewhere in the record.
* Possibly to be read as catara.
The sign for the medial vowel in di is not clea The stroke read as the sign for i is not so record. But this may be due to the fact that the fa further extended. May be also read as seme.
Müller's translation runs:-. . . . . . . . . . . I th temple . . . . . . . . . . . the tank of the great queen an and the Katinaka tank, altogether four tanks, having Bamanogiriya wihara six and five (?) he gave . . . . . . having seen . . . . . after having assigned he gave the E

K-INSCRIPTION I 23
a-Apayaha Bamanagariya-vaher?
Cugariya veva-sara c[e] Kabube Veva
ce aka-peta kadaya beji-peta BamanaCara 8 ni ma atano sime 9 Tavaa-veva ce Pada-veva ce ma peta ce Bamaņagariya-vahere bika
Saga-sari.
ION .
paya were caused to be purchased and a monastery, the tank and wet lands f Cugariya, the tank and wet lands nk of Katacanakapula. Of these four as been remitted and the proprietor's at the Bamanagariya monastery, for ade possessions of the community of belong to himself, namely, Tavaa
mama parumaka sakata puta ha Bamanogiriya wawisara kanugariya wawisara kabuba (?) wawidakapati kaņaya badipita Bamanogiriya wihara 'a kama atana samita wa awiwa nila sawiwa . . pojapata . . Bamanogiriya wihara bikasaga dina
read as da differs from that letter occurring
: and the word might also be read as dene, 2xtended as the i-sign in other aksaras of this of the line above does not permit of its being
ཚུམ་ le parumaka and his (?) son the Bamanogiriya d the Kanugariya tank and the Kabuba tank seen the embankments to the priesthood of the . . . . . . . . the karshapanas at the Wataka tank, amanogiriya wihara to the priesthood. . . . . . .





Page 159
I 24 EPIGRAPH
tank, Nilasa tank, Gajaa tank, and P the water-share and the overlord's sh at the Bamanagariya monastery. community, of which the dues on acc
RE
Line I). Maha-Aumaratasa-ra between Apaya (P. Abhaya) and th Vol. III, p. I 24 and above, p. I I 4, n
Line I). Kega(vi) cada-kotu: doubt. The vowel sign in vi is not unlike the da occurring elsewhere in as any other aksara ; and possibly v A similar phrase occurs in an un Māgam Pattu. In that epigraph, to vowel signs are not well preserved. our inscription and I, therefore, prop Aotu. Even then, the sense of the given above being purely conjectural: Áenavi is taken as the causative forn to Pãli Ảảnâ{oã. Cf. &ảạảya in the V Sinhalese, this verbal form occurs on 'selling' and not 'buying'. Caya is of g to y in the word being analogou
Line 2). Veva-sara is an exp: inscription. It is obviously an earli tenth-century records'. Dr. Mülle candra-masa , i.e., he thinks that 2 Such compounds are, of course, no occurrence of the phrase sara ca vez weva-sara, indicates that veva and
eva, of course, is from Skt. våp7
course is to take sara as equivalent not suit the context. As the Sansl
" Referred to in E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 83.
Ibid, Vol. I, pp. 49 and 93.

A ZEYLANICA w (voIL. Iv
da tank-of the above mentioned tanksare (were given) to the dhika/hu community hese are the wet lands belonging to the punt of the two shares have been remitted.
MARKS. a-4Aaya : The word rafa 'king' stands e rest of the name. For this, see A.Z.,
IO. The reading of this phrase is not beyond quite clear and the symbol read as da is the record. It also cannot be read definitely 7e have here a blunder of the engraver. published inscription at Burutankanda in o, the reading is not quite certain, as the But, caya occurs there instead of cada in pose to correct this phrase to Aenawi cayawords is not quite obvious, the rendering and put forward with considerable diffidence. n of the old Sinhalese gerund corresponding Viharegoda inscription of Saba. In later ly with the prefix viadded, when it means taken as equivalent to P. caga, the change s to that of it to y in paya for pãda. ession which occurs several times in this 2r form of visar or visara which occurs in takes it as a composition analogous to va and sara both have the same meaning. rare in the Sinhalese language; but the z ca (sara and tank) in one place, instead of Cara are used with two distinct meanings. und means “tank "; and the most obvious o Skt. saras 'lake'. But this meaning does rit word vaþi, from which veva is derived,
* E. Z., Vol. III, p. 1 68. '' A. I. C., p. 5 I.





Page 160
NO. 14 NAGIRIKANDA ROCK
comes from the root vaf ' to sow', there is actually denotes the area below a tank whic and that sara is used for the sheet of water however, we are attaching to the word veva as or Pali for vapi, though it is etymologically instance of the use of vapi, vavi, veva or ve epigraphy or literature.
If we knew exactly what visar connot have guessed the meaning of sara in this re The word occurs in the phrase 4t-vehera ó, aasakārä-muti vās ar Abāt Abam no ganā si tion of Kassapa V. Dr. Wickremasinghel the tank-side. The word also occurs in th taļē, in the phrases Manuu-väsaira isä, Lahin sa '. The word visara, in this place, has singhe as ' tank'. It is clear that Dr. Wickl they do in different places, are pure guesse meaning of the word. The contexts in whic its exact meaning beyond making it likely cultural land.
In the second of the two Sanskrit sloka, inscription of Parakramabahu VI occurs th compound is met with in Sanskrit literature coined as a Sanskrit equivalent to Sinhal author of the Papiliyana inscription was c when he coined this term, we could then tak equivalent to Skt. asraya. Whether his etyr least assume that the Sanskrit word coined way, what visara signified in his time. The a pedantic restoration, into Sanskrit, of wä word meant the lands which were dependent But, unlike visara in the language of th sara in our record seem to denote two dif doubt regarding the connotation of veva, sar irrigated lands below a tank. It is not imp
* AE. Z., Vol. I, p. 49.
Müller, A. Z. C., p. Io6, and Sir D. B. Jayatilaka

-INSCRIPTION I 25
room for the conjecture that veva h is sown with paddy, i.e., the field, in the tank. In translating thus, sense which is not found in Sanskrit possible. We have also no other iva, with this meaning in Sinhalese
ted in the tenth century, we could cord; but, unfortunately, we do not. ad-tuvāt(&) gam-óimin tumanas dun a in the Anuradhapura slab-inscripnas translated väsarpät as “land on e tablets of Mahinda IV at Mihinziya Abazvzeye/bi muqdösız ya tösü de vüsamraz been translated by Dr. Wickrema*emasinghe's renderings, varying as es and do not bring out the exact ch the word occurs do not suggest 7 that it meant some sort of agri
at the beginning of the Papiliyana e compound vafyasraya. No such and it is obvious that it is a term ese visara. If we knew that the ertain of the etymology of väsàra ke -sara in veva-Sara and väisara as nology was right or wrong, we can at must have expressed, in a general refore, even if vafyasraya is merely sara, we can rest assured that this
upon a tank for irrigation.
he tenth century and later, veva and erent things. And as there is no a should be taken as applying to the ossible that it is derived from Skt.
* Ibid, Vol. I, p. 93. , AKatikāva Saigarā, Colombo, I922, p. 43.





Page 161
I 26 EPIGRAPH
asra'a "dependent upon and meant tank for irrigation'. It is, however, m was applied to marshy lands capable this suggestion it may be stated that means 'lake' and is a synonym of sar land which, in the rainy season, is con of being formed into paddy fields. I word via is used for a stretch of p phrases Ae/ie/sema-vidin yada&a wafa /ic vidin mud-bijuvata de-yasak ha occurri means 'lake' was used for a paddy fie that sara, the root meaning of which fifth century. I have therefore transl it as equivalent in meaning to madadi, The word sara occurs also in t inscription : eta eta gamma-sara ataqdi ka facazadita sara ca alo-Aarishi-sahasa ca interpretation of sara seems to fit in w mentioned therein that the Agivadam (muda-sara) and another which had be the areas are given as 2,OOO Aarisas that the areas of saras were given i fields.
Line 3). Daala-feta = P. da&a-fia ing with the Thūpārāma slab-inscripti aati, occurring in this compound as wi and not 'revenue' as suggested by I confirmed by the occurrence of the fo da&apati in an inscription, of about th Line 3). Aaạdaya is taken as equi used in a secondary sense meaning 'h Line 3). Aei-feta, occurs in earl tion of which see E.Z., Vol. III, p. I
A. J. C., No. 6 I. Müller's reading is so
o E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 18.
Miller, A. J. C., No. 77. In the text question has been left undeciphered, though th

A ZEYLANICA (VOL. Iv
the lands which were dependent upon a ore likely that sara is from Skt. Saras and f being sown with paddy. In support of he Sinhalese word vil which, in literature, , is used in common pariance for a marshy verted into a sheet of water and is capable n the Päpiliyana inscription (of, cit.) the addy fields. Compare, for instance, the , Ā304atā-vin yāļaka zvaia /ā, Ā3ājģuvalag in that record. If the word via which ld in the fifteenth century, it is conceivable is also lake or marsh, was so used in the ated the word sara as ' wet lands', taking n of modern usage. he following extract from the Habarana tu me 4 givadamana-vaviya mula-sara ca ea-catalisa kari/ii ca. The suggested fell with this passage, for it appears to be ana tank had two saras, the original one en added later (Aacavadita-sara), of which and 4 I &arisas respectively. The fact n &arzsas seems to imply that they were
tti. See /E.Z., Vol. I, pp. 71-73. In dealon of Gajubahu I, I have suggested that ell as in óojaka-hati, should mean “ share ’ )r. Wickremasinghe. This supposition is rm daÄka-öaÄka (P. *alaÁka-ö/haga) instead of e fourth century, found at Piligama. valent to P. Akhamuqdayitvā, ‘ having broken ', aving remitted'. er records as óojika-pati, for the interpreta
7.
mewhat different from that given above.
if this inscription published by Miller, the word in e letters are quite clear on the stone.





Page 162
NO. 14 NÃCIRIKANDA R
Line 4). Saga-begi Aereyani ma : clear and the rendering given above is equivalent to P. sang/ha-bhogi&a 'belong interpretation lies in Aereyani ma. It is into words of the five syllables read a being the possibility of dividing these a in the interpretation adopted by me, as can be derived by well-known rules of S which presents itself is the neutral plura in old Sinhalese inscriptions of about th in the language of the intervening per (P. imari) and occurs in two other pla (l. 3) and ma vataka (ll. 4-5). If we re we may translate it as “lands, held on AVima can be the same as nimi which land-tenure, in the “Jetavanáráma sla Dr. Wickremasinghe conjectures that tl under which the grantee has the exclus:
(Line 4). 4 tano sime : This is a inscription, of which the exact meaning tentative. 4tano is taken as equivalen in -no are found in the early Brahmi in tuno) in an unpublished cave-inscriptior but have not been met with in any ot Sime is equated with Skt. svāmya and c occurring in classical and modern Sinha as taman himi 'belonging to one's self phrases are found in Brahmi inscriptio unpublished inscription of a king name dhapura, has atini samiya Ayibaravi. inscription of Kanittha Tissa contain Avya vaoi. Dr. Müller, whose readir leaves these two words untranslated.
* AE. Z., Vol. I, p. 236.
Referred to in A. S. C., A. R. f. “ Müller, A. I. C., No. 16.
WOL. V.

ICK-INSCRIPTION I 27
he meaning of this phrase is not quite only tentative. Saga-beg is doubtless ng to the sangha '; and the difficulty of not quite certain whether the division Aereyani ma is the correct one, there Aereya mima also. Aereyani is taken, aquivalent to P. Earitaini, from which it inhalese phonology. The only difficulty termination -ni which, though occurring 2 second century B.C., has not been found Iod. Ma is taken as equivalent to me ces in this epigraph, to wit, ma casara ld the phrase as saga-begi Aereya nima, nima tenure, belonging to the saigha'. occurs, as a word denoting a system of b-inscription, No. 2, of Mahindá IV . he word indicates “a form of land tenure lve possession of the land. nother of the phrases, occurring in the is doubtful and the translation given is It to AP. attano. Genitive forms ending scriptions of Ceylon, e.g. bat uno (P. b/idat Pilikuttuva in the Colombo District, her record later than the first century. onsidered to be the earlier form of himi lese. Afano sime would thus be the same in the modern Sinhalese idiom. Similar is of the second to fifth centuries. An i Mahanaga, from Vessagiriya in Anuraz vaviya bojaka pati. The Situlpavuva s Citalapavata atini simvaya /2aćini-fisa g of this passage is somewhat different,
An inscription of about the third century
* Ibid., p. 24o, n. 2. 1931-2, p. 9.





Page 163
28 EPIGRAPHIA
A.D. from Molahitiyavelegala near Dirin Mr. Bell has translated as 'after having to'. The Piligama inscription, already unpublished record of about the fourth has ata-saminui. If all these variant fo sime of this record, it is remarkable thi the latest document, the others havin locative singular (P. attani, in one's self as the stem (P. atta), forming a compou
Lines 4-5). Me vata/a. For this
Line 5. De-/beta-kara. The two si feta) and the proprietor's share (6efa-fet
is taken as the Sanskrit &ara meaning
No. 15. FOU R ROCK-INSCRI] 、 AT ANURA
By S. PAR
HE subjoined inscriptions are engi
the site of an ancient monastery nc to the south of the rock-cut flight of ste that place. Inscription No. I of this centre of the above mentioned flight of below the other, at a distance of 8 ft. t the north of Nos. 2 and 3.
Dr. Wickremasinghe, in his paper Vessagiriya o, seems to refer to Nos. I passages: “ The second rock inscriptio
Published by Mr. H. C. P. Bell in Ceylon * A. S. V., No. 44o, see C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii, p For a brief description of this site, see E. Z.
the ancient Issarasamana monastery, see C.V.Sc., See Plan reproduced at Plate 2 of E.Z., V E. Z., Vol. I, p. 22.

ZEYLAN ICA [vOL. IV
pulagala has a ti simiya ganavaya, which taken count of the boundaries belonging referred to, has at and stimata; and an
century, found at Katugampolagama”, ims are of the same meaning as a tano at the form atano is found only in this, g afani, which should be taken as the ), and ata or at which might be regarded und with the word which sollows. word, see Æ. Z., Vol. III, p. 1 86. hares are evidently the water-share (dakaa) mentioned earlier in the record. Aara tax ”, “ impost ', &c.
PTIONS FROM VESSAGIRIYA \DHAPURA.
ANAVITANA.
aved on the eastern face of Rock B on w called Vessagiriya in Anuradhapura, ps between caves numbered 9 and IO at aper is at a distance of 8o ft. from the steps. Nos. 2 and 3 are engraved, one o the north of No. I. No. 4 is 9 ft. to
dealing with some of the inscriptions at to 3 of these records in the following in is on the vertical wall, facing south
4ntiguary and Literary Register, vol. iii, p. 77.
O. , Vol. I, pp. Io-I2; and for its identification with G, vol. ii, p. I 82. pl. l, and photograph reproduced at Plate 3.





Page 164
No. 15 FOUR ROCK-INSCRIPTI
east, to the right of cave No. 12. It and too shallowly incised to admit of a “ The letters are smaller than tho: period (fourth to ninth centuries) of w few and the script strangely irregular. cover two inscriptions.
Inscription No. I (4. S. J. No. 606 and contains four lines of writing. Th Nos. 2 and 3 (4. S. V. Nos. 6o7-6o8) I ft. 7 in. Each of these two records No. 3 containing only four letters. T is about the same as that of No. I. N by 1 ft. I in. and contains four lines c somewhat larger than those of the oth 3 in. in size.
The script, generally speaking, is kanda inscription, the points of differ the two records being such as would different scribes who drafted them. TI marked are a, ca, da, ta, da, na, ma, ya the aesaras of these inscriptions give No. 1 occurs the symbol for o which is and is interesting in that it shows u. between the forms of this aksara in th the u found in No. 2 (l. I) are not script of No. 4 differs slightly from thi forms. The a occurring in that recor the symbol for that letter found in t rely on palaeography we may assign to 3. The symbols for a, ca, ma, na, stage of evolution than the corresponc but the aésaras da, da, and ya appeari Types belonging to two near stages O same document and some epigraphs co found in other documents of the perio
* See abov

ONS FROM VESSAGIRIYA I 29
contains nine lines of writing, imperfect in estampage being taken. e of No. I, and probably belong to the nich records on stone are comparatively It is possible that the nine broken lines
) covers an area of 3 ft. 7 in. by I ft. 3 in. e letters, on an average, are 2 in. in size. together cover an area of 4 ft. 9 in. by consists of three lines, the third line of he size of the letters in these two records so. 4 (4...S./. No. 609) measures 4 ft. 5 in. f writing. The letters of this record are er three epigraphs, being on an average
of the same type as that of the Nagiri2nce in some of the individual letters of
result through the individuality of the he letters in which this difference is more ', and sha, as can be noticed in comparing in the table on Plate 15. In inscription rarely found in the records of this period s the intermediate stage of development e second and ninth centuries. This and oresent in the Nagirikanda record. The it of the others and favours more angular i is distinctly of a more archaic type than he other three epigraphs and if we can No. 4 to a date slightly earlier than Nos. I and ha of these records show an earlier ing forms in the Nagirikanda inscription; ng in the latter seem to be more archaic. evolution are often found together in the ntain archaic forms of writing not generally to which they belong; but on the whole
, pp. I I 5-I 22.





Page 165
I 3O EPIGRAPHIA
these inscriptions may, from considera in date than the Nagirikanda epigraph. As regards orthography and gra esting forms. In No. 1, l. I, we have stage in the development of the moder is further instanced by the occurrence C in No. 2. In ma (No. 1, l. 4) and 7 (P. immaniii) and me/hi (P. imas minji) of th we see that the vowels e and a have be also been noticed in the Nagirikanda in in rici (No. 2, l. 3) for P. ruci. On the records of the period, it appears as if th in a state of flux, there being no fixed form in a particular syllable of a wo ca/harasa, westerala, ve/ha rada and va/art the same word occurring in the four i (P. Upfalavanna), we have the dental stage of the language, the cerebral u in meAazazza in the Tonigala inscription Seems to have developed about the fiftl ever since". In saya/ka (P. sata &a) and surds and sonants have both been chan early Sinhalese language was to chang instance, the change of Skt. Aaga, 4 jata, respectively. In inscription No. tendency in the word AKasaba (P. Aassa the ninth century and later. No. I, ho AS regards nominal forms, inflexic the crude form being used instead in the locative singular in -e, sata nasa in N in No. 2, l. 2, the accusative plural org. first person singular is attached to nou a practice which is frequently met with
! See E. Z. Vol. III, p. I 77. * See the pamphlet “The use of in and in anc Lanerolle, Colombo I934, p. 6.

A ZEYLAN ICA (VOL. IV
tions of palaeography, be slightly earlier
mimar, these records contain some inter2 of atta for P. uffada, showing an early |n Sinhalese o/u. The change of u to o of oduvadu in No. 1, in place of u/uvadu maha (No. 4, l. 4), which stand for mue e earlier, as well as the later, language, en changed to a. The same feature has Scription. Vowel assimilation is noticed e whole, when studying these and other le vocal system of the language was then 1sage as to what vowel was the correct ord. For instance, compare the forms Za, which are apparently variant forms of nscriptions respectively. In Obutawa ma m in place of Skt. rumu. In the earlier variably occurs in such places; compare . This change to the dental n, which or sixth century, has remained the rule Dalameya (P. Dāt/hāmeg/ha), intervocalic ged to y. The general tendency in the e the intervocalic sonant to a surd, for Ö/haya, and paata to Waka, 4 /baya and 4, we have an instance of the opposite fa) which occurs as Aasud and Aasta in wever, has Kasapi.
ons are rather rare in these inscriptions, many places. Vashere in No. 1, l. 3, has o. I, l. 4, the dative in -asta and daratyana enitive plural in -ana. The suffix for the ns, as in Puyagonuulami (No I, l. I)— in the Sinhalese language of the ninth
| and l in the Sinhalese Language' by Julius de





Page 166
No. 15) FOUR ROCK-INSCRIPTI
and tenth centuries and is also commo cidavi (No. 1, l. 4; No. 2, l. 2; and No. by me is correct, furnishes us with an e at all, met with in the early inscription being used with the force of a finite ve as the causative third person singular f of the root derived from Skt. chia. It i Sinhalese siidavi. The plural form of 4, as cidaca'aha. Another point which the first personal termination mi is fo predicate is in the third person. This and tenth centuries when the verb usec this suffix was attached to the subjec Sinzi mamaa me-Aarauayehi givi să fata tion *. The gerund di occurring in No. sponding modern form. The optativ Nos. 2 (l. 3) and 3 (l. 3). This is the plural occurs in the language of abo Professor Geiger has already pointed ou the optative form of the root wil (Sk forms *. The form veya or vaya has th singular form, in the sixth century, oft root dhu. This occurs in the classical The optative form vaya itself has prese yat, unlike the Prakrits in which this y
These records are not dated; but help us in determining the upper limit name of the monastery, at which the in Kasapi-gari (P. Bodhi-Uppalavanna-K pagiri), respectively, which are alterna I have elsewhere pointed out that, on site, the modern Vessagiriya is really monastery was enlarged and richly en who renamed it after himself and his ty
* AE. Z. Vol., Vol. III, p. 255. * Aözal., p. I 98. ° C.V. Sc., G, Vol. II, p. I82.

NS FROM VESSAG IRIYA 131
in Tamil. Coming to verbal forms, 3, l. 2), if the interpretation of it adopted cample of a finite verb which is rarely, if s of Ceylon, the past participle passive b in most inscriptions. Cidavi is taken rm in the past tense and indicative mood equivalent to P. chinaafayz and modern he same verb is found in No. 4, ll. 3 and might be worthy of note is that, though und in the subject in records 1–3, the s in contrast with the usage of the ninth as the predicate always ended in mi, if it. Compare, for instance, the passage sé dinmi in the Kaludiyapokuna inscrip4, l. 3, is almost the same as the corree form vayavaya or veyavaya occurs in prototype of the modern veva and its ut the eighth century as ve/vayo. As ut, this mode is formed by the addition of t. Ö/iii) to the present indicative verbal en to be taken as the present indicative he Sinhalese verb derived from the Skt. and the modern dialects as cle and veyi. rved they of the old Indian termination
has been changed to f. ܪ
two of them contain data which would of their date. Nos. I and 4 give the scriptions are found, as Boya-Opulavanaassapagiri) and Kasaba-giriye (P. Kassative names of the Issarasamana-vihara. the evidence of inscriptions found at the the ancient Issarasamana-vihara. This iowed by the parricide king Kassapa I to daughters, Bodhi and Uppalavanna.
* AE. Z., Vol. III, p. 258.
See Geiger, Z. S. S., p. 79. ° /Ma/hdizvanñhsa, chap. xxxix, vv. Io-I I.





Page 167
I 32 EPIGRAPHIA
As the monastery could not have bee Uppalavaņņa-Kassapagiri before the rei, records must be later than the accession of deciding definitely the lower limit oft out in discussing the script of the recorc earlier than the Nagirikanda inscription the period between Kassapa and Kumar In their contents, the four epigra obtaining of freedom from slavery, of the individuals who are named. The twc No. 4 obtained their manumission by pay monastery which is also mentioned in thi and the fact that the records of the man cincts of the monastery show that the sla establishment. We have epigraphical ev by Buddhist monasteries of Ceylon in th times, though the practice does not set Buddhism. From other Buddhist count have evidence to show that Buddhist slaves. It must, however, be mentione of the inscriptions depend on the interpre their variants which will be discussed in
TEX
I. Latakatala (hi) oluvaçlu Puyagon -lami B(o)ya-Opulavana-Kasap -ri-raja-maha-vahere siya-agana
-la cidavi ma-pala sava-satanața
II
1 Si Durusava vasana uluvaqlu BO 2 daruyana cidavi veherala pala 3 sava-satanata vayavaya rici Bud
See below, the remarks on the word vah
/. A. A. S., C. B., Moles and Queries, July, 1914, p.
* G. E. Harvey, Aistory of Burma, p. 268, vol. iii, p. I 2o, and footnote 6.

ZEYLANI CA (VOL. IV
n referred to by the name of Bodhign of Kassapa I (circa 526-552), these of that monarch. We have no means heir date. However, as I have pointed ls, they appear palaeographically to be and therefore we may assign them to adāsa. phs are all similar. They record the mselves or of their relatives, by various individuals mentioned in Inscription ing IOO ka/ābahuas to the Issarasamaņa S connexion in Inscription No. 1. This umission are engraved within the prelves set free belonged to that religious idence to prove that slaves were owned e second century A.D. and also in later 2m to be in keeping with the spirit. of ries like Burma and Cambodia, too, we monastic institutions owned numerous d that the remarks about the contents 2tation of the words va/aarada viaavi and the sequel.
ya-gonulami
u-bava vayavaya
arala and the Galapata Vihara inscription in ). lxxii-lxxiv.
and Sir Chas. Eliot, Ainduism and Auddhism,





Page 168
Four Rock-Inscriptions from Wess
Ερίμrπμήία Ζεμία Πίζα
Saif: ಛಿಪಿà: 1 #¢ಸಿ.ರ್ಜಿ ಗೆ
 

|'g/, "|" PoľčEľ: ľ2
agiriyal
ე I ჯოgt





Page 169






Page 170
No. 15) FOUR ROCK-INSCRIPTION
III.
1 Si Abagamayahi wasana Patisalal 2 -ya cidavi veharala pala sava-sata 3 veyavaya
IV. Sahasawarala Dalameya Sakanak Vesimiņiya Aba Kasaba-giriye v -hara sayaka kahavaņa di vaharil
-yaha maha pala sava-satanata.
TRANSL
I. I, Puyagonula, the brick-layer of La
from slavery in the royal monastery of B
the fruit of this action be for the benefit
II.
Hail! I, Boyagonula, the brick-lay children to be freed from slavery. May benefit of all beings. May there be Bud
III
Hail I, Patisalala, residing at Abag from slavery. May the fruit of this a May there be Buddhahood as desired.
IV
Sahasavarala Daļameya and Sakaņa kahapanas to the Kasabagiriye monaste May the fruit of this action be for the b
REMA.
[II, l. I). Oluvadu is taken to be a v inscription No. 2. The word usuaadu, Vadu is from Skt. vara/ažim. Ulu is derived from Skt. istaka (P. ithaka), but the cerebral, l in the word militates agai

S FROM VESSAGIRIYA I 33
3.
3
timi darunata rici Budu-bava
a cidava
ATION.
takatala, caused my wife to be freed Oya-Opulavana-Kasapi-gari. May)
of all beings.
2r residing in Durusava, caused my
the fruit of this action be for the dhahood as desired.
gamaya, caused my child to be freed tion be for the benefit of all eings
kana Vesimiņiya Aba gave a hundred ry and freed themselves from slavery. enefit of all beings.
EKS,
ariant form of alluvadu which occurs in n literary Sinhalese, means "a mason '. usually taken by Sinhalese scholars as the occurrence of the dental, instead of ist this view.





Page 171
I 34 EPIGRAPHIA
[I, l. 3] Siya-agana : Siya is equi Sinhalese in the same form. It is also however, it has the same meaning as Skt. as an indeclinable. Siya, meaning * or number and person; but I have transla tence, to which the word refers, is in the from Skt. angana, and to be the same as fore, means “woman'; but may have ' wife'. In modern colloquial Sinhalese, a
[II, ll. 3-4). Vaharala cidavi: Th veherada, ve/harada, and wa/haria occur in or preceded, by the verb cadavi or cidaz great majority of inscriptions of this per its variant forms. Some of these record the name of an individual followed by monastery also occurs after the name of found a few records of this type which the script and the language had both ch For instance, a short record at Madag Mihiadala Simi dariyama siadăva vehera this is obviously the same as cidavi 2. short record found at the same place r word vaharada also occurs in different c some records of about the sixth centu District' contain the phrases sayamada the meaning of the words sayamala anc tions on the steps of a shrine near the so pura, occurs the phrase vaharala va inscriptions at the same place we find zua/biarala. The expression zatia kotu o and means "for the maintenance of', a P. vatta. It, therefore, appears that va
* E. Z., Vol. II, pp. I 77 and I8I.
A. S. J., No. 722. See/.A.A.S., G, vol. * A. S. J., No. 723. See C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii and the preceding epigraph require modification.
o Müller, A. W. C., No. 65.

