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LESE. Z
ANCIENIMIMES
Npo
HAVANSA " DYNASTY
MAHA SENA
A.D. 302)

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Page 3

THE STORY
OF THE
SINHALESE

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THE STORY
OF THE
SINHALESE
FROM THE MOST ANCIENT TIMES
UP TO THE END OF
"THE MAHAVANSA"
OR GREAT DYNASTY
VIJAYA TO MAHA SENA (BC. 543 TO A.D. 302)
JOHN M. SENAVERATNA
圈
ASAN EDUCATİONAL SERVICES NEW DELHI A MADRAS År 1997

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Published by J. Jetley For ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES C-2/15, SDA New Delhi- 110016 Printed at Subhan Offset, Delhi- 110032

THE STORY
OF THE
SINHALESE
FROM THE MOST ANCIENT TIMES
UP TO THE END OF
“THE MAHAVANSA ' OR GREAT DYNASTY
BY
JOHN M. SENAVERATNA
Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Editor, "Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Register,' Joint Editor, " Historical Gazetteer of Ceylon.'"
WIJAYA TO MAHA SENA
(B.C. 543 to A.D. 302).
Approved by the Director of Education for use in Ceylon Schools.
PUBLISHED BY
W. M. A. WAHID & Bros.,
233. MAN STREET, COLOMBO.

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PREFACE TO NEW EDITION
This new and cheap edition of a work, which was originally published in two volumes, has been called for by the necessity of a handy school text-book, not prohibitive in price.
The period dealt with-B.C. 543 to A.D. 302-represents the history of the rulers of the Mahá Vansa or "Great Dynasty,' and covers 845 years.
I have taken pains not to state anything without authority for it in one or more of the many records I have consulted in this connection. To specify each such authority in detail in the present Volume would be unduly to encumber an edition which is intended primarily for the use of schoolboys.
Of 'new' facts of unusual historical interest which I have embodied in this Volume and which do not occur in other modern works dealing with the early history of Ceylon, I should like to refer here in brief to two in particular :-
Firstly, I have restored King Ganatissa to his rightful place as fifth King of Lanka-thus, in my judgment, solving one (and that one the more important) of the two chronological difficulties which have hitherto been a serious stumbling-block to scholars in regard to the earliest historical period.
Secondly, I have utilised the information first made available to us by Parker, from one of our earliest cave inscriptions, to explain the real intimacy of the connection between the Anuradhapura, Kelaniya and Rohana dynasties. The inscription brings to light a new Queen of Lanka, Abhi Anuradhi-(the daughter of Maha Naga and Anula)--who married King Uttiya and gave birth to a daughter who, in turn, married Yatthalaya Tissa, the first ruler at Kelaniya.
In the matter of the chronology of the period, I have had to make a number of important adjustments based on certain

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iv
precise dates furnished by the ancient chronicles. These "precise dates' (from the time of Vijaya) are as follows:-
(I) “ The Prince named Wijaya, the valiant, landed in Lanka, in the region called Tambapanni, on the day that the Tathâgata (Buddha, lay down...... to pass into Nibbána ” [Mah. VI. 47; Dip. 9 2n-22; Smp. 320. ... Buddha died and Vijaya arrived in Lanka-A.B. I = B.C. 543.
(2) "The seventh, inhereditary succession, was Devanapétissa, who became King of this Island. ...in the 236th year after the death of Buddha. ... and in the first year of the reign of King Devanapétissa," the Apostle Mahinda "established the religion (Buddhism) in this Sri Lanka.” (Nik. San. p. Io ; Dip. I 7.78). ... Devdinampiya Tissa ascended the throne-A.B. 236= B.C.307. Buddhism was established in Lanka -A.B. 237= B.C.306. The Mahdi Vihdira was founded -A.B. 237 = B.C.306.
(3) '' Walagam Abhá (Wattagámani Abhaya) succeeded to the throne 439 years, 9 months and Io days after the death of Buddha.” (Nik. San. p Io). ... Wattagdimani ascended the throne A.B. 439= B.C.Io4.
(4) a. "When 2I7 years Io months and Io days had passed since the founding of the Mahá Vihára, the King (Vattagamani Abhaya) built the Abhayagiri Vihára.” [Mah. XXXIII. 8o-8I). .
b. "He (Vattagamani) built the Vihára called Abhayagiri and offered it to a priest named Tissa.... At this time 217 years, Io months and Io days had elapsed since the death of Buddha' (Nik. Sam. p II).
We have already seen that Buddhism was established and the Mahá Vihára founded in A.B. 237 (=B.C. 306). And we are now told that the Abhayagiri Vihara was built 217 years afterwards-that is, in A.B. 454 (i.e. A.B. 237 + A.B. 27).
... The Abhayagiri Vihára was built in A.B. 454= B.C. 89.
(5) "A Nikaya called Dharmartici, of a body of men separated from the Thériya Nikāya, was established in Bhagiri

v
Vehera in the 15th year of the reign of Valagam Abhá (Vattagâmani) and 454 years after the death of Buddha' (Nik. San. p12). ... The Dharmariáci Nikiya was established-A.B. 454= B.C. 89 Since this occurred in the 15th year of Vattagámani, the latter must have ascended the throne in A.B. 439= B.C. Io4.
(6) "The King named Vyavaharatissa (Voharika Tissa)
.... became King of this country 752 years, 4 months and Io days after the death of Buddha" (Nik, San. p. I2).
..". Vohárika Tissa ascended the throne in A.B. 752= A.D. 209.
An adjustment has to be made in the period between A.B. 439 (= B.C. IO4), the first year of Vattagámani's reign, and A.B. 752 (A.D. 209), the first year of Woharika Tissa's reign. The total duration of the intervening reigns should be 313 years, but the figures given by the chronicles actually work out to 308 years. The difference is 5 years, and the necessary adjustment must be made in one or more of the reigns of the sovereigns who exercised sway in the interval. In the absence, however, of any definite indication as to where exactly the adjustment might reasonably be made, and till more information is available on the point, I have sought to get rid of the difficulty by provisionally adding 5 years to the I year given by the Mahávansa as the duration of the reign of Vijaya II. In thus giving 6 years to Vijaya II, I have at least the authority of the Rajavaliya, which does likewise. (7) “ In the fourth year of his (King Gothabhaya's) reign over Sri Lanka.... a sect called Ságaliya, separated from the Dharmartici sect, was established in the Dakunugiri Vehera, 795 years after the death of Buddha' (Nik. San. p. 13).
..'. King Gothaibhaya ascended the throne in A.D. 791 = A.D.248. The Saigaliya sect was established in A.D. 795= A.D. 252.
(8) " King Mahasen (Mahá Sena) succeeded to the throne 818 years after the death of Buddha" (Nik. San, p I4).
... Mahdi Sena ascended the throne in A. D. 818- A.D. 275. (9) 'At the close of the Great Dynasty, 844 years 9 months and 25 days had elapsed since the death of our Buddha.

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νi
....The Great Dynasty ends with Mahasen" (Raj., p. 52; Puj., p25.
..”. King Mahái Sena died
The Great Dynasty ended We know definitely that Gothabhaya ascended the throne in A. B. 79I (A.D... 248), and Mahā Sena in A. B. 88 (A. D. 275). The intervening period is 27 years, but the chronicles give us only 23 years (Gothabhaya I3 years, Jettha Tissa Io years). An adjustment of 4 years is necessary, and these I have added, provisionally, to Jettha Tissa.
Contrary to the hitherto usual practice of historical writers, I have not included the five Tamils (who successively usurped the government in Vattagamani's time) in my List of Kings of Lanka. Their exclusion is warranted, for instance, by the statement in the Nikaiya Sangrahava (p. I2) that the Dharmartici Nikaya was established in A.B. 454 (B.C. 89)" in the 15th year of the reign of Valagam Abhá (Vattagamani.)” The implication is that Vattagamani was still King de jure, though the five Tamils held the government during his fifteen years' exile. Moreover, it would be inconsistent to include the Tamils in the List, and yet to exclude from it (as the old chronicles do) Kammaharattaka, the Commander of Troops, who slew King Khallata Naga and usurped the government even for a day, or the Lambakanna Chiefs who ruled the country for three years during King Ilanaga's exile in India.
in A.B. 845= A.D. 302.
Another important departure (from custom) which I have made is the non-inclusion of Queen Anula's several husbands in my List of Kings. They were no more than Nagaraguttikas or "Guardians of the City' of Anuradhapura-in modern parlance, they might be described as Mayors-and not one of them was a " duly anointed" King. Professor Geiger, who includes all these in his List, is responsible for the curious mistake of making the three years' Interregnum follow immediately after Queen Sivali's short reign of four months. The Mahdivamsa text leaves no room for doubt that Ilanaga, after dethroning Sivali, "raised the parasol of sovereignty in the capital' (XXXV. I5), and ruled for a year at least with Sivali as his Queen. It was "in the first year of his reign' that he was forced to flee and the Interregnum occurred.

wii
Finally, I have no doubt this work has its faults and deficiencies. Whether or not they are greater and more numerous than its merits, if any, it is for the reader to decide. But, however else I have failed, I think I can lay claim at least to have presented a sober narrative.
While linking together a mass of information now lying scattered in numerous works not readily accessible to the student, it is at the same time divested of the unconvincing details of miraculous phenomena and crude absurdities which have hitherto been permitted to overshadow the real facts of the early times, and so to prejudice the more general study of Ceylon History, especially among the non-Sinhalese.
The perfect historian, Macaulay said, must possess an imagination sufficiently powerful to make his narrative affecting and picturesque; yet he must control it so absolutely as to content himself with the materials which he finds, and to refrain from supplying deficiencies by additions of his own.
Lacking the former qualification of a powerful imagination, I have tried to fulfil the latter requirement-of not going "beyond my brief.' Perhaps this consideration may induce the reader readily to overlook the blemishes, such as they are, of a work which represents the first earnest effort, after years of laborious research, to give, in a handy form, a fuller account than any yet published of the earliest and least known portion of the Story of the Sinhalese.
JOHN M. SENAVERATNA. “ Sinduruvana,”
Campbell Place, Colombo,
Ist August. I93o

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ix
LIST OF THE KINGS FROM WIJAYA TO MAHA SENA
3
Η Ο
Η 2.
3.
4
I5 Ι6
17
8
I9
2O
2
2.
23
24
25 26
27
Lಣ್ಣth Seat of Govern- Bಲ್ಟtst Christian Name Rဒိနှီးn ment or Capital (543.в.с.) Era ***
A.B. B.C. Vijaya ვ8 Tambapanni- I-38 543-505
Nagara Interregnum (Upatissa Upatissa 8- O5-56 مسس
Regent) Nagara 38ー39 |5o5ー5o4 Panduvasudeva 3o 39—б9 || 5O4—-474 Abhaya 20 J б9—89 || 474—454 Interregnitum (Tissa Regent) I7 Ꮥ 2 89ーIo6|454ー437 Pandukabhaya . . o Anurådhapura || Io6-III 36||437—4o7
3 3 Gamatissa 40 I36-I76407-367 Mutasiva 6o I76-236|367ー3o7 IDevanampiya Tilssa 40 up 236ー276|3o7ー267 Uttiya O P 276-286 267-257 Maha Silva O g 286-2g6257-24. Sura Tissa O 296ー3o6|247ー237 Sena Duumvivate 22 Guttaka P 3o6-328.237-2I5 Asela O ρ Φ 328ー338|2I5ー2o5 Elara w 44 g 338ー382|2o5ーI6I Dutthagramani . . 24 382-4oό Ιύ I-Ι37 Saddha Tissa 8 406-424. I37-II9
I nonth Thulathana Io days p 424 II9
e3S Lanjatissa { s ဒို့ } AJ 424-433 II9-IIo Khalatanaga 6 p 433-439 IIo-Io4 Vattagamani Abhaya 27 439—4бб| Іо4—77 Mahaculi Maha Tissa 14 A AV 466-48o 77-63 Coranaga . . . . . o I2. p 48oー492| ○3ー51 Kuda Tissa 3 492ー495| 5Iー48 Anula (Queen P. p. 4. 495-499 48-44 Kutakanna Tissa 22 妙妙 499一52I| 44一22 Bhatikabhaya 28 52-549 ) 城없
A.D. Mahadathika Maha Naga' 2 9 549-56 6-18

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List of the Kings-contal. FROM WIJAYA TO MAHA SENA
قفص
se same " exical
i- Reign | ment or ~apital| (c ! ttr
A.B. A.D. 28 araagagaman {n} autadhapura |361-37 18-28 29 Kanirajanu Tissa 3. ᎵᎦ Ꮺ 57Iー574| 28ー3I 30 Culabhaya 7 V 574一575| 3I一32 3I sivali (0иеет . . . . . 4 months p 575 32 32 |managa IO 575ー585| 32ー42 33 Candamukha Siva { 8 years 585ー594| 42ー5I
7 months
34 | Yasalalaka Tissa { 7 years 10 A 594一6o2| 5Iー59
8 months 35 || Subha O 6 p бо2—бо8 59—65 36 || Vasabha 44 6o8-652 65-Io9 37 yankanasika Tissa 3 652-655. Io9-II 2 38 || Gajabahuka Gamani 22 Ꮽ 655-677| II2ーI34 39 : Mahallaka Naga 6 677-683 Ι34---I 4ο 4O Bhatika Tissa 24 683-7o7 I4o-I64 4 | Kanittha Tissa .. 8 p 7o7-725. I64-182 42 Khuija Naga 2 725ー727| I82ーI84 43 | Kunca Naga I 727-728. I84-185 44 || Siri Naga I. I9 728-747. I&5-204 45 voharika Tissa 22 A 747-769. 204- 226 46 || Abhaya Naga 8 p 769一777|226一234 47 ; Siri Naga II. 2 777一779|234ー236 48 || Vijaya II. 6 / 779一785|236ー242 49 | Samghatissa . 4. 785-789 242-246 5o || Samghabodhi 2 O 9 789--79-سI 246 -248---س 5 I Gothabhaya I3 79I-8o4; 248-26 I 52 Jettha Tissa 14 8o4-88 26 I-275 53 Maha Sena 27 8I8ー845|275ー3o2
End of the ' Maha Vamsa' or Great Dynastv

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RÁVANÁ King of the Rákshasas of Lanka (as represented in Hindu poetry)
 

THE ABORIGINES OF LANKA.
The Rakshasas.
In the most ancient times of which there is any record to-day, Lanka (which was the old name for the modern Ceylon) was supposed to have been inhabited by a race of people called Rakshasas (lit. " demons'). They were governed by a King named Ravana, who had his capital at Lankapura. His power and influence were so great that he is represented in Hindu poetry as possessing ten heads and twenty arms.
The story of the destruction of Ravana and his Rakshasas is fully told in the Ramdiyana, a Sanskrit poem written by Valmiki. Rama, son of the King of Ayodhya (the modern Oude), had married the chaste and beautiful Princess Sita. While they were wandering in the forests of Central India, to which they had been banished, Sita was captured and carried away to Lankapura by Rávaná. Rama collected a large army to bring back his wife, and he was assisted in the enterprise by various native tribes of Southern India. Hanuman, his chief lieutenant, is said to have built the ridge, now called Adam's Bridge, to allow a passage for Ramá's Army. After a long siege Rávaná was slain along with many thousands of the Rákshasas, his capital Lankapura burnt to the ground, and Sita taken back in triumph to India.
In historic times, however, the aboriginal inhabitants of Lanka were known as Nagas and Yakkhas. Naga, means, literally, "snake, serpent,' and Yakkha means "demon,' but the aborigines were, as a matter of fact, neither serpents nor demons. They may have been snake-worshippers and demonworshippers, and so came to be called by the two names by which they are commonly known in early history. However that

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2 TE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
may be, there can be very little doubt that these aborigines, who were probably a Dravidian race, were, at least at the time of the Vijayan settlers, a comparatively civilised people, ruled by their own kings and having a settled and regular form of government.
The Nagas.
The Nagas appear to have been confined, originally, to the western, and especially the northern, part of Ceylon-which explains why this part of the country was for many centuries known as Nagadipa.
Legend tells us that Gautama Buddha visited Lanka on three distinct occasions: in the ninth month and in the fifth and eighth years respectively, after he had attained Buddhahood. The second of these three visits is stated to have been made to Nagadipa when the inhabitants, the Nagas, as a result of the visit, would appear to have been converted in a body to Buddhism.
The story has considerable interest as affording some evidence of the material prosperity and degree of civilisation of the Nagas in those early days of the Island's history. Mahodara, a Naga king, laid claim to a gem-set throne of gold which had originally belonged to his maternal grand-father and which, upon the latter's death, had come into the possession of his (Mahodara's) mother. Another claimant to the jewel-throne was Cullodara, son of Mahodara's younger sister who was married to a Naga king on the Kannavaddhamana mountain. As neither would give up his claim, uncle and nephew decided to resort to arms and to fight for the throne. The rival factions, supported by considerable forces on either side, made ready for battle, and among those who came from far and near to participate in the struggle was Maniakkhika, King of the Nagas, of Kelaniya, which was then the centre of a considerable district.
It was just at this time, almost on the eve of battle, that the Buddha, coming to Nagadipa, arrived on the scene. What followed may be told in a few words. The Buddha preached to the assembled Nagas on the evils of strife and on the blessings of peace and concord.

TIE ABORIGINES OF LANKA . . . 3.
The contending factions were reconciled; uncle and nephew not only made peace but even united with each other in honouring the Buddha to whom they gladly offered the jewel-throne. There, on that very day, the Nagas embraced Buddhism, and the Buddha, after giving back the throne to the Nága kings and planting on the spot a kiri-palit tree to serve as a memorial of his visit, returned to Jetavana in India.
Before the Buddha's departure from Nagadipa, however, Maniakkhika, the Nága king, begged for and obtained from the Buddha the promise of a visit later to his own city of Kelaniya. The promise would appear to have been fulfilled three years after the visit to Nagadipa. For we are told that in the eighth year of his Buddhahood, the Buddha came once again and for the last time to Lanka, accompanied by 5oo bhikkhus. Arriving at Kelaniya, the city where Maniakkhika the Naga king held sway, he was hospitably entertained, and worship was paid to him under a canopy decked with gems, raised upon the very spot where the Kelaniya Dagaba stands to-day. Thence the Buddha is said to have proceeded to Sabaragamuva where he left the imprint of his foot on Sumanakuta-the modern Adam's Peak. Leaving that place he went in the direction of the later Anuradhapura, and the sites of four distinct places in the neighbourhood which are associated with his visitare marked to-day respectively by the Sacred Bo-tree -the oldest historical tree in the world-the Ruvanveli-seya, the Thuparama and the Sela - caitya.
After the Vijayan settlement the Nagas as such disappear from history. The only occasion on which they figure under this name in the later history of the Island is when, in the reign of Devanampiya-Tissa their representatives as well as those of the Yakkhas were along with others appointed guardians of the sacred Bo-tree planted at Anuradhapura. What probably happened was that, under the Aryan invasion of the land, the Nâgas along with their fellow-aborigines, the Yakkhas, gradually lost their identity as they lost their power, and, forming alliances with the new settlers, were thenceforth styled and known as Sinhalese.

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4 THE STORY OF TEE SINHALESE
The Yakkhas.
The Yakkhas were apparently more numerous and therefore more powerful than the Nagas. They inhabited that portion of Lanka which was not included in Nagadipa.
History has very little to tell us about them in pre-Vijayan times, and that little is confusing. It is at least clear, however, that they were quite as civilised as the Nagas.
The earliest reference to them in history is in connection with the first of the three legendary visits of the Buddha to Ceylon. We are told that, on this occasion, the Buddha, standing on the spot where later the Mahiyangana-thupa was built, addressed a great gathering of the Yakkhas who, for some purpose or other, had assembled at their customary meeting-place, in the beautiful Mahanaga Park, on the right bank of the river Mahaveli-ganga.
What exactly happened is not quite clear. The true facts seem obscured by the haze of miracle and portentous phenomena with which the narrative in this connection is enveloped. It would appear, however, that the Yakkha assembly, impelled by fear, were constrained suddenly to disperse. To what actually their fear was due-whether to the sudden arrival of a stranger in their midst or to some natural but abnormal and terrifying physical phenomena attending the appearance of the stranger, or to some other cause-it is difficult to say at this day without more information than is at present available. And it is idle to speculate. Suffice it to note that the Yakkhas retreated to the highlands in the interior and that, unlike the Nagas, they were not converted to Buddhism.
They probably remained demon-worshippers, practising strange rites as part of their worship and performing weird ceremonies such as we are accustomed to even to-day among a not inconsiderable section of the people who are still "primitive' in their beliefs.

THE ABORIGINES OF LANKA 5
Only such a supposition would satisfactorily explain why such of those aborigines as did not in later times wholly adopt the manners, customs and religion of the Aryan settlers, continued to be termed 'Yakkhas.'
However that may be, the Yakkhas at the time of the Vijayan settlement were not confined to the highland country. They occupied a part of the Western coast and they were certainly fairly numerous in the Northern territory. When Vijaya and his followers arrived, the King of the Yakkhas was Maha Kalasena. His Queen-Consort was named Gonda. They had an only child, the Princess Polamitta, and the Yakkha capital or seat of government was called Lankapura.
In later times, when Aryan rule was firmly established in the land, the Yakkhas made loyal and faithful subjects. They were still so powerful in point of numbers that the earlier kings of the Vijayan dynasty vied with each other in conciliating and placating them. They were at the beginning ruled directly by their own chieftains who in turn paid tribute to the Aryan over-lord. Years after, even when the authority of the new rulers was fairly secure, the overlord of Lanka found it expedient, at least " on festival-days,' to invite one of the Yakkha chieftains to sit 'beside him on a seat of equal height,' and so to demonstrate his friendship and good-will.
In time the Yakkhas as such ceased to form a separate group by themselves: that is, they were no longer regarded as a distinct community. The majority of them, marrying from, and giving
W
in marriage to, the families of the Aryan settlers, were unable,
even if they wished it, to retain their individuality. In process of time they and the settlers were merged into one people, professing the same religion and speaking the same tongue, the people who were thenceforth to be known in history as the Sinhalese.
Such of the Yakkhas, however, as held themselves aloof from the strangers settled in the land, refusing to make common cause with them, found themselves gradually compelled to take

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b TH STORY OF THE SENHALESE
up their abode in the mountain fastnesses or in the remote and dense forests of the interior. Relapsing thus into barbarism, or rather to the simple life which that term connotes, they and their progeny have lived through the centuries. To-day, a few hundred Veddas, the descendants of the unruly Yakkhas of old, are all that remain to remind us of their forbears who, over two thousand years ago, refusing to live in subjection to a foreign invader, forsook the cities and the haunts of civilised men for the wild freedom of the forest life.

PRINCESS SUPPADEVI OF BENGAL.
About six hundred years before Christ, in the kingdom of Bengal in India, there ruled a King whose Queen-Consort, Mayavati, was a Princess from Kalinga. They had but one child, the beautiful Princess Suppadevi, of whom at birth the Court astrologers foretold evil, that she would be wilful and would in time lead a wild and unbecoming life.
In consequence she was brought up jealously guarded; and, as the years passed, she grew up into a lovely maid, the loveliest in Bengal. One day, however, eluding the vigilance of her attendants, she left the precincts of the palace, determined to live an independent life, freed from the restraints and restrictions to which she had hitherto been subjected.
Meeting on her way a caravan journeying to the Magadha country, she sought and obtained permission from the merchants to accompany them, and in this way reached the Lala country (modern Gujarat). There the caravan met with disaster. Legend has it that the party was suddenly attacked in the forest by a lion; but the truth seems to be that it was an outlaw or robber chief, named Sinha (lit. "lion,') who, with his men, fell upon the caravan, intent on plunder.
Sinha took Suppádévi as his prize and made her his wife, her future home being the robbers' cave in the Lála forest. Here she lived several years and gave birth to a son and daughter, Sinhabahu and Sinhasivali. When the boy was sixteen years old he questioned his mother in regard to family matters, and on finding that he had Royal relations in Bengal, he determined to go to them and to take his mother and sister along with him.
Suppádévi, now grown weary of the dull monotony of the forest life and longing once more to get back to the pleasures and the comforts of her Royal father's home, readily fell in with her
7

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8 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
son's plans for escape from the cave. Accordingly, on a day when Sinha had gone forth on a marauding expedition, they made good their escape, Sinhabahu taking his mother on his right shoulder and his young sister on his left.
Travelling thus with all possible speed they traversed the forest, and at length came to a border village where, by a strange and fortunate coincidence, there happened to be present on that very day the Governor of the border-country. He was not only a Commander in the army of the King of Bengal, but also a nephew of that King, and therefore a cousin of Princess Suppádévi's.
Seated under a banyan-tree he was supervising the work of some labourers, when these three from the forest were conducted into his presence by the villagers. On enquiry he soon found that they were his kin. He straightway took them under his charge and, returning with all speed to the capital, he married Suppádévi, the two children remaining with him, and being treated as his
OW
The Founding of Sinhapura.
Meanwhile the robber Sinha returned to his cave and, not finding his wife and children, was as if demented. He had loved them passionately, and their sudden departure was a terrible blow to him. Searching for them, he entered all the border-villages, and at each place the villagers, on his approach, fled away, for they had heard dreadful tales of his strength and cruelty.
Parties of these fleeing villagers soon met together and decided to seek protection from the King. Accordingly, they came to the capital and begged the King to rid the country-side of this terror. The King had 3,000 pieces of money led about the city on an elephant's back and proclamation made that that sum of money would be paid as reward to any one who brought to him the outlaw's head.
Sinhabahu twice sought to volunteer to capture the outlaw, who was his own father, but his mother restrained him. The third time, however, without his mother's knowledge, Sinhabahu went

PRINCESS SUPPADEVI OF BENGAL 9
forth, and, on informing the Royal crier that he was ready to undertake the task, was led before the King who promised him in addition a Governorship in the country if he returned to the city with the outlaw's head.
Straight into the Lála forest journeyed Sinhabáhu and approached the cave. Sinha was away at the moment but soon returned and, seeing afar the son whom he had given up as lost, ran forward joyfully and eagerly to clasp him in his arms. As he ran he was shot by an arrow by Sinhabahu who, severing the head from the trunk, took it in his hands and started forth on his return journey to the capital to claim the reward for his fell deed.
Meanwhile the King of Bengal was dead. It was on the seventh day after his death that Sinhabahu returned to the city with the outlaw's head, and no successor had yet been selected. The Ministers, deliberating upon the matter, found in Sinhababu a fitting choice. He was a valiant and intrepid youth, he had been promised a Governorship upon the success of his mission, and, more than all that, he was the dead King's grand-son. In these circumstances the Ministers were unanimously of opinion that Sinhabahu was the most fitting successor, and they hastened to offer him the Kingship of Bengal.
Sinhabahu accepted the Kingship but handed it over there and then to his mother's husband, the Commander of the Army. Too late he repented the slaying of his father, but it was not too late to do something to perpetuate the memory of his name. Taking Sinhasivali with him he returned to the land of his birth, and there in the country of Lala, he built a city which he named Sinhapura (" city of Sinha') after his father. The forest stretching for miles around he had cleared and founded villages, and getting himself crowned as King of Lala with Sinhasivali as his Queen, he ruled the country wisely and justly for many years. He had Ihany Sons, the eldest of whom was named Vijaya, the second Sumitta. In time King Sinhabahu consecrated his eldest born, Vijaya, as Prince-Regent.

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Vijaya's Banishment from Sinhapura.
But Vijaya was of evil conduct and gave ample proof that he was unworthy of the high and responsible dignity to which he had been raised as Prince-Regent. He resembled his grandfather in his desire for a wild and roving life, and in the deeds of violence he committed. Getting together a band of 7oo young men as wild and reckless as himself, he roved the country committing all manner of excesses, making incursions into peaceful homes, raiding prosperous villages, torturing and slaying not only cattle but sometimes even little innocent children.
At length the people, maddened by too frequent outrages of this nature, made strong representations to the King who, after pacifying them as best as he could, severely warned Vijaya against a repetition of such conduct. But it was to no purpose; the outrages occurred a second and yet a third time, and at length an infuriated populace clamoured insistently at the palace gates for Vijaya's head. The King bowed to the inevitable; indeed, he was quite as angry as they, and resolved that the country should forthwith be rid of the terror and the menace of the presence of Vijaya and his lawless band.
He had them arrested without delay, some 7oo men in all, caused them to be shaven over half the head in order to signify their loss of freedom, and, placing them on board a ship which was not quite sea-worthy, sent them forth upon the sea. In due course they landed at the haven of Supparaka (now Sopara in the Thana district, north of Bombay, on the west coast of India) and proceeded straightway to ravage the country as they did in Lala. But the inhabitants rose up in arms, determined to punish the aggressors. Vijaya and his men hastily re-embarked and, setting sail at once, landed eventually in Lanka on the same day (it is said) as that on which Gautama Buddha died at Kusinara in India.

... KING WJAYA:
(B.C. 543-B.C. 505.)
Arrival of the Sinhalese in Lanka.
The exact place at which Vijaya and his men landed cannot yet be stated with any definiteness. It may have been somewhere in the North, as some assert, or in the South as others declare, though the probability is that it was on the western coast, near the modern Puttalam.
However that may be, the particular region or district in which the landing took place was in those days known as Tambapanni. This name appears to have been derived from the following circumstance: When Vijaya's men landed from their ship, weary and tired, they sat down resting their hands upon the ground; and since their hands were reddened by touching the dust of the red earth-(the soil of Ceylon is composed of laterite which crumbles into a red dust)-that region was named Tambapanni. In the Pali language tamba-pdini means "red hand.' In later times the whole island of Lanka was also known as Tambapanni.
Proceeding inland, the party were soon brought to a halt. A bitch dashed forward from somewhere, its tail wagging in apparent joy, and, after sniffing at Vijaya's feet, scampered away. "Only where there is a village are dogs to be found' remarked one of the men, who, unheeding Vijaya's warning, promptly followed in the wake of the bitch.
The man-he was Vijaya's chaplain-came first to a pond or tank which was gay with innumerable lotuses. The bitch had disappeared from sight, and the chaplain was thirsty and tired. Plucking some lotus leaves and folding them into the shape of a cup, he drank some water and assuaged his thirst. Then, tempted further to refresh himself, he entered the tank and bathed.
III

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His ablutions over, he started afresh on his quest. He had not gone far when he was suddenly brought to a standstill. For he saw, a little distance away, seated on a chair in the shade of a banyan-tree, a lovely woman,--a girl in the prime of her beautyengaged in spinning thread.
Kuveni, the Yakkha Princess.
She was Kuveni, the daughter of a chieftain of the Yakkhas or aborigines. She probably knew of the landing of the strangers and had expected they would in due course come to the village. Upon the man accosting her somewhat rudely or behaving impetuously and excitedly, she probably had him seized and kept a prisoner.
Meanwhile, the non-return of his chaplain alarmed Vijaya who, sword in hand, rushed forward, accompanied by his men, in the direction taken by the missing man. Coming to the tank he perceived, on the gravel by the water's edge, only the traces of the footsteps of his man as he had gone into the tank, but no sign of his having come out. Espying Kuvéni a few moments afterwards, he concluded that she was responsible for the disappearance of the man. Going up to her, however, he addressed her courteously:
“ Lady, hast thou not seen onc of my men hereabouts ? “
" Prince,' she answered, "let be thy man awhile. First, drink thou and bathe.'
Her surprising knowledge of his rank coupled with the disappearance of his man, her entrancing beauty and the circumstances of the situation, all impelled in him the thought that she was no human being but a Yakkhini, a demoness. Swiftly, with his left hand, he grasped her by the hair of her head, and lifting his sword in the right, he cried :
“Slave I Give me back my man, or Islay thee!"
She was no demoness, but only a very womanly woman. Terrified by the threat of violent death, she besought him for her life:

KING VIJAYA I3
"Spare my life, Sir," she pleaded. " I will give thee a king
dom and do thee a woman's service and other service as thou wilt.'
Vijaya's Union with Kuveni.
The fear that had driven Vijaya to such rude conduct was dispelled by her pitiful appeal for mercy, and he had now no doubt that she was as much a human being as he, though it might be of another race. Moved by her importunity, he relented and released her from his grasp.
To guard against a betrayal, however-for he was not yet entirely convinced of her sincerity-Vijaya compelled Kuvéni to take a solemn oath vowing fidelity to him. She swore and forthwith restored to liberty the man whom she had had imprisoned.
Vijaya, now completely reassured in mind and feeling that an alliance with Kuvéni would be a great asset to him in the task of subduing the country and establishing his authority therein, vowed fealty to her in return. He swore that she and she alone would be his Queen-Consort, and he backed up his oath with these three imprecations :
"The seed sown in this beautiful Lanka must be washed away -the fields turn to waste land and marsh-food-stuffs, fruit-seeds and the like become unfit to eat, ere I prove unfaithful.'
Thus did Vijaya swear and ratify the compact between himself and the native Princess who was henceforth to be his Queen. Kuvéni now busied herself with the task of feeding her husband's men and finding quarters for them. The village was large and suitable accommodation was hastily improvised. And goods and other things which make for physical comfort, which had been secured either from traders who had landed previously or from vessels wrecked on the coast, were now requisitioned and put to plactical use.
Then, assisted by her servants and fellow-aborigines, Kuvéni provided the strangers with paddy and rice from the village barns.

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Vijaya's men themselves prepared the rice and the condiments and set them before the Prince and his bride. With true Aryan courtesy he served Kuvéni first, and she was greatly touched by his attention. After these two had finished eating, the men took their food and retired to rest.
Vijaya's own apartments were, as he found, surprisingly comfortable. They were artistically and luxuriously furnished, and, among other things, we are told that he slept in " a splendid bed, well covered around with a tent, and adorned with a canopy.'
The Massacre of the Aborigines.
Late in the night Vijaya was awakened by the sounds of music and singing. In reply to his enquiry, Kuvéri explained that a kinswoman of her's from Lankapura, the Princess Polamitta -daughter of Maha Kalasena, King of the aborigines-was that night marrying one of her people from Laggala, in the neighbouring city of Sirisavatthu. "And for the wedding,' she added, "there is high festival, lasting seven days; therefore there is this noise, for a great multitude is gathered together.'
Then a new thought struck Kuvéni. " I will give thee a kingdom' she had vowed to Vijaya when she met him, and a convenient opportunity for redeeming that promise was now at hand. Impelled on the one hand by love for Vijaya whom she desired to see ruling the land, and on the other driven by the fear that her people, the aborigines, would ill-treat or even kill her for her welcome to, and hospitable treatment of, the strangers that day, she counselled her husband forthwith to do a great deed of treachery towards her people:
"Destroy them all to-day, this very night, my lord,' she said, " for afterwards it will no longer be possible."
Vijaya was prompt to realise the great advantage of striking an effective blow at once. It would facilitate the task of his and his men's settlement in the country, and help to solidify the government which it was his ambition to establish.

KING VIJAYA 15
Accordingly, rousing his followers from their sleep and guided by the faithful Kuvéni, he crept with his host stealthily the same night from the village and invested Sirisavatthu. Then, on an agreed signal, he and his men fell upon the assembled aborigines, hundreds of them, and slaughtered them almost to a man-or, as an old chronicle describes the massacre, "deluged the Srivatpura with their blood, as if it were water.' And another, and older, chronicle (the Mahdivansa) adds: "When he (Vijaya) had fought victoriously, he himself put on the garments' of the King of the aborigines, " and bestowed the other raiment on one and another of his followers.'
It was a great, if treacherous and ignoble, achievement. It enabled Vijaya straightway, without further fear of substantial opposition on the part of the aborigines, to concentrate on the task of settlement and governance. Others of the aborigines scattered throughout the country who heard of the great slaughter at Sirisavatthu were overawed and withdrew more and more into the interior.
When in due time, after Vijaya had founded a city at Tambapanni and had established his rule therein, he sent out his Ministers and others to found new settlements in the land, they encountered little or no trouble from the aboriginal inhabitants. Of these earliest settlements, Upatissa-gama, built by Vijaya's Chaplain Upatissa, on the bank of the river then known as the Gambhira river, to the north of the later Anuradhagama, was the most important. ኃ..
Vijaya Wants an Aryan Queen.
When in this manner, after a few years, the Ministers had founded various settlements and had more or less reconciled the natives to loyal acceptance of the new order of things, they reassembled at Vijaya's capital, the city of Tambapanni, and besought him to agree to the ceremony of being formally consecrated as King, but he refused, the only condition on which he would consent to it being that a maiden of a noble house should be consecrated as Queen at the same time.

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This meant the repudiation of Kuvéni, and Vijaya was already preparing for it. It was true he had sworn fidelity to her and had vowed that he would not, in her life-time, take another as his Queen. But the factis that his love for Kuvéni had never been really strong, nor wholly sincere. Her beauty had captured his fancy when he first set eyes on her, and he had found her very useful in the accomplishment of his early ambitions. But once he was established in power and she was therefore no longer absolutely necessary for his plans, he grew tired of her and looked fondly to being united to one of his own people, to a Princess of his own Aryan race.
And the succession to the new kingdom which he had established was a matter that caused him anxiety. He had two children by Kuvéni—the son was named Jivahatta and the daughter Disala-but they were unlike him in colour, and it was to him unthinkable that they should follow him on the throne. They were still aliens in all else but parentage, and, though he loved them in a way as being his own offspring, his pride of race revolted at any but a pure Aryan succeeding to the Government which he had striven so laboriously to found.
An Embassy to Madhura.
In these circumstances he approved of the proposal of his Ministers to despatch an embassy to Madhura, in Southern India, to woo on his behalf the daughter of the Pandu king and at the same time to procure other maidens from that city for themselves and their retainers. This embassy, after elaborate preparations and carrying with them a letter and many precious gifts, such as jewels, pears, etc. for the Pandu king, set sail in due course and reached the city of Madhura. s
The Kig of that city, on receipt of the presents and letter, conferred with his Ministers and decided to accede to the request from Lanka. He had it proclaimed by beat of drum :

KING VIJAYA I7
"Those men here who are willing to let a daughter depart for Lanka shall provide their daughters with a double store of clothing and place them at the doors of their houses. By this sign shall we know that we may take them to ourselves.'
The response from the people of Madhura was prompt and satisfactory. Apart from about a hundred maidens of noble birth for Vijaya's ministers, a goodly number of others for the rest of Vijaya's followers did the people volunteer to send, the families of these being adequately compensated by the King. At the head of these Aryan maidens of Madhura was placed the King's own daughter who was fully equipped with clothing, ornaments, and all necessaries for the voyage.
Others who availed themselves of the opportunity to accompany the Princess in order to settle down in Lanka were numbers of craftsmen and a thousand families of the eighteen Guilds. They included carpenters, goldsmiths, weavers, garland-makers, potters, tailors, leather-workers, barbers, painters, basket-makers, turners, blackSmiths, washermen,conduitmakers,lutanists,arrow-makersandothers.
At length all was complete for the voyage. The Princess and maidens, accompanied by the craftsmen and other colonists, embarked for Ceylon in charge of envoys who, before starting, had been handed a letter for Vijaya as well as rich presents for him, such as elephants, horses and waggons worthy of a king.
Repudiation of Kuveni.
Meanwhile Vijaya had definitely made up his mind to discard Kuvéni. And when news reached him that a Princess from Madhura was on the way to be his bride, he had Kuvéni and his two children by her brought up to him, and he said to her that the time had come for the parting of their ways, that thenceforth she must go her own way. He confessed his sorrow, of course, but he said there was no alternative. A gentler being than she was coming in her place, and the two could not very well live together. He requested her, however, to leave the two children behind, and he would take good care of them.

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We have a pathetic picture of the reply she made to Vijaya:
"When shipwrecked and forlorn, I found thee and thy men food and home,' she is said to have eloquently and touchingly declared. " I helped thee to rout the Yakkhas, and raised thee to be King of this Isle. And pledging me thy troth, O King, thou mad'st me thy spouse. Did'st not thou then know that I was of the Yakkha race? Loving thee with unquenchable love, and living in such love, I bore thee children, husband mine. Can'st thou now leave me and love another ? The gentle rays of yon fullorbed moon seem now to me the blaze of a red-hot iron ball; the cool spice-laden breezes of the sandal groves, hot and unwelcome; and the Sweet cuckoo's melodious song pierces my ear as with a spear. Alas! alas How can I soothe my heart '
But Vijaya was not to be moved from his resolve. Her words touched him to the quick, but his bride-elect was speeding to the capital, and he had made up his mind that Kuvéni must indeed go. Realising at length that further pleading was in vain and that her departure was inevitable, she said: "I will depart to-day, O King, but what shall I do for my livelihood 2 ''
Vijaya offered her a thousand pieces of money and leave to settle down in any place she liked in his kingdom. Scorning to accept either, she took her two children by the hand and proudly walked away from the palace and the neighbourhood. Mother and children took the way that led inland to Lankapura, the Yakkha, capital, the city of her own people.
Death of Kuveni.
At the outskirts of the city, Kuvéni asked the two children to remain behind, and she entered the city alone. Her people at once recognized her. The fame of her treachery at Sirisavatthu had reached the Yakkha capital, and her advent now was at once regarded as a sign of fresh impending trouble for the aborigines. Taking her for a spy, her people crowded round her menacingly, and one of them, more violent than the rest, felled her to the ground with a single blow of his fist.

KING VIJAYA I9
Thereupon her maternal uncle, Mayilavalana-he who with his two brothers had escaped from the massacre at Sirisavatthu -went swiftly out of the city, and, Seeing the two children at the outskirts, asked whose children they were. On hearing, as he feared, that they were Kuvéni's, he told them that their mother had just been killed and counselled them to flee swiftly away.
They fled into the interior, in the direction of Samanalakanda (or Sumanakata, now known as Adam's Peak), and settling down among the aborigines living in that part of the country, married and passed the rest of their days in peace and content. Their descendants, the Pulinda-or at least of such of the aborigines as lived by themselves without making common cause with the strangers or foreigners who took possession of and settled in the country-are those known to-day as the Veddas.
Consecration of King Vijaya.
Within a few days the envoys of the Pandu king disembarked at Mantota (opposite the island of Mannar) and, proceeding without delay to the city of Tambapanni, delivered up to Vijaya the gifts and the maidens with the King's daughter at their head. Vijaya treated the envoys most hospitably and conferred various honours upon them, after which he bestowed the maidens, according to their rank, upon his Ministers and retainers.
Preparations were then set on foot for the solemn ceremony of consecration of Vijaya as King of Lanka and of the daughter of the Pandu king as his Queen. A great public festival was proclaimed, and the country-side, including the aborigines, flocked to the city of Tambapanni to witness the ceremony. On an appointed day the Ministers in full assembly formally consecrated the Madhura Princess as Queen.
After the festivities were over, the envoys from Madhura returned to their country bearing rich presents from Lanka, including a shell-pearl worth 200,000 pieces of the money current at the time. Every year thenceforth Vijaya sent to his royal fatherin-law, among other things, a shell-pearl such as the above, and in

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this way manifested his gratitude to the sovereign who had so generously helped him to establish an Aryan succession to the throne of Lanka.
The aborigines soon accommodated themselves to the changed and changing conditions of their life, and accepted Vijaya as their over-lord. In time they married into the families of the craftsmen and artisans who had come from India and had settled down in their midst in the villages, and in this way helped in the establishment and promotion of various industries throughout the country. It is true they had their own indigenous industries, in which they were remarkably proficient; but they had a great deal to learn from the Sinhalese new-comers, and what they learnt they quickly put to practical use.
The Succession to the Throne. Vijaya, now freed from the anxiety of internal trouble, set his hand diligently to the task of good government. In this he was so successful that, within a few years, the whole country acknowledged him as King of Lanka. At length, in the last year of his reign, weighed down by age and by the cares of government, a new fear possessed him-the fear that he would die without an heir of his blood to succeed him. He had hoped and hoped that a son would be born to him, but his Queen remained childless. And now, when he was seized by mortal illness, he decided upon taking the action which so long he had deferred from day to day. Summoning his Ministers he addressed them thus:-
'I am old, and there lives no son of mine. The kingdom peopled with such great difficulty may come to naught after my death; therefore would I fain have my brother, Sumitta, brought here that I may give the government into his hands.'
The Ministers agreed that that was the only step to be taken in the circumstances. Accordingly, Vijaya wrote a letter to his brother,Prince Sumitta,of Sinhapura in India, and had it despatched by a special envoy who set sail immediately. Within a few days of the envoy's departure Vijaya died, in the 38th year of his reign. He reigned from B.C. 543 to B.C. 505.

INTERREGNUMI.
The Prime Minister Upatissa Administers the Government.
(B.C. 5o5-B.C. 504).
When Vijaya died, there being on the spot no heir to the throne, the Prime Minister Upatissa, removing the seat of government to Upatissagama, the city built by him, administered the country for a year, pending the arrival of Prince Sumitta, the brother of Vijaya.
But Sumitta was not in a position to come. When Vijaya's letter, despatched by special emissaries, reached him, his father King Sinha Bahu had been dead some time and he himself had succeeded to the throne of Lala. Vijaya's appeal, however, was not to be thrust aside. Sumitta had married the daughter of the King of Madda (the modern Madras) and had three sons, and to these he handed their uncle's letter, addressing them in this wise :-
" I am old, dear ones; one of you must depart for the greatly favoured and beauteous Lanka belonging to my brother, and there, after his death, assume the sovereignty of that fair kingdom.'
Prince Panduvasudeva.
King Sumitta's youngest son, the Prince Pariduvasudeva, made up his mind to go to Lanka. The King, well pleased, made immediate preparations for the Prince's departure. Soothsayers were consulted for an auspicious hour whereon to start on the journey, and thirty-two young nobles from the families of the ministers of Sinhapura got ready to accompany the Prince.
In a few days the party with Prince Panduvasudeva at the head, disguised as mendicant monks, embarked on a ship specially commissioned for the purpose, and in due course landed at the
2

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mouth of the Maha-kandara, a river in the north of the Island. The aborigines of the north treated the visitors respectfully, and even assisted them to find their way to the city of Upatissa-gama, which they reached without much delay.
The Ministers, who meanwhile under the leadership of the Prime Minister Upatissa had been carrying on the government, welcomed the visitors and proceeded at once to instal Panduvasudeva as King. The solemn ceremony of consecration was deferred, like Vijaya's, till a suitable bride could be found for the King so that both might be consecrated at one and the same time.

II. KING PANDUVASUDEWA.
( B.C. 504-B.C. 474.)
The Coming of Princess Kasayindevi.
One of the first steps taken by the Ministers, after the formal assumption of the reins of government by Panduvasudeva, was the despatch of another embassy to India to search for an Aryan Princess who would make a fitting Queen-Consort for the King of Lanka. Such a Princess was found in Subhaddakaccana, the youngest daughter of the Buddha's cousin, King Pandu of the proud Sakya tribe, who ruled the land on the further side of the Ganges.
Subhaddakaccaná, or Kasayindevi as she is also named, was of peerless beauty, like unto "a daughter of the gods, divinely fall and most divinely fair.' She had many wooers and suitors, among them seven neighbouring Kings each of whom sent precious gifts to her father in order to win his good-will. But King Pandu could not thus be bribed. The suitor whom he selected for the bestowal of the hand of his daughter was Panduvasudeva, King of Lanka, and he lost no time in preparing to send her to Ceylon.
Within a few days all was ready and Kasayindevi, accompanied by thirty-two maidens of good birth who were going as brideselect of the thirty-two noblemen who had followed Panduvasudeva to Ceylon from Sinhapura, set sail from the city of Kimbulvatpura and landed in due course at Gonagama, at the mouth of the Maha-kandara river. Assisted by the aborigines, as in the case of the previous visitors from India, they soon arrived at the city of Upatissa-gama where they were joyfully welcomed. Without much delay Panduvasudeva and Kasayindevi were solemnly consecrated King and Queen of Lanka, the marriages of the thirtytwo maidens with the Sinhapura noblemen being solemnised at the very time of the Coronation festivities.
23

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Founding of New Settlements.
When several years had passed, during which Panduvasudeva had busied himself in consolidating his power and extending the sphere of his authority and influence in the country, six of the 9ueen's seven blothers, at the bidding of their mother, came hither from Kimbulvatpura. The King and Queen offered them a cordial welcome, and upon their signifying their intention to make Lanka their future home, they were given all possible encouragement and assistance to form settlements of their own.
The Princes soon made their way into the country, and, selecting suitable spots, gave their names respectively to the settlements which they founded. These were Anuradha-gama, Dighayu, Rama -gona, Rohana, Uruvela and Vijita-gama. Anuradha-gama was built near the Kadamba river (now known as Malvatte Oya) by Prince Anuradha, who also constructed in the neighbourhood the first tank recorded in authentic history. It was apparently a small work, intended for the use of the local villagers only; but the reference is interesting as showing that the Sinhalese had already become acquainted with the-art of making reservoirs. South of the tank he built a stately palace where he took up residence.
Princess Ummada-Citta.
The King and 9ueen had ten sons--the eldest of whom was named Abhaya-and one daughter, the youngest, who bore the name of Citta. It was the custom (as it is still to-day), at the birth of a Sinhalese child, to consult the soothsayers; and the Court astrologers predicted, when the Princess Cittá was born, that in the course of time a son born to her would be the death of his uncles from whom he would wrest the sovereignty of the Island. These uncles, that is, Citta's brothers-dismayed by the prediction which they implicitly believed would be fulfilled, resolved to prevent such a catastrophe by killing their sister straightway. But the Vice-Regent, Prince Abhaya, dissuaded his brothers from so fell a crime.

KING PANDUVASUDEVA 25
They yielded to his entreaty, but they resolved that Cittá. should be clusely watched and jealously guarded. Accordingly they lodged her in a chamber having but one pillar, and entrance to it was made possible only through the King's sleeping-chamber. Moreover, a serving-woman was placed inside to be in constant personal attendance on Cittá, and a hundred soldiers were day and night on guard outside.
In this way several years passed, and Cittá grew up to be the most beautiful girl in the land. Her's was a type of beauty which veritably inflamed the passions and made men mad; wherefore was her name lengthened by an epithet, and throughout all the country she was known by the nickname of 'Ummada-citta ' (lit. “Cittâ the maddening,” ummadeti in Pali meaning “ makes, mad.')
Prince Digha-gamani and Ummada-citta.
The fame of Ummada-città's beauty spread even to farDighayu, the settlement founded by Prince Dighayu, the Queen's brother. And Dighayu's son, Prince Digha-gamani, came in hot haste. to the capital, Upatissa-gama, to see for himself the maid whose loveliness was reputed to have enthralled all hearts in the kingdom. The King manifested a kindly interest in the lad whom he appointed, together with Prince Abhaya the Vice-Regent, to service at the Royal Court.
Digha-gamani made long and diligent endeavour to see Unma-. da-città, but without success. She was still kept under the strictest surveillance, and access to the one-pillar chamber where she lived immured was well-nigh impossible. One day, however, his patience was rewarded. He caught a glimpse of her as she stood at the window of her chamber, and he realised at once that the reports of her extraordinary beauty were by no means exaggerated.
Ummada-citta herself saw Digha-gamani at the same moment, and she loved him at first sight. She enquired from her serving.

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woman who he was, and was informed that he was her cousin, the son of her uncle Dighayu. Thereupon she coaxed, cajoled and entreated the servant-woman to let her meet the Prince if only for once, and the woman, moved by pity in a moment of weakness, agreed. The result was that, the same night, Prince Digha-gamani, by means of a hook-ladder which the woman let down from the window, was enabled to enter the chamber and to leave it at dawn, unobserved by the sentries on guard outside.
Their Marriage.
In this way Prince Digha-gámani and Ummáda-cittá met each other many times during several months, till at last the day arrived when the matter could not any longer be kept a secret. Ummada-città was about to become a mother, and the time for her delivery was nigh. The serving-woman, in fear and trembling, confessed what had happened to Queen Kasayindevi who, after questioning her daughter, related all to the King. The latter promptly consulted his sons on the matter, and it was decided, in order to prevent an otherwise shameful public scandal, that Ummada-città should formally be given in marriage to Prince Digha-gamani. This was quickly done, her brothers resolving to kill her issue, if it happened to be a male child.
In furtherance of this resolve Ummada-città's brothers, summoning to their presence a herdsman named Citta and a slave named Kalavela, both Yakkhas, who were servants of Dighagamani, tried by bribes as well as threats to induce them to murder the Princess' child if it should happen to be a boy. But they (the two Yakkha servants) stoutly refused to stain their hands with such a crime, and they nearly paid the supreme penalty for their loyalty. They were ordered to be put to death by the Princes, who had the less compunction about it since they believed that the two were accomplices in the matter of the liaison between their sister and Digha-gamani. But the two contrived to effect their escape and lived thenceforth in concealment.

KING PANDUWASUDEVA 27
Birth of Prince Pandu kabhaya.
Unmada-città, learning of the attempted murder of her husband's two servants by her brothers, realised the necessity for taking immediate and adequate steps to safeguard the child that would be born to her in the next few days. Helped by her mother, Queen Kasayindevi, she secretly arranged with her nurse to find another woman who, like herself, was near her delivery. Such a woman was found and stealthily brought into the palace; and when in due time, as it happened, Ummada-cittá gave birth to a son and the woman to a daughter, the two children were substituted-that is to say, the boy (Prince) was handed to the woman, with a thousand pieces of money, to be taken away and carefully reared outside, while the girl was laid by the side of Ummadacitta on her bed.
The deception was successfully carried out. Ummada-città's brothers were greatly relieved to find, as they thought, that her issue was a girl, and straightway left the capital on a hunting expedition, their favourite form of sport. And the royal babe, whom its mother and grand-mother agreed in naming Pandukabhaya after its grand-father (Pandu) and eldest uncle (Abhaya), was borne secretly out of the palace in a basket by Ummada-città's faithful serving-woman, who had undertaken personally to hand her precious charge to her own daughter who lived in the village of Doramadala, near the Mihintale mountain.
A few days after the birth of Prince Pandukábhaya, King Panduvásudeva died, in the 3oth year of his reign.

