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w TO Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids
in sincere veneration
and friendship

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CULAVAMSA
BEING THE MORE RECENT PART OF THE
MAHAWAMSA
TRANSLATED BY
WILHELM GEGER
AND FROM THE GERMAN INTO ENGLISH BY
C. MABEL RICKMERS
IN TYWO PARTS
PART
ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES NEW DELHI A MADRAS 1998

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ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES
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FOREWORD
On completing the first volume of my translation of the Culavamsa, I feel it to be my duty above all to tender my most hearty thanks to the Government of Ceylon for the opportunity it gave me of visiting the Island before beginning my work. In Colombo Mr. M. A. YoUNG, at that time First Assistant Colonial Secretary, arranged matters for me in the kindest manner.
My thanks are no less due to my esteemed colleagues in England whose friendly advocacy and recommendation did so much towards furthering affairs.
Without the journey which took me into all parts of the Island, I should have been without that vivid idea of the country and the people which is necessary for the understanding of their history. Without it too, I should have lost that mass of information and the stimulating intercourse which met me in Ceylon from the most varied quarters.
I mention in the first place with special pleasure and sincere gratitude the present Archaeological Commissioner, Mr. A. M. HocART, whose lively and intelligent interest in my aims and tasks I shall always remember, as well as that of his temporary representative, Mr. SuDBURY. In their company I was able to visit a series of important ruins partly in very out of the way places, and so familiarize myself with some of the most pressing questions connected with ancient Sinhalese architecture.
In the same way I owe warm thanks to Mr. H. W. CoDRINGTON. Himself the greatest authority on the history and mediaeval topography of Ceylon, he gave me much help and ready en

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couragement, as a glance at the notes to my translation will show.
Mr. P. E. PIERIs also smoothed many a path for me and to his good offices I owe many a valuable connection. Of my old friends I may mention lastly in this place the indefatigable Mudaliyar A. M. GuNASEKARA. I must add however, that wherever I came, new Sinhalese friends - amongst others I may mention Ratemahatmaya BIBILE - gave me willing and active support.
My principle in working has been to make my translation approach as closely as possible to the original. We must as far as is practicable, know exactly what the chroniclers say. The aesthetic value of the Culavamsa as a literary work is small. The carrying out of this principle has been made more difficult by the fact that the German text has had to be re-translated into English. I am however greatly indebted to my co-worker, Mrs. C. Mabel RICKMERs, for most kindly making my principle her own, in doing which I believe her to have achieved full success.
One difficulty met with by every translator of an Indian text lies in the multitude of the synonyms. It is impossible for us to imitate them. Consider for a moment the many terms for "King'. In order to be as fair as possible to the conditions of the original, we have reserved, though with occasional exceptions, the translation "King' for rajan. Combinations with pati (like dharaņīpati etc.) we have rendered by "ruler', those with pa or pala (like bhinipa etc.) by "monarch', other terms by "sovereign'. That proper names with variants such as Parakkamabahu and -bhuja have been unified will probably meet with approval.
The second volume will contain a detailed chronological introduction with a list of the kings, as well as a full index. As the German text is almost finished and the English rendering already in progress, we should not now have to wait long for the completion of the whole work.
The last ten chapters it is true, are not an unmixed joy for the translator. The language is faulty, the style clumsy,

0-2 III -
often very stilted. Instead of the long-winded, stereotyped descriptions of festivals and bounties, one would like to hear more of those outward events which just in the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries shook the old Sinhalese kingdom to its foundations. To make good the omissions of the Chronicle here would mean writing a new history of Ceylon. This has already been done by more competent scholars and where it seemed desirable, I have referred to their works in my notes.
Lastly I would ask the reader before using the book, to be kind enough to consult the appendices and to take note of corrections and also of emendations in the original text.
Munich-Neubiberg WILH. GEGER
November 1928

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INTRODUCTION
As to the credibility of the Cūlavansa: the history of Parakkamabahu's youth
The question of the credibility of the Culavamsa cannot be answered with a simple yes or no. It is somewhat more complicated than that of the more ancient Mahavamsa whose author kept more closely and I might say, more naively to his source. One thing is certain: the compiler of the first part of the Culavamsa (chaps. 37-79) with which I am at present dealing, did not consciously relate what was false. What he tells us is drawn from his own knowledge, as derived from his sources and his personal conviction. That much valuable material is contained therein is shown by the way in which various statements are confirmed by inscriptions. In the notes to my translation I have repeatedly referred to these corroborations of the Culavamsa. Moreover statements in one part of the work are frequently confirmed by passages in another part. How remarkably for instance, do the geographical data in chaps. 65-67 regarding the flight of Prince Parakkamabahu from Sankhatthali in Dakkhinadesa correspond with those in chaps. 70 and 72 in the description of the campaign against Rajarattha. ('on RINGTON has shown that plainly enough.
But two points must be borne in mind. The compiler -- let us call him Dhammakitti - was after all a bhikkhu and the sources of which he made use were written by bhikkhus,

0- W -o
the records forming the foundation were written down in the spirit and in the interests of the Buddhist Church. They were in the main apparently puiapotthakani (cf. Mhvs. 32.25)
that is registers of meritorious works by which the prince
had. furthered the Church (sasana) and the laity (loka). About such things therefore we are particularly well informed. We hear of the viharas built by the king, of the repairs he had had undertaken on the more ancient buildings, of his bounty to the needy, the poor and the sick and above all to the priesthood. Of much however, equally interesting if not more interesting to the historian we hear nothing at all. It is these gaps of which one has a growing consciousness without being able to lay one's finger with certainty on them, which constitute the chief lack in the narrative of the Culavamsa. Not what is said but what is left un said is the besetting difficulty of Sinhalese history.
To take but one example - how explain the fact that of so mighty a work as the fortress of Sigiri not a single detail is described ? Even the name is only mentioned in four places. And yet this is perhaps the most magnificent building of which
Ceylon can boast. It is not impossible that the personality
of Kassapa I. might appear in a different light if a layman and not a priest had been the author of the chronicle.
I must repeat here that not the least doubt is thrown on Dhammakitti's good faith by such criticisms. They merely point out the range of ideas by which his work was condition
ed and restricted.
It is of course clear that it was not solely of such punnani that Dhammakitti's sources and tradition had to tell. We hear also of secular proceedings with which often enough the "meritorious works' of the princes were connected. But it is indisputable that what the Culavamsa had above all in mind was the relation of the king to the church. This relation fills so large a space in the narrative that if we follow ...it
That the Sinhalese kings had records kept of the events of their reigns is clear from 59.7-9.

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alone the history of Ceylon takes on a hue not quite in keeping with fact. Unfortunately we are not in a position to fill up satisfactorily the gaps in the historical tradition. Later Sinhalese writings are not essentially different in character and the inscriptions which would undoubtedly be our best source, are unfortunately occupied almost entirely with ecclesiastical matters. Nevertheless certain of these give much desired confirmation of purely secular events mentioned in the Culavamsa. Their importance for its chronology will be dealt with later.
A further point. Already Mahanama the author of the older Mahavamsa, was fain to create a kavya, an artificial poem, and he was no stranger to the rules of alamkara. But this is true in a still higher degree of Dhammakitti. He was a man of literary culture. I believe I have proved in the notes to my translation of 66. 129 f. that he must have been acquainted with Indian Niti literature, perhaps with its chief work, the Arthasastra of Kautalya. These literary reminiscences were of course not without influence on his attitude towards historical events and persons.
Above all is this true of the personality of Parakkamabahu. I should like to elaborate this point further. For Bishop CoPLESTON is perfectly right in regarding the history of Parakkama as the real kernel, the main subject of the Culavamsa, especially of the first part which was the work of Dhammakitti, and in speaking of a Parakkama epic'.
Now if we look closely at the figure of Parakkamabahu as it meets us in the Culavamsa, especially at the period before he achieved universal sovereignty, we find ourselves faced by a series of contradictions and improbabilities. We are convinced that things did not happen historically in that way. Nor is it possible to form a harmonious and credible picture of the single acts attributed to the youthful Parakkama.
The explanation lies in Dhammakitti's conception of the way in which his task was to be achieved. From literary
1 JRAS. C. B. nr. 44, 1898, p. 60, ff.

مــمله WIII 3ــــــــه
sources, from what he had read he drew an ideal picture of an Indian king. The man whose glorification was his aim must correspond to this picture. He must have all the qualities belonging to an Indian king and employ all the methods of statecraft which political science prescribes or recommends. All these individual traits the compiler combines with the data furnished by tradition, without question as to probability or improbability of these.
According to the Culavamsa the youth of Parakkama was passed somewhat as follows:
Parakkamabahu is the son of the eldest of the three brothers Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha who rule over Dakkhinadesa and Rohana in, opposition to Wikkamabahu who holds the royal dignity in virtue of his possession of Rajaratha with its capital Pulatthinagara. Parakkama's father Manabharana has retained as his share the important province of Dakkhinadesa, Rohana is divided between the two younger brothers.
The birth of the prince is accompanied by all kinds of miraculous phenomena. Vikkamabahu is informed of it and wishes to bring the boy up at his court in order to make him his heir instead of his own son. Manabharana, however, refuses and dies soon after of a disease. Thereupon his next brother, Kittisirimegha takes over Dakkhinadesa and leaves the whole of Rohana to the youngest, Sirivallabha who brings Manabharana's widow Ratanavali, her two daughters Mitta and Pabhavati and the youthful Parakkama to take up their abode in his capital of Mahanagahula. Meanwhile Wikkamabahu also dies and is succeeded in Rajaratha by his son Gajabahu who maintains himself against Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha.
The youthful Parakkama finds no scope in Rohana, so he betakes himself to his uncle in Dakkhinadesa who receives him joyfully. He lives with him in the chief locality of the country Sankhatthali. He finishes his education and his coming of age is celebrated with festivities. The Senapati Sankha who was stationed in Badalatthali, is entrusted with the