ZEYLANICA [vOL. IV
žalent to Skt. svaka and occurs in literary found in the Tonigala inscription where, svayania, P. sayam, and has to be treated e's own, has, in fact, no distinction of ted it as 'my', as the subject of the senfirst person. Agama is taken as derived the classical Sinhalese aiigana. It, therebeen used in ordinary speech to mean L wife is often referred to asgini 'woman'. e word vaharada and its variant forms all these four inscriptions either followed, 'ayaha. These words are found in the iod, very often with the verb cidavi and s are very brief ones and contain merely 7 vaharala. Sometimes the name of a the individual. There have also been date from about the eighth century, when langed from what they were in the sixth. gama in the Kurunagala District reads deya , The phrase sidiva veheraleya in eherala of Inscription No. 2. Another eads Kaqda maqdabiyana veherala o. The ontexts in other records. For instance, ury from Rājańgaņē in the Kuruņāgala va (harala) and alamala vaharala, where i alamala is not clear. In the inscrip-called 'Burrows' Pavilion' at Anuradhata kata (see below, p. I 39). In other vahala and varada as variant forms of :curs in phrases like ariyavasa vata kotu 'ata being equivalent to Skt. artti and harala and its variants must have meant
ii, p. 222. See below, p. I 44.
p. 222. The remarks made there regarding this See below, p. 44.





Page 172
No. 15 FOUR ROCK-INSCRIPTION
something which was necessary for a mon tenance of which provision was made and In the epigraphs now under discussion, th va/harada. Cidavi means literally 'caused with the secondary meaning 'discontinuec before us, certain individuals are stated tot things at a monastery; but at the same ti sidered that they had done a meritorious action to all beings. In other records, earning and distributing merit by providi must mean something paradoxical, of wh merit by providing it for a monastery as the word follows the name of an individua to a person. We may now consider whe preted in such a way as to suit all these C the word noted above is va/aada which i. modern Sinhalese to mean 'slave'. This contexts in which the word has so far bee by providing money for the maintenance Same time, one would equally gain meri slaves which also would have to be done one’s own freedom from slavery, as, it se there would yet be merit for the money in which the word merely occurs after th taken as registering the fact that the ind monastery in which the record is found.
The word has not so far been met v sixth century, the word dasa (Skt. dasa) second century. Professor Geiger derive: it is not impossible that wrsala took th through the intermediate forms *varasad that, in some places where it occurs, vaha case, it may be taken as going back to a
. [II, l. 4). Pala sava-satamata : F
pp. I 25-I 26.
For instance, an unpublished second-century from Ilukvāva in the Anuradhapura District contair
VOL. IV.

S FROM VESSAGIRIYA I 35
astic establishment and for the mainthe fact recorded in those inscriptions. e verb cidavi occurs in connexion with to be broken", but it may also be used ' ' ceased to be', &c. In the records have caused the cessation of certain me these individuals seem to have conthing, for they give the merit of the other individuals are represented as ng for the same. Wa/arala, therefore, ich it can be said that one can gain well as by removing it. The fact that l shows that it must have been applied :ther the word va/harada can be interontexts. One of the variant forms of s almost identical with va hal used in ; meaning, it would seem, suits all the in found. One, of course, gains merit of slaves at a monastery and, at the t by obtaining the freedom of these by paying money. Even if one obtains ems, is recorded in Inscription No. 4, paid to the monastery. Such records e name of an individual ought to be ividual in question was a slave of the
with in any document earlier than the being used for slaves in records of the vaha from Skt. vrsala (P. vasala); and e form vaharada in the sixth century l, and varahala. The context shows rada ought to mean 'slavery', in which ada/zita form of varsada.
or this phrase, see /E. Z., Vol. III,
inscription (No. 1 or of A.S. C., A. R. for 1892) s the phrases, dasi Anula dini, dasa Kala ca.





Page 173
I36 EPIGRAPHIA
III, l. 2). /Daraugyana is taken as Inscription No. 3, ll. I-2) which is equi lese these two forms are found as darnu, II, l. 3. /Rici Bualu-ólava vayava would read risi Buant&aza vëzua. The v with above ; Budu-ólava is equivalent tc Buddhahood here is evidently the attai accomplished in any one of three ways, 1 ($ravaka-&odhi), a private Buddha (pra Buddha (samya &-sambod/ii). These a Mahayanists and are also recognized by benediction of the Buddhist monk in Ce may attain Nirvana through the mediur ģoa/s (tuntarā bāa/izven batam nāvā eĀta LIV, ll. I-2). Sahasawarala Dala these two personal names, Sashasavara/ of villages in which the individuals men the beginnings of the practice of using name, which is frequently met with i centuries and is also very common amor (IV, l. 3). Sayaka kahavana di : T slaves was IOO Aea/hafanas. It appears slave was 5o Aahafanas.
No. 16. INSCRIPTIONS ON T PAVILION AT A
By S. PAR.
HE eight short records included in to a ruined shrine near the reconsti Canopy’ or 'Burrows Pavilion'' in the as the Jetavana) Vihara at Anuradhapur
" See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I o5, n. I. * For this porch and its reconstruction by M Report for I9 II-I2, p. 33

ZEYLANI CA (VOL. IV
the accusative singular of daruya (see valent to P. daāraka. In modern Sinhavan and daruva respectively.
ya: In modern Sinhalese this phrase words 7rici and zvaya zvaya have been dealt Skt. Buda/la-bhava. What is meant by nment of Nirvana or Bodhi which can be namely, by being the disciple of a Buddha tyeka-bod/ii), or a supremely enlightened re the three vehicles (yanas) of the the Theravadins of Ceylon. The usual :ylon ends with the wish that the devotee n of any that is desired among the three rā óõadhiyakin). meya Sakamakana Vesiminuiya 4 óa. In a and Saskatua kana are evidently names tioned resided. We seem to have here a place name as part of the personal in the records of the ninth and tenth ng the Sinhalese to-day ''. he sum paid for the manumission of two , therefore, that the average price of a
HE STEPS NEAR BURROWS' NU RÅDHAPURA.
ANAVITANA
this paper are incised on steps leading ucted porch now known as the Stone area of the Abhayagiri (popularly known a. The three slab-inscriptions edited in
Mr. (later Sir) S. M. Burrows, see A.S. C. Annual





Page 174
No. 16) INSCRIPTIONS NEAR ' )
the articles numbered 4, 19, and 20 of found in the same vicinity. The flight sisted of six treads, each of two pieces of are incised on the second (right) piece of consisting of six lines of unequal length, and extends to a length of I ft. 6 in. N and No. 3 is below No. 2. No space has of No. 1 and the beginnings of those appears as if the writing on this stone co the first stone of the second tread and Nos. 5 and 6, written one below the othe on the first stone of the fourthr tread, and an area of 1 ft. 6 in. by 6 in. On the ext short record which is badly preserved anc therefore, been included in this paper. No tread and measures 2 ft. 6 in. by 5 in. ( treads, there are traces of inscriptions made out.
Like most of the records dating fron ninth centuries, these epigraphs have bee not incised to any considerable depth; an fact that the writing is on steps which upon for several centuries, the epigraphs The letters vary in size from in. to I it The records are all written in a form is definitely of a later stage of evolution t dealt with above. The letters are of a h difficult to distinguish between some let identical in form. The looped form of te does not occur in these epigraphs which the one appearing in the Vessagiriya insc letter are found in these epigraphs, sor
signs for the medial vowels i, o, and e
individual letters, the table given in Plat them with the corresponding letters oc
* See abov

URROWS' PAVILION I37
ol. I of this Journal have also been f steps is 15 ft. in breadth and constone. Inscriptions numbered I to 3 the first tread from the bottom. No. I, ccupies the left-hand side of this stone ... 2 is inscribed to the right of No. I been left between the ends of the lines f Nos. 2 and 3; and at first sight it imprised one inscription. No. 4 is on ccupies a space of 2 ft. 8 in. by 7 in. , occupy a space of 3 ft. 4 in, by 8 in. No. 7, to the right of these two, covers reme right end of this stone is another is not decipherable in full; it has not, . 8 is on the second stone of the fourth Dn this stone, as well as on some other of which no intelligible text can be
n the period between the sixth and the 'n carelessly executed. The letters are d owing to this reason as well as to the must have been continuously trodden are not in a good state of preservation. l.
of the ancient Sinhalese script which han that of the Nägirikanda inscription ighly cursive type and it is somewhat ters like mua and ta which are almost ; found in the Nagirikanda inscription contain a form of that letter close to riptions. Variant forms of the same netimes in the same document. The are rarely marked. As regards the 2 I5 will enable the reader to compare urring in other records of somewhat
., D. I. 29.





Page 175
138 EPIGRAPHIA
earlier and later dates. The degree of justify us in concluding that these epi sixth, or the first half of the seventh, ce As regards orthography, we notic a for the medial vowels i, u, e, and o. C gara (1, ll. 3-4), Zulavadha (I, l. 2), ka occur in earlier inscriptions as girl, at 4 later language, however, these words ve/ierada. It is, therefore, not certain w medial vowels to a was a peculiarity oft forms appearing in these inscriptions ar which was prevalent at the time. W changes in consonants are 4 fa/aya, fa. In A/bahaya (Skt. Abhaya) a vowel ha and the 6, the latter changing to f. In the form 4 dahay 9, thereby indicating corresponding surd, effected before the next stage of the language. As regarc word, comparison may be made with W which stand for Skt. dÆarma, rajadhå da/iasa), if it is taken as derived from S No such phonetic change has been met v A/una is equivalent to Skt. suvaruya ar worthy. In Aavana for the earlier Aasic syllable ha has been completely droppé maybe dueto a clerical error. The ver occurring in these records have not bee which they occur show that they are equi its variant forms occurring in inscription fifth century A.D. We may, therefore, c. P. or Pkt. alinna, alaya and aa go back form data, which occurs in the name A
See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I I 6. * See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I I 6. " See A. Z., Vol. I, pp. 46 and 85.
Geiger derives dahasa from Skt. sahasra, sc * See above, p. 13o.

A ZEYLANICA [vOL. Iv
development shown in the script would graphs date from the second half of the ntury. e, in the records, a tendency to substitute Compare, for example, gara in 4 pahayaa (I, l. 4), and va/karasta (II, l. 2), which uvaqduo, kofu *, and vaherataya “. In the are found as giri, u luvadu, kota, and hether the change of nearly all the other he language of this period or whether the e due to the careless system of writing ords which show noteworthy phonetic hasa (III, l. 2), and /huma-kavana (IV, l. 2). s been introduced between the aspirate the tenth century, this word occurs in that the change of the sonant to the seventh century, did not persist in the ls the treatment of the aspirate in this lords like da/ham, rafadahan, and dihain, nế, and d%)'āna °. Ởa/asa (mod. Sinh. kt. sahassa shows the change of s to f". with previously in the Sinhalese language. ld the dental m in place of run is notetvana (Skt. karsapana, P. kastapava), the 2d out. It is, however, possible that this bal forms daya (II, l. 3) and da (III, 1.2) n met with elsewhere. The contexts in tivalent in meaning to dine (P. dinna) and is from the third century B.C. to about the pnjecture that while dine is derived from to Skt. datta through the intermediate 'amaaata (Skt. Brahmadata) in a pre
* See above, p. I32.
See above, p. I23.
Compare Geiger, L. S. S., ii, 18. 2. e E. S. s. v.





Page 176
No. 16) INSCRIPTIONS NEAR ' )
Christian inscription from Ritigala. A records, the predicate does not agree v in the Vessagiriya epigraphs *, but in nu the subject is Deva AKala Sic'ayama, the of which has been added the first perso number ; but we cannot recognize any te the plural number in the verbal form ale
The contents of the records are o register grants of money by various ob vihara, for the maintenance of slaves. of the script and language of about the documents have yet been published in th
TEX
I.
Marayu“vahahapa- gamayaha va-sana ulavadha Sadeva Gaņayam Apa ... va... ... Apama ca. Apaha gara-vaha[ra] vaharala va[ța) ka sayaka kahawa[na] da pa
-la sava-Satanata
II.
Guta-kadaraha vasana Pa(lama) -pahaya-gara-vaharața vaharala 3 -ka-sayaka kahavana daya pala S.
III
1 Maha-daragalaha vasana Pajana
-haya-gara-vaharața vahala vața 3 sawa-sa (tanata)
2
E. Z., Vol. I, p. I5o. 2 This statement depends on the accuracy o
above, pp. 134-35.
The lette which has been read as yu can also

BURROWS' PAVILION I39
s regards syntax, we find that, in these vith the subject, not only in person as mber as well. For instance, in No. 5, names of three individuals, to the last onal suffix -ma, probably in the plural rmination indicating the first person or used as the predicate. f no historical interest. They merely scure individuals to the Abhayagiri
They are interesting only as examples : seventh century, of which period no is journal.
T.
la C3
yata eka
dama Apama A
vaţa kaţa eava-(satanața)
Adasana Vasa-davayama Apa
kata dajahasakahavana da pala
See above, p. 13I. f the interpretation of the word vaharala, see
be read as ful or as a.





Page 177
I4O
2
EPIGRAPHI
Madararayana Gana i Apama -ta waharala vata kata eka say da pala sava-satanata
Erayaha vasana (Da)va Kala -harața eka-saya*) kahavana
. . marayuo - mahapa - gama .. . daya-gamaya Apa' ya-g -havana da maha pala sava-sa
Lava-arana Gana Apama Api -ya-gara-vaharata valharala v, -ta kata eka-sayaka kavahaņa pala sava-satanata
V
Nadanagumu Paya-vāpara Va -rayana Ganayama ApahagaI -ța kața eka-sayaka kahavana
TRAN
I, Sadeva Ganaya', the brick-lay hapa and I, A pa “ ... va .. ... A pa, gav slaves at the Apahayagara " monas'
' The letter na is written below the line. * This syllable can also be read as pu or a * This and some of the other names of pe
rather outlandish. The fact that hardly any somewhat difficult to ascertain what their Sans
“ Apa = Skt. and P. Abhaya. * Skt. karydøaga, P. kaståøaga. For the
Vaharala wafa Aata: for this phrase, see
* Skt. and Päli Abhayagiri.
See E2. Z., Vol. III, pp. I 25-I 26.

A ZEYLANICA ند (vOL. IV
V. Apayagara-vaharaa huna-kavana
V.
Savayama Apahayagara-vada pala sava-satanata)
VI.
yaha vasana Panapalata ura-vaharața ekajahasaka katanata
VII.
aha
l
da
VIII.
hana Adasana Va"a-vaharata varala valda maha pala*sava-Satanata
SATION.
I.
er, residing in the village of Marayuvahaa one hundred &ahavanas" for maintaining ery. The merit is given to all beings.
(Z. rsons and places occurring in these records appear other vowels than a occur in these names makes it irit or Pali equivalents were, if they had any.
:oin, see Codrington, Ceylon Coins and Currency, p. 2. above, pp. I34-I35.





Page 178
ΕΕήηναμήία Σεμπηίς α
『』*鮭*叱吒*斗印監*
III puts “I I " |
uỜIIIAt-1,5 Wolins leou sdəıs bısı uo suosidstosus
 

['a', ' ' Pi fra F3
soos I or royższy
rii *T
*
#sroņi,
sựr,





Page 179






Page 180
No. 16 INSCRIPTIONS NEAR
II.
I, Pa(lama)dama Apa, residing at ( vanias to the Apahayagara monastery for
is given to all beings.
III We, Pajana, Adasana, and Vasadev two thousand kaha valuas to the Apahaya slaves. The merit is given to all bein
IV
I, Gana Apa of Madararayana, gave
Apayagara monastery for the maintena all beings.
V.
Ve, Deva, Kala, and Savaya , re
kahawa nas. to the Apahayagara monaste
VI Panapalata ... .. daya-gamaya, residin gave one thousand kahavantas to the Apa
action is given to all beings.
VI I, Gana Apa of Lava-arana", gave or gara monastery for the maintenance of beings.
VII We, Paya-vāpara o, Vahana, Adasan gumu o gave one hundred kahavanas ti maintenance of slaves. The merit of thi
P. Gutta-Atandara. o Skt. and P. Vasudeva. The first personal su names. It has evidently to be understood as referr * P. Mahādāragiri. A village of this name oc ' For huna, see above, pp. 47-48. ' A variant form of Afahayagara (P. Abhayagi ’ P. Deva, Kāla, and Sīvaka. The personals " Arana in this name is probably the same as ’ Vāparais probably equivalent to Skt. zyāpār

BURROWS' PAVILION I4 I
Gutakadara 1, gave one hundred kahathe maintenance of slaves. The merit
aya, residing in Mahadaragala", gave gara monastery for the maintenance of
gs).
: one hundred huma-Atahavanas to the nce of slaves. The merit is given to
siding at Eraya, gave one hundred ry. The merit is given to all beings.
g in the village of.... marayu-mahapa, yagara monastery, The merit of this
E.
he hundred Aahavanas to the Apahayaslaves. The merit is given to all
I.
a, Varayana, and Ganaya of Nadana: o the Apahagara monastery for the S action is given to all beings.
ffix ma is attached only to the last of the three ing to the two preceding names as well. Curs in the Mv, chap. xliv, v. 96.
ri). uffix ma is attached to the last name here;also. Skt. araya, P. araääa.
in trader'. o P. Wandanagāma.





Page 181
No. 17. SEVEN SINHALES
SEVENTH AND E
By S. PAI
far removed from one another, wh grounds to the seventh and eighth cent interest and have been published sole
I, this paper I have made a study o
some idea-very imperfect, though it lese language and Script during these enable the reader to compare the scripts as with those of the records of a some preceding papers, scripts, namely, which
The oldest of these epigraphs is e at a place called Veherakema, in the h the south-east of Lahugala in the Pana covers an area of 6 ft. 6 in. by 1 ft. 9 which the last comprises only six or phered. The letters, which are boldl size. The first two lines of the record script shows a later stage of developr dealt with in the four previous artic tendency to curvilinear forms. The vi are absent. This fact would justify us i to the Gáraidigala rock-inscription, in v and which I have ascribed to the reigr un published record of Daļa Mugalana referred to, is in a script less develope we may, therefore, conclude that this c two reigns. It is possible, however reign than to the later one. The lan which prevailed in the fifth and sixth
A. S. J., No. 594. See C.V. * See E. Z., Vol. III, pp. I 95

E INSCRIPTIONS OF THE GHTH CENTURIES.
AN AV TANA.
seven short records, from various places ich can be assigned on palaeographical uries. They are of little or no historical ly for the purpose of giving the reader
is-of the development of the Sinhacenturies. The table on Plate 15 will of these records with one another as well what earlier period dealt with in the four belong to the fourth and ninth centuries.
I.
ngraved on a rock near the ruined stipa 2art of a dense forest, about six miles to ma. Pattu of the Batticaloa District. It in. and contains three lines of writing, of seven letters, too weathered to be deciy engraved, are, on an average, 5 in. in are in a good state of preservation. The nent than that of any of the inscriptions les. The letters, on the whole, have a rama and the sign for the medial vowel i n giving an earlier date to this record than hich both the virama and the i-sign occur of Kassapa III (circa 7 Io-7 I 7) o. The L (Moggallāna II, circa 542-56 I), already il than that of the present epigraph ; and ocument belongs to a date between these.
that it is closer in date to the earlier guage shows no development from that centuries; but, as the record is a very
Sc., G, vol. ii, pp. 182 and I 98. (99.





Page 182
No. 17 SEVEN SINHALES
brief one of only a few words, we cannot We can, however, be certain on one p when this inscription was written, had changing the original c to s, which is a century onwards. The form vaharaya, noteworthy and may be compared with v. 47 of the Aamsa Sandesa. Ariya, o occurring in earlier records, is an interes for P. cetaya (ceta in earlier inscriptions),
The record tells us that a ruler nam to be built at the Macala-vehera, presu the ruins are to be seen on the site, and The title maharaja adopted by Vahak ruler; but there is no name having eve the lists of kings given in the chronicles. the unsettled political conditions which greater part of the seventh century, set h of Rohana, within which principality the which can be reasonably identified with been mentioned in the chronicles.
TEX
1 Vahaka-maharaja Macala-vaha 2 cata karavaya * catara kriya kubu 3 .. .. .. ... (dina)
TRANSL.
The great king Vahaka, having ca be constructed, (gave) ... .. .. received [fr
II and
Inscriptions numbered II and III in have already been quoted in discussing
Verses 38 ff. of chap. 45 of the Mu, show during the seventh century.
* There is a stroke attached to this letter, whic can be taken as a virama sign; but as this sign hesitated to treat it as such.
It is not certain what the Skt. or P. equivale VOL. IV.

E INSCRIPTIONS I 43
speak with confidence in this matter. int; i.e., that the Sinhalese language, ot yet developed the characteristic of most universal from about the eighth presumably in the locative singular, is he locative form se-sateyi occurring in oviously intended for Airiya (P. &arisa) ing orthographical peculiarity. In cata he vowel e has been changed to a. ed Vahaka Maharaja caused a caitya mably the ancient monastery of which l that he made certain donations to it. a shows that he was an independent h a remote resemblance to Vahaka in Vahaka was perhaps a prince who, in orevailed at Anuradhapura during the imself up as an independent sovereign site of the record lies. No monastery the Macala-vehera of this record has
T.
raya,
ra laba .
ATION.
used the caitya at Macala-vahara o to om) four karāsas of fields.
III.
this paper (4. S. J., Nos. 722 and 723) the word vaharala occurring in the
hat there were independent princes in Rohana
h, if it is not due to the weathering of the stone, loes not occur elsewhere in this record, I have
t of this name is.





Page 183
I44 EPIGRAPHIA
Vessagiriya inscriptions. They are in the ruined stufa at Madagama Vihara in District and consist of one line each. N. in length; the letters are from I; to 2 ir identical and is much more rounded in f The virama sign does not occur in eitl these records are earlier in date than the Above the syllable da, occurring as the stroke which also occurs in No. V belo ing with that inscription. As regards t worth noting is that in No. II we meet \ We may, therefore, infer that this phone language for the first time in or about th records resemble the Vessagiriya inscrip
ΤΕΣ
II. Mihidala Simi dariyana sidăva III. Kada Madabiyana veherala“.
TRANSL
II. I, Mihidala Sio, caused my dau III. The slave of Kada Madabi“ .
IV
The next inscription is engraved ( used as a tread in a flight of steps and i Museum at Anuradhapura. Its original recorded that the stone was removed Agent's premises at Anuradhapura. Th
See above, p. I34. For the diacritical mark in the second syllab This record seems to be incomplete. P. Mahinda Siha. In Mihidala we meet wi ninth and tenth centuries, often attached to pers Vol. III, p. 276, n.
Zariyana is taken as the accusative plural the Vessagiriya inscription, above p. I36.
Sidiva veheraleya is obviously the same as a Madabi is a title, for which see E. Z., Vol. )
4.

ZEYLAN ICA vOL. IV
cised on a rock situated to the west of the Tisava Korale of the Kurunagala o. II is 3 ft. I in., and No. Il II 2 ft. 4 in., 1. in size. The script of both is almost orm than that of the preceding epigraph. ner, and this feature may indicate that Gäraňdigala inscription of Kassapa III o. twelfth aksara of No. II, is a curved w and which will be discussed in dealhe language, the only important point with an instance of the change of c to s. tic change developed in the Sinhalese le eighth century. In contents the two tions dealt with above.
K.
o veheraleya
ATION, ughters to be freed from slavery ". .
8 8 a
V.
on a -stone which seems to have been s now preserved in the Archaedlogical provenance is not known, it being only to the Museum from the Government e record consists of two lines of writing,
* See E. Z., Vol. III, pp. I 96-I97. ble of this word, see below, p. I 46.
th the suffix la which in the form of a was, in the onal names, probably as an honorific. See E. Z.,
of dariya from P. darikai. Compare daruyana in
idavi veherala for which, see above, pp. II, 34-III 35. III, pp. 256-257.





Page 184
ffff" | Fife, Zey'arire
Seven Sinhales: Inscriptions of th
: ຫຼິt FA
 

WùW W W, W°ዘስI!£ ፬፥፲
he seventh ald eighth centuries
"rή ή 1 διr





Page 185






Page 186
No. 17) SEVEN SINHALES
each 2 ft. 2 in. long; and is in a fairly are I to 1 inches in size and the script viråma sign does not occur; but the sig latter, however, is not written in a line v Sinhalese script from the ninth century the letter to its right. See, for example, sign is met with in a number of graffiti, d: gallery wall at Sigiriya. In ra. Occurring ing the ä-sign is the same as in the scrip cally, this record also seems to be earlier and it may therefore be assigned to abo language differs from that of the ninth c the characteristic of dropping the short syllable in the middle, of a word: for inst in this record, would have been sazi-satna demi (l. 2), with the first person singula Sinhalese. The forms /ām and &aru, of the ninth century, are noteworthy if t former occurs in the same form in the n may be compared with &aru of the K Vol. III, p. 29o). The purport of the which it was written was the gift of an Daļanā (P. Dāhānāga).
ΤΕΣ 1 Gala-vehera Pirivesikuta Dal 2 karu *piya-gäta mehi pala sava
TRANS,
The step 8 caused to be made by P. Gala-vehera'. I give the merit of this
The vowel sign attached to ha differs from t from the ā-sign in the nā of Dalanā in being mo not free from doubt.
* The first letter of this word is not very well correction.
* Piya-gäța = P. pada-ganthi. See E. Z., Vo Airivestikuta is presumably a place-name. The honorific and attached to his name and the make it fairly certain that Dalana was a monk.