Page 25
II. KING ABHILAYA.
(B.C. 474-B.C. 454.)
Pandukabhaya's Boyhood and Attempts on His Life.
Immediately upon Panduvásudéva's death, his eldest son, the Vice-Regent, Prince Abhaya, was selected to succeed him, the solemn ceremony of his consecration as King of Lanka being performed by his nine younger brothers.
Prince Pandukabhaya's life proved to be adventurous and beset with peril from the very day of his birth. When Ummadacittà's serving-woman, carrying the baby Prince in a basket, was journeying as fast as she could in the direction of Doramadala, she was terribly frightened when, on the way, she suddenly met her mistress' brothers, the very persons she had sought to avoid by undertaking that journey.
The Princes were returning from the chase-ihey had gone ahunting in the Tumbara forest-and, seeing their sister's servant, asked whither she was going and what the parcel was that she was carrying. She replied that she was going to her son-in-law's place at Doramadala, and that the basket contained a sweet-cake for her daughter. The Princes ordered her to take it out and she did not know what to do. Just at that moment, however, by strange good luck, a great boar dashed on to the road from the thicket hard by, and the Royal hunters immediately ran in pursuit. The serving-woman, profiting by the accident, proceeded swiftly on her way and did not stop till she reached Doramadala.
There she handed her precious human burden to a trust-worthy man-he may have been her son-in law-and, giving him the thousand pieces of money wherewith to defray the expenses of rearing up the baby, she returned to Upatissa-gama. The wife of the man to whom the infant Prince was entrusted happened to
2S

KING ABHAYA 29
give birth to a son on the very same day, and the man promptly informed all his neighbours that his wife had borne bim twin sons. In this way he made it easy for himself to rear up the Prince along with his own son, without anybody even so much as suspecting the truth.
'" Slaughter of the Innocents.'
When the Prince was seven years old, a fresh attempt on his life was made by his uncles. The latter, who had in time learnt of the actual circumstances of the boy's birth and of the manner of his renoval from the capital, had instituted searching enquiries in regard to his whereabouts, but without success. The secret of his hiding-place was jealously guarded, but his uncles had not given up hope of eventually tracing him. At length they heard that he was accustomed daily to come to play with other boys in a certain village pond, and thither one day they sent trusted emissaries charged with orders to kill all the boys gathered at the spot.
The "slaughter of the innocents' was accomplished. The emissaries came when all the boys were in the water, engaged in water-sports; they counted the clothes of the youthful bathers, and, noting their number, put every one of the latter to death, after which they went back and announced that all the boys had been killed. But the Prince escaped, and it occurred in this wise:
In the pond, standing in the water, was a certain hollow tree, the mouth of the hollow being hidden under water. While at play on previous occasions the Prince was accustomed to hide in this hollow, of which the other boys were ignorant. The secret of this hiding-place he never revealed though often questioned by his play-mates. On this particular day the Prince had come apparently late, and, diving into the water with his clothes on, had joined in the sports.
When the emissaries from the capital came to the spot, the
Prince, who had been warned by his foster-parents to be ever on the alert, concealed himself at once in his familiar hiding place in

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the hollow of the tree-trunk, and lay there concealed till the men. had done their fell work and departed. When they were gone, he emerged from his uncomfortable retreat, and, speeding homewards, related to his foster-father all that had happened. The latter commended the Prince's pluck and counselled him to be warier than ever in the future.
Five years passed and the Prince, now in his twelfth year and still living in fear of his uncles, passed his days as a herdsman. The uncles, hearing of the lad's occupation but unable to identify him, sent fresh emissaries with directions to kill all the herdsmen. of the village. They arrived on a day when the herdsmen had killed a deer and had sent the boy into the village to bring fire. The boy went home and, feeling footsore, asked his foster-father's son to take fire to the herdsmen, adding that his trouble would be rewarded by his getting a share of the roast to eat. Thus the Prince remained behind and the other, going out, was together with the herdsmen foully done to death.
Pandu kabhaya and the Brahmin Pandula.
Four years later, in his sixteenth year, the Prince's whereabouts were again discovered by his uncles, whose preparations for a fresh attempt on his life reached the ears of his mother, the Princess Ummada-citta. The latter, greatly alarmed, sent a thousand pieces of money with a message to the Prince's foster father, commanding him to remove the lad forthwith to a place of safety. The foster-father conveyed to the Prince his mother's message; then, handing him the IOoo pieces of money and giving him a slave he sent him to the Brahman, Pandula.
Pandula was a rich and learned man who dwelt in Pandulagama, a village situated in a district South of the then capital, Upatissa-gama. He was a friend of the Princess Ummada-citta and one of the staunchest supporters of her party-the party which was opposed to that of her brothers, the Princes. It had previously been arranged that, when the time was ripe, the young

KING ABHAYA 3I
Prince Pandukabhaya would be sent to the Brahman for his education and training; and now, when the Prince arrived, Pandula welcomed him warmly and treated him with all the lonours and attention due to a distinguished guest.
Pandula lost no time in acquainting the Prince with all that was necessary for him to know, in regard to both his parentage and the preparations he had to make to fit himself for the sovereignty of Lanka to which prophecy had declared he would one day be called. The Prince was a naturally intelligent lad and he had a new companion, as bright and quick-witted as he, in the person of Canda, the son of Pandula. Both these were taught the arts, and they were diligent pupils. In a short time they mastered all that the Brahman could teach them, and Pandukabhaya had acquired all the knowledge needed by a reigning Prince.
Pandu kabhaya’s War with His Uncles.
The time was now ripe for action, for Pandukablaya to pit himself openly against his uncles. The Brahman gave him a hundred-thousand pieces of money to enrol soldiers, and fivehundred trusty men from Pandula-gama and the neighbourhood soon flocked to his standard. With these he marched on to the city of Pana, near the Kasa-gala mountain, probably near the modern Kahagalagama, about 18 miles S.E. from Anuradhapura and Io niles W. N.W. from Ritigala and here he gathered together seven hundred new followers, and provision for all. His force now numbered one thousand two hundred men, but they were scarcely sufficient to warrant his marching straightway on the capital, Upatissa-gama, which lay northward of Pana. He decided on bringing first the border-districts into his power, and accordingly took the road south-east in the direction of the district of Girikanda.
An uncle of Pandukabhaya, named Girikanda-Siva, was the Governor of this district and he maintained himself on its revenues. In those days agriculture was a noble occupation, and Prince as well as peasant engaged limself in personal labour

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32 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
in the fields. At the moment when Pandukabhaya turned from the city of Pana to march into this district, his uncle GirikandaSiva was at work in a field, measuring a hundred karisas or four hundred amunams, which he was on the point of reaping.
Princess Suvannapali.
At breakfast time Girikanda-Siva's beautiful daughter, the Princess Suvannapali, riding in a splendid waggon and accompanied by a great retinue of servants and others, was bringing food for her father and for the reapers, when Pandukabhaya's advance guard met her and promptly conveyed the intelligence to the Prince. The latter, driving his own waggon, hurried up to the spot with his men, dividing Suvannapali's followers into two bands.
Pandukabhaya's heart went out to Suvannapáli the moment he set eyes on her. He enquired who she was and whither she was going, and, on being given the information, asked for a share of the food. She stepped down from her waggon, and, at the foot of a banyan-tree, she offered the Prince food in a golden bowl, banyan leaves being utilised wherewith to serve food to his immediate retainers.
After he had partaken of the food Pandukabhaya decided on taking Suvannapali with him. She was beautiful, she was his . cousin, and she appeared to possess all the qualifications requisite to make a good wife now and a worthy Queen later. She represented to him, besides, an auspicious omen at the very beginning of his campaign, and would make a lucky first capture in the war he had now definitely set out to wage with his uncles, and she herself was not unwilling to go with him to become his Princess. So he took her and proceeded on his march, taking the road southward of Ritigala, each village which he passed en route contributing its share of men and thus helping appreciably to augment his forces.

KING ABHAYA 33
The Three Earliest Battles.
Girikanda-Siva, hearing of his daughter's abduction, forthwith sent his own soldiers in pursuit. They came up with the Prince's men a few miles south of the later Minneriya tank, and the Battle of Kalahanagara (modern Kalaha-gala) was fought. Girikanda-Siva's men were defeated and fed, but they returned a few days later with fresh troops led by Suvannapali's five brothers. In a second engagement-the Battle of Lohitavahakhanda (lit. " field of the stream of blood')--not far from the scene of the first, they were again defeated, this time with great slaughter, the five brothers being slain by the hand of Canda, the faithful companion of Pandukabhaya.
The victorious army then continued its march southward, crossing the Mahaveli-ganga, probably at the Kacchaka-ford (Mahagam-tota). Once across the river, Pandukabhaya decided to halt in order to make preparations for the really decisive battle. Choosing the region of the Dola-mountain (Dola-pabbata) on the right bank of the river as the base of further operations, he reorganised his army which had now swelled to considerable proportions, and he soon had the surrounding countryside in his power. He remained in this region four years, and, at the end of that period, his position was one of great strength and advantage. The whole of the southern country, with all its resources, was behind him, and the "key' to the most important or the only ford of the Mahaveli-ganga was in his possession.
Meanwhile, Pandukabhaya's uncles had not been idle. They had themselves made active preparations to punish what they considered the insolence of their nephew, and, in the fourth year after the commencement of hostilities, eight of them, leaving the King behind in the capital, took the field with a big army, and marching against the rebels, entrenched themselves near the Dhumarakkaha-mountain (Dimbula-gala), which was situated on the right bank of the Mahaveli-ganga, not far from the Kacchakaford. Their object was apparently to prevent Pandukabhaya crossing the river, but the latter anticipated them and effected the

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34 THE STORY OF THE SINHAI.ESE
crossing safely. The two armies met and a fierce battle ensuedthe Battle of Dhumarakkha. The result was not long in doubt: Pandukabhaya captured the enemy's fortified camp, and the uncles took refuge in precipitate flight to the capital.
King Abhaya’s Abdication.
When they reached Upatissa-gama they told their brother, King Abhava, all that had happened. He was sorry to hear of their defeat, of course, but he was the only one among them who had always had a warm corner in his heart for Pandukabhaya, and the lad's martial prowess evoked in him only admiration. Divided between duty to his brothers on the one hand and love for his nephew on the other, the King in a few days secretly sent to the young Prince a thousand pieces of money together with a letter, which said: "Keep thou possession of the land on the further shore, but come not over to this shore.'
The contents of the letter, however, and the fact of the present of money were soon discovered by the King's brothers, who, greatly alarmed, resolved that he should be dethroned and executed :
" Long has thou been, in truth, a helper to him Now dost thou give him the kingdom. For that we will put thee to death,' they said to Abhaya, but they thought better of their resolve and spared him his life. He was compelled to abdicate, however, and he yielded up the government to them. They elected Prince Tissa, who was next in age to Abhaya, to be Regent, pending the conclusion of hostilities with Pandukabhaya.
King Abhaya, at his abdication, had ruled the country for twenty years. He reigned, with his capital at Upatissa-gama, from B.C. 474 to B.C. 454.

INTERREGNUMI.
REGENCY OF PRINCE TISSA.
B.C. 454-B.C. 437.).
Pandukabhaya's Alliance with the Yakkhas.
Though victorious so far. Pandukabhaya did not yet feel strong enough to follow in the wake of his retreating uncles or to march on the capital Their resources were greater than his ; and his army, large though it was, was still not large enough for so ambitious an undertaking at once. He bided his time, therefore, and after occupying for two years the fortified camp which he had captured from them at the Battle of Dhamarakkha, he decided on taking a step calculated to prove of material assistance to him and to accelerate the day of his triumph.
The Yakkhas, or aborigines, were settled in strength in this region. They were fairly numerous particularly round about Dhimarakkha mountain, and they had as their Chieftain-ess an aged woman named Cetiya, the widow of the Yakkha Jutindhara, who was one of those killed in the slaughter at Sirisavatthu. She lived at the foot of the mountain, near a pool named Tumbariyangana, and her people had hitherto taken no part in the fight between the nephew and his uncles. They had so far been neutral, and they wished to remain so.
Failing to win them over to his side, Pandukabhaya fought the Yakkhas, and, after several attempts, succeeded in capturing the Chieftain-ess. Like Kuvéni before her, Cetiya purchased her freedom by vowing to help her captor to conquer the kingdom, and loyally did she keep her promise. Pandukabhaya formed an alliance with the Yakkhas, and, after staying with them for four years in the Dhámarakkha district, marched out at a favourable
35

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ვნ THE STORY OF THE SINHALES
season with his combined host. Pitching an entrenched camp on the Arittha-mountain (Riti-gala), which was to serve as a base for his final operations, he spent the next seven years there, perfecting his preparations for the decisive blow and awaiting a suitable time for sallying forth on the road that led direct to the capital.
The uncles themselves now decided to take the field afresh. Their own preparations were not quite complete, but the news of their nephew's activities was such as made any further delay on their part not merely inadvisable but even positively dangerous. And so, led by Prince Tissa the Regent-two of their number, via. Abhaya and Girikanda-Siva, staying behind to guard the capital-they set out on the march once again with their forces, and in due course drew near to the Arittha-mountain. Soon they laid out a fortified camp near a small city in the neighbourhood, and, placing a Commander at the head, they surrounded the Arittha-mountain on every side.
Battle of Labugamaka.
The siege was difficult and protracted. After two years of sporadic and desultory fighting, in which neither side could claim any decisive victory, Pandukabhaya resolved upon a bold plan preceded by a little strategy. Acting on the advice of the aged Cetiya, who had accompanied the Prince with her Yakkha followers, Pandukabhaya made a pretence of getting ready to capitulate. Despatching in advance a company of his soldiers bearing with them kingly apparel and weapons as presents, Pandukabhaya sent a message to his uncles, expressing his desire to make peace with them.
The latter were delighted beyond measure at the prospect of so easy and, to them, so satisfactory a termination of the campaign. Lulled into a sense of false security, they relaxed their guard. This was exactly what Pandukabhaya had anticipated and had counted upon. His soldiers gave the signal from the uncles' camp, and Pandukabhaya's host, swift upon the signal,

INTERREGNUM a 37
fell upon the enemy. The latter, taken unawares and bewildered by the battle-cries of the Pandukabhayans within and without their
camp, offered but a feeble resistance. They were slaughtered, almost to a man.
When the fighting or rather the massacre ceased, Panduká
bhaya's men, collecting the heads of the dead thousands, raised a pyramid of skulls, with the skulls of the eight uncles laid uppermost. "'Tis like a heap of gourds' said Pandukabhaya when he saw the imposing, if gory, mound, and therefore was the place named Labugamaka (lit. " Village of gourds'). The Commander of the enemy camp-one of the few on his side who survived on that day--escaped by fleeing into a thicket hard by, and that thicket was therefore afterwards named Senapatigumbaka, (lit. " Thicket of the Commander or General').
Founding of Anuradhapura.
The Battle of Labugamaka-the place is to-day known as Labunoruva-saw the end of the Nineteen Years' War, for the campaign had lasted that period, viz. from B.C. 458 to B.C. 439. The road to the capital now lay open to Pandukabhaya, who took it at once. After formally taking possession of Upatissa-gama, he proceeded to Anuradha-gama, to the dwelling-place of his great-uncle, Prince Anuradha (the brother of Queen Kasayindévi), who handed over his palace and built himself a dwelling elsewhere.
Pandukabhaya had decided not to make Upatissa-gama his capital, but to build a new capital for himself near Anuradhagama. A soothsayer, whom he consulted and who was versed in the knowledge of fitting sites, pointed out an auspicious place near the village, and there, in B.C. 438, Pandukabhaya founded the capital which was later to become the most celebrated in Sinhalese history. It was named Anuradhapura, both because it was founded under the constellation Anurádha and from the circumstance that the place had served as dwelling to two Anuradhas-a minister of that name of Vijaya's who was the first to settle there, and Pandukabhaya's own great-uncle who had next resided therein.

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IV KING PANDUKABHAYA.
(B.C. 437-B.C. 4of )
Post-War Honours.
The first public ceremony to be performed in the new capital was the solemn consecration of Pandukabhaya and his spouse Suvannapali as King and Queen of Lanka. The King was thirtyseven years old when he thus ceremoniously assumed the rule over the kingdom
Pandukabhaya's first public act as King was to honour those who had loyally stood by him and lead otherwise assisted him before and during the war with his uncles. The Yakkha Chieftainess, Cetiya, he treated as a distinguished guest and housed her in the precincts of his own palace. And the two Yakkhas, Kalavela and Cittaraja, who had refused to be bribed or coerced into murdering him at the time of his birth, received special consideration at his hands. The two were comfortably settled on the east and southwest sides respectively of the City, and on festival-days, at plays and theatrical performances, the King in public assembly sat with Cittaraja beside him on a seat of equal height, as a special mark of his favour and friendship. He also decreed that suitable sacrificial offerings should yearly be made to the gods and demons worshipped by the Yakkhas, and in this way he made the aborigines his most loyal and devoted subjects in the kingdom.
Since his eldest uncle, the deposed king Abhaya, had always been well-disposed to his mother and himself, Pandukabhaya spared him his life. And out of regard for Suvannapali, his Queen, he spared also the life of the Prince Girikanda-Siva, his father-inlaw, to whom he handed over the district of Girikanda for administration as its Governor. Nor did the King forget the Brahman Pandula's son, Canda, the staunch friend of his boyhood and brave companion in arms. He made him his own personal Chaplain
38

KING PANDU KABAYA : “ . 39
or Purohita, and he conferred other appointments on his various followers according to their respective merits. And at the South gate of the City he settled, in a comfortable home, the slave-woman Kumbókata who in the days of his boyhood had been his guide, friend and companion, when fleeing before his enemies from his foster-father's house to the safe retreat of the Brahman's dwelling in Pandula-gama.
Municipal Administration.
One of the earliest matters to which Pandukabhaya devoted his personal attention was the embellishment of the new Capital which he had founded. His efforts to beautify the city and to make it habitable were systematic and thorough. Entrusting the government during the night-time to his uncle Abhaya, he appointed him to be Nagara-Guttika ("Guardian of the City,')- which is the origin of the custom, observed for many centuries later, of having Nagara-Guttikas in the capitals of Sinhalese Kings. And in order to enable the Nagara-Guttika to carry out his duties efficiently, he gave him a large staff of officials and coolies, the latter drawn exclusively from a class of low-caste people who were known as Candalas.
Five hundred of these Candilas were set to the work of cleaning the streets of the town, two hundred to the work of cleaning the sewers, one hundred and fifty were employed to bear the dead, and as many Candalas to be watchers in the common Cemetery. And since caste rules enacted that these Candilas should live by themselves, away from the haunts of other men, their superiors in birth, Pandukabhaya built for them a village north-west of the common Cemetery (which was near the west gate of the city), and a Cemetery for themselves, called the Lower Cemetery, north-east of the Candila village. North of this Lower Cemetery, that is between it and the Pasana mountain, was constructed a line of huts for the huntSmen.

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40 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Public Works.
The City, which had four gates-north, south, east and west -was encircled by a I6 gav rampart, which was as solid as it was ornamental. And starting outward from each gate was laid out a pretty suburb, in which houses and other buildings sprang up with extraordinary rapidity. Near the west gate of the City were located the common or General Cemetery, the place of execution of malefactors, and two buildings which were known respectively as the Chapel of the Queens of the West and the House of the Great Sacrifice. Here also rose up two stately giants of the forest, a Banyan-tree dedicated to Vessavana or Kubera, the God of Wealth, and a Palmyrah-palm dedicated, perhaps by the Yakkhas, to a Demon who was worshipped as the God of the Huntsmen. And in the vicinity was a plot of ground set apart for a community known as the Yonas.
Irrigation.
Among the works of public utility with which Pandukabhaya is credited, there is one which deserves more than mere passing notice, viz. the construction by him of the tank called Abhayavapi, which is to-day known as Basavak-kulama. It is the earliest constructive work which can be identified with certainty in Ceylon, and it is the first of the great irrigation works which formed a very special feature of the ancient civilisation of Lanka.
These irrigation works were intended to store or convey the necessary water for the rice-fields which the Sinhalese had begun to form wherever places suitable for such were found. And the system they adopted at first was to impound the water in reservoirs or tanks with low embankments. From these the water was gradually passed out, either directly on to the fields where it was required, or by means of excavated channels down which it flowed to them. Later, however, when the people had acquired a better knowledge of the art of raising embankments to hold back greater depths of water, the constructive genius of the Sinhalese asserted itself and schemes of a more comprehensive character were attempted. Great earthen embankments, often some miles in length

KING PANDUKABHAYA 4I
were raised across inany suitable valleys, intercepting in this manner the flow of the streams and storing up, during the rainy seasons, in the tanks thus formed, immense sheets of water for the irrigation of large tracts of land, lower down in the valleys, that were found suitable for rice cultivation.
The tank constructed by Pandukabhaya, the Abhaya-vápi, represented the former, less ambitious effort. Its original area was about 330 acres, and its capacity about I33 million cubic feet. The embankment has in our day been measured at 5,9Io feet long, or I miles. The plan of the tank shows that a much shorter bank might have been carried across the valley in a south-east line from the flood-escape to a projecting point on the opposite side of the tank; but this would have removed the water nearly half a mile further from the capital, Anuradhapura, whereas the evident aim of the designer was to construct the tank as close to the town as possible. He therefore ran the bank to a position lower down. where on the eastern side the ground level was below that of the water to be retained. From this point he turned the line in an up-stream direction, at nearly a rectangle, until higher ground was encountered. The tank was thus well-designed to fulfil its purpose, the storage of rainfall close to the town, for the water-supply of the City and for bathing purposes. The Ahbaya-vapi remained unbreached as long as Anuradhapura was inhabited, that is, for more than I,500 years-a wonderful record for a work of such early date.
The tank, probably the one referred to as the Tissa-veva, which was constructed by Prince Anuradha, the brother-in-law of P nduvasu-déva, on the south side of the capital, Pandukabhaya also had deepened and abundantly filled with water. It was from this tank that the water utilised for his consecration had been obtained; and by reason of its association with that crowning. ceremony of his victory, it was named and henceforth known as the Jaya-vapi ("Tank of Victory'). Pandukabhaya built at least one other tank as well, namely the Gamini-tank, named after his father (Digha-gamani) and situated north of the Lower Cemetery of the Candalas.

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42 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
The Naked Ascetics and Mendicant Monks.
In those days there were certain ascetics, the Jains, who were divided into two sects, known respectively as the Svetambaras (“ those who wore white garments ”) and the Digambaras (lit. "sky-clad' or naked). The latter sect, known also as Niganthas, who went about naked, were fairly numerous in the neighbourhood of Anuradhapura in Pandukabhaya's time, and for the use of these the King constructed a number of residential and other buildings, outside the city limits. The Nigantha Jotiya had a house built for him east of the Lower or Candila Cemetery, and another for the Nigantha Giri who dwelt in the same region, while in the neighbourhood a chapel was built for and named after the Nigantha Kumbhanda.
Many ascetics of various heretical sects dwelt also in the same district-so many as five hundred families of these are recorded to have taken up their abode eastward of the Street of the Huntsmen-and for these, too, the King constructed suitable habitations here and there as well as a hermitage north of the Huntsmen's huts as far as the Gamani-tank Between this tank and Jotiya's house were built the Tittharama, a monastery for wandering mendicant monks, a residence for the Brahmans and a dwelling for the Ajivakas, who were another religious sect.
The Ancient Divisions of Lanka.
In the tenth year after his consecration, that is, in B.C. 427, the King established the village-boundaries over the whole Island. It was probably at this time that Lanka was divided into three great Provinces, which were named respectively:--Pihiti or Raja Rata, Maya Rata and Rohana :
(a) Pihiti or Raja Rata, so named from its containing the ancient capital and the residence of Sinhalese Royalty, represented all the country north of the Mahaveli-ganga and the Deduru Oya.

KING PANDUKABAYA 43
桑
(b) Maya Rata was bounded on the north by the Deduru Oya, on the east by the Mahaveli-ganga, on the south by the Kaluganga, and on the west by the sea.
(c) Rohana Province embraced all the country south of the Mahaveli-ganga and the Kalu-ganga.
Hospitals and Lying-in-Homes.
Not the least notable of Pandukabhaya's public works was the construction, at various places throughout his capital and kingdom, of Lying-in-Homes or Hones of Delivery for expectant mothers, and General Hospitals for the treatment and care of the sick,
Pandukabhaya died in B.C. 407, in the 67th year of his age and in the 3oth year of his reign.
V. KING GANATISSA,
: B.G. 4oz-B.C. 367).
History has very little to tell us about this King. He was the son-probably the only son-of King Pandukabhaya and Queen Suvannapali, and, with his capital at Anuradhapura, h governed the Island for 40 years.
We do not know whom he married, but he had one son á least, the Prince Mutasiva, who succeeded him in the governmen

Page 33
VI: KING MUTASIVA, (B.C. 367-B.C. 307.)
The Maha-Meghavana Park.
Mutasiva is principally remembered as being the first Sinhalese King to lay out a Park-the finest, the most extensive and the most beautiful in ancient Lanka. The locality he selected for it was south of the city of Anurâdhapura, where now the Maha Vihara stands. At the time that the place was chosen for the Park, a great cloud, gathering at an unwonted season, poured forth rain, and therefore the Park was named Maha-megha-vana ("Grove of the great cloud'). It did not belie its name, for it possessed all the attributes which accompany abundant rainfall, viz., streams, trees with thick foliage, shade, coolness and so forth. It was provided with all manner of fruit-trees and flowering-trees, and was an ornament to the capital founded by his grand-father.
Mutasiva also built another Park, called Nandana or Jotivana, between the Maha-megha-vana and the southern wall of the city.
The Royal Family.
The King had ten sons and two daughters. The former are said to have been dutiful and affectionate brothers, and the latter equal in beauty to each other. The Princes were named respectively Abhaya (who was the eldest), Devanampiya-Tissa, Maha-Naga, Uttiya, Mattabhaya, Mitta, Maha-Siva, SuraTissa, Asela and Kira. The names of the two Princesses were. Anula and Sivali.
Succession to the Throne.
When King Mutasiva died in B.C. 307, after a reign of 60 years, he was succeeded by his second son, Devanampiya-Tissa, The
44

KING MUTASVA 45
eldest son Abhaya-history gives us no information whatever about him-if he was not dead at the time, may have been blind, or an idiot, or suffering from some other physical disability.
The practice or rule in regard to the succession to the throne was that, provided he lay under no disability, physical or otherwise, the eldest son succeeded the father. If there was any such disability, he gave place to the younger brother just next to him, even though the popular preference might be for the Prince-if there were several-who was distinguished by the possession of the most amiable or the most manly qualities. Where there was no son, the brother succeeded, his selection being governed by the same rule of primogeniture.

Page 34
VII, KING DEWANAMPIYA-TSSA.
(B.O. 3oz-B.C. 267.)
Embassy to the Emperor Asoka.
Devanampiya-Tissa (lit. "Tissa, friend of the gods'). foremost among all his brothers in virtue and intelligence, was, within a few weeks of his assumption of the reins of government, formally consecrated King of Lanka. V Soon after his accession, in the first year of his reign, the King decided to send an embassy to his friend, the Emperor Asoka of Magadha in India, with rich and rare presents, some of them priceless. The gifts that he selected included among others the following:- the five symbols or insignia of Royalty, viz., a sword, umbrella, diadem, slippers and fan; an auspicious right-whorled chank, sapphires, beryls, rubies and other gems; and pearls of the eight kinds, viz, horse-pearl, elephant-pearl, waggon-pearl, myrobalanpearl, bracelet-pearl, ring-pearl, kakudha fruit-pearl and common pearl. −
And to these were added three fresh bamboo-stems, which at the time of the consecration had been discovered growing in one clump at the foot of the Chata-mountain. One of these, "the creeper-stem,' was very white, shining like silver, on which were seen a number of golden-coloured creepers resembling chariot wheels; the second, "the flower-stem,' had upon it flowers of various kinds of manifold colours, in full bloom ; and the third, the "bird-stem,' of coral colour, was ornamented with a number of birds of beautiful plumage
Bearing all these presents the embassy set sail under the leadership of the King's nephew, Maharittha, the Prime Minister, who was accompanied by three other envoys, viz. Talipabbata, the King's Chaplain, Tela a Minister, and Tissa, the Royal Treasurer, each being attended by a body of retainers. The embassy
46

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KING DEVANAMPIYA-TISSA 47
erhbarked at Jambukola (Dambakola), a landing-place in the
north of the Island, and arriving after a seven days' voyage at Tamalitti (now Tamluk, at the mouth of the Ganges), travelled thence overland to Pataliputta, (now Patna, capital at that time of the kingdom of Magadha), the journey occupying seven days
Oe,
When Devanampiya Tissa's presents were handed to Asoka, the latter was greatly delighted. As a token of his appreciation, the rank of a Commander in his army was there and then conferred on Maharittha, and the dignity of Purohita or Chaplain was bestowed on the Brahman Talipabbata To the Minister Tela he gave the rank of Staff-bearer, and to the Treasurer Tissa that of a GuildLord.
Asoka’s Return-Presents.
Asoka did not rest satisfied with the conferment of these honours. Anxious to return the compliment paid to him by send ing like costly and rare gifts to Devanampiya-Tissa, he first set apart a number of well-furnished dwelling-houses for the occupation of the Sinhalese Envoys during their stay at Pataliputta, and provided all that was necessary for their comfort and entertainment. Then he summoned his Ministers and conferred with them as to what should be sent as his return-gift. It was decided to send the following:
The five insignia of Royalty (viz., a fan, a diadem, a sword, a parasol and a pair of shoes); sweetly-scented mats, a turban, ear-ornaments, chains, a pitcher, yellow sandal-wood, a set of garments that had no need of cleansing, a costly napkin, unguent brought by the Nagas, red-coloured earth, water from the Lake Anotatta, water from the Ganges, a spiral shell or conch with whorls to the right, a Kshatriya maiden in the flower of her youth. utensils as golden platters, a costly litter, yellow and emblic myrobalans, precious ambrosial healing herbs, and sixty times Ioo waggon-loads of mountain rice brought by parrots-in fact the presents included all that was needful for the full and solemn ceremony of consecration of a great King.

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48 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Asoka’s Message.
One of Asoka's objects in getting together these particular presents was to enable Devanampiya-Tissa to be consecrated a second time, presumably because the latter's first coronation had lacked the full ceremonial which such an august function was usually invested with in Jambudipa (India). Accordingly he appointed envoys of his own to take these presents to DevanampiyaTissa, and, when they were ready to start five months after the arrival of the visitors from Lanka, he bade them go and consecratehis friend once again as King. He handed them moreover a letter to the Sinhalese ruler, which was to the effect that he (Asoka) had become a lay-disciple of the Buddha, and that he hoped that Devanampiya-Tissa himself would soon become a convert to Buddhism.
These envoys, bearing the presents of their master and accom panied by the Sinhalese envoys, who, meanwhile, had been loaded with further and greater honours by Asoka, set sail from Tamalitti and, landing at Jambukola, reached Anuradhapura twelve days after their departure from India. They handed to DevanampiyaTissa the presents and letter of Asoka, and intimated to him their desire, in accordance with the wishes of their Emperor, to consecrate him a second time as King of Lanka. Devanampiya-Tissa readily agreed and, after hospitably entertaining them and providing for their stay in his capital, made elaborate preparations forthwith for his second consecration.
Devanampiya-Tissa's Coronation.
Devanampiya Tissa's second Coronation took place in B.C. 306, five months after his first coronation.
On an auspicious day and at an auspicious hour DevanampiyaTissa, in the full sight of his people who had assembled in their thousands at the capital, entering a stately hall-the Royal Mandapa-decked gaily for the ceremony, walked into the middle of an inner Pavilion made of branches of the udumbara tree.

KING DEVANAMPIYA-TISSA 49
There, at the appointed moment, covered with priceless jewels and invested with the five insignia of royalty, he took his seat on a splendidly ornamented chair constructed of udumbara wood.
Then the Kshatriya maiden sent by Asoka, clothed in festive attire, stepped forward, holding in both her hands a right-whorled chank filled with water from the Lake Anotatta. Approaching the King she raised the chank aloft, then pouring the consecrating water over his head she solemnly uttered the following words: "Sire, by this ceremony of Abhiseka (consecration), all the people of the Kshatriya race make thee their Mahdi Raja for their protection. Do thou rule over the land in uprightness, and imbued with the ten Royal virtues. Have thou for the Kshatriya race a heart filled with paternal love and solicitude. Let them in return protect, and guard, and cherish thee!'
Next the Royal Chaplain (Talipabbata), splendidly attired in a manner befitting his office and taking in both hands a silver chank filled with Ganges water, advanced from the ranks of the assembled Ministers, and, raising the chank aloft, poured the water over the King's head, saying at the same time : "Sire, by this ceremony of Abhiseka, all the people of the Brahman race make thee their Mahdi Raja for their protection. Do thou rule over the land in uprightness, and imbued with the ten Royal virtues. Have thou for the Brahman race a heart filled with paternal love and solicitude. Let them in return protect, and guard, and cherish thee!'
Finally the Royal Treasurer or holder of the office of Setthi, himself attired in a suitable manner and holding in both his hands a golden chank filled with Ganges water, stepped forward from the ranks of those representing the general populace; and, raising the chank aloft, poured the water over the King's head, declaring solemnly at the same time: "Sire, by this ceremony of Abhiseka, all the Grahapati, for their protection, make thee their Mahdi Raja. Do thou rule over the land in uprightness and imbued with the ten Royal virtues. Have thou for the Grahapati a heart filled with paternal love and solicitude. Let them in return protect, and guard, and cherish thee '

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50 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Then the King bound himself by oath to govern the country justly, whereupon the Kshatriya maiden, the Purohita and the Setthi each declared as follows:-" If thou wilt reign according to our word, it is well. If not, then may thy head split into seven pieces.' The Royal Crown or Diadem was next placed on the head of the King to whom the assembled people, one by one in due order of rank, then paid homage.
Rise and Progress of Buddhism,
Then according to custom Devanampiya-Tissa, after being thus ceremonially consecrated King of Lanka a second time, bestowed largesse upon the people, who kept high holiday for several days at the capital and throughout the country in honour of the solemn event. Asoka's envoys soon after left Anuradhapura and departed for Pataliputta. f
Exactly a month after his second-coronation, DevanampiyaTissa, after arranging a water-féte for the citizens of Anuradhapura, went a-hunting in the neighbourhood of the Missaka mountain (Mihintale), accompanied by a large body of retainers and others. The chase was his favourite form of amusement, and since his assumption of the kingly office he had had no opportunity of indulging in the sport
Just at this time the Emperor Asoka's son, the Thera Mahinda, bidden by his spiritual superiors to undertake the mission of converting Lanka to Buddhism, arrived in the Island accompanied by his nephew, the Saimanera Sumana (son of his sister Samghamitta); another nephew, a lay-disciple, young Bhanduka (son of his mother's sister's daughter), and by the four Theras Itthiya, Uttiya, Sambala and Bhaddasala, and proceeded to the Missaka-mountain in order to meet the King.
Devanampiya-Tissa, intent on the pleasures of the chase, saw an elk-stag browsing in the thicket. His fine sporting spirit could not brook the idea of taking the grazing animal unawares. So he snapped his bow-string, and as the stag darted off at the sound,

KING DEWANAMPIYA-TSSA . 5I
he shot an arrow but it missed its mark. Pursuing the stag, which fled in the direction of Sila-kuta (the northern peak of the MisSaka mountain), the King suddenly came upon Mahinda and his companions.
Mahinda and Devanampiya -Tissa.
More surprised than alarmed he stopped and gazed at them, but when Mahinda addressed him familiarly by his name, he grew angry : ' Who art thou with shaven head, and white teeth, wearing a yellow robe and a torn and tattered cloth ?' he asked, but when Mahirida declared that he and his companions were priests, disciples of the Buddha, who had come hither from Jambudipa (India) to preach the religion which they professed, all his anger died down immediately.
Remembering then the message of his friend Asoka, Devanampiya-Tissa laid his bow and arrow aside and exchanged greetings with Mahinda. Sitting down by his side, he asked the Thera whether there were other ascetics in Jambudipa like those he nowo saw before him. "Jambudipa is gleaming with yellow robes' replied Mahinda, who thereupon made up his mind to test Devánampiya-Tissa's intelligence preparatory to preaching to him about the religion which he had come hither to found.
"What name does this tree bear, O king?' he asked.
y
"This tree is called a mango,' replied Devanampiya-Tissa. "Is there yet another mango besides this?' "There are many mango-trees.'
"And are there yet other trees besides this mango and the other margoes ?'
"There are many trees, Sir, but those are trees that are not mangoes.”
"And are there, beside the other mangoes and those trees which are not mangoes, yet other trees 2 ''
"There is this mango-tree, Sir."

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52 TE STORY OF THE SINALESE
“ Thou hast a shrewd wit, O ruler of men,’ said Mahinda. Again Mahinda questioned him :
“ Hast thou kinsfolk, O king ?“ "They are many, Sir.'
"And are there also some, O king, who are not kinsfolk of thine ? '''
"There are yet more of those than of my kin.' "Is there yet any one besides the kinsfolk and the others ?' "There is yet myself, Sir.' 'Good thou hast a shrewd wit, O ruler of men,' said Mahinda.
First Sinhalese Converts to Buddhism.
Satisfied that the King was an intelligent man. Mahinda there and then preached to him and his followers, with the result that, at the conclusion of the discourse, they all embraced the new religion, thus becoming the first Sinhalese converts to Buddhism in Ceylon. The same evening, at meal time, there at the foot of the mountain, the King courteously invited the Theras to partake of the food, though he knew that they would not eat at that hour of the day. Upon their declining the invitation, he asked them to accompany him to the City; but they replied that they had occasion to remain there the night.
Thereupon the King desired to take the lay-disciple Bhanduka with him, but Mahinda would not consent, since he declared that Bhanduka was to be ordained a priest that very night. The King then said that he would go and send his Chariot-of-State for them the next morning to come into the City; but, before leaving, he called Bhanduka aside and made enquiries about the Theras. Delighted beyond measure upon learning that Mahinda was the own son of his friend the Emperor Asoka, the King departed quickly in order to prepare the City to welcome the visitors suitably the following day.

KING DEWANAMPIYA-TSSA 53
When the King had left, Bhanduka was solemnly ordained a priest, the ordination being carried out by a Chapter formed of Mahinda and his companions, and the boundaries of the village situated on Missaka serving as the parish for the purpose. This was the first Buddhist Ordination in Ceylon.
Mahinda in Anuradhapura.
The State-Chariot duly arrived the next morning, but the driver found the Theras had already left. Turning back immediately he overtook them just outside the Eastern-gate of the City-where the Pathama-Cetiya ("First Cetiya') was afterwards built-and as they did not desire to utilise the vehicle, he drove ahead and reported himself to the King.
Meanwhile all had been made ready within the Royal Palace for the reception of the Theras. A lovely Pavilion for them had been built in one night within the Palace precincts. It was covered with white stuffs and gay with flowers and chaste ornament. The finest carpets were spread upon the ground, and the chairs inside the Pavilion were all covered with stuffs.
And the King himself went forth to the Eastern-gate to meet the Theras. Greeting them reverently, he took the alms-bowl from Mahinda's hand and led the Theras into the City, as was the custom in hospitable welcome and homage. Conducted thus into the Palace the Theras, according to their rank, took their seat on the chairs and the King himself served them with rice, Soup and other food.
And when the meal was over, the King sat down at their feet and sent for Anula, the consort of his younger brother, the subKing Maha-Naga, who dwelt in the Royal Palace. Anula came with all the women of the Royal Household, and when after due obeisance they had made their offerings to the Theras, Mahinda preached to them in their own Sinhalese language and made converts of them all. Soon the citizens made a great stir and clamour at the Palace-gates: they had heard of the arrival of the Theras, and they were themselves anxious to listen to the new teaching.

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54 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
The Pavilion was not large enough to accommodate them all, and so the King gave orders that the spacious Hall of the StateElephant should be cleansed and made ready for the purpose. This was done without delay, the place being speedily adorned with canopies and all manner of other decorations. Here, in this Hall, Mahinda preached again, and the seed fell on good soil. Every one of his listeners embraced the new faith.
More Conversions.
Even the Elephant's Hall proved to be insufficient. The multitude that had gathered was hourly reinforced by others of the populace, with the result that they had to look for a more suitable place elsewhere. The pleasant Nandana Park, outside the Southern-gate of the City, was selected -it was cool, shady and spacious enough for the assembly-and here Mahinda preached once again, his converts including numbers of women of noble families of the land.
In the evening of this memorable first day, when Buddhism was firmly planted in Lanka and immediately took such deep root, the Theras started forth to return to the Missaka-mountain for the night. Hearing of their departure the King came speedily in their wake, and, overtaking them near the Eastern-gate, requested them not to go but to make the Nandana Park, where there was a pleasant resting-place, their abode for the night. Upon Mahinda declaring that the Nandana was unsuitable by reason of its proximity to the city, Devanampiya-Tissa begged them to stay in the Maha-megha Park, which was neither too near to nor too far from the City and had all the advantages of water, coolness and shade and a pleasant Pavilion besides.
Mahinda agreed, and, turning back at the spot, near the Kadamba river, where later the Nivatta-Cetiya (lit. "Turningback Cetiya') was built, he and his companions, led by the King himself, proceeded southwards from Nandana to the Mahá-megha Park. There in this Park, in the beautiful Royal Pavilion which

KING DEVANAMPIYA-TISSA 55
was furnished with fine beds and chairs, the Theras spent their first night in the Capital,the King returning to lis own Palace in the City
Early next morning Devanampiya-Tissa, with Anula and the other women of the Royal Household, visited Mahinda in the Mahá-megha Park and made their salutations. Then Anulá, addressing the King, expressed her and the other women's desire to be ordained as nuns, and the King besought Mahinda to give effect to their desire. But the Thera declared that neither he nor any of his companions had power to ordain women. That could be done only by another nun, and there was one such in Pataliputta, his own younger sister Samghamittá.
The Gifting of the Maha Vihara.
Mahinda advised the King to write to Asoka, requesting him to send his daughter Samghamittá together with other nuns on a visit to Lanka; and to permit Sanghamitta, when so coming, to bring with her a branch of the great Bo-tree of the Buddha. The King agreed. Then in token of his devotion to the religion which he had adopted, he took a fine vase filled with water and, pouring the water over Mahinda's hand-the Water of Donation--he thus formally gifted the Mahá-megha Park as dirima or monastery (henceforth called the Mahameghavanarama or Maha Vihara), to the Buddhist clergy This was the first important religious gift -the first of many-and Mahinda accepted the gift on behalf of the clergy.
Then Mahinda proceeded to seven different spots in the neighbourhood of the Royal Pavilion, and the sites of these were marked in later times by the following :-
(1) The Ransi-malaka, or assembling place of the clergy, (2) The Jantaghara, or tank with the room for warm-baths, (3) The Sacred Bo-tree, (4) The Lova - maha-paya, or great Brazen Palace, (5) The Panhamba-malaka, (6) The Catussala, or refectory of the monks, and (7) The Ruvanveli-seya, or Great Thripa.

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56 THE STORY OF THE SINHA LESE
After making offerings of jasmine and other flowers at each of these spots, Mahinda, bowl in hand, entered the City and went his round for alms. Then entering the King's Palace, he took his morning repast and later left for the Nandana grove where, after preaching to and converting many more people, he returned to the Maha-megha for the night.
The third, fourth, fifth, in fact the next twenty-four days Mahinda spent in like manner-going his morning round for alms in the city, taking his forenoon repast at the Royal Palace, then preaching in the Nandana grove and resting the night in the Mahamegha Park-the number of converts for the first seven days alone totalling some 8,500 Sinhalese men and women. But the fourth day was marked in addition by the religious ceremony described as the Fixing of the Boundaries.
On the previous (third) day Devanampiya-Tissa had asked whether the religion of the Buddha had been firmly established; and Mahinda, replying in the negative, said that its establishment could not be said to be secure or complete until the boundaries for the Uposatha and other religious ceremonies had first been fixed. Thereupon the King had asked Mahinda speedily to establish the boundaries, including the City therein, and it had been arranged to do this the next day, with the King himself marking out the course of the boundaries.
The Establishment of Buddhism.
Accordingly, on this fourth day, the drums were beaten at dawn, and all the people were commanded to decorate the City and the road leading to the Tissarama as well as the precincts of the Vihára. Then. Devanampiya-Tissa, decked in all his orna. ments and seated in his State-Chariot, drove up to the arána, accompanied by the women of the Royal Household and attended by an imposing body of his troops. After due salutation to the Theras, he made ready to begin at once the ceremony of marking the boundaries.

KING DEWANAMPIYA-TSSA 57
Headed by a gorgeous procession of beautiful women-some bearing in their hands exquisitely painted vases, many-coloured flags, trays containing red sandal-powder, gold and silver-handled mirrors; others carrying baskets of flower-garlands, triumphal arches made of plantain trees, umbrellas and other decorative paraphernalia--the King, accompanied by the Theras and surrounded by his soldiers, started forth, the air being rent by all manner of sounds from various instruments of music, by the noise of elephants, horses and chariots as they moved forward, and by the clapping of hands, the shouts of applause, the waving of cloths and handkerchiefs, and cries of "Sadhu' on the part of the people.
Holding a golden plough drawn by the two State-Elephants, Maha-paduma and Kunjara, the King made a circuit of the City, ploughing a furrow in a huge circle beginning near the ford on the Kadamba-river and ending it at the same spot when he had again reached the river. Mahinda thereupon assigned boundarymarks on the furrow that the King had ploughed, and settled the boundaries for thirty-two málakas as well as for the edifice later known as the Thuparama. And with the fixing of the inner boundary marks for these on the same occasion, the solemn ceremony was brought to a close.
Boundaries of Consecrated Ground.
The boundary line of the ground thus consecrated ran past or included the following :-From Pasana-tittha (Pahan-tota) to Kuddavatako (Kuda-vala), thence to Kumbalavato (Kumbala-vala) and thence to Mahanipo (Maha-dava). Then from Mahánipo to Kakudhapali (Kumbukpela), thence to Mahaangana (Mahá-maluva), thence to Khujjamadhulo (Kudumiruka) and therce to the Marutta tank (Murutapokuna). Then skirting the northern gate of the Vijayarama Park to the Gajakumbhaka-pasana (Gajakumbu-gala), thence through the centre of Thusavatthika (Tusavetiya) to Abhayebalakapasano (Kokgala in Abhaya Park) and thenre to the middle of the Maha-Susana (Great Cemetery).

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58 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
From the Cemetery the boundary line proceeded to the Dighapasanako (Dingu-pahana), thence turning to the left of the pottery of Kammaradeva to Nigrodhamangana (Nuga-maluva), and thence south-east of Hiyagalla to the temple of the Brahman Diyavasa. Then from this temple to Telumapali (Telum-pela), thence to Talacatukka and thence, left of Assamandala (Asmadulla) to Sasavana. Finally from Sasavana to Marumbatittha (Boralu-tota) and thence up the river, south-east of Pathama Cetiya, to the spot where stood two kadamba trees, one living, the other dead. Including the living kadamba tree within the boundary, the boundary line then ran across Sihasinana-tittha (Sinha-Sána-tota) and, going along the river bank, met its other end at Pasana-tittha (Pahan-tota).
During the twenty-six days of Mahinda's stay in the capital, practically all the people of Anuradhapura and large numbers from the countryside had embraced Buddhism. The new religion had come to stay and the intimate association of Sinhalese Royalty with it helped largely to spread it in a wonderfully short time throughout the whole of Lanka. And the enthusiasm bred of the new faith found expression in a variety of ways, notably in the construction of religious edifices.
'Kinsmen of the Religion.'
Even more notable than this, however, was the cheerfulness, even eagerness, with which the religious or monastic life was embraced by hundreds of young men from the families of the land, high and low, rich as well as poor. " Eve a lavish giver of gifts is not a kinsman of the religion : only a giver of gifts is he called. But he who lets son or daughter enter the religious order is indeed a kinsman of the religion and withal a giver of gifts.” So taught Mahinda in the earliest days of his preaching, and the advice was observed by the converts both in the letter and in the spirit.

KING DEVAN AMPIYA-TISSA 59
On the twenty-seventh day Mahinda made up his mind to return with his six companions to the Missaka-mountain, there to spend the coming rainy season. So, after he had taken his forenoon repast and had as usual preached to the King and the Royal Household, he and the other Theras left the Palace, and, departing by the East-gate, took the road to Missaka. Reaching the Naga-catukka tank (Naga-pokuna), situated on the path of their ascent, they bathed in its waters and were preparing to go up to the mountain-top when Devanampiya-Tissa drove up in his car to the spot, accompanied by his own Queen and by Anula, his brother's wife, and followed by his nephew, the Prime Minister Mahárittha, who brought his fifty-five brothers with him.
The King had heard, only after they had gone, of the departure of the Theras, and so he came now speedily in order to induce them to return. Upon Mahinda enquiring as to the reason for this visit, the King replied that the departure of the Theras from the Palace caused him Sorrow, and that he had therefore come to persuade them to go back with him to the City. Mahinda then declared that he and his companions had come to spend the rain-season at the mountain, and he explained to the King the rules governing tle life of Buddhist monks during the vassa or rain-period, when among other things, they were forbidden to travel and had to live together in a vihára.
First Ordination of Sinhalese.
In these circumstances Devananpiya-Tissa was unable to press them to accede to his request, but he resolved there and tlen forthwith to have a Vihaira built for them on the mountain, and to this end he immediately gave orders. But the day was marked by an important event-the first Ordination of Sinhalese to the Buddhist Priesthood. The Prime Minister Maharittha's fifty-five elder and younger brothers sought and obtained their uncle the King's permission to enter the religious order ; and there, on the same day, upon the slopes of the Missaka-mountain, the

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6O THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Princely brothers were admitted to be Samaneras or "Novices,' -the ceremony being performed by Mahinda-and they had the hair of their heads shaved off, as is the rule at the admission of bhikkhus (priests) in Buddhism.
Within a few days the Vihára, which Devanampiya-Tissa had undertaken to build on the mountain, was complete-hundreds of men had worked at it and they had laboured night and dayand it had sixty-eight rock-cells. As soon as the work was finished the King came and Solemnly gave the Vihára-it was later called the Cetiya-pabbata-Vihara-to the Theras as a consecrated offering; and Mahinda immediately afterwards established around it the boundaries for thirty-two mailakas.
A malaka was a space marked off and usually terraced, within which sacred functions were carried out. In the first of these malakas, named the Tumbaru-malaka, the Thera on the same day conferred the Upasampadá, or higher ordination, on Mahárittha's fifty-five brothers. These fifty-five new Theras, together with Mahinda and his six Theras, making sixty-two in all, then proceeded to occupy the rock-cells built for them, and they spent the rainy season thus on the Missaka-mountain.
Relics of the Buddha.
About three months later, when the rain-season was over, Mahinda, accompanied by the Sámanera Sumana, visited the King at the latter's palace at Anuradhapura and spoke to him about the Relics of the Buddha. Devanampiya-Tissa, who confessed that he had not known till then of the death of the Buddha, expressed his great desire to obtain some of the Relics for which, he added, he would build fitting thupas or monuments. Mahinda advised the King to arrange with Sumana for the bringing over of some of the Relics from Jambudipa (India) to Lanka. The King accordingly conferred with Sumana, who promised to undertake the mission and to bring over some Relics within the next few days.

KING DEVANAMPIYATISSA 6Ι
When Mahinda .uurned to the Missaka-mountain the same evening, he sent for Sumana and bade him take a letter from him to his father Asoka at Pupphapura ("City of flowers,' another name for Pataliputta). The letter was to this effect: " Thy friend, the great king, "the friend of the gods (Devanampiya-Tissa), has been converted to the doctrine of the Buddha and now desires to build a thipa. Do thou give him the Relics of the Sage and the Alms-bowl that he used, for many relics of the Buddha's body are with thee.”
Sumana departed without delay and, reaching Pataliputta in a few days, handed Mahinda's letter to Asoka, who happened at the moment of Sumana's visit to be worshipping the Great Botree of the Buddha. Asoka delivered the Alms-bowl full of relics to Sumana, who thereupon quickly returned to Lanka and handed them to Mahinda. The latter deposited the Relics on the top of the Missaka-mountain, which on that account was thenceforth called the Cetiya-pabbata ("Shrine or Relic mountain.')
The Collar-Bone Relic.
Word was immediately sent to the King that, in the evening of the next day, one of the Relics of the Buddha brought by Sumana would be exhibited in the Maha-Naga Park, situated between the Eastern-gate of the City and the Missaka or Cetiyamountain. Devanampiya-Tissa's joy knew no bounds. Forthwith he ordered to be decorated both the City and the road leading to the Maha-Naga Park, and had it proclaimed throughout the capital by beat of drum, that those of the people who desired to see the Relic of the Buddha next day must first take the uposatha vows of fasting and abstinence from sensual pleasures.
And when next day caume, the King, mounted on his StateElephant, bearing the white Parasol of Royalty, and attended by musicians and a goodly company of others including his Ministers and soldiers, proceeded to the Park. Thither soon after came

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Mahinda bearing the Collar-bone Relic of the Buddha, and along with him were his company of disciples. After reverently saluting the Relic, the King placed it with the relic-urn upon the back of the State-Elephant, which was then slowly led out of the Park.
The elephant, followed by King, Theras, Ministers, troops and vehicles, entered Anuradhapura by the Eastern Gate and, leaving it again by the South-gate, proceeded to a spot situated east and lying in the neighbourhood of the House of the Great Sacrifice built by Pandukabhaya. This spot had been selected as the final resting-place of the Collar-bone relic, but at that time the place was overgrown with flowering kadamba plants and idari creepers. These the King had immediately cleared.
Upon the cleared space was straightway raised a pile as high as the State-Elephant, lumps of dry clay from the neighbouring dried-up Abhaya-tank being utilised for putting up the structure. When the pile had been suitably decorated, the King took the relic from the back of the elephant and solemnly placed it there. Then leaving the elephant on the spot to guard the relic throughout the night, the King accompanied by his Ministers and others returned to the city, Mahinda and his disciples proceeding to the Maha-megha Park to stay there till the morning.
The ''Thuparama.'
Devanampiya-Tissa had made up his mind to build a Thapa for the relic, and to celebrate its completion by holding a solemn festival in its holnour. Accordingly the order went forth for a supply of the necessary bricks, and, when these were ready, the building operations were at once taken in hand under the personal supervision of the King. Soon the Thapa was completed. The original brick-work or pile was allowed to remain standing, but its surface formed the base for a new relic-chamber. Round about and from this relic-chamber, after the placing of the Relic inside, the Thaipa was continued knee-high, being finished in the shape of a hemispliere.

KING OWANAMPYA-TSSA ნვ
Then was proclaimed a festival, known as the Festival of the Laying down of the Relic, and vast numbers of people from all parts of the country assembled at the spot. The women of the Royal Household, the Nobles and Ministers, the citizens as well as peasants, brought each their offerings-costly gifts of jewels and other valuables from the rich, and simple tributes of pure white flowers from the poor. Not long after the completion of the Thapa the King founded on the spot a vihdira or Ardima, and since its thupa had been built before, the Vihdira was thenceforward known by the name of Thuparama. Here the King placed a large and beautiful stone image of the Buddha-the first specimen of Sinhalese sculptural work recorded in history.
The Thtiparama Dágaba may be said to be the first work of its kind in historic times to be constructed in Ceylon: A digaba consists essentially of three elements: (I) dome, usually hemispherical, and ordinarily raised on a cylindrical base, forms the principal part, in the upper portion of which is the relic-chamber, (2) The second part is a square block of brickwork, now mostly known by the Burmese term "tee," (3) Finally the "tee" forms the base for the conical spire, called a "chatta' or "parasol," which crowns the whole.
The Thuparama Dagaba, though its original shape is not recorded, conformed in all probability to the description above. Standing nearly 56 feet high, around its base was formed a circular paved court-yard I64 feet 6 inches in diameter, raised II feet 4 inches above the adjoining ground, the ascent to this being made by two sets of stone steps on the east and west sides, each consisting of two flights. This enclosure was supported by a brick retaining wall. Extremely graceful slender stone pillars with ornamental capitals, but no bases, were fixed in the court-yard in four concentric circles round the Ddigaba. The chamber in which the relics of the Buddha were placed was formed in the upper part of the dome, and was apparently a small one. No description of its original internal arrangement or decorations has been preserved,

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The occasion of the festival was marked by many and notable accessions to the ranks of the Buddhist clergy, among them the Prince Mattabhaya, a younger brother of the King, who after obtaining the Royal permission entered the priesthood together with a thousand of his followers. Five villages in particularCetavi-gama (Cétäpi), Dvaramandala (Doramadulla), Viharibija (Vihirabija), Gallakapitha (Galpitiya), and Upatissanuvara-gave some two thousand five hundred bhikkhus; and it is said that the number of Sinhalese young men who up to that day had embraced the priestly life in Lanka totalled several thousands, even as many as thirty thousand.
Women Recluses.
It was not only the men, however, who flocked in large numbers to embrace the monastic life. There were Sinhalese women, too, several hundreds of them, who, in those early days of Buddhism, cheerfully abandoned the pleasures of the world and deliberately chose the rigours and austerities of the ascetic life. Led by Anulá, the sub-King Maha-Naga's beautiful and pious spouse, was a band of some thousand women. They were not all drawn from the Royal Household only, they included virtuous maids, noble as well as peasant, from town and country, and they lived in a quiet part of the city in a Nunnery, the Upasika-Vihara ('Vihara of the Lay-Sisters') built for them by the King.
Wearing the yellow robe as indicative of their abandonment of mundane pleasures, they spent their days in discipline and in the strict observance of the Dasa-sil or ten precepts of their religion, which were (I) not to kill any living being, (2) to refrain from taking the property of others, (3) not to commit adultery, (4) to avoid lying, (5) to drink no intoxicating drink, (6) only to take food at certain prescribed hours, (7) to avoid worldly amusement, (8) to use neither unguents nor ornaments, (9) not to sleep on a high or decorated bed, and (IO) not to accept any gold or silver.

KING DEWANAMPIYA-TSSA 65
These Lay-Sisters were waiting for the day of the arrival of the Theri Samghamittá, Mahinda's sister, in order to be ordained as Nuns by her, and Anulá, weary of what seemed to her a long delay, begged the King often to hasten that day.
The Theri Samghamitta.
Moved by her importunity and anxious himself to obtain a branch of the great Bo-tree, of which Mahinda had spoken a few months previously, the King soon after conferred with the Thera and Ministers, and it was decided to send the Prime Minister Maharittha once again to Asoka. Asked whether he would undertake the mission of proceeding to Pátaliputta and bringing the Ther Samghamitta as well as the Bo-tree branch, Maharittha consented on the condition that, upon his return, the King would permit him to enter the priesthood. Devanampiya-Tissa readily agreed and the Prime Minister started immediately on his journey, taking ship at the haven, Jambukola (Dambakola).
Arriving at Pátaliputta in due course, Mahárittha delivered to Asoka the King's letter as well as the following message from Mahinda: "The spouse of the brother of thy friend, King Devanampiya, longing to be ordained a Nun, lives constantly in stern discipline. To bestow on her the ordination, do thou send the bhikkhuni Samghamittá, and with her the south branch of the great Bodhi-tree.' The same message was delivered to Samghamittá. who forthwith went to her father and begged to be permitted to go. And when Asoka hesitated, moved by the thought of having to part now with the daughter so soon after the parting with the son (Mahinda), she pleaded again : “ Weighty is the word of my brother, O great King; many are they that must receive the ordination; therefore must I depart for Lanka.' Asoka was constrained to agree, and he soon made ready to accede to the request of his friend the Sinhalese King.