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preparations for the festival. Sirivallabha dies in Rohana and is succeeded by his son, the younger Manabharana.
Parakkama's ambition finds no satisfaction in Dakkhinadesa. He hankers after the royal dignity in Rajarattha and determines to go thither and discover conditions for himself. Of dissensions between the prince and his uncle there is never any word. On the contrary, the fiction is constantly upheld that Kittisirimegha is tenderly attached to his nephew, and that it is only fear of the dangers involved which makes him discourage the visit to Rajarattha.
So the prince leaves Sankhatthali secretly and comes first to Badalatthali where he has the Senapati Sankha killed because he had informed'. the king of Parakkama's flight. He then goes northwards to Buddhagama not far from the borders of Rajarattha. The inhabitants of the country make repeated . efforts to check the prince's advance but he repulses all such attempts by force of arms.
Parakkama's uncle meanwhile, alarmed at his nephew's disappearance, consults with his ministers (66.57 ff.) and sends a strong force to fetch him back. But it is ambushed by the prince and completely routed. He even pursues the pursuers (66.82 ff.) and surprises them by a night assault in Khiravapi. After repulsing a countre attack he proceeds to cross the frontiers of Rajaratha.
Gajabahu is apparently greatly alarmed but puts a good face on the matter and greets the guest through messengers with gifts, marches to meet him in person and fetch him to the capital.
During his sojourn in Pulatthinagara Parakkamabahu enmeshes the town and its surroundings in a net of espionage
The compiler is obviously at a loss to account for Parakkama's action. In 65.85 f. the affair is so described as if circumstances had driven the prince to it, but he had already (v. 21 ff) declared his intention of committing an extraordinary deed - the allusion can only be to the removal of Sankha - by which his courage and determination . would be proved. Thus even Dhammakitti admits that the action was deliberately planned.

(66. 129 ff.). He goes the length of wedding his sister Bhaddavati to King Gajabahu in order to lull his suspicions. He himself keeps her dowry, or at least the greater part of it, in his own hands.
Eventually however, the prince has fears that Gajabahu may see through his intentions and he leaves the town secretly at night to return to Dakkhinadesa (67. 32ff). During this flight he meets with all kinds of adventures in which his personal courage is put to the test. Kittisirimegha is delighted at the return of his nephew and sends messengers to Saraggama to meet him. The prince however, hesitates - the reason is not given - to enter the capital Sankhatthali. His mother comes from Rohaua and persuades him to do so. He is joyfully received by Kittisirimegha who dies shortly afterwards when Parakkamabahu takes over the sovereignty of the province.
What then is the character of Parakkamabahu if we follow tradition? Here I go beyond the chapter whose contents I have just sketched, the question is what kind of personality had Dhammakitti in mind when he gave a poetical picture of his hero. Of course he is extraordinarily fearless and courageous. High-sounding words are put into his mouth. With his weapon alone for which he calls, will he strike terror into the foe (66. 31). He is capable alone of facing all his enemies, as the lion needs no allies when he tears elephants in pieces (72. 88). No one, not even the king of the gods can cross the frontiers of his realm, so long as he is in life (72. 154). Were he fain to seize the sovereignty in Pulatthinagara, the wrinkling of his brows were sufficient thereto (67. 12).
What then of the deeds? An action reminiscent of a feat of Alexander the Great is described 66.87 ff. during the attack on Khiravapi. Parakkamabahu's people are unable to break through the barricade of thorns which surrounds the place. Thereupon he pierces it alone and announces his name with resounding voice. That suffices to scatter the enemy in all directions. The scene described 66. 104 may also be mentioned

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here. But the narratives of the courage displayed by the prince against a she-bear that attacked him in the wilderness (67. 41) and against a boar (67. 44), savour rather of an invention of the author for elaborating the events and adorning the poem. In contrast to these we have in the miraculous story of the male elk (70. 33 ff.) which attacks Parakkamabahu during the chase and shedding his antlers directly in front of him, falls to the ground, possibly a piece of ancient tradition. Are we not told that the antlers with an inscription describing the occurrence "are even now" preserved in the royal treasury?
In the great military engagements against Gajabahu and still later against the revolt in Rohana Parakkamabahu keeps completely in the background. It is his generals who carry out his plans. Without doubt this tallies with the actual conditions of the time. The heroic age of a Dutthagamani belongs to the past and where Parakkamabahu is depicted as a hero of this stamp we have, at least as a rule, to do with the creations of poetic imagination, with literary ornamentation. Highly characteristic is the episode described 72.95 f. where it looks as if Parakkamabahu at a critical moment intended to save the situation. He calls for his Sihala sword. But it is not he who wields it but two of his officers whose efforts at saving the position were only partially successful.
To place Parakkamabahu's courage in the best possible light Dhammakitti makes use of two purely literary devices. In his youth he is a harmless, almost childlike nature. He takes pleasure in music, games and dancing (70.30-31), even on serious occasions where it seems to us almost inappropriate. When he is attacked in Navagirisa by the pursuers sent by his uncle, he is playing a game to which he had been accustomed from childhood (66. 101), and when he has crossed the frontiers of the "King's Province', Rajaratha, he devotes himself for days to the local games (66. 111). When his position is apparently most critical and his attendants take flight he proudly conscious of his personal worth, has nothing but a cheerful smile (66.30, 72.99) even when as after the

death of the Adhikarin Rakkha (72.87), it seems to us hardly appropriate.
Again, what a brilliant contrast is Parakkamabahu's heroism to the almost grotesque cowardice of his own people as also of the enemy. When the inhabitants of Buddhagama prepare to attack the prince, his own people flee in all directions (66.28). At the mere sound of his voice Kittisirimegha's soldiers in Khiravapi take flight leaving behind their clothes and weapons (66.90). When attacked in Navagirisa his own people flee to the wilderness without striking a blow (66. 105) and only meet again when they hear their ruler's voice. Before the she-bear and the elk the people take to their heels leaving their prince in the lurch.
Here Dhammakitti manifestly does his countrymen an injustice. The Sinhalese are perhaps not naturally a warlike race, but they can hardly be so cowardly, so senselessly cowardly a they are here depicted. Against the Portuguese they at times gave proof of a death-despising courage. In Parakkamabahu's times they were certainly not mere cravens. If the poet paints them as such he does it so that the figure of his hero should stand forth the more brilliantly against such a background. The methods employed by Dhammakitti for attaining this end, seem naive and clumsy enough, but we must remember that he himself as a bhikkhu would have but little idea or understanding of military matters.
The following is typical of Dhammakitti's standpoint. During all the events described in 64 and the following paricchedas it is deliberately stated that the relation between Parakkamabahu and his uncle Kittisirimegha was always one of fatherly love on the one side and of deep gratitude on the other. The prince himself stresses this with zeal 66. 12 f. And according to 67.56 ff., 84 f. the uncle welcomes the return of his nephew from Pulatithinagara with heartfelt joy.
For us the description in 66. 47 ff. of how the Nagaragiri Gokanna was seized with terror as the result of a dream sounds comical, almost ludicrous. Dreams however, had at that time for the Sinhalese a quite peculiar significance, as indeed they still have.

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The reason why the compiler holds so firmly to this fiction is clear. The ideal figure of Parakkama must be protected against the possible reproach of ingratitude. The facts however, will not tally with the fiction. Already the words put into the uncle's mouth 66.58 f. throw a different light on their relations. Then comes the brutal murder of the Senapati Sena who was obviously a particularly loyal vassal of Kittisirimegha to whom his death must have been a painful loss. Further the fact that the prince had to fight his way through the various provinces whose inhabitants obviously looked upon him as somewhat of a rebel and traitor. Kittisirimegha himself sends troops after the fugitive who scatters them in a series of skirmishes. Without doubt the description of these fights is accompanied by a great many exaggerations. Parakkamabahu cannot possibly come to Pulathinagara'at the head of a whole army. But the spirit in which the accounts of these conflicts are conceived is irreconcilable with the fiction of untroubled relations between uncle and nephew.
Then finally the return of the prince to Dakkhinadesa after Pulatthinagara had obviously become too hot to hold him. We are forced to ask what made him delay so long at the frontier (67. 59 f). The reason must have been his uncertainty as to the reception he was likely to get from the monarch. This explains too the part played here by Parakkamabahu's mother. She feels it to be her task to reconcile the two or rather to induce the uncle to give his nephew a favorable reception. She plays the part of mediator.
If now we consider dispassionately the facts as set forth by the chronicle, leaving aside all the inaccuracies due to the character and tendencies of the author, we get I believe a quite intelligible picture of the youthful Parakkamabahu.
The most striking characteristic of the prince is his ambition and his activity. In Mahanagahula life with his mother and sisters is too restricted. He dreams of great enterprises. The union of the whole of Ceylon in his hand is the ideal before him at this period. It is possible that his mother, the proud Ratanavali (cf. 63. 1 ff) inspired him with these plans

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and fed them. At any rate it is the idea of greater possibilities for his own activity which makes him leave Mahanagahula and betake himself to Dakkhinadesa to the court of his uncle Kittisirimegha. That this province was politically of more consequence than that of Rohana is clear from the way in which the provinces were divided among the three brothers, as I have shown above p. v II, Kittisirimegha has no eligible son as his successor, he receives the young prince therefore with open arms and the relation between uncle and nephew was plainly for some time a friendly one. But it changed. Owing to the bias of the chronicle, we have neither knowledge nor means of judging of the details. The main cause at any rate lay in the restless activity of the young prince. It may be that Kittisirimegha himself felt uncertain of him or that he feared being drawn by him into difficulties with Gajabāhu II., the king of Rājarațțha. Parakkamabāhu will have realised himself that his position at the court of Sankhatthali had become untenable. Accompanied by his devoted attendants he flees from the town at night to betake himself to King Gajabahu. Now we see that Parakkamabahu is by no means the innocent youth described in the chronicle. He shrinks from no deed of blood if it is in the interests of his plans and of his own safety.
The murder of the Senapati Sankha seems hardly intelligible if we accept the motive alleged for it by the chronicle. The reality was certainly otherwise. We may assume that at first the prince hoped to bring Kittisirimegha's powerful vassal over to his own side. But Sankha remained true to his master. The prince has now reason to fear that Sankha may seize and deliver him up to the monarch. The danger for him is great, for Kittisirimegha would doubtless look upon him as a rebel and punish him as such. Thus he determines on extremes and has Sankha slain. What was thought of this deed is proved by the way it again and again later on throws its shadow on the actions of Parakkamabahu.
Gajabahu seems (cf. 66. 112) to have received the news of
Parakkamabahu's approach with decidedly mixed feelings. He
s1-2