E INSCRIPTIONS I45
good state of preservation. The letters is of a somewhat florid character. The n for the medial vowel i is found. The with the consonant, as is the rule in the till modern times, but diagonally above gä in l. 2. This mode of writing the äatable in the eighth century, found on the in line I, however, the mode of attachot of the ninth century. Palaeographiin date than the Gäraidigala inscription; ut the end of the seventh century. The entury in that it has not yet developed vowel a at the end, or in an unaccented ance, the phrase sava-satanata, occurring f in the ninth century. The verbal fern ar termination, is still current in literary or himi and käru (P. sami and &arita) he readings are free from doubt. The lodern colloquial language and the latter ivulēkaçda inscription of Sena I (AE. Z., record was to state that the step on individual, presumably a monk, named
K.
ana-hamiyana
satanata demi
ATION. irivesikuta Dallana-hami residing in :O all beings.
he i-sign occurring in this record. It also differs “e florid. The reading given above is, therefore,
preserved and the reading, therefore, is open to
l. III, p. 2 I 6.
Daland-hami is equivalent to P. Dathanaga-sami. fact that he is said to have resided in a vihara





Page 187
І4б EPIGRAPHIA
ད།
This inscription (A. S. J., No. 976) ment of the Ambasthala Cetiya at Mihi 3 ft. 6 in., and the second 2 ft. I in., in I to 2 inches. The record is either effaced at the end of the second line. be in a hand different from that of the well formed; and this and other docum the art of the calligraphist which, judgi was neglected in the fifth to seventh ce in the eighth, The script iş approach but certain letters like ta, ya, and via are
The curved stroke which we notic record; to wit, above the third, fourth, s the first line and the seventh and fourte number of graffiti, assignable on palae this epigraph, on the gallery wall at S phonetic value which was intended to are two possible conjectures. (II) It m writing the di-sign. There is room for 1 ing the ä-sign, noticed in No. IV, was a symbol has been written in the present Sigiriya the syllables above which this contain an i in the later stage of the lan above the initial a in the word aya mea form aya in the later language. But the nexion with syllables where etymologi occurs in the same document with the t also used in syllables containing the vov it was the prototype of the i-sign of the read as the anumasia if a dot were add it indicates the half-nasal which is a pec In the record under review, the symbol is one of the letters before which the h language, the other letters having this symbol is also used in connexion with

ZEYLANICA (VOL. Iv
V.
is inscribed on a flagstone on the paventale. It comprises two lines, the first ength. The letters range in size from unfinished or some letters have been The first half of the first line appears to rest of the document. The letters are 2nts of about the same period show that ng from specimens of writing on stone, inturies, received considerable attention ing the standard of the ninth century; : archaic in form. ad in No. II occurs seven times in this sixth, seventh, and nineteenth aesaras of enth of the second. It also occurs in a ographical grounds to the same age as giriya. We are not certain about the be conveyed by this symbol; but there lay be treated as an early method of the supposition that the method of writdevelopment from the way in which this document; and in some of the graffiti at stroke has been added are those which guage. For example, the symbol occurs uning ʻher ʼ and this word assumes the è symbol in question is also used in concally no i is required. Moreover, it ype of ä-sign noticed in No. IV and is vel au. It is therefore doubtful whether ninth century. (2) The symbol would ed. We may therefore conjecture that uliar feature of the Sinhalese language. is placed over the ligature milia; and 6 alf-nasal is pronounced in the modern peculiarity being g, d, and d. But the syllables containing the consonants t, A,





Page 188
No. 17 SEVEN SIN HALE
l, h, and y and in the Sigiriya graffiti it fore not possible to take this symbol letters other than g, d, d, and d, were a have, therefore, to leave the value of but in the romanized text of the insc similar to the one appearing on the st connexion with which the symbol occu symbol was, it was used in the Sinha eighth century, for it is not found in do In the ligature nal occurring in thi. are discernible, the a not being reduce unrecognizable form. The girama is r This reflects a development in the lan universal dropping out of the vowel a when it occurs as a medial.
The other points in grammar anc drawn are the honorific suffix l in the 1 daruyun. Noteworthy also is the occu word at the beginning of the record. sixth century, the auspicious word used at the beginning of a document was th such as siaha * or sia/ham °. Sometim Prakrit records of India, too, the auspi This went out of use sometime about place and has remained in favour evers sometimes used at the end of a docume epigraph, in association with drogya, a As stated above, the record is in object, was. In the preserved portion states that he salutes the officers in th view it is now impossible to discover.
EZ, Vol. I, p. 69.
* 7äid., p. 6I.
o Ep. /Ind., vol. viii, p. 73. " E. Z., Vol. II, p. 4. " In an unpublished inscription from Rana

SE INSCRIPTIONS I 47
is placed over the vowel a. It is thereas the half-nasal unless we assume that so nasalized in the eighth century. We this symbol undecided for the present; ription I have placed a curved stroke, one, above the vowel of the syllables in rs. Whatever the phonetic value of this ese script for but a short period in the cuments of the ninth century.
record, the forms of both the consonants l, as it is in the ninth-century script, to an narked throughout where it is necessary. guage of the period, namely, the almost at the end of a word, and sometimes also
l orthography to which attention may be name Mihinaal and the forms pay/ia and |rrence of the Skt. swasti as an auspicious From the earliest times up to about the when one was thought to be necessary e Skt. sådaham or words derived from it, es it was abbreviated to si “. In early cious word used was siaha 9 or sia/kami “. the seventh century and swasti took its ince. After the ninth century, siahi was :nt and has been found, but only in one s an auspicious word at the beginning .
complete, and we do not know what its an individual named Mihindal (Mahinda) e palace of his king-with what object in
Ibid., p. 254. * E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 62. * Ibid., pp. 78 ff., and vol. xx, pp. 16 ff.
ra in the Anuradhapura District.





Page 189
I48 EPIGRAPHIA
TEX
1 Svasti Tămbăţikălă Mihindalmi 2 jol-sam-daruyün vandmi (ma tab
TRANSLA Hail! I, Mihindall of Tambatikal
in the palace of our noble king . . . . . .
VI
This inscription is engraved round til bottom of a flight of steps leading to Tammannagala in the Nāgampaha Kora consists of only one line, 6 ft 4 in. long size. The language hardly differs from t has assigned the record to about that pel script in which the record is written that the ninth century; the forms of fa and v for the medial vowels a, i, and e, attachec this point. The record may therefore bel and Sena II.
AS regards grammar, the form je plural and the genitive suffix ge, is not is to state that the moonstone on whi person named Valjetu of Piliyana. The as it informs us that the word faya-gaid, times, is the same as that applied to an O this connexion, it is interesting to note (the step at the end of the stair-case), Ma/havanisa, is explained by the commer 'a step of the shape of a half-moon'".
See above, p. 147. * Sam-daruyun is an earlier form of sam-dart and tenth centuries. For the meaning of the word, Rafod is equivalent to rad-Aoi and radol of lat “ Rajpayha, Skt. rāja-pādasya. Pāda is adde I and forms derived from it are so used in Sinhalese.
A. S. C. Annual Aefort for I895, p. 7, No. I o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 29 T.
See Mahavamsa-fia, Colombo edition of 18

ZEYLAN ICA vOL. Iv
T。
apa raj-payhă gehi raa no go) . . .
VoTION, í, salute their lordships * the officials*
he edge of a moonstone placed at the
the aagada at an old visióira called le of the Anuradhapura District. It , and the letters are from 3 to 6 in. in hat of the ninth century and Mr. Bell iod. But it can be inferred from the
it must belong to an earlier date than and the method of writing the signs l to the consonants, are decisive on ong to the period between Kassapa III
funge, in which we find the honorific eworthy. The object of the record ch it is engraved was a gift of a record is interesting archaeologically used for a 'moonstone in mediaeval rdinary tread in a flight of steps. In hat the expression sofanante patieamit occurring in chap. xxxi., v. 6 I of the tator as ada/hacanalaea-fadagapathieania
vzlan, occurring in the inscriptions of the ninth
see E. Z., Vol. III, p. 88.
er inscriptions. See E. Z, Vol. I, p. 189, n. 9. d to names in Sanskrit and Pali as an honorific
4.
94, P. 4I5.





Page 190
No. 17) SEVEN SIN HALE
TE
Piliyänä väsi Val-jetunge piya-gä
TRANS)
The step of Val-jetu, residing at
V
The last of the seven inscriptions smaller of the two stone canoes found it the area of the Abhayagiri Vihara at . three lines, the first and third being eac The size of the letters varies from I to able development from that of the Gär of certain letters less evolved than thos We may therefore assign this record beginning of the ninth, century. The i the Sinhalese language of the time is s tad-bhava form bala which we have com of earlier date. Velvay is the prototyp plural of the root via (Skt. bhit). Th veyavaya occurring in the Vessagiriya should be, from the context, the instruir person. On the analogy of vetway be earlier form of mā, the instrumental s language. As the long vowels were sh lese language and the final vowel was d confident that may is derived from Skt. state that the stone canoe was the gift
Τ1 1 Svasti Heraņ Gonnāyemi 2 me may lu gal-nävhi phala sav. 3 e phala genä sav-sat-hu bud i
* This can also be read as APilliyâmazvü Siz Sivaljetu of Piliyanava. Sival may be a name ec * See E. Z., Vol. III, pp. 289-294 and Plate

SE INSCRIPTIONS I49
XT.
ţ.
ATION,
Piliyana.
II.
included in this paper is engraved on the the vicinity of the “Stone Canopy, in Anuradhapura. The record consists of h 2 ft. 7 in. long and the second 2 ft. 9 in. 2 inches. The script shows consideraidigala inscription; but contains forms se found in the inscriptions of Sena II o. to the latter half of the eighth, or the nfluence of the Sanskrit (or the Pāli) on seen in the fatsama word phala for the he across already in a number of records e of the classical form vetva, the optative is may be compared with vayavaya and | inscriptions. May, occurring in l. 2, ental singular of the pronoun of the first coming vetva, may can be taken as the ingular of this pronoun in the classical ortened in the early stage of the Sinharopped in the mediaeval stage, we can be maya. The object of the record is to of a novice (samanera) named Gonna.
XT.
-satnaț dinmi vetvay
aljetunge, in which case the translation should be uivalent to P. Sīva.
34.





Page 191
I5O EPIGRAPHIA
TRANSL
Hail! I, Gonna the novice, give to granted by me. May all beings, having
*
From a study of the above inscri the seventh and eighth centuries, some ir both of the Sinhalese script and of the evolved in the speech and a method of r was also invented. The final, and some and this phonetic change was expressed the use of the virama was adopted lat No. IV, the latter occurs while the forme1 feature which was introduced during this seems to have been evolved before eit above, for it is found in No. II, in whic met with. We cannot, in the present st what date these changes occurred; we innovation was relatively earlier than an
In order that the reader may gain sor script from the fifth to the ninth centur showing the aksaras found in the inscrip In this table I have also included the aks yet unpublished, of the same period, na Daļa Mugalana (Moggalāna II). The f tion of Śrī Meghavạrņņa and the Manna or Kassapa IV, have also been included, be compared with those of the periods w
Or, becom

ZEYLANICA (VOL. IV
ATION.
all beings the merit of this stone boat taken that merit, become enlightened.
ptions we find that there were, during nportant developments in the evolution anguage. A new vowel sound, di, was epresenting this graphically in the script times the medial, vowel a was dropped by the virama sign. It appears that er than was that of the å-sign, for, in * is absent. Another important phonetic period was the change of c to s. This her of the two innovations mentioned h neither the virama nor the a-sign is ate of our knowledge, say precisely at can only be certain that one particular other. me idea of the evolution of the Sinhalese ies, I have given, on Plate 15, a table tions discussed in the above five articles. aras found in another dated inscription, mely, the Nilagama rock-inscription of orms occurring in the Tonigala inscripr Kacceri Pillar Inscription of Sena II so that the symbols of this period may hich preceded and followed it.
e Buddhas”.





Page 192
Evolution of the Sinhalese Script
Ερίμ Γτιμήίττ Σεμία η ίσα
--------------|| || + (** || || ? - : :「: :
----|-「) ||-| szex-soo oooooooooow | 2,3-|||王C:Beく| S
||| |-|-| -·----| „, ‹+› rừtaey|||| メ|—{|3[]|8.的---- _(...) : |-||5|* ** * * ~ ? : * * 후 후 후 3 % 활「홍 후 후 홍「활 후 활「환 홀 후 「和 「和T홍T & 후 知

Prr: ,
between the fourth and ninth centuries
|- ‘Āŋ ŋuɖɔɔ ɲɛ;",}----タく|
? :
| {!
rƆ
s-à_s
o ry, yo :*(?&******
— — —
|| ***ựưa » +?直
| :,: -, ,) Norsogoroy も &○|-
», , , .or').froy|||| ***«?).*,,+ '*', po vlor; +· | •laeņos, for spis, orososQ | Ārrr}(r) + g'
·la, raevi,
Åo &:=& &#xxun.,|
***&& + && &&3&&1 |-
. | _----------+ sĩ,| no rozs-, *, *riaeň∂√∞uriaetwy
· ******.” „s-oo,,,: ||
· &&&&3&& &+&y&##
ம ை
다o.s.
Q
|
○
|-| o 3 No, o o
8 || R 1— (德) C
|-|| &
| | 3
---- ^ — |
*





Page 193






Page 194
No. 18. TIRIYÄY R(
By S. PARA
IRIYAY is a Tamil village situate ΤΕ to the north of Trincomalee it to the west of this village, there is a known by the Tamil name of Kandasar on the summit and the slopes of which monastery now called Nītupatpāņa . Tl vatadage containing a small stupa in t circles of graceful stone pillars, of the Lankārāma aāgāčas at Anurādhapura. has a moulded stone revetment ; and fou balustrades of the usual Sinhalese type l On terraces lower down the hill are ve remains of a flight of steps, which ascenc also to be seen. At the foot of the hill ti sides faced with rubble, between which t and not far from these bokunas are the indicating that a highway passed this pla the hill are some rock caves, two of whic pre-Christian form of that script and t century. The epigraph which is the subj a rock at a distance of about 2OO ft. to tl
The inscription covers an area of th and contains eleven lines of writing. Ov record is in a bad state of preservation. beginning for a distance of nearly three fe damaged. There are many other place
Nitupatpana is mentioned in the list of B from about the eighteenth century. A tank called work of Vasabha (circa I26-I 7o). It is, however, at any time in the past; for, in the inscription, it is Valadage (Circular Relic-House) is the name a stipa. Examples of vatadagas, besides those Mihintale, Polonnaruva, Mädirigiriya, and Attanaga * A. S. A., Nos. 479-48o. For their texts, see
WOL. W.

OCK-INSCRIPTION.
NAVANA
d near the sea-coast about twenty-nine n the Eastern Province. About a mile hill, rising 2 IO ft. above sea-level and nimalai (the Hill of the Lord Skanda), are the ruins of an ancient Buddhist he summit is occupied by an interesting he centre, round which are concentric type seen at the Thuparama and the The circular platform of the vatadage ir flights of steps with guardstones and ead to it from the four cardinal points. estiges of monastic structures, and the led the hillside up to the vasadage, are here are two ponds (AoA unas) with their he path to the monastic buildings ran; remains of an ancient stone bridge, ce in ancient times. On the slopes of h bear Brahmi inscriptions', one in the he other dating from about the first ect of the present paper is engraved on he south of the vatadage. e rock-surface measuring 20 ft. by 5 ft. ving to the weathering of the stone, the Lines I to 4 are totally illegible at the et and the ends of lines 4 to o are much as where the letters are not preserved
uddhist shrines, called the Avampoia, which dates i Niitupatpana is mentioned in the Alfazal as a doubtful whether the site was known by this name
called Girikandi-caitya. : given in Sinhalese to a circular shrine enclosing of Thuparama and Lankarama, are found at alla.
C.V. Se., G, vol. ii, p. I I 7.





Page 195
I 52 EPIGRAPHIA
well enough for decipherment; and the below contains many lacunae and doubt letters, without taking into consideration and the sign for the medial vowel u, va
The script of this record is one of the Pallava Grantha of about the seven few Sanskrit inscriptions of this perio epigraphs of this period are extremely tions in a script resembling this have als the gallery wall at Sigiriya are a short several verses in Sinhalese written in a naturally do not contain conjoint lette Script, at first sight, is therefore some Sanskrit. But when the individual le resemblance between the script of the S above becomes quite evident. The inst closely resembling the one under disc record on a rock near the Ambasthala C which occurs the 7 rikayastotra, a Sans the Buddha. The Sanskrit inscriptio South of Tiriyay, is written in a Scri epigraph, as may be seen by comparing document with the corresponding symbo
In South Indian epigraphy, so far a the closest resemblance to the one unde of the Pallava king Paramesvaravarmm. the aésaras, ka, ga, gha, ta, póa, y'a, ra, a almost identical in form; but, on the otl and sa of our epigraph differ slightly f Kuram plates°. These diferences, howe
Mtiller, A.I. C., p. 52, A. S. C. Annual Re pp. 42-43. I am indebted to Professor Sylvain L. pp. 42-43 of the C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii, form the 7 Afeligions, tome xxxiv, Paris 1896, pp. I7-21, and . Fetersbourg, 1911, pp. 837-845.
* E. Z., Vol. II, pp. I 58-I6I.
* Compare plate xvi and column 24 in Tafel

ZEYLANI CA vOL. Iv
refore the text of the inscription given ful readings. The size of the individual the long tails of such letters as a, A., &c., ries from I to 2 inches. ts main features of interest. It resembles th century and in it have been written the d found in Ceylon. Dated Sinhalese 'are; but a few Sinhalese stone inscripso been found. Among the graffiti on record of a single Sanskrit verse and similar script. The Sinhalese records rs and the general appearance of the what different from that of records in tters are taken into consideration, the inhalese and Sanskrit records mentioned cription which is written in a script most ussion is a long but very fragmentary etiya at Mihintale, towards the end of krit hymn praising the three bodies of in at Kuccaveli, only six miles to the pt somewhat earlier than that of this the letters &a, ra, ma, ya, and la of one ols of the other. s is known to me, the script which has r discussion is that of the Kuram plates an I (circa 66o-68o). The symbols for nd va, occurring in the two records, are her hand, the letters kha, ja, nua, óa, ha, rom the corresponding symbols of the ver, are of a type which may easily be due
port for I 9 III-I 2, p. 93 and C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii, évi for the information that the verses referred to in riéâyastotra, for which see Revue de l'Histoire des Bulletin de l'Académie Impériale des Sciences de St
vii of Bühler's Indische Paläographie.





Page 196
NO. 18) TIRIYAY ROCK
merely to the individuality of the different on which the records are engraved. It the script of this record is not quite ider The script which was prevalent in Ce favoured, on the whole, straight lines an which were noticeable in the development centuries of the Christian era had full formation in the seventh century of suc document. On the other hand, there ar. pillar-inscription of Buddhadasa', in whi met with; and it is quite possible for the from such forms. Nevertheless, the rest script of this and other records from ( certain foreign influence—probably Palla in Ceylon during the sixth and seventh ce history of the island in the seventh cen Pallavas, as is seen from the account of the Mahavamsa (chap. xlvii); and undc between the two countries, though of this noteworthy that most of the Ceylon ins resembling the Pallava Grantha are in th istic character. The appearance of the l Indian influences, and the native traditio of Ceylon with India in the time of A$ol munity of the Mahavihara, strenuously c gained strength; but they were, it seem traces in popular religion as well as in th Considering the resemblance of th peried of Paramesvaravarmman I, who fl century, and comparing it with the d noticed in Ceylon records dating from t be justified in assigning this epigraph 1 century or the first half of the eighth. data which would enable us to fix its pro
The language of the inscription,
* E. Z., Vol. III)

INSCRIPTION I53
scribes and the difference in the material must, nevertheless, be emphasized that ical with any found in South India. ylon during the fifth and sixth centuries langular forms; and if the tendencies of the Ceylon script during the first five lay, it would be difficult to imagine the a rounded script as is noticed in this documents such as the Ruvanvalisaya sh a script favouring rounded forms is script in this record to have been evolved mblance to the Pallava Grantha in the eylon noted above is striking; and a va-in the development of the alphabet 2nturies seems very likely. The political tury was profoundly influenced by the Mānavamma (circa 668—7o3) given in ubtedly there was cultural intercourse we have no recorded details. It is also criptions which are written in a script Le Sanskrit language and of MahāyānMahayana in Ceylon was always due to n, originating from the cultural contact ca, and embodied in the orthodox compposed these influences whenever they s, strong enough to have left enduring e domain of letters. 2 script to that of South India in the ourished in the latter half of the seventh gree of development of the alphabet he eighth and ninth centuries, we may o the closing decades of the seventh The record furnishes us with no other bable date.
s has already been stated, is Sanskrit
, pp. I 2o-r 26,





Page 197
I54 EPIGRAPHIA
and is in prose. As is usual in Sansk elegance, the style affects, long compou of any note and the author of the doct proficiency in the Sanskrit language. should be noted that the cerebral 4 occu lendra. The gha in place of ha in the these orthographical peculiarities, part influence of the vernacular language of
The record begins with an account The major part of the document is occu Girikandi- (or okandika-) caitya, in w in the first person, but his name is not record. The eulogy is followed by th merit he has gained by praising the sh miseries of existence. After this occ was founded by the guilds of merchants record ends with the Buddhist form mundane.
The merchants mentioned in the b as 'skilful in navigating the sea, engage a display of goods laden in Sailing vesse nature of the text does not enable us to introduced. It is, however, justifiable Girikandi-caitya which will be discusse with the merchants Trapussaka and Va record as the founders of the caitya. corruptions of Trafusa (Tapussa and 1 in the Niaanakatha), the names of the Buddha immediately after his enlighte among the Buddha's lay disciples and v the Master.
The view that the merchants are i document, in order to make it clear th: seems to gain support from the referer
See Mahavagga (Vinaya Aitaka, edited (Waitaka, edited by Fausböll, vol. ii), pp. 80-81, a

ZEYLANICA [voL. Iv
rit prose writings with any pretence to nds. There are no grammatical errors ment seems to have had considerable As regards orthography, however, it rs in such words as sudalita and sininghalatter word is also noteworthy. Both icularly the latter, may be due to the the author.
of a company of sea-faring merchants. 1pied by a long eulogy of a shrine named which the author of the document speaks found in the preserved portion of the a pious wish of the author that, by the rine, the world may be freed from the urs the statement that Girikandi-caitya named Trapussaka and Wallika. The ula about the transitoriness of things
eginning of the document are described d in buying and selling and who possessed els of divers sorts”, but the fragmentary know in what connexion they have been
to conjecture, from the history of the 'd in the sequel, that they are identical llika mentioned towards the close of the
7 rapussaka and Vallika seem to be apassu in Pāli) and Bhallika (Bhalluka two merchants who offered food to the nment. They are counted as the first vere the recipients of some hair-relics of
ntroduced, towards the beginning of the at they were the founders of the caitya, ice to a friendly deity of theirs. In the
by H. Oldenberg, vol. ii), pp. 3-4, Avidaimakatha nd Lalitavistara, Lefman's edition, vol. i, pp. 381 ff.





Page 198
No. 18) TIRIYAY ROCK
Mahavagga as well as in the AVidana Tapassu and Bhalluka were led to the E relation of theirs in a previous existenc according to this inscription, the caitya at to enshrine the hair-relics given to them
The Mahāvagga, the Wiadaānakathā merchants came from a country called U that the stipa built by them to enshr country. The Chinese pilgrim Hieun Tsa in Gandhara, noticed the remains of two seems that other Buddhist countries wer the honour of possessing this particularly Buddha himself. The Burmese Buddhis enshrined these precious relics in their o In the Sinhalese religious work nan century, it is definitely stated that the m stupa, enshrining the hair-relics, in Cey place where, according to that work, same as the appellation of the stipa at tion. The Pafawali, in its account of agrees, in the main, with the AVidana, additional information is given: "They r casket and took them to their own to course of time they went on a sea-voyag and, going in search of firewood and Girihaidu. They placed the casket of when they returned after having cooked to move the relic-casket from the place w was a holy place and, having honoured i stones, offered flowers and went their wa named Girihaidu at that place'.' Th Pafawali and the Sanskrit form Girika doubtless identical, the change of e to /
Watter’s Yuan Chwang, vol. i, * Bigandet, The Zegend of Gaua * See Piujāvali, Colombo editio

INSCRIPTION I55
as/ha, it is stated that the merchants uddha by a deva who had been a blood It thus becomes fairly certain that, Tiriyay was founded by these merchants by the Buddha. und the Laltavstara state that the two kkala (Skt. Utkala) in North India, and ne the hair-relics was in their native ng, on his journey from Balkh to Bamian stupas built over these relics. But it 2 not prepared to concede to Gandhāra holy shrine, built in the life-time of the is firmly believe that the two merchants wn Shwe Dagon at Rangoon. ned Pujavali, written in the thirteenth archants Tapassu and Bhalluka built a flon; and, moreover, the name of the this shrine was built, is almost the Tiriyay, which occurs in this inscripthe legend of Tapassu and Bhaluka, Batha; but at the end the following eceived those hair-relics in a jewelled wn where they worshipped them. In and came to the island of Śrī Lańkā; water, they came to the place named elics on the summit of the rock; and and eaten their meals they were unable here it was. They then knew that this ., covered (the casket) with a heap of 7. In later times, there was a visiara e Sinhalese name Girihaidu in the idika occurring in the inscription are occurring not infrequently in Sinha
pp. III— II I 3. ima, vol. i., p. IIo, footnote. of I922, p. 184.





Page 199
I56 EPIGRAPHI
lese. The form Girikanuạdika, on th Sanskritized form of the vernacular century, must have approximated mor century.
The identity of Giri&amdi with G fact that, in the Sinhalese paraphras Visuddhimagga, the word Girikandabelow) is paraphrased as Giri/iaid certain that, at the time when this i legend connecting Tapassiu and Bhall that it was believed that this stūpa c presented by the Buddha to these n persisted down to the thirteenth cen falfazali, who added this additional i Bhaluka given in the Midana&at/ha.
Just as there were several Buddh possessing this first relic of the Buddh Ceylon, more shrines than one whic merchants Tapassu and Bhalluka. Girihaňqdu (Girikaņda) at Ambalanto! the mouth of the Valave Gañga. Lo the Buddha given to these two merc But the Pafawali account agrees with that of the shrine at Ambalantota. F relic-casket on the top of a rock when it could not be removed; and the Tiriyay is on the top of a rock while now called Girihaidu Vehera at An for a marble slab containing a sculp Buddha's renunciation, has recently definite proof to show that its old nar Archaeologically, the record is in the ancient name of the stūpa at Tiri of the epigraph was to sing the pre
See Visuddhimarga-sannaya, * See C.J.Sc., G, vol. ii, plat

A ZEYLANICA voL. Iv
2 other hand, might well be taken as a name which, in the seventh or eighth e to the Sanskrit than in the thirteenth
irihaidu is proved beyond doubt by the e (sanne), by Parākramabāhu II, of the nahavihara occurring in the Pali text (see u-vehera. Therefore we may be quite nscription was written, there was a local aka with the ancient stufa at Tiriyay and ontained the hair-relics said to have been herchants. This tradition seems to have tury and was known to the author of the nformation to the legend of Tapassu and
ist countries competing for the honour of na, so it appears that there were, in ancient h claimed to have been founded by the For there is at present a stilpa called a on the southern coast of Ceylon, near cal tradition asserts that the hair-relics of hants are now in the stūpa at this place. the topography of Tiriyay rather than with or it is said that the merchants placed the ce, being restrained by superhuman power, tufa was erected over it. The stilpa at that at Ambalantota is not so. The site hbalantota, however, is of great antiquity, ture, in the Amaravati style, depicting the been discovered there. But there is no ne was really Girihaidu Vehera. nportant in that it enables us to learn that yay was Girikandika-caitya. The purpose ises of this shrine and the name occurs
edited by M. Dharmaratna, p. 5Io. e L.





Page 200
No. 18 TIRIYAY ROCK
several times in it. It is unreasonable t have been indited at a site other than thi is obviously identical with Giri &audaea, the /i/a/hāvamiusa (chap. lx, v. 6o) in a lis But there is nothing to decide the questi at Tiriyay or a monastery of a similar na a mountain named Girikaņçda are mentio in connexion with the legends of Pand raised the standard of revolt against his Girikanda-pabbata, after gaining 7OO fo Kāsapabbata. One of his uncles was cal of that district; and the romantic epis uncle's daughter as his future queen, alsC Ma/havanisa does not give any topogra decide whether Girikanda-pabbata was o. Girikaņdaka-vihāra and the caitya at tha in the Visuda/himagga in a story narrate exhilaration of mind caused by raptu enough to transport a person through th
Of particular interest is the state Girikandaka-caitya was an abode of Ava elsewhere, the worship of this Mahayan Ceylon and is still prevalent. But, bot epigraphs of the island hitherto discov Lokesvara Natha, or Natha, the last of known. This is the first time that the sattva has been met with in a Ceylon do what can also be inferred from the fact tha that the ancient monastery at Tiriyay v inclined towards Mahāyānism, if not av the document was undoubtedly a Mahay: that the merit gained by him should be Mahayanists seem to have been influentia period, for the inscription at Kuccaveli, r This also explains why the Girikandik
P.T. S. edition, pp. I43-I44.

.INSCRIPTION I57
assume that such an epigraph would : one referred to therein. Girikandika a monastery of which name occurs in t of viharas repaired by Vijayabahu I. on whether it was the ancient monastery me situated elsewhere. A district and ned in the tenth chapter of the chronicle, ukabhaya. This prince, when he first uncles, set up his first encampment at llowers at the town called Pana near ed Girikanda Siva, as he was the ruler ode, in which Pandukabhaya won his has this district as its scene. But the phical details that would enable us to n the north-eastern coast of Ceylon. A t place are mentioned by Buddhaghosa d in order to illustrate how the state of rous delight (udóega-piti) is powerful e air.
ment, in line 5 of the inscription, that Ilokitesvara. As I have pointed out a Bodhisattva was widespread in ancient h in the literature as well as in the ered, he is referred to as Lokesvara, which is the name by which he is now best known appellation of the Bodhicument. The statement also provesat the document is written in Sanskritvas, in the seventh or eighth century, owedly Mahayanistic. The author of inist, as is shown by the wish expressed for the salvation of the whole world. l on the eastern coast of Ceylon at this eferred to above, is also Mahayanistic. a-caitya which, from this inscription,
* C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii, pp. 52-64.