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The Sacred Bo-Tree.
With all the pomp, circumstance and solemnity of a great religious ceremony, the south branch of the great Bo-tree, under which Gautama had attained Buddhahood, was severed from its place and deposited in a huge golden vase specially made for the purpose. The vase with its tree was then taken on board a ship lying at anchor on the Ganges; and, to serve as Guardians of the Tree during the voyage across the sea to Lanka, Asoka appointed the following viz :-Eight Princes of the Magadhan Blood Royal (Princes Bogut, Sumitta, Sandiagot, Devgot, Damgot, Hirugot, Sisigot and Jutindhara); eight nobles from families of Ministers; eight persons from families of Brahmans; eight persons from families of Traders, together with a number of others representing respectively the Hyaena clan, the Sparrow-hawk-clan, the Weavers, Potters and all the handicrafts, as well as the Nagas and Yakkhas, from each one man. These Guardians were given eight vessels of gold and eight vessels of silver wherewith to water the Tree during the voyage.
The ship-bearing the Bo-tree and its escort and carrying in addition the Theri Samghamittá and eleven other nuns, as also Mahárittha, the Sinhalese Minister-sped on her way across the Ganges, and, touching at Tamalitti (Tamluk), arrived in due course at Jambukola. Here, attended by his retinue, Devánampiya-Tissa had spent several days, occupying a building on the seashore on the spot where the Samuddapannasala ("sea-hut") was afterwards built, and awaiting the arrival of the Bo-tree. When the ship dropped anchor the King, accompanied by sixteen of the highest Nobles of the land, boarded the vessel and together with them bore the Tree with its vase to the shore. Here, close to the landing-place, had been built a beautiful Pavilion to house the Bo-tree temporarily, and in this the Tree was now deposited.
The next three days were marked by the most solemn ceremonies in honour of the Tree. Vast crowds from far and near came to worship and to make offerings; and the King himself, entrusting the active administration of the affairs of the kingdom into the

KING DEVANAMPYA-TSSA 67
hands of the sixteen Nobles, spent the time in personal guard over the Tree, watering it. at regular intervals and seeing to it that the rush of the ever-growing crowd of worshippers did not harm or injure even a single leaf. On the fourth day of its arrival in the Island, the Tree was placed upon a beautiful open car or chariot, and, headed by a mighty procession, a start was made of the journey to the capital.
The route from the North-gate of Anuradhapura right up to Jambukola had been gaily decorated with pandals and arches, flower-garlands and multi-coloured flags, and the roadway itself was sprinkled with white sand and bestrewn with flowers and flower-petals. Along this route came the Bo-tree, followed immediately behind by the King. The progress made was necessarily slow, and temporary halts had to be made at several places lying between Jambukola and Anuradhapura, including the spot where the Pacinarama ("Eastern Monastery') was afterwards built, as well as the entrance to the village of Tivakka, where dwelt at that time a Brahman of that name.
Planting of the Bo-Tree.
In the evening of the eighth day the procession entered Anurádhapura, which was profusely decorated for the occasion, by the North-gate and, leaving the city again by the South-gate, entered the Mahá-megha Park. There on the spot where it still flourishes to-day-the oldest historical tree in the world, having successfully defied the sun and wind and rain of two thousand two hundred and thirty-eight years-the Bo-tree was solemnly planted amidst a vast assemblage of people gathered together from all parts of the Country. Among the first worshippers who brought their offerings to the sacred Tree were the Brahman Tivakka, the Nobles of Candana-gama as well as the Nobles of far Kajaragama (Kataragama), who had travelled all the way from remote Rohana in the South.

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A fruit from this Bo-tree was planted on the spot where afterwards the Maha-asana was built, and eight shoots or saplings which later grew out of it were distributed in the following manner:-One was planted at Jambukola, on the spot where the Botree was landed from the ship, one in Tivakka village, one in the Thuparama, one in the place of the later Issarasamanarama (now Isurumuniya-Vihára), one in the cout of the Pathamacetiya near the East-gate of the City, one in the Vihára on Missaka or Cetiya mountain, one in Candana-gama, and the last in Kajaragama (which is situated on the bank of the Menik-ganga, about Io miles north of Tissamaharama). Thirty-two new shoots from four later fruits of the great Bo-tree were planted in a big circle around the City, at a distance of a yojana (or eight miles) from each other, on spots where viháras sprang up in later times,
The Guardians of the Bo-Tree.
At the close of the festival of the Bo-tree, the King conferred high ranks and distinctions upon the escort that had accompanied the Tree from Jambudipa to Ceylon. The eight Princes were specially selected for honour: Prince Bogut was made LakMaha-Lendi or Principal Secretary of State for Lanka, Prince Devgot being made Maha Retina or Minister of the Interior, and Prince Damgot becoming Maha Situ má or Director of Commerce. On Prince Sumitta was conferred the rank of Jaya Maha Lendi, and on Prince Sandagot the rank of Vilbá Mala Raja, while Prince Hirugot was raised to the dignity of Koturugdina and Prince J tindhará to that of Arakméndi. The cight traders or persons from the Merchant-Guilds who had also accompanied the Tree as guardians were likewise honoured and named thenceforward the 'Guild of the Bodhi-bearers.'
The First Sinhalese Nuns.
Within the next few days the King's nephew, Prince Maharittha, giving up all his ranks and titles as well as the office of Prime Minister, became a monk, and his example was imitated by

KING OEWANAMIPYA-TSSA 69
five hundred of his followers, who thereafter took up residente in the vihdira known as Issarasamanarama. And Anula and her thousand Lay-Sisters received atlast the reward of their patience. With due solemnity of ceremonial they were ordained nunsthey were the first Sinhalese Nuns- the ceremony being performed by the Theri Samghamittá assisted by her eleven companion
US, --
Dwelling in the Upásika Vihara with Anulá and the other nuns, Samghamittá with the help cf the King as well as of others, had had constructed in a short time, within the Vihdira precincts, twelve new buildings. In one of these, ramed Culaganagara, was placed the mast of the ship which had brought the Bo-tree to Lanka, ir another, the Mahaganagara, the rindder, and in yet another, the Sirivaddhagara, the helm. Hence these three buildings were afterwards designated respectively Kupayatthitaghara ("House where the mast was set up'), Arittathapitaghara ("House where the rudder was set up',) and Piyathapitaghara ("House where the helm was set up").
New Convent for the Nuns.
But the Upásiká-Vihára and its twelve buildings were soon found to be insufficient and unsuitable. The growing accessions to the number of the nuns made the question of accommodation a matter of difficulty and inconvenience, and the rapid up-springing of other buildings in the neighbourhood took away from the quietness and seclusion which the nuns had hitherto enjoyed. Not far from the Upásiká-Vihára, by the side of a recently built relicthtipa, was a cool grotto on the border of a kadamba flower-thicket. The place was the favourite haunt of the King's State-elephant, and near it stood a great post to which the elephant was wont to be tethered during the night.
This was the site upon which Samghamittá longed to erect a new and spacious dwelling-place for the nuns, and thither she used frequently to go to spend the day through in the grotto. One day the King came to the Upásiká-Vihara, and, learning that the

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Ther was away for the day in her sylvan retreat, followed her thither. Meeting her in the grotto, he saluted her respectfully and asked her the reason for her presence there. Samghamittá, in reply, spoke of the beauty and secluded character of the spot, which made it an ideal locality for the nuns, and added that her only wish now was to see a stately building put up there for the use of her religious sisters, whose present habitation was crowded and otherwise unsuitable.
Devánampiya-Tissa bade her be of good cheer, for he undertook forthwith to give orders for the construction of a suitable structure on the site indicated by the Therá. The King kept his word, and soon there rose up on the spot, round about the thipahouse and contiguous to the Grotto, a stately Convent for the Nuns, which, from its proximity to the elephant-post, was named Hatthalhaka-Vihara (lit. " Vihára of the Elephant-post-nuns'). Close to this was also built, a short time afterwards, a beautiful building called the Mahapali, which served as a refectory for the monks, who, in order to receive food, used regularly to visit the
Convent.
Increased Religious Activity.
The succeeding years were years of ever-increasing religious activity throughout the whole Island. Buddhism spread to every town, village and hamlet, and everywhere it was enthusiastically embraced. The tale is best told in the large number of Vihiras and other religious edifices that soon dotted the land from end to end, from Pihiti Province in the north to Rohana in the South. Most of these represented the gifts of pious laymen, who were inspired so to do by the fervour of their faith. Dighasandasenapati-parivena, which was an offering to Mahinda made by the King's Commander-in-Chief, Dighasanda, was but one among hundreds of other parivenas which Soon sprang up in every direction, and which owed their existence to the new zeal which the
people manifested.

KING DEWANAMPIYA-TSSA 7.
Apart from the monastic dwellings and other structures here and there, which were the result of private enterprise and munificence, the King himself is said to have founded a large number of viharas a yojana (eight miles) distant from one another, and in thipas erected in these he deposited the Relics of the Buddha, one in each. For this purpose were utilised the bowl-full of relics which Sumana had brought from Asoka and which had lain all this while on Cetiya-mountain. They were placed on the StateElephant's back and brought ceremoniously into Anuradhapura, after which they were distributed among the viharas alluded to above.
The Viharas and other Religious Buildings.
The following, arranged in alphabetical order, represent the more important of the many religious buildings which had their origin in Devánampiya-Tissa's pious zeal, and of which the names are recorded :-
Cetiya-Vihara, built for the use of Mahinda and his companions during the rain-season, was situated on the Missaka or Cetiya mountain. It was also termed Cetiya-pabbata-vihara (see also under 'Mahinda-guha ').
Digha-cankamana-parivena, i.e. "the long walk' or "the long hall for walking.' It was built on the spot where Mahinda used to walk up and down. (A cankama belongs to each Vihdira. It is a straight piece of ground cleared and levelled for the purpose of walking up and down upon, for exercise and meditation).
Dighasanda-senapati-parivena. The King had nothing to do with this. It was built by the King's General or Commander of Troops, Dighasanda, who gifted it to Mahinda. Originally a little pdiscida with eight great pillars, it became famous later as the residence of the author of the Mahdiansa.
Hatthalhaka-Vihara, lit. "Vihára of the Elephant-postnuns,' was the Convent built for Samghamittá, Anulá and the other nuns when the Upasika-Vihara (q.v.) became overcrowded.

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It derived its name from the circumstance that it was built by the side of the post to which the King's State-elephant was wont to be tethered. (See also 'Mahapali '').
Issarasamana-Vihara, built in the place where Prince Mahárittha and 5oo Nobles dwelt after they had been ordained priests by Mahinda. (It is now named Isurumuniya, and is situated by the bund of the Tissá-veva, about a mile from Anurádhapura.)
Jambukola-Vihara, built near the landing-place in the North, which part of the country was included under the term Nägadiba.
Kala-pasada-parivena, (lit. "Cell of the Black House,') so named because the building was dark-coloured. Built in the Mahdimeghavandirima in the earliest days of Mahinda's arrival (B.C. 306), it served as a dwelling-place for Mahinda.
Loha-pasada. This 'House of Bronze' marked the site of the later and more famous Brazen Palace of Dutugemunu.
Mahameghavanarama. (See under “ Maha Vihara ”).
Mahapali was a refectory for the monks built near the Hatthálhaka-Vihara (q.v.). At that time the monks, in order to receive food, went in order of seniority to the Hatthálhaka; and the new hall, separate from the nunnery, was built for this purpose by the King. It was said to be a "beautiful' building, "easy of approach, stored with all provisions and provided with service," by which is meant that men were appointed to render service at the refectory, in return for which they were given Crown land for their upkeep-the first recorded reference in history to the Service Tenure system in Ceylon.
Maha-Vihara, i.e. the "Great Monastery," was the later name of the Mahámeghavandirama, or, as it was also known, the Tissardima, being the Park presented by the King to the priest hood as an drama or monastery.

KING DEVANAMPIYATISSA 73
Mahinda-guha, i.e. "Mahinda's cave or grotto." This was where Mahinda lived, during the rain-season, in the Vihára on Missaka or Cetiya-mountain known as Cetiya-pabbata-vihara.
Marugana-parivena, i.e., "Cell of the hosts of gods.” (It is difficult to say now where exactly it was located).
Pacinarama, i.e. "Eastern Monastery,' built on the site where the Bo-tree had rested while being brought from Jambukola to the capital.
Pathama-Cetiya, i.e. "First Cetiya,' was the first dagaba to be erected in Ceylon. It stood just outside the Eastern gate of the city near the high-road to Cetiya-mountain.
Phalagga-parivena, i.e. "Cell of the Highest Reward.' It was built on the spot where Mahinda had once sat sunk in a trance, following upon deep religious meditation.
Sunhata-parivena, i.e. "Cell of him who is well-bathed or purified.' It stood on the brink of Mahinda's bathing tank.
Therapassaya-parivena, i.e. "Cell of the Thera's support.' ' It was built on a spot where Mahinda had once seated himself leaning against a support.
Thuparama, where the Collar-bone Relic of the Buddha and his alms-bowl were deposited, was situated between the Southgate of the City and the Nandana Park.
Tissa-maha-Vihara, in south Ceylon, situated north-east of the Hambantota of to-day.
Tissarama (see under “ “ Maha Vihara ”).
Upasika-Vihara, i.e. " Vihára of the Lay-Sisters,' was the residence first of Anulá and her companions and later of the Theri Samghamittá and other nuns. When it became too crowded, the nuns moved into the new Convent built for them, Hatthalhaka-Vihara (q.v.)

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Vessa-giri-Vihara, built in the place where 5oo Vessas (people of the third caste) dwelt after they had been ordained priests by Mahinda. It was situated near. Anuradhapura, south of Isurumuniya-Vihara.
Among the many other structures which Devanampiya-Tissa had had built in the name of religion were a building for the great Bo-tree, another refectory for monks, "buildings for repose by night and by day,' and a saliká house. (It was the custom, when food was given as a present to a monastery collectively, for that food to be distributed to the monks by tickets or orders called salaikai; and the building where the distribution took place was the salakagga, i.e. salaka-house).
Tissa-veva at Anuradhapura.
Devánampiya-Tissa also set up a stone-pillar on a spot which the Buddha was reputed to have visited aforetime when he came to Lanka, and which was later marked by the Ruvanveli-seya or Great Cetiya. And, apart from a number of bathing-tanks, he constructed, by the side of Issarasamaná-Vihára, the Tissaveva în order to promote the agricultural activities of the people in the southern part of his capital. This tank bears the same name to-day as it did when it was constructed in Devanampiya-Tissa's reign. The valley in which the tank was made was very shallow, and the design took a peculiar form in consequence. A straight bank was raised across the lower part of the ground for nearly three-quarters of a mile, running nearly north and south. From each end of this a long arm was carried in an up-stream direction, forming an obtuse angle with the central part, and being continued until ground was met with sufficiently high to prevent the escape of foods. The embankment was II,ooo feet or 2. miles in length, and about 25 feet high across the bed of the valley, which is flat for a long distance. The area of the tank was about 396 acres, but its capacity is unknown. The bank was a well made and substantial work, so much so that modern engineers declare that, . with a little attention, it "may last practically for ever.'

KING DEWANAMIPYA-TSSA 75
The Nandana Park, as being the place where Mahinda by his preaching had enlightened the people, was thenceforth called Sotivana, (i.e. "Grove of Light').
A NEW KINGOOM IN ROHANA
Devanampiya-Tissa's Queen Consort.
History has very little to tell us of Devánampiya-Tissa's own Queen, and that little not to her credit. The only occasion on which she figured publicly in the religious activities of her Royal husband was when, along with Maha-Naga's wife Anulá, she accompanied the King in his car to Missaka-mountain in order to' induce Mahinda to return to the capital just before the rain-season. We hear nothing of her till the closing years of DevanampiyaTissa's reign, and then she appears in a most sinister light.
She had a son-he was her only son-the Prince Royal. He was but a little boy as yet and she was anxious that, upon the death of the King who was now old and in feeble health, the boy should succeed him. The Prince Royal's boyhood was of course no bar to the throne: it did not take away what was his inherent right of birth, viz., the right to succeed his father. But the foolish woman probably imagined that the King's brother, Mahá-Nága, because he was the Sub-King and because he was a special favourite of Devanampiya-Tissa, would somehow supplant her son.
Whether as a fact it was this contingency she feared or some other-such as that, even if her son suuceeded to the throne, Mahá-Naga as Regent or guardian would still exercise supreme authority and so disappoint her own private ambitions, presuming that such existed-history does not make clear. - What is clear is that she hated Mahá-Nágá with an intensity that never abated, and she had long plotted in secret to remove him from her path, if necessary by murder.

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Attempt on the Sub-King's Life.
Her opportunity soon came. Mahá-Nága had gone into the country to supervise the work of constructing the tank called Taraccha (Valas-veva), and he had taken with him her little son, the Prince Royal. Whether it was the absence of her son or his association with the hated one, or both circumstances that precipitated the crisis or rather provoked her immediately to act, it is difficult to say. She sent the Sub-King a present of a dish of mangoes, and the ripest mango, into which she had somehow contrived to introduce a deadly poison, she placed uppermost.
But her plan miscarried in a terrible manner. The little Prince Royal happened to be by the side of Maha-Naga when the mango-dish reached him; and the boy, snatching at the topmost and ripest mango, ate it and died on the spot. Maha-Naga, seriously alarmed for his own life-for he knew that the poisoned mango was intended to encompass his death, not the boy's- returned hastily to Anuradhapura. The same day, taking all his belongings with him and accompanied by the women of his household as also by his own retainers and followers, he departed for Rohana, the Province in the South.
After his first wife Anulá had become a nun, Mahá-Naga had elevated another to the dignity of his Chief-Consort, and this Princess was great with child at the time of her and her husband's flight from Anuradhapura. While still on their journey, the Princess was seized with labour pains, and the Royal refugees took shelter under the hospitable roof of Yatthalaya-Vihara (lit. "temple of the sacrificer," the modern Yatagala-vihára, situated to the north-east of Point de Galle). Here a Prince was born, and he was named Yatthalaya-Tissa (after his birth-place and his uncle Devanampiya-Tissa).
Maha-Naga as First King of Rohana.
When they were again fit to resume the journey, they travelled till they reached Mahagama, north-east of the modern Hambantota, near the place where the ruins of the Tissamaharama lie

KING DEVANAMPYA-TSSA 77
on the left-bank of the Magama or Kirinde-river. (The village at the mouth of the river still bears the name Magama). Making Mahagama his capital, Maha-Naga ruled the surrounding countryside till in a short time the whole Province of Rohana acknowledged him as King.
The Tissa-veva in Rohana.
Mahá-Naga, whose experience of the construction of the Taraccha tank stood him in good stead, would appear to have put it to practical use in his own kingdom of Rohana. For he is said to have formed a tank called Tissa-vapi, at his capital Mahagama, not long after his assumption of the sovereignty of that Province.
This tank was made in a shallow valley about a mile and a half east of the Karindi-nadi (Kirindi Oya), which flowed past the capital. The town occupied the ground between the tank and the river, and extended for some distance lower down the valley, and also on the eastern side of the tank. The chief purpose of the work was the storage of water for the use of the city; it is
also not improbable that it served the irrigation of rice-fields as well.
The tank was formed by raising a straight bank about half way across the bed of the valley until it met a low ridge with two slight elevations on it. From that point it was deflected slightly up-stream, so as to follow this ridge and save earthwork. The embankment was about three-quarters of a mile long, and had a top which appears to have been always used as a cart-road, as at present, being from I5 to 20 feet wide, with the flat side-slopes that characterise many other early works. The area covered by the tank was 652 acres, and its capacity I6o million cubic feet.
Although the area from which water flows into the tank is very small, being only some five square miles, it is considerably larger than that of Pandukábhaya's tank, the Abhaya-veva, at Anuradhapura. The rainfall amounts to about 47 inches per annum. Maha Nága, or whoever else was the designer of the work,

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78 TE STORY OF THE SINALES) E
evidently gave this matter careful consideration, and decided that under such conditions it would be safe to allow a smaller margin than usual between the water-level and the crest of the bank; he fixed this at 5 feet, and his opinion has been justified by later Jxperience.
Sinhalese Engineering Skill.
At the restoration of Tissa-veva in 187I, as a great part of the top was found to be much worn away, the higher parts of the bank were cut down to the extent of three feet, and the depth of water retained was ten feet. After more than a quarter of a century, however, it was found necessary to raise the water level once more to what seems to have been the height originally fixed by the old Sinhalese engineers. This is a high mark of appreciation of . the excellence of the ancient Sinhalese designs, and their suitability under the conditions which control such works.
The tank was of such vital necessity to the city that, after experience had proved that it often remained unfilled during dry years, important measures were adopted in order to ensure its getting a better supply of water For this purpose a permanent stone dam-it was possibly the first one of the kind built in Ceylon - was erected across the Kirindi Oya, the river which flowed past the capital, at a distance of two and a half miles from the upper part of the tank A short shallow channel, with a bed about ten feet wide, was then opened from a point immediately above it in the river, up to a site whence the water conveyed by it could flow into the tank by gravitation, without further works beyond the closing of a hollow which led back to the river. The dam had a height of fifteen feet and was built of large roughly-hewn blocks of stone, few of which are less than a ton in weight while many are far more. They appear to have been set dry, or without being imbedded in any mortar.
The special point of interest in this dam is the astonishing fact that, instead of being taken across the river by the shortest possible line as one would expect, it was built at an oblique angle,

KING DEWANAMPIYA-TISSA 79
which was apparently about forty-five degrees from the direct line. This would appear to prove that the principle of the oblique dam, and of its greater discharging power than one built Square across a river-the knowledge of which was acquired in Europe only in comparatively recent years-was understood in Ceylon over two thousand years ago.
Buddhism in Rohana.
Mahā Naga was a just and pious King and his reign lasted several years, how many exactly it is difficult to say. He built a Vihára to which he gave his name, the Maha-Naga-Dagaba, also known as Naga-maha-Vihara. It is said to enshrine the right temple-bone of the Buddha, and still exists in the ruins of Mahagama. It fell into decay in the course of the centuries and was restored in recent times. In its present restored condition the diameter at the base is I64.5 feet. Above this there are three cylindrical platforms forming narrow steps round the dome, which is 86 feet high and the diameter of which is I4o.7 feet. The 'tee' is very wide and is 60 feet square. The base of the spire is 53.4 feet in diameter and I5 feet high. The spire tapers for 4I feet, being 45.8 feet in diameter at the bottom, and the gilt finial is II feet high. The total height of the digaba thus becomes I85.
Maha-Naga was also the founder of the vihira known as Uddhakandaraka-Vihara (Udukanduru-vehera). Moreover, it was he who built the Yatthala Dagaba (Yatagala), to mark the place where his son, Yatthala Tissa, was born. It was in ruins till recent times when its restoration was taken in hand. During the restoration, when the surrounding debris was first removed, there were found several articles of great interest which had been taken out of the relic-chamber by treasure-seekers and had evidently been thrown aside as valueless. They included, inter alia, two small moderately thick Purinas or silver coins of early Indian type; the greater part of an engraved carnelian gem which had been set in a signet ring; and four small relic-caskets or karanduvas cut from gems. Of the latter one was a chrysoberyl, another

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80 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
an amethyst or purple crystal, and the other two were of rock crystal. In the smallest of the relic-cases were found two flakes of gold in which the relics were enveloped, making small packages about the size of a grain of wheat, but the relics themselves had disappeared. The articles were all replaced in the new relic chamber of the restored dagaba,
The only other important circumstance in connection with Mahá-Naga of which there is any record is that, during his reign, the frontal bone relic of the Buddha was brought to Lanka. A wealthy man named Maha-kala was the first to do honour to the relic, and Maha-Naga, hearing of it, had it brought with great pomp into Mahâgama.
Maha-Naga's Family.
Mahá-Naga, by his first wife Anula (before the latter became a nun), had a daughter, the Princess Abhi Anuradhi, who, when grown up, married her uncle Prince Uttiya, i.e. Mahá Naga's younger brother, who succeeded Devanampiya Tissa on the throne of Anuradhapura.
Mahá Nága, at his death, was succeeded on the throne of Rohana by his grand-son Gothabhaya, whose father YatthálayaTissa had founded for himself a kingdom on the western coast, with his capital at the city of Kelaniya which he had built.
Death of Devanampiya-Tissa.
Devanampiya-Tissa ("Friend of the Gods") proved all his life to be a great friend of religion and the best friend of the Buddhist priesthood. " His whole life through he heaped up works of merit,' says our oldest chronicle, the Mahdivansa, which adds that, every year, at the end of the rain-season, he gave "lavish gifts, consisting of the needful utensils for a thousand bhikki us."
Devanampiya-Tissa, after a reign of 40 years, died in B.C. 267, and, since there was no son, the Prince Royal having predeceased him by an untimely death, he was succeeded by his younger brother, Prince Uttiya.

VIII. KING UTTYA,
(B.O. 267-B.O. 257.)
Death of Mahinda.
The death of Devanampiya-Tissa without issue enabled his younger brother, Prince Uttiya, to succeed him on the throne. Uttiya ruled only ten years, and, though he did nothing remarkable or noteworthy, his reign is rendered memorable by the death, which occurred during this period, of the two greatest Apostles of Buddhism in Lanka, viz. the Thera Mahinda and the latter's sister, the Therí Samghamittá.
Mahinda was now old, being in the 8oth year of his age and in the 6oth of his life as a priest. Born in B.C. 339, he had been ordained a monk when twenty years old, and had arrived in the Island in his 32nd year, i.e. in B.C. 307. Then, after founding Buddhism in Lanka and labouring in its cause during the 4o years of Devanampiya-Tissa's rule and 8 years of Uttiya's reign, his strenuous life came to a close. He had gone to the Cetiya-mountain to spend the rainy season, and there, in the Vihára built for him upon the mountain, he breathed his last in B.C. 259.
The King's sorrow was poignant. On hearing of the Thera's death, he proceeded at once to the Cetiya-mountain, and, after he had paid his last respects, he had the body laid in a golden chest sprinkled with fragrant oil. Then, after the chest had been firmly closed, he had it placed on a golden adorned bier, preparatory to its being brought into the City for cremation. Meanwhile the City as well as the highway from the foot of the mountain to the Eastern Gate were gaily decorated for the occasion, and a vast concourse of people from all parts of the country speedily gathered together upon the mountain slopes.
ವ್ಹಿ/7

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82 THE STORY OF THE SINHAL ESE
Escorted thus by the people in their thousands and by the Sinhalese Army, which had likewise been assembled in order to assist in the solemn obsequies, the coffin was brought in procession to the City through the Eastern Gate, and then taken out through the Southern Gate to the Maha Vihara. Here in the Panhambamalaka, gay with triumphal arches and pennons, with flowers and perfume-filled vases, the bier was placed, and during a whole week the place was visited by the entire country-side, each one bringing some kind of offering as a last tribute to the illustrious dead.
At the expiration of the week the cremation took place-the funeral pyre, which consisted entirely of sweet-smelling wood, being built up on a spot to the left of the Great Thdipa (i.e. the Ruvanveli-séya) of later times. Here, when the relics had been gathered together, the King built a cetiya, in a thipa of which were deposited a half of the relics, the place being named Isibhumangana ("Courtyard of the Sage') in honour of the dead Thera. It was to this spot that the bodies of eminent monks, dying within a radius of twenty-five miles from the City, were usually brought for cremation in later times. The other half of Mahinda's relics were distributed among the religious edifices of the Capital and neighbourhood, thipas being built over them both on the Cetiya-mountain and in the principal vihdras.
Death of Samghamitta.
In the ninth year of Uttiya's reign (B.C. 258), that is, in the year following her brother's death, Samghamittá herself passed to her last rest. She was 79 years old and had been 59 years a nun. Her death took place in the Hatthalhaka convent; for her also the King commanded supreme honours of burial a week through, and the whole of Lanka was adorned as for the Thera.
When the week was over, the body of the Theri was laid upon a bier and brought out of the City to a place east of the Thapárama and near the Cittasala ("Many-coloured Hall ') of later times. There, in sight of the great Bo-tree and on the spot which

KING . UTTIYA 83
Samghamittá herself had pointed out during her life-time, the cremation took place. And King Uttiya later built a thipa over the relics in honour of the Theri.
Uttiya, who had married his niece, the Princess Abhi Anuradhi (daughter of Mahá Naga and Anula), had a daughter who was given in marriage to Yatthalaya Tissa, the ruler at Kelaniya.
Queen Abhi Anuradhi was a pious woman and gave largely to religion. Among her many religious gifts was (as we learn from one of our oldest cave inscriptions), the dedication of a cave " for the community of the four quarters, present or future, at the Pasu Vihara,” i.e., the Pacinarama or “ Eastern Monastery.”
IX. KNG MAHA SIVA.
(B.C. 257-B.C. 247)
Upon Uttiya's death without issue, his younger brother, Maha Siva succeeded him on the throne and ruled the country for ten years.
Of him history tells us no more than that he showed special favour to the Thera Bhaddasala, one of the five monks who had accompanied Mahinda to Lanka from Jambudipa, and that he built for this Thera, in the eastern quarter of the City of Anuradhapura, a stately vihara named Nagarangana.
Maha Siva was succeeded by his younger brother Suvannapinda-Tissa.

Page 54
X. KING SURA TISSA,
(B.O. 247-B.O. 237.)
Suvannapinda-Tissa, upon his accession to the throne, took the name of Sura Tissa, and he administered the government for ten,years.
Even before his accession he had shown special devotion to the cause of religion, and the following vihdiras among many others are attributed to him, the construction of which took place either before or during the course of his reign :-
(Ι)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
Nagaranga Vihara, in the southern quarter of the
City.
Hatthikkhandha Vihara (Et-kanda) ) ;
in the eastern quarter of the
City. Gonnagirika Vihara (Gona-gala)
Pacina-pabbata Vihara (Negena-hiri-pav), on the
Vanguttara mountain.
Kolambahalaka Vihara, not far from the North gate of Anuradhapura and near Raheraka (Rehera-amuna).
Makulaka Vihara (Lankáráma), at the foot of Arittha
mountain (Riti-gala).
Acchagallaka Vihara (Valas-gala), to the east of
Anuradhapura, near Dahegallaka.
Girinelavahanaka Vihara (Girinilpanákada), to the
north of Kandanagara.
84

KING SURA TISSA 85
The First Tamil Invasion. (B.C. 237)
The first Tamil invasion took place in this reign, and was followed by the seizure of the throne of Lanka by the first Tamil or Dravidian King.
From the time of Pandukabhaya, intercourse between Lanka and the neighbouring continent of Jambudipa had steadily increased, with the result that before many years had elapsed the relations between the two countries had become of the friendliest possible character. Thousands of people had come to settle down in what proved to be an hospitable soil, and a brisk trade had been established.
Among the crowd of foreigners who at this time had come to Lanka upon business or for purposes of trade, were two Tamil brothers, Sena and Guttaka, sons of a horse-dealer. These two, wealthier and more resourceful than the rest, finding that the Island was not very difficult of conquest, gathered together a formidable Tamil army in India, and, arriving in Lanka at the head of their host, marched upon Anuradhapura. The Sinhalese were utterly unprepared for resistance. Taken by surprise they tamely capitulated, and King Surá Tissa was deposed.
Sena and Guttaka thereupon assumed the government of the country.

Page 55
XI. & XII. KING SENA & KING GUTTAKA. (B.O. 237-B.O. 216).
Sena and Guttaka, who ruled the country conjointly for 22 years, proved to be able and just rulers. But Asela, the ninth son of Mutasiva and younger brother of Sira Tissa, had all the while been making secret preparations to oust the Tamil usurpers. At length, when his Sinhalese army was complete, he marched upon the capital and defeated the two Tamil rulers. Sena and Guttaka were either slain or driven out of the country, and Asela ascended the throne of his fathers.
XII. KING ASELA.
(B.O. 215-B.C. 205)
Asela ruled the country for ten years only, when there was a second Tamil invasion. This time the Tamil host were led by Elara, a Tamil from Chola (Soli) in Southern India, who, landing at Mahavatutota (the modern Mantota), marched upon Anuradhapura. Asela was defeated and slain, and once again the Sinhalese throne passed temporarily into the possession of a Tamil ruler.

XIV. KING ELARA.
(B.O. 205-B.C. 161.)
Stories of the King's Justice and Compassion.
Though a Tamil, Elara proved to be one of the ablest and the justest rulers of Lanka in ancient times. He not merely tolerated Buddhism but was one of its best friends, thus imitating the example of his Sinhalese predecessors, and so securing for himself a measure of popularity among the Sinhalese never before or afterwards excelled or even equalled by any other Tamil ruler of this country.
Elára is described as having been a man of upright dispositionOf all his characteristics, however, that by which he is best remembered and upon which his reputation stands highest was his sense of justice. "With even justice toward friend and foe 'he governed the people for 44 years, and legend has it that on one occasion he even slew his own son for killing a little calf.
Story of the Bell and the Cow.
We are told that at the head of his bed Elara had a bell hung up with a long rope, so that any one might ring it who desired a judgment at law or had a grievance. to be redressed. The King had only one son and one daughter, and, when one day the Prince was going in a chariot to the Tissa-tank, he killed accidentally. a young calf lying on the road with the mother cow by driving the wheel over its neck "The cow came and dragged at the bell in bitterness of heart' continues the legend; but whether the bell was rung by the cow, or, as is more likely, by someone who had seen or heard of the accident, Elara is said to have caused his son's head to be severed from his body with the same chariot-wheel
which had caused the young calf's death.
Story of the Snake and the Bird. On another occasion, it is related, a snake had devoured the young of a bird upon a palm-tree. The bell was rung in due course, and Elára is stated to have caused the snake to be brought
87

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88 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
to him and, when its body had been cut open and the young bird taken out of it, to have ordered it (the snake) to be hung up upon the tree. The two stories may or may not be true, but they are intended chiefly to illustrate the King's strict sense of justice and his compassion towards the suffering, not merely among men but even among dumb creation.
Story of the Damaged Thupa.
Yet another story shows the King in a new light, and illustrates how scrupulously he respected the religion professed by the people whom he ruled. Riding in his State-chariot one day, he was going to the Cetiya mountain to invite the monks of the place to an almsgiving, when an accident occurred and the point of the yoke on the waggon came in violent contact with the side of a thtipa standing by the roadside, dislodging fifteen bricks or stones from the basement of the structure. "King, the thipa has been injured by thee' said the Ministers who were in attendance on him, and Elara, leaping from his car, flung himself down upon the road with the words: "Sever my head also (from the trunk) with the wheel." The Ministers replied that Buddhism forbade injury to another, and counselled him to make his peace with the bhikkhus by restoring the thipa. To such good purpose did Elára follow their advice that he spent fifteen thousand kahdipanas (copper coins) in repairing the thipa and replacing the fifteen damaged stones.
Story of the Old Woman and the Rice.
Again, on another occasion, an old woman had spread out some rice to dry it in the sun. The heavens, pouring down rain at an unwonted season, made her rice damp. She took the rice and went and dragged at the bell. When he heard about the rain at an unwonted season, Elara dismissed the woman, and, in order to decide her case, he underwent a fast, thinking: "A King who observes justice surely obtains rain in due season.' The legend goes on to declare that thenceforth the heavens rained no more during the day throughout his realm; only by night did the heavens give rain once every week, in the middle watch of the night, and even the little cisterns everywhere were full of water.

89
KING ELARA
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90 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
THE ROHANA AND KELANYA DYNASTES.
It will be remembered that in the reign of DevánampiyaTissa, Prince Maha Naga, his brother, had fled from Anuradhapura and had founded a kingdom in Rohana with his capital at Mahâgama.
During Maha Naga's reign, which lasted many years, his son Prince Yatthalaya-Tissa would appear to have made his way to the Western coast, and, founding a kingdom there, to have ruled that part of the country with his capital at Kelaniya. Yatthálaya-Tissa is also reputed to have built Kelaniya Vihara, and by its side a magnificent palace which served as his residence. The Kelaniya Dagaba marks the site where the Buddha is said to have been feasted by Mániakkhika, the Naga King of Kelaniya. Yatthálaya married the daughter of King Uttiya of Anuradhapura and had three sons, the Princes Gothabhaya, Tissa and Ayya Uttika.
Of these Tissa (Kelani Tissa) succeeded him at Kelaniya, but his second son Gothabhaya would seem to have gone to Rohana, and, upon his grand-father Maha Naga's death, to have succeeded the latter at Mahágama as the second King of the Rohana Dynasty.
On the death of Gothabhaya his son Kakavanna Tissa (Kavan Tissa) succeeded him on the throne of Mahāgama. The contemporary ruler at Kelaniya was Kelani Tissa and these twoKakavanna Tissa and Kelani Tissa, nephew and uncle respectively -paid annual tribute to Elára, King of Anuradhapura, whom they thus acknowledged as the Overlord of all Lanka.
The story of the still closer union of these two Royal Sinhalese families of Mahágama and Kelaniya must now be told, in order to explain how the Sinhalese came to reassert themselves in the country and eventually to throw off the Tamil yoke against which the spirit of the whole nation rebelled, even though Elara was known to be a just and humane ruler,

KING ELARA 9.
King Kelani Tissa of Kelaniya.
Kelani Tissa had a Queen who was a licentious woman. She was in terms of improper intimacy with the King's younger brother, Prince Ayya-Uttika. The King, apprised of the fact or rather suspecting the truth, resolved publicly to disgrace his brother. Accordingly, first summoning to his presence a Rodiya (a man of the lowest caste), he instructed the latter how to answer a certain question when publicly interrogated before an assembly of Ministers the next day, and dismissed the man upon his agreeing to carry out the Royal behest.
On the following day, before an assembly composed of the King's Ministers and retinue, Prince Ayya-Uttika himself being present, the Rodiya was brought and the King asked him: "Tell me, thou base-born one, is there anybody who can be of lower caste than thou?' And the Rodiya replied, as instructed: "Yes, Your Majesty. A younger brother who lives in the same house with the elder brother is of lower caste than I am.' Ayya-Uttika realised that his secret had been discovered. Filled with shame at the Rodiya's words and dreading the wrath of the King, he fied from Kelaniya with all haste, and remained concealed in the village of Udu-gampola (not far from the modern Henaratgoda)
From his place of concealment Ayya-Uttika was anxious to correspond with the 9ueen, but it was by no means an easy thing to do. The Queen herself, being suspect, was more or less under watch, and the venture was attended with danger. In his desperation, Ayya-Uttika resolved upon a bold undertaking. Getting one of his attendants to shave off the hair of his head, like a monk, and to wear the yellow robe of a priest, he handed the man a letter, written on ola, and instructed him thus :
"Take this letter and go to the Kelaniya-Vihára. When the Elder of the Vihira with his fellow-monks proceed, as they usually do, to the Alms-hall of the Palace for their forenoon-repast, go thou in their midst, take a back seat, and eat. The King and Queen will at the appointed hour come to the Hall for the distribution of food; and, when the meal is over, it is usual for them to go seven

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92 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
paces outside the Hall for the purpose of escorting the Elder when he departs after his repast. Do thou then find a convenient opportunity for dropping this letter near the Queen.' With these instructions the Prince sent the man away.
Murder of the High Priest of Kelaniya Vihara.
The man did as he was directed, and when the Queen passed by him he dropped the letter in Iront of her. As the Queen stooped to pick it up, the Kung, who was in front and whose attentor had been attracted by the sound of the fall of the letter behind him, turned back, and, seeing the missive in the Queen's hand, snatched it from her and read it through. The letter confirmed his worst suspicions of her, but he was for a few minutes puzzled by the hand-writing, which he identified as that of the Elder's.
Blinded by uncontrollable anger, he hastily assumed that the High Priest was the culprit who had written the letter and he there and then ordered that the Elder should forthwith be put into a cauldron of oil and boiled, and the copse thrown into the sea. No one dared disobey, and the fell deed was done in a few hours, the Elder's dead body being cast into the sea along with the corpses of tne Queen and the letter-bearer, both of whom had instantly been executed. The Elder was, of course, entirely innocent of blame. Prince Ayya-Uttika, as a boy, had been his pupil, learning to read and write Sinhalese under his tutelage, and the pupil had naturally imitated his teacher's hand-writing. The King, in his blind rage, had not stopped to reflect, with the result that a toul murder was committed. The event evoked profound indignation throughout the country, and the King himself, when he learnt of the Hight Priest's innocence, was stricken with deep but unavailing remorse.
A few days later the sea rose in mighty flood and devastated a great part of the land; and popular feeling, connecting the calamity with the murder of the innocent Elder, attributed the visitation to the wrath of the Gods, in particular of the God of the Sea,

KING ELARA 93
for it was into the sea that the Elder's corpse had been thrown And the people clamoured at the Palace gates, that the King should forthwith make a suitable offering to the Sea-God in order to placate the latter's wrath and so save the country from further destruction.
Sacrifice of the Princess Devi.
The King was constrained to obey, and he decided to offer his young daughter, the beautiful Princess Devi, as a sacrifice to the angry god. He ordered her to wash her hair, to take a bath, to dress herself in a silken cloth which had never before been used, and to put on her jewels. He then had a boat brought and had it gaily decorated; and commanding the Princess to take her place inside, covered it up and fastened above it an inscription which read : " Dévi, the daughter of King Kelani Tissa, given as an offering to the Sea." Then he sent the boat out to sea.
But the foods did not abate, and the tales of distress of whole families homeless and fleeing from the approach of the waters continued hourly to increase. The King made up his mind to visit the scene of destruction himself. Mounting his State-Elephant and followed by his retinue, he rode out in the direction of the modern Wattala, till he reached a place almost midway between Wattala and the Her dala of to-day. There, as the result of an earthquake or some other natural cause, the earth suddenly gaped open iust beneath the elephant's teet, and King and elephant were swallowed up in the pit over which the turbulent waters soon flowed rapidly on.
The King's body was never recovered. He and his elephant disappeared without leaving a trace, and his death marked the end of the Kelaniya kingdom. When the floods eventually subsided, the place where the King disappeared from view was indicated by a huge hole or chasm which was afterwards filled up. A village sprang up on the spot in later times, bearing the significant name of Etu-bun-wala ("Hole where the elephant was swallowed up"),

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and by this name the place is still known to-day, over 2000 years later. The overflow of the sea on this occasion would appear to have submerged several hundred villages and hamlets lying on the western coast. The only old seaport town which escaped on this coast is said to be Katupiti Madampe.
King Kavan Tissa of Mahagama.
Meanwhile the boat with Princess Devi in it sped swiftly along, being driven by the wind southwards till it neared the coast of Mahagama, the capital of Kavan Tissa's kingdom of Rohana. Fishermen who supplied this King with fish happened to be out at sea at the time, and seeing the gaily-decorated boat with its solitary occupant-a maiden of rare beauty whom they took for some unearthly being-they rowed back in haste to the shore and went and informed the King at once of what they had seen.
Kávan Tissa summoned his retainers and proceeded to the shore immediately, and there he gave directions to the fishermen that they should bring to land the boat, which could be seen tossing on the sea a little distance away. This was done without delay, and Kavan Tissa, when he read the inscription, knew that this was a King's daughter. He helped her to land, and, after welcoming her cordially, led her in procession to Mahagama, his capital. Shortly afterwards he made her his Queen. Since the spot where Dévi landed was close to the monastery known as Lanka Vihara, she is known in history by the name of Vihara-Devi.
Spread of Buddhism in Rohana.
Kavan Tissa, as a devout Buddhist, proved to be a great patron of that religion. and in this he was greatly assisted by Vihára Dévi, whose devotion in its cause excelled even that of her husband.

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The two did much to spread and establish this faith in the Rohana kingdom, and numerous were the Vihiras they founded and endowed. Of these the most important were the following:-
1, Akasa-cetiya (A has-seya) situated on a rock near the Situlpav Vihâra (q.v.), 2, Bisovalu, 3, Dematahal, 4. Dora, 5. Gamitthavali, 6, Giriuturuvara, 7. Kalumuhudu, 8. Kotagala, 9. Kutali, 10. Luterahalpav, 11. Mahagam - tota, 12. Niyangam, 13. Patungalu, 14. Ratkarav, 15. Sandagiri, 16. Seruvila Dagaba, 17. Silapassaya Parivena, 18. Situlpav Vihara (Cittala-pabbata), I5 miles N.E. of Tissamaha Vihara (q.v.), near the modern Katagamuva and 19 Tissamaha Vihara (Tissáráma. Tissamahirima), on the left bank of the Magama river,
The Royal pair did not rest content with merely building religious edifices. They endowed them generously, and, apart from other services, made lavish gifts daily to the priesthood. Vihára Dévi specially distinguished herself in this respect, her ministrations benefiting principally the monks of the Tissamaharama, who took their midday meal regularly at the Royal Palace and to whom she frequently gave gifts of sweet perfumes, flowers, medicines and clothing.
Birth of Dutugemunu and Tissa.
In time the 9ueen became great with child, and she was seized with those curious and intense longings or desires which not infrequently come to women in that condition. Her cravings were extraordinary. First, runs the legend, she desired to lie on a magnificent bed and have a huge honeycomb, the honey whereof she should distribute to a large number of priests and should enjoy the remainder herself. Secondly, she longed to drink the water that had served to cleanse the sword with which the head of King Elára's first warrior had been struck off, and to drink it standing on this very head; and, thirdly, she desired to adorn herself with garlands of unfaded lotus-blossoms brought from the lotus-marshes of Anurádhapura,

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Story of the Giant Honeycomb. . .
The Queen communicated her longings to the King who, in turn, consulted the Court Soothsayers as to what they meant or portended. The Astrologers, after due reflection, declared from the nature of the cravings that they foretokened the birth of a noble son who would in time war with and vanquish the Tamils, and who, after making of Lanka one United Kingdom, would add lustre to the cause of Religion. Pleased on the one hand by what the Soothsayers had to say, and anxious on the other to satisfy the Queen's wishes, the King had proclamation made instantly that whoever should point out such a giant honeycomb would be handsomely rewarded.
The two sons of a blind cripple, hearing of the proclamation, determined to earn the Royal reward. Going forth to make diligent search one of them discovered in a wood a hollow bamboo filled with honeycomb. The other, however, was more fortunate. He found a boat, entirely filled with honey, lying overturned at a certain place, not far from the sea, in a kadamba thicket. Information of the find was at once sent to Kåvan Tissa, who, bringing Vihara Dévi with him, visited the spot. There in a beautiful pavilion, which he had had constructed quickly, he gave the honey to the Queen who ate it in the manner she wished. Thenceforth the place where the honeycomb was discovered was named Migamuva (" Village of the honeycomb'), and as such it is still known to-day among the Sinhalese. It is the modern Negombo.
Welusumana and Nanda-Sarathi.
To satisfy the two remaining longings of the Queen, Velusumana, King Kávan Tissa's chief warrior, undertook the journey to Anuradhapura. There, concealing his identity, he became friendly with the groom or keeper of King Elara's State-horse, rendering him numerous little services till he had gained his complete confidence. Then, one day, making up his mind to bring his mission to a close, Velusumana went out early in the morning, and after

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gathering lotus flowers from the lotus marshes of the Capital, he brought these to the bank of the Kadamba-river (modern Malvatte-Oya). Leaving the flowers as well as his own trusty sword there in a suitable spot on the river bank he returned to the Royal Stables. Finding the groom away he led the State-horse (its name was Waha) out and mounted it. Then, publicly making himself known, he rode swiftly to the river bank and, taking the lotus flowers and sword in hand, he dashed forth in the direction gif the Southern Gate of Anuradhapura.
The news of Velusumana's exploit was at once communicated to King Elara, who forthwith ordered Nanda-Sarathi, his chief warrior, to nount the next best horse in the Royal stables and to pursue the impudent Sinhalese who had dared thus to beard the Tamil “ lion ” in his very “ den.” Nanda-Sárathi was quick to obey. Leaping on the back of a horse named Sirigutta, second only to Vaha in speed, he set off in pursuit. Velusumana, the moment he found himself clear of the city, concealed himself in a small thicket, just where the road passed through a narrow belt of thin jungle, and there he remained sword in hand, waiting for the pursuer who he knew was coming hard in his wake.
The cloud of dust which Velusumana had raised as he careered along had scarcely cleared when Nanda-Sarathi came swiftly along; and as he just neared the thicket, Velusunnana, from his hiding place, sitting on his horse's back, held Cut his Sword. Nanda-Sarathi was literally cut in two, and his horse dashed along for some distance with a headless rider, Velusumana then alighted, and, cutting off the head of the Tamil warrior, brought it along with the sword in due course to Mahagama. On the way Nanda-Sarathi's horse Sirigutta was captured, and Velusumana led this animal along with him as he rode into the capital. Thus were the Queen's longings completely satisfied, ald rich and many were the gifts showered by Kavan Tissa upon his brave warriot for the service he thus rendered. メ

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Birth and Childhood of Princes Dutugemunu and Tissa.
In due time Queen Vihara Dévi bore a loble son, endowed with all the auspicious marks which, according to Eastern belief, signify or indicate an exceptionally fortunate or illustrious being destined to achieve greatness or fame in life. And popular superstition attributed special significance to two events which occurred on the day of the Prince's birth. A ship filled with vessels of gold and other precious merchandise was reported to have drifted to. or been wrecked on the coast near Mahagama. And a Chaddanta she-elephant, of noblest breed, brought forth a young elephant in a grove of kadol trees near the capital and went her way. A fisherman named Kandula saw the little baby-elephant standing in the jungle on the shore opposite the watering-place, and he straightway told the King about it. The King sent his elephanttrainer to bring the young elephant, and he reared the little thing, naming it Kandula, as it had been found by the fisherman Kandula.
In due time again was held, according to a custom still observed by the Sinhalese, what is known as the Name-giving Festival, at which the young Prince ceremoniously received the name of Gamani-Abhaya, contracted later into Gamani or Gemunu. Two years after Gemunu's birth, Vihára Dévi had another son who was named Tissa. Both boys were brought up with the utmost care and solicitude, the parents observing every one of the many ceremonies customarily held by the Sinhalese to mark the various stages in the early life of their children. For instance, the Batkavana Mangalya (" Rice-feeding Feast') was held-a festival to celebrate the day on which the two boys ate their first meal of rice out of a golden spoon-and the occasion was marked, among other things, by a great almsgiving to the priests.
Vihara Dévi would appear to have given birth to a daughter as well, the Princess Somadevi, who, when she came of age, was given in marriage to a Prince named Abhaya, who was ruler or governor of the Giri district. The Dhsiuvansa tells us that Abhaya built a dagaba in his part of the hill region and called it the

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Somavati Dagaba, after his wife Somadévi. Its site is unknown. The old chronicler does not mention its size, but he states that it had the usual three basal platforms and was hemispherical in shape.
The Princes and the Oaths.
When the two Princes were twelve and ten years old respectively, the King held another alms-giving, and a goodly number of monks assembled at the Palace. When they had finished their meal, the King had a little of the rice remaining over placed in a dish and set before the boys, who were then asked each to eat a handful in token of a vow to the following effect :-" Never in all our lives will we turn away from the bhikkhus, the guardian-spirits of our house.' Alms-rice such as this was held to be a very sacred thing, and the Princes, in solemnly uttering the words, ratified as it were the oath by eating each a handful of the rice. In similar manner the Princes were requested to swear again : " We two brothers will for ever be without enmity one toward the otar,' and right gladly they took the vow.
But, we are told, when the Princes were once again for the third time, asked to swear : " Never will we fight with the Tamils,' they both promptly and indignantly declined. Tissa is related to have dashed the food away with his hand; and Gemunu, likewise flinging away his handful of rice, went forthwith to his room, and, drawing in his hands and feet, he lay upon his bed. Vihara Dévi, the Queenmother, followed Gemunu to his room, and, seeing him huddled up in his bed, caressed him fondly and asked.
'Why dost thou not lie easily upon thy bed, with limbs outstretched, my son ?'
"Mother, you ask me a difficult thing,' was Gemunu's answer. "Over there, beyond the Mahaveli-ganga, are the Tamils, and here on this side is the shallow sea: How then can I lie with outstretched limbs P'

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The Queen went away without another word and related the incident to the King. Kavan Tissa brooded over his son's words and could not help being pleased-though he took care to conceal his pleasure-at the thought of having so martial a son, who gave such early indication of his desire (with which he, the King, secretly sympathised) to fight the hated Tamil oppressor then supreme in the land.
Education and Training of the Princes. -
During the next four years the King and Queen interested themselves specially in the education of the two Princes, and in training them in martial exercises so as to fit them for evertual kingly rule. Kavan Tissa realised that the expulsion of the Tamils was a task beyond his strength and not possible in his life-time. He was getting on in years, and his army was still too weak to permit of his successfully undertaking the responsibility. But ne could help towards that end, and he resolved to make all recessary preparations so that, when the time was propitious, Prince Gemunu, his son, might, with a force strong and adequately equipped, drive out the Tamil invader from the land and establish undisputed Sinhalese sovereignty throughout the whole of Lanka.
When Gemunu was sixteen years old, his father provided him with a separate establishment, and in a very short time there gathered round him that famous band of Sinhalese warriors-the ten Paladins or Giants-whose renown for strength, valour and
daring excelled even that of Prince Gemunu, and whose names,
among the most glorious in Ceylon History, are still to-day over 20oo years later, household words among the Sinhalese throughout the length and breadth of Lanka. The story of how these warriors came to be selected originally for service under Prince Gemunu is of extraordinary interest and will be found below.

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THE TEN SINHALESE PALADINS.
1. Nandhimitta.
First of all there was Nandhimitta. Even as a child he was remarkable for his extraordinary strength. He was a nephew (sister's son) of Mitta, a Sinhalese General in King Elara's army, and lived in his uncle's nindagama of Kadaroda(Pali, Khandaraji), a village south of the city of Anuradhapura and lying near the Citta-mountain. At birth he was named Mitta after his uncle, but soon received another name as the result of the following incident :
His mother, when leaving the house to go to the well to fetch water, used to bind the boy fast with a rope or leathern thong slung about his body, the other end of the strap being securely fastened to a great grinding-stone in the kitchen, in order to prevent the child from straying outside. One day, when the mother was away, the boy, creeping about on the ground, dragged the heavy stone after him, and in crossing over the threshold broke the rope asunder. Thenceforth he was called Nandhi-Mitta (" Mitta of the rope or leathern thong').
When he was grown up Nandhimitta used to go daily to the ity (Anuradhapura), where he served under his uncle, and was accustomed, before returning home in the evening, to offer flowers and light some lamps at the sacred Bo-tree and the Thaparama. Elara's Tamil subjects, however, who were numerous in the city and who did not share, at least to the same extet.t, his spirit of tolerance and benevolence towards Buddhism, desecrated at that time thipas and other memorials sacred to that religion. And Nandhimitta's offerings, along with those of others, were regularly found thrown aside, trampled or otherwise irreverently treated. Nandhimitta, incensed beyond words, resolved to kill as many Tamils as he could.

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With this grim determination he strode into Anuradhapura every night, and many were the victims on whom he employed his fierce strength and slew. Each died a fearful death, for Nandhimitta tore asunder every Tamil whom he met, treading one leg down with his foot while he grasped the other with his hand, and then he would cast the mangled remains out over the city walls. The resulting steady diminution in the ranks of the Tamil warriors soon alarmed the Ministers who made prompt and vehement representations to the King. "Take him with his prey' commanded Elara, and a close watch was set in order to capture alive this "scourge of the Tamils.' Nandhimitta was detected flagrante . delicto, literally "red-handed,' but they were unable to seize him. Killing several of his would-be captors and scattering the rest in precipitate flight, he returned to his village.
There he reflected in this wise: " It is impossible for me to kill all the Tamils of this place. Even if I do so, it is but the destruction of men and brings not glory to the religion. In Rohana there are still Princes who have faith in Buddhism. There will I serve the King, and when I have helped the Princes to overcome all the Tamils and to secure for them the Overlordship of Lanka, I shall make the doctrine of the Buddha to shine forth brightly.' Accordingly, fired with this new resolve, Nandhimitta left Kadaroda, and, journeying night and day, arrived at Mahagama. He betook himself at once to Prince Gemunu and sought service under him. Gemunu, after consulting his mother Queen Vihara Dévi, received him with pleasure. Thenceforth, with high honours and presents, Nandhimitta continued to dwell with the Prince.
II. Suranimila.
At that time, under King Kavan Tissa's orders, a strong guard was kept continually at all the fords of the Mahaveli-ganga in order to hold the Tamils in check And the guard near the Kacchaka ford (Kasa-tota) was given in charge of Prince Dighabhaya, a son of the King by a lesser wife. To form the guard this Prince

KING ELARA IO3
commanded each noble family within a distance of two yojanas round to send at least one son thither. Within the district of Kotthivala (Kotavadanavva), in the village of Khandaka-vitthika (Kadavitiya; Raj. Godigamuva) lived the chief of a clan, the Headman named Samgha, who had seven sons. To him, too, Prince Dighabhaya sent a messenger, demanding a son.
Now, of Samgha's seven sons, the youngest was Nimila, a giant in body as well as in strength, but he was prone to idleness. And when the Prince's summons came, the six brothers were all of the opinion that Nimila, the idler of the family, should be sert to join the guard. Not so, however, thought Samgha and his wife, whose pet son was the youngest. But Nimila, angered by the taunts of his brothers, resolved to go; and his parents, unable to dissuade him, reluctantly agreed. Accordingly, Nimila rose up early in the morning of the day following the receipt of the Prince's message, ate "cold-rice' from the hand of his mother -(thousands of Sinhalese mothers to this day feed their grownup and bearded sons)-took up his wallet, put into it a quarter of a measure of rice, took leave of his parents, and departed for Kasâtota (Kacchaka-ford).
Now Kasatota was three yojanas, or nearly some thirty miles, distant from Khandaka-vitthika (Godigamuva), and so fleetfooted was Nimila that he is said to have covered the distance in something like three hours. For he would appear to have presented himself before Prince Dighabhaya at sunrise, "at the time when the Prince was eating rice after he had bathed, that is to say, at the seventh hour after day dawn,' or about 7 a.m. Dighabhaya asked him at what time he had started from home, and was told he had started early the same morning. The Prince could scarcely believe so extraordinary a story, but resolved at once to put him to a practical test. After giving Nimila a meal of cold-rice, the Prince handed him a letter and addressed him thus:
"Near the Cetiya mountain, east of Anuradhapura, in the village of Dvaramandala (Doramadala; Raj. Demitigama), is a Brahman named Kundali, my friend. In his possession is

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merchandise from overseas. Go thou to him with this letter and bring hither the merchandise that he gives thee.' Nimila, taking the letter, started on his errand about 8 a.m., and yet in the forenoon, he reached the house of the Brahman, having covered within that short time a distance much greater than that which he had accomplished early that same morning when starting from his house. The Brahman, on reading the letter, was amazed at the wonderful fleet-footedness of the man, and himself put Nimila to a further test.
"My friend,' he said to the giant, "after so tiring a journey, there is nothing like a bath in the Tissa-veva to refresh yourself. Go then to Anuradhapura, which is about eight miles from this place, and, after bathing in the Tissa tank, return hither. Meanwhile I will prepare some rice and curry for you to eat on your return.' Nimila set out again with alacrity, for he had never seen Anuradhapura before. He bathed in the Tissa-veva, and, after doing reverence to the sacred Bo-tree and the cetiya in the Thuparama, he went in to the City. When he had then seen the whole City and had bought perfumes in the bazaar, had gone forth again by the North Gate, and had plucked lotus-blossoms from a lotusfield, he returned to the Brahman in time for the midday meal.
When the Brahman heard of his wanderings in and out of the City and thought of his wonderful march earlier in the day, his amazement knew no bounds. ' This is a man of noble race,' he reflected. "If Elara hears of him, he will get him into his power. Therefore must he not dwell near the Tamils; he must rather take up his abode with the Prince's father, Kávan Tissa.' To this effect he wrote a letter, and, handing it to Nimila together with rich gifts and presents, bade him return to Prince Dighabhaya. Nimila, after breakfast, started on his return journey, and, before dusk the same day, he was back at Kasatota.
The Prince was delighted beyond measure. He commanded that a thousand gold masu (pieces of money) be given to Nimila as a token of his appreciation. This made the Prince's own servitors grow envious, whereupon Dighabhaya ordered that, not one

KING ELARA IO5
thousand, but ten thousand pieces of money should be given to Nimila. And feeling as if he had not done enough, he gave a number of other directions. Accordingly, the Prince's servants led Nimila away, cut his hair, bathed him in the river, clothed him in a pair of precious Punnavaddhana garments, then put on him a beautiful fragrant wreath, wound a silken turban about his head, and led him back to the Prince's presence.
Thereupon Dighabhaya commanded that food from his own stores be given to Nimila, and also bade them give as a gift his own richly ornamented and costly bed to serve as a couch for the giant. Then addressing Nimila the Prince said: "Take all these things with you and go to your village. Tell your parents and come tomorrow prepared to go to Mahagama in Rohana, there to serve under my father the King.' Nimila gathered together his presents and gifts, and promptly set out for home which (the legend continues) he reached before bed-time. When his elder orothers saw him, they were loud in their anger. "This rascal has not gone to Kasatota after all, but has come back after going only a part of the way,' said they ; but the parents chid them and bade them be silent.
Nimila then related the day's doings and ended his narrative by presenting the Prince's bed to Samgha his father, and handed the ten thousand pieces of money to his mother. After that, he sought and received his parents' permission to leave home and take service under King Kavan Tissa Early next morning, after a meal of rice and curry and with his parents' blessing, he left home and without delay appeared before Prince Dighabhaya. The Prince gave him a letter, in which he spoke highly of Nimila's great strength and other accomplishments, and directed him to proceed straight to the King at Mahagama. King Kavan Tissa, on perusing the letter, was greatly pleased, and, after loading Ninila with honours and rich presents, bade him serve under Prince Gemunu. The giant's extraordinary drinking powers won for him later the nick-name of Suranimila (Sura meaning "spirituous liquor.")