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knew of course enough of his dangerous temperament. On the other hand it is certain that even then the prince was looked upon as an exceptional personality gifted with extraordinary qualities. The king must have regarded Kittisirimegha as his most serious rival. He may have hoped to gain the prince as ally against this rival. In any case however, it was politically short-sighted to receive him with such honour and to place more trust in him than prudence warranted.
Parakkamabahu probably employed his sojourn in Pulatthinagara to find out the conditions obtaining in Rajaratha. We may be sure however, that this was not done in the way described 66. 129 f. Here Dhammakitti as I hope I have shown in my notes to the whole passage, conforms to the whole scheme of the Indian Niti Literature, exhibiting his knowledge of it with great complacency. At any rate the prince by his whole conduct arouses more and more the suspicions of Gajabahu and his counsellors so that in the same way as he fled from Sankhatthali, he leaves the capital at night convinced that he has been detected. But there is one remarkable difference. Gajabahu seemingly sends no armed messengers out to fetch back the fugitive. He was probably glad to be rid of a guest who was becoming so dangerous. Parakkamabahu's mother, as I assume, reconciles him with his uncle whose death shortly afterwards solves all difficulties. My remarks are an attempt to remove the facts of a circumscribed period of Sinhalese history from the light in which the compiler of the Culavamsa saw and was forced by his mentality to see them and to place them in the light of historical consideration. I repeat that this is merely an attempt. But the employment of this or similar methods may possibly prove fruitful in the interpretation of native tradition.

ہ-سب XV . بیچ
III
Kingship and the Law of Succession in mediaeval Ceylon
The form of government in mediaeval Ceylon was to all appearance of course despotic. The king is head and crown of the state. The state does not exist for itself but for the king. All attributes of power and greatness are heaped on the king. Yet in his decisions and actions he is by no means so free as one might imagine. In these he is strongly influenced and also restricted by custom which has assumed the force of law, by the pubbacotrittan - use and wont. Again and again it is said in praise of the best princes that in their actions they followed former kings, that they did not stray from the path of tradition. This conservative trait forms without doubt a strong counterbalance to the ideas of unlimited power which the popular mind associates with the idea of sovereignty.
There exist a number of names and titles for "king'. With no term is the Indian love of synonyms so marked as with this one. It is unnecessary to enumerate the many and varied terms for “king”. They are the crux of every translator. The expression “king' I have reserved for rajan. Then there come in addition mahārāja, rai jādhirója, used 75. 203 of Parakkamabahu I. which last however is an ancient title. It is used already in the Taittiriya aranyaka l. 31.6. For the ruler of a small island like Ceylon the titles strike us at times as somewhat grandiose: mahāpati, mahiipala, dharanņāpati, bhūpati, bhūpāla, jagatipati, narapati, narādhipa, narādhinātha, etc. One must bear in mind that these titles have by frequent and arbitrary use - very often it is the metre that decides the matter - become worn down and defaced. It would not be in keeping with the mentality of the compiler of the Culavamsa if we were to translate these expressions always by 'ruler of the earth' and the like.

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یہ ہیم ]XW مc
Next to the king comes the queen, the mahesi, his chief consort in contrast to the unrestricted number of concubines, the harem (orodha, antepura). In the case - of the malhesī equality of birth is strictly enforced and only her sons have a right to the succession. Herr HocART expressed to me the opinion that there were two mahesis and pointed out the mention of the queens Anuladevi and Somadevi in Mhvs. 33. 45-46. He is certainly right. It is also expressly stated of Vijayabahu I. (59. 25 and 30) that he raised two princesses to the dignity of mahesi, first Lilavati and then Tilokasundari (mahesitte abhisecayi, -sizci) and a dutiya devi of Manabharana of Rohana is mentioned in 64. 24. The mention of the title agganahes (54. 10; 70. 33) inclines us to believe that there was a difference in rank between the two mahesis. This assumption however receives no support from the inscription of Potgul-vehera in Polonnaruva in which Queen Candavati is described as dottiyan) agatani gata, that she was the second aggamahesi of Parakkamabahu together with the first, Lilavati'.
Special titles also exist for the sons and daughters of the reigning king, for the princes and princesses (rajaputta, rajaputti), for the sons the title (dipada, for the daughters that of rajini. The fact that rajini is not merely a general term for "queen', but also a particular title with a particular rank corresponding to the title adipada for princes is clear from 49. 3. Udaya I. makes his eldest son yuvaraja, the other sons adipadas, the daughters rajinis. In the same way Sena I. according to 50. 58 raises his daughters to the rank of rajinis (rājināthāne) and Mahinda IV. according to 54. 1 1 nnakes his sons adipadas and his daughter rajini.
See now A. M. HocART, Duplication of Office in Indian State, A: The Two Queens (CJSc. G, I, p. 207 ff.). I may add, that Nissaika Malla in the Galpota Inscription (13, line 2; EZ. II. 106) also mentions two mahesis, Subhadra and Kalyana.
The correction of copirajinion into cdpi rajinian is doubtless preferable to the coparajinion of S. and B. An uparajini certainly never existed. The reading răjinikată too in 60. 84 which I have adopted in the text, shows that Vijayahahu I raised his daughter Yasodhara to the

۔۔۔ہ:م XVIII 0نیہ
As to the title adipada, we first meet with it in 41. 34. Here it is stated that Silakala bestowed it on his eldest son Moggallana (later King M. II). Two passages dealing with the granting of the title by the king to his sons are just quoted (49. 3; 54. 11). Dappula II. does not make the son of his eldest brother Mahinda adipada, because, contrary to the existing law (see below), he wishes to leave the crown to his own sons. Thus it seems that with the title is bound up the acknowledgment of the right of succession. Thus it is legally borne (50. 8 and 25) by Udaya and Kassapa as younger brothers and presumptive heirs of Sena I. Likewise by Dappula (afterwards D. IV.) 53. 1 as brother of Dappula III., and 53. 4 by Udaya (afterwards U. III.) as nephew and heir of Dappula IV. Vijayabahu I. grants his youngest brother Jayabahu the rank of adipada (adipadapadan 59. 12), while his brother next in age Wirabahu receives the dignity of an uparaja. Later on after the death of Virabahu (60.86–88) Jayabāhu becomes uparāja and Wikkamabāhu, Vijayabāhu’s som, becomes ādipāda.
It is self understood that with the ascent of the throne or more sürictly speaking with the abhiseka, the consecration of the king, the title of adipada lapses. Mahinda I. who repudiates this ceremony is called adipada throughout the whole of his reign (48. 31, 68).
The granting of the title seems to have some connection with the coming of age. It is said at least of Kitti afterwards Vijayabahu I. in 57. 61, that he attained the "rank of an adip-da' in his fifteenth year. Here the political conditions of the time preclude the idea of an act on the part of the reigning king. At first sight it may strike one as strange that the title of adipada should be ascribed to Dappula, the sister's son of Aggabodhi VI, 48. 90, 93 and also to his two nephews 48. 116 who were otherwise (48. 110) designated simply as "princes". According to the prevailing law Dappula
dignity of a rajini and that she then had the building erected which is mentioned in the verse.

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2-3 XVIII -
has no claim to the succession, but as we shall see, he was an ardent champion of another law. Thus he must have claimed the title advisedly, as did his two relatives who on their side declared themselves his legitimate heirs.
The eldest adipada, the one nearest the throne bears the title of mahāādipada, mahādipāda “grand ādipāda”. Mahinda as the eldest of the three younger brothers of Sena I. is so named 50. 10, the two others, Udaya and Kassapa (see above), are adipadas. Thus the title of mahadipada is closely allied with the term yuvaraja. It is expressly said of this Mahinda (50.6) that he was yuvaraja. Udaya II. confers the dignity of a mahadipada (mahadipadathanamhi thapi 51. 91) on his brother Kassapa who in the sequel becomes his successor (52. 1). For lack of an heir male Aggabodhi I. appoints his sister's son of the same name mahadipada (42. 38), and is eventually succeeded by him on the throne. Kitti-Vijayabahu I. is in Rohana after the subjugation of his foes. But henceforth he has the position of yuvaraja (juvarajapade 58. 1) until his consecration as king and bears the title of a mahadipada (58. 7). The mahadipada of the usurper Dathopatissa was according to 44. 136, his nephew Ratanadatha. But at the same time Kassapa (afterwards K. II.) is described as yuvaraja (44. 137) since as younger brother of the legitimate king Aggabodhi III. Sirisamghabodhi he had the right to the succession. The granting of the title mahadipada seems from 67. 91 to have been a festive act, the prince receiving a fillet which was obviously his special badge.
It may be mentioned that the two titles adipada and mahadipada frequently occur in inscriptions in the forms tіpa and таhараi.
1. See WuckREMAsINGHE, EZ. II, Index s. vv. That mahayā also (see l. c. p. 26, n. 4; p. 98, n. 5; p. 187, n. 6; p. 225, n. 3) should stand for mahadipada raises doubts. The disappearance of p in the joint of the compound is surprising. In favour of the identification, meanwhile, is the fact that the frequently occurring phrase ääpa mahayā siri vindlä (EZ. II. 25, 91, 221) is replaced in the inscription of the Jetavanārāma (EZ. II. 284) by ayipaya mahapaya Riri rinidä. ColontINGTON has every