Page 201
I 58 EPIGRAPHI
appears to have enjoyed a great reputa the chronicles written by the Theravac of this monastery that their stafa c seem to have found recognition by the &al/ha knows nothing of the episode wh
guņaib prathamatara-pradā Sakya-raja-tilake Sugate si khaméevamaa 2 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. [Sa]lilan bahuvidha-yanapatra-paripi nija-devatayā .. .. ... (bhav ity%udite 3 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... (sali)la guņairaupagata-nagara-ja[na vanig-ganaih krtavadzapr yamei) ti yateprathitamabhu
-ir-angana-bhumi-tala rin sa nata-vara-Girikandika-ca 5 ma . . . . . . (kata)-sphuta-m sadā Sura-kinnara-pūjyatar Bhagavān ... .. .. ..
6 munirzapi mafiju-vagamano-dos ojvala-vicitrita-gatra-rucina Bhagavān tadøaham2api pi
7 Sura-sarid-abja-parnna-puta-pu puşpa-dhūpa-maņi-dīpa- (ni) sura-purādavatīryya mudā
8 sura-patirzapyzaneka-parivara-Sl
The danda is clear on the stone; but * Read sualitam.

A ZEYLANICA (voIL. Iv
tion for sanctity, hardly finds mention in dins. Nor does the claim of the votaries ontained the hair-relics of the Buddha
Mahavihara fraternity, for the Miaanaich brings the two merchants to Ceylon.
EXK.
(a)virata-bhakti-yukta - hrdayairzavadataina-guņa .. .. bhir2 eka-gurau Bhagavati utaramadhigata-dhatu-ga. . . ti-sammu
idhi-prayana-caturalih kraya-vikrayibhib' irita-bhanda-(ta) taih' likuSala-vaŠātsahayavati) [bha]vişyad2alpa .. .. .. .. ... kam2
nidhi ... (sta ha) samavatiryya sametaa*- sahitairaupaśāntataraih (sarvvair)2 avihata-muda vara-Girika (ndika-cait
Wale a .. .. .. .. ... ha ... ... kara-krtopahāra-ructatamaabhiprasanna-nara-mandala-bhaktiityam2a)bhinamya ... .. .. aha - munirb2Buddhârihkuro nivasati yatra n[o] gurure Avalokiteśvara iti prathito tarin Girikaņdika-caityam2aham2a(pi)
sa-visa-dahara ... . . kanaka-vibhusanniya tam-upaiti yatra sukumāra-tanur2 raņaumi Girikaņdika-caitya-varain . .
rita-gandha-jala . . . . kara-bhrtavedya-dharāb s(u)laļitam 'aringaņā(s); vidadhati pūjāni Bhagavato Girikaņdi
ura-nugatah Sulalita-divya-Šarinkha-pataha
a punctuation mark is not necessary here.
Read sulatita.





Page 202
Epiராதர் ஆளாரே
 

Tiriyāy R
:: :Pri





Page 203
Tiriyāy Rock-Inscription
ar før και της ή δε Ι. Μία
 

Vos. "ko Frf si





Page 204
No. 18) TIRIYAY ROCK
(praņi) . . . . Sura-taru-sa vara-Girikaņdlike praņipātar 9 pratidinam2arccamana[rih] maha-g ļendra - ° jana-kalpita-pūjyaupāsitam4āryya-(gaņai)røahan
10 sakala-tamo “ paham2. Bhagavato
caitya-nilaye pratinimina-dhi pracitamabhavatu bhav-ābdhi
11 krta-prati ... . . . . . . . . . . . Vallikairvavanig-ganaih krt. abhava-svabhavasasarvva-dha
RANS
by those who were having virtue, who desired the merit of being Blessed One, the incomparable teacher, th O who had excellently obtained reli by the companies of merchants who were in buying and selling and who possesse vessels of divers sorts, owing to the influ was of their own kin. . . . to come . . . performed by all the companies of mei possessed various) virtues united togeth of the city who had come there)", with u known in the world as the excellent Giri
Read azirala.
Owing to the fragmentary nature of the te: phrases occurring in ll. 1-3 is not quite clear. In 1 lish rendering of what is preserved, in the same orc attempting to arrange them according to the syntax.
Assuming that these phrases are eulogies of t may take this as a reference to the fact that they we
Perhaps we have here a reference to the merchants.
See above, p. I55.
It is not clear to what city and to what incide
WOL. IV

-INSCRIPTION I59
mbhav-ärdra-kusuma-prakararih vikiran in kurute ... ... kata ..
pirau . . . . . (a)viraļa- Siringhasata . . ... vișayam niriti-karanama m2api pŭjayami Girikandi-gata-sugata.
da ... .. .. .. .. .. .. ... (vara)-Girikaņdiya ... ... ... ... ... ... ... yad ... ... ku$alam1 -duhkha-parihinam anena jagatah . . .
. .. .. .. .. yane Trapussakalırvø a . . . . . g2Girikandi-caityama armmāh (n*
ATION.
hearts of unceasing devotion, of pure the very first to give , . . . . . . in the e ornament of Šakya kings, the Sugata CS . . . . . . in the presence of . . . . . . skilful in navigating the sea, engaged d) a display of goods laden in Sailing ence of merit, by a friendly devata who . . . . having crossed the Ocean, . . . . as rchants who were very tranquil, who er in them), including the inhabitants nabated pleasure . . . . . . that which is kadika-Caitya . . . . . . . where offer
* Read Simhalendra. kt, the connexion to each other of the various the translation, therefore, I have given the Engder as the phrases occur in the original, without
he merchants led by Tapassu and Bhaluka, we
re the first to make any gifts to the Buddha. obtaining of hair relics of the Buddha by the
nt the allusion is here.





Page 205
16O EPIGRAPHIA
ings have been made, which contains ch frequently worshipped with devotion by shipped that excellent Girikandika-ca manifested . . . . . . where dwells always Avalokitesvara, who is worthy to be h the Blessed One . . . . that Girikandik sweet speech, the burning poison of me Blessed One, of very delicate body, atta fied by the brightness of golden orname I, too, do worship . . . . . . . Girikandik ing) scented water in receptacles made and carrying, held in their hands, flow descend gracefully from the heavenly c ship, of the Blessed One. . . . . . . . . numerous attendant gods, does obeisanc ing very lovely celestial chanks, drum flowers produced in the celestial trees rock . . . . . at which are hundreds of . the lord of the Sirinhalas and (his) peo affliction . . . . I, too, worship the relic which is adored by multitudes of noble C dispels all darkness, . . . . . . with minc caitya . . . . . . whatever merit has be existence of the world be reduced . . . . companies of merchants named Trap are transitory.
Buddhaikura, a Buddha in embryo. * Mano-dosa-visa-dahara: None of the mean seems to be applicable here. It is translated abo * This is perhaps an allusion to a Buddha i. in use among the Mahayanists.
* According to the Widanakatha (op. cit, p. caravan of 5oo waggons. Hence the word zvani merchants who accompanied them.

ZEYLAN ICA (VOL. Iv
arming grounds of courtyards, which is 7 multitudes of pious men, having woritya . . . . . . . the Great Sage, who is the Bodhisattva, the teacher, known as Onoured by gods and Ainnaras, . . . . . . a-caitya, I, too, . . . . . the Sage, too, of ental transgression * . . . . . . . where the ins indeed a corporeal splendour beauti2nts, that excellent Girikanda-caitya, a-caitya), to which divine nymphs, bearof lotus leaves from the celestial river, ers, incense, jewel-lamps, and oblations, ity, and perform, with delight, the wor... the king of gods, too, followed by e at the excellent Girikandika, sound
S . . . . . and scattering heaps of fresh b 8 8 worshipped daily, on the great
.., worthy to be honoured, prepared by ple . . . . . . which causes freedom from of the Buddha deposited in Girikandi Il6S . . . . . . . of the Blessed One, which
l bent on the shrine of the Girikandien caused, by that let the miseries of ... the Girikandi-caitya founded by the ussaka and Vallika *. All phehomena
ings usually attached to dahara (see M. W. Dict.) ve as being an error for da/hra.
mage decked with ornaments. Such images were
8o), Tapassu and Bhaluka were the leaders of a gganaih would be applicable to them and to the





Page 206
No. 19. TWO INSCRIPTION FROM MAG U L
By S. PA
TE two inscriptions dealt with in
ruins of an ancient monastery, now in the Panama Pattu of the Batticaloa eighth mile-stone on the road from I occupied, at least periodically, by a Bu by pilgrims; but the ancient stilpa and and buried in the forest which extend References to the interesting architect site will be found in the Ceylon Yourna under its ancient name of Runu-maha-v remains at the place are reproduced on P and a plan of the site on Plate XLIII, tive records of the ninth century are fou wall of the platform on which the stafa ment. A fragment of a much weathere into the retaining wall of the platform, on a stone slab belonging to the outer a of buildings at the site. Of the two e (4.S.A., No. 453) is found to the left of ruined structure marked on the plan ref fragmentary pillar-inscription (4. S.A., building.
The first of these two records (r palimpsest over a long tenth-century in but for thirteen lines at the end. The 2 ft. 4 in. in breadth; but the area occu 4 ft. 2 in. by 2 ft. 2 in. The documer is engraved shallowly and rather careles letters, which are not uniform in size, epigraph has suffered much from the we
For some of these inscriptions, WOL. V.

NS OF VIHÄRA-MAHÄ-lDEVI MAHA-VI HARA.
ANAVITANA.
this paper have been found among the known as Magul-maha-vihara, situated District, about a mile to the south of the 'otuvil to Vallavaya. The site is still ddhist monk and is occasionally visited the monastic structures are all in ruins ls for miles on all sides of the place. ural and archaeological features of the Il of Science, Section G, vol. ii, pp. 76-77, ehera or -vihara; photographs of Some lates XXXIX-XLII and XLV-XLVI, of the same journal. Some short donaind on the coping-stones of the retaining is built and on a stone used in the pave'd tenth-century pillar-inscription is built and a ninth-century inscription is found rakara which encloses the whole group pigraphs now edited, the slab-inscription the flight of steps at the entrance to the erred to above as 'Building A'; and the No. 454) is also found near the same
eferred to below as I) is written as a scription which has thus been obliterated, slab measures 6 ft. 7 in. in height by pied by the epigraph under discussion is it comprises twenty lines of writing and sly in a somewhat sprawling hand. The rary from I to 2 inches in height. The ather and some letters in lll. II, 2, 7, I 2- I 3,
see C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii, p. III 3.





Page 207
I 62 EPIGRAPHIA
and I5-18 are either totally illegible o second inscription (II) is engraved on th half is broken away and missing. Tl square by 2 ft. 9 in. in height. Side A in addition to some engraving, the exac side B has twelve lines and side C thir much better than that of the slab-inscri 2 in. in size on side B and I in. on side sides A and B are in a good state of weatherworn.
The script of the records is defini and agrees, in many particulars, with ti period. A comparison of na, na, ra, sa letters of the Gadaladeniya inscription year of Bhuvanaikabāhu IV (I 34 I-2 A.D.) e.g., va, are, however, less developed Gadaladeniya inscription, and the prese identical with the symbol for that letter with the more developed form which Palaeographically, these records seem, t. Gadaladeniya inscription and may be fourteenth century.
The language resembles that of th date from the thirteenth to the fifteent (I, 1.5) and the first syllable of vera (I, l. usage according to which they should ha structions are mixed up together in the construction like mā visin . . . . karavā correct by grammarians.
The records tell us that Runu-ma. site, which was then an abandoned ru novated by Vihara-maha-devi, the cons kumba or Parakramabahu, and that maintenance. From Inscription I we le quished the Cola army and were ruling th
See above, pp. 9

ZEYLANI CA (voIL. Iv
can be read only conjecturally. The ree sides of a pillar, of which the upper e preserved fragment measures Io in. has four lines of writing preserved on it, nature of which cannot be made out; teen. The execution of this record is ption. The letters are, on an average, S A and C. The remaining portions of preservation; but side C is somewhat
tely later than the Polonnaruva period hat of the inscriptions of the Gampola , and (a of these records with the same of Dharmmakirtti, dated in the third will make this fact clear. Some letters,
than the corresponding ones in the int epigraphs also contain a form of ra in the Polonnaruva period side by side was common in the Gampola period. herefore, to be slightly earlier than the
assigned to the first quarter of the
e classical Sinhalese prose works which h century. The last syllable of tubiiva I9) have short vowels, against standard ve been long. Active and passive consame sentence in inscription No. 1. A (I, ll. IO-I II) would not be accepted as
ha-vehera, the ancient monastery at the n in the wilderness, was completely reort of the two brother kings named Parashe endowed it with lands, &c., for its Lrn that these two brother kings had vane Rohana principality, It also appears
-93 and Plate Io,





Page 208
No. 19) TWO INSCRIPTIONS (
that both brothers had the name of P was their common spouse. The pillar-ir detailed account of the Cola invasion unfortunately, the record is mutilated this historical event begins. This re after the demise of the brother kin therein as ' who was the chief consort
In the tentative account of these estampages supplied to me in I 929, giv included in the C. 7.Sc.G, vol. ii, part cation of the Parakramabahu of this in brother with Bhuvanaikabāhu IV. F that the reigns of Parakramabahu Val and Mr. Codrington has also surmised Palaeographically, these inscriptions ca but, after further study of the inscript prepared under my direction, I am no untenable.
In inscription I, wherein the por well preserved, the name of Bhuvan. context does not leave us in any doubt known as Parakramabahu. Moreove epigraph as ruling over Rohaņa, wher bahu V had their respective capitals rainty over the whole of Ceylon, thoug extend to some parts of the island. If the whole island, Vihara-maha-devi wo to them merely as rulers of Rohana. the princes mentioned in these epig monarchs figuring in the lists of paran were petty kings who wielded inde northern part of the island was in a ste South India. So far as my knowledge tioned in any of the available source
' A Short Aistory of Ceylon,

DF VI HARA-MAHA-DEVI Ι63
arakramabahu and that Vihara-maha-devi scription appears to have containeda more which was repelled by these rulers; but, just at the point where the reference to 'cord also appears to have been set up gs, for Vihara-maha-devi is referred to of the two brother kings'. : records, which was based on defective en by me in the 'Epigraphical Summary II (p. I O6), I have suggested the identifiscription with Parākramabāhu V and of his rom the inscriptions it becomes evident nd Bhuvanaikabāhu IV ran concurrently, that these two monarchs were brothers'. n belong to the time of Parakramabahu V; ions with the help of better estampages w of opinion that my first identification is
tion containing the royal names is fairly aikabahu does not occur at all, and the : as to the fact that both the brothers were r, the two brothers are described in the eas Bhuvanaikabāhu IV and Parākramain the Maya kingdom and claimed suzegh their actual authority did not probably her husbands had claimed the dominion of uld not have been content with referring It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that raphs are not identical with any of the hount rulers of the island; but that they pendent authority in Rohana while the te of confusion owing to an invasion from : goes, these princes have not been mens for the history of the period; but the
London, I926, pp. 83 and 88-89.





Page 209
I 64 EPIGRAPHIA
events which occurred between the reign and Bhuvanaikabāhu IV of Gampola ha the chronicles and our knowledge of the wide gaps.
No information is available from ot which these two rulers are said to have ri period to which these records have to be the Colas who had, from the ninth to th played such a decisive part in the history to be of any importance; and it is dou powerful enough to have dispatched an ex who invaded Ceylon on this occasion did sc nagara kings of whom they were then the as the South Indians who had been invac were the Colas, any invaders from the name. But against such a supposition is invaders from South India, who sacked kabahu I, are called Pandyans, as, in fact The records also inform us that the was Runu-maha-vehera (P. Rohana-ma founded by King Dasen-kali (Dhatusena not credit Dhatusena with the establish hand, according to the Mahavanisa an Ruhunu-vehera (P. Rohana-vihara) was Rohana, who held the sceptre at Anurac 661 A.D. Runu-maha-vehera of this r vihara) of the chronicles are doubtless i crepancy between the epigraph and the a century or so later in date than both Ma/havamsa in which the reference to the
The Rajavaliya (Gunasekara's translation, Sinhalese territories towards the close of the fourtee
Chap. xc, vv. 43-47.
Dhatusena is referred to in Sinhalese historic
| Wikaya Sahgraha (op. cit, p. 16) as Däsen-kälior -
4. Chap. xlv, v. 54.

ŽEVLANICA s vOI. IV
of Parākramabāhu IV of Kuruņägala lve been very imperfectly recorded in
history of this period contains many.
her sources about the Cola invasion spelled. It is noteworthy that, in the assigned on palaeographical grounds, a beginning of the thirteenth century, of South India and Ceylon, had ceased btful whether they were at that time pedition to Ceylon. Perhaps the Colas on behalf of the Pandyas or the Vijaya2 feudatories. It is also possible that ling Ceylon for several centuries past Tamil country were referred to by that the fact that in the Ma/havanisa the Yapahuva in the reign of Bhuvanai, they were. 2 ancient name of Magul-maha-vihara ha-vihara) and that it was originally , circa 5 I 6-526) *. The chronicles do ment of this vihāra and, on the other d the Pafawali , a monastery named ; founded by Dappula I, a ruler of thapura for a short period in or about ecord and Runu-vehera (P. Rohanadentical, and there is therefore a dis
chronicles. The inscription is about . 1 the Pafavali and that part of the monastery occurs. More weight may
p. 66) states that the Tamils who invaded the nth century were from the Soli (Cola) country.
zal writings like the Pijavali (op. cit, p. 27) and käliya.
" Ορ. αι., p. 27.





Page 210
No. 19) TWO INSCRIPTIONS (
therefore be attached, in this particula epigraph; but, as both refer to an eve more anterior to their times, there Dappula I is called “Dāpulusen” in Sin name to 'Dasen-kali' may have resu other. In what is preserved of the ti inscription of Vihara-maha-devi has be occurs, thus showing that this mona century.
T
1 (සංචසති) [ශ්‍රී සි]රිල 2 బాత్రి] Gజ3లోణa 3 රුවන්ද කැරැවූ දේ 4. ණhමහමෙවර මහවල් 5 ව තුබූව දැකැ මෙස 6 නාව මැඩැ රූණුර 7 (ర5) ఇరజఅs) { 8 වන් දෙදෙනාට අ 9 සුන් වූ විහාරමහG 10 මි මා විසින් මුල් 11. රවා දරුගම් වටන් 12 ර සහිත වැ . 13 වස්) කොට මා [ 14 ද මෙම සියලු පින්ක් 15 න රජ යුවරජ .. 16 ආදිනුත් අනු ... .. 17 පැවැත්විය යුතු බ 18 න් මා නමින් කළ 19 లె556లిలn @@ @ 20 ද බව දත යුතු

)F VIHARA-MAHA-DEVI Ι65
r, to the chronicles than to the present nt which took place about 6OO years or is not much choice between the two. halese writings; and the similarity of this ted in the confusion of one with the 2nth-century record, over which the first en indited, the name Ruhun-maha-vehera tery had that appellation in the tenth
జ3 రల | රජඳ gک (9)
0ලීමෙස 2.ටැ රජ ක මඳබැරජදරු ගමෙහෙ
\ద్ధిలే ర)
පිස( ක 3.තාපස පරිවා .... ..., . (જો විසින්] කරවනල කම් මතු ව
L5
(లేఆవిర)Gద్ధి ర ఏ





Page 211
I 66
EPIGRAPHIA
II.
A. B.
1 න් ලංකාව 1 [es] 2 ට සොළීන් 2 eng 3 බැසu @ලා 3 දෙබ 4. සසුන් అరG
米 米 米 水 米 米
7
○
s
TRANSC
I.
(Svasti) [śrī Sirikaļa Dāsen-kāli
-ruvan-dä kärävū
-nu-maha-Vera n va tu būva däkä S -nāva mädä Rūņu -(rana) Pärakum -van de-denāța ag -sun vū Vihāra-m -m mä visin mul | -rava daru-gam v, -ra Sahita vä ... .. vas) koțä mā (visi -dame siyalu pin-na raja yuva-raja
The traces of the damaged letters to be se
lacuna by supplying such words as are usually founc

ZEYLAN ICA (VOL. IV
C.
60@@ + 1 . . . . . . ! නම් + 2 ... ... (c. () )్క రల + 3 (වුන් කප්රු }ඳනාට + 4 ක් නම් වූ) යොමෙහ + 5 මෙම බිජුවට " ව සී (5 . . . . . . .
ఆదిర + 7 ධමීමරත්න |Gදෙවි + 8 යට පිද(ව බිම් පි + 9 ට) මතු පත් zot 32 + 1 () )2 825 නූමහ + 11 යනුත් මෙම පී hర ది + 12 න් පුරා පැවැ
+ 13 ත්විය යුතු
RIPT.
Lak-hi raja
raja-da
nne Rū
haha-val
oli-se
-rata raja ka
bā de-bä-raja-daru
a-mehe
haha-devi na
)isä ka
atanā-pasa parivā... ... (bada
n] karavanala
kam matu va
en on the stone do not warrant us in filling the il after raja yuzaraja in other documents.





Page 212
ΕΡέη τμήίrΙ Σε μια ηλεια
vil:1 ||
„W-1:1 |×
|\. || 1ī£1']\
siis sij two, I 1:1,1:
|W
\s|| 1:1||
\ jo oitos 1. || 13su I ow. I,
 
 

Pl'E !E TF
,
„', ! , !? :o) "," |„oso; p o;;;.ņ:
率)
鱷 戀
鱷轟 器)
國神社的





Page 213






Page 214
No. 19) TWO INSCRIPTIONS O)
16 ādinut anu " .. .. 17 päivätviya yutu b 18 -n mā namin kall 19 -vi-pirivena me 20 -da bava data yu
II]
A.
Pl: bāh
de-b
de-C
aga.
-n Larhkava-ta Solīn bäsä lo
SSll
米 米 米 米 米 米
-S) -ti V mal
9
-
b
-sail
RūI, Vehi
1.
0
11
2
TRANSL
I.
Hail! Prosperity Having seen th His Majesty King Dasen-kali who reig a great wilderness, by me, named Viha
The context would justify the restoration of just sufficient space on the stone for the four syllab traces of the effaced letters as can still be seen are : About three letters are completely obliterate after Vihāra-mahā-devī, the missing letters might ha
P. Rohana-mahd-zihira. * Dāsen-käli raja-daruzan-dä : Dāsen is equi stands for is not clear. Wii or dai is found in the denote respect or affection. In the modern langua respect as affection and familiarity.

VI HARA-MAHA-DEVI Ι 67
äviа (Vihara) "-devera ba
tu
C.
Jrākrama- + 1 .. .. .. ..
a + 2 . . (da da) i raja + 3 (vun kap-ruenai-ta + 4 -k nam vu) mehe- + 5 me bijuvata
va si- -- 6 to e ihāra- + 7 dharmma-ratnaha-devi- + 8 -yata pidu (vaim pi- -- 9 - ta) matu pat Kärävū + 10 vana pinätilu-maha, + 11 -yanut me piera yi + 12 -n pura pävä
+ 13 -tviya yutu
ATION,
at this Runu-maha-vera, founded by ned in prosperous Lanka, had become ra-maha-devi, the chief consort of the
his part of the line as a numódan vi; and there is les required for the suggested reading. But such against this restoration.
d here. As it is said that the firit'ena was named lve read vihara, as conjectured, or possibly mahdi.
valent phonetically to P. Dhātusena. What käli classical Sinhalese language suffixed to nouns to ge, too, it is so used; but not so much to denote





Page 215
I 68 EPIGRAPHIA
two brother kings named Parakumbá reigning in the Runu country, it wa
a o including da ruga mu o [the lands
tenance of the saig/ha (), and the attend. in continuously . . . . . . As all these a maintained . . . . . . by kings, sub-king in the future, it should be known that th name is attached to this monastery.
o a s e the Soli, having descende church 8, . . . . . . the Runu-maha-ve.
Skt. I aråkramaðåstu, P. Farakkamabåstu. * Skt. Cola or Coda, T. Cola.
Mid Aisi Aarava: This expression literally be made '. It seems to have been an idiomatic w a building after having removed the decayed struct in the 37th chapter of the Aifivali (edited by where we read: Kailani-vehera Demalun visin no ZVäsada maa/ Abisi karava. The expression bim fhis, meaning, occurring in Inscription II, may also be Darugam occurs in the Aikaya Saigaha ( record, in association with valanapasa. The tri English by “wooded villages. This interpretatio daru is equivalent to Skt. daru, does not suit th appears to signify some kind of village dedicated ti daru-kusalan occurring in the Galpota inscription very unlikely that daru in either of these words is e Galpota inscription, the word daru-kusalin is follo remasinghe as manga-kusalin) and Mr. Bell (C opposite of maha, i.e., small, and quotes the expr fruits’ used in the colloquial language, to support would mean “small village' which does not quite s
* J/catandi-pasa, see above, p. I o9, n. 9. * This interpretation is based on the reading doubt.
o Lo-sasun :-See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 324, n. 7 ” Bin pisa karavia :-See above, n. 4. Thi p. 3o, where we read Anuradhapurayећi bohó vih é geya bim £isā Åkaravái occurs. Bim øisā means li sion seems to be used with the same meaning as m

ZEYLA NICA V. (VoIL. Iv
who vanquished the Soli host and are s restored from its very foundations'. supplying the requisites for the mainants . . . . . having made it to be resided cts of merit performed by me should be s . . . . . . and others who will flourish e (Vihara)-devi-pirivena founded in my
I.
d upon Larinka . . . . the state and the hera, caused to be entirely rebuilt by
* P. Rohana.
means “having swept away the roots and caused to lay of expressing the idea of completely renovating res. It occurs in Sinhalese literature; for example, Mudaliyar B. Gunasekara, Colombo, I 893, p. 33), asa maha-sčja baidaza kot palaidava eki barva (i &arava, which also appears to be of the same compared. Colombo edition of 1922, p. 26), as it does in this anslator of that text has rendered the word into n, which is due to the uncritical assumption that he context in which the word occurs. The word o the saigha. As such, it would be equivalent to of Niśśarinka Malla (AE. Z., Vol. II, p. I II). It is 'quivalent to P. daraka and means “child'. In the wed by maha-kusalan (wrongly read by Dr. Wicka, vol. x, p 6) conjectures that daru means the assion daru gedi maha gedi 'small fruits and big his interpretation. If this view is adopted, darugam. uit the context.
hada-vas (Skt. baddha-våsa) which is not free from
s expression also occurs in the Aijavali (of. cit.) 'dira bim pisai &arava ; and on p. 4 I, the phrase terally “having swept the ground and the expresnul pisiä karavā.





Page 216
No. 19 TWO INSCRIPTIONS Ol
Vihara-maha-devi, who was the chief Parakramabahu. . . . . . . (called a w sowing extent of . . . . seed was dedicate people coming in the future should enjoy
No. 20. THREE ROCK-INSCR
By S. PAR.
HE three short records dealt with i
of a boulder, under which is a cave Rajagala or Rassahela in the Vavugam are, at this site, the remains of an extensi twenty-two Brāhmī inscriptions have be of the numerous caves to be seen at the containing the names of an early king of wives. These important records will be d is attached to the inscriptions now publis so far discovered, which can be definitely between the reigns of Kassapa III and S the other two records must also be assi the same boulder has also been foun slightly later date. As it contains nothi found in mediaeval Sinhalese grants of in the present paper. I edit the inscr Mr. W. E. Fernando, the Draughtsma who was sent by me to the site, for that
The inscription referred to as No consists of nine lines and occupies an at
(A.S.I., No. 1565), immediately to the le
Aaf-rue nam viz: This reading is doubtful. fact that a gift to the religion is like a celestial tree
* The second of the three jewels (tri-ratna) of ally meant a donation to meet the expenses of copy discourses by monks.
For a brief account of the inscriptions at Ras WOL. W.