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III. Mahasona.
In the village of Hundarivapi (Hundari-veva), in the district of Kulumbari, lived a man named Tissa who had a family of eight sons, the youngest of whom was named Sona. Because of his size and immense strength, he was called Maha-Sona. Some idea of how great was his strength may be formed from the fact that, even as a seven-year old boy, he used to tear up young palms. and that when ten years old the tearing or rooting up of great palmtrees was no very difficult matter to him. The existence of such a prodigy soon came to the ears of King Kavan Tissa, who, sending for the young giant, gave him into the service of Prince Gemunu.
V. Gothaimbara.
Ir the village of Nitthulavitthika (Niselvitiya), in the district of Giri, lived a man named Maha Naga who had seven sons. Of these the youngest, because of his dwarfish stature, was named Gothaka. But the dwarf made up in strength for what he lacked in size. The story runs that once, his six brothers went forth to clear the forest to lay out a bean-field. They laboured throughout the day and cleared a portion: then leaving Gothaka's share, they came and asked him to go and do his 'bit.' Forthwith Gothaka strode out, and, when he had torn up the imbara trees which grew thick on his patch, and had levelled the ground, he came back and reported the completion of his share of the work.
The brothers could scarcely believe him; but, when they went and saw for themselves the amazing work Gothaka had performed single-handed, they were unstinting in their praises. Thenceforth was the strong dwarf named Gotha-imbara. Many are the other similar stories told to illustrate Gothaimbara's strength and dexterity, not the least interesting of which relates to the manner in which he subdued a Yakkha named Jayasena and then went among the monks, as narrated fully in a Pali work entitled the Rasavāhin.

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V. Theraputtabhaya.
Gothabhaya was the name given at birth to the son of Rohana, a Headman in the village of Kitti (Kittigama) near the Kota mountain (Kotagala), but it was soon changed to another and in this wise. Rohana, the Headman, was a supporter of the Thera Mahasumma who dwelt in the Kotapabbata Vihara (Kotagal, Vihara), and one day, after hearing a religious discourse expounded by the latter, made up his mind to give up the lay life and to become a monk. He mentioned his desire to the King and in due time, after he had given over the headship of his house to his son, Rohana was ordained a priest by Mahásumma. Therefore his son was called Thera-puttabhaya (i e. “ Abhaya, the sol of the Thera.”)
Now Theraputtabhaya was another prodigy in strength. From the Rasavahini it would appear that he was stronger even than Gothaimbara. Legend has it that at the age of ten to twelve years the boy was so strong that in his play he threw, like balls for playing, stones that could not be lifted by four or five men. And we are also told that, when he was sixteen years old, his father made him a club 38 inches round and 16 cubits. long, with which he used to smite the stems of palmyra or cocopalms ard fell them. Such a lad could not long remain in the obscurity of his village. The King heard of his prodigious strength, sent for him, and commalded him to stay with Prince Gemunu,
VI. Bharana.
Fleet of foot and strong of limb, Bharana, son of Kumara of the village of Kappakandura (Kapkandura), was another giant celebrated in the annals or legends of Rohana. When he was ten or twelve years old, so the story runs, he used to go with other boys into the forest to chase hares, strike at the latter with his foot, and dash them crushed to a pulp to the ground. And at the age of sixteen years he was accustomed to go with the village-folk into the forest a d to kill antelopes, elks and boars in like manner. His exploits soon reached the ears of King Kavan Tissa who sent for him and gave him into the service of Prince Gemunu.

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VII. Khanjadeva.
A man named Abhaya, of the village of Mahisadonika (Mahendradroni) in the district of Nakulanga (Nakulgala), had several sons, the youngest of whom was named Deva. But since Deva limped a little, he was nicknamed Khanja-deva (i.e. " the lame Deva'). Legend tells us that when as a youth he went ahunting with the village-folk, he used on those occasions to chase great buffaloes, as many as rose up, grasp them by the leg with his hand, and, when he had whirled them round his head, dash them to the ground, breaking their bones. King Kávan Tissa soon heard of him and had him brought to Mahagama, for service under Prince Gemunu.
VIII. Ummada-Phussadeva.
Phussadeva, son of Uppala, lived in his father's village of Gavita (Kapitha), near the Cittala-pabbata Vihára (Situlpav Vihara). When he went once as a boy to the Vihara with some playmates, he took one of the shells offered to the Bo-tree in the premises and blew it mightily. Powerful even as the roar at the bursting asunder of a thunderbolt was his tone, runs the legend, and all the other boys, terrified, remained as it were stunned. Therefore, from that day, he was known by the name of UmmadaPhussadeva (in Pali unmadet means "to madden, to distract or bewilder.')
His father made him learn the Archer's art which was handed down in the family. In time Phussadeva was held to be the greatest Sinhalese marksman of his day, being reputed to be the most unerring among those who hit a mark guided by sound, who hit by the light of the lightning, and who hit a hair. So skilled was he in this direction that popular fancy credited him with being able even to perform what must, humanly speaking, be regarded as the impossible, viz., to shoot an arrow through either a wagor laden with sand and a hundred skins bound one upon another, or a slab of asana or udumbara wood eight or sixteen in ches thick, or through

KING ELARA IO9
one of iron or copper two or four inches thick Reports of the great Archer reached King Kávan Tissa who had him summoned to his presence, and the King directed Ummada-Phussadeva thenceforth to serve under Prince Gemunu.
IX. Labhiya-Vasabha.
Wasabha, son of the householder Matta, lived in the village of Viharavapi (Vihara-veva) near the Tuladhara mountain Because his body was nobly, that is beautifully, formed, he was called Labhiya-Wasabha. At the age of twenty years he was gifted with great bodily strength. The story goes that, anxious to have some fields, he one day took some men with him to begin the construction of a tank. While engaged in this labour he was able, by reason of his extraordinary strength, to fling away masses of earth such as only ten or twelve men could ordinarily move at a time. Thus was he enabled, within a very short time, to complete the work, which was thenceforth known by the name of Wasabha's Dam. King Kavan Tissa hearing of Vasabha's doughty deeds, sent for him and commanded him to serve under Prince Gemunu.
Х. Velusumana.
Reference has already been made to King Kávan Tissa's chief warrior. Velusumana, in connection with the "loagings' of Queen Vihara Dévi. The story of his birth and early life may now be told. He was the son of a householder named Vasabha, who dwelt in the village of Kutumbiyangana, in the district of Giri. Vasabha was a man held in high honour and respect by the whole countryside, and on the day that a son was born to him, there came to his house, among others, two intimate friends of his, Wela a neighbour and Sumana, Governor of the district of Giri. They brought preserts for the boy, and the latter's father named him after his two friends, viz. Welu-Sumana.

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When the boy was grown up, the Governor of Giri had him to dwell in his house. Now the Governor had a powerful and very spirited Sindhu horse, of noble breed, which would let no man mount him. Velusumana, however, succeeded in doing that which no other man dared essay; and, on a day on which the people of the district had gathered to watch the exploit, he came forth riding the horse, keeping the animal well under control. Moreover, he signalised the occasion by an exhibition of superb horsemanship. Seated firmly in the saddle, he made the horse gallop in a circle, and at a certain stage of the exhibition, so swift was the pace maintained that the animal is said to have appeared even as one single horse around the whole circle, and the rider himself seemed like a chain of men, that is, like an unbroken row of men holding together.
And as he rode thus swiftly Velusumana loosed his mantle and girt it about him again and again fearlessly. The spectators marked their admiration by round upon round of hearty applause, and from that day Velusumana was looked upon as the greatest Sinhalese Horseman of his time. The Governor of Giri himself showed his appreciation of Velusumana's courage and skill by rewarding him with Io,ooo pieces of money. " He is fit for the King' thought the Governor,who promptly sent him to KávanTissa. Thenceforth did Velusumana dwell with the King, serving him loyally and zealously and highly honoured in return, till Prince Gemunu grew to man's estate when he was sent to serve under the latter.
Raising a Sinhalese Army.
These ten strong men, described as the Sinhalese "Champions,' formed a sort of bodyguard for Prince Gemunu. They spent their time mostly in martial exercises in which they were joined by the two Princes, Gemunu and Tissa, and it soon became evident that Gemunu, in particular, excelled all others in manly accomplishments, Versed in archery, dexterous in swordsmanship, and skilled in guiding elephant as well as horse, he soon showed that he was a born leader of men.

KING ELARA I.
The Sinhalese nation looked to Prince Gemunu as the only one who could deliver them from the bondage of Tamil dominatioth; and when King Kavan Tissa's edict went forth shortly for the raising of a Sinhalese army to fight the hated foe, the nation responded manfully to the call. The "Call to Arms' first went forth in this wise: The King, summoning Prince Gemunus ten stalwarts to his presence, commanded them : " Each one find ten warriors.' A hundred able-bodied men were soon forthcoming, and these, too, the King commanded to levy others in like manner. An eager populace readily supplied the thousand, and these thousand men were again commissioned by the King to levy others sinailarly.
Within a very short time the recruits obtained in this manner, that is by conscription, totalled III, IIIIo men. Each day more and more voluntarily joined up, men coming even from the districts directly subject to Tamil rule, and soon quite a respectable little Army was gathered together at the Sinhalese capital of Mahagama. Meanwhile, while the forces were daily being augmented by fresh recruits who came from all parts of the country, the King, aided by his two sons and the stalwart ten, busied himself in the task of equipping the Army fully. Horses and elephants, chariots and "munitions of war' had to be collected in large numbers and quantities; and with everybody lending a hand-men, women and children alike-with an enthusiasm that seemed apparently to know no bounds, the task was completed without delay.
In a few months the Sinhalese Army, compact, thoroughly equipped and burning with ardour for the fight, was ready to take the field against the Tamils, but the moment was not yet ripe for the commencement of hostilities. As a preliminary measure the King contented himself with stationing a fairly strong force of troops and chariots, with Prince Tissa at the head, at Dighavapi in order to guard the OB}} 9ty.
at raw wry s

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2 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Dutugemunu Insults his Father.
But Prince Gemunu chafed at the restraint. He was for taking the field at once, and this inaction was hateful to him. After reviewing his forces one day-for he had been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Army-he marched with his men to Kasátota. Ostensibly the march was pacific in character, and there was nothing to indicate that Gemunu intended to act contrary to his father's wishes, which were to start the campaign at some indefinite time later. But, once at Kasatota, Gemunu resolved to force his father's hand and to commit him to immediate action against the Tamils.
Accordingly, from Kasatota, the Prince sent a letter to his father, the King, stating that the time now seemed ripe to commence hostilities against the Tamils, and requesting permission to cross over with the Army to the other side of the Mahaveli-ganga. The river was the border or boundary between the region occupied by the Tamils and the provinces ruled over by the Mahagama dynasty, and Gemunu's proposed move would be regarded as a definite act of hostility. King Kavan Tissa was alarmed at the consequences of such precipitate action. He realised more clearly than his impetuous son did that the moment was inopportune for war, and his reply to his son's letter was prompt and emphatic:
'Be not rash, and desist from any such action. The Tamil army contains over a million men and twenty mighty champions. The region on this side of the river sufficeth, at least for the present.' But Gemunu was stubborn. Three times he wrote to his father to the same effect, and three times the King sent him the same reply. The fourth time Gemunu declared: "My Royal Sire is a woman, not a man. If he were a man he would not speak thus: Therefore should he put these on,' and he sent the King a pair of bangles and other female ornaments to wear.
The King, stung by his son's contempt and by the manner of its expression, was greatly enraged. He forthwith gave orders. for the arrest of Gemunu, and he further commanded : " Make me

KING EARA II3
a golden chain With that will I bind him and keep him prisoner, for else he cannot be protected.' On hearing of his father's anger and of the orders the King had given for his arrest, Prince Gemunu, leaving the army behind, fled to Gilimale (in the Ratnapura district), and, after lying concealed there for several days, departed for Kotmale, where he lived in concealment for some time. Thenceforward was the Prince known as Dutthagamani (Dutugemunu) or "the wicked i.e. undutiful, Gámani.' The Sinhalese Army, over which Prince Tissa was now given the command, was brought back to Mahagama and there it remained during the next few months.
Seruvila Dagaba.
Meanwhile the King, mindful of the claims of religion, had had built the Seruvila Dagaba (near the right bank of the Maháveli-ganga and to the north of the Verukal branch of that river in the Trincomalee District). It was constructed in order to enshrine the Forehead Relic and a Hair Relic of the Buddha. This Forehead Relic was, as stated before, first brought to Mahāgama in the reign of Maha Naga who erected a relic-house for it in the neighbourhood of his palace. In the time of Kavan Tissa, however, the latter, in fulfilment of an alleged prophecy, decided upon building a dagaba for the relic at Séruvila and carried it out with great pomp and ceremony.
Handing over the charge of the government for a short time to his son, the King accompanied by his Queel Vihára Dévi proceeded to the spot in a magnificent procession, in order personally to supervise the carrying out of the work Firstly, in order to fix upon the correct position for the structure, the King resorted to a peculiar device. Two pairs of bulls were decorated with flowers and allowed to roam alone in the jungle. They were found together in the morning at a rock. Similar experiments were tried with a horse and an elephant, and these too were found at the same rock, which was thereupon adopted as the site of the digaba.

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When the relic-chamber in the upper part of the structure was ready for the relics, the King carried the Forehead Relic and deposited it in it, followed by the Queen who similarly placed the Hair Relic in the room. The King and Queen thereupon took off the ornaments they were wearing and offered them in the relic-chamber, their example being followed by the great Ministers and members of the Royal Household and others present, each of whom made an offering of the jewellery and other ornaments he or she was wearing at the time. The chamber was then closed by being covered with a stone slab.
A Vihara was also built at the spot and liberally endowed. On the occasion of its formal gift to the Community of Monks, a great festival was held at which Abhaya, the King's son-in-law, and other Princes were present. A large concourse of monks was there, and before these witnesses the King, in accordance with the orthodox method of making such presents, poured water over the right hand of the superior monk present. Then, in announcing the gift of the temple, Kávan Tissa declared: "My lord and members of Royal Families assembled together here, in conformity with the arrangement for causing the acceptance of the Vihctra, I have poured the water on the right hand of the Mahdi Thera,' and the latter, in expressing agreement and signifying the acceptance of the gift, said in reply: " It is well, Maha Raia.'
Kåvan Tissa next began the building of the Mahanuggalacetiya, a stately and imposing structure. It was the last of the many religious edifices which owed their construction to his pious zeal, and the completion of the work of this Cetiya was marked by a solemn festival, which was attended by several thousand bhikkhus from the Cittala-pabbata and other viháras far and near.
The Oath of the Ten Giants.
It was on the occasion of this festival that the King gave further proof of his great and tender solicitude for his two sons, even though one of them had treated him most shamelessly and

KING ELARA II5
undutifully. The thought occurred to him in the midst of the rejoicings: " If these two brother Princes should some day quarrel and fight from the desire to take possession of the country or to acquire wealth, and if the ten Champions join one Prince, the other Prince will perish.' Forthwith he summoned the ten strong men to his presence, and he addressed them thus: ' If there be fighting any day in which these two brothers are engaged, do you ten persons keep aloof, taking part with neither.' He wanted them to take a solemn oath to that effect, and each one swore faithfully to respect the undertaking.
Death of Kavan Tissa.
Shortly afterwards King Kávan Tissa died, and his death marked the beginning of considerable internal trouble in the Principality of Rohana. All was confusion as soon as the King had breathed his last. Firstly, Queen Vihara Dévi took her dead husband's body in a covered car to the Tissamaharama, and communicated the news to the monks. Then Prince Tissa, who was stationed at Dighavapi (Digamadulla), followed her thither without delay as soon as he heard of his father's death. With due care he himself carried out the funeral rites for his father, after which he took his mother and the elephant Kandula with him, and returned with all haste back to Dighavapi before his brother Dutugemunu could arrive on the scene.
While these things were happening, the late King's Ministers met in consultation, and, mindful of the law which gave the succession to the eldest, sent a letter to Dutugemunu at Kotmale, conveying the report of his father's death and of the incidents following that event, and formally inviting him to return to Mahágama to assume the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Rohana. Dutugemunu left Kotmale immediately and, arriving at Mahágama, was apprised of the condition of affairs and of the apparently hostile attitude taken up by Prince Tissa.

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THE WAR OF THE TWO BROTHERS.
Dutugemunu's first step was to guard against a surprise attack from Tissa who resided at Dighavapi. Accordingly, he marched at once with some troops to Guttahala (Buttala), and there he stationed some outposts as a security against any such surprise. The reason why Guttahala was selected for this purpose was that the road from Mahiyangana to Mahagama led through it. It was situated some 30 to 35 miles north of Mahagama, where the high road crossed the Menik-ganga. This predaution taken, Dutugemunu returned to Mahagama where he was ceremoniously consecrated King of Rohana in succession to his father.
Immediately the Coronation festivities were over, he sent a letter to his brother Tissa, requesting him to send their mother, the Queen Vihára Dévi, to Mahagama, as well as the noble elephant Kandula which was born on the same day as himself and therefore greatly prized by him (Dutugemulu), the more so since it was a special gift given to him by their deceased father, the late King. Prince Tissa ignored the letter and the request, even though his brother communicated with him three times to the same effect. Dutugemunu therefore marched forth without delay, with a fairly strong force, in order to compel his brother, by strength of arms, to surrender those whom he would not give up by peaceful means.
Battle of Culanganiya-pitthi.
About ten miles north-east of Guttahala, in the direction of Dighavapi, the two brothers met on a plain (probably near the modern Muppana) and a fierce battle ensued between their respective forces. The Battle of Culanganiya-pitthi (Yudangandpitiya) ended in a decisive victory for Prince Tissa. Dutugemunu, astride on his favourite mare Dighathunika and accompanied by his Prime Minister Tissa, fled from the sce: le of battle, and, crossing the river Kappakandara (Kumbukkan Oya) at the ford of Javamala, returned to Mahagama his capital. Prince Tissa, who had started in pursuit, was met on the way by a number of bhikkhus who, learning of the nature of his mission, persuaded him to give up the pursuit and to return to Dighavapi.

KING ELARA 7
Within a few weeks Dutugemunu, fretting under his discomfiture, resolved to wipe off the stain of his defeat by a fresh resort to arms. Getting together a force of sixty thousand men, he took the field afresh. He summoned the ten Champions to accompany him, but they explained the nature of the oath by which they were bound, the pledge they had given at the behest of the late King, to take no sides in any dispute or altercation between the two brothers, and Dutugemunu readily agreed to their remaining neutral in the circumstances. He then marched out with his second army and soon encountered Tissa's forces encamped in the vicinity of the scene of the previous fight.
Duel between Dutugemunu and Tissa.
Before the two armies could clash in battle, Dutugemunu decided to make a certain proposal to his brother. Realising almost at the eleventh hour that, however it ended, a second engagement in what was after all civil warfare would further weaken his forces appreciably and so delay, if not actually prevent, the other and greater enterprise upon which his heart was firmly set, viz., the expulsion of the Tamils from the country, he wrote and despatched a letter to Tissa to this effect: "Let us two fight, the one against the other: the sovereignty going to him who wins the day.' The proposal was agreed to, and the two brothers advanced to a selected place midway between the two forces and in full view of the adherents of each side.
Tissa came seated on the back of the elephant Kandula, and Dutugemunu was astride his favourite mare Dighathniká. The duel was over in a few minutes, Tissa being no match for his more accomplished and resourceful brother. What happened was briefly this: Dutugemunu was anxious not to kill either Tissa or the elephant, and he wished to decide the issue without even seriously wounding either, if that were possible. Accordingly, after dexterously parrying a blow aimed at him, he made his mare

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circle round the elephant, but found no weak or unguarded spot at which he could aim an effective blow. Then with a view as much to show his superiority as, if possible, to deliver a blow from above, Dutugemunu swiftly made up his mind on an extraordinarily daring venture.
With reins drawn tight he backed his mare a few paces till, suddenly, she was seen almost to fall on her haunches. Then loosening the reins he darted forward, and the next instant the mare was seen leaping clear over the elephant and its rider, Dutugemunu en passant dealing a blow with the sword which alighted on Kandula's back. The elephant, frightened by the sight of the leaping horse and maddened with pain where the sword had inflicted a sharp wound on its body, rushed headlong in the wake of the mare with such force that Tissa was unseated and he fell heavily to the ground. He was quick to get up, however, and to note that the duel had gone against him, and he turned and fled as fast as his legs could carry him.
Either because the mare was too tired after the recent effort, or because he preferred to use the animal which had been the faithful companion of his early days and which Tissa had sought forcibly to acquire, Dutugemunu sped up to the now quiet and docile Kandula, and, mounting its back, hastened in pursuit of the escaping Tissa. The latter had had a good start, but he was too frightened to be able to run easily, and his progress was impeded by all manner of obstacles. Coming up against the entrance to a Vihdira which lay on the path of his flight, Tissa deflected from his course and he ran inside the Temple premises just as Dutugemunu, mounted on Kandula, appeared within sight a few yards behind.
Tissa hid himself under the bed of the High Priest, who spread a cloak over the bed in order the more effectually to conceal the other's presence. A few seconds afterwards Dutugemunu dashed

KING ELARA ΙΙ9
up to the spot, and to his question: "Where is Tissal" the Thera made this equivocal reply: " He is not in the bed, great King, as you can see.' Dutugemunu suspected that Tissa was under the bed, but without a word he left the room and placed sentinels round about the Vihdira. Thereupon the High Priest, assisted by the other monks of the place, got Tissa, Swathed in yellow robes, to lie upon the bed and covered him over with a garment. Then four young ascetics, grasping the bed-posts, bore him out as if they were carrying a dead bhikkhu.
Dutugemunu, however, was not deceived. He knew that it was Tissa who was thus being carried forth as if dead, and, stopping the cortege, he addressed the recumbent figure in these words: 'Tissa, upon the head of the guardian genii of our house art thou carried forth; to tear away anything with violerce from their hands is not my custom. May'st thou evermore remember the virtue of the guardian genii of our house.' Straightway then Dutugemunu departed from the place, and, hastening to Dighavapi in search of his mother whom he greatly loved and reverenced, he found her there in Tissa's Palace. Taking Queen Vihára Dévi with him as well as his elephant Kandula, he returned to Mahágama his capital.
Meanwhile Tissa, upon Dutugemunu's departure, returned to the Vihara and, addressing the Thera Godhagatta Tissa, said : " Reverend Sir, I know I have behaved badly, undutifully, and I am sorry. I should like to make my peace with my brother.' The Thera readily undertook to effect a reconciliation between the two; and the next day, taking Tissa clothed in the habit of a servitor along with him and accompanied by a number of monks, he started for Mahagama. On arrival at the capital the party entered the King's Palace, and the Thera, leaving the Prince on
the stairs, entered the Reception Room along with the bhikkhus.

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Reconciliation of the two Brothers.
Dutugemunu, who received them in person, welcomed them cordially, invited them all to be seated, and had rice-milk and other food brought to them. The King, assisted by his mother, was about to serve the Thera, when the latter covered his almsbowl. "What means this?' asked the surprised Dutugemunu, and the Thera made reply: "We have come bringing Tissa with us." "Where is the traitor ?' demanded Dutugemunu, and the Thera pointed to the place where Tissa stood, with bowed head, in his smean attire. All a mother's love for a son welied up at once in the heart of the Queen Vihara Dévi who, running up to her young son, embraced him and stood sheltering him, for fear least Dutugemunu, in his anger, might do him some bodily harm, if not kill him.
But Dutugemunu's next words reassured everybody present. Addressing the Thera he said: " Reverend Sir, it is known to you that we are your servants, even now after our assumption of the Kingship. If you had but sent even a seven-year old scimanera, our strife would not have taken place, and all would have ended without loss of precious lives.' 'O King, this is the Brotherhood's guilt," declared the Thera," and the Brotherhood will do penance.' Dutugemunu rejoined: "You will first have to partake of what is due to guests arriving. Reverend Sir, take the rice-milk and the rest.'
With these words the King returned to his interrupted duties of hospitality, and himself offered the food to the monks who thereupon sat to the meal. Then, calling his brother to his side, he embraced him in token of forgiveness of tne past, sat with him there and then in the midst of the monks to a repast which was served to them separately, and after the meal gave the Thera and his monks permission to depart for their Vihara. Thus was happily ended the quarrel between the two brothers, and thenceforward Tissa conducted himself with fitting respect and devotion to one who was, after all, his elder brother as well as his King.

KING ELARA 2
WAR WITH THE TAMLS.
Beginning of the Campaign.
Dutugemunu now made ready in grim earnest for the campaign against the Tamils, which had been the dream of his life since boyhood. The road to Anuradhapura was repaired and made ready for the easy passage of his army, gay caparison for the horses and elephants was ordered, the war-chariots were tested, and the commissariat thoroughly organised. Neither were the needs of the non-combatants at home neglected. Summoning his brother Tissa from Dighavapi, he embraced and kissed him, and, speaking tenderly, said to him: 'Tissa, I am going to fight the Tamils, the enemies of our house and race. Let Agriculture be your particular care during my absence." Then formally entrusting the government of the kingdom and the welfare of the people to Tissa's charge, Dutugemunu marched out of the capital with his army.
He went first to Tissamaharama, to the monastery to which his father's body immediately upon death had first been taken by his mother. After making due obeisance to the monks, Dutugemunu said to the High Priest : " I am going to the land on the further side of the Mahaveli river to bring glory to the religion. Since the sight of bhikkhus is blessing and protection for us, give us bhikkhus who shall go on with us. and we will treat then with honour.' The Thera remembered the sin which lay at the door of their community in having failed on a previous occasion to intervene in the strife between the two Royal brothers, and so to have prevented the destruction of several thousands of lives. As a penance or atonement for that sin of omission, he now gave orders for five hundred monks to accompany the Army.
With the blessing of the Sangha and the good wishes of the populace, accompanied, too, by the 5oo bhikkhus allotted to him as well as by his mother, Dutugemunu then set out leading his forces in person, his spear (in a receptacle of which a relic had been

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placed) being carried before him as his Royal Standard. lt is impossible to say exactly, or even approximately, what were the numbers of this fourfold army consisting of elephants, cavalry, chariots and infantry. One chronicle says that so mighty was the host that, "with the one end yet in Mahágama, the train of the army reached to Guttahálaka.' As the distance between Mahagama and Guttahalaka was some 30 to 35 miles, the chronicler's statement is obviously couched in the language of hyperbole; and it may be taken as being intended to convey no more that the idea that it was a very vast force indeed which followed Dutugemunu.
Be that as it may, Dutugemunu's route lay in a northerly direction, and his first objective was Guttahalaka (Buttala), through which lay the road to Anuradhapura. Beyond Guttahala, which he soon reached, was contested ground and as he advanced thence, after resting the army, his progress was stoutly resisted. The Tamils had a whole series of strong and well-guarded forts, on strategic points, beginning from the neighbourhood of the mouth of the Mahaveli-ganga and extending right down to the bend of the river near Mahiyangana, and these one by one were stormed and captured by Dutugemunu.
The following are the forts so captured, with brief notes in regard to each. Most of the individual names cannot now be identified.
The Captured Tamil Forts.
I. Mahiyangana (modern Bintenna or Alutnuvara). The first Sinhalese-Tamil encounter in the campaign took place here. . Chatta, the Tamil commander, was defeated and the Fort surrendered to the Sinhalese.
II. Ambatitthaka (Ambatuvá, according to the Rájávaliya): A ford of the Mahaveli-ganga, not far from Bintenna. It had a trench leading from the river, and the name of the Tamil commander of the Fort was Titthamba, who, after a four months' siege, was overcome only "by cunning," says the Mahavansa. What exactly

KING ELARA I23
was the stratagem employed it is difficult to say with any certainty, but from the Tikdi or Commentary on the Mahavansa, it would appear that the promise of the hand of the Queen Vihara Dévi in marriage, and with it the prospect of government, had been held out to Titthamba by Dutugemunu.
III. Khemarama (Satbékotta, according to the Rájávaliya): Seven Tamil chiefs, said to have been brothers, appear to have been subdued at this spot. After the capture of the place, Dutugemunu gave over the booty to his troops.
IV. Antarasobbha (Aturabá, according to the Rájávaliya): The Tamil commander of the Fort was Mahakottha.
V. Dona (Denagama, according to the Rájávaliya): Gavara was the leader of the Tamil forces here.
VI. Halakola : The Fort was held by the Tamil Chief Issariya.
VII. Nalisobbha (Polwatta, according to the Raidivaliya): The Tamil forces here were commanded by Nalika. After the capture of this Fort, Dutugemunu paid his men, giving them in addition gifts of gold and other valuables, which were presumably taken from the enemy.
VIII. Dighabhaya-Gallaka (Digabáyagolla). The Tamil leader here was Dighabhaya.
IX. Kaccha-tittha (Kasatota): The siege lasted four months and Kapisiisa, the Tamil Commander, was slair. After this victory Dutugemunu crossed the Mahaveli-ganga, and, his objective being Vijitapura, took the old road that ran somewhere between the present Sigiriya and the Minnéri-tank. It was the same road that King Pandukábhaya used when, in the fight against his uncles, he marched from the Kasa-pabbata to the Dola-pabbata. The Forts mentioned below, which rapidly fell before Dutugemunu's advance, lay along this route :-
X. Kotanagara. The Fort was held by the Tamil chieftain Kota upon whose overthrow Halavahanaka took charge, with the same result.

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XI. Vahittha (Mahávétta, according to the Rájávaliya), named after the Tamil Commander Vahittha.
XII. Gamani-gama (Bánágama), named after its Tamil Commander, Gamani.
XIII. Kumba-gama, named after its Tamil Commander, Kumba.
XIV. Nandi-gama (Nilagama), named after its Tamil Commander, Nandika.
XV. . Khanu-gama (Vilbâgama, according to the Rájávaliya), named after its Tamil Commander, Khanu.
XVI. Tamba-gama named after the Tamil Commanders XVII. Unnama-gama Tamba and Unnama respectively, who were uncle and nephew.
XVIII. Jambu-gama, named after its Tamil Commander, Jambu.
Siege of Vijitapura.
Upon the fall of the Fort at Jambugama, the remains of the conquered Tamil divisions retreated towards Vijita-nagara. This was a fortress of considerable strength, situated near the northern bank of the Kalavapi (Kalu-veva), where the VijitapuraVihara is now situated, about 24 miles S.S.E. from Anuradhapura. The Tamils were here in immense numbers, and Dutugemunu knew he would meet with the stoutest possible resistance. The success of the whole campaign prartically depended upon the issue of the battle that would have to be fought here, and he made adequate preparations accordingly for storming the place. If the Tamils were driven out of Vijita, they would be so demoralised that their future resistance would be more or less weakened, and the taking of Anuradhapura would be attel ded with less difficulty for the Sinhalese.
Therefore Dutugemunu made up his mind to strain every nerve to capture Vijita, and he began by completely investing the place. But the Tamils were ready for a long siege, and they

KING I ELARA I25
had made great preparations betimes. The fortress was well-nigh inpregnable. One old chroricle (the Raidivaliya) speaks of it in this wise: "Amongst the fortresses already reduced by Dutugemunu, there was none like unto this. Except the city of Anurádhapura, none of the other fortresses equalled it." Vijita city, which was girt about with three trenches or moats, was guarded by a high and strong wall or rampart, with four gates of wrought iron, north, south, east and west. The defenders were well provisioned sufficiently to last them even for several months, and they had huge quantities of "munitions.'
Nandhimitta's Struggle with the Elephant Kandula.
Dutugemunu had his camp pitched in a favourable open stretch of country, which was afterwards known by the name of Khandhavara-pitthi (Kandavurupitiya). It lay close to Hatthipora, a village which derived its name from an incident connected with this siege. One day, while the siege was in progress, during a temporary cessation of hostilities, Dutugemunu, partly in fun and partly to test afresh the strength as well as courage of the giant Nandhimitta, let loose his elephant Kandula upon the latter. On seeing the animal come towards him apparently threateningly, Nandhimitta, swift as thought, sprang forward, seized with his hands the two tusks of the animal, and actually forced it on its haunches. This result, which was loudly cheered by the spectators, was obviously due not to any superiority of strength on the part of Nandhimitta, but to the suddenness and boldness of his attack which disconcerted the animal. The village built on the spot where the contest between the man and the elephant took place was therefore named Hatthipora (Hatthi-, “ elephant ” pora ' contest").
To return to the siege. It dragged on from days to weeks and from weeks to months, and yet no decisive result was reached. It is true the defenders occasionally made sorties which were repulsed with some loss, and the Sinhalese in turn made intermittent and ineffectual assaults against the walls of the Fort, but there was

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no engagement of any importance. At length, at the end of the fourth month of the siege, Dutugemunu made up his mind to strike a great and decisive blow, and he made ready for a concerted attack on an unprecedented Scale Calling up his ten Champions, whe had hitherto since the beginning of the campaign not beeen called upon to take any very active part in the hostilities, he bade them do" their bit' on the present occasion, and the joy of the Yodhaydis, who had been fretting at their compulsory inaction, was unbounded.
Advance of the Sinhalese.
Everything being now ready for the intended coup, Dutugemunu marched up his entire forces one day in close proximity to the fortress, forded the three moats which were full of water, and gave the signal for a simultaneous attack on the four gates of the citadel. To the East Gate marched the giants Velusumana, Mahasona, Gothaimbara and Theraputtabhaya with a strong detachment, and the assault on the North and West Gates, respectively, was entrusted to Bharana, Khanjadeva, Phussadeva and Labhiya-vasabha, who were themselves supported by picked bodies of soldiers. But the main attack was intended to be delivered on the South Gate, and thither Dutugemunu sent Nandhimitta and Suranimila along with the elephant Kandula, which was to be employed to batter down the gate. Arrows and all manner of other missiles literally rained down upon the Sinhalese as they advanced, the Tamils using to good purpose the points of vantage they occupied upon the walls and the fortifications above. But the advance was well maintained in spite of heavy casualties, and then at last came the concentrated attack on the South Gate.
The Elephant Kandula's Heroic Exploits.
Here the elephant Kandula led the attack. Placing itself upon its knee and battering down stones, mortar and bricks with its tusks, it charged at the Gate with a great rush. But the Gate was of iron and withstood the charge. Trumpeting and roaring,

KING ELARA I27
the animal rushed at it again and again, and when under these repeated onslaughts the structure shook to its foundations, the enemy grew desperate. As the elephant, bellowing terrifically, came tearing at the Gate again, at a great pace which seemed to shake the ground near about, the Tamils standing upon the Watch or Gate Towers hurled down weapons of every kind, balls of red-hot iron and molten pitch. Roaring with pain when the smoking pitch fell on its back, Kandula dashed away from the Gate but its mahout led it coaxingly away to the water in the moat hard by. Into the water plunged the animal eagerly, and, after thus assuaging to some extent the torments inflicted by the pitch burning into its body, it reared itself out of the water, trumpeting, and stood again defiantly on firm land.
The elephant-physician was now close at hand. He washed the pitch away, put on balm over the scorched flesh, dressed its other wounds, and then led the animal to the spot where Dutugemunu was standing apart, busily engaged in directing the operations against the South Gate. Seeing Kandula, the King hastened up to the animal at once, mounted its back for a few minutes in token as it were of his appreciation of its gallantry that day, and, alighting, gently stroked its temples with his hand, addressing it the while in terms of endearment or encouragement in the elephant-" language.' And when Dutugemunu had had choice fodder given to the noble animal, he had its back covered with a thick cloth and over this he had its armour, a plate of copper, put on securely. Then binding upon its skin a seven-times folded buffalo-hide and laying above it a hide steeped in oil, he set Kandula free, to return to the battering down of the South Gate.
Here, meanwhile, during Kandula's temporary absence Nandhimitta and Suranimila, with their faithful band of followers, had performed wonderful deeds of strength and daring, and had inflicted terrible losses on the already dismayed enemy. And now when Kandula returned to the charge, the signal went forth for one last tremendous effort. The Tamils almost stood still for a

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few moments when Kandula, roaring like thunder, came with a mighty rush, pierced with its tusks the panels of the Gate, and trampled the threshold with its feet. With a terrific uproar the Gate together with its arches cras led to the ground, and Kandula narrowly escaped being buried under the debris. Popular legend has it that it was Nandhimitta who saved the elephant's life by pushing aside the crumbling mass from the Gate-Tower. The probability is, however, that Nandhimitta, seeing the danger, dragged Kandula aside just before the mass of earth came crashing to the ground where the elephant had stood. However that may be, the result was that Kandula emerged unhurt, and the stoutly defended South Gate no more barred the advance of the Sinhalese soldiers.
Fall of the Citadel and Massacre of the Tamils.
The North, West and East Gates fell almost at the same time as the South Gate, and the Sinhalese hosts literally poured into the citadel from the breaches, chasing the Tamils, who were now on the run, and demolishing everything before them. Nandhimitta and Suranimila scorned to enter the fortress through the opening made by Kandula at the South Gate. Each made a breach for himself in the city-wall, and each accounted for many Tamil lives. The fortress was now in the hands of the Sinhalese, and the havoc they wrought is indescribable. The ten Yodhaydis in particular were ubiquitous. They dashed into the streets, each using anything that came in handy as a weapon. Nandhimitta armed with a portion of a wagon-frame, Gothaimbara carrying a small cocos-palm, Suranimila his good sword, Mahásona a portion of a palmyra palm, and Theraputtábhaya waving his great clubthey rushed here, there and everywhere, shattering everything before them; while the redoubtable Kandula, bearing a cart-wheel in its trunk to serve as a weapon, and hurrying in the wake of one or another of the Yodhayás, completed the work of destruction.

KING ELARA I29
Further Engagements.
The rout of the Tamils was complete. They had lost heavily and such of them as escaped death or were not seriously wounded fled to Anuradhapura. Dutugemunu set out quickly on the same road, for he was anxious to bring to a close a campaign which had lasted longer than he had anticipated. Beyond Vijita, along the road that leads from the present-day Dambulla to Anuradhapura, he thrice encountered further strenuous resistance. First, at Girilaka (Girila, Girinillankada), he slew the Tamil chief Giriya, who with a sturdy band of men put up a brave but unavailing fight against the Sinhalese.
Proceeding thence with all despatch Dutugemunu turned aside, just where the town of Nivatta-giri-nagara was later built, in order to attack another Tamil stronghold, viz., the fortress of Mahelanagara. It proved a more difficult undertaking than he thought, and the siege of Mahela-Nagara lasted as long as that of Vijita, that is, four months. The fortress, which from its natural situation was inaccessible or rather difficult of access, was enclosed by a triple trench or moat, had but one gate, and was surrounded by an undergrowth of kadamba flowers. Mahela-nagara eventually fell into the hands of the Sinhalese, but its fall was brought about not so much by a decisively fought action as by a stratagem or ruse which Dutugemunu effectively employed.
Battle of Kahagalagama.
From this place Dutugemunu turned on to the capital. When, at long last, he was within less than two days' march of the latter, he decided to entrench himself in a favourable position and thus, advantageously situated, to await Elara who, he felt sure, would march out of Anuradhapura, if for no other reason than to avoid the disadvantage and danger of fighting within the City itself. Dutugemunu pitched his camp South of the Kasa-pabbata, probably near the modern Kahagalagama or Kasagalugama (i.e. "village of the Kaha or Kasa mountain,') about eighteen miles S.E. of

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Anuradhapura and ten miles W.N.W. of the mountain Ritigala. After throwing up fortifications and in other ways makirg his position secure, Dutugemunu leisurely awaited the approach of the enemy. The interval he filled by Such occupations and recreations as the construction, near the village of Pajota-nagara (Posona-pura), in the neighbourhood of the camp, of the tank named the Pajota-vapi, where he held a great water-fete orfestival in which thousands of his men and the neighbouring peasants took part.
Meanwhile Elara, distressed by news of the fall of the last of the fortresses, (said to have been thirty-two in number, in all) which had unavailingly sought to restrain Dutugemunu's advance, summoned a meeting of his Ministers and Generals, and asked their advice as to what exartly was necessary to be done in the circumstan es of their position and in view of Dutugemunu's reported proximity to the capital. The conference, alive to the danger and uncertainty of a fight from within the City walls, decided that Elara should march out with his troops and engage Dutugemunu in an open battle. Accordingly, the necessary preparations were hurriedly made, and at length the Tamil host, variously estimated from some 30,000 men to more than double that number, sallied forth in the endeavour to make one last herculean effort to turn back the Sinhalese. The Tamils were led in person by the brave Elara, who, in full armour and mounted on his favourite elephant Mahapabbata, was closely surrounded by his bodyguard of twenty Tamil warriors, picked men and true, strong and stalwart of frame.
Dutugemunu, apprised in time of Elara's advance, made everything ready for the encounter which he knew would decide the sovereignty of Lanka. He attended a meeting of his War Council, at which his mother, the Queen Vihara Dévi was present, and, acting upon a suggestion made by her, he formed thirty-two bodies of troops. In these he placed Parasol-bearers and wooden figures irtended to represent himself, while he took his place within the innermost body of troops, with his Pearl-umbrella or Parasol

KING ELARA I3I
孙
raised above him-it was one of the five insignia or symbols of royalty-and the conch and shield held on either side of him. The faithful Nandhimitta stood on Dutugemunu's right hand and the redoubtable Sfiranimila on the left, while the rest of the Sinhalese Champions distributed themselves among the various bodies of troops, taking thus their respective positions near the wooden "dummies' of the King, which were certain to be the main centres of attack by the enemy.
Death of Dighajantu.
When at length the battle joined, things went badly against the Sinhalese at the start. Their advance colums, practically giving way under the determined onset of the Tamils, were compelled to fall back, and the hottest fighting soon raged around the area where Dutugemunu was directly in command. Suddenly Dighajantu, the strongest and most fearless of the Tamil warriors, recognising Dutugemunu by the Parasol held over his head, resolved to engage the latter in single combat. Cutting his way through the ranks of the Sinhalese, right up almost to a few yards of the place where Dutugemunu stood animatedly giving orders, he found his way barred by the giant frame of Sfiranimila, who cried out: "Where goest thou, worthless Tamil 2' Disdaining to answer the question and giving up for the moment the idea of attacking Dutugemunu, Dighajantu ran towards Sfiranimila, and, raising his heavy sword high up in the air, brought it down with terrific force upon the latter. Swift as thought Stiranimila warded off the blow with his shield, and the sword fell clattering to the ground from the other's injured hand. Thereupon, as Dighajantu stooped to pick up the fallen weapon, Siranimila, with lightning rapidity, drew out his own powerful sword, and with one mighty stroke slew Dighajantu, who fell literally cleft in twain.
The death of Dighajantu was the turning-point of the battle. The dismayed Tamils turned to flee, and just at this moment Phussadeva blew his conch-shell with a deafening roar. It was the signal for the Sinhalese host to close, in on the engays, and the

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signal was promptly obeyed. The Tamils, finding themselves surrounded on all sides, bravely essayed to cut their way through, but in vain. The Sinhalese, flushed with the spirit of success, fought like demons, and the Tamils fell like corn before the scythe of the reaper. The massacre was frightful: it was a terrible holocaust. The water in the tank close by the scene of the battle was, it is said, dyed red with the blood of the slain, wherefore it was thenceforward known by the significant name of Kulantas vapi, i.e. " end of the tribe' (Kalat-veva).
Duel between Dutugemunu and Elara.
Elara was one of the very few who escaped from the Battle of Kastigalugama without a scratch, but it was a bootless escape. Dutugemunu, accompanied by a select band of soldiers, set of in pursuit directly the intelligence was brought to him that Elara had fled, and he overtook the Tamil King just near the South-Gate of Anuradhapura. Giving orders that nobody else was to raise a hand against Elara, Dutugemunu engaged the latter in single conflict, there on that very spot. Each was mounted on his elephant; but Elara, crushed in spirit by his overwhelming defeat and tired after his recent run, was 1 o match for his adversary. Evading the dart which Elara threw at him, Dutugemunu made his animal charge the other, and just as Kandula succeeded in goring the other elephant with its tusks, he flung a javelin which took Elara on the side. It was a fatal wound, for he fell down dead from his elephant, which, too, shortly afterwards, collapsed in death agony a few paces from his master's side.
Cremation of Elara : Dutugemunu’s Order.
With Elara's dead body borne respectfully in his train, Dutugemunu, who was soon joined by the rest of his army, marched triumphantly to the capital. Thither, after the rejoicings of victory, he summoned the people for miles round in order to join him in solemnly celebrating the funeral rites for the dead Tamil

KING ELARA I33
King, Elara, who had roved in life to be a brave man as well as a just and humane ruler. The body was taken at the head of a mighty procession of the people-Sinhalese as well as Tamils, men, women and children-to the place outside the South-Gate of the City where Elára fell dead from his elephant There on that very spot the cremation took place, and there shortly afterwards Dutugemunu built a stately monument in memory of the brave Tamil ruler, and ordained that the place should be respected. Near the monument he set up a pillar inscription which read as follows: "Let no man, Prince or peasant, in future pass this way riding in palanquin or litter or with beating of drums.' For two thousand years and more the Princes and people of Lanka, when they drew near to this place, were wont to silence their music because of this order.
Another Tamil Invasion Repulsed.
Dutugemunu now made up his mind to be formally and ceremoniously consecrated as Supreme King of Lanka, but before any preparations for this event could even be begun, the necessity arose for fighting the Tamils again. And it was in this wise: During the siege of Vijitapura, or rather upon its fall, Elara had written to India, to his younger brother Bhalluka, explaining how hard pressed he was by the Sinhalese forces, and begging him (Bhalluka) to raise an army there and to come to his (Elara's) aid with all possible despatch. Bhaluka, anxious to help his brother, whose life and throne were apparently in peril, did raise an army on the neighbouring continent for service in Lanka, but it took him longer than he thought. When, however, eventually, with a force of some 30,000 Indian Tamils, he landed at Mahatittha (Mantota or Mahavatutota, opposite the Island of Manaar) it was only then that he learnt that Elara was dead and had beeen cremated just a week previous to his laiding.
Having come so far and at such great trouble, he was reluctant to turn back. Besides, his brother's death had to be avenged, and there was the possibility, if the Sinhalese could be driven

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away, of Bhalluka himself mounting the throne of Lanka. Therefore Bhaluka decided to press forward, and in a few days, arriving at the outskirts of the capital, pitched his camp near the village Kolambahalaka, situated not far from the North-Gate of Anuradhapura. Dutugemunu, for his part, was not slow to act. Marching forth in full panoply of war, mounted on the elephant Kandula with the giant Phussadeva seated behind him, with his fourfold army in mass formation-warriors mounted on elephants, horses and chariots, and with foot-soldiers in great numbers-he resolved to strike a swift blow. The two armies quickly met, and a fierce and bloody battle ensued. Every inch of ground was hotly contested, and nobody could say for some time on which side lay the victory.
Phussadeva’s Extraordinary Marksmanship.
Suddenly, Bhaluka was seen advancing at the head of a picked body of troops, and upon his approach a curious thing happened. Kandula, with Dutugemunu and Phussadeva on its back, yielded ground and continued to fall back, and the Sinhalese army with him was also constrained slowly to retire. Dutugemunu, surprised as well as alarmed, declared excitedly : " Before this, in twentyeight battles, Kandula has never retreated. What does this mean, Phussadeva?' To reassure the mind of the King, who was apparently superstitiously inclined to believe that the elephant's unusual retreat signified an omen of defeat, Phussadeva promptly replied: "Victory lies behind us, O King. Looking to the field of victory the elephant draws back, and at the place of victory he will halt. Let us take our stand where the elephant halts.'
Kandula halted at a spot within the precincts of the Mahá Vihára, and there Bhalluka essayed to shoot at the King. Taking aim at Dutugemunu's mouth he let fly an arrow, but it struck the shield with which Dutugemunu had instantly covered his face and fell to the ground. And because the King happened at the moment to spit out the quid of betel which he had in his mouth, Bhaluka, seeing it and imagining Dutugemunu was wounded,

KING EARA I35
uttered a great cry of joy. " I have shot the King in the mouth,' he shouted, but his joy as well as shouting was short-lived. Phussadeva, the greatest marksman of his time, let fly straight into Bhalluka's mouth an arrow which, as it passed, slightly grazed the King's ear-ring and drew a little blood from the lobe. Bhaluka, fatally wounded, fell backwards so that he would have lain with his feet towards Dutugemunu. But legend tells us that, to prevent this, Phussadeva thereupon shot a second arrow which struck Bhaluka in the knee, even as he fell, so that he now fell forward on his face, from which moment he lay in the position of one conquered and overthrown, or of a slave before the King.
Phussadeva's Guilt.
However that may be, whether the extraordinary result of Phussadeva's marksmanship was designed or accidental, its effect was instantaneous and profound. With Bnalluka's fall the tide of battle turned definitely against the Tamils, who, thrown into confusion, broke loose and fled, with the triumphant Sinhalese close at their heels. The moment Bhalluka fell dowr, Phussadeva, forthwith cutting of the lobe of his own ear, showed the King the blood streaming down.
"What does this mean?' demanded to know the surprised Dutugemunu.
" I have carried out the Royal Justice upon myself,’ was Phussadeva's reply.
"What is thy fault 2' enquired the King. "Striking Your Majesty's ear-ring,' answered the warrior,
“Thou hast been foolish,“ retorted the King, “to assume as guilt that which was accidental and therefore no fault of thine. However, I shall not forget either the spirit or the extent of thy service to-day. Great shall be thy honourable guerdon, even as thine arrow...’

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I36 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE.
Large numbers of Bhaluka's men laid down their arms and surrendered, while the rest got back to India as best they could. With this battle ended Tamil domination in Lanka for some time to come at least. Great were the rejoicings in the capital, where the people celebrated the victory in feasting and revelry.
Theraputtabhaya's Resolve.
Dutugemunu, seated in the Royal chamber of his Palace on the night of the victory and surrounded by his Ministers and Generals, bestowed great gifts and honours on those who had distinguished themselves or had rendered notable service, not only in that day's battle but throughout the campaign as well. The ten Champions came in for special recognition. Theraputtábhaya, however, respectfully declined any gift or honour, and, on being asked the reason, declared.
" It is war, O great King.'
"When a single realm is created, what war is there ?' retorted the King.
" I have resolved to do battle with those rebels, the passionsa battle wherein victory is hard to win. I pray you, Your Majesty, grant me leave henceforth to live a hermit's life: to be a monk is now my only desire and ambition.'
The King asked him again and again to reconsider his resolve, but without effect. Theraputtábhaya respectfully pressed for the permission, which was eventually given. In due time he was ordained, and, like his father, lived the life of a recluse.
Dutugemunu did not forget to reward Phussadeva in a special manner. He sent for Phussadeva's arrow and had it set in the ground with the feathered end uppermost. Then, covering the dart over and over with kahápanas (coins) poured forth upon it, he caused these to be handed to Phussadeva.

KING ELARA п37
Dutugemunu's own Resolve. A
Then, dismissing the assembly and retiring to an inner apartment of the Royal Palace, he sat on his soft and fair couch covered with costly draperies, and there for a long time he lay buried in deep thought. So profound was his reverie that he soon became oblivious to everything around him. The gay decorations of the room, the fragrant lamps and perfume-filled vases, the dancinggirls, beautiful as nymphs, who waited silently for his signal to entertain him with song and dance-these had no place in his thoughts at the moment.
His mind wandered elsewhere and dwelt on other things. It harked back from his victory of that day to the beginning of the campaign upon which he had embarked; and yet the remembrance of the great and glorious success which had throughout crowned his arms gave him no real joy at heart. He thought of the thousands of human beings whose lives had been utterly destroyed by his undertaking, and the memory of this filled him with deep and poignant sorrow. For he had always been deeply religious in mind and compassionate at heart, and the resollection of the incalculable pain and indescribable suffering he had inflicted, the terrible price he had paid to purchase the fruits of victory, robbed him of his peace of mind and the content which should have been his otherwise, upon the realisation of his cherished ambition.
When, however, he awoke at last from his reverie, it was with the fixed determination to begin, with the morrow, a new chapter in his life which should have nothing in common with that which he closed that day. Hitherto he had been a man of war, henceforth he would be a man of peace, governing his people justly and humanely, and devoting himself whole-heartedly to furthering the sacred cause of Religion.
On the very next day preparations were set on foot for the King's Coronation, and this solemn event took place in a few days' time, Dutugemunu being acclaimed by the thousands of people who had gathered at the capital from north and south, east and west, as the Supreme Ruler of United Lanka.