The heir to the throne has as we have seen, the title yuvaraja. This brings us to the question of the right of succession obtaining in mediaeval Ceylon. But first a remark on the relation of the term yuvaraja to that of uparaja.
In the first place I must point out that the investiture of the up araja was a solemn ceremony. The uparaja is "consecrated' like the king or the mahesi (Manam oparatije ’bhisiñciya 44. 84; oparalije kumāram ca abhisiñcittha 48. 42, cf. 48. 69; Malhindan2, . . . oparajje ʼlbhisecayi 51. 7; cf. 51. 12). So far as I can see, the expression "consecrate' is never used of the yuvaraja. One is yuvaraja either in virtue of the right of succession or if necessary or desirable, the position of yuvaraja is conferred like an office or a title (adasi yuvarajattam 49. 3; yetvarajapadan add 52.42, 53. 4, 54. 1 and 58); one is nominated yuvaraja (yuvarajan aka 53.28), appointed to the position (thapetua yuvarajatte 45. 23). It is self understood that these expressions of a more general kind are also used for the appointment of an uparaja (ex. 41. 93, 42.6, 48. 32). The main point is that where a "consecration' is spoken of (abhi-sic) this has never reference to a yuvaraja but always and without exception to an uparaja.
A yuvaraja is found in every reign along with the king. Of a more limited number of rulers it is related that they appointed an uparaja. Frequently the yuvaraja is invested with this dignity. We can almost say that this was the rule, so that the announcement of the appointment of an uparaja contains the information that the individual in question was at the same time the heir to the throne. Aggabodhi III. consecrates his younger brother Māna (44. 84) uparāja, his heir to the throne according to the law, and described later (44. 123) as yuvaraja. After Mana's premature death his next youngest brother Kassapa becomes uparaja and yuvaraja (44. 124, 137). In the same way Mahinda is the uparaja of his father Aggabodhi VII. and is called in the sequel yuvaraja
right to point to this passage when he explains Mayiirattha as Mahadi. piida-rattha. .

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(48. 69, 75). The same is the case with an unnamed son of Mahinda II. who however dies before him. It is related of Vijayabahu I. that he first made his next youngest brother uparaja (59. 11), thus acknowledging him as his heir, his yuvaraja. On his death he transfers the dignity of uparaja to the youngest brother Jayabahu (60. 86, 87), who is then (61.3) called yuvaraja.
In view of these instances the appointment of another individual than the yuvaraja to be uparaja would seem to be a rare exception due to very special circumstances. Aggabodhi I. for instance, appoints as uparaja his maternal uncle, but the yuvaraja is his younger brother (42. 6) who is not even named and presumably died before the king. Sena II. consecrates as uparaja his younger brother Mahinda who was also yuvaraja (51. 7, 13). After his quarrel with Mahinda he transfers the dignity of uparāja to his own som Kassapa (51. 12). In his disappointment at his experiences he probably wished to exclude his brothers altogether from the succession but this he fails to do. Mahinda remains nevertheless yuvaraja and at his death his place is taken by the next youngest brother of the king, Udaya (51.63).
The matter, I think, is clear and just what one has from the first expected. Yuvaraja is the legitimate heir to the throne. The dignity of uparaja on the other hand, is a position of trust carrying with is certain rights, apparently a share in the business of government. It seems to have been a matter of the king's pleasure whether to have such a support in his royal office or not.
As to the right of succession, the rule was that the next youngest brother of the king succeeded him on the throne. Only when no other brother existed did the crown pass to the next generation, and here again to the eldest son of the eldest brother of the preceding generation. There are frequent instances of such a sequence.
Aggabodhi V. is succeeded by his younger brother Kassapa III. he being followed by the third brother Mahinda I. Then the succession passes to the next generation and as Aggabodhi

جہ--سین B XXI>
apparently left no son of equal rank, to Kassapa's son Aggabodhi WI. If he had had brothers capable of succeeding him, they would have been his heirs. As this was not the case, Aggabodhi VII. the son of Mahinda becomes king after him (48. 1, 20, 26, 42, 68).
Sena II. has three brothers. Mahinda the eldest of them is yuvarāja (51. 13). He dies however, before the king Hereupon the next brother Udaya II. becomes heir and successor of Sena II. (51.63, 90) and after him the youngest brother Kassapa IV. (51, 91; 52. 1). Hereupon it is the turn of the next generation and in the first instance the sons of Sena II. — Kassapa V., Dappula III. and Dappula IV., then those of Mahinda — Udaya III., Sena III. and Udaya IV. Of Kassapa V. it is expressly stated that he came to the throne in regular succession, that is according to the existing law (kamagato 52. 37). Udaya II. and Kassapa IV. seem to have left no legitimate heirs. Thus after the death of Mahinda's youngest son the sons of Kassapa V., Sena IV. (53.39; Laňkābhisekann kamagatan 54. 1) and Mahinda IV. (54. 1, 7) come to the throne.
After the three brothers — Mahinda III., Aggabodhi VIII. and Dappula II. - had reigned in regular succession (49.38, 43, 65) the crown went by rights to the like-named son of the eldest of them. But Dappula desires to reserve it for his own son. Hence he does not make the younger Mahinda (8) adipada. That this was a breach of the law is clear from 49.84. Mahinda betakes himself full of resentment to India. An important point is the custom of bestowing on the yuvaraja, the Southern Province - Dakkhinadesa - that is the region west of the central mountains as far as the seacoast (45. 23; 50. 49; 51. 19; 52. 1). This was after Rājarațțha economically and politically the most important province in the kingdom, even more so than Rohana which always maintained a more independent and special position, Dakkhinadesa is in consequence directly described as yuvarajaratha 67.26 and 79.60. According to CoDRINGTON, as already mentioned above (p. xvii.I note), the name of Mayaratha

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مسح XXII : -ساوه
which appears later (81. 15, 18, 62; 87. 24) would mean the same, being derived, as he explains, from Mahadipadaratha. Without doubt the Sinhalese right of succession rests on patriarchy. Nevertheless in Ceylon as elsewhere in India, remnants of an older matriarchy have been preserved. This is particularly noticeable in the part played by the sister's son, the bhagineyya. The fact of this relationship being designated by a special term is in itself significant (Skr. bhagineya). For a brother's sons no such term exists. They are merely called sunavo. Thus Parakkamabahu is called (63. 51) the son (sun) of his uncle Kittisirimegha who again is called his father (pita 63. 53). Their relationship to one another is always described as that between father and son. The three brothers Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha are even described as the "three fathers' of the youthful Parakkamabahu (64. 33, 55). One is reminded of the conditions of ancient polyandry.
If a distinction is to be made between the uncle who is the father's elder brother, and between the father's younger brother, the first is called the mahapita and the second the cullapita. Thus Sena. I. is the mahapital of Sena II. (51. 24). The cousins who are the sons of two brothers call themselves quite consistently brothers, as for instance, Aggabodhi VI. and Aggabodhi VII. (48. 61), the sons of the brothers Kassapa III. and Mahinda I. Thus Buddhaghosa calls Amanda the brother of the Buddha because he was the son of his uncle (Tathagatassa bhata cullapitu-putto DCo. I. 4).
It is undoubtedly the case that the sister's son enjoyed a certain preference: the last remnant of that special position accorded to him under matriarchy. Dhatusena's sister's son holds the important office of senapati and receives the king's daughter in marriage (38.81). In the same way Dappula II marries his daughter Deva to his sister's son Kittaggabodhi (49.71).
This remnant of an earlier matriarchy can at times be a furthering or a disturbing factor in the right of succession. Aggabodhi I. makes his brother yetvaraja and appoints his

s-ị: XXIII 3-e
sister's son malayaraja. Later on he gives him his daughter in marriage and confers on him the dignity of mahadipada. This sister's son afterwards ascends the throne as successor of his uncle under the name of Aggabodhi II. (42. 6, 10, 38, 40). It is not necessary to assume a breach of the law here. We may suppose that the younger brother of Aggabodhi I., the original yuvaraja, had died before him. As no male heir existed, the crown might legally go to the relative in the female line.
The matter is somewhat different in the case of Kassapa II. He had it is true, no younger brother but he had sons of whom the eldest Manaka was his legal successor. As these sons however were minors, he summons his sister's son Mana from Rohana and entrusts him with his sons and with the kingdom. Here we have a regency carried on however, after Kassapa’s death, not by Māna but by his father Dappula, Kassapa's brother-in-law. The whole affair causes serious disturbances in the kingdom (45.6 f).
A zealous champion of matriarchy and of his claims to the throne based on it was Dappula, the bhagineyya of King Aggabodhi VI. Silamegha. He waged a long and obstinate fight with Mahinda II, Aggabodhi's son who was the legal heir, no younger brother existing. He was supported in his struggle by two sister's sons in Rohana who in their turn hoped to become his heirs (48. 90, 98 ff.). Here we have obviously matriarchy against patriarchy. o
Of special interest is what is related as to the settlement of the succession after the death of Wijayabahu I. (61. 1 ff.). The yuvaraja is his youngest brother Jayabahu. If he ascended the throne then Wijayabahu's son Wikkamabahu who is sojourning in Rohana, would be his heir and successor. But now begin the intrigues of Mitta, the sister of Vijayabahu and Jayabahu, who taking her stand on matriarchy seeks to divert the crown to her line. In agreement with the highest court officials she decides that Jayabahu shall indeed be con
Parakkamabahu I. is also succeeded by his bhagineyya Vijayabahu (80. 1), since the maie line is extinct.