F VIHARA-MAHA-DEVI Ιό9
:onsort of the two brother kings named ish-conferring tree), this field of the d to the al/harmma-ratna . Meritorious
the merit in full and maintain it.
IPTIONS AT RASSA HELA 3.
ANAVITANA,
n this paper are engraved on the side : (numbered 20), at a rocky hill called Pattu of the Batticaloa District. There ve ancient monastery; and no less than 2n found incised under the drip-ledges place. Among these are five records the island, two of his sons, and their lealt with elsewhere. Particular interest hed, for one of them is the only record, dated in the period of over a century ena II ;. and, on palaeographical grounds, gned to about the same period. On il a fragment of an inscription of a ng more than the stereotyped phrases immunities, it has not been included iptions from estampages prepared by n of the Archaeological Department, purpose, in I935. , I in this article (4.S.A., No. I 564) ea of 3 ft. 6 in. by 3 ft. 7 in. No. II ft of No. I but somewhat lower down
If it is correct, it is perhaps an allusion to the in that it bestows the desired objects.
Buddhism. By a gift of the dhamma is generng of the scriptures or the delivering of religious
Sahela, see A. S. C. A. R. for 1935, p. 9.
A a





Page 217
I 7o EPIGRAPHI
the rock, also comprises nine lines and 3 ft. square. No. III (4.S.A., No. I 5 ( the other two, measures 3 ft. I I in. la of the individual letters varies from No. I are somewhat obscured by chise rock before the inscription was engr of the same record have become indis for these, inscriptions numbered I and No. III, however, has weathered con deciphered with certainty.
The script of all the three reco inscriptions of Sena I and-I I ... The li example, show a distinctly earlier stag corresponding a saras of the inscript epigraphs under discussion were indite been introduced to the Sinhalese script one another, we find that the Scripts while No. II shows a more cursive typ of writing cannot be taken as an indic for, as will be seen below, inscriptions other by more than a decade or two. the fifth line of No. I is of peculiar for this letter being reversed and written of the blunder of an illiterate stone-n aksara of II, l. 7, is to be seen the str have noticed in an inscription on the Mihintaļē.
The language differs very little The use of f in words like wafanin, found in the documents of the ninth was and, and vadalam/ha) shows an earli language than that met with in recora words is either the same as in their Sa
For inscriptions of Sena I, see E. Z., Vol illustrates an inscription of Sena II.
See above, p. I5o.

A ZEYLANICA VOL. Iv
the rock surface covered by it measures 6), engraved about IO ft. to the north of terally and is 4 ft. in depth. The size to 5 inches. A few letters in l. 2 of marks which seem to have been on the aved. Likewise, some letters of line 6 tinct owing to a linear engraving. But II are in a good State of preservation. siderably; but the whole record can be
rds is definitely earlier than that of the etters fa, ta and a of these records, for ge of evolution when compared with the ons of Sena I. At the time when the d, the virama and the i-sign had already : *. In comparing the three records with of Nos. I and III are almost identical, e of writing. This difference in the form tion of a considerable difference in date, I and II cannot be separated from each The la occurring as the tenth aksara in m, which seems due to the regular form of upside down. It is perhaps the result hason. Above the ga forming the sixth oke, resembling an an unasika, which we pavement of the Ambasthala Cetiya at
from the standard of the ninth century. failavat, valaf, and wafalam/ha (normally and tenth centuries as zadania, damavu, Sr stage in the evolution of the Sinhalese is of the ninth century, for thef in these nskrit or Pãli prototypes, or Stands for an
III, plate 34, II and III. Plate 18 of this volume
* See above, p. I46.





Page 218
No. 20) THREE ROCK-INSCRII
original c. Similar forms are, howev century”. Visa (I, l. 7) for isa is als semi-vowely before an initial i, which with elsewhere in the Sinhalese languag such as vitfit for itfit, occurring in epigra occurring in No. II, has not been met light on the term ek-tänz-samuiya so ofte ninth and tenth centuries. It will be d similar expression /half-fasci sam-farva, pillar-inscription dealt with below. I The forms a, sif, and aifay correspond the ninth and tenth centuries '.
The three documents are all conce of Rohana, to a monastery called Arit ment the ruins now seen at Rassahela are who figure in these records as the do recognized in the Mahavanisa. "Apay in Pāli ; and a Rohaņa prince of this The chronicle says of this prince: "At Rohaņa a nobleman Mahinda by name administered the revenues of the col betook himself to the King. When the and showed him grace according to his with him, he gave him his daughter, by Mahinda set out, laid Rohana waste wit his father to Jambudipa and took posse There can be no reasonable doub Dalsiva of this record with Adipada Dat it is true, does not expressly state that title ifay (adipada), the term vat-himi u the fact that he issued the order embod
See E. Z., Vol. I, p. 77. See below, pp. 78-9. This monarch is referred to as Dappula Wickremasinghe. For the mistake regarding his tion, part II, p. I26.
Cillazariasa, Geiger's translation, part II, p.

TIONS AT RÅSSA HELA I7 I
:r, sometimes found as late as the tenth noteworthy. The introduction of the ve notice in this word, has not been met e, and reminds us of certain Tamil forms, phy". The expression /imige ek-sin kot, with elsewhere and seems to throw some n found in Sinhalese inscriptions of the iscussed in connexion with the somewhat ek-tin kot occurring in the Viyaulpata alyut it does not occur in other records. :o a, sitä, and äpa of the inscriptions of
rned with grants of lands, by local rulers jara-vehera, of which religious establishdoubtless the remains. Of the personages onors, only one, Apay Dalsiva, can be Dalsiva' would be Adipada Dathasiva" name figures in the reign of Udaya I. that time there lived in the province of e, a son of the Adipāda Dāṭhāsiva who untry. He fell out with his father and 2 King beheld him, he was much pleased deserts. To strengthen the friendship name Deva, and sent troops to Rohana. h the help of the royal army, drove out ssion of Rohana'. it as regards the identification of Apay hasiva of the chronicle. The inscription, Dalsiva was a ruler of Rohana, but the sed in the record in referring to him, and ed in the document without any reference
o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 3 I I. * See E. Z., Vol. III, Index, s.v. III, in the lists of Wijesinha, Codrington, and name, see Geiger's note in the Calavanisa, transla
I28.





Page 219
п72 EPIGRAPHIA
to a higher authority, make it reasonal ancient principality in which the inscrip From the extract from the Mahazy Dathasiva was driven away from his p which lasted for only five years from possible that the inscription in which Udaya II’s predecessor, Mahinda II (ca certain that this record belongs to the s The order of Dathasiva, granting l by an officer named Day, who seems to district called Lam-janavu, presumab monastery and the lands dedicated to the order was delivered by Sen; and it stone, was effected by Virarinkura of L that Sen, too, was a dignitary of a stat he was a ruler of Rohana, though the borne by princes who ruled over this p record. Inscription No. II is a grant Neither Sen nor Virarihkura can be idei the chronicles. A monastic building Mikaya-sangraha and in a tenth-ce Anurādhapura o. But there is no grou the Virarinkura of these inscriptions. inscriptions I and II, which must be Virarinkura figures in both of them, a be approximately dated. But from conclude that these two cannot be fa Dathäsiva.
Of the geographical names occ and Lam-janavu have already been ref forthcoming elsewhere. The river nan some of the lands granted to the monas same name, and is, as the crow flies, s The other places cannot now be identif
| C. M. Fernando's translation, Colombo, I The aspirate, however, is dropped in the been added to the last consonant.

ZEYLANICA (VOL. Iv
ply certain that he was the ruler of the tion is found, i.e., Rohana. aniasa, quoted above, it will be seen that rincipality during the reign of Udaya I, about 787 A.D. It is therefore quite he is the donor dates from the reign of rca 767-787). At any rate, we can be econd half of the eighth century. ands to the monastery, has been engraved have been the administrative head of the ly the territorial division in which the it were situated. Similarly, in No. I, is publication, by having it engraved on am-janavu. We may therefore conclude us equal to that of Dathasiva, i.e., that title aifay (ifa. P. apifada) which was rincipality, is not applied to him in the of Virarinkura, the executor in No. 1. ntified with any personage mentioned in named Virarinkura is referred to in the ntury inscription from Vessagiriya in ld for assuming that it was named after We are also unable to decide whether 2 contemporaneous with each Qther, as are earlier or later than III which can palaeographical considerations, we can r removed in date from the record of
urring in these records, Arittara-vehera
arred to. Neither of these two names is
ned Gal-hoy, on the right bank of which
stery were situated, is still known by the sixteen miles to the south of Rassahela.
ied.
ეo8, p. I8. * See E. Z., Vol. I, p. 28.
modern form of this name and the vowel a has





Page 220
No. 20) THREE ROCK-INSCRIPT
1.
O
TE
I
සවසති ගසන්හු වජනින් බවo\හරැ වැසි වන්හිමිය පස වැයුතු කරන මෙක් ය දකුණු මෙතර්හි පිනි. ල්ලෙ අ මෙසාරුයුර් පද සා ලම්ජනවු ... ... යටි කලල්වැලි සතර්පයල් වජාHළයින් ලම්ජනවු
සිට් ලියැවීමි සංචසති සි
III
සචසති විරා{o]කුරා වජ
6ðISIS SUS ©වෙහරු වසන වත්හිමිසරන ට් සතර්පස වැයූ තු කරනු මෙකාට් සරට ගහි මහාවැගණ සතර්පයල් හිමිවේග එක්තැන් කෞකාට් දින්මි
III
ఆణి €8లితప్ర లిలలో 6లర6లGఅదL లిuదీ හිමියනට් මාළත්තෙත ගුළවuල්ලu මිවන්ගමු සතර්පයල් දිහි කෙතල් : ර් මිසැ අන් වළෂ් කෙන න මෙකාට් වජයාලම්භ ව ත් හිමියන් වජයාලේයි න් ලම්ජනවු දයම සි ට් ලියැවීමි

TIONS AT RĀSSA HELA 17
3
XT.
వో (59]రు යනට් සතර් ୬0ଠି କନ୍ଧର୍ଥ ଓଡs) ටි දිගැ(පිඩු) යල යි වැග
යිස9 లెరంపరలె
වැ
\න් අප 3 වත්
ගාකර





Page 221
I74
1.
EPIGRAPHIA
TRANsc
I.
Svasti Senhu vaja veherä väsi vat-hi pasa väyutu karan -y dakuņ-terhi pihi -lle a Soruyur paya -sa Lam-janavu . . Kalalväli satar-pay vajaleyin Lam-jana sit liyâvimi svasti
II Svasti Vīrārinku -nin Arittārā-veherā vasana vat-himisarana-t satar-pasa väyu-tu karanu kot Sar -gahi Mahäväganä satar-payal himi-ge ek-tän kot dinmi *
II)
Āpāy Daļsivayhl Arittara-vehera,
himiyanaţ Mălatte Gulavällä Mivang satar-payal dihi te -r misä an valaj ni -na kot vajälamha
* It is tempting to read this name as Digän
more like fi, than ma, occurring elsewhere in ther
The two short vertical strokes to be seen of the inscription.
It is also possible to read this word as finmi

ZEYLANICA vOL. IV
RIPT.
nin A[rittārāmiyanaț satarl koț Gal-hoti Digä(pidu)- ula yi-°
. yatvaga
al yisā vu Vīrārimkurāmi siddhi
rā vaja
at-va
.
l wajanin apa vasivat
amu l ki
o-kara
, V3 -
wadulle. But the penultimate aksara of line 4 is ecord. at the end of this line do not evidently form part





Page 222
Εμμ. 1, ιδι: a list Rock-III:
 

5. Tiptions at Råssalhela Wù/. !W F°ሃù [ß ፲፱
* '', , ft: 1. f:'''
*illar-Inscription
igi i r is re. If





Page 223






Page 224
No. 20) THREE ROCK-INSCRIPTIC
8 -t- himiyan vajāļeyi9 -n Lam-janavu Dayn 10 -t liyâvimi
RANSLATT
I.
Hail! By the order of Sen. In or for their lordships residing in the Arittara Soruyur in Digă (pidu)lla, which is situated and the four payal of Kalalvali in . . . . . janavu. In accordance with the order, I, [here) and caused [this) to be wifitten. Ha
II.
Hail! By the order of Virarinkura. for their lordships residing in the Aritta assembling together the chief men of the the four payal of Mahavagana in Saratvaga
III.
By the order of Apay Dalsiva. We Malatta, Gulavalla, and Mivangamu should
Vafanin means literally by the word". Th delivered by the king or some other dignitary is e documents. Accordingly we find the termination of the finite verb.
* Sen = P. and Skt. Sena. * Vayutu-karana kot: Though the meaning of etymology of the word is not clear.
* Satar pasa = P. catu-paccaya, for which see AP
Vat-himi, applied here to the monks, see A. Z., " Aayala is obviously a term of land measuremer see /E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 89. It is doubtful whethe (Z. Z, I, p. 55, n. 3), the same aspála, a measure of ment from the twelfth century onwards. There is no of capacity were used in Ceylon, before the twelfth c. over, fila is invariably spelt with a cerebral l, whereas " Himige: By himi is presumably meant the ove is the donor of this grant. The reference is probably

)NS AT RÄSSA HELA I75
ni si
ION.
der to provideo the four requisites“ Monastery, we grant the bayala of on the right bank of the Gal-hoy, yataväga in the district of LamVirarinkura of Lam-janavu, stayed il! Success.
In order to provide the four requisites rā Monastery, I have given, after : district at the house of the lord",
ها
have ordered that the four bayal of be granted to their lordships residing
is formula is used when the actual brder mbodied in the inscription, as it is in these the first person with the honorific plural in
vdiyutu is fairly certain from the context, the
T. S. Dictionary, s.v. Vol. III, pp. 85-86. it. It is probably the same as paya, for which r fayala is, as Dr. Wickremasinghe assumes capacity, also used as a term for land measurevidence to show that terms denoting measures ntury, to indicate the areas of fields. Morethe l of fayala is dental. rlord of the territorial magnate Virarihkura who to the prince of Rohana.





Page 225
I76 EPIGRAPHI
in the Arittārā Monastery, on conditi the income derived therefrom but curd ordered thus), I, Day 8 of Lam-janav written.
No. 21. VIYA ULIPATA
By S. PA
HIS inscription is engraved or
which is now lying near the vill Kõralē of the Mātalē Distriet. No oth the site. The pillar has not been d straight. The lines of writing, which pillar, are, consequently, irregular and 1 a gap in line I, due to a rough area of second line of this side starts somewh reason that the width of the lower po provide room for two lines of writing. a pot filled with flowers (faruna-ghata). 5 ft. 2 in. in length; the width of sides its broadest point, measures 6 inches, a D contains three lines of writing and E A range in size from I to 4 inches ar have been boldly incised. The preserv sides A, B, and D are concerned; but totally effaced.
The script is Sinhalese of the ni other contemporary records. Attentic of ea occurring in this inscription. T
This unusual stipulation is evidently mean
! the lands which were granted to provide some pa
Vat-himiyan here refers to an dipa (prince) this place.
* The name Day may represent P. dhātu w proper name excepting in compounds like Dhatu A. S. I., No. 476, noticed in C. V.Sc. G. v.

A ZEYLANICA voL. Iv
on that nothing should be enjoyed out of oil, and milk'. As His Highness has 1, stayed here and caused this to be
PILLAR-INSCRIPTION.
R.AN.A.WITAN.A.
the four faces of a rough stone pillar age called Viyaulpata in the Inamaluva er antiquarian remains are to be seen at ressed and its edges are therefore not
run vertically along the height of the not of equal length. On side B,-there is the pillar being left uninscribed. The hat higher up than the first line, for the rtion on this side of the pillar does not On the top of side A is a delineation of The inscribed area of the pillar measures A and C is Io inches each, while side B, at nd D, 7 inches. Each of sides A, C, and 3 only two. The letters, which on side ld on the other sides from I to 2 inches, ration of the record is excellent so far as on side C, the writing has been almost
nth century and is uniform with that of n may, however, be drawn to the form he mua, CYnno, of this record shows a later
t to prevent the misuse of the income derived from rticular needs of the monks.
I have therefore adopted the above rendering in
nich, however, has nct been found elsewhere as a Se720. ol. ii, p. I I 7.





Page 226
No. 21) VIYA ULIPATA PIL
stage of development when compared occurring in other records of this perio the conjunction isa (Skt. ca) after the at and sant-farzan, containing fin place of ayvī7 and tak, corresponding to āvil, a worthy of note. The auspicious word , occurs in only a few records of the nin the vowel of the second syllable is lon word occurs, it has a short vowel in t hand, we have in this inscription the for often in mediaeval records.
The epigraph is dated in the first y saringhabodhi) and contains an edict issu time, named Mihindal (Mahinda), gr. dwelling called Sanguna-panhala. ' Si and was borne by several kings of the ni has to be assigned on palaeographical century whose mahapa had the name of and we can confidently assign this inscr The inscribed pillar was set up. proclaimed, by two officers named E of the body-guard, presumably of the m minor officials of Ceylon in the ninth ce well-known figures in Hindu mythology later identified with the Supreme Being, which, in popular belief, is the same setting the pillar up, are said to have vicinity, presumably of the monastic doubtless done to give publicity to the 1 by it might be respected by those co connexion, hat-fasi sam-jarvan ee-tain kimige ek-tän kot, occurring in an inscrip light on the technical term ee-tain samiy the ninth and tenth centuries, and of whic
* See Mahāzvarihsa, chap. li, v. 7. Mahind brother, succeeded to the rank of mahapa,
* See above, p. I 74. VOL. IV

LAR-INSCRIPTION I77
with a variant form of this letter, (Yo, i. As regards the language, the use of spicious word swasti, the forms va/aseyin a in the later forms of these words, and nd tale of later documents, are points ridd/ii coming at the end of this document th and tenth centuries. In mafia failuan, g; in most other documents where this he corresponding place. On the other m attani in place of attriui occurring very
'ear of a king styled Sirisarinboy (P. Siriled by the heir-apparent (mahafa) of the anting certain immunities to a monastic risarnbo' or 'Sirisarnboy' is a viruda title nth century, to which period this epigraph grounds. The only Sirisarnbo of this Mahinda was Sena II (circa 846-88o) ! iption to the reign of that monarch.
and the edict engraved thereon thus Kanna (Krsna) and Ravana, members 'a/afa. It is interesting to note that two ntury were named after two of the most , one a deified hero of the Mahābhārata, and the other the demon king of Larnka as Ceylon. The two officials, before assembled together the notables in the establishment in question. This was 'oyal order, so that the privileges granted oncerned. The expression used in this kot, considered together with the phrase tion at Rassahela, seems to throw some 2n occurring so often in the inscriptions of h the real significance has so far remained
a predeceased Sena Il and Udaya, his younge,
B. b





Page 227
178 EPIGRAPHIA
obscure. From these two records we was published and in the other when it assembled together at the place affected of the prince who issued the edict. An India, as we learn from the Tiruvalang privileges was entered in various registe nominated to proceed to the village conc On the arrival of the royal officers, th received the royal order, placed it on th elephant, circumambulated the village. With these instances to guide us, granting immunities were delivered by consisting of the various officials and Kariyata nyuáta ämaa-aenä mända vaa'a/a in the midst of all engaged in state Copper-plate inscription, that it was so i may therefore be taken as equivalent meaning 'assembled in one place'. It a assemblies were themselves referred to a Sahguna-panhala, the monastic r immunities granted by the edict, is not m be presumed that this institution was sit inscription was found, i.e., the modern v in the district of Sihigiri (P. Si/hagiri famous rock fortress is, in a straight line the present inscription shows that it was as it had given its name to, and was ther considerable size. -
. ΤΙΕΣ සවසති ඉසා සිරිසncබාය මසුර්මුක් පළමුවන්නෙහි ඇමෙසළහැ අව බෙදා @ළ0ස්වක් දවස් වත්හිමියන් මහි ශල් මහාපාණන් වජ0ලේයින් සි F59 FC3gà es ) ca? KÍ5ðeG NGHCE ŠF @ć.
For the suggested interpretation of this term. * S. I. /, vol. iii, pp. 429-43o.

ZEYLANI CA VOL. Iv
learn that, in one case when the edict was delivered, notables concerned were by the royal order, or at the residence analogous procedure prevailed in South adu plates. The royal order granting irs by the secretaries, and officers were !erned and publish it with due ceremony. he chief men of the district came out, air heads and, accompanied by a female
we may conjecture that when decrees the king, it was done in an assembly chiefs. We learn from the expression mchevar in by the command delivered affairs', occurring in the Udugampola in the fifteenth century. AA-tin-samiya to Skt. eka-st/ana-santista or -samviti, lso seems that decrees delivered in such Ls eé-tä 1-sa muiya.
esidence which was the object of the entioned elsewhere. It may, however, lated not far from the place where the village of Viyaulpata. It was included and modern Sinhalese Sigiri). This , about six miles from Viyaulpata and an important place in the ninth century, efore the headquarters of, a district of
SSS
‘වූ තක් තැ
see E. Z., Vol. III, pp. I o 7-II o8.
* Müller, A. A. C., p. I o8.





Page 228
NO. 21) VIYA ULIPATA PIL
6 (නට් දු)නුම(ඩු)ල්ලන් රට්ලඳු · 7 ... (යන් මෙනයාවද්නා ඉසා). . . 8 .. .. .. ... (මෙ නාවද්නා ඉසා) .. . 9 වුල් කෙනාකරනු ඉසා වත්හිමියන් 10 రu Gలిబాలలప 3)<రసపల్ రంల 11. එක්තැන් කොට් මෙම අත්තණක
TRANS ( Svasti isā Sirisarinboy mapur palamuvannehi Åsellä ava do-losvak davas vat-himiyan Mil -ndal Mahapanan vajaleyin s bimä ayvū Sāṁguņā-panhallä -(nat du)nu-ma(ñdu) llan rat-lac ... (yan no-vadnā isā) .. .. .. .. .. . . . (novadnā isā) . . . -vul no-karanu isā vat-himiyan ā mekāppar Kaņņāmi Rāvaņ ek-tän koț me attaņi-kaņu hinc
i
TRANSLA
Hail! On the twelfth day of the w; the first year of His Majesty Sirisarinboy Highness Mihindal Mahapa', it is order of districts . . . . . . shall not enter . . . create disturbance to the lands belonging Sihigiri District. I, Kanna and I, Rava
The conjunction isd, which follows swasti, possibly an auspicious significance.
* Skt. Asådha, June-July. “ Mihindal is equivalent to P. Mahinda. I Vol. III, p. 82.
o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. II o.
Aan-hala (P. panna-saila) means "leaf-hut'. who were vowed to poverty, were huts made of s to-day in Ceylon for monasteries which are no long buildings, just as the term b/iiAA:/hu which originall Buddhist monks, some of whom are rich landlords.

AR-INSCRIPTION I 79
' මහාපාණන් වජයාෙළයින් ම හාත්පස( සම්ජරවන් ණු හින්ද්වූම්හයි සිඩි
RIIPT.
mukā
mikihigiriabad-vu tak tä
tl . . .
al
mahapanan vajaleyin āmi hāt-pasä sam-jarvan lvümhay siddhi
\TION.
aning moon in the month of Äseļa * in r°. Whereas it was so decreed by His ed that dat numaudud/an and governors
... shall not enter . . . . . . shall not to Sahguna-panhala " which is in the Lna, (both members of) the body-guard,
has been ignored in the translation. It has
P. Sirisaighabod/ii. or the title ma/afid (mahidifida), see A. Z.,
o Raf-ladu, see E. Z., Vol. III, p. I I I. In early days, the abodes of Buddhist monks, icks and leaves. The word (Aansala) is used er formed of leaf-huts, but are very often palatial meant 'beggar’ or “mendicant is applied to





Page 229
18O EPIGRAPHIA
who have come in accordance with the set up this attaui-pillar having had assembled together. Let there be Suc
No. 22. MALAGAN E
By S. PAR
HE pillar, on the four faces of whic is now lying within the premises of the Giratalan Korale of the Kurunaga removed to its present position, some extensive ancient site about three mile utilized in the construction of a shrine wi of the pillar are IO in. and Io in. in bre was above ground, is 6 ft. in height. T lines, 3 in. apart from each other on side There are eighteen lines of writing on ea nine on D. The last side also contains a dog.
As will be seen from the facsimile re in a rather bad state of preservation, the siderably weathered. A por tion of the p all the four sides, probably when the p position, and thus two lines on sides A altogether, lost. The letters on side A than those of the other sides which are,
The script, which is Sinhalese and c graphy, to the second half of the ninth c As regards orthography, attention may I which may be compared with Lag-dival C
See above, p. 66, n. 3. Sam farvan is an earlier form of sam-dar A. S. Z., No. 763. No. 1 o5 of Appendix

ZEYLAN ICA [voL. Iv
decree of His Highness, the mafiafa, he gentlemen of the neighbourhood ceSS.
ILLAR- INSCRIPTION.
ANAVITANA.
n the subjoined inscription is engraved, the Buddhist temple at Malagane in la District. It is said to have been
fifty years ago, from Nuvarakale, an S to the north-east of Malagane, and nich is no longer standing. The sides adth and the inscribed portion, which he writing is engraved between parallel es A and B, and 3 in. on sides C and D. lch of sides A and B, twenty on C, and drawings of a fan, a scythe, a crow, and
produced on Plate 19, the inscription is writing on sides C and D being conillar surface has been peeled away on illar was transported from its original and B are partly, and three on side C , averaging 2 in. in height, are larger on an average, I; in. in height.
an be attributed, om grounds of palaeontury, calls for no remarks in particular. be drawn to the form Lag-div (A 7-8) ccurring in the Devanagala inscription
van, for which see E. Z., Vol. III, p. 88. F of 4. S. C. A. AR. for I 9 Io-II, p. II 9.





Page 230
NO. 22 MALAGANE PILLI
of Parākramabāhu II . /Dana-maaqdlulu (A mada-madudu or -mandit/at which occurs i
The epigraph is dated in the tenth and records immunities granted to a re Pirivena in the monastery of Mirisi described, in almost the same words as tion in connexion with Udaya II (I), Malaya under his dominion. And, in th have quellcd risings in Rohaņa and Mala of the island. The relationship of Kiu earlier monarch, named Abha Sirisangbo but the word which expresses the relati now on the stone. In an eye-copy of direction and preserved in the office of t word occurs as aaru 'son'. From the that “ Abhā Sirisańgbo’ was a title of Se copy mentioned above, Abha Maharad Kassapa V (circa 9o8-9 I 8) or Dappula were sons of Sena II and had the viruda in which the record is written does not either of these two monarchs; but no p chronicles of their connexion with Rohar word as malu “younger brother', we may (circa, 88o--89 I), who is referred to in in Udaya Abhaya, and whose subjugation as we have noted above, in the chronicle The script of our record, however, conte younger than those corresponding to ther from the reign of Udaya II (I).
The firivena to which immunities w
* E.Z., Vol. III, p. 32 I. * Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 9 ff.
For the number given in parenthesis in the Geiger's translation, part I, p. I26, n. I.
o Chap. 5 I, vv. 94 et seg. " See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 9. * See the Tirinbirivava pillar-inscription, E. Z., inscription of Kassapa IV, AE. Z., Vol. III, p. 275.

AR-INSCRIPTION 18I.
I6-17) is obviously a clerical error for n other records of the period". year of a king styled Abha Maharad eligious foundation called Sahgradun. piti at Muhunnaru. King Abha is are found in the Timbirivāva inscripas one who had brought Rohana and e Mahāvaminsa o, Udaya II (I) is said to lya and made his writ run in those parts ng Abha to another, and presumably D, had also been given in the epigraph; onship is, unfortunately, not preserved the inscription, made under Mr. Bell's he Archaeological Survey, the missing
Allevåva pillar-inscription we learn na III and, if we can rely on the eyeof this record may be identified with IV (V) (circa 9 I 8-93o), both of whom title of Abha Salamevan". The script militate against its being assigned to articular mention has been made in the na and Malaya. If we take the missing f then identify Abhā with Udaya II (I) scriptions as Uda Abha Salamevan or of Rohaņa and Malaya is referred to, es as węll as in contemporary records. lins forms of certain letters which are n found in inscriptions definitely dating
'ere granted by this edict was obviously
* Ibid., Vol. II, p. I 2 and Vol. III, p. 273.
names of this and other kings, see Cillavamsa,
A. S. C. Seventh Progress Aeport, p. 45.
Vol. II, p. 13 and the Colombo Museum Pillar.