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XV. KING DUTUGEMUNU.
REIGNED 24 YEARS. (B.O. 161-B.O. 137)
King Dutthagamani (Dutugemunu), more securely placed on the throne than any previous ruler of Lanka, was solemnly crowned King within a few days of his assumption of the government of the country.
The Coronation festivities lasted a whole week in the capital, and the event was celebrated in a befitting manner in every village and hamlet throughout the kingdom. Never was a King So enthusiastically and so universally acclaimed as Dutugemunu was upon his consecration. His great and glorious victories over the Tamils had shed lustre on the nation, which could now proudly declare themselves Sinhalese, and the nation marked the occasion of his accession by rejoicings of unparalleled grandeur and magnificence.
The Maricavatti (Mirisvetiya) Dagaba.
When the week of the Coronation festival was over, Dutugemunu, accompanied by his Queen and other members of the Royal Household, drove in state to the Tissa tank for a great water-féte which had been arranged to be held there. He was attended to the spot by his Ministers and other Court officers, and the bearers of the Spear headed the procession.
This Spear was the same one, in a receptacle of which a Relic had been placed, and which had constantly been carried before him as a Royal Standard throughout his campaign against the Tamils; and it was now borne before him even when he went to take part in water-sports. The bearers of the Spear halted at a spot just north of the Tissa tank, and, planting the Spear on the
п38

KING DUTU GEMUNTU I39
ground where they stood, awaited the time of their Royal master's return from the water-sports, in order to carry it before him on the way back to the Palace.
In the evening, at the conclusion of the water-féte, Dutugemunu made ready to return and gave directions for the Spear-bearers to precede him, but these men found difficulty in dislodging the Spear from the ground. The reverent, if superstitious, soldiers, making no further attempt to remove the Spear which they knew contained a Relic of the Buddha, knelt down round it and placed offerings of flowers at the spot where the Spear stood planted on the ground.
Dutugemunu, coming up to the place shortly afterwards, was apprised of what had happened, and he made haste to make his own offerings at the spot. The King's example was followed by all the members of his household and others present, with the result that a goodly heap of offerings of various kinds-from simple flowers to costly articles of adornment, such as jewellery-soon marked the spot where the Spear stood. As it was now getting dark, Dutugemunu placed sentinels round about the place of these incidents and returned to his Palace.
The very next day Dutugemunu gave orders for the building, on the spot, not only of a Cetiya which would enclose the Spear, but also a Vihara enclosing the thipa. The work was taken in hand at once. In three years, that is, in B.C. I58, the Cetiya and Vihira-the Maricavatti Vihara-were completed, and the event was celebrated by a great festival. All the Buddhist monks and nuns resident in the Island were invited to the imposing ceremony of the consecration of the Monastery; and in the presence of a large assembly of these as well as of the laity, the King solemnly poured forth the ceremonial "Water of Donation' and gifted the Maricavatti Vihára to the Brotherhood of Monks.
In a great and beautiful Hall, which ran round the Vihara and extended right up even to the neighbouring Abhaya-veva, the assembled monks and nuns were sumptuously entertained, not only that day but for a whole week. Besides all kinds of rich

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food and drink, Dutugemunu bestowed on them valuable gifts of clothing, etc., allotting the most costly parikkhára to the most distinguished monks, and to the others according to the rank of the recipient. Several hundred thousand kahápanas were spent on these offerings.
The Dagaba as it Stands To-day.
The Maricavatti Dágaba (S. Mirisvetiya) was shaped like a hemisphere, resting on three cylinders which formed three basal platforms or ledges round it. On the top of the dome was a rectangular ' tee' ornamented with posts and rails on each face in sunk relief, above which rose the spire surmounted by one solid chatta. The Dágaba, as it stands to-day, has been described thus:-
It had three high rectangular stone vihalkadas, 25 feet long, facing the north, south and west cardinal points, each formed of a series of cornices or deep mouldings separated by bands of plain stone-work. Twenty-one elephants' heads project from the band above the lowest cornice; and on the uppermost band are carved in relief four processions of animals in one line, all marching to the left, and consisting of horses, humped bulls, lions, horned lions, and elephants. At the left of the six animals in each wing of the vahalkada, a man or deity stands facing them and holding up his left hand; and a similar figure stands facing each group of five animals in the central part.
The vihalkadas are flanked at each end by two rectangular monolithic pillars, 13 inches wide in the face, the inner one being as high as the uppermost cornice, and being surmounted by a stone lion sitting on his haunches on a square capital with a Buddhist railing of two bars on its face; he is looking outwards, with halfopen mouth. The outer one, which is very short, has vertical flutings on the face, and the lower half of a rayed sun emblem above them.
The taller pillars have, as ornaments on their face, a dwarf at the base, supporting on his head a vase out of which springs a tree decorated with a series of pairs of men and animals alternately,

KING OUTUGEMUNU I4
climbing upwards on each side of it. At the top, above the tree, there is a disk or dharma-chakra (a "Wheel of the Law') on a pedestal, over which is a conical chatta in relief, with a snake lying head uppermost on each side of the pedestal. Above each Snake is a Yak-tail fly-whisk, the emblem of a guardian deity. Behind the vihalkadas steps led to the two upper basal ledges. The height to the top of the ruin was 52 feet 7 inches.
The Lova-Maha-Paya or 'Brazen Palace.'
A year after the gifting of the Maricavatti Vihara to the Brotherhood of Monks, it was reported to Dutugemunu that a gold plate was discovered in a chest at the Royal Palace. Upon examination, the plate was found to contain an inscription of Devanampiya Tissa's time, recording a prophecy by Mahinda Thera that, within two centuries of that King's reign, there would arise a ruler of Lanka who would glorify religion by the construction of mighty and splendid buildings.
Dutugemunu assumed that this prophecy conveyed a message to himself, and resolved to build for the Samgha another structure, of a different character from the Maricavatti Vihara but on a more magnificent scale. The explanation of this new zeal lies in the fact that Religion was to him now, not a matter of secondary consideration as in the days of his martial enterprises, but a living driving force of the first importance, an obsession which filled all his thoughts, day and night.
The man of war had indeed been transformed into the man of peace, the valorous soldier into the pious devotee; and his one ambition now was to employ all his strength of mind and body, and all the power he had acquired as King, for the greater glory of the religion which he professed. Swift upon his new resolve Dutugemunu arranged a gathering of the monks in the beautiful Mahamegha Park, and there he addressed them thus:-
" I will build for you a passida like to a palace of the gods.'

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He requested them to send him a plan of the kind of building they desired, so that he might model his proposed structure on it. The monks then dispersed and, meeting again later by themselves, discussed the plan of the building they should submit to Dutugemunu. Various suggestions were made, but none of them received general approval. At length one bhikkhu, shrewder and of wider reading than the rest, declared :
"The King is minded to build us a pasáda like to a palace of the gods. Why should we not give him a plan of the gleaming gem-palace of the serving-woman named Birani. ?'
"Who was she 2' asked some of the monks who knew not the story, and the bhikkhu thereupon replied:
The Gem-Palace of Birani.
" In the time of the Sage Kassapa (the last Buddha before Gautama), we are told, there lived a Brahman named Asoka who had set eight silakabhatta ("ticket-meals') to be apportioned to the brethren. 'Give of this continually he had commanded his serving-woman named Birani, and faithfully her whole life long did she give of these gifts to the Brethren. When she died, by reason of the merit she had acquired during life by her action, she was reborn as a lovely maiden in a gleaming palace floating in the air, and she was continually served by a thousand nymphs.
" Her gem-palace was twelve yojanas high and measured jorty-eight yojanas round about. It was adorned with a thousand futting window-chambers, nine-storied, provided with a thousand chambers, gleaming with light four-sided, with a thousand shell-garlands, with windows like eyes and provided with a Uedaka adorned with a network of little bells. In the middle of this gleaming palace was a beautiful Pavilion named Ambalatthika-pâsáda, visible from every side and bright with hanging pennons.

KING DUTTUGIEM UN U І43
"That is the story in brief. Now, why should we not make a drawing of this gem-palace of Birani and hand it to the King to. serve as a model for the Palace he wishes to build?
The monks all agreed that it was a capital idea, and they thereupon commissioned one of their number, a bhikkhu naturally gifted as an artist, to make a drawing of Birani's palace. The drawing, made with red arsenic upon a linen cloth, was soon finished and sent to Dutugemunu. He was greatly pleased and gave directions to commence building operations without delay, after the plan of the model supplied to him by the bhikkhus.
The work was taken in hand in B.C. I56, two years after the completion of the Maricavatti Vihára, and many thousands were employed in the undertaking. From the outset Dutugemunu was determined that the whole merit of the work should be his, and his alone, by paying for the labour himself. He had it proclaimed :
"No work is to be done here without reward,'
and every workman had his labour appraised and wages paid accordingly. For the payment of these wages in a manner convenient to the labourers themselves, large sums of money-800,000 gold pieces, according to one chronicle-were deposited in charge of pay-masters near each of the four City gates. Here, too, were placed thousands of bundles of garments and many pitchers filled with ball-sugar, oil, sugar-dust and honey, for the use of the work
C.
The Magnificence of the Brazen Palace.
In six years-that is, in B.C. I5o-the work was over, and So wonderful was the magnificence and beauty of the completed structure that, it is said, many could scarcely believe it had been fashioned by human hands. Even the ancient priestly chronicler of the Mahávamsa, not accustomed to lavish praise on material

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things, was moved to eloquent and picturesque language in his description of the splendid and stately building. For this is what he says:-
The pistida was four-sided, measuring on each side a hundred cubits (I5o feet), and as much in height. In this most beautiful of palacesthere were nine storeys, and in each storey a hundred window-chambers. All the chambers were overlaid with silver, and their coral vedikis were adorned with manifold precious stones; the vedikais were surrounded with rows of little silver bells and lotus flowers gay with various gems. A thousand well-arranged chambers were in the passida, overlaid with various gems and adorned with windows. Costly beds and chairs, according to rank, and carpets and coverlets of great price were spread about. Even the rinsing-vessel and the ladle belonging thereto were of gold. What need then to speak of the other utensils in the palace? V
But that was not all. Birani's gem-palace-the model for the present structure-had in the middle of the building a beautiful Pavilion, and a similar gem-Pavilion enhanced the beauty and splendour of this new Palace of Dutugemunu's. It was adorned with pillars consisting of precious stones, on which were figures of lions, tigers, etc., and shapes of devatas; a bordering of pearl network ran round the edge of the Pavilion, and thereon was a coral vedikdi of the kind described above. Within the Pavilion, gaily adorned with the seven gems, stood a shining throne of ivory with a seat of mountain-crystal. In the ivory back was fashioned a sun of gold, a moon of silver, and stars of pearls. White lotus-blossoms made of various gems were artistically placed here and there, and scenes from the Jaitakas (birth-stories of the Buddha) were depicted within a festoon of gold.

KING OUTUGEMUNU I45.
The Throne of Ivory.
On this beautiful throne, covered with costly cushions, was placed a gleaming fan of ivory. A white parasol with a coral foot, resting on mountain-crystal and having a silver staff, shone forth over the throne. On it, depicted in the seven gems, were the eight auspicious figures (viz. the lion, bull, elephant, waterpitcher, fan, standard, conch-shell, and lamp), as well as rows of figures of beasts with jewels and pearls in between. Rows of little silver bells were hung upon the edge of the parasol. No wonder the chronicler adds that 'palace, parasol, throne and pavilion were beyond price.' The whole structure was surrounded by a beautiful enclosure and provided with four gateways, one at each cardinal point.
Such was the Palace which Dutugemunu built as a labour of love and which, from the circumstance that it was covered over with plates of copper, came to be called the Brazen Palace (P. Loha-pistida; S. Lovdi-mahá-paya). Soon after its completion there was held, just as in the case of the Maricavatti Vihára, a solemn consecration-festival at which, in addition to vast numbers of the lay people, there were present a great gathering of the Brotherhood of Monks. These latter, according to their rank and degree of learning or sarctity, were accommodated in the various storeys of the Palace. Thus, the bhikkhus who were yet "simple folk' stood in the first storey, those learned in the Tipitaka or Sacred Scriptures of Religion on the second, and s- on till all the nine storeys were filled, the holiest ascetics being placed in the topmost storey.
In the midst of this assembly and in sight of all, Dutugemunu poured forth the ceremonial "Water of Donation' and gifted the splendid Lová-Mahá-Paya to the Bortherhood of Monks, Moreover he commanded, as on the previous occasion, a lavish gift of alms for a week. This order was carried out unstintingly and regardless of cost. The almsgiving was on the same magnificent scale as that on which the Palace was designed and con structed.

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THE RUVANVEILI-SEYA OR MAHA THUPA
Collection of the Building Material.
In B.C. I49., that is, in the year following that on which the Brazen Palace was completed, Dutugemunu resolved to build the Great Thapa or Ruvanveli-seya-the earliest and greatest of the greater Dágabas of Anuradhapura. And it came about in this way:-
It will be remembered that, in the reign of Devanampiya Tissa, immediately after the formal gifting of the Mahameghavanárama or Maha Vihara to the Buddhist clergy, the Thera Mahinda proceeded to seven different spots in the neighbourhood of the Royal Pavilion. The site of one of these was marked by a pillar of stone which Devánampiya Tissa set up exactly on the spot where Mahinda had made an offering of jasmine and other flowers.
About a year after the consecration of the Lova-Mahá-Paya, Dutugemunu held a great and splendid ceremony of gifts in honour of the Bo-tree. When entering the City in connection with this ceremony, he happened to see the pillar of stone set up by his predecessor Devanampiya Tissa, and, being reminded of the tradition associated with this stone, he expressed his intention without delay to build a mighty Thapa upon the spot. In this manner originated the idea of the construction of the Ruvanveliséya.
Entering his Palace shortly after he had seen the stone-pillar, Dutugemunu ate his repast, and, mounting up to the high terrace, sat there for a long time bowed in thought.
"At the conquering of the Damilas (Tamils) this people was oppressed by me. It is not possible to levy a tax; yet if, without a tax, I build the Great Thápa, how shall I be able to have bricks duly made 2'

KING DUTU GEMUNUJ I47
Such was the burden of his thoughts, and he found it difficult to reach a satisfactory decision. He was determined, of course, that the people should not be taxed in this connection, and he was equally determined that the Thapa should be built. But how was he to do the one without the other ?
The Maricavatti Vihára, and then the Lová-Maha-Paya, had impoverished his resources, and the kind of building he now contemplated would require even more money than he had spent on those two structures. The resolution to which he came finally was to start collecting the necessary material slowly, even if the process took a long time, as he was extremely anxious to avoid oppressively burdening the people.
Legends of the 'Fortunate Discoveries.'
But a series of fortunate and opportune discoveries considerably lightened his task and obviated the necessity for any levy on the people. Legend tells us, for instance, that not long after the King's resolution to collect the wherewithal to build the Thapa, there was a huntsman who had gone with his dogs one morning into a forest near the Gambhira river, about a yojana from the City. Seeing an iguana the hunter pursued it, and, in the course of the chase, came across a huge pile of bricks.
"Our King intends to build a great Thapa, here is an aid thereto,' thought he.
And forthwith returning to the City, he reported his discovery to the delighted Dutugemunu who handsomely rewarded him. The story assigns a divine origin to the presence of the bricks in the forest, but the probability is that they represented a collection made by some previous builder who had somehow been unable to utilise them.
Another hunter, shortly afterwards, was not less fortunate. He found, on the sand in a cave opening on the Pelivapikagama tank (S. Pelavetgama, now Vavunik-kulam, a little over

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50 miles north of Anuradhapura), four large and beautiful gems, in colour like flax-flowers. These he brought to the King who gave him a rich reward.
A similar find of precious stones, in fairly large numbers, was made at the village of Sumanavapi (S. Saman-veva), situated about four yojanas (32 miles) south-east of Anuradhapura, and was duly reported to Dutugemunu, who had the gems stored away carefully for use in due course.
From time to time other discoveries were made of a like character and helped to fill the coffers of the King. For instance, in a north-easterly direction from Anuradhapura, at a distance of three yojanas and near Acaravitthigama (S. Aciravitya), on a plain covering sixteen karisas of land, there appeared nuggets of gold of different sizes, the largest measuring a span and the smallest a finger's measure.
Again, on the east side of the City of Anuradhapura, at a distance of seven yojanas, copper was discovered on the further bank of the river, near a village which from this circumstance was thenceforward called Tambapittha (S. Tambavitiya).
In a westerly direction from the City, at a distance of five yojanas, near the landing-place Uruvela (at the mouth of the Kola Oya), legend has it that pearls were found, in size like to great myrobalan fruits, mingled with coral. Certain fishermen who made the discovery took the pearls together with the coral in a vessel and handed them to the King.
The Story of the Silver Cave.
Then, finally, in the fifth year of the King's resolve to collect the wherewithal to build the Great Thuipa, came the sensational discovery of silver in the Ambatthakola-lena, a cave lying in a southerly direction from Anuradhapura, at a distance of about eight yojanas. It came about in this way:-

YKING IDUTUGEMUNU I49
A merchant from the City, taking many waggons, or rather bullock-carts, with him, had set out for Máyá in order to bring ginger and other provisions from that Province, as he was usually wont to do in the pursuit of his trade. Not far from the Ambatthakola cave, which lay along his route, he brought the carts to a halt; and since, like the modern Sinhalese carter, he required a few strong sticks to serve as whips for his bulls, he walked up the adjacent hillside.
Seeing here a Jak (kos) tree branch weighed down by the weight of a single ripe fruit as large as a water-pitcher, he cut the fruit from the stalk with his knife; then, ripping it open, he proceeded to extract the sweet kernels (peni-varaka-madulu). Just at this moment, the story proceeds, four Theras appeared on the scene and the merchant, as an offering, filled their bowls with the kernels of the fruit. Three of the Theras then went their way, but the fourth, proceeding a little distance apart, sat down near the mouth of the cave, ate the kernels given to him as his share, and then departed from the place.
Thereupon the merchant, following the track taken by the Thera, went himself and sat down at the entrance to the cave, made a meal of the remainder of the Jak fruit, and, wrapping up a portion for consumption during his journey, got up to go. Prompted, however, by a sudden feeling of curiosity, he took a few steps into the cave, only to be brought to an abrupt halt by something dazzling before him. He had his axe in his hand, and with this he struck at the glistening object. On examining the lump which thus broke off, he found it to be silver.
The excited merchant then ran to his carts, gave orders for the bulls to be untied and tethered round about, and, bidding his servants await his return, ran in haste to Anuradhapura. Straight to the King he went and announced his discovery. Dutugemunu, well pleased, rewarded him and forthwith gave orders to bring the silver from Ambatthakola cave to the capital.
In this way, at the end of five years from that on which he had made up his mind to build the Mahá Thupa without taxing

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the people, Dutugemunu found himself in a position to begin the undertaking, and to this end he now gave orders. Some of the necessary material had to be obtained from outside the Island-from India-and thither he sent men for the purpose. Meanwhile he made all local preparations, so as to be ready to start the work on an auspicious day and to proceed with it uninterruptedly thenceforward.
The Beginning of the Maha Thupa.
On the full-moon day of the month Vesakha (April-May), in the I7th year of his reign-that is, in B.C. I44-Dutugemunu began in real earnest the work of the Great Thupa. The stonepillar, set up of old by Devanampiya Tissa, was removed and the place for the Thtipa was dug out to a depth of seven cubits, in order to make it firm in every way. Round stones, which Dutugemunu's soldiers had brought to the spot, were then broken with hammers, and, in order to make the ground firmer, the crushed stone was stamped down by great elephants whose feet were bound with leather.
A kind of clay, which, because of its fineness, is called "butterclay' and which had been brought there from the neighbourhood of the Ganges, was spread over the layer of stones, and bricks were laid over the clay. Over these bricks came a rough cement and over this cinnabar; over the cinnabar was placed a network of iron, and over this sweet-scented marumba, which had been brought there by Sdimaneras from the Himalayas. Over this marumba, by Dutugemunu's order, was laid mountain-crystal, and over the layer of mountain-crystal he had stones spread, the "butter-clay' serving as cement everywhere throughout the work.
Then, over the stones, came a sheet of copper, seven inches thick, with. resin of the kapitha tree dissolved in sweetened water (that is, water of the small red coconut); and over this, with arsenic dissolved in sesamum oil, Dutugemunu laid a sheet of silver seven inches thick. To put it briefly, the ground for the foundation-stone was prepared as follows :-

KING OUTUGEMUNU I5I
SHEET OF SILVER with arsenic dissolved in sesamum oil
SHEET OF COPPER with resin of kapittha tree dissolved in coconut water
STONES
O t
釜 MOUNTAIN.-CRYSTAL
t SWEET-SCIENTED MARUMBA 器
NETWORK OF IRON h
CINNABAR 只
动 ROUGH CEMENT
BRICKS
BUTTER CLAY
CRUSHED STONE
An Important Ceremony.
While this work of preparing the spot where the Great Thapa was to be built was in progress, Dutugemunu sent out invitations to the monks of the great Viharas and monasteries in India to be present on the occasion of the Solemn Laying of the FoundationStone. This was fixed for the evening of the 15th day of the bright half of the month Astilha (June-July).
As the day approached, an order was given for the decoration, not merely of the place of the Thaipa and its surroundings, but also of the whole city of Anuradhapura and the streets leading to it. Certain Ministers were specially appointed to be in charge of the scheme of decorations, and they personally saw to it that this task was properly carried out. Other Ministers were charged with the duty of making adequate arrangements for the proper reception and treatment of the visitors, and for providing all that might be required by the people flocking to attend the ceremony.

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Some idea of how thoroughly these Ministers performed their allotted share of work may be gathered from the fact that, on the morning of the day fixed for the ceremony, the whole City, gay with decorations of flags and flowers, pretty pandals and artistic arches, was transformed almost beyond recognition. At each of the four gates of the City were numbers of barbers and bath-attendants, who were ready to attend to such requirements of the incoming people as would enable them to go to the place of the Thapa, neat in appearance and cleanly in person.
Moreover, near the gates were stored piles of white clothing, fragrant flowers and sweet-foods for the use of the people, while, in addition, round about the spot where the ceremony was to take place, there were a thousand-and-eight cart-loads of clothes. There were also a thousand-and-eight large quantities of honey, clarified butter, sugar and other goods, each disposed in a separate place. On the previous evening Dutugemunu had arranged for an assembly of the Brotherhood of the bhikkhus as well as of the people, and had addressed them thus:-
"Tomorrow, venerable Sirs, I shall lay the Foundation-Stone of the Great Cetiya. Let our whole Brotherhood assemble here, so that a Festival may be held for the Buddha; and let the people in festal array, with fragrant fiowers and other offerings, come tomorrow to the place where the Mahá. Thápa will be built.'
On the morrow, from early dawn, the people came from far and near-citizens and peasantry, clad in white and bearing white flowers of sweet perfume, -pouring in one unending stream to the place where the Foundation-Stone was to be laid. As the time for the ceremony drew nigh, the assembled monks and people took up their respective places round about the spot. The monks included not only the bhikkhus of Lanka, but also large numbers of others from the principal Viháras and monasteries of India. These foreign deputations were each led by their respective Mahdi Theras. The names of some of the more notable principals who were present on that occasion are as follows:

KING OUTUGEMUNU I53
Eminent Visitors from India.
Candagutta Maha Thera-from the Vanavása country (modern Banavási in North Kanara).
Cittagutta Maha Thera-from the Bodhimanda Wihara (at Bodhgaya, the place where Gautama attained to Buddhahood).
Dhammasena Maha Thera-from Isipatanáráma (near Báránasi-the modern Benares-where the Buddha preached his first sermon).
Indagutta Maha Thera-from Râjagaha (now Ràjgir), the capital of Magadha.
Mahadeva Maha Thera-from Pallavabhogga.
Mittinna Maha Thera-from the Asokáráma in Pupphapura (Pátaliputta). ر
Piyadassi Maha Thera-from the Jetavanarama (a monastery mear Sâvatthi in the Kosalla country).
Suriyagutta Maha Thera–from Kelåsa Vihâra.
Urubuddha-rakkhita Maha Thera-from the Mahasan. monastery in Vesali (modern Basar in the district Muzaffarpur north of Patna).
Urudhamma-rakkhita Maha Thera-from the Ghositáráma in Kosambi (on the river Yamuná).
Urusamgha-rakkhita Maha Thera-from the Dakkhinagiri in Ujjeni (now Ujjain in the Gwalior State, Central India).
Uttara Maha Thera-from the Wattaniyarama in the Vinjha forest (near the Vindhyá mountain).
Uttinna Maha Thera-from the Kasmira country (Kashmir)
Yonamahadhamma-rakkhita Maha Thera–from Alasanda (Alexandria), the city of the Yonas, i.e. the Greeks (probably the town founded by the Macedonian king in the country of the Paropanisadae near Kabul).

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These bhikkhus, together with the chief monks of the local fraternity, stood, according to their rank, around the place of the Maha Thapa, leaving in the midst an open space for the King.
A few minutes before the hour fixed for the ceremony, Dutugemunu, clad in his rich, royal robes and decked with priceless gems of wonderful beauty, arrived. He was accompanied by all his high Ministers of State, richly clothed as befitted their office. and by the members of the Royal Household, including the beautiful dancing-girls who were themselves clad like celestial
nymphs.
The four sections of the Sinhalese Army were represented in large numbers and formed a great square enclosing the assembled throng. As the King stepped on to the dais prepared for his accommodation in the open space referred to above, the music crashed and the whole assemblage broke out into tumultuous applause and deafening shouts of "Sódhu."
Laying the Foundation-Stone.
The ceremony began sharp at the appointed minute. The King greeted the Mahá. Theras immediately in front of him, made an offering of fragrant flowers to them and walked round them three times, thus making a pradakshind. A few feet away from the monks was a spot marked out as the consecrated place of the "Filled Pitcher,' where was placed the pure turning-staff (for tracing the circular boundary), made of silver and secured by means of a rope to a post of gold.
Stepping across to this spot, Dutugemunu, as ceremonially prescribed, directed a Minister of noble birth, who stood by and whose popularity with the people stood high, to grasp the turningstaff, walk round with it in his hands along the ground already prepared, and to draw, in this way, the circular outline of the Thapa. Dutugemunu's object was thus to allot a great space for the Cetiya, but there was a sudden interruption in the proceedings.

KING BUTUGEMUNU I55
Siddhattha Mahá. Thera, a far-seeing monk, who stood not far away from the King, stepped forward and respectfully expressed it as his opinion that it was not wise to plan the Cetiya on so large a scale for two reasons in particular, viz., that the king would in all probability be unable to complete such a stupendous work in his own life-time, and its repair in future times, presuming it was built on the dimensions intended, would be not only difficult but also costly and protracted. The King, realising the force of the arguments, expressed his approval of Siddhattha. Thera's words; and, though he would fain have carried out his original plan, gave directions that it should be modified. The circular boundary eventually marked out was that on which the Thapa was afterwards built.
Dutugemunu then proceeded ceremoniously to lay the Foundation-Stone, and walked up to the spot prepared for the purpose. Here he deposited, in the middle, eight vases of silver and eight vases of gold, and in a circle around these he placed a thousand and-eight new vases. Then he laid eight splendid bricks, each one apart by itself (namely East, North-east, North and so on), and, in a circle around each of them, a hundred-and-eight garments. Then, another Minister. who had previously been selected for the purpose, and who was clothed suitably for the occasion, took one of the bricks, and, going to the east side, which had been prepared with much ceremony, solemnly laid there the first FoundationStone, upon sweet-smelling clay. This clay had been mixed by a Thera named Mittasena, and on it water had been poured by another Thera, Jayasena.
Conclusion of the Ceremony.
Dutugemunu thereupon made an offering of jasmine-flowers at the spot where the first stone had been laid, after which he directed that the seven remaining bricks belaid by seven Ministers and the prescribed consecration ceremonies carried out. Then, with an eloquent and impassioned sermon preached by the Mahá. Thera Piyadassi, who had come all the way from the Jetavanárama,

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in India, the solemn ceremony of the laying of the FoundationStone of the Mahá. Thápa or Ruvanveli-Séya was brought to a close late in the evening of the I5th uposatha day of the bright half of the month Asalha (June-July), in the year B.C. I44 (that is, 4co years after the death of the Buddha).
When the ceremony was ended Dutugemunu, addressing the assembled monks-several thousands in number-formally requested them not to depart but to remain in the capital as his guests, till the building of the Mahá, Thápa was completed. The invitation was in effect that they should stay in Anuradhapura for years, at his expense; but the bhikkhus respectfully but decisively expressed their inability to do so. Dutugemunu, thereupon, pressed them to remain for a year, and, as they still declined, he kept limiting his invitation more and more, till at last they agreed to stay only for one week.
The King, who was anxious to treat with generosity the monks who had travelled great distances and come from far countries to be present at the ceremony, gave orders for the setting up of eighteen Pavilions round about the place of the Maha Thupa. In these and other places the bhikkhus were accommodated, and every day throughout a whole week they were most sumptuously entertained and lavish gifts bestowed upon them, not only by the King but also by his Ministers and rich nobles. In due course the bhikkhus departed to their respective Vihdiras and monasteries.
The Design of the Thupa.
Now that the Foundation-stone had been well and truly laid, the work of actual building was taken in hand at once. The first thing that had to be done was to settle what the design should be, and to this end Dutugemunu summoned to his palace the most skilled Master-builders in the country. When they arrived he asked one of them :
* How wilt thou make the Thüpa ?”

KING OUTUGEMUNU п57
"Taking a hundred workmen I will use one waggon-load of sand in one day,' was the man's reply.
"Should'st thou do so, the Cetiya would be like a heap of pure sand and would be covered with grass and bushes,' declared the King in rejecting him. Dutugemunu realised only too well that the use of too much sand would tell against the durability of the Thupa,
Thereon a second Master-builder offered to work with half a waggon load, a third with a quarter, and a fourth with two aminanas of sand, but Dutugemunu would have none of them. Then an experienced and shrewd Master-builder named Sirivaddhaka ('' the great healer,” lit ' augmenting the bliss ') said to the King.
" I shall pound the sand in a mortar; and then, when it is sifted, have it crushed in the mill, and thus will use only one dam mana of sand.'
" In what form wilt thou make the Thupa?' then asked the King who appeared to be so far satisfied with this proposal.
The Master-builder thereupon had had a golden bowl filled with water. Taking a little water into his hand, he let it fall on the surface of the water in the bowl, and a great bubble rose up like unto a half-globe of crystal.
" Thus will I make it " he declared, pointing with his finger to the great bubble.
Dutugemunu, greatly pleased, bestowed on him a pair of garments worth a thousand pieces of money, ornamented shoes and I2,Ooo kahipanas ; he also gave orders that the direction of the work of the Mahá, Thapa should be entrusted to Sirivaddhaka.
“No Work Without Wages.'
A few days before the work on the Mahá. Thapa began in real earnest, Dutugemunu had it proclaimed by beat of tom-tom : "Work shall not be done here without wage.' He was anxious

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that the merit of the whole undertaking should be his, and his alone, and he gave particular directions that no man's labour was to be utilised without recompense of some kind or other.
Accordingly, at each of the four Gates of the City, he had a number of temporary buildings put up in which were stored not only vast sums of money for the payment of wages, but also articles of clothing, different kinds of ornaments, solid and liquid foods, drink, sweet-smelling flowers, sugar, etc, for the use of the workmen. He also provided the five kinds of mouth-perfumes, so that the men might perform their labour round about the Thapa in an atmosphere of fragrance, unpolluted by foul breath or evil smell.
"Let them take of these as they will when they have laboured as they will,' commanded the generous Dutugemunu, and every labourer found the work a profitable occupation. Each man found himself rated on a liberal scale and wages allotted to him accordingly. The Overseers appointed for the purpose saw to it that no man went away unrequited on any day.
A Bhikku's Secret Endeavour.
A certain bhikkhu, who was anxious to take part in the building of the Thapa, took a lump of clay, kneaded and mixed it himself till he formed a brick; then, going to the place of the Cetiya, he eluded the vigilance of the watchers on duty and boldly handed the brick to a workman. As the bhikkhu had received no wage for making this brick, he hoped thus to obtain a share in the meritorious work of building the Thapa, but this effort failed. The workman at once recognised the brick by the difference in its composition, and promptly reported the matter to the Overseer who in turn had it brought to the notice of the King. Dutugemunu came to the spot, questioned the workman, and, finding that the latter was unable to say whether the particular bhikkhu was a local or foreign monk, directed the Overseer to make a searching enquiry.

KING OUTUGEMUNU I59
At length the bhikkhu was discovered, whereupon the King had three pitchers with jasmine-blossoms placed in the courtyard of the sacred Bo-tree, and he bade the Overseer give them to the bhikkhu so that the latter might be rewarded in this way for his work on the Thapa. The bhikkhu, suspecting nothing, used the flowers to make an offering on his own account to the Bo-tree. It was only then that the Overseer told him that the flowers represented a return or payment for the brick on which the monk had laboured in the hope of sharing in the work of the Thapa.
There was another Thera, a kinsman of that brick-worker, who made a similar attempt to take part in the work of building the Thapa. He made a brick of the size such as was used there after having learned the exact measure from the brick-worker, and, coming to the place where the men were at labour, contrived stealthily to hand it to the workman. The latter laid it on its place in the Thapa along with other bricks and continued his work, but soon a commotion arose. Apparently the use of the Thera's brick had been 'oticed by another workman and the fact communicated to the Overseer, who made much ado about it. Eventually the matter was reported to the King who, arriving on the scene, interrogated the workman :
t"Is it possible to recognise the brick 2' asked the King.
" It is impossible,' replied the man falsely, though he knew exactly where the brick lay.
"Can'st thou at least recognise the Thera ' was Dutugemunu's next question.
"Yes' answered the other, for he was afraid to carry his denials too far.
The Bhikkhu Circunvented.
Thereupon the King, after giving certain instructions to the Overseer, went away. From that moment the Overseer kept a close watch on the workman and succeeded at last in finding out

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who the Thera was. He was a monk from Piyangalla (S. Piyagala) in the Kotthivala district (S. Kelivá-ianapada), who had come to Anuradhapura for the laying of the Foundation-Stone of the Mahá Thupa and, remaining behind after that ceremony, had taken up temporary residence at the Katthahala-Parivena.
The Overseer decided to follow him there, and, after ascertaining the day of the Thera's departure and the place to which he was going, intimated his intention to accompany the monk to his village. Then, hastening back to the Royal Palace, he told the King all that he had seen, heard and found out. Dutugemunu thereupon gave certain further instructions to him, handing him at the same time a pair of garments worth a thousand pieces of money and a costly red coverlet, as well as sugar, a neliya of fragrant oil, and in fact many other things useful to bhikkhus.
With these packed in a handy bundle the Overseer rejoined the Thera and started with him on the journey to the Kotthivala district. When Piyangalla village came in sight, the Overseer made the Thera sit down in a cool shady place where there was water. Then giving him sugar-water to drink, he rubbed the monk's feet with fragrant oil and put sandals upon them, after which he handed to him the other requirements for priests he had brought in his bundle, saying at the same time :
"For the Thera who visits my house have I brought these with me, but the two garments are for my son. All this do I give to thee now.'
The Thera, suspecting nothing, accepted the gift, whereupon the Overseer, in taking leave to depart, declared that the gift just made was in payment for the brick which the monk had made for the Mahá. Thtipa. Thus, for the second time, did Dutugemunu prevent another from sharing in an undertaking, the entire merit of which he was determined should be his alone.

KING DUTU GEMIUJNU I6I
The Relic-Chamber-its Resplendent Contents.
When in due course the work on the Mahá Thupa had made considerable progress, the time arrived for the construction of that part of the Cetiya known as the Relic-Chamber. It was intended to use in this connection certain fat-coloured stones-that is, stones of the golden or cream colour of fat-which were to be found only in the land of the Northern Kurusa people living near the Himalaya mountains.
Accordingly two Sámaneras, named Uttara and Sumana, were despatched there for the purpose, and they brought back six massive stones, each eight inches thick, which are described as being "bright as the sun and like to ganthi blossoms.' One of these stones was laid on the flower-terrace in the middle of the Relic Chamber, four were disposed on the four sides in the fashion of a chest, and the remaining one was kept apart, on the East side, to serve afterwards as a lid for the chest-like receptacle.
In the midst of the Relic-Chamber Dutugemunu placed a priceless and dazzlingly beautiful five-branched Bo-tree made of jewels. The root, made of coral, rested on sapphire. The stem, made of perfectly pure silver, was adorned with leaves made of gems, and had withered leaves and fruits of gold and young shoots made of coral. The attha managalikini or eight auspicious figuresviz., the lion, bull, elephant, water-pitcher, fan, standard, conchshell and lamp-were on the stem, as well as festoons of flowers and beautiful rows of four-footed beasts and rows of sacred geese.
Around the Bo-tree ran a vedikdi made of all manner of jewels, the pavement within being made of pearls of the size of great myrobalan fruits. At the foot of the Bo-tree were placed rows of vases, some empty and some filled with flowers. These vases were made of all kinds of jewels and filled with four kinds of fragrant water. East of the Bo-tree, inside the Relic-Chamber, was erected a costly throne, on which was placed a shining golden image of the seated Buddha.

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The body and members of this image were appropriately made of radiantly beautiful jewels of different colours : Thus, the fingers-nails and the whites of the eyes were made of mountaincrystal; the palms of the hands, soles of the feet, and the lips were of red coral; the eyebrows and pupils of sapphire; the teeth of diamonds, and, so on the harmony of colour being thus maintained throughout.
Seven other thrones, similarly beautiful and not less costly, were erected facing the other seven regions of the heavens. In order that the Bo-tree should be at the head, there was placed a priceless couch adorned with jewels of every kind. It represented the death-bed of the Buddha and was intended to serve as the immediate receptacle for the relics which were eventually to be deposited within the Relic-Chamber
The Paintings and other Ornamentation Within.
Painted on the inside face of the walls of the Chamber were scenes from the life of the Buddha and figures of innumerable gods and goddesses. Thus, at the four quarters, stood the figures of the Lokapila or the four Guardian-Gods of the world, and numbers of other celestial beings as well as representations of the twenty-eight Chiefs of the Yakkhas. Above these were Devassome raising their folded hands, others with mirrors in their hands or bearing flowers and branches, or lotus-blossoms-and Devatis, either in a dancing position or playing instruments of music.
Then there were vases filled with flowers and row upon row, not only of dhammacakkas (the sacred symbol of the Buddhists) and of arches made of gems, but also rows of more Devas, some bearing Swords in their hands, others carrying pitchers. Above their heads were tall pitchers, filled with fragrant oil, with continuously burning wicks made of dukula fibres. In an arch of crystal in each of the four corners of the Chamber was a great gem, and in four corners were four glimmering heaps; one of gold, another of precious stones, the third of pearls, and the fourth of diamonds.

KING OUTUGEMUNU Ι63
Sparkling zig-zag lines, traced on the fat-coloured stones that made up the walls, gave the appearance of lightning-flashes, and served to add realistically to the beauty and radiance of the RelicChamber.
Over these wonderfully dazzling and priceless objects was a beautiful Canopy which had, as its border, a network of pearlbells and chains of little golden bells. From the four corners of the Canopy hung bundles of pearl strings, each worth a vast sum of money. The figures of the sun, moon, stars and different lotus flowers-all made of jewels-were fastened to the Canopy; and, hanging from it, were a thousand and eight pieces of divers stuffs, precious and of varied colours.
Apart from the objects described above, there were numerous other images and figures in the Relic-Chamber, every one of which, by order of Dutugemunu, was made of massive wrought gold. The fashioning of these priceless works of art and of devotion, as well as the decoration and adornment-in fact, everything connected with this Chamber—were carried out under the personal supervision of the great and accomplished monk, the Maha Thera
Indagutta.
In due time a bhikkhu celebrated for his piety, Sonuttara Thera of Puja Parivena, was sent to India to bring the Relics intended to be deposited within the great Thupa. The Thera successfully accomplished his mission, and the day following that on which he returned to Lanka with the Relics was fixed for their solemn enshrinement. Dutugemunu was resolved that this event should be marked by a Festival on a scale of magnificence greater than that of any other held previously in the Island, and to this effect he forthwith gave orders.
Festival of the Enshrinement of the Relics.
He had proclamation made by beat of drum within the City and outside it; and right gladly did his Ministers and people give effect to his wishes-and-support his efforts in this:èirection.

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The whole of Anuradhapura was profusely decorated as well as all the approaches to it; and at the four Gates of the City were stored garments, food etc. for the use of the thousands who kept pouring into the Capital for the occasion.
In the evening of the day of the Enshrinement of the Relics, and shortly before the ceremony began, the scene near the main entrance to the Ruvanveli-séya was a memorable one and impressive in the extreme. Surrounded by a vast concourse of people, whose festal garments contrasted sharply with the gleam of the yellow robes of the thousands of bhikkhus present, stood King Dutugemunu, clad in the rich robes of State and arrayed in all the splendour of his Royal ornaments. His stalwart frame stood out in bold relief against the back-ground of dancing-women from the Royal Household who filled the space immediately behind him, and of the thousand-and-eight boys in festal array, who bore beautiful many-coloured flags, and formed an inner semi-circle behind. ኤrtሪ
On one side stood the Generals and other superior military officers, every one in complete armour, and behind these were ranged a number of sections of the Sinhalese Army, who were present with their horses and chariots and gaily-caparisoned elephants. In close proximity to the King, on another side, was his State-Chariot, drawn by four pure white Sindhu horses.
Encircling the chariot, in three distinct circles one behind the other, stood a thousand-and-eight beautiful women of the City bearing well-filled pitchers, a similar number of women from the villages holding in their hands baskets filled with various flowers, and as many women again bearing lamps on staves. These latter formed the outer ring. Near by, in front of the King, rose the gigantic but beautifully decked figure of Kandula, Dutugemunu's favourite elephant, which bore on its back, under a white parasol, the golden casket containing the Relics which were to be enshrined in the Ruvanveli-séya.

KING DUTUGEMUNU I65
The Ceremony.
Sharp at the appointed minute and on a given signal, Dutugemunu stepped forward to, take the Relic-Casket into his hands. Then amidst the thundering noise of elephants, horses and chariots, broken by the crash of music from a thousand instruments and by the solemn chanting of the assembled monks, the King, bearing the Casket, moved forward to the side of the Mahá. Thápa. Here, on a throne prepared for the purpose, the Casket was temporarily placed, and the King, followed by his courtiers and many others, made costly offerings to it.
After a brief interval Dutugemunu again took up the Casket, and, heading a procession formed of the Maha Thera Indagutta and certain of the other principal bhikkhus present, made a pradakshina, i.e. walked three times around the Thupa, keeping the latter always on his right. Then, ascending it on the East side, he descended into the Relic-Chamber where all was ready for the completion of the solemn ceremony.
Here Dutugemunu, with the Maha Thera Indagutta and followed by the dancing-women, formed themselves into a smaller procession which made a complete circuit of the Chamber. Then, approaching the beautiful Couch within, the King halted near it and laid the Casket which he carried on the jewelled Throne Washing his hands in water fragrant with perfumes and rubbin them (the hands) with five kinds of perfumes, Dutugemunu there upon opened the Casket.
Then, taking out the Relics, he laid them one by one, reverently, upon the gem-studded Couch which was to be their final resting-place. Immediately this was done, the King made an offering of all the rich ornaments on his body. His example was followed by the dancing-women, members of the Royal Household, the Ministers, the retinue and others privileged to be present within the Relic-Chamber at the moment. Thus was the solemn Enshrinement of the Relics in the Ruvanveli-seya carried out on the I5th uposatha day in the bright half of the month Asalha
(June-July).

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The ceremony being thus ended, Dutugemunu gave orders that garments, sugar, clarified butter, etc., should be distributed to the monks, and that a select number of bhikkhus should recite pirit in chorus throughout the night within the Chamber and thus guard the Relics till break of day. These orders were carried out, and on the next morning Dutugemunu proclaimed throughout the City by beat of drum that, during a whole week, the RelicChamber would not be closed up, thus enabling the people to offer worship and make their offerings.
The Inscription.
The opportunity was enthusiastically embraced by the populace, who not only flocked to the place in their thousands, but also brought their offerings-tributes of their fervour and devotion-simple or costly according to the circumstances of each. During the week great offerings of alms were regularly bestowed on the Brotherhood of Monks, and at the close of the seventh day Dutugemunu declared:
"All that was to be done in the Relic-Chamber has been carried out by me; now let the Brotherhood take charge of the closing of the Chamber.'
The Brotherhood entrusted the task to the two Saimaneras, Uttara and Sumana. These closed up the Relic-Chamber with the fat-coloured stones which they had brought from India and which, as we have seen above, had been set apart to serve as a lid for the Chamber. On the lid were inscribed the following words :
" The flowers here shall not wither; These perfumes shall not dry up; The lamps shall not be extinguished; Nothing whatsoever shall perish; The six fat-coloured stones
Shall hold together for evermore."

KING DUTU GEMUNU I67
Above the Relic-Chamber was built another room in which were deposited other Relics, and over these were piled up the thousands of offerings-jewellery and precious stones, etc.-which were made by the King and his people.
Then, enclosing all together, Dutugemunu took in hand the work of completing the Daigaba ard perfecting those thousand and one details without which the structure could not properly be said to be completed.
The King's Religious Zeal.
While the work om the Ruvanveli-séya went on apace, the King during the next few years busied himself in numerous other religious activities. So much was this the case that Dutugemunu may be said to have excelled even Devánampiya-Tissa in his devotion to the cause of religion.
He had all the latter's fervour, but in his case his piety found expression in a more wonderful manner, and was carried to a degree which his predecessor could never even have conceived. Apart from the Lovä-mahā-pāya (Brazen Palace), the Maricavatti (Mirisvetiya) Dagaba and the Ruvanveli-séya, he is said to have built and endowed ninety-nine great Royal Viharas.
So great was his religious zeal that he, on one occasion, even assumed the role of Preacher, his audience being no others than the monks themselves. He had been told that "a gift of the doctrine'--that is, propagation of the religion by preaching-was more meritorious than a gift of worldly wealth, and he resolved to make such a "gift' himself.
Convening the great assembly of priests at the Lová-mahápaya, he took his seat in the pulpit or Preacher's chair and made ready to give the learned assembly a discourse on religion. But, though he was fully conversant with the Tipitaka or sacred Scriptures of Buddhism, he refrained from the attempt, "owing to

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false delicacy' says one chronicle, but, according to the Mahdvamsa, ' from reverence for the Brotherhood.' Whatever the reason, Dutugemunu descended from the pulpit "perspiring profusely," and declared:
" Reverend Sirs, I fear to proclaim the Dhamma.'
There and then, however, he appears to have enquired what was the next best means of acquiring the merit of communication of religious truth, and the reply he received was:
"Great King, cause Bana to be proclaimed at your own expense.'
Dutugemunu took the advice to heart and soon gave practical effect to it in a manner which, more than any other single act of his, helped to spread Buddhism to the uttermost confines of the Island, and to establish on a surer and stronger basis the hold which the religion had secured upon the minds and hearts of the Sinhalese people.
'' Meritorious Deeds.'
Thenceforward he conferred great favours on those learned in the Buddhist Scriptures, caused Bana to be preached in his own name in all the Viharas throughout Lanka, and commanded that every preacher should receive a monthly allowance of a neli of butter, molasses and sugar, a piece of liquorice about four inches in size, and two cloths.
In each Lecture or Preaching Hall he placed a very valuable canopy, a pulpit, a carpet, a stand for the books of the copyists, book-covers, a blanket, a fan and a Bana book. His gifts to the Priesthood did not end there. Apart from the alms which he daily distributed to the monks resident within the capital, he bestowed on three occasions during his reign the three garments or robes (ticivaram) on all the priests in the Island.
Moreover, he had one thousand lamps with oil and white wicks burning perpetually at twelve Viháras as an offering to the Buddha; while, for the uposatha festival, he had oil for the lamps

KING DUTUGEMUNU I69
distributed one day in every month in eight other Viháras. The sick and the needy received his special attention, and on their behalf he spent vast sums of money. -
The ' Book of Meritorious Deeds,' which early in his reign he ordered to be prepared and for which he appointed a special Scribe, records inter alia that, daily at eighteen different places, he bestowed on the sick suitable foods in addition to the remedies prescribed by the physicians. Again, in forty-four places within the capital and kingdom, he commanded that continuous offerings should be made of rice-foods prepared with honey, and, in as many places, rice boiled in milk not mixed with water; while, in forty-four other places, coconut cakes fried in clarified butter along with the ordinary rice.
Dutugemunu also held a great Wesak festival during each of the twenty-four years of his reign. The Buddha's death is said to have occurred on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha (at that time, March-April), and the event was commemorated each year by a great Festival, marked among other things by the most lavish alms-giving and other forms of charitable endeavour.
Tissa's Well-intentioned Deception.
However, before the work on the Ruvanveli-séya could be completed, Dutugemunu was seized with an illness which was destined soon to prove fatal. Immediately he was stricken down by sickness, he sent for his younger brother, Tissa, from Dighavapi, and said to him :
"Complete thou the work of the Thiapa that is not yet finished.'
Tissa understood how strongly his brother's heart was set on the work, and he resolved to do his best. But he realised at the same time that it was impossible to complete the work before Dutugemunu's death, which was now only a question of a few days.

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Anxious to give his dying brother the consolation of seeing his heart's work finished, he hit upon a plan which, though involving some measure of deception, was nevertheless calculated to achieve the object in view. What remained to be done was the making of the chatta (conical dome) and the plaster-work on the Cetiya, and the manner in which Tissa contrived to produce an appearance of the completion of this labour was as follows:
He employed seamsters to make a huge covering of white cloth with which the Cetiya was covered, and on this covering he commanded a number of painters to draw a vedikó (ornamented railing) and rows of filled vases, as also to make other suitable ornamentation. Then he had the dome made of bamboo-reeds by plaiters of reeds, and on the upper vedikdi the picture of a sun and moon with kharapatta leaves. When he had this Thaipa painted cunningly with lacquer and kankutthaka ("a kind of soil or mould of a golden or silver colour'), he appeared before the dying Dutugemunu and declared;
"What remained to be done to the Thapa I have just completed.'
Dutugemunu's Last Wish.
The King's joy was profound. Rising up from his sick bed with painful effort, he expressed the wish to see, with his own eyes, the completed Thaipa. His brother and the others around him made immediate preparations to take him to the spot. The Royal Palanquin was got ready, furnished with soft cushions and coverlets, to enable the King to recline comfortably. Dutugemunu was then gently helped in to the Palanquin and taken to the place of the Ruvanveli-séya
Tissa had done his work well; and the King, believing that what he saw before him was the finished pile, could scarcely contain himself for joy. Lying on his Palanquin he made a circuit of the Cetiya, and then halted at the South entrance. Here his eyes wandered from the Great Thapa to the splendid Brazen Palace

KING DUTUGEMUNU I7I
that towered up dazzlingly to the sky on his left, and, heaving a great sigh of pleasure and content, he fell back on his pillow, exhausted by the exertions of the last few minutes.
They brought him back hurriedly to his palace, for the end was at hand. The Chief Priests, who had gathered together at the Capital from all parts of the Island upon the news of the King's mortal illness, now crowded into the room of the dying ruler. Group by group they recited religious verses suitable to the occasion, and in the midst of their chanting the King, gazing round and not seeing the face of his former friend and champion, the Thera Theraputtabhaya, said in tones of sad resignation :
"The great warrior, the Thera. Theraputtabhaya, who aforetime fought victoriously through twenty-eight great battles with me and never once yielded his ground, comes now not to help me, now that the death-struggle, my last battle, is begun. Methinks he foresees my defeat."
The Thera was, as a matter of fact, present. He had come all the way from his dwelling-place on the Panjali-mountain, by the source of the Kirinda river, as soon as he had learnt of the King's serious illness; the latter had not noticed him, as he was not among those who stood nearest to his bedside.
Theraputtabhaya Consoles the Dying King.
As soon, however, as he heard Dutugemunu's sadly reproachful words, he stepped forward from among the throng, and the King recognised him at once. With a smile of joy on his wan face, he bade the Thera be seated before him and then addressed him thus :
" Once I fought with you, ten giant warriors, by my side; today, I enter alone upon the battle with Death, and Death is a foe I cannot conquer.'
"O great King and Ruler of men, pluck up courage and
fear not," was the Thera's reply. "Without conquering the foe Sin, the foe Death is unconquerable. All that is and exists in this

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Ι72 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
transitory world perishes, is full of sorrow, and is unreal. Mortality overcomes all, ever, the saintliest. Think now only of the glory that thou hast brought to Religion and of the many and varied works of great merit that thou hast performed during life, and all will be well with thee, even in this last battle '
"In single combat also thou art my help,' murmured the dying King, who was greatly consoled by Theraputtabhaya's words.
Dutugemunu then commanded that the ' Book of Meritorious Deeds' be brought, and he bade the Scribe read it aloud. This was done, and the King as well as everybody present listened attentively, while the Scribe enumerated one by one the many works of piety, munificence and charity with which the Monarch had busied himself during the twenty-four years since he had ascended the throne of Lanka. When the reading was concluded, Dutugemunu declared in firm and clear accents:
"Twenty-four years have I been a patron of the Brotherhood, and my body shall also be a patron of the Brotherhood. In a place from which the Great Thupa can be seen, in the malaka consecrated for the ceremonial acts of the Brotherhood, do ye burn the body of one who has been the servant of the Brotherhood.'
Then, calling up his younger brother to his side, Dutugemunu said :
"All the work of the Great Thapa which is still unfinished, do thou complete, my dear Tissa, and be not remiss about it. Put thou thy heart into it, even as I have done; morning and evening offer thou flowers at the Great Thupa, and three times every day command a solemn oblation at the place. All the ceremonies introduced by me in the name of our Religion do thou carry on, neglecting nothing and stinting nothing. One thing bear thou in mind always: . Never grow weary in duty to the Brotherhood.'

KING OUTUGEMUNU I73
Death of Dutugemunu. With that the King fell back upon his pillow, and everybody present realised that the end was now at hand. Some even thought he was dead, but it was not so, though his eye-lids remained closed. The Brotherhood of Monks immediately began a religious chant in chorus, in the middle of which the King was seen to hold up his hand and to murmur :
"Wait ye as long as I listen to the Dhamma.'
The monks, thinking that the King desired them to desist from their chanting, ceased from their recitation. Dutugemunu opened his eyes and asked the reason of the interruption :
"Because, O King, the sign was given to us bidding us be still.'
" It is not so, Venerable Sirs,' replied the King, who thereupon explained that his gesture and words had been meant for six celestial beings who, hovering in the air, had appeared before him and had invited him to enter the regions of bliss.
"Seized by the fear of Death, he wanders in his speech,' said some of those close by in a whisper, and even at that moment the King's body moved for a few seconds and then suddenly lay still. Dutugemunu was dead.
The King's death was promptly announced to the vast multitude of people who had gathered outside the Palace precincts, and the sorrow with which the news was received was universal. Thousands wept on hearing the news, and to every one in the kingdom-high and low, rich and poor-the event came as a personal bereavement.
Strange Reports.
Strange reports soon grew out of the simple death-bed scene, and wild and fantastic stories were bruited about and gained currency. One to which the popular imagination has clung tenaciously even to this day (and which owes its origin to the words with which the King in his dying moments interrupted the chanting of the monks), is that Dutugemunu, immediately he breathed his last,

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" was seen, reborn and standing in celestial form" in a heavenly car which " he drove three times around the Great Thapa 'before he disappeared from sight.
The obsequies were worthy of the greatest and most popular King of Ancient Lanka. After a Lying-in-State extending for a week-during which thousands of men, women and children came from all the three Provinces to pay their last respects and offer tribute to the illustrious dead-the cremation took place with all pomp, solemnity and ceremonial in the malaka, which was thenceforward known as the Raja-Malaka.
Close to this, in the place where the King's dancing-women and other members of the Royal Household laid their head-ornaments preparatory to paying their last respects, a hall was built and called the Makutamuttasala. Facing this hall, on the site where the people broke into wailing when the body of the King was laid on the funeral pyre, there was built afterwards another hall, named the Ravivattisala.
Dutugemunu's reign lasted 24 years, i.e. from B.C. I6I to B.C. I37.
Dutugemunu's Queen.
Authentic history does not tell us who Dutugemunu's Queen was, or even whether he had any Queen at all. This latter fact we are left to deduce from the circumstance, which is recorded, that he had a "famous son' named Prince Sali (Sali-raja Китärayä).
The tradition is that Dutugemunu, in the days before his advent to the throne, was married to one who was not of Royal descent and who bore him an only son, the Prince Sali. Presumably the mother died shortly after the birth of the son; for it is to be noted that, at all the public functions and religious ceremonies of his reign, his " dancing-women' and other members of the Royal Household are always present, but the Queen is conspicuous by her absence. It is not unlikely, therefore, that she died shortly after Dutugemunu ascended the throne.

KING DUTUGEMUNU I75
测
Prince Sali.
"Greatly gifted was he and ever took delight in works of merit,' says the Mahávansa of Dutugemunu's "famous Son,' who grew up surrounded by splendour and riches and distinguished himself by liberality to religion. But the Prince lacked the manly qualities of his Royal father, to whom and to the Sinhalese nation he proved a great disappointment.
Early in his youth he formed an attachment which was destined soon to alter the whole course of his life. One day he happened to hear the song of a Candila maiden as she gathered Asoka flowers in the garden-hence was she later named Asoka-mala-devi-and he felt strongly drawn to the singer who sang with such rare melody.
He found her young and surpassingly beautiful-the loveliest maid he had ever seen-and he made up his mind there and then to marry her. He carried out his resolve, quietly; and, with the years, his attachment to the girl whom he had made his wife ripened into a deep and abiding love which seemed as it were to enslave him.
The matter could not, of course, be kept a secret for long, and it soon reached the ears of the King. Remonstrances, however, were of no avail; and when certain of the Ministers pointed out to Sáli that his union with a low-caste girl would make him lose caste himself and was an insuperable barrier to the throne, the Prince's reply was prompt, clear and emphatic:
"What care I for kingly rule 2' he asked. "My love is to me a nobler prize, a greater kingdom than the sovereignty of Lanka.'
And so it came about that the son of Dutugemunu gladly gave up the throne of his fathers for the sake of the love of a lowcaste Candala girl.
Sáli was the first Sinhalese Prince so to enrich the blood of the Candalas whose descendants are the Rodiyas of today.

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XVI. KING SADDHA TISSA
REIGNED I8 YEARS
(Ᏼ.C. 137-Ꮲ.C. 1 19.)
The Ruvanveli-Seya Completed.
Dutugemunu was succeeded on the throne of Lanka by his brother Tissa. The rightful heir was, of course, the late King's son, Prince Sáli, but this latter had forfeited his birthright by his union with a Candala girl. Dutugemunu's own nominee to the throne was his brother, as is obvious from the instructions he gave him, a few moments before his death. Tissa was, therefore, duly anointed King, and dutifully and zealously did he carry out his deceased brother's behests.
The first work to which he gave his attention was the Great Thiipa or Ruvanveli-séya. There remained the work on the parasol as well as the plaster-work to be done, and these Tissa completed in a short time He also built a sustaining wall for the upper piscida on which were figures of elephants in relief-a fact which explains why it was named the "elephant-wall '-and with this he redeemed fully the promise he had made to his dead brother. The Great Thapa was complete in all details, and Tissa felt justly proud that he had been privileged to put the finishing touches to what was, and is, the most stupendous, as well as the most imposing, structure of ancient Ceylon.
The Brazen Palace Burnt Down.
This work was scarcely completed when the splendid Brazen Palace (Lová-mahá-páya) accidentally caught fire from a lamp and was burnt to the ground. The event was looked upon as a national calamity, and representations were made to the King, through the Ministers, that he should build it anew, with the
п76

KING SADDHA TISSA п77
assistance of the many thousands of people who gladly volunteered to render service without payment. The King was only too pleased to utilise the proferred labour in order to rebuild a structure which was at once a magnificent ornament to his capital and a striking memorial to his dead brother Dutugemunu. The result was that, in a very short time, there arose out of the ashes of the building a new Brazen Palace not less splendid than the former. The new Lova-mahá-paya, however, was only seven storeys high, i.e. it had two storeys less than the building of Dutugemunu.
Tissa seemed to wish almost to outvie his brother in religious zeal. He is said to have built a Vihára every yojana (8 miles) of the way from Anuradhapura to Dighavápi, his old district, where he had exercised rule as Governor in the life-time of Dutugemunu. In this latter place he constructed a Vihara-the Dighavapi-Vihara (Dighanakha)-on a scale more ambitious and costly than anything he had previously attempted. For the Cetiya at this Vihaira he had a covering of network set with gems, and in every mesh thereof was hung a splendid flower of gold, large as a waggon-wheel, which, at his own expense, he had commanded the goldsmiths to fashion. On his direction, too, many thousands of offerings were regularly made at this and other
И thdras.
His religious zeal won for him the name of Saddha-Tissa (Pali Saddhá="faith') by which he is better known in history. The following are the principal Viháras and tanks which he is said to have constructed during his life-time.
Viharas.
Dakkhinagiri : (S. Dakunugala), Dighavapi : (S. Dighanakha, Digáveva), Dubbalavapitissaka : (S. Dumbulvétis), Duratissakavapi : (S. Duratisveva), Kalambaka : (S. Kalumbála), Kallakalena : (S. Kallaka-lena), Matuviharaka : Pettangavalika : (S. Petangaveli). Velangavitthika: (S. Velangavetiya).