Page 17
secrated king over Lanka, but that the dignity of uparaja and there with the succession (see above p. xix f.) shall be conferred on her eldest son Manabharana to the exclusion of Wikkamabahu. That was a coup d'Etat and the chronicle too says expressly that here was a distinct breach with old established custom (pubbacarittamagga).
By way of supplement a brief remark on the dignity of the malayaraja. It is not clear whether this was conferred only on members of the royal family. Malaya is the name of the central mountain region of Ceylon which however, according to the testimony of the Culavamsa (70. 3 ff) was in Parakkamabahu's time, that is in the 12th century, still a wilderness. Nevertheless the title "Malaya King' must have denoted some kind of dominion, if only a nominal one, over that province.
Silakala makes his second son Dathapabhuti malayaraja (41.35). The yuvaraja according to law was his elder son Moggallāna (afterwards Moggallana II.). But it was not he but the malayaraja who got the province of Dakkhinadesa. Perhaps the custom of bestowing Dakkhinadesa on the yuvaraja had not at that time taken root, or else Dathapabhuti was to be specially favoured. After his father's death he seized the government by force from Moggallana.
Under Kassapa W. his younger son Siddhattha is malayaraja (52.68), and this would seem to be the normal condition as against the granting of Dakkhinadesa to the eldest son. Under Aggabodhi IV. there is mention of a Malayarāja Bodhitissa (46. 29), but nothing is said as to the relation in which he stood to the king. The dignity is conferred by Moggallana III. on the traitorous senapati of his predecessor Samghatissa (44. 43, 53). No conclusion can however be drawn from this. Moggallana III. was apparently himself a usurper. He was commander-in-chief of Aggabodhi II. (44, 2), as Samghatissa before him had been asiggaha. Here it was the case of founding a new dynasty.
A later form of the title showing Dravidian influence, is malaya rāgaro (70. 62, 155).

محلہ ، XXW بنت>سہ
III
Offices, Dignities and Titles in mediaeval Ceylon
It is unteresting to note how the organisation of officialdom and the system of titles became more and more complex, reaching a climax in the middle ages about the time of Parakkamabahu. The difference between the Culavamsa and the older Mahavamsa is here a very considerable one. In the first we meet with an imposing array of expressions and designations which are absent from the other.
Nor is it easy at times to determine whether a word is merely a general term for an official or whether it is associated with a strictly defined sphere of action, This is the case for instance with adhikarin and adhinayaka (adhinatha). These terms almost certainly represent a difference in degree; for according to 70. 278 Parakkamabahu conferred on the Adhinatha Mayageha as a reward for his military services, the dignity of an adhikarin (adhikaripadam). The title Damiladhikarin may be mentioned here. It is borne by one of the two Rakkhas, the generals of Parakkamabahu (75.20, 69ff), further by a ganakamacca named Adicca (76. 39ff).
The word amacca (Skr. anatya) is certainly one of general meaning. It is used alike of civil and military officials. To translate it always by "minister' I believe is wrong. By comparison with what we now understand by that word it gets a shade of meaning foreign to it. Samanta I believe to be a purely military title. It has the same meaning as our word "officer', corpscommanders of various ranks subject to the commander-in-chief (cf. for ex. 69. 16; 70. 57, 67, 173, 314-6, 319). Even when it stands next to maņdalika it pro
1. Cf. notes to 70.278 and 72. 10. The word adhikdira has also in the Kautaliya the meaning "sphere of action", proper authority, office. Cf. J. J. MExEn, Das altindische Buch vom Welt- und Staatsleben, das Arthaçãstra dęs Kauțilya, p. 291, n. l.; p. 480, n. 2.

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- - - :: }XXW نیست:
bably means a military official alongside of the civilian, the governor of a mandala, of a larger or of a smaller district (46. 31; 69. 5, 15) by which is apparently-meant the smallest division within a province, a rotha.
Nayaka would also seem to be a general term. It about corresponds to the English "Colonel'. Sirinaga the uncle of Jețțhatissa III., bears this title 44. 70. Vajiragga is the nāyaka of Udaya II. (5 l. 105, 118) and Rukkha that of Kassapa IV. (52. 31). Not infrequently nayaka is found in compounds thus in kaicukinayaka (see note to 72.58) "Head or chief of the chamberlains', or in Sakhanayaka (70. 278; 72. 31, 41; 75.75), or in sanavaccharikanayaka "chief of the astrologers' (57. 48). Kesadhatundayaka (see below) also perhaps denotes a higher rank among the members of the Order of the Kesadhatus. The function of the kannanayaka or kammanatha (72. 58, 206; 74. 168) is not clear nor the meaning of the title disūvijayanāyaka.
On the other hand it is probably certain that dandanayaka (dandanatha) denotes an officer of high rank. Our rendering of it by "General' probably meets the case. Amongst the commanders of Parakkamabahu the two brothers Kitti and Samkhadhatu bear the title (70.279ff) as also the Nagaragiri Gokanpa (70.68) and others (see note to 70. 5).
Head of the whole army is however the senapati”. His position was without doubt one of extreme importance and the king only granted it to a man in whom he had the fullest confidence. Dhātusena appoints his sister's son senāpati (38.81). In the same way Parakkamabahu II. in the war against the
Danda must be taken in the meaning of "army'. According to J. J. MEYER (loc. cit. p. 398, n. 3; cf. also p. 834) the expression dadaindiyi should also be inserted in the Kautaliya, the same as the neto dadasya of Kamandaka. Here also a corps-commander is meant.
In dhajinipati we have nothing but a synonym for senapati. In the translation I have always therefore inserted "senapati". In the Kautaliya (10.6) the senapati has not a commanding position. He is here commander of 10 padikas (?) and there are 10 senapatis under one nayaka. Cf. J. J. Meyrr, l.c. p. 586. SitaxASASTRY differs somewhat, Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 452.

محل XKXVI شنید
Javakas, entrusts the highest command in the army to his sister's son Wirabahu (83.41). I do not think however, that the conclusion is warranted that this position was reserved for the bhagineyya. He could indeed become senapati if he had the necessary qualifications and if he possessed the confidence of the monarch, but the king was not bound in his choice by conditions of relationship. Udaya who had distinguished himself by his courage, was made senapati by his father Mahinda II. (48. 154), just as Mahinda, afterwards Mahinda II., was made senapati by his father Aggabodhi VI. Our chronicle mentions a whole series of senapatis by name without saying whether and how they were related to the king (48.78). Migara is the senapati of Kassapa I. (39.6), Uttara that of Moggalana I. (39. 58), Wajira of Dappula III. (49. 80), Bhadda of Sena I. (50. 82), Kuțțhaka of Sena II. (51. 88), Rakkhaka Ilaňga of Dappula IV. (53. 11); the nayaka Widuragga of Udaya IW. (53. 46), Sena of Mahinda IV. (54. 13), Deva of Parakkamabāhu I. (70. 123), Mitta of Vijayabahu IV. (90. 2). Of Sena Ilañga, the senäpati of Kassapa IV. it is merely said that he belonged to the royal family (52. 16). It would be very remarkable if in all these cases or even in the majority of them the bhagineyya should be meant and the chronicler not mention the fact.
A special title is that of sakkasenapati. Kassapa V. appoints as such his own son (Sakkasenapatitthanam datva 52. 52; cf. 52.61, 64, 72, 74). After his death the dignity is transferred to his son, thus to Kassapa's grandson (52.79). I believe we have the same title in the saksenevi of the Bilibeva inscription (EZ. II. 40 ff.). A synonym of sakkasenāpati is Sakkasendini (54. 53). Difficult of explanation is the term andhasenapati which occurs but once (41. 87). I am inclined to think that Andha here is the Skr. andhra, the name of a people which occurs along with such as pullinda and Sabara.
, The title sendipati is, however, not used here.
The word means "senapati of Sakka" (the King of the gods), denotes therefore very high rank. We may infer from its meaning that it was merely a title and not the name of an office with special functions.

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Like these two names Andha might then have reference to the Wiiddas and andhasenapati would be a title with its counterpart in damiladhikarin. This last title is borne by one of the generals Rakkha (75.20, 69,74 &e), as well as by the Gaņakāmacca Adicca (76. 39, 63, 64).
Amongst the officials in personal contact with the king are the umbrella-bearer (chattagahaka) and the swordbearer (asiggahaka). The umbrella is the symbol of the royal dignity. Samgha, the daughter of Mahanama is married to the king's umbrella-bearer - a proof of the high rank held by this official - and obtains for him the crown by murdering her brother of inferior rank (38. 1-3). Under Vijayabahu I. three brothers revolt against the king, one of whom is the "chief of the umbrella-bearers' (chattagahakanatha), the second dhammagehakanayaka, the third setthinatha (59.16). These two last names of offices do not occur elsewhere in the Culavamsa. The first of the two (lit. "chief of the House of the Law') is probably the highest judicial official, the second the “President of the Guild of Merchants'.
The title asiggdha was like that of the umbrella-bearer without doubt one of high rank. Moggallana I. gives his sister in marriage to his sword-bearer Silakala and entrusts him with the guardianship of the Hair Relic (kesadhatu 39. 54, 55). Perhaps we have here the beginnings of the Order of the Kesadhatu. Aggabodhi II. appoints a relative of his mahesī as asiggāha (42. 42). Moggallāna III. appoints as swordbearer the son of the senāpati of his predecessor Sannghatissa to whom he feels under obligations for helping him to obtain the sovereignty (44. 43), Later on this same sword-bearer himself gains the crown and reigns under the name of Silameghavanna (44. 64-65), just as Samghatissa had been asiggaha before his ascent of the throne (44. 1).
Of great importance was the office of the Government Scribe (mahalekha). We may assume in Ceylon the same or similar conditions as the Kautaliya describes them for the
* Arthasästra 2. 10 (28th subject); J. J. MEYER, p. 100 f, in SHAMAs'AsTRY's translation p. 80 ff.