Page 231
82 - EPIGRAPHI
named after Saṁghā, the queen of Ser to as Sanga-radu. J/u/hunnaru occur stronghold in the Dakkhinapassa captu campaign against the Colas”. It is reasc namic of the site where the pillar origin it was removed to its present location frc site as the stronghold of Muhunnaru. A of two fortresses with ramparts of earth cation of the site with a military post Remains of monastic buildings and shri date than the eleventh century, are also Another point to which attention edict granting immunities to a place it Southern Country’“), there is no ment this territory was usually subject in me ninth and tenth centuries, discovered at the order is delivered by the mahapa.
TE
1
සවසති සිරිබර්
කැතතුල @කාත් ඔක0 වස්රද් පරපුතෙර න් බට් ල ග්දිව්තෙපා @ළඹායෝන් ප
A Contribution to the History of Ceylon. Colombo, I895, p. 32.
° Ma/hazvaníhsa, chap. lviii, v. 42. * For the identification of Muhunnaru, co volo Xxix, p. 64.
For the “Southern Country', see Mr. Cod
‘ෆිමය 'මලමඩුලු ” යන්නට වැරදි (

y ZEYLANICA (VOL. IV
a II. In the Pitfavali , she is referred ; in the Mafia capit sa as the name of a ed by the general of Vijayabahu I in his nable to suppose that this was the ancient ally stood; and if we can be certain that m Nuvarakäle, we may then identifythis t Nuvarakale can still be seen the remains work and brick, which make the identifiof the eleventh century quite plausible. nes, some of which are much earlier in
to be seen at the place. may be drawn is the fact that, in this Dakkhiņa passa (Sin. Dakuq-basa, “ the on of the ma/afa to whose government diaeval times. In all other edicts of the sites which were in the Dakkhina-passa,
XT,
A.
10 රෂුකෙරන් 11 හිමි වූ අ 12 అవి 53 13 cos) e)ă) 14 රද්නු .
15 ଔର୍ଣ୍ଣନ
16 [වූ] දනමඩු 17 ශු” තමහට් 18> එකදාන්න(
translated from Pitjavaliya, by B. Gunasekara,
mpare also Mr. Codrington in J. R. A. S., C. B.
ington, op. cit, p. 65. පියවිණයි සිතිය හැක.





Page 232
No. 22
MALAGANE PI
සිරිෙභාග 4 ක
త్రి అలిపర දහූ තුමා සත් ලැගු දසවන හවුරුදුෙය හි ෙපාෙසාන්ම ස්හි පුර දස වක් දවස් ද කුණපස්නි අ
නු වරැ වන ව
. ఈ అది త3 తె ద్దిరి33 లి పడేలా [C) డJస్తె (ద్ధి [සා මහලෙ]. - ఈ పోలి <ණන් වරැ වන
హజC . . ... ... ඉසා ෙමතු වාක් දෙනෙමා ව දාළ එක්තැන්
මියන් කෙනාවද් නා කොට් ඉසා මෙඳ රුවන( ෙදකම්තැ න මෙනයාවද්නා තෙකා ට් ඉසමා පිමෙයකාවදා,
Svasti
Siri-bar kata-kula
kot Oka
1 මෙමය * පිරිකෝභාග ' මොනාකෝහාන් * පරි

LLAR-INSCRIPTION I 83
B.
10 ల్లి ఇలార 11 తె583565) 12 GఅరL జఅగర 18 హో తిరGDఆగిరి 14 වදාළ එක්තැ 15 න් සමීකෙයන් 16 ෙමකාප්පර්වt 17 දරුම් ක . 18 అక@ర 63
C.
12 සමියෙන් මෙම අ 13 ත්තයාණකණු පැ 14. රැහැර් ෙදනු ල 15 දි වැරි මෙපමෝරනාට් 16 [ටියම්] .. .. .. 17 .
18 . . . . . . . 19 නා මෙකාට් ඉසා ම 20 ගිව කෙපථහිව කෙන0 21 වද්නා ෙකාට් ඉ 22' සා රදමෙකාල්ක(
D.
6 රන්නන් මනාවද්නා 7 කොට් ඉසා ගම්බෝගා 8 න් කිර්කෙගරි කෙනාගන් 9 නා මෙකාට් ඉසා
A.
5 -vas-rad6 parapure7 -n baţ La8 -g-div-po
@භාග ' වෙනුවට වැරදි ලියවුණක් වියහැක.





Page 233
Ι84 EPIGRAPHIA Z
9 -o-yon pa10 -rapuren 11 himi vū A
12 -bhā, Sirisa13 -ngbo maha
siri-bhogaka-la. Abha-maha-ra-d-hul tuma sat läñgu dasa-vana
5
havuruduye-hi Poson-ma-s-hi pura dasavak davas Da
-kun-pas-hia
-nul varä vana Va. .. Irā Gaņayi-m isā Manita-la. Kiliyim i-sä mahale ... .. ... ... Rak-sama
-am varä vana Kuda salā .. ..
. isā metu
-vāk denamo va
-dala ek-tan
-miyan no-vad-nā kot isā deruvanä dekam-tä
-n no-vadnā ko
4
5 -t isā piyo-vadā
Probably a clerical error for mala-madudu, see al * Siri-bhoga is evidently written in error for bi passage of the Tirinbirivāva pillar-inscription, occurs t the Colombo Museum Pillar-inscription of Kassapa IV

EYLAN ICA voL. Iv
14 rad-hu . . 15 Ruhunu-dana16 -vu Dana-madu17 -lu tamahat 18 ek-anna
10 -vū Muhlunnaru 11 Mirisipiti-ve12 -hera Sahg-raditi13 -n pirivenaţ 14 vadāļa ek-tā15 -n-samiyen 16 Mekappar-vaI7 -dārum ka .. 18 Mañgalarad Se
12 samiyen me a13 -ttäni-kanu pä14 -rähär denu lla15 -di väri perenat16 -tiyam ... . . 17
1S e q 19 nā koț isā ma20 giva pegiva no21 vadnā kot i22 -sa rad-kol-ka
6 -rannan no-yadna 7 kot isā gam-go8 -n kir-geri no-gan9 - nākot isā.
bove, p. 181.
ribhoga or paribhoga. In the corresponding he word phiribo (see E. Z., Vol. II, p. I 2) and V has piriöhoga (E. Z., Vol. III, p. 273).





Page 234
Epigrapf, I ZEy'arif CC
Malaբ:11,
GF = F
நீர் :
 

F. ' PI- T
E. Pillar-Inscription
I.
I ί
3ji Il tr:r te: fel 1 fő."





Page 235






Page 236
No. 22) i MALAGA NË PILL
TRANS
Hail! On the tenth day of the wa the tenth year of the raising of the un Abha who secured for himself the sole and Mala * District, and the enjoyment . . . . of the great king Abha Sirisangb Okavas", the pinnacle of the very illust of descent, the lord of the young damse
In accordance with the decree deliv ing the Saṁgradūn Pirivena 10 of the . included in the Southern Quarter, I W both in the service of Mangalrad Sen and I, Kudasala ... ... ... in the service of -we, the aforesaid persons-have gral attaui-pillar, in accordance with the Samiya).
* Skt. Puya or Pausa, May–June. * Austunu = P. and Skt. Aostana. This was southern and eastern parts of Ceylon.
* Malaya, the central mountain region of Cey The above translation is offered on the assum If, however, it be taken as an error for firibhoga, t himself the possession, under his sole dominion, of
o P. Abhaya Sirisainghabodhi. * Skt. Lånka-dvipa.
For Dr. Wickremasinghe's interpretation of adopted hitherto by me, see E. Z., Vol. III, pp. 1 /imige ek-tin kot occurring in an inscription at Räs ek-sin kot in the Viyaulpata pillar-inscription (above, the procedure adopted in proclaiming royal orders g by South Indian records, which we have noted in it necessary to modify the tentative rendering of dec AA-tin-samiya doubtless signifies the assembling delivering of an order by the king or heir-apparer samiya be equivalent to Skt. samizha or samiti. T denote an order delivered in the midst of the assi the force of an adverbial phrase, as in the expressi commanded in the midst of the dignitaries assem o Saing is equivalent to P. Sainghā and radū ti P. Marica fift/hi. There was a Maricavatti, '* P. Maigala-rafa Sena. VOL. IV
A

\R-INSCRIPTION 185
ATION.
cing moon in the month of Poson in brella of dominion by the great king dominion over the Ruhunu Province of the prosperity thereof), who is the ), descended from the lineage of king ious Asatriya race, and who is, by right , the land of Lakdiv . ared in assembly (ek-tail-samiya) touchMirisipiti monastery at Muhunnaru, a .. .. Gaņaya and I, Manitalã Kili, u", the Commander of the Bodyguard, ... ... ... Raksamana, the Chief Secretary hted the immunities [recorded on this decree delivered in assembly (ek-tain
* P. and Skt. Asbshaya. the name of the principality which comprised the
lon, which was often under a separate ruler. ption that stribhoga, occurring in the text, is correct. he translation may be altered to who secured for the Ruhuņu Province and the Mala District”.
P. O&Āāka, Skt. VisvāĀu.
the term ee-tin-sami'a and its tentative rendering o-Io8. But a consideration of the expressions sahela (see above, p. I7 I) and hat-fasa sam-farzan pp. 177-8) coupled with the analogy in the case of ranting privileges to religious institutions, afforded liscussing the second phrase quoted above, makes ree of unanimous assent previously adopted by me. ogether of the dignitaries on the occasion of the t. AA-tin may therefore mean “one place’ and he word is often used with a technical meaning to mbled dignitaries. In those places where it has nek-tin-samiyen zadalen, it may be rendered “as pled together'.
P. rājadhitu. Pirivena is P. fa rivega. tipa and monastery at Anuradhapura.
See above, p. 66, n. 3.





Page 237
186 EPIGRAPHIA
It is enacted that this firivena ya//г*, . . . . . . not to be entered by mag officers of the royal household, not to b vana and dekam-tänu o, not to be enterec oxen and milk cows shall not be impres
No. 23. INSCRIPTION ON A
GONNÄVA
By S. PAR
HE upper half of an inscribed pill named Malhena or Polgasyaya, is aevale at Gonnaiva in the Devamadi Ki sides of the pillar measure II in. and 8: served fragment is 3 ft. 6 in. The lett written, as usual in the mediaeval pilla
of writing are preserved on each of th two lines, but it also contains the eng concentric circles, the inner of which is at right angles to each other, a semicirc representing a monk's fan. The writ pillar is in a good state of preservation are somewhat indistinct.
The script is Sinhalese of the ea worthy of note is the occurrence, in l. l. with in mediaeval Sinhalese records. of an earlier type than that met with in two kings to whom it can be assigned. for no remarks; but it may be worl
See E. Z., Vol. I, p. 53, n. 7. For these two words, see E. Z., Vol. III, p For deruvana and dean-tin, see E. Z., V o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. I Io. o A. S. V., No. 7 I 8. See C.V. Sc., G, vol. ii

ZEYLAN ICA VOL. Iv
S not to be entered by ciri, perenatsiiva and fegica", not to be entered by the 2 entered by the functionaries of deral| by fiyo-vadai'annan , and that village sed for service).
PILLAR FRAGMENT AT THE
DEVALE.
ANAVITANA.
ar, said to have been found in a land now lying in the mandafa of the modern jrale of the Kurunagala District. The in. in width, and the height of the preers, ranging in size from 1 to 1 in., are .r-inscriptions of Ceylon, between hori1. apart from one another. Sixteen lines 2 sides A, B, and C. Side D has only ravings of various symbols, to wit, two divided into quadrants by straight lines le and the symbol usually described as ing on the remaining fragment of the
but for a few letters on side C which
ly part of the tenth century. A point 7, of the cerebral s, which is rarely met The form of Aa found in this document is other known inscriptions of either of the The orthography and grammar call h mentioning that the record contains
* See /E. Z., Vol. III, p. I 44. I46. l. III, p. I 43.
р. 22 І.





Page 238
No. 23) INSCRIPTION ON A
certain words and phrases not met w Attention may also be drawn to the for
to ma /apóăuanu in other records of the pe
The epigraph is dated in the eight name of Abha Salamevan and contai (Udaya) granting immunities to a fami Agbo Mugayin Varadiāņa. There v century who, according to the order of name (viruda) of Abha Salamevan and heirs-apparent. These were Dappula (circa 933-942) both of whom enjoyed re There is no evidence by theans of wh sovereigns was the ruler in whose reign were separated by an interval of only t in arriving at a decision on this point.
Va rada yuan, occurring in the name Varada, the basic form of the word, is P. yauvarafa. It is therefore reasonable prince who had the title of yuvarafa. F decree issued by the mafiafa (P. mafia were titles or offices which were distinct the higher of the two ".
The land to which immunities wer been included in a territorial division that the pillar was found at its original sit of Gonnaiva and the neighbouring tracts minila. This geographical name has no in a position to determine how far the Maha-vehera, mentioned in this record known Mahā-vihāra, which was the hea at Anuradhapura.
* Dappula IV (V) is given this title in the V p. 25). As the two titles Sirisangbo and Abha S. kings of Ceylon (see A. Z., Vol. II, p. 9), and Sirisaṁgbo (AE. Z., Vol. III, p. I 4 I), he was entitlec
* For the titles yuvarāja, upbarāja and maha Greater India Society, vol. ii, pp. I o3 ff.

PILLAR FRAGMENT 187
th in other documents of the period. ma/tapájan (A 5-6) which corresponds riod.
year of a king referred to by his throne is a decree of the heir-apparent Uda utt land belonging to a person named ere two Sinhalese kings of the tenth succession, were entitled to the throne who also had princes named Udaya as IV (V) (circa 9 I 8—93o) and Sena III igns exceeding eight years in duration. ich we can decide which of these two he edict was issued. As the two reigns hree years, palaeography is of no help
of the grantee, requires some comment. the Sinhalese equivalent of Skt. and 2 to conclude that the grantee was a He was the recipient of privileges in a a fatala); hence, ma/afai and yucarafa one from the other, the former being
e granted by this edict is said to have called Maha-minila-bim. Assuming e, we may infer that the modern village
were in the ancient district of Mahabeen found elsewhere, and we are not
boundaries of the district extended. , is obviously the same as the well-quarters of the orthodox Theravadins,
essagiriya Slab Inscription No. I (E. Z., Vol. I, "amevan were used alternately by the mediaeval as Sena III succeeded Udaya II who was a to the viruda of Abha Salamevan.
'ifada, see Prof. Geiger in the Journal of the





Page 239
I SS
9
EPIGRAPHIA
E
అది న(6 లిలి ග් මපුර්මුකා අ ටිවන්කෙන බැගu පූර දසවක් දව రిటీ & అలా ఆళ ග් වහන්ෙස ම అn GOGఅగిర గిర
· ඉවෙහරට් කැරු
<නුණු හසැ කිරිඅ
లైలు GSసఆగే (كة التي لاة لاتت تG ర) హతn G్యతి widog99 Q සා මහාමෙල අ ග්oබායා රක් පමණන් වරැ €రD పనిని Ge) 6, ČES
සා පූ(ද) සූත්වන් සුචර් මහවර් ෙනාග න්නා මෙකාට් ඉසා තු ඩිය( ෙසාලියහැ ග සා මෙන0වදනා මෙකාට් ඉසා මිනි ෙකාට0 ව න්නන් මෙමගහැම්හි ලගා ෙනාගන්නා කොට් ඉ සා කෞදරුවනu ෙනාව
@කඖට් දිය ෙඳ

ZEYLAN ICA vOL. IV
XT
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
10
11
12
13
14 15 16
17
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
米
2
බුණබඩා දී වළ නඳනු කෞකයාට අ[ග්] Gది ప్రఅగిసినే లి రళఆSO అవి ටිගසින් පම <ණු මෙකාට වදාළ @అలగే F
米 米 米 米 来 米
ළ වැ මෙතුවාක් @දනමො එක්සෙ වැ මෙකුලියැ ආවූ තාක් තැ නට වැරි පෙහෙර නාට්ටු මෙනරාව දනා මෙකාට් ඉ
(so) . . . . . . .
米 米 米 米 米 米
දනා කොට් ඉසා බ @ల రరి) €1 విది0 @නාවදනා මෙකාට් ඉ සා කුඩසලා යහ න්ගොවූවන් මෙනයාවද
නා ෙකාට් ඉසා මෙදා,මලා
ස්මහවෑතැන් සු
米 米 米 ck 米
Qరి0 దే





Page 240
ΕμίμΓαμήίπ Σεμία η και
|-
■**
「!
韃灣總
*删心_他
·
闵熱鬣劑湄 麟感
*玖科 圈)
~~);然辖
udsid!135!!1-qu[s sujiņuiu|ų,
troņd!13su I-IBIII,
I oȚEA, I t'Aprilae)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

WùW W W F(üüü ፰፻፴
¿? I s'y rosy); } r ; się,Зугт “g”
7, 1 og roșii,
후를 1
i ffwyr; os
Wo.)





Page 241






Page 242
NO. 23)
INSCRIPTION ON A PII
TRANSCRI
A.
Abhā Salameva-n mapurmukā a-ți-vanne Bägä pura dasavak dava-s Udā Mahāpāņa-n vahanse Ma
-ha-veherä ätvehera käru-nu hasä kiri-a-
-lnå BOSatdețun varä va-na Kiling Devi-yal-detim i-sā mahāle A
-gboyā Rak
-şamaņam varä vana Kudsa-lä Devu ätu
-sā pu(da) sutvat suvar mahavar no-ga-nnā koț isā tu-diya Soliyaga-să no-vadană koț isa mini kota va-nnan me-gämhi lā no-gamnă koţ i-sā deruvanä no-va
koț diya de:

LLAR FRAGMENT I89
ΡΤ.
10 -muņā-bā dī vala11 -ndanu koța Ag12 -bo Mugayin Wa13 -radāņanța ge14 -ți-hasin pama15 -nu kota vadala 16 Maha-minila-bi17 (-mhi āvū) .. .. .
关 姜 兴波
10 -l vä me-tuväk 11 denamo ek-se 12 vä me-kuliyä 13 āvū tāk tä14 -nata väri pere15 -nattu no-va16 -dană koţ i17 -(sā) . . .
- 옷
10 -dana kot isa ba11 -lat rähäņā gasā 12 no-vadană koţ i13 -sā kudasalā yaha14 -n-govuvan no-vada15 -nã kot isã dolo
16 -s-maha-vá-tan su
米 米 米 米 米
2 -nu isäi yi





Page 243
I9O EPIGRAPHIA
TRANSL
On the tenth day of the waxing moo year of His Majesty Abha Salamevan which was assigned, by means of the get as a óamualuu 3 land to Agbo Mugayin on condition that a share consisting of field at each harvest gathered be g Maha-vihara, "... ... We, the aforesaid in the service of . . . . lna Bosat-detu Agboya Raksamana, the Chief Secreta lands included in this euliya, they should
* March-April. Skt. Caíra. * Geti-hasin þamanu kg : The same expre li. A I O-I 2 (E. Z., II, p. I 7), but has, however, b singhe. It seems to state that the seal named geti the famanu lands. Aasa heans 'seal and occu There is no possibility of even a conjecture regardi * For this word, see AE. Z., Vol. II, p. I 9, n. 3 Airi-amund-ba: This expression which is (A. Z., Vol. I, p. I 17), is etymologically the s: inscription of about the second century at a place C Tamankaduva District. Mr. Bell, who has edite phrase somewhat differently and his interpretation its sense accurately.
o Käru nu hasáä : Käruņu, lit. means “has bee1
At-vehera = P. anto-vihara. " The famous monastic establishment at Anur For this tentative rendering of vard, see E. 2 Audasala, occurring in this as well as in mediaeval Sinhalese records, is apparently the tit seem to have been placed under the orders of the Raksamaņa. In this inscription the kuda salā al forbidden to the land to which the immunities wer what the duties of the kuda salā were, but it may following passage of the Butsarana (edited by the 'gives a list of the functionaries in a royal palace: Uanana lada . . . rāja-mandirayehi. In this passa balat are mentioned together. : ' Auliya is presumably a variant form of Auli
' For this word, the meaning of which is obsc * Arenattu, which is often found together wit

ZEYLANICA VOL. Iv
LATION,
n in [the month of Baga 1 in the eighth As A P in the Maha-minilä District, seal", by His Highness Uda Mahapa, Varadana, so that it may be possessed one amunua (of paddy] for one kiri [of given to the Inner Monastery of the persons including Kiling Déviyal-detu, and Kudsalā Devu, in the service of ry, conjointly order) that, regarding all not be entered by viri and be renattu 1,
ission occurs in the Nagama Pillar-Inscription, een somewhat differently read by Dr. Wickrema-shasa was used in sealing the document granting rs frequently in epigraphy as well as in literature. ng the meaning of gelt.
also found in the Daladage inscription, l. Io ame as Āarihaminia-daka which occurs in an :alled Molahitiyavelegala near Dimbulagata in the d that record (Ca, vol. iii, pp. 77-78), reads the of it, given only tentatively, does not bring out
n done; hasa is taken as equivalent to P. sassa.
adhapura, the seat of the orthodox Theravadins. Z., Vol. II, pp. I o8-II o. many other names of diitakas mentioned in the le of an office. The officers who had this title Chief Secretary (mahale) who had also the title of *e included among the officers whose entry is a granted. It is not possible to determine exactly be useful to note that the word occurs in the e Rev. W. Sorata, Colombo, I 93I, p. 292), which Kuda salā öalatum hã arakkäimiyan kililingun visin ge, as well as in the inscriptions, &udasada and
va, for which see E. Z., Vol. II, p. I 42. ure, see E. Z., Vol. I. p. 53, n. 7. h väri, still remains obscure in meaning.





Page 244
No. 23) INSCRIPTION ON A
a a e that gifts, toll dues, suvar and , shall not enter (this land) sounding tudi come after committing murder should deruvanä * shall not enter, that royal mes. that &ndasada and officers in charge of r . . . . . in the localities of the twelve gre should be given so as . . . . .
No. 24. A TAM IL SLAB-INSCRI
By S. PARA
HE subjoined inscription, which w
I933, is engraved on a slab, meas among the ruins of a Šaiva kõvil at a plac the Trincomalee District of the Eastern with jungle and the remains of the ten debris. The shrine seems to have beel
Suf-vat, an earlier form of sun-zlaf, also occ Vol. III, p. 76.
* Suvar and mahazar occur in the Iripin (A. Z., I, p. 17 I) translates the two words as in which the two words occur in this record makes imposts remitted in the case of the lands to which th position with mahavar, we may conjecture that suzlar or 'principal” and sulu ' small ” or " secondary”. V. secondary sense, the forced labour which was exact in Sinhalese times. With these may also be co (E. Z., III, p. I II 2) which literally mean “ milk-tu denoted the levy exacted from each of the peasa therefore be rendered as the principal turn (of serv * For the interpretation of the two words tudi * See E. Z., Vol. III, pp. I 43-I 44,
See above, p. 190, note 9. The expression dolos-maha-vi-tin occurs in tenth century. From these, it becomes clear tha reservoirs in ancient Ceylon were considered to be care of a separate department of the administration 'great reservoirs' were. -
Usually spelt Kantalai on maps and in off See 4. S. C. Annual Aeport for I933, p. I4.
7

PILLAR FRAGMENT IQ I
'aa/havar should not be levied, that one und sol° drums, that those who have not be arrested in this village, that sengers shall not enter cracking whips, oyal conveyances shall not enter, that at reservoirs " . . . . . . and that water
PTION FROM PĀLAMÖTTA I.
NAVITANA s
as discovered by the present writer in uring 2 ft. 1 o in. by I ft 4 in., found pe named Palamöttai near Kantaläy* in Province 9. The site is now overgrown hple are buried in an accumulation of n mainly of brick construction, stone
1rs in the Badulla Pillar-Inscription. See E. Z.,
niyâva Pillar-Inscription. Dr. Wickremasinghe goldsmiths' and chief artisans. The context ; it clear that they must have been some kinds of ne immunities were granted. As it occurs in juxtais a contraction of suluvar, maha meaning 'great ar. (Skt. vara) means turn and may denote, in a ed from the peasants, at regular intervals or turns, mpared the technical terms &iri-zar and tel-Zar rn' and “oil-turn; but in practice must have nts, in his turn, of milk and oil. Mahavar may ice) and suvar the secondary turn (of service) and soli, see AE. Z., Vol. III, pp. I 46- I 47.
* Rähän gasā : See E Z., Vol. III, p. I 48.
one or two other unpublished records of the it twelve of the largest among the innumerable of special importance and were possibly under the ... We have no means of finding out what these
cial publications.





Page 245
I 92 EPIGRAPHIA
being used only for the basement and this ruined temple enables us to assig clusion which is confirmed by what we ruins is to be seen the upper half of a r The record is considerably weathe being much damaged, can be read only of line I4 are completely illegible. writing, incised between parallel lines d The letters, excluding those containing are, on an average, in. in height.
The script is Tamil, with a fair p in the proper names and words of Sans language, too, is Tamil and contains C as tandavanam (l. I2) and midaffodity-it the literary, or the modern colloquial, i. enough in South Indian Tamil inscriptio the record is in agreement with Tamil centuries found in South India.
Owing to the very bad state of pres able doubt exists as to the name of the is dated. In the preliminary accour included in the Annual Aeport of the p. I 4, I have tentatively taken the kir year as the eighth. In so doing I w record of the name of Wikramabahu throne name Calāmega (P. Silāmegha that prince had already assumed ruli The dating of records issued in the rei his predecessor Jayabahu is known fro
Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyer, Epigraphy in the Indian Archaeologi epigraphy is probably unrivalled and an estampage of this inscription, is o 2 and 3 warrants the reading of the r as 'Jayabahu', and that the regnal ye
* See E. Z., Vol. II, pp.

A ZEYLAN ICA vOL. lv.
l the pillars. The architectural style of n it to the Polonnaruva period-a conlearn from the inscription. Among the mutilated stone image of Pārvatī.
rworn and some of the letters of lines I-4, 7 conjecturally. A few letters at the end The slab contains twenty-five lines of rawn about I in, apart from one another. g long vertical strokes such as a, Aa, &c.,
roportion of Grantha letters, particularly kritic origin in the first nine lines. The :ertain forms of words and phrases such titueéu (ll. I 2-13) which are not found in dioms of that language but are common ns. In palaeography as well as in style, inscriptions of the eleventh and twelfth
servation of the first three lines, consider: king in whose regnal years the record it of the discovery of this inscription, 1rchaeological Survey of Ceylon for 1933, g's name as Jayabahu and the regnal tas influenced by the occurrence in the as Vikkirama Calamega, the use of the or 4d/haya Sameg/ia) suggesting that ng powers after the death of his father. gn of Vikramabahu in the regnal years of m several other epigraphs. however, the former Superintendent for cal Survey, whose knowledge of Tamil to whom I had the good fortune to show f opinion that what is now left of lines oyal name as “Vijayabahu', rather than ar, given in figures, is undoubtedly 42.
2oo-2 o2, Vol. III, p. 3o4.