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Tanks.
Divaguna, Kendala, Lenamahamala, Mahagurunale, Maladeniya, Nepiyoba, Padikatunnaru, Rudala, Sodigamuva, Uturala. W
History does not tell us the name of Saddhá Tissa's queen, but we know that he had at least four sons, viz. Lanjatissa, Thulathana, Khailatanaga and Wattagamani, each of whom, in turn, ascended the throne of Lanka.
Saddha Tissa ruled the country for I8 years. His reign lasted from B.C. I37 to B.C. II9.

XVII. KING THULATHANA.
(REIGNED I MONTH AND Io DAYS) (B.C. 119.
When Saddha Tissa died, his second son Thulathana (S. Tulná), who was in the capital at the moment, ascended the throne. This was contrary to the law and the practice-which recognised the eldest son as the rightful heir to the throne-but it occurred in this way.
In the days of Dutugemunu, when Saddha Tissa was living at Dighavapi, the latter's second son, Thilathana, had built a vihára called Kandara, and wished to bestow land for the use of the Brotherhood upon his vihára. For this the King's permission was necessary and when, just at this time, Saddha Tissa was summoned to Anuradhapura, Thalathana accompanied his father. He stayed on in the capital and, during the 18 years of his father's rule, his piety and devotion to religion won for him the good-will and regard of the chief monks at the principal religious establishments of Anuradhapura.
Priestly Intervention in Politics.
When in due time Saddhá, Tissa died, Thalathana's presence at the capital was availed of to instal him forthwith as King. He was a general favourite, while his elder brother, Lanjatissa, who was at Dighavapi, administering the district as its Governor, was practically unknown to the principal Ministers of State and to the heads of religion. Even so, the Ministers realised that the supercession of the eldest was contrary to the law. They therefore first summoned together the whole Brotherhood of bhikkhus in the Thipárama, and it was as a result of this meeting that the decision was reached to anoint Thalathana as King. The bhikkhus were unanimous in

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voting for their favourite who, they felt, would be a great patron of their religion. The circumstance is important as being the first instance of direct priestly intervention in politics in the ancient history of Lanka.
Slain by his own Brother.
Thúlathana was accordingly consecrated King in succession to his father Saddha Tissa, but his rule was very brief, lasting no more than one month and ten days. His elder brother, Lanjatissa, hearing of what had happened, hastened to the capital with an armed force, overpowered the feeble resistance which was made, and slew Thalathana with his own hand, after which he himself ascended the throne.
This is the first recorded instance in history in which a reigning Sinhalese King was slain, in civil warfare or otherwise, by a member of his own family.

XVIII. KING LANJATISSA.
(REIGNED 9 YEARS AND I5 DAYS) (B.C. 119-B.C. 101)
Lanjatissa-or, as he was also called, Lemeni Tissa-was naturally resentful against the priests as a body. The heads of their Order had violated the Law of Succession, which gave precedence to the eldest born, and had conspired to keep him out of the throne, and he took his revenge. He discontinued the various offerings and alms, the cost of which had regularly been borne by the Royal Treasury up till then and which had daily provided the monks of the capital with all the necessaries of life. In various other ways, too, he neglected and slighted them. It was the first time in two centuries that the Buddhist authorities found themselves in disfavour with the reigning house, and the result was calculated seriously to inconvenience the monks themselves and greatly to scandalise the people.
This state of things continued for fully three years, when, at last, there came about a happy reconciliation between the King and the Brotherhood of Monks. Lanjatissa, anxious to atone for his neglect of Religion and remissness towards the Brotherhood, went to the other extreme of lavish expenditure and unbounded munificence. Spending 300,000 pieces of the money current at the time, he built three stone terraces for offerings of flowers to the Ruvanveli-séya. Between this building and the Thuparama, which is some 400 yards to the north, he had the ground levelled up at a cost of a IOO,Ooo pieces of money. He spent a similar sum on new works at the Cetiya Vihara on Missaka (Mihintale) mountain, and he made two splendid stone mantlings, one for the Khandhaka-thupa and the other for the Thiupa in the Thuparama. East of the latter he constructed the Sela-thupa, a little thipa built of stones, and the Lanjakasana Hall for the Brotherhood of bhikkhus.
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Moreover, there was the beautiful Girikumbhila Vihara which he had built at his own expense in early youth, in the days of his governorship of Dighavapi district. Its consecration festival, deferred from year to year, was now at last celebrated; and, at the ceremony, by Lanjatissa's command, several thousand bhikkhus were gifted with the ' six garments,' that is, to each one was given a pair of the ticivara or "three articles of clothing,' viz. the "undergarment' or "shirt' (antaravasaka), the "robe' (uttarasanga), and the 'mantle' (samghati). Lanjatissa also built the Arittha Vihara (Ritigala Vihára) in the Arittha-pabbata (Ritigala), as well as the Vihára named Kunjarahinaka (S. Kandarahinaka). And, following the example of his illustrious uncle, he directed the distribution of medicines to the bhikkhus in the villages of Lanka. To the bhikkhunis he commanded that they should be given as much rice as they required.
Lanjatissa, who apparently never married, died after having ruled the country for 9 years and I5 days. His reign lasted from B.C. III9 to B.C. IIIIo.
New Viharas.
I. Arittha Vihara, 2. Girikumbhila Vihara, 3. Kunjarahinaka Wihara, 4. Lanjakasana (Hall), 5. Sela Thupa.

XIX. KING KHALLATANAGA.
(REIGNED 6 YEARS) (B.O. 110-B.O. 104).
Upon Lanjatissa's death, his younger brother, Khallatanaga, (S. Kalun-na) ascended the throne. He did nothing remarkable, and such few facts as we know of him relate only to his piety and devotion to religion.
He built the Kurundavasoka Vihara (S. Kurundapasaka); and, all round the terrace of the Ruvanveli-séya, he constructed a "sandcourt boundary' or "elephant-path,' as a border, which was bounded on the outside by a wall and which, when measured a few years ago, was found to be 97 feet wide on the east, south and north, and 88 feet on the west, i.e. at the back.
His best work was, however, his embellishment of the Lovámahá-páya, round which he built 32 exceedingly beautiful pásádas or dwellings of smaller dimensions for the bhikkhus, and so added considerably to the splendour and setting of the origiral structure.
A Rebellion.
In the sixth year of his reign there was a well-organised rebellion led by Kammaharattaka, a Commander of troops in the King's army. On a pre-arranged day the General marched into the capital at the head of a body of picked troops, overpowered and slew Khallatanaga, and sought to ascend the throne himself. Within twenty-four hours of this event, the King's younger brother, Vattagamani, collected together a considerable force, including many of those of the Sinhalese Army who had remained loyal and had refused to take part in their General's mad adventure, entered Anuradhapura, and, defeating Kammaharattaka, who offered a stout resistance, put him to death. Wattagamanithereupon assumed the government of the country.
Khallatanaga left behind him a Queen, Anula Devi, and a little son named Mahaculika (S. Maha Silu, Maha Tissa). His reign lasted six years, i.e. from B.C. IIo to B.C. Io4.
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XX. KING VAT"TAGAMANI ABHAYA.
(REIGNED 27 YEARS)
(B.C. 101-B C. 77.)
The rightful heir to the throne was, of course, the Prince
Mahácúlika, the little son of the deceased King; but he was too Small to be able to exercise rule himself, and a Regency seemed necessary in the circumstances. But Vattagamani (S Valagam Bahu), who had himself consecrated King, strengthened his position by marrying his brother's widow, Queen Anula Devi, and adopting the Prince Maháctilika as his own son. Since he had thus taken the place of a father, the King was thenceforward also known as Pitiraia (i.e. "King-father.')
A Sinhalese Rebellion.
In the fifth month after his anointment or consecration as King of Lanka, Vattagámani was called upon to face serious trouble that threatened to endanger both the security of his throne and his life. The trouble was internal as well as external : rebellion within and invasion without. The rebellion started in Rohana. Relying upon a foolish prophecy, which assured success to his arms and the conquest of the kingdom in the end, a young Brahman named Tissa raised the standard of revolt, at Mahagama, and he was soon able to secure a good following. In a few days Tissa, at the head of a compact little army, marched upon the capital and, encamping in the neighbourhood of Anuradhapura, sent the King a written message demanding the surrender of the Royal Parasol, which was the symbol of kingly rank.
I84

KING WAT TAGAMANI ABHAYA I85
A Tamil Invasion.
Curiously enough, just at the very time that Tissa with his rebel force started from Mahagama on the march towards Anuradhapura, a Tamil army of 7,ooo men led by seven Tamil warrior-chiefs, landed at Mahattitha (now Mantota, opposite the island of Manaar) and set out in the direction of the Sinhalese capital, their object being plunder and the capture of the throne. Some of the Tamil leaders in this enterprise were descendants of Elara and Bhaluka of old, and their ambition was to wrest for themselves the sovereignty of Lanka. They pitched camp at a suitable place north of the capital, and also sent Vattagamani a written demand for the Parasol. By a singular coincidence, their message as well as Tissa's, couched in similar terms, reached the King just about the same time.
Vattagannani was seriously alarmed, but he was shrewd enough to avail himself of the opportunity to play off one against the other. Accordingly, he first replied to the Brahman Tissa in the following terms:
"The kingdom is now thine, conquer thou the Tamils.'
Battle of Kolambahalaka.
The impetuous Tissa was deceived by the suggestion. He marched forward at once to meet the Tamils who, in a pitched battle, ignominiously defeated the Sinhalese rebels. Tissa was slain along with many hundreds of his followers. The victorious Tamils thereupon, without Inuch delay, made ready to fall upon the capital. Soon they were on the march, and at the village called Kolambahalaka, lying on the direct highway from Mahátittha to Anuradhapura, not far from the north-gate of the City, they were met by the Sinhalese army. A fierce fight ensued in which the Sinhalese fared disastrously. The Battle of Kolambahdilaka ended in a decisive victory for the Tamils.

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Flight of the King.
Vattagamani, when going forth to battle, had set out full of fears and forebodings and consumed with anxiety, not so much for himself as for the members of his family whom he dearly loved. He had been accompanied to the scene of the encounter by his two Queens, Anula Devi and Soma Devi, as also by his adopted son, Prince Mahacula, and his own son, the Prince Mahanaga (Coranaga). When the tide of battle turned against him, he felt that his only refuge lay in instant flight. He mounted into his car, which was already occupied by the two Queens and the two Princes, but he realised at once that the chariot, so heavily overloaded, could not make much rapid progress, and delay on the road meant danger to all. Soma Devi, his second Queen, guessed his thought, and in order to lighten the car, at once insisted on being left behind. The King reluctantly agreed, for Anula Devi was in delicate health and the two Princes were too young to be left behind.
Accordingly, the King allowed Soma Devito alight from the car and, handing her his splendid diadem jewel for safe-keeping, he drove off. The place from which he started on his flight was near the gate of the Tittharama which King Pandukabhaya had of old built for the use of the naked ascetics. As Vattagamani sped away, a Nigantha or ascetic named Giri saw him and cried loudly:
"The great black lion (i.e. Sinhalese) is fleeing.'
Vattagamani in Concealment.
When the king heard the words he made a mental vow that, if and when his wish was realised and he was restored to power some day, he would build a vihára on the spot. Directing his chariot in a direction south of Anuradhapura, the King soon entered the Vessagiri forest where he decided to remain concealed for a while, at least till any possible pursuers, following on his trail, had had time to pass on.

KING VATTAGAMANI ABHAYA 187
In the Vessagiri forest the fugitive King met the Thera Maha Tissa of Kupikkala Vihara. The latter had with him at the moment some food he had received as alms earlier in the day, but since religion forbade a bhikkhu to share such alms-food with a layman before he himself had eaten of it, he first ate of the food and then offered some to the King and his companions. Vattagamani and the others, who were famishing with hunger after their flight, gladly ate the proferred repast. Then, in order to testify his gratitude in a practical manner, the King broke a ketaka leaf from its stalk in the absence of other material, and, recording upon it the nature of the assistance rendered to him that day, he allotted lands to the Thera's Vihára (Kupikkala Vihára) for the use of the Brotherhood resident in it. When it was safe to resume their flight, the King and his companions left the Vessagiri forest and journeyed cautiously to Silasobbhakandaka (S. Galhebakada), where they sojourned for a short time. Thence they proceeded to Matuvelanga, near Samagalla (S. Moragalla) in Maya Province, and here the King met again his old friend, the Thera Maha Tissa of Kupikkala Vihára. The Thera had, as his personal attendant, a villager named Tanasiva. To him he entrusted the care of the King, Queen Anula Devi and the two Princes, and in the house of this Tanasiva the four Royal refugees remained for the next fourteen years.
The Tamil Usurpers.
To return to the battle of Kolambahalaka: When the King fled, leaving Queen Soma Devi near the gate of the Tittháráma, the latter concealed herself in a thicket of flowering kadambas when she saw a Sámanera approach. When, however, she emerged from her hiding-place a few minutes afterwards, she fell into the hands of a band of Tamil soldiers who had arrived on the scene in pursuit of the defeated Sinhalese. She was promptly taken before one of the seven Tamil warrior-chiefs who, struck by her great beauty, resolved to make her his wife. In a few days he returned to India, accompanied by Soma Devi. Another of the chiefs also took ship to India about the same time, taking with

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him the Buddha's own Alms-bowl. This was one of the relics brought to Lanka in the time of Devánampiya Tissa and had fallen into the Tamil's hands in the course of the pillage of the capital following the defeat of the Sinhalese at Kolambahalaka.
The remaining five Tamil warrior-chiefs who decided to make Lanka their future home were named respectively Pulahattha, Bahiya, Panayamara, Pilayamara and Dathika. These, after a conference among themselves, elected the first-named as their leader, and Pulahattha was accordingly in a few days installed in the office of King. The Sinhalese people bowed to the inevitable, for the time being. Their own rightful ruler, Vattagamani, was a refugee, and the remnants of the old Sinhalese army were practically disbanded. They had no strong, forceful leader, and the Tamil military domination which had been established after the last battle was not easy to overthrow. They accepted the situation therefore with the best grace possible, in a spirit of quiet resignation, with the firm conviction in their minds, that, before long, something would happen or somebody would arise, to free them from their bondage and to restore to them their own Royal Sinhalese line.
The Tamil Domination Ended.
The Tamil domination, however, did not last long. It was less than fifteen years. Pulahattha reigned three years with Báhiya as his Commander of troops. But at the end of that period he apparently fell into disfavour with his own countrymen. Bāhiya led an insurrection and slew Pulahattha, after which he himself ascended the throne with Panayamara as his Commander-in-Chief. Báhiya held the throne for even a lesser period than his predecessor, for at the end of two years he was put to death by Panayamara, who thereupon filled the kingly office for seven years. Then Panayamara, like his two immediate predecessors, fell a victim to the ambition of his Commander-in-Chief, Pilayamara, who slew the ruler and himself seized the throne. But it was only for a brief

KING WATTAGAMAN ABHAYA I89
span of seven months, at the end of which time his Commanderin-Chief, Dathika, slew him and administered the government himself for two years. Thus, at the end of I4 years and 7 months, four of the five usurpers had killed each other, and the fifth was tottering to his fall.
Pulahattha reigned 3 years.
Báhiya 2 years. Panayamara , 7 years Pilayamara , 7 months.
Dáthika 2 years
I4 years 7 months.
Only then did Vattagamani come back into his own, It occurred in this way. During the whole period of the Tamil usurpation, he and Anula Devi and the two Princes had lived quietly in Mayá Province, in the house of the villager Tanasiva, and they had spent their time not entirely unprofitably. The education and training of the Princes in martial exercises were attended to in the best manner possible in the circumstances of their seclusion, and the work of getting ready the material for war and of organising a secret army in Maya Province-of men who could be trusted to take up arms when the signal was given and to fight to the death if necessary-was one which Vattagamani felt constrained to undertake himself. It could not be done in a hurry and, above all, it had to be done in profound secrecy. At the end of the I4th year of his enforced banishment from the throne, Vattagamani felt he could safely rely on the active support in war of the whole of Maya Province when the time was ripe for action, and this, he decided, should be in the near future.
Wattagamani Kills Tanasiva. About this time there occurred an incident which, though trivial in its way, was fraught with far-reaching consequences. It precipitated the day of action for which the Sinhalese nation throughout

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Lanka had been anxiously waiting for nearly 15 years. One day Anulá Devi, as was her wont, had gone out to seek her daily portion when she was seen returning earlier than usual, her mien angry and her eyes full of tears. On being questioned, it transpired that the wife of Tanasiva had struck against the Queen's basket with her foot. The latter, however, declared that the woman had deliberately kicked it away, and was beside herself with anger at the alleged indignity. Tanasiva, hearing the story, armed himself with his bow, and left the house immediately. Vattagâmani, believing his Queen's version of the story, was himself indignant. Accompanied by her and the two Princes, he himself hastened from the house at once, and, seeing Tanasiva approaching a little distance away, he fixed an arrow to his bow and shot him dead.
Then, proclaiming his name publicly, he sent the long-deferred signal for his adherents in Maya Province to assemble at a given spot. The response to the signal was prompt and hearty. Many thousands quickly gathered together under his banner, and from this great following Vattagamani chose eight nobles, renowned for courage and strength as well as wisdom, to be his Ministers. Giving each of them the charge of a division, the King led the host to the capital. The Sinhalese army soon entered Pihiti province, and thousands more joined the colours en route. On the way Vattagámani met the Thera Maha Tissa of Kupikkala who, I5 years previously, had befriended him and his companions in Vessagiri forest while they were fleeing from the capital. As a result of this meeting and as a preliminary to the impending encounter with the Tamils, he commanded that a festival in honour of the Buddha be held in the Acchagalla Vihara (S. Valasgala Vihára). Here occurred another incident which, like the one connected with Tanasiva, showed not only the impetuous character of the King and his readiness to take offence at trifles, but also an ungrateful disposition and callousness which did not scruple to take away even the life of those who were his best friends.

KING WATTAGAMANI ABHAYA I9I
Vattagamani Slays Kapisisa.
One of his eight Ministers, Kapisiisa by name, had, in the course of the preparations for the festival, gone up the maluva of the Vihara (Cetiya) in order that he might sweep the building. He had finished this work, and, coming down, sat by the roadside to rest, when the King and 9ueen passed by on their way up to the maluva. Either through inattention or forgetfulness, Kapisisa failed to rise and make obeisance. Vattagamani thereupon slew him with his own hand. The remaining seven Ministers, wroth with the King for his cruelty, determined to have nothing more to do with a ruler who might serve them similarly if occasion arose. They forthwith departed for their homes, but had not proceeded far when they were set upon by robbers who stripped them of their possessions. Glad to escape with their lives, they took refuge in Hambugallaka Vihara which was close by, and here they were hospitably received and entertained.
The Thera Tissa, the incumbent of the Vihára, after providing the Ministers with clothing, sugar and oil, and rice as well, enquired what had happened to them and whither they were going. They then related to him all that had occurred since the slaying of Kapisisa, and spoke of their intention never more to serve a King so inconsiderate and cruel as Vattagamani was. But the Thera declared :
"Ye are good Buddhists and, as such, it is your duty to neglect no opportunity to promote the cause of religion. I ask ye now : With whom will it be possible to further the doctrine of Buddhawith the Tamils or with the King?'
"With the King, of course,' they replied.
Reconciliation of Wattagamani with the Ministers.
The Thera then advised them to lay aside their anger against Vattagamani, and, for the sake of religion, to aid him to regain possession of the throne. The Kapisisa incident was still so fresh in their recollection that they found it difficult to make up their

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minds to accept the advice of the Théra Tissa. The latter, perceiving their wavering attitude, thereupon persuaded the Ministers at least to accompany him to Acchagalla Vihára in order to visit the Thera Mahá Tissa of Kupikkala. This move was successful. The two Theras, by their joint pleading and counsel, prevailed upon the Ministers to go back to the King, and a reconciliation was effected. King and Ministers thereupon addressed the Theras thus.
"If our undertaking prospers, then must ye come to us, when a message is sent to you.'
The Theras agreed and departed, each one to his respective И thara.
Wattagamani Regains his Throne.
With this happy termination of a trouble which might otherwise have helped indefinitely to prolong the time of the Tamil usurpation, the Sinhalese army moved forward without delay in order to invest the capital. But the Tamil Dáthika, who after the death of Pilayamára had assumed control and had administered the government for two years, was apprised of the approach of a strong Sinhalese army under Vattagamani, and made every preparation to offer a strenuous resistance. But he had grave forebodings as to the issue of the conflict.
The original Tamil Army had become considerably thinned in the course of fifteen years, and the Sinhalese impressed into his service were an uncertain quantity. He feared that an attack from outside would be made the occasion for a revolt from within the capital, and it was therefore with considerable misgivings that he made ready for the fight. One day the news was hastily brought that the Sinhalese were in the proximity of the capital. Dathika marched out with his men promptly, but the day of Tamil domination was over. The two armies met, and Dathika was slain with several thousands of his men. In a few hours Vattagamani was back again on the throne of his forefathers, after an exile of nearly fifteen years, and the Sinhalese people once more found themselves freed from the yoke of a foreign oppression.

KING WATTAGAMAN ABHAYA a 93
After the Restoration.
One of Wattagamani's earliest acts, after his restoration, was to send for his own Queen, Soma Devi, who had been carried away to India by one of the Tamil warrior-chiefs. Upon her arrival, he raised her again to her former rank and built in her honour a Vihára bearing her name, the Somarama, near the thicket of flowering kadambas where she had concealed herself upon alighting from Vattagâmani's car after the Battle of Kolambahalaka.
The Somarama, or Manisomarama as it is also called after the culaimani entrusted to Soma Devi, must be sought near the Abhayagiri (see below), perhaps in the place of the building which is to-day popularly designated the "Queen's Pavilion.' About a mile north of the Ruvanveli-séya he also founded, upon a lofty spot, the cetiya called Silasobbhakandaka (S. Galhebakada), which received this name in remembrance of the place where Vattagamani had found refuge when fleeing aforetime from the capital on his enforced exile.
The Abhayagiri Vihara.
About the same time the King made ready to redeem the vow he had made at the gate of the Tittháráma, when he heard the Nigantha Giri shout out: "The great black Lion (Sinhalese) is fleeing.' He destroyed the tirama of the Niganthas, and built on its site a Vihára with twelve cells. It received the name of Abhayagiri-Abhaya being a part of the King's name, and Giri from the circumstance that the Wihára was built on the place of the drama of the Nigantha Giri. The Vihara, when complete, was given by the King to his old friend of the days of his exile, the Thera Tissa of Kupikkala.
We have little or no information in regard to the original dimensions of the Abhayagiri Dagaba, though we know that it received considerable additions and improvements at the hands of succeeding sovereigns of Lanka. Its condition in recent years is stated (by Parker) to be as follows. The dome was found to be a semi-globe, the centre of which is 4 feet above the basement

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or paved court-yard in which the building stands, which is raised 6 feet above the adjoining ground and is 587 feet square. The diameter of the dome is 3Io feet at the top of the basal ledges. It rests upon the usual 3 short basal cylinders, which have a total height of I6 feet, the lowest one being 6 feet 6 inches high and 355 feet in diameter. The tee is 75 feet square and 33 feet high. It has a plain plinth, and a cornice of 3 plain overlapping bands. Each face has post-and-rail work in sunk relief, with a disc of the sun in the centre, 6 feet 6 inches in diameter. The railing consists of I2 pilasters each 2 feet 3 inches wide, and I4 flat rails each 5 inches wide.
Its Spire.
The spire, which is 3o feet in diameter at the base, springs from
a cylinder I5 feet high and 30 feet in diameter; it is vertical for 5 feet and above that tapers gradually. Bands of cut stone 6 inches thick are inserted in it, with intervals 2 feet 6 inches high. The face of the cylinder is divided by pilasters into eight compartments, in each of which there is a shallow arched niche. The height from the platform to the top of the tee is I87 feet 6inches, and the spire, which is broken, now rises 57 feet 6 inches higher. Four vihalkadas, 45 feet 6 inches long, were built at the cardinal points. Like those at the other great dagabas they consist of a series of horizontal cornices or prominent mouldings, separated by plain cut stone work, and are abdut I6 feet high. Two square decorated pillars are fixed at each end, carved on the faces with straightstemmed trees having leaves in pairs, or an ornamental meander springing out of a vase and having animals in its loops. On one pillar the animals are in pairs, one being on each side of the stem of the tree, and are climbing upward. On the side of each outer pillar are two Nagas, or in some cases other deities, in high false relief, in two panels, one above the other, a male above and a female below. These pillars may have been flanked by a slab carved with a multiple-headed cobra in high false relief. On the south face of the digaba a small building, measuring 24 feet by I5 feet. was constructed, probably to contain relics or statues.

KING WATTAGAMAN ABHAYA I95
Religious Activity.
The King's activities in the construction of buildings dedicated to religion were emulated by the people, notably by his Ministers each of whom built a Vihára or other religious structure of note. Thus:
Dakkhina Vihara ("South Monastery')-was built by the Minister Uttiya, to the south of the city of Anuradhapura. The remains of the thipa belonging to this monastery have been identified with the building south of the Maha Vihara, which is today popularly known as Elara Sohona ("Elara's Sepulchre.')
Mulavokasa Vihara was built by the Minister Mula in the neighbourhood of the Dakkhina Vihára i.e. south of the City.
Pabbatarama was built by the Minister Pabbata. Saliyarama-was built by the Minister Saliya. Uttaratissarama was built by the Minister Tissa.
When these Viharas, which were said to have been "beautiful structures,' were completed, the Ministers sent for their old friend and counsellor, the Thera Tissa of Hambugallaka Vihara, and ceremoniously gifted them to him with these words: " In gratitude for thy kindness, we give thee these Viharas built by us.' The Thera established in these a number of bhikkhus according to their rank, and the Ministers bestowed upon the latter all necessaries in respect of both food and clothing. Vattagamani did likewise as regard the bhikkhus whom he settled in the structures built by him viz., the Abhayagiri, Somáránna, Sillásobbhakandaka,
etc.
The Dharmaruci Nikaya.
About this time there occurred an incident which was fraught with grave consequences to Buddhism, viz., the beginning of a schism-the first of its kind in Lanka after the establishment of the religion over 200 years previously. The Thera Mahá Tissa,

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who had received the Abhayagiri Vihara but was actually resident at a place called Kemgalla, was credited by general repute with frequenting the families of laymen, or, in other words, living in domestic intercourse, in breach of the rules of retirement strictly enjoined upon monks. The thing was in the nature of a public scandal, and the priestly authorities of the Maha Vihara, the custodians as it were of Buddhism in Lanka, felt it necessary to intervene. At a solemn Convocation of monks the offender, after due investigation, was adjudged guilty and formally expelled from the Order. One of his disciples who happened to be present in the assembly, the Thera Bahalamassutissa, spoke warmly in protest immediately the above sentence was pronounced, whereupon the tribunal of monks held the obstructor guilty of mixing
in misconduct, and forthwith expelled him also from the Order. s
Burning with anger at their action Bahalamassutissa, accompanied by about 500 monks who were in sympathy with him and shared his particular religious views, departed for the Abhayagiri Vihara and took up their abode there. Forming thus a separate faction which refused to accept or recognise the authority of the Maha Vihara, they lived thenceforward as a community distinct from the Thériya Nikāya, which stood for what may be described as Orthodox Buddhism in Lanka. In a short time the new faction received an accession of strength from an unexpected source. There came to Ceylon, shortly after the events referred to above, from Pallaráráma in India, a band of monks who, though professing Buddhism, were in reality representatives of one of the many sects whom Orthodox Buddhism, whether in the neighbouring continent or in Lanka, regarded as heretics. These monks-disciples of Dharmaruci Acarya of Vajjiputta Nikaya-finding no favour with the Maha Vihara, were well received by Bahalamassutissa and his followers. These latter found no difficulty in accepting and conforming to the doctrines or tenets of the Dharmarucians, with the result that thenceforth those belonging to the Abhayagiri were called and known as the Dharmaruci Nikaya.

KNG WATAGAMAN ABHAYA I97
The Buddhist Scriptures.
The reign of Vattagamani is noteworthy for a still more important event in the history of Buddhism in Lanka. The Buddhist Scriptures had hitherto been handed down orally. These consisted of three great divisions, each of which was called a Pitaka ("a Basket'). They were respectively the Basket of Discipline (Vinaya-pitaka), the Basket of Discourse (Sutta-pitaka) and the Basket of Metaphysics (Abhidhamma-pitaka), the whole canon being termed the Three Pitakas (Baskets). There were in addition the connected Atthakathá-expositions of meaning or commentaries-which, too, had up to that time been handed down by word of mouth. It was felt, however, at this time that the existing state of things was unsatisfactory. Signs were not wanting that the Sinhalese people were slowly but surely falling away from religion, and the Dharmaruci Nikaya, representing as it did a definite breaking away from the hitherto accepted teaching of the Buddha, was a serious set-back to the progress of the religion. All things considered, the time seemed opportune for setting down in writing, for the benefit of the many, that which by oral tradition was known only to the few, and a definite step forward was taken, the value, importance and usefulness of which are recognised even to day, not merely in Lanka but even outside it in those countries where Buddhism is known or counts adherents. Under the patronage of the King, some five hundred of the most learned Theras of Lanka belonging to the orthodox sect assembled at the cave temple of Alu Vihara (near the modern Matale), and, after many months of patient labour, wrote down in books the Three Pitakas and the Atthakatha. The service they thus rendered to the cause of Buddhism was unique and inestimable.
The ““ Beminiti-saya ”” Famine and the Saka Era.
In or abour the year 78 B.C., Lanka was visited by a famineknown as the Beniniti-sdiya-which had its origin in India. It was fortunately not attended with serious consequences in Ceylon. though we are told it lasted three years; but in the neighbouring

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I98 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
continent, where it lasted for twelve years, it claimed a heavy death-toll, apart from the indescribable suffering which it inflicted. How exactly the famine arose in India is not clear, but legend. has a suggestive story which, however improbable in itself, had at léast the merit of being implicitly believed in by large numbers of people at the time.
It would appear that Milindu, King of the city of Ságal in India, coveting a certain woman, wickedly put to death her innocent husband after he had secured the latter's conviction by un just means. The King had bidden his servants charge the woman's husband with some fault or other and report the result to him. Accordingly, they watched on the road which the husband (a Brahman) used to take while going to trade. As he came down to a mountain pass, the Royal servants drove towards the Brahman the Prime Minister's bull which had been used for ploughing, after which they hid themselves. The bull, finding no room to pass, turned back followed by the Brahman; then the servants rushed out and seized the Brahman, accusing him of stealing
the bull.
A Woman's Curse.
Eventually, the Brahman was hailed before the King who ordered him to be put to death. The Brahman's wife, learning that her innocent husband had been killed on the orders of the King, was frantic with anger. Standing at the threshold of her house, with the soles of her feet smeared with charcoal, and throwing three handfuls of water into the air-as was the ancient custom when invoking a curse-she is said to have exclaimed:
" As truly as I have observed the duty of a good and virtuous wife in not violating my marriage vow, may the country of this wicked King come to ruin '
Exhausted by the effort, she fell back in a swoon, and in a few moments was no more : she died of a broken heart. And, adds the legend, the gods being offended, there was no rain in India for twelve years, and famine spread throughout the land. There

KING WATTAGAMIAN ABHAYA I99
is nothing improbable in the story that a King was guilty of such injustice as is imputed above to the ruler of Ságal, but it is another question whether the famine was the direct consequence of that injustice.
However that may be, whether or not the famine (Beninitisaya) coincided with the curse of the Brahman woman referred to in the story, we are assured on the testimony of the Rajavaliya that it did coincide with another and more important event, viz., the establishment in India of a new Era of calculation, the Stilivihana or Saka Era, which is the most popular of the varshas adopted by the Sinhalese, and used even at the present day, for purposes of calculation and record, in private and public life.
Wattagamani died in B.C. 77, in the twelfth year after his restoration to the throne. When he first ascended the throne in B.C. Io4, he ruled only for five months, after which the five Tamil usurpers administered the government for I4 years and 7 months. His reign (counting the period of his exile under the Tamil domination) may therefore be said to have lasted 27 years, i.e. from B.C. Io4 to B.C. 77.
New Viharas.
I. Abhayagiri, 2. Dakkhina, 3. Mullavokasa, 4. Pabbatarama, 5. Saliyarama, 6. Silasobbha-kandaka Cetiya, 7. Somarama (Manisomáráma), 8. Uttaratissarama.

Page 112
XXI. KING MAHACULI MAHA TISSA
REIGNED 14 YEARS (B.C. 77-B.C. 63).
Vattagámani was followed on the throne by his nephew and step-son, Mahaculi Maha Tissa (S. Mahasilu Mahá Tissa; Mahadeliya Tissa), whom as a boy he had adopted and whose mother, the Queen Anula Devi, he had married upon the death of Khalláta Nága.
Mahacili's chief characteristic was his piety. So great was his zeal in this respect that we find him doing work for hire in order to be able to give alms from what he earned-a most meritorious act according to Buddhism. In the very first year of his reign, he went in disguise and worked in a paddy field, like any common peasant-labourer; and when the harvesting time came, he utilised the wage he received in order to give food as alms to a Thera named Mahasumma.
Not content with this, the King spent the next three years of his reign doing hard manual labour at a sugar- illin Sonna-giri (lit. " Gold mountain'), a place north-east of the modern Kurunégala. The rocky mountain that rises on the east of Ambatthakola, bounding the valley of Nalanda-Dambulla on the west, is still at this day known as Rangala. The wage he received here for his labour was in lumps of sugar which, on his return to Anuradhapura, he gave along with other gifts as alms to the Brotherhood of Bhikkhus.
Of his further devotion to the cause of religion we have ample authentic testimony. Apart from the clothing, such as robes, &c., which on several occasions he bestowed on several thousand monks and nuns, he built at least five Vihiras of note, viz:
·
2OO

KING MAHACULI MAHA TISSA 2O
Abhayagallaka Vihara (S. Albágala); Dighabahugallaka Vihara (S. Digabágala); Jalagama Vihara (S. Valagama), Mandavapi Vihara (S. Mandáveva); Vankavattakagalla Vihara (S. Vagupatagala).
Revolt of Coranaga.
Mahacóli's reign was a peaceful one, disturbed only in some measure by the lawlessness of his cousin, Prince Coranaga (son of Vattagamani), who tried ineffectually more than once to raise a rebellion in the country. Coranaga's following was a small one, and the King's troops found no difficulty in dispersing the small band of ill-equipped men who sought to raise the standard of revolt. During the engagement Coranaga escaped, and so great was his unpopularity among the monks, who heartily despised him for his loose moral character and cruel disposition, that he was refused a refuge in at last eighteen Viháras wherein he tried to conceal himself in the course of his flight. He succeeded, however, in avoiding capture by Mahacali's soldiers.
MaháCali died after a reign of fourteen years, leaving behind a Queen (who later became a nun) and two sons, the Princes Kuda Tissa and Kutakanna Tissa. His reign lasted from B.C. 77B.C. 63.

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XXIII. KING CORANAGA.
REIGNED 2 YEARS
(B.C. 63-B.C. 51).
Coranaga, who had lived as a rebel during the reign of his cousin Mahácali Mahá Tissa, succeeded in establishing himself on the throne upon the death of the latter. The new King's first act was to wreak revenge on those who, during the previous reign, had given him no countenance or had refused to aid him in his nefarious purposes. His vengeance was not restricted to men. He destroyed, and razed to the ground, the 18 Viháras where he had failed to find a refuge in the days of his rebellious exploits, and in various other ways showed what little respect he had for religion and its priests. He was in all respects the worst of the earliest Kings of the Sinhalese dynasty, and the nation felt little or no regret when, after a reign of I2 years, marked by deplorable excesses and intolerable oppression of the people, he died of eating poisoned food given him his equally cruel and licentious consort, the Queen Anula. The latter was in terms of illicit intimacy with a palaceguard named Siva whom she hoped to raise to the throne, and with this object in view she poisoned Coranaga. Coranaga's reign lasted from B.C. 63 to B.C. 5I.
2O2

XXIII. KING KUDA TISSA.
REIGNED 3 YEARS (B.C. 51-B.C. 48),
Queen Anula, who had hoped after her husband's death to ascend the throne herself, with the palace-guard Siva as her consort, found her plans thwarted by Mahacali Maha Tissa's eldest son, Kuda Tissa, who seized the government and had himself consecrated as King.
Kuda Tissa committed an initial blunder which eventually cost him his life--he permitted Queen Anula to reside within the Palace premises. He knew, of course, that she was responsible for the death of her husband Coranaga, but he did not realise that she had strong ambitions in regard to the throne, and he imagined that she was too engrossed in her infatuation for the Tamil Siva to think of anything else.
Anulá for her part merely awaited her time. She knew her resources were too weak to permit of her effectively resisting, by armed force, the assumption of the reins of government by Kuda Tissa, and therefore she decided to remain passive for the time being. At the end of three years, when her plans were matured for striking a blow, she employed her old weapon of poison to kill the king.
Kudá Tissa reigned from B.C. 51 to B.C. 48.
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XXIV. QUEEN ANULA.
REIGNED 4 YEARS
(B.C. 48-B.C. 44).
Prince Kutakanna Tissa. Becomes a Monk.
With the murder of Kuda Tissa, Anula's ambitions were easy to fulfil. The rightful heir to the throne, Kutakanna Tissa, younger son of the dead King Mahacalika, fled from fear of Anula when he heard of the manner of his brother's death, and, taking refuge in a monastery, became a monk himself. The way being thus clear Anula had herself consecrated as Queen of Lanka with Balat Siva, the ex-gate watchman of the Palace, as her KingConsort.
Then followed a brief period, -marked by insensate lust and cold-blooded murder-which is at once the most disgraceful as well as the most horrible in ancient Sinhalese history. Licentious as well as shameless, Queen Anula was also a woman of iron will, and she shrank from nothing, not even murder, in order to gratify her desires. Poison was her surest weapon, and this she ruthlessly employed to remove everyone whom she considered to be an obstacle in her path.
An Orgy of Poisoning.
Before her marriage with the palace-guard Siva, she had murdered two reigning kings by poison, viz. her first husband, Coranága, and his successor, Kuda Tissa. And now, installed as Queen and wielding absolute power, she claimed at least four more victims, all of them men whom she elevated, each in turn, for a brief period to be her husbands, and as such to exercise limited power as Nagara-guttikas or Governors of the City (of Anuradhapura) under her rule. It was a veritable orgy of poisoning, and the nation, aghast with horror, looked passively on. They lacked a strong man to lead them to take the necessary action.
2O4.

QUEEN ANULA 205
The Murdered Husbands.
Siva filled the role of King-Consort and Governor of the City only for one year and two months, when he was poisoned by Anula who, meanwhile, had fallen in love with a Tamil carpenter of the City, Watuka by name. Watuka's period, as husband of Anula and Nagara-guttika, was the same as that of his predecessor, viz. one year and two months, after which he was similarly poisoned and his place filled by a wood-carrier named Darubhatika Tissa.
Tissa survived only one year and one month. The only achievement recorded of him is that he had a bathing tank made in the Mahameghavana. He was succeeded in the affections of the Queen and in the administration of the City by the Purohita i.e. Royal Chaplain or palace-priest, a Brahman named Niliya, of whom Anula appears to have been greatly enamoured. Niliya, however, had the shortest term of all, for he was poisoned at the end of six months, when Anula took upon herself the direct and sole charge of the administration of the City as well as of the kingdom.
List of those Poisoned by Anula.
Name of Иictiт
Relationship to Period of associa
Description Amulá tiom uoyith Amulá
r. Coranāga King of Lanka Ist husband I2 years 2. Kuda Tissa. King of Lanka || Nephew 3 years 3. Balat Siva Palace-guard 2nd Husband I I year 2 months 4. Vatuka City-carpenter |3rd Husband || II year 2 months 5. Darubhâti
ka Tissa || Wood-carrier | 4th Husband || II year I month 6. Niliya Royal Chaplainsth Husband 6 months.

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2O6 THE STORY of THE SINHALESE
Thus there were, in all, six people murdered by Anula. Of these five were her husbands, four of whom died within four years, the other three years earlier. (Some chronicles, the Policivaliya and the Nikiya Sangrahava, make out that there was a sixth husband, an astrologer named Vasuki, who was also poisoned).
A Popular Uprising.
As those whom Anula loved (or married) died young or early, she apparently experienced difficulty in finding a successor to Niliya, wherefore it was she undertook the burden of government singlehanded after Niliya's death. But it was not for long.
The people, roused at last from the stupor in which they had remained for four years, were now determined that Anula should rule them no more. They clamoured at the gates of the monastery where Prince Kutakanna Tissa had found a refuge, and insisted that he should take the lead in ridding the throne of an occupant who was a disgrace to Sinhalese womanhood and a peril to the nation.
Kutakanna Tissa yielded to their entreaty. Casting aside his priestly robes, he put himself at the head of a force which was strongly reinforced within a few weeks. Soon he was suitably equipped, and without delay marched forth on the road to the capital. There was, however, practically no resistance. Anulá's troops were only too glad to join the Prince's men, who soon surrounded the Royal Palace and poured into the various apartments. Anula, in a mad attempt to escape, was cut to pieces by Kutakanna Tissa himself.
She had ruled the country single-handed four months, and along with her various husbands for four years less one month. Her reign lasted from B.C. 48 to B.C. 44.

XXV. KING KUTAKANNA TISSA.
REIGNED 22 YEARS
(B.C. 44-B.C. 22).
Kutakanna Tissa (also called Makalan Tissa and sometimes Kalakanni Tissa) is described in some chronicles as having been the son of Kudá Tissa; but he was in reality the younger son of Mahacilika, and therefore Kuda Tissa's brother.
He assumed the kingly office the same day on which Anula was slain, and he at once gave orders for the cremation of the dead Queen. This ceremony was performed without delay, the funeral pyre being set up within the Palace precincts. After the cremation Kutakanna Tissa built for himself another Palace, not far from the old one which had been the scene of Anula's licentious and infamous proceedings.
Religious Activities.
Of Kutakanna Tissa's reign there is nothing important to record. Of structures dedicated to religion, the only ones attributed to him are a great building in the Cetiya-mountain (Mihintale) for the uposatha festival and, to the east of this, a stone thipa near which he ceremonially planted a Bo-tree. On a plot of land belonging to his family he founded a nunnery, named Dantageha (lit. "Tooth-house'), for his mother who, in the days when her son was living as a monk in a monastery, had herself become
3. Il Ull.
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2O8 TJ STORY OF THE SINALES
Public Works.
In regard to public works, the King constructed two big tanks, the Ambadugga and Bhayoluppala, as well as a great canal called Wannaka, in the region between the Amban-ganga and the Mahaveli-ganga. In the same locality he founded the Pelagama Vihara (Telagama); and, surrounding Anuradhapura with new walls and moats, he laid out, in the City itself, a new park which was named the Padumassara Park.
Kutakanna Tissa was the first Sinhalese King who had previously been a monk. He reigned 22 years, from B.C. 44 to B.C. 22.
He left two sons, the Princes Bhatikabhaya and Mahadathika Maha Naga, of whom the former succeeded him on the throne.

XXVI. KING BHATIKABEHAYA.
REIGNED 28 YEARS
( B.C. 22-A.D. 6).
Bhatikabhaya, who was on the throne of Lanka when Jesus Christ was born at Bethlehem in far away Palestine, was one of the most pious rulers of ancient times. His devotion to religion was such that he cheerfully spent vast sums of money in its cause and felt at the end that he had not done enough. His zeal in this direction found expression in extraordinary ways.
Of all the religious structures in and out of the City, that which he frequented most regularly and which he adorned most lavishly with his wealth was the Ruvanveli-séya, On one occasion, at his command, the vediká at the foot of the Cetiya to the parasol at the top was plastered with a paste of sweet-smelling unguent, four fingers thick, in which flowers were carefully embedded by their stalks, so that the whole Thtipa presented the appearance of a great and beautiful globe of flowers. On another occasion, again by his orders, the Cetiya was plastered with a paste of minium eight fingers thick, and, as in the previous case, he made the whole look like a huge heap of flowers.
Yet another time the King commanded that the Cetiya be strewn with flowers from the steps (running up from the “Elephant-path') to the parasol on the top, and thus covered it over with a mass of blossoms. After this he carried out what has been termed a "water-offering,' that is, by pouring quantities of water over the thipa. It is interesting to note that the water used for this ceremony was obtained from the neighbouring Abhayatank by means of machines-the first authentic record of the employment of machines for drawing water in those early days.
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Ruvanveli-seya Plastered with Pearls.
Apparently this plastering of the Ruvanveli-séya was with Bhátikábhaya a favourite method of manifesting his devotion. For, apart from a decree which he promulgated that, year by year perpetually, a great festival for the renewing of the plaster-work of this Cetiya should be held, we are told that once he utilised as many as a hundred waggon-loads of pearls to make a plaster-covering for the great Thapa, the mass of plaster being previously carefully kneaded together with oil. Then he had a net of coral prepared and cast over the Cetiya and, when he had given directions for fastening, in the meshes of this net, lotus-flowers of gold as large as waggon-wheels, he hung on them clusters of pearls.
Apart from these water and plaster-offerings, there were many others of a different character which Bhatikabhaya made to the Ruvanveli-séya from time to time: Honeycombs, all manner of perfumes, vases filled with flowers and essences, and auri-pigment prepared as unguent and minium ; again, lotus-flowers, either arrayed in minium that lay ankle-deep in the court-yard of the Cetiya where the people had poured it molten, or fastened in the holes of mattings, spread on fragrant earth, with which the whole court-yard had been filled by worshippers; then, again, many lighted lamps prepared with stuff-wicks in madhuka and sesamum oil or with wicks made of strips of stuff in clarified butter, which had likewise been poured into the court-yard when the ways for the outflow had been covered up-these represented but a tithe of the offerings which the King, out of his devotion, made to the Maha Thapa more or less regularly.
The King's Extraordinary Religious Fervour.
To crown all, Bhatikabhaya decreed, in addition to his previous order for the yearly plastering, that in honour of the Maha Thápa there should be regular mimic dances and concerts to the accompaniment of all kinds of music, and he further commanded that the drum be beaten twice a day, i.e. morning and evening

KING BHATIKARHAYA 2
再
continually, at the offering of flowers by worshippers. This is the origin of the practice which is even to this day observed at the Dalada Maligáva, Kandy, and elsewhere. Bhatikabhaya himself went three times a day, regularly, to the Ruvanveli-séya for devotional purposes, and so set an example which vast numbers of people in and out of the City emulated. On one occasion it is recorded that, at the express wish of the King, the monks showed him the treasures kept in the dhátugabbha or relic-receptacle of the Thapa. Bhatikabhaya soon had figures modelled of clay resembling those he had seen among the treasures. These he had exhibited in a mandapa close to the Thapa. He also built two vedikás for the Ruvanveli-séya.
Works of Merit and Utility.
His gifts to the priesthood were on the same lavish scale.
Apart from the general alms and the things needed for the asceticsuch as oil, molasses, garments, etc.-which he gave to the priesthood at irregular intervals, he provided for the daily bestowal of food by tickets to all the many bhikkhus resident in the Cetiyapabbata Vihâra (Mihintale). In his own palace at Anuradhapura he daily bestowed food and other necessaries to the monks who assembled before noon at five "receiving places,' which were set apart for the purpose and which were named, respectively, Cittupatthana-pasada, Maniupatthana-pasada, Mucalupatthana, the Paduma house and the Chattapasada, which latter was said to be a very beautiful building.
Of Bhatikébhaya's other religious works, it is needless to say more than that he carried out the work of repairing the Lovámaha-paya which had lost some of its splendour since Khallata Naga had constructed 32 beautiful paisdidas round about it, and he built a hall called the " Uposatha-hall' in the Thuparama. He also gifted considerable lands to a number of Viháras for their maintenance and for the repair of the Cetiyas.

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22 TE STORY OF THE SINHALES
His Solicitude for the Poor.
Bhatikábhaya laid out a number of Parks covering over a yoiana (8 miles) of land round the City, and in these he planted several hundred trees of his two favourite varieties of Sweetsmelling jasmine-the Sumana and uijuka.
In order to relieve the poor, on whose behalf he always manifested a tender solicitude, he abolished the tax which had hitherto been appropriated for the King's own personal and private use; and, like Dutugemunu before him, for each year of his reign Bhatikabhaya held 28 great Vesak festivals which were marked by lavish alms-giving and impressive splendour.
Bhatikabhaya reigned 28 years, from B.C. 22 to A.D. 6.

XXVII. KING MAHADATHIKA MAHA TISSA
REIGNED I2 YEARS
(A.D. 6-A.D. 18).
The Ambatthala Dagaba.
On the death of Bhatikabhaya, his younger brother Mahada. thika Maha Naga (called also Maha Deliya Maná) ascended the throne. One of his earliest acts as King was to build the Ambatthala Dagaba (S. Ambula Dagaba) which is said to mark the spot where of old the Apostle Mahinda stood when King Devanampiya Tissa first saw him. When the Cetiya was completed the King set up, at the four entrances, four bejewelled arches which skilled artists had fashioned into things of beauty and which are said to have been resplendent with gems of every kind. To be fastened to the Cetiya he made, at considerable cost, a cover for it of red stuff decorated with golden balls and festoons of pearls.
The Dagaba as it stands to-day is surrounded by two circles of slender monolithic octagonal pillars, I2 feet high, the capitals of which are decorated with a procession of lions or hansas marching to the left and a row of dwarfs facing the front. They have no tenons on the top; and whether the roof afterwards raised over the building rested on them or not, they appear to have been erected chiefly in order to carry the festoons of lamps that were hung from them at festivals.
A headless and armless statue near the Ddigaba, and facing it, is traditionally said to represent King Devanampiya Tissa and to mark his own position when he is said to have first seen Mahinda. The statue has no ornaments on the chest or waist, and the sole clothing is a plain cloth from the waist to the ankles. When it was examined a few years ago the head was there, the head-dress
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2I4 TE STORY OF THE SENHALESE
consisting of a plain and slightly-elevated pear-shaped cap encircled by a jewelled band or diadem. The ears were adorned with pendant ear-rings and the neck with a jewelled neck-piece, while the base was carved to represent an expanded lotus-flower.
The Great Giribhanda Offering.
On the occasion of the completion of this Dagaba, Mahadathika held in its honour a great festival which was marked by features of a unique character. The great " Giribhanda Offering ' is the name by which this splendid feast is still called to memory by the Sinhalese. First the King made ready, around the Cetiya mountain (Mihintale), a tract of land measuring about eight miles, after which he made four gateways and a beautiful road round about the mountain. Then he allowed traders to set up shops on both sides of the road, which was adorned here and there with flags, arches and triumphal gates and illuminated at night with chains of lamps, while mimic dances, singing, and all manner of music, enlivened the place both by day and by night.
Moreover, in order to enable the people of the capital and suburbs, desirous of going to worship, to walk with clean feet on the road from the Kadamba river (Kolon-oya) to the Cetiya mountaina distance of some 6 to. 7 miles-the King had it laid with carpets. And it is said that over the whole Island there were put up, by the King's orders, chains of lamps without a break, even over the waters of the ocean within a distance of a yojana around. This latter scheme of decoration, which was apparently carried out by means of many hundred boats placed at regular intervals on the sea all round the Island, had the effect, as one chronicle (the Pujávaliya) describes it, of presenting the appearance of "one festoon of lamps encircling the Island of Lanka.' These lamps, lit with clarified butter, were kept burning during the three watches of the night.

KING MAHADATHIK. MAHA NAGA 2I5
When the festival began the King gave largesse at the four gates of the capital, and promulgated a general pardon for the criminals then languishing in the prisons of the Island. Proceeding thence to the Cetiya mountain-the scene of the principal festivities-he ordered the barbers to carry on their occupation unceasingly at the four gateways, so that none of the men worshippers might pass within, unkempt or unshorn. Then he commanded almsgiving at eight places to the bhikkhus who had come together in the festal assembly, and, to the tune of the beating of eight golden drums set up at each such place, lavish gifts including the six garments were made to the monks.
The 'Tulabhara-Dana '' Ceremony.
It is in connection with this magnificent feast of the great Giribhanda offering that we find the first record of the observance in Lanka of an ancient Royal custom, which has now fallen into general disuse among Eastern Sovereigns, but which was performed so recently as a few years ago by the Maharaja of Travancore (in India). It was the practice of Kings in olden times, oncertain special occasions such as a Coronation or great festival, to go through the quaint religious ceremony of having themselves weighed against their own weight in gold or precious stones which were afterwards distributed, in Lanka among the monks and in India among the Brahmans. Mahadathika Maha Naga, we are told, "gave alms equal to his own weight' on the occasion of this festival of the Ambatthala Dagaba.
Other Religious Structures.
Before the close of his reign the King had the terraces of the Ruvanveli-séya laid with stone flags-the exact material used being described as kincikkha stones, which were presumably some sort of marble or other ornamental stone; and the "Elephant-path 'running round the terrace was converted into a wide court.

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The following Viharas were built by Mahádáthika who at the same time gifted lands sufficient for their upkeep and repair:-
Culanaga-pabbata Vihara in Huvácakannika, now Uva but in those days a district in the province of Rohana.
Kalanda Vihara, in a district named Káláyana-kamnika in Rohana Province.
Mandavapi Vihara (S. Panduvá Vehera), the exact location of which is unknown.
Maninaga-pabbata Vihara in Káláyana-kannika of Rohana Province.
Pasanadipaka Vihara (location unknown).
Samudda Vihara (S. Muhudu Wehera), on the bank of the Kumbukkan Oya in Rohana.
We also find it stated that in all the Viharas the King erected pulpits for the preachers, and that the gifts which he gave from time to time to the monks and nuns of the Island were estimated to have cost several hundred thousand pieces of the money current at the time.
New Parks.
Like his brother and predecessor, he took delight in laying out Parks which he is credited with having made at every four gav on the four sides of the city of Anuradhapura, his capital, without any contribution or levies from the people. The Sweet-smelling flower-trees which he selected for planting in these Parks were, among others, the three kinds of jasmine known in Sinhalese as simildda, bolidda i and desamam ; the ho-palu (Jonesia Asoka); dunuke (Pandanus foetidus) ; vetake (Pandanus odoratissimus); saibu. (Champac) ; má (Messua ferrea-Ironwood) and domba (Calophyllum inophyllum).
King Mahadathika Maha Naga reigned I2 years, from A.D. 6 to A.D. I3. He left behind him a daughter and two sons-the Princes Abhaya and Tissa, the former of whom, being the elder, succeeded him on the throne.

XXVIII. KING AMANDA-GAMANI ABHAYA.
REIGNED 9 YEARS AND 8 MONTHS
(A.D. 18-A.D. 28).
Abhaya, soon after he ascended the throne, received the name of Amanda-gamani (S. Ada-gemunu), in the following way. True to the family tradition of piety, he was a generous patron of the priesthood and one day he gave to the monks, in addition to garments, etc., alms-bowls filled with the fruit called Amanda or "flesh-melons.' Thenceforth he was known as Amanda-Gaimani Abhaya.
He built the Rajatalena Vihara-—-now the Ridi Vihára ("Silver Monastery")-near the Ambatthakola cave, where a deposit of silver was discovered in Dutugemunu's time. It was situated in a southerly direction from the City and said to be at a distance of eight yojanas from it. The actual distance between Anuradhapura and Ridi Vihara to-day is 55 miles as the Crow flies. South of Anuradhapura he also made the Mahagamenditank,and bestowed it om the monks of the Dakkhina Vihara.
On the Ruvanveli-séya, Amanda-gamani caused to be made a second parasol above the existing one; that is, he heightened the cone crowning the Thapa and also built two vedikas, one at the base and the other at the top. At the Lova-mahá-pâya as well as at the Uposatha- house of the Thtiparama, he made an inner courtyard and an inner verandah, and for both he also built a beautiful pavilion adorned with precious stones,
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Wine-growing-Protection of Animal Life.
Wine-growing was taken up largely by the people during this reign as the result of the personal encouragement of the King, And it was Amanda-gamani who was the first of the Sinhalese sovereigns of Lanka to have it proclaimed, by beat of tom-tom throughout the Island, prohibiting under pain of severe penalty the destruction of animal life in any part of the kingdom.
Amanda-gamani was slain by his younger brother, Tissa, after he had ruled the country piously and justly for 9 years and 8 months, i.e. from A.D. I8 to A.D. 28. He left behind a son, Prince Cuiabhaya, and a daughter, the Princess Sivali.