0- XXIX -o
India of the period of which it writes. The Government Scribe is called here likewise lekhaka. His task is the drafting of the royal edicts (Sasana) to whose content and form the greatest importance is attached. The rules laid down by the Kautaliya are extraordinarily minute. The mahalekha of Kassapa IV. was called Sena and I have pointed out (note to 52. 33) that this official is also mentioned in inscriptions. The Government Scribe of the younger Manabharana was Mahinda (72. 1, 4, 166). He had it seems at the same time military rank. The same holds good of Rakkha the mahalekha of Parakkamabāhu I. (72. 161, 170, 182).
Several official titles are formed with the word potthakin, namely: bhandara-, adi-, mula- and jivita-potthakin. We shall see that it is probably a case here of various synonymous designations for one and the same office. According to its origin potthakin has reference to an official who in some sphere or other has to do with book-keeping, the making of lists and inventories. Now bhandarapothakin is of itself intelligible. It probably corresponds to kosthagdradhyaksa "overseer of the provision house' in the Kautaliya. The title is borne (72. 182) by an officer of Parakkamabahu I., Kitti by name. But the same Kitti is also described (72. 27, 207) as adipotthakin. This therefore is probably a synonym of bhandarapothakin and means simply "first or highest potthakin'. But the same meaning is also attached to mulapotthakin which is the title of Mana (75. 139, 140) another officer of Parakkama. I may point to mulathana (57.38) "the first, the highest and most influential position', the foremost office in the state. My impression is that jivitapotihakin has the same meaning. This title is also applied to Kitti (74. 90) as well as to another official of Parakkamabahu's Mandin by name (70.318; 72. 161). It should be remembered that the Skr. iivita means "livelihood, food'. By bhandara was meant the necessary food-stuffs which were under the supervision and control of the potthakin.
! Arthaéästra 2. 15 (83rd subject). In J. J. MEYER p. 188 ff. In SHAMASAsTRY, p. 112 f.
2 Besides Kitti also Bhita in 72. 196, another officer of Parakkama.
C1-3

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محل CXX. يمسه
Only once is mention made of a gagakamacca (76. 39). This as the etymology shows, was apparently an official whose business was finance or accounts. In the Mahabharata the ganaka (BR. s. v.) is placed side by side with the lekhaka. It is difficult to say what sabhapati (67. 64, 70) or sabhanayaka (thus 67. 61, 80) stands for. The context shows almost certainly that it denoted an officer of very high rank.
In conclusion I mention some terms which are manifestly nothing but honorary titles, bestowed by the king for public services such as those in war. In the first irank of these is the title kesadhatu. I have noticed it in the note to 57.65. It is a distinction corresponding to our orders. It may have originated in the members of the Order being entrusted with the care of the Hair Relic. See above p. xxvi. Later on this became a mere formality. It is doubtful whether kesadhatu in the meaning of "member of the K. Order' is an abbreviation for kesadhatunayaka or whether this last term denotes a higher rank within the Order.
Several of the titles are joined with the word giri (Skr. giri) or galla (Sinh. gala). It is not impossible that in such titles names of localities are meant as in the family names of our nobility. Very frequent is the title nagaragiri or nagaragalla (see note to 66. 35). Again we have māragiri (note to 72. 11), laikāgiri (note to 72. 27), mālagiri (note to 70. 137), lokagala (note to 72. 222) and the uncertain itagiri. All these are verifiable as place names: Nagaragalla (48.36), Maragalla (55.26) or Mārapabbata (48.129), Laňkāgiri (70.88) or -pabbata (66.80), Nilagiri (70. 20; 72. 12) or -galla (70. 14, 16, 83) and Lokagalla (74.79, 81, 83, 166).
In addition lankapura seems to have been a title (see note to 70. 218) and such are most certainly the terms lankanatha, lankadhinatha, lankadhinayaka (see note to 70. 24), as also lankadhikarin (see note to 70. 278). The last, it is worth noting, denotes a higher degree in rank.
1 P. sabha means "hall, assembly room". In Sanskrit the word is also used for a "law court". Sabhapati might therefore denote a high legal official.

o- XXX -o
Contents of Chapters 37-72
Chap. 37
Siri megh a vaņņa atones for the wrongs dome to the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara by his father Mahasena (51-63). - Buildings erected by the king (64-5). - Erection of a golden image of Mahinda (66-86). — Further works (87-91). — The Tooth Relic comes to Ceylon (92–7). — Further meritorious works of the king (98-9). - King Jett hatissa I., a skilled carver in ivory (100-4). --- Buddhadasa's meritorious works (105-11). - Marvellous healing of men and animals (112-44). - Further meritorious works, propitiation of one who had been his foe in a former life (145-74). - The thera Mahadhammakathin (175). - Eighty sons of the king named after the disciples of the Buddha (176-8). - Upatissa I. His meritorious works (179-88). - Saves the land from drought (189–98). – Clemency of the king, alsó towards criminals (199-208). - Mahanama and his architectural works (209 -14). -- History of Buddhaghosa (215-48).
Ch a p. 38
Sotthisen a murdered by his sister who places her husband, the king's umbrella-bearer, on the throne in his stead (1-3). - Mitta sena (4-10). — The Damiļa Paņdu (11-3). - History of Dhatusena's youth (14-28). - Successors of Pandu: Parinda, Khuddapārinda, Tĩritara, Dãthiya, Pĩthiya (29-34). - Dhatusena, his architectural works, construction of the Kalavapi and other meritorious deeds (35-79). - His sons Kassapa and Moggallana, flight of Moggallāna to Jambudipa (80-6). - Dhatusena dethroned and slain by
Kassapa; his fate the consequence of a wrong done to a bhikkhu (87-115).

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مسجي XXIIلا يسه
Chap. 39 Kassapa I. founds Sihagiri; he seeks to expiate his parrocide by pious actions (1-19). -- Moggallāna comes from
Jambudipa; Kassapa defeated in battle dies by his own hand (20-8). - Moggallana I. performs meritorious works, punishes the adherents of Kassapa, builds viharas (29-43). - History of Silakala; he brings the Hair Relic to Ceylon (44-56). -- End of Moggallana (57-9).
Chap. 41 Kumāra dhātu sena, Kittisena, Sīva reign meritoriously (1-5). — Upatissa II. makes Silākāla his son-in-law; his
son is Kassapa (6-9). - Revolt of Silakala; Kassapa losing the battle commits suicide. Death of Upatissa (10-25). -- Silakala; his meritorious works (26-32). - His three sons (83-6). - The Dhammadhatu comes to Ceylon (37-41). - Silakala's second son Dathapabhuti seizes the sovereignty; murders his younger brother and is attacked by his elder brother Moggalana. Duel of the brothers. Dathapabhuti takes his own life (42-53). - Moggallana II.; his reverence for the teaching of the Buddha, his meritorious works (54-63). - His son Kittisirimegha. Disturbances in the kingdom (64-8). - History of Mahanaga (69-90). - Mahanaga slays the king and seizes the throne (91-3). -- Meritorious works of Mahanaga (94-103).
Chap. 42
Aggabodhi I.; his character and his meritorious works (1-34). - The thera Jotipala and the adipada Dathapabhuti (35-9). -- Aggabodhi II. The Kalinga King comes with his consort to Ceylon and is received into the Order by Jotipala (40-50). - The Thuparama damaged; the king erects a temple for the Collar bone Relic (51-60). -- Further meritorious works (61-69).

o-8 XKXXIII gi-e
Chap. 44
Samghatissa becomes king. Moggallana the senapati of Aggabodhi II. revolts against him and gains the upper hand through the treachery of Samghatissa's general (1-21). - Moggallana III. as king has a young son of Samghatissa's mutilated (22-7). - Another son Jetthatissa escapes to Malaya. Samghatissa himself with a third son and his minister are caught during flight and beheaded (28-43). - Meritorious works of Moggallāna III. (44-52). — The king quarrels with the treacherous general and has him mutilated. The general's son joins Jetthatissa, defeats Moggallana and while Jetthatissa remains in Malaya, ascends the throne under the name of Silâm eghav an in a (53-64). -- His meritorious works (65-9). - Sirinaga an uncle of Jetthatissa comes with a Damia army but is defeated (70-3). - Divisions in the Abhayagiri-vihara, purification of the Church (74-81). - The king's death (82). - Succeeded by his son Aggabodhi III. Sirisamghabodhi. Revolt of Jetthatissa; Aggabodhi flees to Jambudipa (83-94). - Reign of Jețith atissa II. (95-102). — Aggabodhi comes from Jambudipa, Jetthatissa is defeated and takes his life (103-12). - His minister does likewise; the queen also dies (113-7). - Second reign of Aggabodhi III.; his meritorious works (118-22). —- After the murder of Māna the king’s younger brother Kassapa is appointed yuvaraja (123-4). - Dathopatissa I. revolts and drives out the king (125-9). - The wars of the two kings damage the country; violent actions of Dathopatissa and Kassapa; death of Aggabodhi III. (130-44). — Kassapa II. becomes king after defeating Dahopatissa and makes good his former misdeeds (145-51). - Last attempt of Dahopatissa to regain the throne and his death (152-5).
Chap. 45 Meritorious works of Kassapa II; the thera Mahadhammakathin (1-5). - The king entrusts kingdom and sons to his nephew Mana and dies (6-10). - Revolt of the Damias. While Mana raises his father Dappula I. to the throne,