Page 246
No. 24) A TAMIL SLAB-INSCRI)
The symbols for 42 are fairly clear on read as such, the epigraph should date III.4). For this reason, and also bec must naturally be paid to the opinion C his reading of the king's name and the be pointed out that in the 42nd year not yet become the heir-presumptive to find him referred to by the throne yet been found elsewhere. If the recol then Vikramabahu was the actual rule this inscription was indited, and it wo be named after him, as it is in this re the throne name appended to it.
The object of the record is to
temple named Ten-Kailāsam (the Sou lady named Nagaiccani, in memory of us that the shrine had the surname of was also called Vijayaraja Caturv mangalam' is of frequent occurrence in to the names of villages inhabited by Caturvedimangalam, Kantalay at that who lived there under the protection character as a seat of Brahmins for at inscription of Niśśaṁka Malla found 1 Brahmapura and that an alms-hall call that monarch. Probably Kantalay bec period of Cola rule in the eleventh succeeded the Colas maintained the The Saiva shrine at Kantalay, since it been founded by Vijayabahu I, or atl and the inscriptions of Vijayabahu monarch as a great patron of Buddl that religion from the degraded positic of Cola dominance. But his zeal for E
* See K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Studies * E. Z., Vol. II, pp. 283-29 o. WOL. IV

PTION FROM PĀLAMÖTTAI I 93
the estampage and if the regnal year be : from the reign of Vijayabahu I (Io58ause I am influenced by the regard which of Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer, I have adopted regnal year. On the other hand, it must of Vijayabahu, Vikramabahu had possibly ; and in that case it would seem strange name Calamega. No similar instance has 'd was dated in a regnal year of Jayabahu, r of the northern part of the island when uld be perfectly natural for a regiment to acord, and for his personal name to have
register donations to the god Siva in the thern Kailasam) at Kantalay, by a Brahmin her husband. The epigraph also informs Vijayaraja isvaram and that Kantalay redimahgalam. The term 'CaturvediSouth Indian inscriptions and is appended Brahmins. As it was called Vijayaraja time must have had a colony of Brahmins of Vijayabahu I. The place kept its least a century longer, for we read in an there that it was then named Caturvedaed Parvati-satra was maintained there by :ame a centre of Hindu influence during the century; and the Sinhalese kings who Brahmins and patronized their shrines. was called Vijayaraja Isvaram, must have ast under his patronage. The chronicles, so far brought to light, represent that hism, who exerted all his power to raise n to which it had sunk during the period Buddhism did not, as shown by this record,
n Cola History and Administration, p. 77.
D d





Page 247
I94 EPIGRAPHIA
prevent him from extending his patronag among his subjects.
In order to ensure the maintenance, endowment registered in this record, it wa Calāmega-t-terinda Vaļahgai Veļaikkā kara regiment of Sri Vikkirama Calam placed under the protection of that regime institution and its endowments under th Velaikkaras is not unknown from epigraph as in Ceylon. The long Tamil inscriptior Polonnaruva, dating some time after the Temple of the Tooth was placed unde That record also enables us to learn many of the Velaikkara forces. In my editior together the information that can be gath literature, and South Indian and Ceylon el The present record does not add anything this military corporation.
マ TEX Svasti Śrī (* Ko-(c-Ciri-Caṁg -varm[mareāna) udaiyār Śrī ( -hu- devarkku * yandu 42 a -yzana Vijayaraja-caturv Ved. kaiļāsam Šrī-Vijayarāja-Īšv 6 -ku . ., irukku m brāhmaņan -cețițu, Yajñiyakramavittan ( 8 -na ° Nāgaliccāni tan bhartta-v 9 -ritta pinbu avanai nõkki-c-cey
7
10 Aru-kalañcu-pomnãl mudiyum 11 ponnāl mālaiyum sandhi-villakk 12 itta kācu m tiru-mandavānafia
" See 7 ravancore Archaeological Series, vol. iii,
* See E. Z., Vol, II, pp. 242-255.
* Æø. Ind, vol. Xvii, pp. 330–338.
* The two symbols which are not recognizable a place name.
Read ana.

ZEYLAN ICA vOL. Iv
2 to such other faiths as were prevalent
without any hindrance, of the charitable Ls given the name of Śrī Vikkiramaran, i.e., the selected left-hand Velaikaga. In other words, the charity was nt. The practice of placing a religious le protection of a regiment like the ic records found in South India as well on the Quadrangle (Dalada Maluva) at death of Vijayabahu I, states that the r the protection of the Velaikkaras. interesting facts about the constitution of that inscription I have collected ered from the Ma/adicariisa, the Tamil igraphy, concerning those mercenaries. g more to what we already know about
.
"abodi)-
Vijayabā)- vadu (Kantală)-
i-maňgalattu (Ten)-
ram-udaiyarkKārālmbac
lharmma-patni-y-a- -āna Yajñiyakramavittan ma
da dharmmamzãvadu) o mu-k-kalaficu
:-o[nrukku] ceyvānukku ni
p. 35 and AE. Z., Vol. II, p. 247.
Read devarkau. and therefore left unread may possibly stand for





Page 248
No. 24) A TAMIL SLAB-INSCRIPT
13 -lappoli-y-ūtukku itta kācu 8 r 14 alivu cōrvukku itta kācu I m , 15 alivu cōrvukku itta kācu 2 m 16 diyār2āga-p-peņçdugal eluvarai17 -laiccinai-y-ițțu ivargalukku ni 18 poli-y-ūțțu nibandham 2āga ițța 19 -ga mudal nirka-p-poli-y-ūțținā 20 -ndhafizcelvana-v-āga itta kācu 21 -n onbadin-kalañculo Ippadi 22 i-d-dharmmam alivu vārāmal r 23 vārzāga Šrī-Vikkirama-Calār 24 -hgai) Velaikkaran o4enru tiru 25 - 2 tiуаdu (“) Sri (u“)
TRANSLA Lines 1-9 Hail! Prosperity In the varman alias Šrī (Vijayabā)hu-deva donations made to the god Sri-Vijaya called (Ten)-Kaiļāsam in Kantaļāy alia by Nagaiccani, the wife of the Brahm: Vittan, residing at . . . . . , after the dea and in his memory:-
Lines 9-2 I. A crown of six Aadaicu, of gold; I kacu granted for one even interest may be secured permanently for the Sacred flower garden; 1 Aacu granted to this gold; 2 Aacu granted for the p having placed fore-head marks on seven girls of the god, 23 &acu were deposited
o Read okāram.
* A Sri occurs here at the beginning of the end of the line.
* P. Siri Sahghabodhi, the throne name ad mediaeval kings of Ceylon. See E. Z., Vol. II, p.
* Aarambaccettu is evidently a place name an occurring in South Indian inscriptions. Aramavitt
Avanai no&At : Literally, “having considered
o See E. Z., Vol. III, p. 336, n. 6.

ION FROM PÅLAMÖTTA I I95
n idil po[n]
telvar-a- t-talai-i- llail
kācu 23 ānilai-niba
35 poCeyyappațța ilai-niruttunega-t-terinda Vaļa1-namafiacat
\oTION.
(42nd) year of King (Ciri-Cangabodi):- . The following are the religious raja Isvaram-udaiyar at the shrine is Vijayaraja-CaturVVedi-mahgalam aņa Kārām baccettu Yajiyakramath of her husband Yajñiyakramavittan,
s of gold; a necklace of three Aasaicus ing lamp ; 8 kācu granted so that its the benefit of the person who maintains for the purpose of making up any loss urpose of making up any loss . . . . .
females (dedicating them) as dancing as an endowment, so that the interest
line, possibly written to balance with Sri at the
opted alternatively with Silameghat'anna by the ). i is found prefixed to the names of Brahmanas an is also a title often found in such names. him'.
did., p. 3 II, n. 3





Page 249
I96 EPI GRAPHIA
may be secured permanently for their b of gold have been granted so that the what is accrued as interest, the capital
Lines 2 I-25. In order that this continue without any loss, the glorious hand, (composed of) the selected (troop to it. Prosperity
No. 25. GALA PATA VIH.
ベ "By S. PAI
HIS inscription is engraved on a leading to the shrines and mona situated about two miles south-west Valallaviti Korale of the Southern Prov Galapata Vihara is a foundation of the record be attributed to the reign of Paral that name. This vihara, along with oth board, must have suffered from Portug been founded on the site during the la mediaeval monastic establishment are ! frame preserved on the site has been of a Hindu shrine in a neighbouring vil The inscription covers a rock surfa sists of twenty-eight lines of writing wh lines engraved two inches apart from one is I in. The record has weathered co There are consequently a number of la occur, for the most part, in the long list the document containing the names of v us from getting a reasonably clear idea o This inscription is No. 165 in Mulle
o P. Silāmegha, Sin. Salamevan, the throne n * For an account of the Galapāta Vihāra, se pp. 40-43.

ZEYLANICA vOL. Iv
enefit. Thus 35 acat and nine Aadaicus perpetual endowments may continue from 'emaining unspent.
charity, performed in this manner, may name of the Velaikkaras of the Lefts) of Śrī Vikkirama-Calāmega ", is given
\RA ROCK-INSCRIPTION.
R.AN.A.WITAN A.
rock by the side of the flight of steps stic buildings at the Galapata Vihara, of the Rest House at Bentota in the ince. As the inscription itself testifies, twelfth century, or the thirteenth if the &ramabahu II and not to the first king of her Buddhist shrines on the western seauese vandalism. A modern vihara has ast century and very few remains of the to be seen there now. A carved doorremoved, some time ago, from the ruins lage o. TM ce measuring II ft. 9 in. by 5 ft., and conich are separated by parallel horizontal another. The average size of the letters nsiderably, particularly towards the end. unae in the text given below; but they of temple slaves, and in the portion of itnesses; and do not, therefore, prevent f the contents of the epigraph as a whole. r's A. J. C. Dr. Müller gives neither the
ame of Vikramabāhu I. e Ceylon Antiguary and Literary Aegister, vol. vi,





Page 250
No. 25 GALA PÅTA VIHĀRA
text nor the translation of the record b repairs which King Parakramabahu o having heard that the dagoba attached the first hierarch of Buddhism'. Wh; record is, as will be seen from the trai In fact, it does not seem as if he had per He seems to have contented himself wit. of the place about the contents of the i modern Galapata Vihara, most of who are able to read the opening lines of t Parakramabahu occurs. From the Ma Parākramabāhu II of Daňbạdeņiya wa merit at a vihara in Bentota, and they tion records this event. I myself, wh inscription, was told the same story.
An article on this inscription giv lines I 5 to 22, which contain the name: been published by Mr. H. C. P. Bell. has assumed that king Parakramabahu name and moreover states, without g adhikāra Kahambalkuļu Mindal (M was the founder and benefactor of the Patiraja of the Dunukevatu family, planted an orchard and carried out ot merit in and around Bentota at the beh But neither Dr. Miller nor Mr. Bell ascertain the identity of the king me Sinhalese pandits, have proceeded on th Parakramabahu found at Galapata Viha monarch's name is connected in the ch Bentota. It is therefore necessary to in the inscription to decide which of th the ruler in whose thirtieth year this There were only three Parakrama or more. Of these, the sixth of that na
A. A. C., p. 7 I. * Ceylon Aotes and Queries, A. A.

ROCK-INSCRIPTION I97
ut states that “it gives an account of the f Dambadeniya executed at this temple, to it contained a relic of Maha Kassapa. Lt Dr. Midler says of the contents of the slation given below, not exactly correct. sonally studied the record with any care. reporting what he was told by the people nscription. The Buddhist monks of the n are well versed in Pāli and Sinhalese, he record, wherein the name of a king havanisa they are aware of the fact that s responsible for some works of religious have therefore assumed that the inscripen I went to the place to re-copy the
ring its text and translation (excluding s of slaves dedicated to the temple) has That distinguished archaeologist, too, of this inscription is the second of that iving any reason therefor, that Demalaahendra) who, according to the record, Galapāta Vihāra, is identical with Deva who is stated in the chronicles to have her works of public utility and religious est of his royal master, Parākramabāhu II. has critically examined this record to ntioned therein. They, as well as the emere assumption that an inscription of a "a must be of Parākramabāhu II, since that ronicles with a religious establishment at examine such evidence as we can find 2 many kings named Parakramabahu is record is dated. bahus who enjoyed reigns of thirty years me is out of the question, since the record
S., C. B., July 19I4, pp. lxix-lxxvii.





Page 251
I 98 EPIGRAPHI
is written in a script which is much ea of that monarch. The Parakramabahu the first or the second, both of whom ri Palaeography cannot settle this C record does not materially differ from til Parakramabahu I, as may be seen by co of Plate 37 of /E. Z., Vol. II. But th only 72 years; and this is too short a p depending only on the development of records, even those dating from the san Scripts of different stages of development the fact that inscriptions which can defi mabahu II are very few. In fact, there; found at Yapahuva dated in his twenty Vijayabahu and the prince Bhuvanaikaba recording a grant by the king's younger these two, the script of the Yapahuvains that of the records of the Polonnaruva contains forms more developed than th cussion. Thus on purely palaeographical may be dated from the reign of Parakra We may now examine the content they furnish us with evidence to settle t dignitary named Mindal (Mahendra) wł and was administering the Pasyodun I with the royal assent and with the co Kodanavan of Miyangunubim and Vi kinsman Katuvitnā Satumba or Devu. the lands and serfs granted to the tem signatures of the donors and of the witn Now it is difficult to believe that th this inscription are the same as those w effected at Bentota in the reign of Par
There are a few records of an unidentified Vaharakgoda (Bell, Aesort on the Aegalla Aistrict, of Parākramabāhu II.
* 1. S. C., 1. A for 91 - 2, p. 63.

A ZEYLANICA VOL. Iv
lier in form than that of the inscriptions of this record must, therefore, be either igned for more than thirty years. uestion decisively. The script of our lat of the Gal-vihara rock-inscription of mparing the letters on Plate 2 I with those e interval between the two reigns was eriod within which to decide a date by the script. It is a well-known fact that he reign, are sometimes found to contain The difficulty is further aggravated by hitely be dated in the reign of Parakraare only two of them, namely, an epigraph -ninth year and mentioning the regent hu', and another found at Anuradhapura, brother Bhuvanaikabahu Mahapa'. Of cription deviates very little, if at all, from seriod; but the Anuradhapura epigraph ose found in the inscription under disgrounds the Galapata Vihara inscription mabāhu I. s of the inscription to ascertain whether he date of the record. It states that a to held the office of Demaa-adhikara istrict, founded the Galapata Vihara, -operation of his mother, his nephews jayanavan of Degalaturubim, and his The record also gives a long list of ple by its founders and ends with the esses to the document. 2 works of religious merit mentioned in hich, according to the chronicles, were ikramabāhu II. As we have already
Parakramabahu, for instance the inscriptions at p. 82-83) which may possibly date from the reign
* /E. Z., Vol. III, pp. 286—288.





Page 252
No. 25 GALAPÁTA VIHAR.
mentioned, it was Deva Patirāja vho c of meritorious works at Bentota. Anc as Mr. Bell has done, that Demala-adl Deva Patirāja. "Deva" and "Mahinda to the Attanagalu-capit sa Deva Patir whereas the family name of Mindal Kahambalkulu. In the thirtieth year as is testified by the Pitjavada, the record, which is dated in the thirtieth Mindal is referred to merely as the officer lower in status than the figuring in this record are not men Parākramabāhu II. The official t in this document, are not known to h period, though of course we cannot d into disuse.
The religious works of Parakrama sisted of the celebration of a festival ir Thera, the laying out of fruit gardens, priesthood. The present inscription, of a monastery and shrines and their e kramabāhu II and Deva Patirāja ha contemporary Paljavadi and Casavanias really been instrumental in establish authors of these works, who missed no these two personages, would not have c the king, through his minister, effect to a religious establishment which was the above facts, it becomes extremely buted to Parākramabāhu II.
Let us now consider whether the the reign of Parakramabahu I. T Bentota as a work of that monarch; b.
Colombo edition of I914, p. 45.
* /tivali, 37th chapter, edited by B. vv. 78-84 and chap. lxxxvi, vv. 16-17 and 44-4
ʻ /MMa/hô7z'amíhsa, chap. lxXXv, vv. 78—84 and ,

A ROCK-INSCRIPTION I99
carried out Parākramabāhu II's programme there are no valid grounds for assuming, hikara Mindal of this record is the same as are two different names; and according aja was a Scion of the Dunukevatu family, appears, from this record, to have been of Parākramabāhu II, Deva Patirāja vas, prime minister of the king; but in this year of a Parakramabahu, Kahambalkulu governor of the Pasyodun District, al prime minister. The other dignitaries tioned in the accounts of the reign of itles such as Demala-adhikara, found ave been in vogue in the Darinbadeniya efinitely assert that they had then fallen
bāhu II and Deva Patirāja at Bentoța conhonour of a reputed relic of Mahakassapa. the construction of bridges, and gifts to the on the other hand, records the foundation ndowment. The religious works of Parāve been described in great detail in the a ; and if this king and his minister had ing and endowing a new monastery, the opportunity of glorifying the good deeds of ontented themselves with stating that what 2d, was only the usual type of benefaction s already in existence. When we consider doubtful whether this record is to be attri
re is evidence for assigning this epigraph to he chronicles do not mention a shrine at but it must be remembered that according
* /bzad, I 922, p. I. Gunasekara, p. 44 and /a/havanisa, chap. lxxxv,
7. chap. lxXXvi, vv. I 6-I7 and 44—47.





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2 OO EPIGRAPHIA
to the record Galapata Vihara was not e local chief, though with the royal assent. date from the reign of Parakramabahu I, tioned in the chronicle where the latte foundations.
The official title Demala-adhikara A/a/azarisa to have been current in thi such as those of the dignitaries figuring ages who flourished in the reign of that: followed it. Three persons of the nar Asahavanisa as having borne high office Of these, one was a chieftain who fou against Gajabāhu II in the civis war bet who had the title of Nagaragiri, was ano took part in the same campaign. The splendid shrine, for the Tooth Relic, at that one of these Mahindas, towards the held the office of Demala-adhikara and w and that he was identical with the Maher Another of the donors in the presen the Ruvanvalisaya inscription of Queen I later in date than the thirtieth year of was the treasurer under a Parakramabahu doubtful whether he was the same as the d name of the Vijayanavan of Kalyanavat whereas that of the Vijayanavan of our re Vijayanāvan of our inscription does not ap In the Polonnaruva inscription of Vijay bahu I, a high dignitary named Vijaya-ya be identical with the Vijayānāvan of ou office and according to the usage then pr personal name of the dignitary if he had less likelihood that Katuvitna Devu of danavu Deva of Kalyāņavatīs record.
' ' Chap. lxxv, v. I I 7 and chap. lxxvi, v. 39.
° /öid, chap. lXX, vv. 89, I 46, and I 58.
/. A. A. S., C. B., vol. vii, p. 183.

ZEYLANICA [vOL. Iv
stablished by the king himself but by a Therefore, even if Galapāta Vihāra does it would not necessarily have been menr gives a list of that king's religious
(P. Damiadhikari) is known from the 2 reign of Parakramabahu I; and names in this epigraph were borne by personmonarch or in the decade or two which ne of Mahinda are mentioned in the during the reign of Parakramabahu I. ght on the side of Parakramabahu I ween these two princes o. The second, ther general of Parakramabahu I, and third was a high dignitary who built a Polonnaruva. It is not impossible close of the reign of Parakramabahu I, as in charge of the Pasyodun District, ndra (Mahinda) of this epigraph. t epigraph is named Vijayanavan. In &alyanavati, which is twenty-one years Parakramabahu I, a Vijayanavan, who and other kings, is mentioned; but it is onor in the present record, for the family 1's inscription is given as Pirivatubim, cord is Degalaturubim. Moreover, the pear to have held the office of treasurer. abāhu II, the successor of Parākramantain-navan is mentioned; and he may r record. Yantain is the name of an availing it could have been added to the been appointed to that office. There is our inscription was the same as Kota
* Mv, chap. lxix, v. 13. “ Ibid., chap. lxxiii, v. I 28. o E. Z., Vol. II, p. I 84.





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The inscription mentions a locality gala; and it is possible that this place who ascended the throne a year after t connexion with Bentoța is attested by th adduced as evidence against assigning bāhu I. But one cannot be quite certa so named after some other personage C tlhat NiSSarihka MIalla, wlho hailedl fronn the close of the reign of Parakramab; named after him in the thirtieth year o Taking all the facts into considera this record to the reign of Parakramaba it must be admitted that there is no ev point.
The historical information supp the greater part of the document consis dedicated to the monastery. In the te the record containing the names of tem of no interest now-a-days. I have, how order to have the complete text of the in also because it tells us what the name the twelfth or thirteenth century. As Sinhalese inscription giving a list of these slaves are Tamil or of Tamil orig names of Sinhalese people to-day wo bearers of these Tamil names were Ta. As to the geographical names oc the modern Pasdun Kõralē and is ment rattha. The chronicle also refers to limits of the Pañcayojana or Pasyodu
sv., chap. lxxxvi, v. 16 and Pitfivaliya, o,
* /v., chap. lvii, v. 7 I ; chap. lxi, v. 35 ; i v. 2 I ; and chap. lxxxv, v. 8I. The Pãli ^afica)"07 yofanas' (leagues). Possibly the district got its r of districts ending in this word are found in th and Majjhima-vagga (chap. lxx, v. 2 I).
Mo., chap. lxxxv, v. 8I.
VOL. IV

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 2O
near Galapata Vihara, named Nissarinkagot its name from King Nissarinka Malla, he death of Parakramabahu I, and whose e chronicles. This fact may perhaps be the record to the reign of Parakramain that the locality in question was not alled Nissarinka. It is also not unlikely Kalinga, was living in Ceylon towards hu I; and a place may well have been
that reign. - tion, there is more reason for assigning hu I than to that of the second; though idence of a really decisive nature on this
lied by this long epigraph is scanty, for sts of a bare list of the lands and serfs xt published by Mr. Bell that portion of ple slaves has been purposely omitted as sever, included this portion, not only in Scription, so far as it can be made out, but as of humble folk in Ceylon were like in Mr. Bell has observed, this is the only temple slaves. Some of the names of in ; but no one who is familiar with the ould, on that account, assume that the mils by nationality.
curring in the record, Pasyodun-vaga is ioned in the Mahavanisa as PaicayojanaBentota as a place which was within the in District in the reign of Parakrama
. cit., p. 43.
chap. lxviii, v. 5 II ; chap. lxxii, v. 57 ; chap. lxxv, una is a translation of S. pas-yodun and means “ five ame from its extent. Vasa is P. tagga and names e Mahāzvaminsa, e.g. Doņi-vagga (chap. lxxv, v. 69)





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bāhu II ; but at present it is just outs Korale. Miyangunu is Mahiyangana of in the Uva Province. Degalaturu is p. but it cannot be ascertained whether it name near Kandy. Some of the nam figuring in this epigraph, are still kn Mr. Bell has pointed out that Tinga Niśśaninkagala are known to-day as Ti Vatta, Boltudava, and Nissaringala, re corresponds to Kasagalgola of this insc modern Kakulagala and the Kalapuva (l Velgammula, the monastic institutic Vihara belonged, is possibly the same a period of Ceylon history, was an impor Pirivena is not known from other sourc the opening Sanskrit Sloa, as Šailāntāy establishment in the fifteenth century an head in the reign of Parakramabahu VI Ramachandra Bharati in the Sanskrit pC The record opens with a Sanskrit S rest of the document is in Sinhalese p. the document are skatuciina (l. 3), si-fi Vidhi in l. 8 is possibly an error for rectly written with a palatal ś. In certa vowels are substituted for long ones for example, va/anuse (l. 3), nä (l. 3), m Aere (l. II), and me (l. I2), which occur va rundläļā, băila, Åkerē, and mē, respecti (l. 4), and flaritaen (l. I3), of which th parialaen, are also noteworthy. In l. 8 with the standard usage, while in the forms, hinduv nu and /inua'avia, of the s resemblance to that of the documents d
riത്ത
For this college of monks, see abov * Edited by the late Pandit Batuvant

ZEYLAN ICA VOL. IV
ide the southern boundary of Pasdun the chronicles, the modern Alutnuvara nonetically equivalent to Degadoruva, is the same as the place bearing that es of localities in and around Bentota own by the same, or similar, names. vaţu, Tiratenayăvatta, Boltudăva, and mbavatuva or Timbotuva, Tiritenayaspectively. The modern Kasagal tota ription. Kakuluvagala is probably the agoon) is still known by the same name. in to which the newly founded Galapata s Vilgammula which, in the mediaeval tant college of monks. Dharmarajan es. Galapāta Vihāra is referred to, in atana. This was an important religious d the fame of the abbot who was at its has been Sung by the Bengali Brahmin em Vrstana/a”. /o/a in the Sardu/aciĀrīgita metre; the rose. Noteworthy words occurring in traømură vă (l. 5), and Åko/azve/-aya (l. 6). zvīdi and śāť/zu /uāra nu in l. 6 is incorin words occurring in this record, short used in the standard forms; còmpare, uāóo (l. 4), varmundäita (l. 5), óäsa (l. 7), in literary works as va/anse, mi, maido, vely. The forms dagaf (l. 4), firivana e usual forms are dag åó, fbirivenua, and occurs the form hindavit, which agrees same line and in l. IO occur the variant ame word. The style has a general ating from the Polonnaruwa period.
2, p. 86. ldave, 5th edition, Colombo, I928.