XXIX. KING KANIRAJANU TISSA.
REIGNED 3 YEARS
(A.D. 28-A.D. 31).
Tissa, the irreligious and cruel, the slayer of his brother, was apparently not a favourite with the Brotherhood of Monks. Some of the monks resident at the Cetiya-pabbata even conspired to oust him from the throne. The conspiracy, however, was reported to the King who wreaked instant and terrible vengeance on the offenders. Sixty bhikkhus were charged with the crime of high treason, found guilty and instantly condemned to be flung into the caves called Kanira. Wherefore was the King from that day called Kanirajanu Tissa (S. Kinihiridala).
The reign was marked by no other important circumstance or event, except perhaps the fact that the King took it upon himself to decide a law-suit, which concerned the Uposatha-house in the Thápárama and which had had the effect of temporarily suspending the performance of religious ceremonies at that Vihára.
At the end of three years Kanirajánu Tissa was stricken by a mortal illness which was rendered the more acutely painful by bitter but unavailing remorse for the murder of his brother.
He reigned only three years, from A.D. 28 to A.D. 3I.
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XXX. KING CULABHAYA.
REIGNED I YEAR
(A.D. 31-A.D. 32).
Culabhaya (S. Kudá Abhá), son of Amanda-gámani Abhaya, succeeded his uncle on the throne, but died at the end of a year's rule.
The only constructive work he was able to do during this short period was the building of the Culagallaka Vihara (S. Sulugal Vehera), on the bank of the Gona-nadi (now called Kaluoya), to the south of the capital.
XXXI. QUEEN SIVALI
REIGNED 4 MONTHS
(A.D. 32.
On the death of Culabhaya, his younger sister Sivali ascended the throne. She reigned, however, only for four months when her cousin, Ilanaga, Son of her father's sister, marched into the capital at the head of an armed force and dethroned her.
22O

XXXII. KING LANAGA.
REIGNED IO YEARS
(A.D. 32-A.D. 42).
The Clan of the Lambakannas.
Ilanaga at once assumed the Sovereignty, and strengthened his position by marrying his dethroned cousin, Queen Sivali.
The Lambakannas were at this time a most powerful clan in Lanka. Connected by ties of blood to the reigning Royal House, possessing enormous wealth as well as other resources, and couriting many thousands of loyal adherents both at the capital and throughout the country, they were a force to be reckoned with. Their Chiefs held, by hereditary right, important posts in the Army as well as in the civil administration; and, during recent years, so great was their influence, that successive sovereigns found it expedient to placate them and to satisfy their ever-growing ambitions.
When Ilanaga came to the throne, most of the Chiefs of the Lambakannas were by no means whole-hearted in their allegiance to him. Those of them who were disaffected were, however, not prepared for immediate action. They preferred to wait for a suitable opportunity, and that opportunity they were provided with by the impetuous Ilanaga himself in the very first year of his reign.
A Degrading Punishment.
One day the King, accompanied by a large detachment of his army as well as by his followers, left for Tissa-vapi, only to find on reaching the tank that many of the Lambakannas had deserted him and gone back to the capital. Carried away by the anger of the moment Ilanaga, in punishment of their defection, ordered that they should be employed in the degrading cooly labour of working a road to the Ruvanveli-séya, with directions that they
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should themselves stamp it down firmly where it ran beside the tank; and, what was to them the bitterest humiliation of all, he set the outcast Candalas to be their overseers
in the condition of their momentary helplessness, their rank and file at least might have borne the indignity of road labour; but to imagine that the members and adherents of a clan which claimed kinship with Sinhalese Royalty, should have to take orders from and work under the lowest of castes, the Candilas-was an impossible proposition. They would die rather than face such an indignity. The Chiefs of the Lambakannas were lashed into fury by the King's orders; and they resolved, at meeting of their followers which was immediately summoned, forthwith to punish the King who had dared to seek to disgrace them. Headed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, who was a Lambakanna himself, they led a successful revolt. The King was taken captive and imprisoned in his palace, pending a decision as to his fate and the succession to the throne.
鹤
Flight of the King.
But in a few days the King escaped, thanks to a ruse which Queen Sivali employed. At a favourable moment, when the guard over Ilanaga was temporarily released, the Queen, putting festal garments on her infant son, the Prince Candamukhasiva, gave him into the hands of the Serving-women, with secret instructions to the latter that they should walk about the Palace precincts, ostensibly aimlessly, till they neared the stables of the StateElephant, when they were to contrive somehow to give a message to the Elephant-attendants. The serving-women executed their errand intelligently and delivered the message, which was to the effect that the State-Elephant should be employed that night to batter down the door of the room in which the King lay imprisoned. The Elephant-attendants, who were loyal to the King, carried out the Queen's behest under cover of night. Ilanaga, mounting his Elephant and taking his Queen and child with him, rode out of the Palace precincts, followed on foot by a single attendant

KING ILANAGA 223
The Royal fugitives took the road that led to the north, and, reaching Mahatittha (Mantota) in due course, embarked on a ship bound for the opposite coast. Before leaving, the King entrusted the care of his Elephant to the attendant who had journeyed with him in his flight, directing him to take the animal to a certain village in Maya Province and there to look after it carefully till his return. Ilanaga was the first Sinhalese Prince or King to live as an exile away from his own country.
Interregnum (A.D. 33 to A.D.36).
Ilanaga's escape caused no great disappointment, if any, to the Chiefs of the Lambakannas; in fact, they regarded it more or less in the light of a relief. They had never intended at any time to take the King's life. The fact that, when they captured him, they imprisoned him in his own palace when they might easily have killed him outright, showed that the death of Ilanaga formed no part of their policy or plans. He had done a wicked and a gruel thing-and one which shocked all their ideas of dignity and selfrespect-when he sought to make them serve under Candila overseers, and whatever action they took was purely in self-defence and with a view to prevent the repetition of such an act.
Having imprisoned the King, they found themselves in a quandary. They had no designs on his life and, at the moment, none on the throne. The presence of Ilanaga at the capital increased the measure of their difficulties, not the least of which concerned the government of the country. In the midst of their conferences, as to the best course of action in the circumstances in which they found themselves placed, came the news of the King's escape, and the situation was at once eased. They could jointly carry on the administration pending the selection of a suitable successor, and to this end they now made all the necessary arrangements. Most of the high offices of State were filled by themselves or their loyal adherents; and the Army was apparently won over to their cause.

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The Lambakannas in Difficulties.
Months passed into years, however, and still no successor to Ilanaga was selected. The fact was that the Lambakanna Chiefs were divided among themselves, and the personal ambitions of each effectively prevented any of them rising above the rest and sitting on the throne as King. There was the ever-present fear that Ilanaga might at any time return, Besides, the people as a whole were by no means enamoured of the Lambakannas, whose haughty and arrogant ways did not conduce to their general popularity. They accepted the existing situation, of course as inevitable in the circumstances, but they were by no means eager to see a Lambakanna on the throne, at least so long as there was one direct living descendant of the ancient Sinhalese dynasty, even though he happened to be Ilanaga himself. In a word, the people strongly disapproved of the incident relating to the Lambakannas and the Candalas as being a disgraceful, even criminal, attempt at violation of an immemorial custom of the country, but Ilanaga was their true and duly anointed King, and him they wished to see back again on the throne of his forefathers.
Return of Ilanaga.
This was the position of affairs in the third year of the Interregnum when Ilanága, at the head of a small band of mercenaries experienced in warfare and accompanied by Queen Sivali and his two sons, the Princes Candamukha Siva and Yasalalaka Tissa, the latter born in India, landed at the port of Sakkharasobbha (S. Hakuruheba') in Rohana. The Royal family were warmly welcomed by the people of the Province who testified their loyalty to the King and undertook, in due time after the necessary preparations, to help him to win back his throne. The State-Elephant, which during all the three years of the King's exile had been carefully looked after in a village in Southern Maya, was in a few days led back to its Royal master, who rewarded the attendant by gifting to him some lands in that village. The tract of land so gifted was thenceforth known as Hatthibhoga ("the Elephant's usufruct' or "Elephant's portion.")

KING ILANAGA 225
Support from Rohana.
The next few months the King spent mostly in a tour of the whole Province of Rohana, with a view to enlisting as many men as possible for his army and at the same time obtaining the requisite equipment for war. He found time, however, in the midst of these duties, not only to attend to religious matters but also to put his hand to one or two works of a public character. Apparently llanaga had been hitherto a non-Buddhist, for we learn that it’ was on the occasion of this visit to Rohana that he became a convert to Buddhism, after listening to the preaching of a great Thera named Mahapadtama of Tuladhara Vihara (near the village of Viharavapi in the neighbourhood of the Tuládhára-pabbata). He restored the Naga-maha Vihara (in Mahagama) which had been built aforetime by Maha Naga, the first King of Rohana, and was already in a state of disrepair, and he also added an extension of one hundred unbent bows in length, the thipa being enlarged at the same time.
The Tissa and Duratissa Tanks.
Then there was the Tissa-veva which had been erected by Maha Naga in a shallow valley about I miles east of the Kirinda river near Mahagama. This tank was formed by raising a straight bank about half-way across the bed of the valley until it met a low ridge with two slight elevations on it. From that point it was deflected slightly up-stream, so as to follow this ridge and save earthwork. Ilanaga now improved the appearance of the work by abandoning the ridge, and, in place of it, continuing the straight portion of the bank in one line to the eastern side of the valley. Moreover, the King executed some works of enlargement at another old tank in the neighbourhood called Duratissa-veva (now Yodaveva). This tank received its water-suply partly from some short streams that flowed down from adjoining rocky hills, but its chief and unfailing source of supply was from the flood-escape of Tissaveva, over which the water brought down from the Kirindi-oya

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dam flowed into Duratissa-veva. The prosperity of Mahagama was largely dependent on these two tanks, and Ilanaga's works of improvement were intended to prevent any loss of crops in the lands to which they supplied water.
The ''Call to Arms.'
These and other things helped materially to increase the measure of Ilanaga's popularity among the people of Rohana, and when the day arrived shortly afterwards for the "call to arms,' there was scarcely an able-bodied man in the whole Province who hesitated to march to Ilanága's standard in order to help him win back his throne. The army was soon ready to take the field. Equipped with all the necessaries of war and officered by some of the experienced soldiers whom Ilanaga had brought with him from India, the men marched joyfully forth in a few days from Mahagama, which the King had made his temporary headquarters, and they took the northern road which led to Anurádhapura. The news of Ilanága's advance with a strong army was soon brought to the capital. The Chiefs of the Lambakannas decided upon resistance. They dreaded the vengeance which the King might wreak upon them, and they neglected no preparation which they felt would help to secure his overthrow. When everything was ready they marched out of the capital with their troops, for they realised that an open battle outside the City walls afforded them greater chances of success than defensive tactics within.
The Battle of Hankarapitthi.
The two armies met on the field of Hankarapitthi (S. Hakarapitiya), near the gate of Kapallakkhanda (S. Kabalkadadora), and a fierce fight ensued. It was war to the death, and on both sides men fell like corn before the scythe of the reaper. The fortune of the battle swayed this way and that, till at last the King's men were seen to give way on one wing. Thither Ilanaga hastened with a body of picked troops, and, proclaiming his name, urged his men to the assault. They were weary and footsore after the long

KING IANAGA 227 march from Rohana, and most of the men, sick of the cárnage around them, were in the mood to turn and flee. But the King's voice acted like a spell. They charged forward in a solid body, with the energy born of the desperateness of their position, and the Lambakannas fell back. With a triumphant cry the King's troops charged again, furiously hacking and cutting their way through the ranks of their adversaries, and the day was WOIl.
The Lambakannas threw themselves down upon their stomachs, and the Royalist troops hewed off their heads and heaped them up as high as the nave of Ilanága's waggon-wheel. Three times they thus made a gory heap of trunkless heads. The King, moved to pity, sent them an order to desist from the terrible work. "Slay them not, but take them captive living ' commanded Ilanaga, and he was obeyed. Many hundreds of Lambakannas marched as captives in the train of Ilanaga when, after collecting his scattered troops a few hours after the battle, he took the road to the capital. At the gates of the City, and even on the outskirts, the people had thronged in their thousands to welcome back their King. Ilanaga, seated once again on the throne of his forefathers, did not regret the exile which had helped him, as nothing else could have done, to win his way into the affections of his people.
Punishment of the Lambakannas.
The rejoicings of victory, lasting several days, included the customary water-fete at the Tissa tank, and thither Ilaníga went at the height of the festivities. After taking part in the sports, he arrayed himself fully in his ornaments and armoir and, seated on his chariot, watched the people as they disported themselves. Presently he fell into a reverie. His thoughts, wandering from the good fortune which had crowned all his efforts, went back to the Lambakannas who had crossed his path and had made him, even for a brief while, a fugitive from his throne and country.

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The recollection of these things filled him with a sudden and uncontrollable anger; and, ordering that those of the Lambakannas who stood near about should be yoked two and two behind one another to his chariot, he rode thus into the City in front of them, accompanied by a detachment of his troops.
Halting on the threshold of the Royal Palace the King gave the command : " Here, on this threshold, soldiers, strike off their heads.' Ilanaga's mother, who was seated beside him in the vehicle, pleaded however on their behalf for some mercy. She realised that her son was in too angry a mood to listen to any appeal for their lives, but she thought he might not turn a deaf ear to a suggestion for some lesser punishment. And so she begged : "These are but oxen yoked to thy chariot, O Lord of Chariots; therefore, let only their horns and hoofs be struck off.' The Queen-Mother did not plead in vain. Ilanága instantly recalled the order to behead the Lambakannas, and, instead, commanded that their noses and toes be cut off. The order was carried out in public, in the sight of thousands; and the mutilated men, shamed, humiliated and groaning with pain, shrank away to nurse a bitter revenge and to prepare secretly for the Day of Vengeance against Ilanaga and his Royal House.
Ilanaga reigned ten years, counting the period of his three years' exile. He ruled the country for one year before, and for six years after his exile. He was succeeded on the throne by his elder son, Candamukha Siva.

XXXIII. KING CANDAMUKHA SIVA.
(REIGNFD 8 YEARS AND 7 MONTHS)
(A.D. 42-A.D. 51)
Candamukha Siva was the first Boy-King of Lanka. He was barely ten years old when he ascended the throne in succession to his father. He reigned eight years and seven months only, that is, from A.D. 42 to A.D. 5I,-the administration of the government being practically directed by his mother, Queen Sivali.
Shortly before he died-that is, when he was about I7 or I8 years old-he married a Tamil Princess, Damila Devi by name, who was as beautiful as she was pious. Like other Queens before her, her income was derived from several villages which she owned or had been allotted to her, and of these one was Manikaragama, situated in the neighbourhood of the Issarasamana Vihara (S. Isurumuniya). Candamukha Siva constructed a tank near the village and gave it to the Vihára, whereupon Damila Devi completed the good work by transferring her water-revenue from Manikaragama to the same Vihára.
Shortly afterwards Candamukha Siva repaired one day to the Tissa tank to take part in water-sports-a favourite form of amusement both among Kings and people, in ancient times. The "féte' on this occasion ended in grim tragedy, for the King was slain by his younger brother, Yasalalaka Tissa, who thereupon ascended the throne.
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XXXIV. KING YASALAILAKA TISSA.
(REIGNED 7. YEARS AND 8 MONTHS) (A.D. 51-A.D. 59).
Seventeen years old when he ascended the throne, Yasalalaka Tissa gave unmistakable evidence, throughout his short reign of 7 years and 8 months, that he was a boy in thought as well as in deed. The circumstances under which he came to assume rule over the kingdom were unfortunate. The guilt of his brother's blood which stained his hands was fatal to any popularity he might otherwise have won, and the ill-will or rather lack of good-will towards him, of which he found evidence on all sides, re-acted on his temper.
His reign was brought to a sudden close by an incident which, more than anything else, illustrated his boyish temperament. The door-keeper at the Throne-room of the Royal Palace was a youth named Subha (son of a gate-watchman named Batta) who, though a few years older than the King, bore a remarkably close resemblance to him. Yasalalaka Tissa, noting this likeness, got it into his head one day to play a practical joke on his Ministers of State. Shortly before the hour at which the latter usually assembled in the Throne-room, the King got Subha to array hinuself in the Royal dress and ornaments and to be seated on the throne, while he himself, binding the guard's turban about his head, stood, staff in hand, at the door-keeper's place. The Ministers presently came in and, as they made obeisance, in the customary manner, to the throne, Yasalalaka burst into peals of hearty laughter.
Grim Eriding to a Silly Joke.
It was a silly joke, a boyish prank, unworthy of a King and wantonly humiliating to the grave, elderly nobles who were his Counsellors. The latter were helpless under the affront to their
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KING YASALALAKA TSSA 23I
dignity, for they dared not show resentment at the Royal whim. The joke, however, was perpetrated not merely once but several times, at varying intervals, and each time the King appeared to enjoy it more than ever, as the Ministers turned abruptly away with great effort to retain their composure.
One day, however, the joke had a grim and unexpected ending. As Yasalálaka burst into laughter when a Minister prostrated himself in obeisance before the throne, Subha, who occupied the Royal seat and as such exercised the authority of King, cried out in simulated anger: "How dare this guard laugh in my presence?' and he ordered that the offender should forthwith be slain. No one dared disobey-most of those present really thought that it was in fact Yasalalaka himself who occupied the throne at the moment-and Yasalalaka was executed.
Yasalalaka reigned for 7 years and 8 months, i.e., from A.D. 51 to A.D. 50.

Page 128
XXXV. KING SUBHA.
(REIGNED 6 YEARS) (A.D. 59-A.D. 65).
Subha, the erstwhile door-keeper, now King of Lanka, was not comfortable on the throne. The insecurity of his position troubled him most. It was brought home to him in many ways, the more clearly as the days passed into months, that the people would not tolerate a common usurper, such as he was, a day longer on the throne than they could help, and he relied entirely on the Army for the means of sustaining his position in any eventuality.
At the same time, on grounds of policy, Subha sought to conciliate the Priesthood by a number of religious works-gifts of food and clothing to the monks and the construction of new Viharas with suitable endowments. Near Uruvelá, he built the Walli Vihara, in the eastern part of the country the Ekadvara Vihara, and at the mouth of the Mahaveli-ganga, near the Kacchaka ford, the Nandigamaka Vihara. A beautiful row of cells, named after him Subharaja, was also built by him both at the Abhayagiri and the Mahá Vihára.
A Prophecy.
' One named Vasabha shall be King' were the terms of a prophecy current even in Yasalálaka Tissa's time; and Subha, who had heard it spoken of frequently during the first few years of his reign, had tried ineffectually to trace the whereabouts of this Wasabha who seemed destined, according to popular imagination, to occupy the throne of Lanka, perhaps by supplanting him. Failing in every endeavour to find the mysterious Vasabha, the King resolved upon a course of action strangely similar to that which, just 6o years previously, King Herod in far away Palestine decreed in regard to the new-born children of Bethlehem and the
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KING SUBIA 233
country round about. Subha promulgated an order that all in the Island who bore the name of Vasabha should be slain, and every thing was made ready for a "Massacre of the Innocents' of Lanka who bore the fateful name.
Pottha Assists Wasabha to Flee.
There lived in the capital a Commander of troops who had serving under him at the moment, a nephew of the name of Vasabha The latter came of one of the highest families of the Lambakanna clan who had settled down in Northern Lanka, and who were among the closest surviving relations of the Royal Sinhalese dynasty. When King Subha's edict went forth, the Commander felt constrained in loyalty to deliver up his nephew Vasabha. He talked the matter over with his wife Pottha, and resolved to take his nephew the next day to the King. During the night Potthá tried secretly to warn Vasabha but found no opportunity to do so. When, early on the morrow, the Commander was about to start for the Royal Palace accompanied by Vasabha, she could think of no other way of obtaining a few moments' speech with him than to entrust to Vasabha her husband's betel bag without putting chunam into it. She knew that, on the way, the Commander would require a chew of betel, and, missing the necessary chunam, would probably send his nephew back for it. It happened exactly as she thought. When a few minutes later Vasabha came running back for the chunam, Pottha told him in a few words that death awaited him at the Palace. She then handed him a purse containing a thousand pieces of money and advised him to take refuge in flight.
Vasabha Leads a Revolt.
Vasabha fled straight into the Maha Vihara, where he had powerful friends among the resident monks. These provided him with milk, food and clothes and gave him useful advice. Leaving the Maha Vihara, Wasabha met a leper who confidently prophesied that he would be King. Heartened by the assurance, he sought

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the aid of powerful friends of his family who dwelt in the neighbourhood of the capital. They promised to give him all the assistance in their power, and Vasabha, now openly raising the standard of revolt, set himself to the task of organising a strong force. This was accomplished expeditiously, for the people round about the capital, impatient of the rule of their door-keeper King, flocked in large numbers to Wasabha's standard. Soon Vasabha had a compact little army under his command, and the day came when he had to face one of two alternatives, either to march straight on Anuradhapura and endeavour to seize the throne at once, or defer the enterprise till such time as he had won over to himself the rest of the kingdom.
Story of Candagutta and the Cake.
The story of Candagutta and the cake, which he knew well enough, pointed out what his course of action should be. That Indian King, when fighting for the throne, had begun by making war in the interior, but he was defeated, and with his followers wandered about disguised in the villages. In one village a woman had baked some cakes, and had given one to her boy to eat. He ate out the middle, leaving the outside, and then asked for another. But the mother said to him: "You do with your cake as Candagutta does with his kingdom; he wants to have the inside first, instead of beginning by conquering the outlying provinces. ' Candagutta's followers drew a lesson from the words of the woman. They removed the seat of war to the frontier, and thence passed gradually into the interior, till eventually the whole kingdom WalS WOl.
The remembrance of this story helped Vasabha to decide what he should do. Turning his back on the capital, he marched south in the direction of the Province of Rohana, seizing village by village en route. Within two years the Provinces of Rohana and Maya not only avowed allegiance to him, but also provided him with men and "munitions' on a large scale: so much so that, when at last he decided on advancing towards Anuradhapura,

KING SUBHA 235
he had under him a huge and well-equipped army which could confidently count upon sweeping everything before it. At the end of the second year of his rebellion and in the sixth year of Subha's reign, Vasabha, leading his army in person, took the road that led to Anuradhapura.
Princess Mahamatta.
Upon the news of his approach King Subha made ready to offer the stoutest possible resistance, but he realised the hopelessness of the task. The enemy greatly outnumbered his own men, and there was division among the latter. He thought of the prophecy which declared that "One named Vasabha shall be King,' and he was already a beaten man, in spirit. He had a little daughter, Mahamatta by name, whom he loved most dearly, and he was anxious that she should be in safe hands if danger befell him. He therefore sent for a brick-worker on the outskirts of the City, whom he had known intimately in the days before he became King and whom he had befriended since. To this man King Subha entrusted his daughter, and at the same time gave into his care his mantle and the Royal insignia.
Then, assembling his forces and exhorting the men to give a good account of themselves in the coming encounter, Subha led them out of the capital to give battle to Vasabhan The two armies met in a bloody encounter, and Subha's forces were ignominiously defeated. Subha himself was among the slain, and among the others who fell in the battle was Vasabha's uncle, the Commander of troops, who fought on the King's side.
Subha reigned six years, from A.D 59 to A.D 65.

Page 130
XXXVI. KING VASABEHA.
(REIGNED 44 YEARS ) (A.D. 65-A.D. 109).
Queen Pottha and Princess Maham atta.
The first act of Wasabha (S. Vehep), (described in inscriptions as Vasaba or Vahaba), on ascending the throne, was to elevate Potthá (called also Metta), his uncle's wife now a widow, to the dignity of his Queen-Consort. He owed his life to her, and he was anxious thus to show, in a practical manner, his gratitude to the woman who had helped him and had set him on the road that led to the throne.
Wasabha's accession meant danger to King Subha's daughter, the Princess Mahamattá. She had found a temporary home in the house of a friend of the brick-worker, referred to above, but the latter was not satisfied with the arrangement. He thereupon took the girl into his own house and thenceforth treated her as if she was his own daughter. In the days and years that followed, nobody suspected that the girl who daily took his food to the brick-worker working at his kiln was a Royal maiden, daughter of a King of Lanka.
'' Means to Lengthen Life.'
Credulous to the point of foolishness and full of superstitious beliefs, Vasabha was withal of a deeply religious cast of mind. On one occasion he questioned a soothsayer concerning the length of his life, and was told that he would live just twelve years and no more. Implicitly believing the astrologer, whom he bribed with I,000 pieces of money to keep the secret of his age, Wasabha assembled the Brotherhood of Monks, and, greeting them reverently, asked them :
2ვ6

KING WASABEIA 237
"Venerable Sirs, is there perchance a means to lengthen life?'
"There is a way to do away with the hindrances to long life,' was the reply. "Gifts of shrines must be given, and gifts of dwelllings, and gifts for maintenance of the sick, O ruler of men; and, in like manner, the restoration of ruined buildings must be carried out. One should take the five precepts (pan-sil) on himself and keep them carefully, and one should also keep the solemn fast on the uposatha day.'
Vasabha resolved to do all this, firmly believing that the result would secure for him length of years.
Religious Zeal.
"Delighting perpetually in well doing,' as the chronicle describes it, Vasabha thenceforward busied himself in works of religious merit. At the four gates of the City he had food given away to the poor, and, to such bhikkhus as were sick, food suited to them. In 32 places, he ordered milk-rice with honey to be distributed, and in 64 other places a lavish gift of mixed alms. He had a I,OOO lamps lighted in four places, viz. on the Cetiya-pabbata, about the cetiya in the Thupárama, about the Ruvanveli-séya, and in the temple of the great Bo-tree. Moreover, once in every three years, he bestowed the three (sacerdotal) garments on all the monks in the Island, sending the garments to those Theras who lived far away and who found it difficult to be present at the capital. To scimaneras he gave all the things needed by them, and to preachers of religion among the monks, butter and sugar molasses.
It is also recorded of Vasabha that over the Island he restored ruined or dilapidated buildings, and that he executed a number of new works (none of them however of extraordinary importance). The following notes will indicate the nature of his activities in this direction :
Anurarama Vihara-near Mahagama. After building this Vihdira the King bestowed on it Ioo8 karisas of land of the village of Heligama.

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238 THE STORY OF THE SENHALESE
Bo-tree-In the courtyard of the great Bo-tree, Vasabha made four beautiful images of the Buddha, and later a temple to house the images. On a side of this, Queen Pottha built a splendid thupa and a beautiful temple for the thipa.
Catussala-This hall, a quadrangular building at Anuradhapura, had served for many years as a refectory for the monks, but had recently fallen into disrepair. Vasabha restored the building and otherwise improved it.
Cittalakuta Wihara (S. Situlpau Vihara).-Wasabha built ten beautiful thatpas at this monastery first constructed by Kávan Tissa.
Galambatittha Vihara (S. Galambatota).— Here the King added a mantling of bricks to the thiipa and built an uposathahouse, too. To provide oil for the lamps, Vasabha constructed
a pond yielding water to a I, Ooo Rarisas of land and gave it to the Иthdra.
Issarasamanaka Vihara (S. Isurumuniya).- Here the King built an uposatha-house.
Kumbigalaka Wihara (S. Kumbugal Vihara)-Here, too, the King did no more than build an uposatha-house.
Mahavalligotta Vihara-Vasabha would appear to have built this Vihtira " from pious trust in a Thera ' in the Valliyera Vihara.
Maha Vihara.--In this place, where Vasabha received much kind attention when fleeing from the persecution of King Subha, he built a row of cells facing the west.
Mucela Vihara.--After building this Vihctra in Tissavaddhamanaka, in the eastern quarter, he allotted to it a share in the water of the Alisara Canal.
Thuparama-Here the King built a thapa-temple and commanded lavish alms-giving at the festival of its completion.

KING WASABHA 239
Tanks and other Public Works.
Vasabha, for the greater safety of the City in the event of attack from without, raised up the City-wall to a height of 18 cubits (i.e. about 25-27 feet) and built fortress-towers at the four gates. He also built within the City a new Palace, in the garden of which he had a tank made and stocked with sacred geese. For the convenience of the citizens, he constructed here and there in the capital many bathing-tanks to which water was brought by means of subterranean canals.
He also gave a great impetus to Agriculture by constructing the following tanks and canals to make the land more fruitful :-
Aggivaddhamanaka-vapi (S. A bivada man, Abi' adnunna,
Akvadunna).
Cambuti-vapi (S. Embita).
Cathamangana-vapi (S. Vláth anna ngana, Mangunna, Man
gити-ela).
Cayanti-vapi
Kali-vapi (S. Kélivása).
Kehala-vapi (S. Kehála-veva, Kebagalu, Kolongalu).
Kolambagamaka-vapi (S. Kolabegan, Kelani-kolon't,
Kélikolom).
Mahanikkhavatti-vapi (S. Mánákaz cti. Mláníketi). Maharametti-vapi (S. Mavet, Makılla, Makulumungunu). Rajuppala-vapi (S. Rajupul. Radupala, Ratubula). Waha-vapi (S. Magam-veva).
Some chronicles also attribute to Vasabha the construction of Alavadunna, Niitupatpana and Vadunna tanks.

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240 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Princess Mahamatta and the Dying Ascetic.
During the years that Vasabha was strengthening his hold on the affections of the Sinhalese people by his wise and benevolent rule, Subha's daughter, the little Princess Mahámattá, living humbly and unknown in the house of the brick-worker, was growing into a maiden of rare and surpassing beauty. She was still accustomed to carry her foster-father's breakfast to his working-place at the brick-kiln in the village, and her way thither from the house lay through a thicket of flowering kadamba trees. One day, as she passed the flower-laden thicket, she saw an ascetic who was practically at the last gasp of death. The man was in the state of nirodha, that is, a state of trance or cessation of consciousness which, generally speaking, ended in death after the seventh day.
Mahamatta promptly gave the man her foster-father's foodin fact she actually fed him with her hands and so saved him from immediate death though he continued to be in the state of trance. Then, returning home, she cooked some food afresh and took it to the brick-maker. The latter asked the cause of the delay, and Mahámattá told him what had happened. He praised her act highly and requested her to give food to the ascetic regularly till he came out of his trance. She gladly carried out this errand of compassion. When at length the ascetic regained consciousness, Mahamattá happened at the moment to be making ready to feed him. He gazed at her fixedly for a few moments and slowly said:
Prophetic Words.
"When Royal rank has fallen to thy lot, then bethink thee, O maiden, of this place.' . And then he fell back dead.
A day came, not many years after, when Mahámattá was agreeably reminded of the ascetic's words, which had been uttered as it were with something like prophetic vision. Vasabha's son, the Prince Wankanasika Tissa, had come of age and the kingdom

KING WASABHA 24I
was being searched for a fitting wife for him. Some of the powerful ones at Court who had the ear of Royalty had seen the lovely maiden in the brick-worker's village, and suggested to the King that she might be sent for. This was done, and the Royal family saw that Mahamattá possessed not only the five perfections of beauty (pancha-kalyana), but also the other auspicious signs which were popularly believed to mark a noble and fortunate being. When the brick-worker, exhibiting the late King's mantle and insignia, demonstrated to the satisfaction of Wasabha that his adopted daughter was indeed a Royal Princess, the order went forth immediately for preparations to be made for the marriage of Vankanasika Tissa with Princess Mahamattá. The union was shortly afterwards consummated, and Vasabha lived to see the birth of a grandson, the Prince Gajabahuka-gamani.
Perumeyiyan-kulam Rock Inscription.
At the now abandoned tank of Perumeyiyan-kulam, one and a half miles north of the great Bo-tree at Anuradhapura, there is to be found to-day a four-line inscription on a flat rock by the side of a hollowed-out cave. The inscription notifies a gift by King Vasabha of revenue, derived from water-supply, to a Thera named Majibika for looking after certain dilapidated buildings at Patanagala, or, in other words, for expenses connected with their repair and general upkeep. The following is the text and translation of the inscription :-
Text. I. Siddham-Vahaba-maharaji - ni...adasana patanagala - hiya jina patisatariya kama karanaka kotu Tiragama atane hiya (ti) balakakarisehi
2. Palinaikaraka-vaviya : ma, tera Majibuka, dini—bada-kariya, Batakayaha puti : dakapati.
Ayisayiha (na) vaka (ri)yaha patanag ala hii (ya)
3. jina patisatariya kama karanaka kotu Amaratanehi Ketavalikavavi ya dakapati tumaha pita-sataka kotasa (hatipati yàkuhate) Majibika dini
4 satana nime dakapati yasa-kotasahi caka kotasa patisavanu bera paharavaya dini

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242 THE STORY OF TEE SINALESE
Translation.
" Hail The great king Vahaba granted the revenue (derived) from the water of Palinakaraka tank in Tihalaka-karisa, situated in the locality of Tiragama, unto the théra Majibika, by reason of the function of looking after the dilapidated (buildings) situated at (his) place of sojourn, Patanagala.
"The revenue (derived) from the water of Ketavalika tank at Amaratana is (also) given to Majibika, by reason of the function of looking after the dilapidated (buildings) at Patanagala belonging to the architect Ayisayi, son of Batakaya, keeper of the (royal) store. The share belonging to his (i.e. king Vahaba's) own father (and) the revenue (accruing) from elephants (are also given) for the sake of gruel.
"The revenue (accruing) from water within the precincts of his own place (as well as) six shares out of Yasa's shares are dedicated by beat of drum (which proclaims royal) assent.'
Wasabha reigned from A.D. 65 to A.D. Io9, that is, for 44 years, each of which was marked by a great Vesak-festival celebrated in the traditional manner.

XXXVII. KING VANIKANASIKA TISSA
(REIGNED 3 YEARS) (A.D. 109-A I}. Í Í2).
• Van kanasika Tissa (called also Vaknehe Tissa, Vannesinambapa, Kasubu or Sina-nambapa, and referred to in inscriptions as Devdinapiya Tisa Maharaja), was so named because he was crook-nosed. The only work, religious or otherwise, with which he is credited is the Mahamangala Vihara, which he built on the bank of the Gona river.
It was following the accession of Wankanásika Tissa to the throne that his consort, Queen Mahámattá, began the collection of money wherewith to build a vihára in the place of the thicket of flowering kadamhas which the dying ascetic, whom she had befriended in the days of her girlhood, had enjoined her to remember when 'royal rank' had fallen to her lot. Before she could think of starting building, her husband died in the third year of his reign.
It would appear from some of the Sinhalese chronicles that a band or small army of Solians, from Soli in India, made a raid on the Island during this reign and took away many hundreds of Sinhalese as captives. It is possible that Vankanásika died in an engagement with the enemy. The Solians, however, do not seem to have succeeded in securing a permanent footing here, nor to have done any appreciable damage, except taking away a fairly considerable number of prisoners.

Page 134
XXXVIII. KING GAJABAHUKA GAMIANI.
(REIGNED 22 YEARS) (A.D. 112-A.D. 134).
Story of a Widowed Woman's Grief.
The youthful Gajabahu (son of Vankanasika), when he ascended the throne, apparently knew nothing of the Solian incursion which had taken place during his father's reign. He was in the habit of walking about the City at night, alone and unattended, in order to see things for himself, without having to rely solely on his Ministers for information about the City or its inhabitants.
One night, when on his usual rounds, he heard a woman weeping and sobbing bitterly. Thinking to himself: "Some wrong has been done in this City,' the King marked the door of the house with chalk and returned to his palace.
The next morning, when the Ministers had all assembled at the palace, Gajabahu enquired if they knew of any acts of wrong or injustice in the City, and the reply was :
"O great King, the City is like a wedding-house, and all the people are gay and happy and contented.'
Angered by the answer, which he knew to be false, the King sent for the woman whose door had been marked with chalk overnight; and when she was brought into his presence shortly afterwards, he asked her why she had wept the previous night.
" I wept, O ruler of men," she replied, "because, among the many persons taken captive by the Soli King, were my two fatherless sons.'
Sinhalese Invasion of Soli.
Learning thus, for the first time, of the Solian adventure, and genuinely concerned for the distressed families of the Sinhalese prisoners, Gajabáhu gave orders immediately for preparations to be
244

KING GAJABAHUKA GAMANI 245
made without delay for an expeditionary force to go to Soli and wipe off the stain of the last defeat by an invasion of that country. When all was ready for the enterprise, Gajabahu, who was accompanied by his favourite giant, Nila, put himself at the head of his men and embarked for the other coast. It was the first warlike adventure of the Sinhalese outside their Island home, and it was attended with entirely successful results. Gajabahu and his men reached Soli and achieved the object of their expedition without a single act of hostility,
To what exactly this happy result was due, it is difficult to say at this day in the light of the available information. The Soli ruler may have been taken by surprise, or overawed by the greater numbers of the invading force, or been engaged at the moment in some more important local warlike enterprise; or he may have been even genuinely desirous of living in friendship with the Sinha
lese King.
Gajabahu's Triumph-Solian Prisoners.
Whatever the correct reason, the fact remains that the Soli sovereign came to a peaceful settlement, whereby he agreed rot only to return the Sinhalese captives, but besides to let Gajabábu. take away with him an equal number of Solians. And in token of his newly formed friendship with the Sinhalese ruler, he handed back to the latter the Bowl-relic of the Buddha which had been carried away from Lanka in the time of Vattagamani and had lain all the while in the palace of the King of Soli. He is also said to have have presented Gajabahu with the jewelled anklets of the Hindu goddess, Pattini, and the insignia of the four Hindu deities, Vishnu, Kataragama, Nata and Pattini.
On his return to Lanka, Gajabáhu sent the Sinhalese captives, now free men, back to their respective families, while the Solians who accompanied him thither were settled in various parts of the Island. Some of these places of Solian settlement were in later times known by the names of Alutkuruva, Egoda-tiha, Harasiya-pattuva, Hevaheta, Megoda-tiha, Pansiya-pattuva, Tumpane, Udunuvara and Yatinuvara.

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246 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Religious Works.
Within a few years of Gajabahu's accession to the throne, his mother, Queen Mahámatta, completed the collection of the necessary sum of money wherewith to build a Vihára, in memory of the dead ascetic, in the thicket of flowering kadambas. The King helped her materially in this project. The result was the founding of the Matu Vihara, the mother buying the plot of land from private owners for Ioo,Ooo pieces of money and constructing the monastery buildings, while the son built the thipa and presented the necessary lands for the maintenance of the inmates of the monastery.
Gajabahu had the Abhayuttara-thupa (of Abhayagiri Vihara) raised to a greater height and caused vestibules to be built at the four gates thereof. When the work of construction of the Gamani-Tissa tank was over, he bestowed it on the Abhayagiri Vihara as food maintenance. To the Mirisavetiya-thapa he added a mantling, and for the use of the resident monks at this Vihára he gave a gift of land which he had purchased from private owners for Ioo, Ooo pieces of money. In the last year of his reign Gajabâhu founded the Ramuka Vihara, and in the City he built a stately Hall which was named Mahejasana-sala.
Gajabahu is called in inscriptions Gayabihu Gamini Abaya or Devána piya Gamini Abhaya or simply Gamini Alba. At Pálumekiccáva, the site of a now abandoned tank in the jungle, about I2o yards off the high road to Trincomalee, at a distance of 16 miles from Anuradhapura, is a six-line rock-inscription of Gajabahu which records the fact, unchronicled in history, that the King spent 5,000 karsapanas on the excavation of the Vadamanaka Tank in the Upala district, which he then granted to the Buddhist priesthood at Tubaraba , (Thúpáráma).
Gajabahu married the daughter of Mahallaka Naga, the Sénópati or Commander-in-Chief of his army, but apparently left no issue. He ruled the country for 22 years, i.e. from A.D. II2 to A.D. I34.

XXXIX. KING MAHALLAKA NAGA.
(REIGNED 6 YEARS)
(A.D. 134-4.D. 140).
On the death of Gajabahu without issue, his father-in-law Mahallaka Naga (S. Mahalu Mani) ascended the throne.
He built the following Viharas during his reign :-
Dakapasana Vihara (S. Udapahan Vihára) in the west. Girihalika Vihara in the inland country. Gotapabbata Vihara (S. Kotagal Vihára) in the south. Salipabbata Vihara (S. Elgiriya Vihára) in Nágadipa. Sejalaka Vihara (S. Péjalaka Vihára) in the east. Tanaveli Vihara (S. Tema vel Vihāra) in the village of Bijagama.
Tobbalanaga-pabbata Vihara (S. Tobalnáplav Vihára) in Rohana.
Maha-Ratmale Rock Inscription.
About 2 miles south-west of Anuradhapura, not far from the main road to Kurunegala, there is to-day an old tank, now abandoned, called Ratmale-veva. Close by, among the ruins of an ancient site, is a four-line inscription, engraved on a large rockslab, wherein King Mahallaka Naga records a gift by him of gruel, rice and clothes to twenty monks resident at Vihirabiiaka, Mutigutika and Parivataka monasteries.
Mahalaka Naga reigned only six years, i.e. from A.D. I34 to A.D. I4o.
247

Page 136
XL. KING BHATIKA TISSA.
(REIGNED 24 YEARS) (A.D. 140-A.D. 164).
Bhatika Tissa, elder son of Mahallaka Naga, succeeded his father on the throne; but, though he ruled the country for 24 years, he did nothing noteworthy. His record of religious and public works is surprisingly meagre for a King who held sway for nearly a quarter of a century. Two Viharas and two tanks practically sum up his activities in new constructive works. These were respectively:-
Bhatika Tissa Vihara, named after himself.
Gavaratissa Vihara, which had bestowed on it the Mahamani-vapi (S. Mahagemunu-veva), and Randhakandaka-Vapi.
Apart from these, Bhatika Tissa built a wall around the Maha Vihara and an uposatha-house in the Thipárama; while some -chronicles attribute to him, too, a Palu-da-ge, which is said to have been constructed at the foot of a kirpalu tree in Nagadipa. He would appear, however, to have given alms lavishly to monks . as well as nuns throughout his reign, which lasted from A.D. I4o to A.D. I64.
248

XLI. KING KANT'THA TISSA.
(REIGNED 18 YEARS) (A.D. 64-A.D. 182).
"The younger brother, Tissa,' which is what is meant by the name Kanittha Tissa (S. Cala Tissa, Kuda-na)-then ascended the throne, and, during a reign of I8 years, performed numerous works of a religious character. The nature of his activities in this direction is indicated in the list of major and minor works enumerated below:-
Abhayagiri-Vihara-Here Kanittha Tissa built a wall and a great parivena. Moreover, the King, to show his great regard for a Thera named Mahanaga of Bhutarama Vihara, caused to be built for him a splendid structure named the Ratanapasada, in the Abhayagiri.
Ambatthala-thupa-A new temple for the cétiya was built. Anulatissa-pabbata Vihara-This was an entirely new Vihára which the King built in the east in the district (or village) of Gangaraji.
Bhutarama Vihara-This, too, was a new Vihara built by the King.
Dakkhina Vihara-A mantling was added to the thipa and an additional refectory built encroaching upon the boundary of the Mahaméghavana; also a new road leading to the Vihira from the Maha Vihara.
Dubbala-vapi-tissa Vihara-Here the King built an uposatha house.
Kalyanika Vihara-Here, too, the King built an uposatha house.
Kukkutagiri-panti-See Maha-Vihara.
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250 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Mahameghavana-The existing boundary was done away with in order to build an additional refectory for the DakkhinaVihára.
Maha Vihara-Encroaching upon the boundary of the Mahá Vihara the King built a row of parivenas or cells, named Kukkutagiri-panti (S. Kukul-giri-peta) and furnished them with all that was needed for the use of the monks, Moreover, within the grounds of the Maha Vihara, Kanittha Tissa constructed twelve great and remarkably beautiful paisadas, and, breaking down the wall of the Maha Vihara on a side, made a road leading to the Dakkhina Vihára.
Mandalagirika Vihara S. Madolgiriya Vihára).--Here was built a new upoSatha house.
Manisoma Vihara.—A great parivena was constructed here, as well as a temple for the cétiya.
Nandatissa Vihara
Niyelatissarama I Pilapitthi Vihara These five were entirely new
Viharas built by Kanittha Tissa. Raja-maha-Vihara
Ramagonaka-Vihara J Ratanapasada-see Abhayagiri above. Kanittha Tissa reigned I8 years, i.e. from A.D. I64 to A.D. I&2.
He left behind him two sons, Khujja Naga and Kunca Naga, of whom the elder succeeded him.
XLII. KING KHUJJA NAGA.
(REIGNED 2 YEARS)
(A.D. 182-A.D. 184.)
Khuja Naga (S. Kuhun-nd) was another of the ancient Kings of Lanka to be murdered by a member of his family. In the second year of his reign he was overpowered and slain by his
inunger brother, who thereupon ascended the throne.

XLIII. KING KUNCA NAGA.
(REIGNED I YEAR)
(A.D. 184-A.D. 185.)
Kunca-Naga (S. Kuda-na) ruled even a shorter time than his brother-no more than a year. Within a few weeks of his assumption of the government, his Queen’s brother, Prince Siri Naga, a Commander in the Army, rebelling against his authority scoured the country for the purpose of raising an army to punish the murderer on the throne, and all the country rallied round him in support.
The '' Ekanalika '' Famine.
While Siri Nága was busy equipping himself with troops and horses, there broke out a great famine—the Ekanalika faminewhich practically ravaged the whole Island. Ekandilika means 'one seer measure,' and the famine was so named because the people were reduced to such a small quantity of food during this calamity. Partly as a religious intercession, and partly in order to placate the Brotherhood of Monks, whose good-will he had forfeited when he murdered his brother, the King maintained, right through the time of famine, a great almsgiving to some 500 bhikkhus.
A few months later Siri Naga, at the head of a powerful force, was battering at the City gates. Kunca Naga gave battle, but was defeated and fled the capital and kingdom. Thereupon Siri Naga ascended the throne.
25I

Page 138
XLIV. KING SIRI NAGA I.
(REIGNED 19 YEARS)
(A.D. 185-A.D. 204)
Siri Naga (S. Siri-nă) ruled the country wisely and well. He won universal popularity by remitting a tribute, or tax, which had hitherto been levied from every family throughout the Island and had been appropriated by the King for his own personal use. He executed a number of religious works which won for him the favour of the Buddhist clergy.
Placing a parasol on the stately Ruvanveli-séya, he had it gilded in admirable and splendid fashion; then he built the dilapidated Lohapasada, up to five stories. The completion of these two undertakings was celebrated by a magnificent festival marked by widespread rejoicings and the most lavish almsgiving. Moreover, the steps at the four entrances leading to the great Bo-tree were in an unsatisfactory condition, and these he commanded to be restored in a thorough manner.
Siri Nága ruled the country for I 9 years, i.e. from A.D. I85 to A.D. 204. He had two sons, (Voharika) Tissa and Abhaya Naga, of whom the elder succeeded him.
252

XLV KING VOHARIKA TISSA.
(REIGNED 22 YEARS)
(A.D. 204-A.B. 226).
Tissa received the appellation of Voharika Tissa (Pali, Voharika-' a royal officer skilled in the law, a magistrate") because he was the first in Lanka to enact a law forbidding and abolishing bodily injury, such as mutilation, etc., as punishment for any offence.
He was a great patron of religion and spent vast sums of money, not only in new structural works and in additions and improvements to existing places of worship, but also in lavish almsgiving and other forms of charitable endeavour. Thus, for instance, there were many monks throughout the country who, not entirely through their fault, had got into debt and were thus hindered in the performance of their priestly functions, the result being that both religion and people suffered. The King spent 3oo,ooo pieces of money in freeing these bhikkhus from their liabilities, and so enabled them the more easily to attend to the spiritual wants of the people and in other ways to promote the cause of religion.
The Ariyavamsa.
Then there was the Ariyavamsa, or '' Book of the Holy Ones.' It contained the life-histories of men eminent in the Buddhist Church and used, at irregular intervals in the past, to be read aloud publicly for the edification of the people. Voharika Tissa, after his accession, decreed that the Ariyavamsa should be more frequently read, and commanded that on each such occasion of its public reading there should be a regular giving of alms throughout the whole island. This was in addition to the great Vesak-festival, which was held every year, when the King bestowed the three garments on all the bhikkhus dwelling in Lanka.
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Of bhikkhus to whom he showed particular favour, there was firstly the Thera Deva who dwelt in Kappukagama Vihara (S Kambugama Vihára). So impressed was he by the Thera's preaching, that the King personally undertook, at enormous cost, to defray the expenses of restoring five buildings of religious worship which had fallen into disrepair. Then there was the Thera Maha Tissa, who dwelt in Anurâráma Vihára in the Province of Rohana. Out of regard for him and in his name, the King commanded almsgiving in Mucelapattana, which latter we are told was a "ship' or "canoe" made of bronze in which offerings were placed. For the purpose of procuring clothes for the monks resident at the Maha Vihara, Voharika Tissa ordered a monthly payment from the Roval Treasury of no less than ,Ooo pieces of money.
Religious Activities. Of new constructions and improvements to existing jiharas, tlhe following represent Volhårika Tissa’s principal activities :—
Abhayagiri Vihara-A parasol to the thipa and, within the boundaries of the Vihára, a Pavilion called Tissaraja after the Kiing.
Anurarama Vihara -- An u posathe-house. Bo-tree-Two bronze images in the eastern temple of the Tree. Dakkhina Vihara-A new wall. Dakkhinamula Vihara-A parasol to the thipa. Issarasamana Vihara-A new wal. Kalyanika Vihara-—A parasol to the thrúpa. Kulalitissa Vihara-A parasol to the thipa. Mahagamanaga Vihara—A parasol to the thipa. Mahanagatissa Vihara-A parasol to the thipa. Maha Vihara-A pavilion named Tissaraja after the King. Mahiyangana Vihara-A parasol to the thrúpa.

KN (, V(I) HAR KA TISSA 255
A.
Maricavatti Vihara-A parasol to the thipa, also a new wall. Mulanaga-senapati Vihara-A new wall. Puttabhaga Vihara-A new wall.
Sattapannaka-pasada--This new and palatial residential building was constructed probably within the boundaries of the Mahå Vihåra.
Tissa Vihara.--A new wall.
The Waitulyan Heresy.
The formation of the heretical Dharmardici Nikāya, with its headquarters at the Abhayagiri Vihara in the time of King Vattagamani Abhaya, was, as we have seen, the first serious blow from within its own fold which Buddhism experienced in Lanka since its establishment here by the Apostle Mahinda. Thanks to the indiscriminating zeal of Sinhalese Royalty and to the laissez faire attitude of a people, partly unlearned and partly indifferent to individual or general disagreement over particular points of religious belief, the Dharmarucians had prospered in respect of material possessions, though they could not be said to have made much headway with, or secured large converts to, their own particular teaching. They were more or less tolerated and got on fairly well, but the Thériya Nikāya remained and were generally accepted as representing the orthodox Buddhist Church in Lanka.
In the time of Woharika Tissa, however, fresh trouble arose, and once more the seat of the trouble was found to be at Abhayagiri. Long ago in India, in the time of the Emperor Asoka of Magadha, certain Brahmans called Vaitulyas, professing to be Buddhists and wearing the robes of Buddhist monks, had preached heretical doctrines which were opposed to the teaching of the Buddha and so had done great harm and hurt to the progress of pure Buddhism in the adjoining continent. Now, in Lanka, their teachings were revived, and the Dharmaráci Nikāya of Abhayagiri Vihára, adopting the Vaitulyan heresy, proclaimed it as the preaching of Buddha.

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The heads of the Thériya Nikāya at Maha Vihara-the guardians, as it were, of orthodox Buddhism in Lanka-were not slow to take action. The Vaitulyan doctrines were duly examined and pronounced to be a heresy. The thing became such a public scandal that the King intervened. To a Minister named Kapila -a man of great learning and piety, who was generally reputed to have exhaustively studied all branches of knowledge-was entrusted the task of enquiring into and reporting on the matter. Kapila reported in due course that the Vaitulyan doctrines were opposed to the teaching of the Buddha, whereupon Voharika Tissa burnt all the available Vaitulyan books and disgraced the priests of the Abhayagiri who had tacitly or overtly adopted the heresy. Thus did the King render notable service to the religion of which he was so faithful a follower.
Prince Abhaya Naga.
While Voharika Tissa was busying himself over these matters, all was not well with his own household. His Queen had been for some time in terms of improper intimacy with his brother, Prince Abhaya Naga, and one day their guilt was detected. Fearing the King's just wrath, the Prince, taking his uncle Subhadeva (father-in-law of the King) with him and accompanied by a number of his most faithful followers, fled the capital and journeyed north to Bhallatittha, there to take ship to India. On the way he made up his mind that his uncle should be left behind in the Island. Subhadeva, he knew, was well-disposed to him and hated his brother, the King. Subhadeva could send him news of developments here, and at the same time endeavour to create disaffection in the country.
Shortly before he made ready to embark on the ship, Abhaya Naga had chided and punished a dog that he had with him. Nevertheless the animal still followed him, wagging its tail. Addressing his followers just before he sailed away, he said: " Even as this dog, you must stand by me with unchangeable fidelity.' They

KING VOHARIKA TISSA 257
readily agreed and, after Abhaya Naga had gone, returned to'the capital along with Subhadeva. The latter soon ingratiated himself with the King, whom he cordially disliked at heart, and lost no opportunity as the days went on to sow seeds of disaffection against Voharika Tissa's rule.
The Treacherous Subhadeva.
After several months had elapsed, a secret messenger from Abhaya Naga arrived at the capital and one day came face to face with Subhadeva as he stood in the palace garden in the company of some others. Knowing that he was under suspicion and not daring to speak to the intruder in the presence of those around him who were faithful servants of the King, Subhadeva conveyed to the emissary a message in this wise. Loosening the earth round about an areca-palm with the shaft of his spear, as he walked round the tree, he soon had the tree swaying this way and that as it held but feebly by the roots. Then, striking it down easily with his arm. he pretended just at that moment to have seen the messenger whom, with a few rough words of simulated anger, he drove away.
The messenger understood the meaning of Subhadeva's action. The latter had endeavoured to point out, symbolically, the weakness of King Voharika Tissa's government, and the mute intimation of this fact was not lost on the emissary. Hastening to his master in India the man delivered Subhadeva's message, which was to the effect that the time was now ripe for action, that is, for striking down Vohárika Tissa, who represented the figure of the tree standing "feebly by the roots.' Abhaya Nága, who meanwhile had got together a Tamil force to serve under him in Lanka, was delighted with the news.
Setting sail without delay with his men, he landed in Lanka and marched straight upon the capital, Upon the news of his brother's advance at the head of a hostile force, the peaceful and

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258 THE STORY OF THE SINHA LESE,
religious-minded Vohárika Tissa fled from Anuradhapura with his Queen and only son, Prince Siri Naga, the three being mounted on horseback. They took the road to the south, their destination being Rohana. But Abhaya Naga pursued them, and, overtaking them before they had crossed the Province of Mayá, slew the King with his own hand. Then, taking the Queen with him, he returned to the capital and assumed the government of the country.
Wohárika Tissa reigned for 22 years, i.e. from A.D. 204 to A.D. 226.
XLVI. KING ABIHAYA NAGA.
REIGNED 8 YEARS.
(Ꭺ.D. 226-Ꭺ.Ꭰ. 234) ,
Abhaya Naga (S. 4 bá Sen, 4 bhá Tissa) made his brother's widow his Queen-Consort. Prince Siri Nága, glad to have escaped with his life but fearing to live within easy reach of his father's murderer, took refuge in Rohana.
The King sought to conciliate the Priesthood in various ways. Early in his reign he distributed gifts of clothing among all the priests of the Island, the undertaking costing him something like 20o,ooo pieces of the current money. He also set up a vedi of stone round about the great Bo-tree, and a Pavilion in the courtyard of the Lová-Mahá-pâya.
Abhaya Nága died without issue, after an uneventful reign of eight years, (i.e. from A.D. 226 to A.D. 234.)

XLVI. KING SIRI NAGA II.
REIGNED 2 YEARS
(A.D. 234-A.D. 236).
When Abhaya Nâga died, Siri Naga, son of Vohárika Tissa, hastened to the capital from Rohana, where he had remained during all the eight years of his uncle's rule, and ascended the throne.
All the religious works of construction undertaken during his short reign centred round the great Bo-tree. In the sand-court of one of its temples, he built the beautiful Hamsavatta and a great Pavilion besides, and he restored the wall round about the great Tree.
He reigned two years (A.D. 234 to 236), and left behind a young son, Prince Vijaya, who succeeded him on the throne.
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Page 142
XLVIII. KING VIJAYA III.
REIGNED 6 YEARS.
(A.D. 236-A.D. 242).
The Lambakannas-and a Prophecy.
Vijaya-Kumaraka (S. Vijayindu), shortly after he ascended the throne, invited three Princes of the Lambakanna clan, his kinsmen, to service at the Royal Court. These three, named respectively Samghatissa, Samghabodhi and Gothakabhaya, lived at Mahiyangana and, upon the Royal invitation, started without delay for the capital.
On the way, as they passed by the Tissa-veva, a blind man, who is said to have had the gift of prophecy and who happened at the moment to be seated by the edge of the tank, cried out at the sound of their footsteps:
"The ground bears here three Rulers of the Earth '
Gothakabhaya, who was walking last, and had heard the words, turned back and, approaching the man, asked him the meaning of his utterance. The latter's only reply was to repeat the prophecy.
"Whose race will endure ?' then asked Gothakabhaya, his curiosity greatly aroused.
"That of the last' was the blind man's reply.
"Counsellors of the King.'.
Gothakabhaya passed on and, joining his companions, sontinued the journey without disclosing to them a single word of what the blind man had said. On their arrival in Anuradhapura the Lambakanna Princes were walmly welcomed by the King, who, in a few days' time, appointed them to high Ministerial offices,
26ο

KING v1JAYA II 26I
Samghatissa, the eldest of the three, being made Commander-inChief of the Army. Soon they became the close and trusted counsellors of the King, and, as such, acquired considerable influence in the capital as well as country.
At the end of six years there arose serious trouble. Gothakábhaya, whose mind harped daily on the blind man's prophecy, especially in so far as it related to himself, felt as it were oppressed by inaction. Hoping to expedite the day of his own elevation, he plotted treason against the King and, with the aid of the Commander-in-Chief Samghatissa, surprised Vijaya in his palace one day and murdered him.
Thereupon Samghatissa, who was the oldest of the three, ascended the throne, his consecration being carried out by Samghabódhi and Gothakabhaya.
Vijaya's rule lasted from A.D. 236 to A.D. 242, i.e. a period, of six years.