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مسحية XXXIV من
Hatthadatha a nephew of Dathopatissa I. comes from Jambudipa and seizes the sovereignty (11-21). - He reigns as Dāțh opatissa II. His conflict with the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara; his death (22-37). - Early history of Dappula I.; his meritorious works in Rohana (38-82). −
Chap. 46
Aggabodhi IV. Sirisamghabodhi becomes king; his character; meritorious works of himself and his officials (1-33). - His death (84-8). - The Damia Potthakuttha raises at first Datta and later Hatthadath a to the throne while carrying on the government himself (39-47).
Chap. 47
History of Manavamma. He goes to Jambudipa, enters the service of Narasiha and becomes his friend (1-14). - He supports him in his war with Wallabha (15-27). - Out of gratitude Narasiha gives him an army with which to gain the sovereignty in Ceylon. The army however leaves him in the lurch and he has again to seek refuge in Jambudilpa (28–41). - He returns with a freshly equipped army to Ceylon and gains the victory. Hatthadatha is slain by the populace, Potthakuttha kills himself (42-61). - Manavamma as king (62-66).
Ch a p. 48
Aggabodhi V. and his works (1-19). – Reign of Kassapa III. (20-5). — Mahin da II. rules as ādipāda without adopting the royal title (26-38). - Aggabodhi WI. Silamegha. he quarrels with a cousin of the same name; war and reconciliation of the two (39-54). - Conflict with a third Aggabodhi (55-63). - Meritorious works of the king (64-7). -- Aggabodhi VII. and his deeds (68-75). - Mahinda II. reigns at first in the name of the widowed queen (76-89). - He twice defeats Dappula the sister's son of his father (90-112). - The king marries the queen dowager and begets with her a son whom he makes uparaja (113-5). - A renewed struggle with Dappula ends with a treaty (116-32). - Meritorious works

o—3 XXXV ge—o
of the king (133-48). - After the death of the uparaja the king transfers the dignity to an elder son of the period of his regency (149-60).
Chap. 49
The uparaja, probably Udaya I. becomes king; he crushes a rebellion; weds his daughter Deva to a prince Mahinda of Rohana (1-13). - Meritorious works of the king and his consort (14-37). — His son Mahin da III. becomes king (38-42). — Aggab odh i VIII.; his meritorious works (43-50). - His reverence for his mother (51-61). - Further proofs of his noble character (62-4). - Dappula II. supports Kittaggabodhi in gaining possession of Rohana (65-73). - Meritorious works of the king and of the Senapati Vajira (74-82). — Agga bodhi IX.; Mahinda, son of Mahinda III. who would have been the rightful successor flees to Jambudipa (83-6). - Meritorious works of the king (87-93).
Chap. 50
Sena I. His meritorious works. Removal of Mahinda. Younger brothers of the king (1-7). -- Revolt of Udaya and reconciliation (8-11). - Incursion of the Pandu king. Is successful in battle. Sena flees to Malaya., The Yuvarāja Mahinda kills himself, his brother Kassapa wins through. The capital occupied and plundered by the Damias (12-87). - After making a treaty with Sena the Pandu king retires with great booty. Sena returns to the capital and settles the suc
cession (38-49). - Dynastic strife in Rohana, intermarriage with the Rohana line (50-60). - Meritorious works of the royal couple and of their minister (61-87).
Chap. 51 Sen a l., his character, his family (1-21). - Conceives
the plan of a war of retaliation against the Damilas (22-6). - Supporting a Pandu prince in his claims to the throne, he sends his senapati with an army to the Continent. Madhura is taken and plundered and the captured treasures brought

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s—<8 XXXV. g—o
back to Ceylon (27-51). - The Pamsukulika bhikkhus of the Abhayagiri found a special sect (52). - Meritorious works of the Yuvaraja Mahinda ; his death (53-62). - Meritorious works of the king, of his consort and of his senapati (63-89). - Udaya II. Intermarriages in the royal family (90-3). — Kittaggabodhi revolts and seizes Rohana. The king sends a great nephew against him. Conquest of Rohana (94-125). - Punishment of the rebels; meritorious works of the king (126-36).
Chap. 52
Kassapa IV. and his family (1-3). - Revolt of Prince Mahinda in Rohana and reconciliation with him (4-9). - Purification of the Church (10). - Meritorious works of the king and of his dignitaries (11–36). – Kassapa V. Meritorious works of the king, honouring of the sacred scriptures. Meritorious works of relatives of the royal family (37-69). - Kassapa supports the Pandu king in war against the Cola king; his army obliged to return in consequence of a pestilence (70-82).
Chap 58
Dappula III. dies after a short reign (1-3). — D appula IV. harbours the Pandu king who flees to him; meritorious works of the king and of his senapati (4-12). - Udaya III. The Uparaja Sena abuses the right of asylum of the Tapovana; the bhikkhus betake themselves to Rohana (13-5). - The Uparaja with his friend forced to flee thither from the enraged populace. Reconciliation with the priests and return to the capital (16-27). - Sena III. Meritorious works (28-38). - Udaya IV. Invasion of the Colas, flight of the king to Rohana. Retreat of the Colas after an unsuccessful attack on Rohana (39-45). - The senapati of the king, Viduragga undertakes a campaign in the Cola country (46-7). - Meritorious works of Udaya (48-52).
Chap. 54
Sena IV. His character and his works (1-6). -- Mahinda IV. marries a Kalinga princess. His war with the Cola

مسحة XXXVIII سم
prince Wallabha ended by a treaty (7-16). - Honour shown by him to distinguished theras, and many other meritorious works of the king, as of the Queen Kitti and of her son and of the Sakkasenapati (17-56). - Sena W. Conflict with the 'senapati Sena because the king makes Udaya senapati instead of him (57-61). - The king forced to flee to Rohana. Sena favours the Damias on whose support he relies. The king dismisses Udaya, makes friends with Sena and returns to the capital (62-9). - Drinks himself to death (70-3).
Chap. 55
Mahin da V. reigns in Anurādhapura. Mutiny of the Kerala mercenaries. The king flees to Rohana. The other provinces ravaged by the licentious soldiery (1-12). - The Cola king exploits these disturbances. He invades the country, plunders it and seizes the king, his consort and all valuables (18-22). - The generals Kitti and Buddha organize successful resistance in Rohana in favour of Prince Kassapa (23-32). - Mahinda dies after a twelve years' captivity in the Cola country (33-4).
Ch a p. 56 Kassapa VI. Vikkamabahu prepares a campaign against the Coļas, but dies before accomplishing it (1-6). - He is
succeeded by the usurpers Kitti, Mahalanakitti, Wikkamapandu, Jagati pala and Parakkama. They are restricted to Rohana, the Colas are masters of the country (7-17).
Çhap. 57
General Loka prince in Rohaņa (1-2). — Early history of Kitti, the later Vijayabāhu : Kassapa and his sons Mānavamma and Mana (3-26). - Kassapa husband of Lokita, father of Moggallana and Loka (27-30). - A grandson of Dathopatissa becomes a bhikkhu and gains a high reputation (31-9). - Kitti, son of Moggallana and Lokita, the daughter of Bodhi gives early proofs of his heroism. Becomes chief
opponent of Loka (40-64). After lokassaith hy'éónquers

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مـــحي XXXWIII 2يـم
and slays Kassapa who was about to seize the sovereignty and becomes himself lord of Rohana (65-76).
Chap. 58 Kitti rules in Rohana under the name of Wijayabahu. Evades an attack by the Colas (1-6). - Prepares for war (7-10). - Defeats a second Cola army sent against him.
Advances on Pulatithinagara but has again to abandon it (11-32). - After suppressing a revolt in Rohana he fights a decisive action (33-39). - Ably supported by his generals he takes Anuradhapura and Pulatthinagara, the Colas give up the fight (40-59).
Ch a p. 59 The kingdom made secure, preparations for the coronation, suppression of the revolt of Adimalaya (1-6). -- After his
consecration as king in Anuradhapura Vijayabahu returns to Pulatthinagara. Adopts the name of Sirisamghabodhi (7-10). - Granting of titles to his brothers and of offices to his followers (11-4). - Suppression of a rebellion in Rohana, Malaya and Dakkhiņadesa (15-22). — Wives and children of the king (23-33). - Perceives signs in his daughter Ratanavali that she will become the mother of a famous son (34-9). - Marries his daughters, Ratanavali and Lokanatha, to the soms of his sister. Further marriages of a dynastic character (40-51). :
Ch a p. 60
' Wijayabahu's architectural works. Cares for the Church by fetching bhikkhus from Ramanna. Further meritorious works (1-23). - The Cola king ill-treats envoys of King Vijayabahu. The latter arms for war. A revolt of the Velakkaras is bloodily suppressed (24-44). - At the coast he awaits in vain the arrival of the Colas (45-7). - Tanks repaired by the king, ecclesiastical buildings erected, condign punishment of the mahesi who had disturbed the peace of the viharas (48–62). - The road to Samantakita rendered safe, meritorious works for the good of the priesthood, encouragement of the art of poetry, support of the poor (63-82) - Works

—3 XXXIX g>—o
of the king's followers (83-5). - Death of Vijayabahu after settling the succession (86-91).
Chap. 61 Manabharana" and his two brothers make Jayabahu king to the exclusion of Wikkamabahu. Wikkamabahu conquers them and seized Pulatthinagara (1-20). - The brothers divide Rohana and Dakkhinadesa between them, renew the war but
are again beaten (21-35). - Invasion of Viradeva who advances as far as Pulatthinagara but is finally defeated by Vikkamabahu (36-47). - Anarchy in the country, many
bhikkhus taking with them the tooth and alms-bowl relics seek refuge along with members of noble houses in Rohana (48-73).
Chap. 62 Jayabahu's death, children of Wallabha and Manabharana (1). - Dreams of Manabharana and his consort presage the
birth of a distinguished son (2-29). - Good works of Manabharana; pregnancy of Ratanava; birth of a boy who receives the name of Parakkamabahu (30-52). - At the news of this Vikkamabahu desires to bring up the child at his court; refusal of the father (53-66). - Death of Manabharana Vīrabāhu (67).
Chap. 63 Kittisirimegha, the second brother takes over the province ruled by Manabharana, Dakkhinadesa; the third, Sirivallabha takes over Rohana with the capital Mahanagahula together with the upbringing of Parakkama. Marries Manabharana's daughters to his son (1-17). – In Pulatthinagara Gaja bahu ascends the throne; successfully repulses attacks by Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha (18-37). - Parakkamabahu's youth. The prince leaves the court of Sirivallabha and betakes himself to his uncle Kittisirimegha in Saikhanayakatthali (38-53).
Ch a p. 64
Kittisirimegha and his nephew Parakkamabahu visit the general Sankha in Badalatthali; celebration of the upanayana

Page 25
festival for the prince (1-17). - Death of Sirivallabha, Is succeeded in Rohana by his son, the younger Manabharana. Each of M.'s two wives bears him a son (18-24). - Parakkamabahu's ambition aroused by the history of the heroes of antiquity. To gather information as to the political conditions in Rajaratha he decides to go, thither in person and leaves the town by night (25-64).
Chap. 65 The prince meets his followers at the appointed trystingplace and comes to Badalatthali (1-26). - General Sankha is surprised, receives the prince nevertheless with due honours. As Parakkama however fears betrayal by him he has him slain (27-37). - Great consternation at the deed. A soldier desirous of avenging Sankha is hewn down (37-44).
Ch a p. 66 Parakkama proceeds farther to Buddhagama (1-19). - Subdues the resistance of the inhabitants (20-34). - The
commander of Kalavapi, Gokanna, visits the prince. Frightened however, by a dream he flees by night to Kalavapi. His people follow him (35-56). - Kittisirimegha determines to fetch the Prince back by force but Parakkama ambushes the troops sent to seize him and cuts them up (57-77). - There follows a series of further skirmishes until the Prince at Janapada reaches the territory of Gajabāhu (78-111). — Gajabāhu receives him with honour. Parakkama now seeks by systematic espionage to discover the temper of the king's subjects and does the same in the society in which he moves (112-45). - He fetches his sister Bhaddavati from Rohana. Marries her to the king thus gaining his confidence and makes himself everywhere popular (146-58).
Ch ар. 67 By his determination the prince subdues a mad buffalo. His courage universally admired (1-8). - He decides to return
to Dakkhinadesa in order to seize the kingdom from there.