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TIEጋ
గ్రంGG పులిశ్చిల8 ఆర@ల్చిత ఉ20 ශශ්‍රධාචාරඌඩාධිකාරිවිභුනා නාම උතතනතා ජවයසමභෙවන විදුෂයා කු GGSQత93)ణలొ[ఆణ ర్మెణారార్లేది සිරිසගෙ බා පරාකුමබ0හු චතුව පුර ෙපාෙහාය. පස්යොදුන්වද an ISDR) caò ÖSGC) :)) SÒSS) ģ ණයන් වහන්සෙ හා අපගේ බ Gరరదిలి తెతులులనే 83 రీర
ම්මුළට බඳ ව සඩම්මරාජන් පිරිව දාගප් මාබෝ පිළිම පිහිටුවා තෙකාට( මෙමම( විහාර ෙයහි වැඩහැ හිතදිනා වහන්ෙසවද රැ ටැ වළන්දා ආ සියමබලාපය හ හැල්ල ඇතු ළුවූ තැනැ කුඹුරු හා මෙහි මෙදී ලාන් ෙකාටදැ හා කුන් රාමාශා: තාවළමට ඇතුළත් ටිගවටු භාගයෙන් විහාරයට පැදුම්දීගින් කළපුව හා පැළදීගින් උඩයා උතුරුදිගින් නම් සෙට්ටි නින්දුවු පොල්වතුභාගයෙහි විධි ( හා මෙහි බඳ කුඹුරු හා තෙක් රන් දිලා (මගනනැ @පාල් පුවක් මුනදල්කැමියා නුන් තිරෙතනය හූන් බෙරවාගමැ පනගැස්මෝපාල් ගොඩ හා වල් කපා පවත් කල් න්කෙතාටවත්ත හා කළසුමැතඥ( නතඥනදූව හා ෙමම අසින් ව හා මෙම අසා බෙරවාගෙ0[ඩ] ... .. ... නිශශolකගලට පැදුම්දිගි යාමෙග් ශෘංගය මෙකබොර තෙකjන්ගt හා කිත්මෙකවි @වන් පොල් හින්දිවූ ඉලූබැස්ස @වල් ඇතුළුවූ තැන් හා මෙම විද් වහන්සේසවරු

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 2O3
KT.
]මෙබඳ තදාමඳශත ర)3 అ66లgళ ర (*) තn ජතාය [සතකිනීතින0] }ශාමාදිසංබොයා[චා3]ෙත []*] තීනිස්වාමීන්වහන්සෙට තිස්වනු ඉවසගu න කාරිය කොටගැ සිටි දෙමළ[අධිකාර
3 öbo ages Googsi ez බ&න මියගුණුබිම් ෙකාදානාවන් හා මෙඳග అరటి రDL పQలెల స్మరలిని 53 .
නට ඇතුළත් කොටගැ රාජසමමත ඇති වැ రీల దరర్తి అవిdఆలEఅవిర99 . . . .
රුන්දට ප්‍රතාන්‍යය පිණ’සu හා ලූ අප සිපරපු x0 මෙහි මැ බද වියළ තැනු සුඹුළුපත්
පාල් පූවක් ඇතුළුවූ මෙකාළවෙල්අය කුස තතුනයාවන්ට රන් දීලා ගත් බෙම්තොටu
ක් කුඹුක් හින්දිවූ පොකුණ හා දකුණුදිගින්
· දශපාලයන්ගේ චතුබඩනැ මෙපාකුණ හා
මහහිමි ෙකාටැ මෙම අතුරෙහි කොළඹෙවල් xවුළු මණකප්පමබරාය[රු]ට විහාරයෙන් හින්ඳවූ 0[වත්ත] හා ඉසම්විටිවත්ත හා ආගැවෙරියා වත්ත හා කසගලු(ගොඩ) හා මො .. .. වී ... (ලීග
(බමම්)නනඳනදව හා මෙම අසැ මෙනා ලෝ කපා කොළවෙල් හින්දිවූ බොලුතුඩාව
}න් කළපුව හා දකුණුදිගින් සුවවත්කැමි ස හා පැළදිගින් කකුළුවාගලැ අරමබඩ
නිම් කොටා මෙ අතුරෙහි හින්දිවූ කොළ හාරයට හා මෙම විහාරයෙහි වැඩ හින්දිනා





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EPIGRAPHIA
න්දෑට අත්පාවෙමෙහ කරන පරිදී වහලින් හා මෙම විහාරයෙහි මුතුපූ: இ0ெ3)
න්ත හා කෞමකු මවු උ(බ) හා ජේ හා මෙකු මල් ගෙත්(කැමි) (ලො( හා මෙමසකු මල් රකු හා කෞමකු මල් රය හා මෙමක දූ මෙගාඩනැලි මෙඳව මණියා හා මෙකු මල් මෙපාරණ ගොඩැලි මෙහලිලි රකහ((ළි) සිඳ ය හා මෙකු [පුතු] කරඩි · ... ... 曾 ... ය හා මෙමක දූ . . කැලි සෙ(නැ)න් කෞකාත්තිය- හා මෙකු රක හා මෙකු මල් ... .. .. .. .. පිත් ... ... <ණත්තු හා ... ලි කෙඳව මල් පොරණ (ස)ලා හා මත්දළ
. මෙදවු හා සාතන් සි . . . . . .
මල් .............. හා මෙකු මල් ගොළු කිත හා මෙමක පුත් සුවයා හා
... මෙඳව හා මෙකු පුත් ... ... හා මෙහ[ළි]ලි දෙව පුත් සුවයා අ @මකු නට සාතිය හා මෙමක පූ තක්ෙ සුවයා හා මෙමක මල් ... . රක හා මෙකු මල් ... .. .. ... (අ අඹු සුපනිය හා මෙකු දූ න(ඹ)ය හා මෙකාර නමබා හා මද්දළ ... , ... නියා හඹා කිළ ... ... කිතා හා හා නැවිය හා මෙදමළ ... .. .. ... සුනද, හා ජයව(තද) හ0 ... ... ... . රාමා හා කුඩා රාමා හා සී(න්) , @මකු දෑ • • • • • [මෙම ] කු පුත් • • • • යා හ0 • • • • • @මකු පුත් මෙකාවිවා හා මෙහළස තමන් විසින් ................................ (සල) කමින් සවග්ගාපවශේග .. .. .. .. කළ එතෙකක් ඇත් නම් කවුඩු බ
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ه. lنتG කහමබල්කුළු මහඳල්නා වම්හ කණු

ZEYLANICA [vol. Iv
ක්ලේදන් අප අනවයාගතවහලින් හා රන් කරඬුබෙයන් රන් දිලා ගෙනැ ලූ මෙකාන්ත
ම(කු නo මි)නදි හා මෙකු පිත් උයවනදා කෞක)යි හා මෙකු මල් පොන්වාණ මිනදා මී (සුව) හා (මීතඥල්කැමියා) .. ..
... ... නත්ත හා මෙකු බy @පාරණ % බුදු හා දැමීමෙඳව හා , මෙකු පුතු හා ගලිය හා මෙකු ද සාති
හා මෙකු නo ෙස[ල්]ලිය හා [ගොඩලි] පීරක හා මානිය ද සුව ගොඩලිය හා දූ කොත්තිය හා මෙමක නට a · හා මෙකු අඹු මින්දි හා ෙමකු හා මෙකු පුත් මත්දළ සාතා හා මෙකු මෙකාරළ
. මෙකු මල් බෙලාමෙකයි හා කෞමක මිනඥ හා කෞමකු මල් බුදු හා බෙම්තොට
· හා කළු කිතු හා එමෙඬර බොයි හා මෙකාර නාථා හා එනහැදි සාතිය හා
·. මෙකු මල් ලොරෙකයි හා ගමකු නo ඇමෙවරි) @දවු හා දෙමළ පයා හා ෙමකු } හා මෙකු පුත් ... ..
. යා හා කරඩි @ඳවා හා අමබලවා හා ගග0 හා ගැ . ගඟිය හා ල ... ... දිය
· හා ෙසෙල් හා ෙහළුලූ රාමා හා කළු
· මෙඳමැලි ගැවිය හා බඩල් කොපරිය හා
8 · හා මෙකු අඹු ආදිත්තිය හා රක් මිසරක් ඇතුළු[වූ] සියල්ලට තමන්
e o O · කෙනාසලකා ෙමයට හානියක් ලූ වූයේ යැ කාවණුයෙහි ලූ බත් කැමෙය
වුචිත්න0 ෙදවුම මියගුණුබිම් ෙකාදැනගා





Page 258
Epigruphia Feysaflica
శొ
26 స్టీడ్లే
*
 
 

r
SSS 33ég:A:áfüg
C 邱





Page 259
2ck-Inscription
器 శిద్ద్
స్ట్లే இ
*
* |-
§
 

!", "P orfe of
§ A. T'' リ
蒸蕊、
NRK2U , Kr,
RÀ 18 يمكن جعيتيقنع
§ නිශී.g. و مرز یک تاج 230 బ్తో * AYASA.’’
డ్రి ۔ I +
S።” ' ,
R O
盏
효
2
28





Page 260
No. 25] GALAPATA VIHARA R
වම්හ ෙදගලතුරුබිම් විජයානා ව
පෙදර නාථාමි දත්මි පෙදර විජය
දත්මි .. ..
27 米 米 米 米 米 米
28 米 来 来 来 米 米
TRANSC
1 TrimSe bhümi-bhujah Parãkrama Sraddhāecara-dradadhikari -vibhu Utitungzainvaya-Samblına vena viduş Šailānt-āyata[nāya datta-vividha 2 Sirisañgabo Parākramabāhu c Vesagä* pura pohoyä PasyC adhikāra Kahambalkuļu M 3 –ņiyan vahanse hā apagē bāna M aturu-boim Vijayā-māvan hā ... .. .. .. .. .. ... vun o Velga4 -m-mulata bada va Saddharmmamata äti vä dagap' mä-bo pi vihärayata ... ... ... ... " kotä 1 5 -yehi vädä hindinā vahanse-varu parapurā vā valanda a 18 Siy tänu Sumbulupat-hälla ätu6 -lu-vu tänä kumburu hä mehi pol
koțä hā Kunrāmā-śāttu nāvan ätulat Tiñgavațu
" Bt. -bhujah śyābde.
* Bt. kālāóta-punyātmane. 4 * Bt. Keseli(na-õim A/ahendra) maha (amatya).
o lBt. a/age. * Bt. S o Bt, dāsgab. 10 Bt.
' Mr. Bell conjecturally restores the missingle Supported by such traces of the letters as are still visi "* Bt. zva/han se-zaru indi la. * Bt. Sa saras "o Bt. ayä. Bt.

OCK-INSCRIPTION 2O5
ම්හ (දත්මි) රක්ෂගහැලි බුත් ... .. .. .. } 0 & 8 d @ඳවාමි දත්මි වත්ක(මි සාමි දත්මි වත්කuම් රමුක්කඩු ද .. ... ....
RIPT.
a-bhuja sy ābde i tad2ādeśataś2 nā nām nā Mạhendreņa tu [*] â klptaya [sat-kirttinä)*
gramzadi-sarinkhyzocyate in akravartti-svamin-vahanseta tis-Vanu )dun-vaga kariya kotai siti Demalaindal]-mã. vamha apa hã° apagẽ " mẫiyañguņubim Kodā-nāvan hā Degal
apagē nä Kațuvit-nā Sätumba hā
räjan-pirivanata ätulat kotä raja-samlima pihituva apa karavu ' Galpatamemä vihära
hdäța o pratyaya piņisä hā lū apa sīambalāpaya hā mehi mä badaviyaļa
puvakätulu-vu kolavel-ayao kusalan ța ran dīlā gat Bemtoțä tāvalamața o
* Bt. drșādhikāri. 3t. Vesaňgä. o Bt. rața.
či tumba-detu (/hā puda) nuva vun.
&ằra?]ử. :tters as fifa-vastu ; but this conjecture is not ble.
tu tā lizirala muda di. *** Bt. zihoalueita. 'azalami ata.





Page 261
2O6 EPIGRAPHIA
7 bhāgayen vihārayața pädum-di digin kalapuva hā pälapokuņa hā uturu-digin Na: 8 hinduvu pol-vatu-bhāgayehi v(i hai mehi bada kumburu vihārayen ran dīlā genä p 9 Mundal *-kämiya hun Tiratena hun Beravà-gamä PanäspC goda hā val kapā pavat k 10 -ntoța- o vatta hā kalapu-mändä asä Manonandana-'duva h Bolutudāva hā ħnema asä 11 ... ...“ Niššarnka-galata“ pädu
vat-kâmiyage geya * kere arama-bada hā 18 Kitkev12 -ven 1o pol hindivū Ilubässa him vū tän hā me 20 vihāraya valhanse-varu13 -ndäta at-pâ-mehe karana* par vahalin ha me viharayeh Konta Boga14 -nta 25 hā meku mavu o U (ba) Uyavandā 20 hā meku ma Ponvāņī Mīndā hā meku m kāmiyā) . . 15 -raya hā meku dū Godäli D. Maniya ha meku mal Por hā Godäli Helili Rakahäll (
* Bt. fâilla. ? Bt. 7'darubdisi. * Bt. -kappambarāta. o Bt. mm/da/. o Bt. J/okusāgogda. " Bt. (rayagenarata){a o Bt. memua.
The second and third letters of this line h; ** Bt. galița. "o Bt. Suijita-käimi'āge 1 ** Mr. Bell has added here la turu - digin which o Bt. Aik/keza zen. *' l3t. nena. ** lBt. aridaden. ** Bt. ka raggduzcin. ' Bt. U) ba. o lit. da li/ia.

ZEYLANICA [voL. iv
gin kumbuk hindivi pokuņa hā dalkuņudigin Udayā-daśapālayangē vatu-baçdä* n-setti |dhi 3 maha-him koțä me aturehi kollavel hā kevulu Maņakappambarāya ruța “ l puvak hindavu yā-vatta) hā I samviți-vatta hā Äveriyā l-o vatta hā Kasagalu-(goça) o hā mo ... .. ala ... laga
(Dharmma)-nandana-düva 1° há memä 11 a memall asin val kapa kolavel hindivu Berava-goda m-digin kalapuva hā dalkuņu-digin Suva
Kõn-gasa hā päla o-digin Kakuluvā-galä 17
kotä me aturehi hindivu kolavel ätulunța hā me 20 vihārayehi vädä 21 hindinā
itden ” apa anvayagata-vahalin ha rani mundukaraņçluyen ** ran dīlā genä lū
*" hal me(ku narin Mi)ndi * hal meku pit al Get (känni) o Lo (ke)yi hā meku mal hal Raku ha meku mal (Suwa) ha (Mindal
eva .. .. .. .. natta hā meku bä Poraņa na Budu ha Dami-deva ha meku putu ) Sigaliya hā meku dū Sāti
* Perhaps to be corrected to vidi. o Bt. /'incas-/o/. Aasagalit-fola.
" Bt. k. lapu-mời ndiya Al/aandunan-dāva. o Bt. Al/a volbavidla na. lve been read by Mr. Bell as ha me,
d)'a. " Bt. /7/a. * Bt Afiátu//7ä-gala.
is not found on the stone.
oli Bt. 7'cida. o Bt. karava. ° 13t. Korridog A'ima. oo Bt. amblu.
*o Ciarra vyda7. *" Bt. Ge(ata).





Page 262
NO. 25] GALAPÄTA VIHÄRA
16 -ya hā meku putu Karaçli .. .. .. l ya hā meku dū .. ... Kälira Se(nä)n Kottiya hä meku di 17 Raka hā meku mal .. .. .. ... .. .. pit ... ... nattu ha ... li Deva mal Porana (Sa)la ha Matda 18 Devu hā Sātan Si .. .. .. .. .. mal . . ... hà meku mal Bemtoța Kita hā meku put 19 ... .. ... Deva hā meku put .. .
Heļili Deva put Suvayā h narih Satiya hä mg:ku pu20 -t Suvayā hà meku mal . . ... r há meku mal . . . . (Äv ambu Supaniya hā meku dū 21 hā Kora Nambā hā Mladdala .. , . niyā hā Kila .. ... Kitā hã diya hã Näviya hā Demala 22 Sundā hā Jayavand (ā) hā .. .
Rāmā hā Kuçlā Rāmā hā S hā meku dū .. .. .. .. [me]- 23 -ku put .. .. yā " hā .. . e e o a
put Kovivā o hā hela-saral taman visin “ .. .. .. .. ... (sa 24 -(kamin)* Svarggoapavargga
hāniyak kala ekek ät nam bat käyē yä o .. .. .. .. .. .. 25 Kahambalkulu 10 Mindal-na van bim Kodā-nā vamha Degal Rak-hali But . . .
" Bt. Dilayã. * lBt. APada-/haa 2
* Bt. Aoticã. Mr. Bell has oni Mr. Bell fills the gap by (ist a saifa saha rufa * Bt. ba/uhu 'cyä. Bt. kāvanuy'e ha, "o Bt. Aa/hamlad/kuulla. " Bt. Aaslazi
" What Mr. Bell has made out of line 25 from Ag/hara-Saingili /3 utnu /’abandamu Dakiyya M/oras äm.
Vta/aizedara AVāgāni.

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 2o7
nā meku narin Selliya hā (Godali] .. .. .. ka hā Māniya dū Suva Godaliya hā i Kottiya hā meku narin
. .. ... hā meku ambu Mindi hā meku hā meku put Matdala Sātā hā meku la Korala
... meku mal Lokeyi hà meku Golu Minda ha meku mal Budu ha Suvayā hā . .. hā Kalu Kitu hā Eņdera Boyi hā i Kora Nāthā hā e-nädi Sātiya hā meku
neku mal Lokeyi ha meku nam Raka veri) Devu hā Denmala Payā hā meku
Na (mbi)ya hā meku put .. .. ... yā hā Karadi Devā hā Ambalavā hā i Gańgā hā Gä ... gañgiya hā La .. ..
. ... hā Selē hā Helulu Rāmā hā Kalu
Sī(n) ... Demälli Gäviya hā Baçdal Periya
... .. hā meku ambu Adittiya hāo meku k mī-Sarak ätulu-vū siyallața taman ala)-
O ... ' no-salaka meyata kavuçlu balu vūy ē yäo kāvaņuyehi lū8
ha Kațuvitnā 11 Devumi o Miyańguņuaturu-bim Vijayâ-nâ vamha * (l)atmi)
daras-sala hai Vik danbudala Ditira hà.
tted tamaa vu avuisin. * l3t. samin. ада).
(a. o lBt. (ba(t käivun samāna'o)'di. f/id. ' / efitsa.
n this point and the first half of the next line is : indi l ci/i)'d Sagime Auranazali LPez dm ZOt/i





Page 263
208 EPIGRAPHIA
26 (datimi) ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
Nathami datmi Pedara. Vij . .. ... datimi ... ..
27 米 米 米 k 米 米
2S 米 米 冰 水 ck
TRANSI
[Line III] In the thirtieth year of Pa (IIerein) are enumerated the villages, & tayatana which was established, at His Dra[vi]klādhikārin o of pious conduct, by : lineage, is wise and is of good repute.
Lines 2-5. On the full-hoon day c Majesty, the Emperor Sirisangabo Pal Mindalna”, the Demala-adhikára, adni our mother, our nephews, Kodana Degalaturu-bim, and our kinsman, Katu
Galpata Vihara which we have founded
with Velgammula and included in the S
established therein relic-shrines, great () quisite for their lordships the monksv lands which have been in the possession
1 i.e. Parākramabāhu.
Dradadhikari: The reading drada in this sense. In the corresponding Sinhalese portion of it is therefore possible to conjecture that dradad/h, rendering of the Sinhalese title. The word drawn metre; and it is quite possible that the omissic expedient to satisfy the requirements of the metre on grammatical grounds.
* P. Vesåkha, Skt. Vaisåkha. April–May.
The original would read literally: We are K Kahambalkulu, appears to be a place name and Degalaturu-him in the names of two other d same as Pãli Mahinda.
The officer who held the title of Demalamost probably the Commander of the Tamil mercer
" Aafuzind, in this name, appears to be an obscure.
Sifarafurd va is a phrase not found elsew parapura (Skt. Sviya-paramfara) own lineage.

ZEYLANI CA [VOL. Iv
.. .... Devämi datmi Vatkämi Pedara ayãmi datmi Vat-kämi Ramukkadu Da
ATION.
rakrama-bhuja', the lord of the earth. c., granted to the monastery of SailanMajesty's behest, by His Lordship the name Mahendra, who was born in high
f Vesaga: in the thirtieth year of His rākramabāhu. Ve", Kahambalkuļu inistering the Pasyodun-vaga, the lady of Miyangunu-bim and Vijayana of vitna Satumba', grant, as . . . . to the witl royal consent, making it connected Saddharmmarajan Pirivana, and having od/iis and images; and for the things rewho reside in this visiara, the following
of our family.
compound is free from doubt; but it conveys no the epigraph occurs the title Demala-adhikara and &airi is a mistake for drazidad/hikari, the Sanskrit daidhikari contains one syllable too much for the on of the syllable vi was deliberate, being an
If so, it is a licence which cannot be justified
ahambalkulu ... We, and the lady our mother . . . used as a family name. Such are Miyangunu-bim ignitaries occurring in this record. Mindal is the
adhikara (the Superintendent of the Tamils) was laries who were in the service of the Sinhalese king.
official title of which the significance is altogether
here; but it is clear that it is connected with stya





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No. 25) GALAPATA VIHARA
Lines 5-I2 Siyambalapaya and, area included within Sumbulupat-halla wh the todavel-aya” of this including coco-nu donations; the extent granted to the vi, included in the taivasama of Bemtota, the caravan leader Kunrama, bounded, which humduk trees have been planted, O by the pond (pokuna) near the garden of by the street in the allotment of the c the Aolavel of this area and the fields which was bought by giving gold fron kappambarayaru, which is plapted with c Mundal-kamiya" resides; Isamviti-vatta which Averiya resides; Kasagalu-goda ; was prepared by having the jungle cleare
Viyala tinu: Compare the phrase triyala ba and see the remarks thereon, abave pp. 8o and 82, * The word Aiolavel has also been found in by Mr. Codrington in Vidyodaya, I, p. 376. In l. which shows that Aiolavel is a term denoting some l signify the revenue due to the landlord or the stat occurs in the compound gaha-kola which is used ir shrubs'. Vela ordinarily means field. Mr. Cod watu-badda, i.e. the tax on gardens.
o Kusalām : For this word, see E. Z., Vol. III Zavalama occurs nowhere else in Sinhales prototype of the modern Sinhalese word fatalam merchandise' or "a station on the frontier for the Sinhalese-English Dictionary, s.v.). The first of ti context in which it occurs in this record; but t tāvalama and tavalama both seem to be derived fr residence' or *town or city in an agricultural tra tava;a&karar, the Tamil word seems to have prese derivative, for it means 'traders from distant parts That part of mediaeval Bentota designated by the w contained a station for the exchange of goods, agricultural tract.
* Såttunå, wrongly written for såttunå, Skt. så ' This rendering is based on the correction of Mundal-amiya means 'treasury official'. addressing persons by, their official titles, in pref been prevalent among the Sinhalese as it is to-day,

ROCK-INSCRIPTION 2O9
ppertaining thereto, the fields in the ich has been made suitable for sowing; : and areca (palms) given as religious ara from the allotment of Tingavatu, which was bought by giving gold to on the east by the pond (pokuna) at n the south by the lagoon, on the west Udaya Dasapalaya and on the north Oco-nut garden planted by Nam-setti; ppertaining to this; Tiratenaya-vatta | the vihara to the fisherman Manaoco-nut and areca palms and in which ; Panaspol-vatta in Berava-gama; in . . . . goda ; . . . lagantoța-vatta which d; the island Dharmma-nandara in the
hā tänu in the Batalagoda-väva slab-inscription
II. 2. a document of Parakramabahu VI, published Io occurs the phrase val Aapa Aiolaved hindivil kind of cultivation. Aolavedaya would therefore e from this particular form of cultivation. Aola colloquial Sinhalese, and may mean leaves' or ington is of opinion that Aiolavel-aya is the later
p. 95. e literature or epigraphy. It seems to be the a which means 'a number of oxen laden with sale or exchange of commodities' (see Clough, lese two meanings does not suit tavalama in the he second seems to be applicable. The words om T. tāvalam which means “lodging or place of 't' (see Zamil Leavicon, s.v.). In the compound ved the meaning which is found in its Sinhalese or “those who keep oxen for carrying burdens. rd tavalama, might have been so called because it or from the fact of its being the centre of an
thaudha-nayaka. vidhi, occurring in the text, to vīdi (Skt. vītžī). In olden times the custom of referring to, and rence to their personal names, seems to have





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2O EPIGRAPHI
middle of the lagoon; the island Mano in which &oslaved has been planted after h gala, in Beravagoda in the same vicinity, side the lagoon, on the southern side th on the western side Aramboda of K Ilubăssa in Kitkevuva in which coco-n planted and the lands within these bou
Lines 12-23) And in order that and to their lordships the monks) res granted from among the slaves who l the purchased slaves and those acquir wi/zara :
Konta Boganta,* his mother U Uyavanda, his younger brother Getka Minda, his younger brother Raku, his y raya, his daughter Godäli Deva . . . na
* The words meaning “on the northern si omitted in the text.
Affa-methe-karana means literally “perfor * Aan-vaha/, literally “gold slaves, may I were forced to slavery by debt.
Mundu-Aarandu : This word occurs in t translated by Dr. Wickremasinghe as “a casket mudrå and means "seal’ while karandu (Skt. kar fore have been a sealed casket or box in which were kept. The term may well have been extende of safe deposit and seems to have been used in
The method adopted by the writer of the of them first and then to give the names of othe There is a certain amount of ambiguity regardin the pronoun meku of this’ (translated by “his some other occurring previously. The writer o chivalry, for in enumerating the relatives of a precedence. The names of these humble folk twelfth or thirteenth century, as to-day, ordinary pi teristic of theirs, or their profession or residence, name. For instance we find in this inscription : Mindā (Mindā, the Dumb), Bemtoța Kita (Kita Boyi (Boyi, the Cowherd), Kora Näthä (Nathä Paya (Paya, the Tamil), Helulu Rama (Rama, th (Rama, the Small), Badal Periya (Periya, the Gc Names of this type may be found in any Sinhale

A ZEYLANICA vOL. Iv
nandana in the same vicinity; Bolutudava laving had the jungle cleared; Nissarinkato which the boundaries are, on the eastern e eon tree near the house of Suva Vatkami, akuluva-gala, and on the northern side Lut palms have been planted; the Alofavel ndaries.
hey may perform services to this vihara iding in this visaara, the following were have belonged hereditarily to our family, ed by paying gold from the funds of this
ba, his younger sister Mindi, his father mi Lokeyi, his younger brother Ponvani ounger brother Suva ; Mindal-kamiya . . . tta, his elder brother Porana Maniya, his
de' (uturu-digin) which we should expect here, are
ming services by the hands and the feet'. mean either slaves bought for money or those who
he Mihintale tablets of Mahinda IV and has been under lock and key’. Mudu is derived from Skt. aida) means “ casket”. Mundu-karangdu must therethe small objects of value belonging to a monastery i in use to the gold and jewels preserved in this place that sense in the present record.
epigraph in enumerating the slaves is to name one rs related to him, the relationship being also stated. g the relationships, as it is not always clear whether ') refers to the name immediately preceding it or to f the epigraph seems to have had a certain sense of ny person the womenfolk are generally given the are interesting in that they show us that, in the ersons had sobriquets, indicating some bodily characto distinguish them from their fellows of the same such names as Koraļa IDevu (Devu, the scaly), Goļu of Bemtoța), Kalu Kitu (Kitu, the Dark), Eņdera the Lame), Helili Deva (Deva, the Fair), Demala he Fair), Kalu Rama (Rama, the Dark), Kuda Rama ldsmith), and Getkämi Lokeyi (Lokeyi, the Tailor). se village to-day.





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NO. 25) GALAPÁTA VIHAR,
younger brother Porana Budu; Dämi hala, and Sigiliya; his daughter Satiya Selliya; Godali . . . his daughter . . . Māniya; Senän Kottiya, her daughte younger brother . . . . . . his wife Mindi Matdala Sata, his younger brothers Por Si ..., his younger brother Lokeyi, his y Golu Minda, his younger brother Budu his son . . . . . ; Kalu Kitu, Eņçdera E Natha, his aunt Satiya, his youngers brother. . . . . . his younger brother Lok brother. . . Averi Devu; Demaļa Payā his son . . . . . " ... Kora Nambai ; Maddi .. niyā; Kiļa . . Kitā; Gangā; Ga . . 40 s is a ; Sunda; Jayavanda; . . . . . Se Rāmā ; Sīn . . . ; Demälli Gäviya ; Baç
• • - Vad, . . . . . . his wife Adittiya, and
Lines 23-24) To all mentioned a 8 a by one's own self. . . . . . consi If there be any person who, not cor religious gift), may he become a cro the rice put in the eawamu .
Lines 25-28. We are Kahamb; We are Miyangunu-bim Kodana. Rak-hali But . . . . . know (this)". I, kāmi Pedara Nāthā, know this I, Ramukkadu Da . . . . . know this]] *
' Kawanayehi la bat kaya ya : For this phra
* Here, as well as in the beginning of the (Mahendra) refers to himself in the honorific except Katu itnā Devu, mentioned in the record
Datmi, &c. : With this formula used by th at the end of the Doratiyava sannasa of Nissarink mahadevim/ha, “I, Kalyana-mahadevi, know this A similar formula is used by witnesses in Tannil of a witness in an epigraph from the Sokkanath: varēm, “ I, Pallavarāyar, know this KS. I. II., vol.

A ROCK-INSCRIPTION 2 II
Deva and his son ; Godali, Helili, Raka
; his son Karadi . . . his younger sister kali Raka : Suva Godaliya, daughter of r Kottiya, her younger sister Raka, her , his father . . . nattu ; . . . li Deva, his son aņa Salā and Matdaļa Koraļa Devu; Sātan 'ounger brother . . . ., his younger brother ; Bemtota Kita, his son Suwa; . . . . Deva, oyi, Suvayā son of Heļili Deva; Kora ister Sâtiya, his son Suvaya, his younger сеyi, his younger brother Raka, his younger , his wife Supaniya, his daughter Nambiya, ala . . . . ya ; Karadi Devā ; Ambalavā ; gañgiya; La . . . . diya ; Näviya ; Demala selē; Heļalu Rāmā; Kalu Rāmā; Kudā lal Periya, his daughter . . . . . . ; his son his son Kovivā.
bove, including neat cattle and buffaloes dering . . . . . . heaven and final liberation. Insidering . . . . . . , does any harm to this w or a dog; he is like one who has eaten
alkuļu Mindal. I am Katuvitnā Devu, We are Degalaturu-bim Vijayana. I, se s g. Deva, know this. . . . . . I, VatPedara Vijayā, know this). I, Vatkāmi
-- 长 兴 兴 并
se, see above, p. 82, n. 4. 2 record, the dignitary named Mihindal or Mindal plural which is also used by the other dignitaries,
le witnesses to this document, compare that occurring (a Malla: for example, the phrase dannam Aadyana' (see V. A. A. S., C. B., vol. xxix, pp. 32 o and 322). inscriptions. Compare, for instance, the signature a Temple at Kolifijivadi: it fadi artwent Aallavaraiv, p. 95).





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