Page 143
XLIX. KING SAMIGHATISSA.
REIGNED 4 YEARS.
(A.D 242-A.D. 246)
Conciliating the Priesthood.
Samghatissa, like all previous Kings who had made their way to the throne by murder, sought to win the good-will of the all-powerful Priesthood by lavish gifts to the Order and by other works of religious merit.
For instance, one day, after listening to the preaching of the Thera Mahadewa of Damahalaka Wihara (Dangala Vihara), who spoke of the merits of a gift of rice-gruel, the King at once ordered the regular distribution to the monks, at the four gates of the City, of an abundant and well-prepared gift of rice-gruel.
He spent large sums of money upon improvements to the Ruvanveli-séya, First he set up a parasol on the thupa and gilded it, after which he placed a precious ring of crystal upon the spire of the thupa. Then, in the middle of the four suns, on the four sides of the 'tee,' he fastened four great gems, each of which is said to have been worth a IOO,Ooo pieces of money; and at the festival of the consecration of the chatta, the King distributed the six garments to some 4O,Ooo monks.
The Poisoned ““ Jambu ”” Fruits.
Leaving his Commander-in-Chief Samghabódhi in temporary charge of the City, King Samghatissa, on holiday bent and accompanied by the women of the Royal Household, was accustomed to go to Pacinadipaka to eat jambu, fruits. This place was an island lying between the north point of Lanka and the Indian
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KING SAMGHATESSA 26ვ
continent and was famous for its jambus, which were more beautiful and luscious than those found in any part of the Island. The King's fairly regular visits to Pacinadipaka were a source of annoyance, trouble and expense to the few poor inhabitants who formed its sole population; for a King's coming meant all manner of local levies and, till the visit ended, practical disarrangement of the usual routine in the daily life of the people. The Islanders put up with these visits resignedly, and even cheerfully, for a time, but their growing frequency made the situation intolerable. At length some of them, exasperated beyond measure by the news that the King was on his way once again to this little Island, poisoned the fruits of the King's favourite in nibu tree. The King came, ate the poisoned fruits and died on the spot. -
Samghatissa reigned four years, viz. from A.D. 242 to A.D. 246.

Page 144
L. KING SIRI SAMGHABODHI.
REIGNED 2 YEARS.
(A.D. 246-A.D. 248).
Upon the death of Samghatissa, Gothakabhaya, the Royal Treasurer, requested Samghabodhi to assume the reins of government. But Samghabódhi declined the high honour. "Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown," and Samghabódhi was of a disposition which cared nothing for pride of place and power. Meek and humble of heart, religious to the point of being even Saintly, and anxious only to find time to devote to exercises of . meditation and piety, he would have nothing to do with Kingly rule.
But the Priesthood thought otherwise. From their own point of view, it was an advantage to themselves and to the cause of religion to have as King of Lanka a man so pious as Samgha: bódhi. Therefore, they besought him to reconsider his decision, and their pleadings eventually prevailed. Samghabódhi ascended the throne, and one of his earliest acts as King was to give orders for the building of a beautiful Salaka-house, or refectory, within the grounds of the Maha Vihara.
' A Man on Earth Devoted to the Skies.'
The assumption of kingly office, however, wrought no change in the simplicity of Samghabódhi's daily life, which was to spend the day in the observance of the "Five Precepts” (pan-sil), viz. (I) not to kill any living being, (2) to refrain from taking the property of others, (3) not to commit adultery, (4) to avoid lying,
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KING SIRI SAMGHABODHI 265
and (5) to drink no intoxicating drink. To keep the '' Five Precepts' scrupulously, as Samghabódhi did, and yet to govern the kingdom wisely was an impossible task, and the imprudence of having "a man on earth devoted to the skies' upon the throne of Lanka was soon brought home to the monks and to the people in convincing fashion.
Samghabódhi's pre-occupation with his religious duties resulted in continued neglect of the affairs of the State, with the consequences usually to be expected from such a state of things. One serious development was the increase of crime and criminals, and the King's peculiar attitude added to the dangers of the situation. "When malefactors were brought to the prison of the capital, after conviction for various offences, Samghabódhi secretly released them at night; and the corpses, furnished by the usual casualties of a populous city, were each morning either exhibited at the place of execution on gibbets and inpaling poles, as the victims of violated laws, or burnt so as to give the impression that the malefactors had been condemned to death by fire.'
Samghabodhi's Strange Behaviour.
The reason for the Kings conduct is obvious. The first of the "Five Precepts ' which governed his daily life was "not to kill any living being,' and his rigid piety did not permit him to ignore what he conceived to be his first and most important religious duty, even when the majesty of the law demanded the infliction of the death-penalty as punishment. In a word, the principles of religion conflicted with the principles of good government; and Samghabódhi, to whom religious merit was infinitely more important than state policy, unhesitatingly sacrified the latter for the former. ' The highest virtue of a king, which is the protection of his subjects' (Manu) was thus neglected, with the result " that the old existing Ordinances, for the repression of crime, the promotion of the comforts of the poor, and the security of their person and property, became disregarded."

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266 THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE
Thus crime increased the more Samghabódhi neglected to punish the offender, and the whole country soon became the scene of plunder. Robbery was pursued as a lucrative and safe occupation, and other crimes of violence increased the terrors of the poor and helpless. Just at this time, to add to the sufferings of the people, a long-continued drought threatened the country with another famine. An abundant and opportune rainfall, however, averted this calamity, only to be followed by a raging pestilence which wrought sad havoc among the people.
A Pestilence-and ' Bali ' Offerings.
This pestilence--a deadly fever beginning with inflammation and reddening of the eyes-was attributed by the populace to the anger of a malignant demon named Ratakkhi (lit. "Red-eye '). And Samghabódhi whose fasting, penances and other religious austerities were popularly believed to have been responsible for averting the threatened famine, was now besought to placate the demon and save the people who were dying daily by hundreds. Among the remedial measures taken by Samghabódhi was a decree, by beat of tom-tom over the whole Island, that certain Bali offerings should be placed at the entrance to every village. Strangely enough, the pestilence abated shortly afterwards, and the popular mind attributed the relief to the offerings, which were thenceforth regularly made. The practice of making Bali offerings to supposed angry demons and divinities is common enough in Lanka even at this day.
Gothabhaya in Revolt.
Meanwhile the Royal Treasurer, Gothabhaya, had not been idle. Impatient himself to become King, in terms of the blind man's prediction, and finding the condition of affairs, both at the capital and outside it, favourable to his plans, he fled to the north, hastily got together a force composed largely of freebooters who were pillaging the country, and raised the standard of revolt.

KING SIRI SAMGHABODHI 267
He knew that the King would not offer resistance, and his anticipation proved correct. When the news was brought to him that Gothabhaya at the head of a force was marching on the capital, Samghabódhi, abdicating the throne and taking only his waterstrainer with him, fled from Anuradhapura by the south-gate, alone and unattended, since he was anxious that nobody should come to harm by accompanying him.
Samghabódhi was King for two years only, viz., from A.D. 246 to 248. He was the son of Prince Abhayasela and Princess Devugon. Upon his abdication, Gothabhaya ascended the throne.

Page 146
L. KING GOTHABHAYA.
REIGNED 13 YEARS.
(A.D. 248-4.D. 261),
A Price on Samghabodhi's Head.
While Gothabhaya (also known in history as Meghavannabhaya) was busy evolving something like order out of the chaotic condition into which the kingdom, especially the capital, had lapsed during his predecessor's rule, Samghabódhi, journeying south, took up his abode among the rocks of Attanagalla (now a village in the Siyané Korale of the Western Province, about 28 miles from Colombo). Two large granite boulders, still to be seen in situ, one overhanging the other and shading the ground below, so as to render it a secure habitation, free from sun and rain-was his hermitage, where, in undisturbed solitude, he now gave himself up to those religious meditations and exercises which were his heart's desire.
Meanwhile Gothabhaya was becoming anxious about himself. He knew he was not popular among his subjects and he had abundant daily evidence of the wonderfully strong hold which the saintly Samghabódhi in spite of misrule had secured upon the affections of the Sinhalese people. Realising at last that his government would be unstable and his own life in danger so long as Samghabódhi remained free and alive, Gothabhaya by beat of tom-tom throughout the country offered a handsome reward for Samghabódhi's head. So tempting was the reward that not a few people, driven by Cupidity, sought to earn it by resort to fraud and even murder. A number of men, who bore some slight real or fancied resemblance to Samghabódhi, were done to death and their heads produced for the purpose of claiming the reward. But in each such case the impostor was detected and the assassin made to forfeit his own head as penalty for his crime.
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KING GOTHABHAYA 269
In Attanagalla. 魏
About this time, so the story goes, there lived in a village in the neighbourhood of Attanagalla a certain poor woman, who had heard of the price set upon Samghabódhi's head and who was anxious that her husband, instead of idling at home, should make an endeavour to earn it. Addressing him one day, she urged him to go into the country and make a search, adding that success would mean for himself and his family not only an end to their present grinding poverty but also affluence all the days of their life. Moved by her importunity, the man made up his mind to go forth and make a bid for fortune as suggested, and, on the morning of his departure, his wife handed him a bundle of rice boiled from mi-vi paddy and hail-messan fish cooked dry, to sustain him on the way when hungry.
Slinging the bundle over his shoulder the man started forth, and, entering the jungle, took a foot-path which soon led him to the rocks of Attanagalla. Seeing a rock-pool hard by he strolled on to it, for he was feeling thirsty as well as hungry. His intention was to rest there a while in the shade, eat his meal which lay wrapped up in the bundle, and then proceed on his journey. On a side of the pool, however, a short distance away, he saw the figure of a man seated on the ground, lost in apparent contemplation. He approached the figure and engaged himself in conversation with him. Samghabódhi-for it was he, though his visitor knew it not-asked him whither he was going, and the man told him exactly why he had left home, how he had journeyed thither, and that he was afraid his was going to be a fool's errand. " Many have suffered death on account of King Siri Sangabo,” added the man in concluding his narrative.
“ I Am King Siri Sangabo ” Samghabódhi, listened patiently; then, Swiftly making up his mind what to do, said to the man : ' Let us eat the rice you have brought ' Thereupon the latter untied the bundle, and the two of them-King and peasant, the latter ignorant of the other's identity-sat down together to help themselves to the rice.

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Samghabodhi Commits Suicide.
When the meal was over, Samghabódhi resolved there and then to give effect to the determination to which he had come before sitting down to partake of the food. The knowledge that other men had lost, and were losing, their lives on his account. was painful to him. Anxious to win the merit of sacrificing that which to a man is his dearest possession, viz., his life, for the sake of benefiting another, in this case a poor and deserving creature, he had resolved upon surrendering his life. Addressing the man beside him, he said: "I am King Siri Sangabo : cut off my head, here and now, and take it to King Gothabhaya who will give thee a rich reward.'
The peasant, when he had recovered a little from the consternation into which the other's words had thrown him, indignantly protested against being considered an assassin or one capable of murder, and fled from the scene. Samghabódhi called him back, and, telling him not to be foolish, proceeded deliberately himself to carry out the task of self-immolation. Apparently paralysed into inaction, the simple-witted peasant found himself unable either to speak or to run away. He could only watch, as if fascinated, and he saw Samghabódhi tie a piece of cloth to an overhanging branch of a tree, the other end of the cloth being tightened round his neck in a firm knot. In a few moments he saw the Royal suicide's body quiver and remain still, with his hands hanging limply by his side. Samghabodhi was deadhe had died to enrich a poor man.
Samghabodhi's Head.
When the peasant had recovered sufficiently to be able to move about, he cut down the cloth-rope and untied the knot, only to find that King Samghabodhi was indeed dead. Deliberating then as to what he should do in the circumstances, he resolved not to throw away the opportunity which a kind fate had placed in his way. He was unfeignedly glad he had had no hand in

NG GOTHABHAYA 27I
encompassing Samghabódhi's death, to benefit himself, especiaiy since he knew that such a benefit to him was indeed the motive power of Samghabódhi's suicide. Accordingly, cutting off the dead King's head, he took it before Gothabhaya who at first refused to believe it was Samghabódhi's head. Additional convincing testimony was, however, soon forthcoming, and Gothábhaya gave the man the promised reward. The latter, thus established in affluence, became in time the father of a family whose descendants are alive and prosperous even at this day, over I6 centuries later.
Gothabhaya, now freed from the anxiety which had been preying on his mind while Sanghabódhi was alive, resolved worthily. to perpetuate the memory of one who aforetime had been his friend. He repaired at once to Attanagalla and carried out, in a befitting manner, the cremation not only of the body of his dead friend, but also of that of the latter's Queen. She had come to the neighbourhood in Search of her royal husband, and, wandering about in the forest, had fallen into a pool of water which thereafter was known as Nivam Pokuna ('' Pond of Repose '). Her dead body was found not far from the headless trunk of her husband, and the two bodies were cremated with all the pomp and grandeur to which their high station entitled them.
The 'Wata-da-ge' Memorial.
After the funeral obsequies, Gothabhaya gave orders for the immediate construction at Attanagalla of a number of buildings in memory of the dead Samghabódhi. These soon rose up on sites associated in some manner or other with the latter's brief hermit-life on the spot and were added to, improved, and embellished by successive rulers of Lanka. Of the structures originally put up by Gothabhaya, the most remarkable was a Wata-da-ge, or circular Relic-house, called in modern times 'The Rotunda,' which was built over the ashes or head (or both) of Samghabódhi.

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What its exact appearance was at the time of construction, it is difficult to say. A recent description of its remains shows that it was 158 feet in circumference and most substantially built, with a broad foundation rising about 3 feet from the ground, of entirely largeslabsof hewn granite. It had four porches for entrances, and the roof, which contained two storeys covered with flat tiles, rested upon two rows of granite pillars, the top storey in the centre on eight granite pillars occupying an area of about 250 feet, and the lower storey upon I6 similar pillars, which were fixed close to the round wall. Both the roof as well as the walls were beautifully painted in the style peculiar to Buddhists, embellished with statues, pictures of the Devas etc. The Thiipa originally built by Gothabhaya occupied the centre. It was a neat structure of bricks, surmounted with a silver-gilt pinnacle, and reached the roof which was intended as a canopy for the same.
Upon the completion of the Vala-da-gé or "Rotunda," Gothabhaya celebrated the event by holding a great festival marked by almsgiving on a magnificent scale. A thousand and eight monks were invited to be present at the ceremony of consecration, after which they were entertained within the building. When they were all seated, they were first served with rice-gruel and various other kinds of savoury food, and then garments and all necessary clothing were bestowed upon them. This entertainment of, and bestowal of gifts to, the bhikkhus took place every day for 2I days continuously, regardless of cost. So did Gothabhaya ease his conscience for his ill-treatment of his quondam friend and King.
A New Heretical Sect-the Sagaliyas.
What the King did in the spirit of an act of mere reparation helped, however, to restore him to the good-will of the people. who had at first looked askance at him. When, not long afterwards, he took resolute and drastic steps to put down what threatened to be a great religious scandal, his personal popularity throughout Lanka was assured. In the fourth year of his reign, the old

NG GOTHABEAYA 273
Vaitulyan heresy raised up its head again, the promoters of the mischief being, as previously, the bhikkhus of the Dharmartici Nikaya resident at Abhayagiri Vihara. They had had a setback some 4o years previously, in the reign of Voharika Tissa, and they had lain low all this while. Now, in the reign of Gothabhaya, they thought the time was opportune to preach their heresy anew, and they started on a vigorous campaign.
Division, however, soon manifested itself within their own ranks. The Maha Thera Ussiliya Tissa, one of their number, refused to be associated with them in the enterprise. He remembered how Voharika Tissa had disgraced the heretical monks of his day, and, being shrewder than the rest, he suspected that Gothabhaya might imitate his predecessor's conduct and punish those who were foolish enough to join the present movement. Therefore, since he failed to get the monks at Abhayagiri to listen to him, Ussiliya Tissa. Thera led a secession. Taking with him some 3oo bhikkhus who shared his views, he left the Dharmartici Nikāya, and, going to Dakunugiri Vihara, settled there. At Dakunugiri Vihâra lived a Mahâ Thera named Sagala whom the new arrivals chose as their leader. Thenceforth the disciples of Sagala were known by the name of Sagaliyas. Thus was a sect called Sagaliya, separated from the Dharmaruci sect (as also from the orthodox Theriya Nikāya), established at Dakunugiri Vihara in the fourth year of King Gothabhaya.
Punish ment of the Heretics.
When Gothabhaya heard of these scandalous proceedings, which were greatly exercising the minds of all true Buddhists in the country, he resolved to play a role which he knew would enhance his popularity among the people-the role of Patron of the Buddhist Church in Lanka. Assembling the monks of the five great monasteries-the Mahâ. Vihâra, Cetiya Vihâra, Thúpáráma, Issarasamanáráma and Vessagiri Vihára-which constituted the Orthodox Churcn of the Island, he caused a searching investigation to be made into the matter. The result was, of

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course, that the Vaitulyan doctrines were again declared to be heretical, whereupon Gothabhaya lost no time in having the Vaitulyan books collected and burnt. Not content with this, he picked out sixty of the principal offenders among the monks of the Abhayagiri, had them branded with marks on the body, and driven out of the country.
The Dharmarticians were terrified and ceased further propaganda. The sixty exiled monks took ship to India and settled down in the town of Kavira. There they prospered and in a few years their following waxed great. About that time there came to Kavira a young and clever adventurer who, noticing the favours which the Sinhalese colony of Dharmarticians used regularly to receive from the people of Kavira, made up his mind, in the hope purely of personal gain, to join that band of monks. Receiving ordination at their hands, he settled down among them and went by the name of Samghamitta. One day while these monks, preparatory to bathing, had disrobed themselves, Samghamitta saw the brand-marks on their bodies and enquired how they came to be so uniformly disfigured.
Sanghamitta Thera.
"Gothabhaya, King of Lanka, at the instigation of the priests of the Maha Vihara, caused sixty of us, of the Abhayagiri Vihara, who had adopted the Vaitulya doctrines, to be branded on our bodies and expelled the country,' was the reply. Samghamitta then asked whether there was anything he could do for them in the matter, and was told that, if he could go to Lanka and boldly interest himself on their behalf, they might still be able to return thither and to punish their enemies who were now in power. "So be it,' declaréd Samghamitta confidently. " I will go and will see that either the priests of the Maha Vihara do adopt the Waitulya doctrines, or that the Vihára itself is uprooted and destroyed." And in a few days Samghamitta sailed for Lanka.

KING GOTHABHAYA 275
Upon his arrival here Samghamitta took up residence Aat the Abhayagiri, and there and then began another insidious attempt to propagate the Vaitulyan heresy. The Sagaliya sect, who had seceded from the Dharmarticians a few years previously and were established at Dakunugiri Vihara, had not themselves remained idle. They had sought to preach their own particular doctrines and had achieved some measure of success. The result of the activities of these contending factions was to create a growing feeling of bewilderment among the masses of the people as to which particular body of them--the Thériya Nikaya, or the Dharmaracians, or the Vaitulyans, or the Sagalians-taught and stood for the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, in regard to the religion of the Buddha.
The King-on the side of Heresy.
It was in these circumstances that Gothabhava was induced to summon another meeting of monks, and a solemn assembly of the Brotherhood was once again held, this time in the Thaparama, to settle the dissensions between the various parties. The King himself was present. In this assembly Samghamitta propounded his heretical doctrine, speaking against the monks of the Maha Vihara, (i.e. the Thériya Nikaya), and he succeeded in convincing the King. The Théra Gothabhaya, the King's uncle, after whom he was named, tried to bring the King round to the orthodox party. But, although he pleaded earnestly with him, addressing him, not with his royal title Méghavannabhaya, but with his familiar name Gothabhaya, he did not succeed. Samghamitta prevailed, and the King even invited him to his palace.
Samghamitta Thera's Triumph.
It was the first time in Lanka, after the introduction of Buddhism 558 years previously, that a reigning Sinhalese sovereign had definitely and publicly taken the side of a heretical sect in opposition to the Orthodox Church, and there was consternation among the Thériya Nikāya. In the days that followed, they met

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frequently in order to concert measures suitable to the situation in which they found themselves. Meanwhile Samghamitta was in high favour. A frequent and welcome visitor at the Royal palace and enjoying the friendship and confidence of the King, he was soon appointed tutor to Gothabhaya's two sons, the Princes Jettha Tissa and Maha Sena, and he took to his new duties with zeal and enthusiasm. The elder Prince, Jettha Tissa, was old enough to think for himself and did not appear to have a liking for-or rather manifested a strong dislike to-the new tutor. Wherefore Samghamitta paid his attentions only to Prince Mahá Sena, of whom he soon became a strong favourite.
Gothabhaya's Religious Zeal.
Gothabhaya's partiality for Samghamitta, however, did not incline him to neglect the monks of the orthodox Thériya Nikaya. At the great yearly Vesak-festival which, like his predecessors, he ordered to be celebrated during his reign, he distributed the six garments to thousands of bhikkhus. Apart also from the restoration of ruined buildings throughout Lanka, which he tock in hand zealously from time to time, the following specific works are attributed to him :-
At the Ambatthala Vihara (built in memory of Mahinda in the Cetiya mountain)-the restoration of the thipa.
At the Bo-tree enclosure-(I) a vedi of stone, (2) an arched gateway at the northern entrance, (3) three statues of stone at the north, east and west gates respectively, (4) a throne of stone at the south gate, and (5) pillars with dhammacakkas at the four corners of the courtyard.
At the Dakkhina-vihara, restoration of the uposatha-house At the Lohapasada, renewal of the pillars.
At the Maha-Vihara, a splendid Pavilion of stone. West the Maha Vihara the King laid out a tract of land for exercises meditation.

KING GOTHABHAYA 277
At the Manisomarama, restoration of the uposatha-house. At the Maricavatti Vihara, restoration of the uposatha-house.
Meghavannabhaya Vihara. This was an entirely new Vihara founded by Gothabhaya who, at the time of festal offerings at the consecration of the Vihára, distributed the six garments to a large concourse of bhikkhus, said to have been 30,ooo in number.
At the Thuparama, restoration of the thàpa-temple.
Gothábhaya ruled the country for I3 years, viz., from A.D.
248 to A.D. 26I, and was succeeded on the throne by his elder son, Jettha Tissa.

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LII. KING JETTHA TISSA.
REIGNED I4 YEARS.
(A.D. 261-A.D. 276).
An Act of Barbarous Cruelty.
Jettha Tissa (S. Detatis, Kalakandetu Tissa, Makalan Detu Tissa) was surnamed 'The Cruel' for an act of savage barbarity with which he began his reign. There were some nobles or Ministers-certain chronicles state their number as sixty-who had no love for the late King, possibly because of his countenancing the Thera Samghamitta and his insulting treatment of the orthodox religious party of which they remained loyal adherents. Whether they had given any evidence of their disapproval of his conduct by some open act of hostility or defiance, in the life-time of that King, history does not make clear. What is clear, however, is that, when Gothabhaya died, they refused to assist in the funeral rites by declining to go in procession with King Jettha Tissa to the place where his father's body was to be cremated.
Jettha Tissa resolved upon inflicting swift and terrible punishment upon the nobles who had dared thus to insult his father's memory and to disregard his own wishes. He compelled them forcibly to form part of the funeral procession on the day of cremation. At the appointed time the procession started, the King's younger brother, Prince Maha Sena, walking at the head, followed immediately behind by the hearse conveying the dead body, which in turn was followed by the disloyal nobles, the King himself bringing up the rear. In this way the procession went on, and, when it entered the crematorium grounds, the King, in accordance with a pre-arranged plan, gave certain swift orders to a number of men on duty at the spot. A dread scene was enacted during the next few minutes. As soon as Prince Mahá Sena with the
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KING JETTHA TISSA 279
dead body had passed on, the gate leading to the actual place of cremation was immediately closed behind them. Then the King gave the signal, and, one by one, the disloyal nobles were slain, and their bodies impaled on stakes around his father's pyre. In such ghastly wise did king Gothabhaya's cremation take place, and Jettha Tissa thenceforth bore the surname of "The Cruel."
Samghamitta's Hurried Departure.
The event inspired terror throughout the kingdom, and to none more than to the Thera Samghamitta who was only too painfully aware that Jettha Tissa bore him ill-will. Anxious to decide whether he was to go or to remain, he consulted his favourite, Prince Mahá Sena, who advised him to leave the kingdom without delay. A few days afterwards, at the time of Jettha Tissa's coronation festivities, Samghamitta departed from the Island for India. There at Kavira, where the exiled bands of Dharmarticians had taken up their abode, he spent the next few years, awaiting the time when his friend and pupil, Mahá Sena, would ascend the throne of Lanka. He was determined more than ever to punish the monks of the Maha Vihara, and he resolved patiently to wait for his day of triumph, which he felt could not be very far off.
Jettha Tissa, in his government of the country, manifested very little of the cruel disposition which marked his first act as ruler. He proved himself to be a patron of the orthodox religious party in the country, and carried out many of the works of charity and almsgiving which his predecessors before Gothabhaya had always performed as a regular duty. He held a great Vesakfestival, on which occasion he distributed the six garments, it is said, to 30,ooo monks. In regard to religious buildings, the following is the record of his activities :-
The King's Religious Activities.
Bo-tree.-Three new gateways were built to the temple of the great Bo-tree.

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Cetiyapabbata Vihara-Jettha Tissa bestowed the Kalamattika -tank for the benefit of the resident monks of this И ihara.
Lova - maha-paya.--Gothábhaya, who had begun the work of restoration at this Palace, was able to do no more than restore the pillars. Jettha Tissa, however, completed the work to the extent of building it up to seven storeys. Moreover, he is said to have made an offering of a jewel estimated to be worth 6o,ooo pieces of money of the then current coinage, and to have given the name of Manipasada to the Palace.
Pacinatissa - pabbata Vihara.—This was an entirely new Vihdira built by Jettha Tissa, who gave it to the monks of the five great monasteries-Maha Vihara, Cetiya Vihara, Thaparama, Issarasamanárama and Vessagiri Vihara-as representing the Thériya Nikāya or orthodox Buddhist Church of Lanka. At the consecration festival of this new Vihara, the King gave lavish almsgiving. Hither was also brought and set up the great and beautiful stone image of Buddha which Devanampiya Tissa aforetime had placed in the Thuparama.
Ruvanveli-seya.--Jettha Tissa is said to have made here an offering of precious gems.
The construction of the following Viháras is also attributed to this King :-
Badulu Vehera Munnam Vehera
Elagal Vehera (Eluigal) Pedela -piirivena (Pelan
Mulgiri Vehera (Mulgirigala) giriya Vihára)
Jettha Tissa would appear, moreover, to have constructed the following tanks :-
Alambagama -veva Mahatombuva-veva Bamunugamuva-veva, Pisannava-veva Demateva-veva Vadugamuva-veva Helluggamuva-veva
Jettha Tissa was King for I4 years (see Preface), i.e., from A.D. 26 to A.D. 275.

L. KING MAHA SENA.
REIGNED 27 YEARS. (A.D. 275-A.D. 302).
The Return of Samghamitta.
Upon Jettha Tissa's death, his younger brother Maha Sena (Mahasen) ascended the throne, and one of the first things he did was to send for his erstwhile tutor and friend, the Thera Samghamitta. The latter came and was warmly welcomed by the King who requested him to preside at the solemn ceremony of Coronation. It was Samghamitta's day of triumph, after fourteen years of anxious waiting. The fact of his selection to "perform the Consecration ceremony, in place of the usual representative of the Thériya Nikaya, indicated as clearly as any words could have done the bent of the King's mind and foreshadowed a further period of trouble for the Orthodox party. The trouble was precipitated with almost dramatic suddenness.
Ever since his return to Lanka, Samghamitta had taken up his abode in the Abhayagiri Vihara, and scarcely a day passed without some further effort on his part to persuade the bhikkhus of the five great Viharas (constituting the Orthodox Church) to adopt the Vaitulya doctrines. But in vain. The Thériya Nikaya presented an adamantine wall on which he could make not the slightest impression. So he looked elsewhere for assistance to carry out his mischievous plans and approached the King.
The 'War ' Against the Theriya Nikaya.
"The dwellers in the Maha Vihara do not teach the true vinaya; we, of the Abhayagiri, are those who teach the true vinaya, O King,' said Samghamitta.
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But Maha Sena would not agree either to accept the truth of this statement, or to act upon the further suggestion of the Thera that the Maha Vihara should be handed over to his fraternity. Weak-minded though he was in character generally, and unwilling at all times to say or do aught to displease his former tutor, to whom he was devotedly attached, Maha Sena still refused to do that which the Thera counselled. What the latter suggested now was a revolutionary proceeding, unprecedented in the religious history of the Island, and Maha Sena shrank from it.
But Samghamitta was not easily put off. Again and again he argued, pleaded, entreated, till at last the King yielded. The stronger will prevailed, and the resolute determination of the Thera overcame the King's reluctance and weak resistance.
The Darkest Chapter in Early Buddhist History.
Then followed a series of events which form the darkest chapter in the early history of Buddhism in Lanka. "Whoever gives food to a bhikkhat dwelling in the Mahdi Vihara is liable to a fine of a hundred pieces of money,' was the burden of a Royal edict proclaimed shortly afterwards by beat of tom-tom throughout the City of Anuradhapura, and nobody dared disobey. Three days the monks of the Maha Vihára came into town and begged for the usual alms, and each day they returned with empty bowls. Not a soul would give anything, and the Mahá Vihara starved for the first time in 5oo years.
On the fourth day the monks of the Thériya Nikaya assembled in large numbers at the Lova-maha-paya, and thus did they express themselves :
"Even though we starve, we cannot say that heresy is true doctrine. Should we say so, many others would follow us and go to perdition, and the guilt would be upon us. So, even if our lives and asceticism be imperilled, we shall refuse to adopt the Vaitulya doctrines.'

KING MAHA SENA 283
A.
The Trials of the Theriya Monks.
In this manner, by their courageous resolve, and by the equally courageous and self-sacrificing zeal with which thenceforth, for nine long years, they lived in the wilderness of exile, did the early monks of the Thériya win for Lanka what is its proudest boast to-day among the Buddhists, viz., that it is "the home of pure Buddhism.' Leaving their Viháras, their abodes of sanctity and seats of learning behind them, they journeyed out of Anurádhapura, some to Maya Province, others to Rohana. there to await the day of their deliverance from further persecution
Their departure was just what Samghamitta had counted upon when he inspired the Royal Edict. " Ownerless land belongs to the King,' he counselled Maha Sena, who was only too pleased to act upon the advice, now that he had definitely ranged himself on the side of the heretical monks. The abandoned Vihdiras and monasteries were seized in the name of the King and appropriated to the use of the Dharmarticians now in power. For the carrying out of the evil work, there was found another coadjutor in the person of a noble named Sona, the favourite Minister of the King. These two, Sona and Samghamitta, were the leaders of the campaign now definitely started to wage war against the Thériya Nikaya and all that belonged to them. They carried out their fell work with a zeal and thoroughness worthy of a better cause. Ruthlessly were stately structures demolished and despoiled, and shamelessly did ordained monks themselves assist in the proceedings of destruction and spoliation.
The Work of Spoliation and Destruction.
The first to fall was the Maha Vihara, then the Lova-maha paya with its seven storeys restored by the King's own brother Jettha Tissa, in the preceding reign, followed in turn, one by one, by those beautiful buildings, reared up at great expense and by toilsome labour, which stood as monuments of the piety of bygone rulers of Lanka. Some three hundred and sixty-four colleges and great temples were uprooted and destroyed, say the ancient

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chronicles, and their sites ploughed and sown with undu. And the material of the demolished Maha Vihára went to enrich and adorn. the home of heresy, the Abhayagiri, which, now splendid in ornament and rich in possessions, stood pre-eminent over all as the greatest and wealthiest monastery in Lanka.
As if the King had not done enough for it, he ha do the great Stone Image of the Buddha removed from the Pacinatissa-pabbata Vihara, where Jettha Tissa had placed it a few years previously, and had it set up in the Abhayagiri, in a building specially constructed for the purpose. A beautiful relic-hall as well as a foursided hall (catnissalai) were subsequent additions by the King. In such wise was the Abhayagiri Vihara made stately to see, at the expense. of those other structures and establishments which up to this time had belonged exclusively to the Thériya Nikāya. The Dharmartici sect of the Abhayagiri occupied the Cetiyapabbata Vihara (S. Ségiriya) after the destruction of the Mahá Vilhára.
The People in Rebellion.
Nine years elapsed with the evil Thera Samghamitta and the equally unscrupulous minister Sona dominating everything and everybody. In the tenth year, however, of Maha Sena's rcign, viz. in A.D. 285, the popular indignation against the religious activities of the King and his two counsellors broke out in an open rebellion headed by one of Maha Sena's own Ministers, a noble named Meghavannabhaya. The latter, assured of support from the capital in due time, gathered together his followers in Maya Province and thence proceeded to the Rohana in order to enlist men from that Province. Soon he had under his command a great force and in a short time he was ready, with sufficient troops and equipment, to march upon Anuradhapura. Mahá Sena, however, was not going to let him have his own way. Leading his army in person he proceeded to Rohana by forced marches, and, on the news of the approach of the Royalist troops, Meghavannabhaya pitched his camp by the Diratissaka tank (situated not far from Mahagama). r

KING MAHA SENA 285
Maha Sena entrenched himself in a position of some vantage in the vicinity, and, on the eve of battle, a curious thing happened. Meghavannabhaya stole out of his tent at night, alone and unattended, but carrying with him some choice food and drink, the remnants of a supply he had obtained in Maya for his own consumption. His idea was to share this with the King, if the latter was agreeable before they fought each other on the morrow, the object being to indicate that he bore no personal ill-will against Mahá Sena, though he was determined to fight, and even slay him, in defence of religion.
The King's Repentance.
Straight into the enemy camp proceeded Meghavannabhaya who, on being recognised, was led before the King. Maha Sena, who had always had a great regard, even affection, for Meghavannabhaya, asked him why he had come. The latter, setting the food, drink and meat he had brought, on a table, offered them to the King. In perfect trust Maha Sena sat down to eat, inviting Meghavannabhaya at the same time to share the food with him. When the meal was over, and not till then, did the King enquire:
“Why hast thou become a rebel, Meghavannábhaya ?’
"Because the Maha Vihara has been destroyed by Your Majesty,' answered the noble simply.
"I will make the Vihára to be dwelt in yet again; forgive me my fault,' said the conscience-stricken King.
The two were reconciled on the spot. More than that, orders were at once given for all hostile preparations to cease, and in a few hours the combatants of the two armies met, not in clash of battle but in the friendliest possible intercourse. Meghavannábhaya then advised the King to return to Anuradhapura; and the latter, while agreeing to do so, requested the noble to accompany him. Meghavannabhaya, however, wished to remain behind in order to collect the wherewithal for the rebuilding of the Maha Vihára. The King agreed and, striking camp at dawn the next day, started on the return march to his capital.

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Popular Demonstrations.
Meanwhile, at Anuradhapura, things were ripe for a serious Commotion. The popular feeling had always been hostile both to the Thera Samghamitta and the minister Sona ; and when the joyful news preceded the King's arrival that Maha Sena had not only been reconciled to Meghavannabhaya, but also had undertaken to rebuild the Maha Vihara for the orthodox Thériya Nikaya, the citizens broke out into wild demonstrations. The lead for violence was given by a member of Mahá Sena's own palace, one of his favourite wives or lesser Queens. She had long and bitterly grieved over the destruction of the Maha Vihara, and she had never forgiven the evil-minded Thera who was responsible for that great act of vandalism and for the expulsion of the Thériya monks. She had recently undertaken the restoration of the Tháparama-one of those buildings which had suffered damage from the Thera's activities-and there came a day when Samghamitta, defying the Queen, proceeded to destroy it anew.
The Slaying of Sanghamitta and of Sona −
But a carpenter, who was helping in the work of restoration of the building and whom the indignant Queen had won over for the purpose, slew the Thera Samghamitta as he came to the Thápárama to carry out his evil design. So ended the career of a man who had done incalculable hurt to religion and who was undoubtedly the most cordially hated individual in Lanka at the time. Samghamitta's death was the signal for a furious popular uprising against his evil companion in inquity, the Minister named Sona. The citizens of Anuradhapura in a body poured into the street in which he lived, invaded his house, killed him and flung his body on a dung heap. When order was somewhat restored, the angry Queen who had procured Samghamitta's death did what Gothabhaya had done thirty-three years previously, viz., made a collection, and then a bonfire, of the heretical Vaitulya books.

KING MAHA SENA 287
Return of the Theriya Monks.
Maha Sena, sobered somewhat by these events, kept the promise which he made to Meghavannabhaya. Aided by the latter, he built the Maha Vihara anew, and in a short time the monks of the Thériya Nikāya, their nine years' exile ended, came back into their own. The Royal Edict, which was the beginning of the trouble, was revoked, and the bhikkhus were again free to receive alms from the citizens of Anuradhapura. Nor did the King stint in giving.
The custom of his predecessors was resumed, and food and clothing were lavishly bestowed on the bhikkhus as of yore. But it was only for a short time. In the IIth year of his reign, viz., in A.D. 286, Maha Sena succumbed to the influence of another heretical monk, the Maha Thera Kohontissa of the Sagaliya sect who were established in strength at the Dakkhinarama (S. Dakunugiri Vihara) and a fresh period of trouble began for the monks of the Maha Vihara.
Fresh Trouble for the Theriya Fraternity.
For, within the ancient boundaries of the Maha Vihara, in the Jotivana (i.e. Nandana) Park, the King soon began the construction of a stately Vihara for his new friend, the Maha Thera Kohontissa. The project was resisted, of course, the bhikkhus of the Mahá Vihara raising a storm of opposition and protest against the building of Jiháras for other sects within their own limits. Maha Sena was overawed, but not defeated. Acting on the advice of the ever-mischievous Abhayagiri fraternity, who had more in common with the Sagaliyan than with the orthodox Thériya monks, he replied to the protest by ordering the monks of the Maha Vihára to uproot the existing boundary marks, so as to permit of his putting up the projected building without encroaching on their rights.
This they resolved to refuse to carry out. Fearing further persecution, however, they concealed seven bhikkhus of their Order in a tunnel that was found within the existing boundaries of the

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Maha Vihara, and, making a pretence of abandoning the Vihara, they disappeared from the neighbourhood and the capital. Directly they left, the Ságaliyans, for whose leader (Kohontissa) the proposed new Vihára was intended, began to root out the boundary marks of the Maha Vihara, when a strange incident is said to have occurred. Legend has it that a rakshasa, with an iron club uplifted in his hand, appeared on the scene, drove away the Ságaliyans engaged in the mischievous work, and proceeded in the direction of the City, whereupon the alarmed King, in order to appease him, undertook to stay the removal of the boundary marks, and to get the scattered monks of the Maha Vihara to re-occupy their ancient home.
A 'Visitation from the Angry Gods.''
The truth appears to be, however, that a stimanera monk of the Situlpavu Vihara, who happened to be in the capital at the moment and shared the indignation of the Maha Vihara fraternity at the proposed encroachment on the limits of their monastery, rar amok among the Sagaliyans busily employed in the manner indicated above. Whether the monk's madness or fit of violence was feigned or real, he seemed to have effectively inspired genuine consternation and terror, not only among the Sagaliyans, but also among the citizens who, crowding into the Royal Palace, besought the King to placate what they described as " this visitation from the angry gods.' The superstitious Maha Sena, not knowing what to make of it, and over-powered by the fear of the unknown, yielded to the popular commotion. He enquired what was to be done, and was told that only the bringing back of the monks of the Maha Vihara could save the situation. To this effect he gave orders at once.
Maha Sena Circumvented.
Search was immediately made in the capital, and the seven monks who had hidden themselves in the tunnel within the precincts of the Maha Vihara were discovered and produced. Curiously

KING MAHA SENA 289
enough, just about the same time, the stimanera monk who had run amok was found to have disappeared, no one knew whither. However, the accepted law at the time was that only 'ownerless land belongs to the King,' and neither the latter nor the Sagaliyans could lay claim to the Maha Vihara, which, as a matter of fact, throughout a period of nine months apparent abandonment, had really been continuously "occupied' by the seven monks in the tunnel situated within its limits. These, on behalf of their absent brethren, protested against the shifting of the boundaries. Mahá Sena was constrained to agree, for the protest was valid at law, and he lacked the courage violently to carry out a project which he knew was deeply resented by the people as a whole.
The Theriya Monks Return, Once Again.
Thus did the monks of the Maha Vihara, after nine months absence, return once again to the monastery from which they had been compelled to depart twice within eleven years. But the King did not as yet own defeat. He was not going to let mere monks, however influential with the Sinhalese people, turn him aside from his pet project. The uprooting or shifting of the boundary marks was a mere detail which he could afford to ignore. What mattered was the new Vihara which he was determined anyhow to build. So a few months after the second return to the capital of the Maha Vihara fraternity, in the I2th year of his reign (i.e. in A.D. 287), Maha Sena, in spite of strenuous opposition, built the stately Jetavana Vihara (S. Dena Veherdi or Dendi Naka) within the precincts of the Maha Vihara in the Jotivana (or Nandana) Park, and presented it to his friend and protégé, Kohontissa Mahá. Thera, the head of the Sagaliya sect. Thenceforth did the Sagaliya heretics, leaving the Dakkhináráma (Dakunugiri Vihära), come into occupation of the Jetavana Vihara and Settle there.

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Kohontissa Maha Thera Disrobed.
But the Thériya monks of the Mahá Vihára, in their longcontinued struggle with the King, had yet another "arrow in their quiver," and this they used with effect not long after the Sagaliya settlement in the Jetavana Vihára. According to the disciplinary rules governing the Buddhist priesthood, a bhikkhu is held to be guilty of the "extreme offence' if he commits murder, fornication, or theft, or falsely pretends to the higher grades of sanctity, and the punishment meted out, upon proof of such guilt, is expulsion from the Order. A charge of this nature, involving one or more of the above "extreme offences," was at this time laid against the Maha Thera Kohontissa, and at a full meeting of the Sangha Sabha or "Council of Bhikkhus,' the Maha Thera after a patient trial was adjudged guilty.
Maha Sena was apparently dissatisfied with this decision against his favourite, on whose account he had earned so much unpopularity. With the object of getting the matter adjusted in accordance with his own personal wishes, he deputed the Sinhalese Chief Justice of the time, Dhammika by name, to investigate the charge afresh. But he was doomed to bitter disappointment.
An Upright Sinhalese Chief Justice.
Dhammika was too upright and fearless to let his decision be influenced by the King's wishes in the matter. After a searching, independent inquiry, he found that the charge was conclusively proved, and, in spite of the King's remonstrances, sentenced Kohontissa Mahá. Thera to be forthwith disrobed and expelled from the Order. The sentence was promptly carried out. Kohontissa's expulsion had a sobering and steadying effect on Mahá Sena, and, for the time being at least, put an end to the unseemly religious squabbles and wanton vandalism which had disgraced the early years of his rule.

KING MAFIA SENA 29I
Maha Sena Owns Defeat and Repents. 魔
So profoundly had the events of the first twelve years affected Maha Sena's character and outlook, that we find him thenceforward an ardent friend and supporter of the orthodox Thériya Nikaya. With the enthusiasm of the new convert, he lavished alms and all manner of offerings on those whom he had so recently bitterly persecuted. To one thousand superiors of the communities of bhikkhus he distributed gifts at acost of a thousand pieces of money, while to all the bhikkhus in Lanka he yearly gave a garment each. The ancient chronicle adds, "there is no record of his gifts of food and drink." He built a thipa, east of the city of Anuradhapura, on the site where King Pandukabhaya of old had settled the Yakkha Kalavela, and over the whole Island he restored many ruined buildings. He proved to be a great builder both in the matter of repairs and additions to existing structures as well as in new constructions. The record of his activities in this direction appears below:
His Building Activities.
Abhaya (S. Abáheba).-A new nunnery.
Abhayagiri Vihara.-This became the greatest and most beautiful monastery in Maha Sena's time. The material of the demolished Maha Vihara and other buildings in the vicinity was used to enlarge and beautify the existing structures.
Bo-tree.-A new temple was built here by Mahá Sena, who also made two bronze images and set them up on the west side of the temple.
Dhatusena-pabbata Vihara (S. Dásengala).- A new Vihára situated ' to the west.'
Erakavilla Vihara (S. Ekakapilla)-In Rohana, built by Maha Sena on the site of a Sivite temple or other place of Hindu worship which he previously demolished.

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Gangasenaka-pabbata Vihara (S. Gangásengala).
Gokanna Vihara.--Like the Erakavilla Vihara, this was built on the site of a demolished Hindu temple. It is said to have been situated on the coast of the "Eastern Sea.'
Hulapitthi Vihara (S. Sulupiti Vihára).
Jetavana Vihara.-A stately structure built by Mahá Sena within the boundaries of the Maha Vihára in the Jotivana (Nandana) Park, for the use of his friend, Kohontissa Maha Thera, the head of the Sagaliya sect.
Kalanda Vihara.--In Rohana, in the village of the Brahman Kalanda (Bamunugama). Like the Erakavilla and Gokanna Viharas, this too was built on the site of a demolished Hindu temple.
Kokavata Vihara.-A large monastery built by Mahá Sena near a tank of the same name.
Kukkutagiri-Parivena.-This monastery, erected by Kanittha Tissa, had apparently fallen into disrepair. Maha Sena restored it.
Maha Vihara.-The buildings which had been destroyedmuch of the material being used to enlarge and beautify the Abhayagiri-were restored by Maha Sena, who was greatly assisted in the work by his Minister, Meghavannabhaya.
Manihira Vihara (S. Minneriya Vihára).---A new Vihára, built by Maha Sena near Minneriya tank, not far from Polonnaruva.
Migagama Vihara (S. Muvagama Vihára).
Thuparama.--What was done here was apparently to complete the restoration work undertaken by Maha Sena's Queen, the Lambakanna Princess who got Samghamitta Thera to be slain.
Uttara (S. Uturu).-A'new munnery.

KING MAIA SENA 293
The Yakkhas and Agriculture. 独
While on the one hand Maha Sena won undying infamy by his bitter persecution of the orthodox Buddhist Church in the early years of his reign, on the other he covered himself with abiding glory by the gigantic and practical steps he took, during the closing years of his rule, to promote agriculture throughout the land. Great earthen embankments, most of them some miles in length, were raised across suitable valleys, intercepting in this manner the flow of the streams and storing up, during the rainy seasons, in the tanks thus formed, immense sheets of water for the irrigation of large tracts of land, lower down in the valleys, that were found suitable for rice cultivation.
Not a few of the gigantic works of this character which Mahá Sena undertook to construct were in the remote parts of the country, which were still peopled largely by Yakkha tribes-the descendants of the aboriginal inhabitants. These, choosing to live secluded lives in the mountain fastnesses and in the depths of pathless jungles, had continued up to this time to maintain their individuality as a community distinct from those who dwelt in towns and villages. Their aid was requisitioned by Mahá Sena in the construction of large tanks and they gave it willingly and effectively. The Manihira-vapi (Minneriya-veva, near Polonnaruva) was one of those built largely by the employment of Yakkha labour. In the accomplishment of those great undertakings —viz. the damming up of the Kara-ganga and the diversion of its channel to feed the Minneriya tank, as well as the excavation of the Talvatu-oya in order to supply water to bring 20,000 fields under paddy cultivation-Mahá Sena received loyal and valuable aid from his Yakkha subjects.
Important New Tanks.
The following is a list of the more important tanks constructed by Maha Sena, with their Sinhalese names so far as these latter can be ascertained or identified with some approximation to Correctness :-

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Challura-vapi (S. Surálla, Surallakuru) ; Cira-vapi (S. Siru-veva, Sirivallássa, Siruvela) ; Dhammaramma-vapi (S. Monará-veva) ; Kalapasana-vapi (S. Kalavána, Kallavána, Kalupahana) ; Khanu -vapi (S. Kanadiyadora, Didora) ; Kokavatavapi (S. Kokkádanavva, Ponnáva); Kumbalaka-vapi (S. Kimbulvána); Mahadaragalaka-vapi (S. Getup-mádara, Soragalla); Mahagallaka-vapi (S. Magal-veva, Galbelpitiya, Belipitiya) ; Mahagama-vapi (S. Mahaluva, Kavudlumágalu) ; Mahamanivapi (S. Mahaminiya, Mhaminiya); Manihira-vapi (S. Minihiriveva, Minneriya-veva); Rattamalakandaka-vapi (S. Ratmalkada, Ratgala, Rattala); Tissavaddhamanaka-vapi (S. Tihava, Rattisa, Ranniya); Vahana-vapi (S. Vadunnava); Velangavitthi-yapi (S. Velanviti-veva).
The Sinhalese chronicles mention in connection with Mahá Sena the names of three other tanks, viz., Muvagamuva, Sakurumboru or Puskumbura, and Sulugalu, or Suguluva. We are told that, in addition to the above, Maha Sena built (on the Mahaveli-ganga) a great Canal named Pabbatanta.
Maha Sena ruled the country for 27 years, i.e., from A.D. 275 to A.D. 302.
At the end of his reign, it is said, 844 years, 9 months and 25 days had elapsed since the death of the Buddha,
With him (Maha Sena) ended what has been described in History as the Maha Vansa or “ Great Dynasty ” of Sinhalese Kings.

THE STORY OF THE SINHALESE.''
PRESS REFERENCES, etc.
The Hon. Mr. I. Macrae. Director of Foucation.
" I have read the Story of the Sinhalese with great interest and shall have no hesitation in recommending it for use in schools,'
Mr. L. Mc. D. Robison, Asst. Director of Education.
" The Story of the Sinhalese is a very interesting and valuable book. There is no doubt whatever about its usefulness in the Schools, and I shall do my best to see that it and its companion volumes are used.'
Rev A. G. Fraser, Principal, Trinity College.
' The Story of the Sinhalese is just what we want for the College. It is interesting and, so far as I can judge, fair and just and likely to make fellows keener and more wisely keen on their own land. I am certainly going to introduce it into the work of the School.'
“ Ceylon Independent '' (March 21st. 1923.
' To read a well-written book is always a pleasure: and when, in addition to being well-written, the book is also of rousing interest, its reading becomes a positive treat. It is such a treat we find in the neat little volume a s e a s . . . . . . . . . . . entitled the Story of the Sinhalese. The ' story is compiled from the best and the most approved sources. . . . . . and the telling of the story is done in language plain but graceful, with no striving after effect, yet effective all the same. It has equal attractions for both the young and the old. . . . . . It is a work which should be read by everyone both in and outside Ceylon.'
'' Ceylon Observer '' (March I Ith, 1923).
'Mr. John M. Senaveratna has written a school-book, which will be useful to numbers other than school-boys ....Mr. Senaveratna has ably summarised the events, observing a sense of proportion, and making a successful attempt to identify old historical sites by giving the modern names, wherever possible. The historical narrative, as a rule, is terse and vivid, and in places grips the reader as in the description of the wars and sieges of King Dutugemunu. . . . . . Although well worth the amount, we are afraid that the price of Rs. 5 is too much to make it the popular schoolbook, which it descrves to be.'

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'' Ceylon Observer' (March 16th, 1924).
"Mr. John M. Senaveratna has made a very fascinating book out of the great material he had to work with. This book is one which supplies a long-felt want. Youth has been clamouring for it, travellers have yearned for it. . . . . . . . Mr. Senaveratna's style is charming, graceful and poetic.'
'' Ceylon Daily. News ' (February 16th, Ig23).
'' Mr. Senaveratna's endeavour, conceived on a larger scale than any of its predecessors, deserves the hearty support and encouragement of all sons of Lanka. . . . . . We congratulate Mr. Senaveratna on having produced a pioneer work so successfully and so well. The task of writing it must have been a heavy one, for the book contains practically all we know of the period. . . . . . The selection, discrimination and presentation are irreproachable, and grown-ups will find the narrative both pleasing and instructive. . . . Every school-master is interested in a venture such as Mr. Senaveratna's and will hail it with pleasure and hope that the Publishers will rise to the occasion and enable us (with a cheaper Edition) to introduce Mr. Senaveratna's excellent book into our schools.'
'' Ceylon Daily News ' ' (March 7th, 1924),
' With this (Vol. II. the earliest period of Ceylon History comes to a close, and the two volumes that narrate the story of the period ought to find a wide circle of readers in Ceylon. In arrangement, style, printing and general get-up, the two volumes are as like as two peas, which is just what it should be in a series.
' This second Volume, moreover, like the earlier one, contains all that is known of the period. The author has gathered his material with great care and industry from practically every available source of history. published and unpublished. . . . . . . . . . The arrangement of the material and its presentation is irreproachable. . . . . . . . Mr. Senaveratna's way of telling them (i.e. the stories and legends of the period) is both pleasant and interesting."
“Times of Ceylon '' (March 7th, Ig23.
“When one puts down the first volume of the Story of the Sinhalese by Mr. John M. Senaveratna. . . . . one feels inclined to quote the familiar patent advertiser's tag, "supplies a long-felt want '....The childrer of this country had (hitherto) few opportunities of learning the history of their land in an attractive form. Mr. Senaveratna has stepped into the breach and has performed his task very successfully. Experts may disagree over technical points, but the general public will find interesting matter to satisfy their desire for some vivid impressions of pages of bygone Sinhalese history a s o o o The style in which the book is written is vivid and readable. . . . . . There is no doubt that every one who is interested in Ceylon-the teacher, the school-child, the tourist and the every-day person-should lose no time in acquiring this attractive volume.'

PRESS REFERENCEs, ETC. 297
'' Times of Ceylon '' (March 5th, 1924). A.
"Mr. John M. Senaveratna (in this series).... is doing to the epic.. Mahavassa what Mahanama did to the Arthalata Mahavansa. He tries to tell the story in a style calculated to capture the interest of the read of his day. Like Mahanama, he has diligently studied all the available' local authorities, and has fully equipped himself for the task. He tells the Story of the Sinhalese for the modern reader in clear, readable English prose.
" He brought out the first volume of the series last year. The second, now issued, brings the story to the end of the Mahavansa period, to wit, to the 4th century A.D. To write a book for the schools as well as for grownups is a task as difficult as serving two masters, but Mr. Senaveratna has struck a fairly practical mean.
'' Such a work has long been a crying need. Young Ceylon clamours for Ceylon history. Those who have ceased to be young do not cease to yearn for a faithful account of Ancient Ceylon. And many a resident of this fair Island, but not of it, wishes to know what the vaunted historical literature of Ceylon has to show. All these have found a willing friend in Mr. Senaveratna. He tells the Story of the Sinhalese very faithfully as it has been written of old, but without the wordy garbage that makes the venerable Mahavansa so tiresome to read. He has become a Mahanama to his generation, and I hope Mr. Senaveratna realises the honour and responsibility of the similitude.”
"Ceylon Morning Leader '' (February oth, 1923).
' The first Volume of the new History of Ceylon, which Mr. ohn M. Senaveratna has just published under the title of The Story of the Sinhalese, is eminently a book for every Ceylonese, and more particularly Sinhalese home. It represents the first serious attempt-and, in our opinion, the most successful hitherto-to get together, within the compass of one work, material now lying scattered in half a hundred books, most of them not readily accessible to the student. . . . . . The real value of the service Mr. Senaveratna now renders by his work is that he has made the History of Ancient Ceylon look probable and true. He has presented a sober and complete narrative which is at once attractive as well as authoritative. . . . The work affords ample evidence of the care, insight and patient labour expended upon it during the ten years of unremitting toil which Mr. Senaveratna devoted to it in gathering, sifting and co-ordinating the material. . . . The Department of Education, which has hitherto been handicapped by the want of a suitable text-book should now no longer delay in introducing the work to Ceylon Schools.'
'Ceylon Morning Leader '' (March IIth. I924).
" The second Volume in this admirable historical series by Mr. John M. Senaveratna. . . . . . embodies all the information that patient research and diligent labour can gather together from the best available sources. . . . The presentation of the facts is so charmingly done as to grip the attention of the reader, if not to fascinate him. . . . . . Eminently a book for grownups, it is none the less a useful publication for the school-boy.

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" This volume, like its predecessor, bears ample evidence of the diligent labour, patient research and careful scholarship, which always mark Mr. Senaveratna's historical work. The ever-growing number of historical students in this country will be grateful to him for a scholarly and fascinating Volume which completes the history of the Mahavamsa or Great Dynasty.
' A critic recently described Mr. Senaveratna as 'the Mahanama of his generation. How thoroughly the compliment is deserved will be evident to any one who has been fortunate enough to read this his latest production. Like the Mahavamsa (Mahanama's work), Mr. Senaveratna's Story of the Sinhalese is a great and enduring work. It deserves to find an honoured place in every Sinhalese home, and in the book-shelves or libraries of those others-in Ceylon and outside-to whom the history of the Sinhalese nation has more than a mere passing interest.'

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