ɔ- XLII -c
Gajabahu has no inkling of his plans (9-31). - Flight from Pulatthinagara. All kinds of adventures on the way give the prince the opportunity of showing his courage (32-54). Kittisirimegha sends people to receive him, his mother Ratanavali fetches him in person (55-82). - Death of Kittisirimegha; Parakkamabahu in the dignity of the mahadipada (83-96).
Ch a p. 68
Parakkama furthers culture in Dakkhinadesa; builds dams on the Jajara river and widens the Pandavapi tank (1-42). -- Erection of further dams and constructions for increasing the productive power of the country (43–59).
Chap. 69
Military preparations in particular by organisation of recruiting in the various districts of the country (1-38).
Chap. 70
Parakkama through his generals extends his dominion over Malaya. First encounter with Gajabāhu (1-29). —— Adventure with an elk during the chase (30-52). - Parakkamabahu opens the campaign against Rajaratha. His generals fight those of Gajabahu along the frontier from the pearl districts in the west as far as Alisara in the east (53-172). - Parakkama determines to attack Pulatithinagara. Manabharana of Rohana supports him. The town taken after severe fighting, the king captured and generously treated (173-250). -- Embittered at the looting of their town the inhabitants summon Manabharana. He comes, seizes all Gajabahu's powers, takes him prisoner and plans to remove him. Gajabahu begs for Parakkama's protection, whose generals take Pulatithinagara a second time and set Gajabahu free. Manabharana escapes to Rohana (251-310). - Gajabahu tries once more to recover the sovereignty. Once more vanquished, he seeks the bhikkhus as mediators (311-36).

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Chap. 71
Death of Gajabahu, Parakkamabahu king (1-5). - Gajabahu's followers summon Manabharana to their support; Parakkama secures the frontier along the Mahavalukaganga against him (6-18). - Parakkama undergoes consecration at the express wish of his ministers (19-32).
Ch a p. 72
Combats at the different fords of the Mahavalukagañga (1-54). -- Parakkama sends his generals against Rohana also from the Pancayojana province (55–64). - Revolt of Narayana in Anuradhapura quickly crushed by Parakkama (65-9). - Manabharana succeeds in crossing the Mahavalukaganga and there follows a series of chequered combats. Parakkama forced eventually to give up Pulatthinagara (70-147). - Forced back to the frontiers of Dakkhinadesa, Parakkama opens a new attack on the capital. His generals fight numerous battles (148-204). - Manabharana at bay. Decisive action at Mihirapabibbila; a fortification erected by General Rakkha. Manabharana flees secretly to Rohana, triumphant entry of Parakkamabahu into Pulatthinagara (205-300). - Death of Manabharana. Before dying he advises his relatives to give up the resistance to Parakkama (301-10). - Parakkamabahu celebrates his second coronation (311-29).

OTHE EXALTED ONE, THE PERFECT ONE THE FULLY ENLIGHTENED ONE REVERENCE !
CHAPTER, XXXVII
(Continuation)
THE SIX KINGS
So after the Ruler Mahasena had in consequence of his 51 association with impious people, done good and evil all his life, he went according to his doing. Therefore should the 52 wise man shunning from afar as a poisonous serpent, the company of the impious, do speedily that which tends to his own salvation. Thereupon his son Sirimeghavanna be- 58
There is not the slightest doubt that with v. 51 the work of the continuator of the old Mahavamsa begins. We must assume that originally an ornate strophe followed 37. 50 as conclusion of Mahanama's work. The continuator like his successors (cf. 79. 84; 90. 102), veiled the gap. The content of the lost strophe is apparent from v. 51-52, as also from the last verse of the Dipavamsa(22.76), which Dhammakitti seems to have taken as his starting-point.
P. gato yathakammam "he went according to his kamma' a frequent expression (cf. JāCo. I 10911, 15313, 1786; III. 81811 etc.) with reference to the five gati or forms of rebirth . . . . in Hell, 2. as animal, 8. as peta "ghost", 4. as man, 5. as deva god". Here one must bear in mind that kamma "doing" is for Buddhist readers or hearers a technical term, the conception for the sum of all our good and evil deeds in the latest as in the former existences. Our rebirth, our whole fate is determined by kamma which is distinctly held to be something concrete.
o King Siri Meka vana Aba is mentioned in the inscription of Debel-gala (20 miles E. N. E. of Anuradhapura) which is dated in the first year of his reign. ED. Mt LLER (AIC., p. 80) attributes the inscrip

Page 27
54
55
56
57
58
2 Sirimcghavaya 37. 54.
came king, bestowing like Mandhatar all kinds of blessings on the world. In the Mahavihara which Mahasena fallen under the influence of evil people, had destroyed, he gathered together the whole of the bhikkhus, went thither himself, greeted them respectfully, seated himself and asked them full of reverence: "What then has been destroyed by my father in company with Samghamitta?' The bhikkhus answered the Lord of men: "Although thy father strove to bring about the removal of the boundary, he was unable to do so, as there were still bhikkhus within the boundary. Seven bhikkhus namely, were hidden here in an underground room. The minister Sona and the still worse Samghamitta' influenced the
tion to the king Gothabhaya (Mhvs. 36. 98). There are however, not far from Debel-gala at Timbiriveva two further inscriptions in which our Sirimeghavanna is undoubtedly mentioned. BETL, ASC. WIIth Rep. 1891 = SP. XIII. 1896, p. 50. Sirimeghavanna is further mentioned in a Chinese source, in the Hing-Tchoan of Waug Hiuen-tse under the name of Chi-mi-kia-po-me ("cloud of merit"). He is said to have sent two Bhikkhus to India to the King San-maon-to-lo-kiu-to, that is Samudragupta (who reigned according to W. A. SMITH approximately between 845 and 380 A.D.), asking him to provide shelter there for the Sinhalese monks who were on a pilgrimage to the sacred tree at Bogaya. Cf. SYLvAIN L'ÉvI, JAs. 1900, p. 316 sqq.; J. M. SENAvERATNE, JRAS. C. B. XXIV, Nr. 68, 1, p. 75; H. W. ConoRINGTron, Short History of Ceylon, p. 29.
A legendary king of the dynasty of Mahasammata, son of Uposatha. His story is told in the Mandhatu-Jataka (Nr. 258 = Jaco. II. 310 ff.), which is again quoted in DhCo., III. 2405. The name Mandhātar occurs already in the Rigveda. In the Aňguttara-Nikāya (A. II. 17)
Mandhatar is described as aggo kamabhoginan.
P. simdy ugghatanan. What is meant here is the boundary of the enclosure of the Mahavihara. The verb tagghateti means "to put on one side, to set aside", as for instance, ghatikan, the door bolt, Win. II. 2071o, III. 119 **; then “to open, to undo”, for instance, kaivātakan Mhvs. 35. 25; sīhapañjarann JāCo. I. 1241", II. 8115; thupan Thvs. 391o; lastly "to make known, to reveal", eg. attabhave DhCo. IV. 51. The removal of the boundaries would only have been legal, if the bhikkhus themselves had given up the vihar.
The Thera Samghamitta belonged to the Vetulla sect and worked together with his lay disciple Sona for the advantage of the Abhayagirivihara against the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara. See Mhvs. 86. 110ff, 37.1 ff.

37.62 Siri meghavaņņa 3
king and determined him to do evil. They destroyed the splen- 59
did seven-storeyed Lohapāsāda as well as various other buildings and carried off (the material) to the Abhayagiri (-vihara)”. In the court of the Cetiya where four Buddhas had sojourned, the deluded ones had mungo beans planted; behold (in its consequences) the intercourse with fools." When the King heard of these doings of his father, he being averse himself from all association with fools, had everything which his father had destroyed, restored in its original form. To begin with, he set up the Lohapasada, making visible as it were, the magnificent palace of Mahapanada on (the island of) Sihala.
The Lohapasada was laid out by King Devanampiyatissa as dwellling for the inmates of the Mahavihara (Mhvs. 27. 4 ff.). There are 1600 monolithic stone columns still standing which formed the framework of the lowest storey. As the inmost pillars are the strongest, and had thus evidently the heaviest weight to bear, we may suppose the building to have been a stepped pyramid. The upper storeys were apparently of wood and were covered with plates of copper. Hence the name "Brazen Palace". The word pasada is applied to all larger buildings of several storeys. The meaning "palace" though not always appropriate, is of course so whenever, as below v. 62, the pasada of a prince is meant. That the Lohapasada was in the main built of perishable material is proved by the fact that under Saddhatissa (77-59 B.C.) it was destroyed by fire and had to be rebuilt.
Abhayagiri is without doubt the northern of the three large thtipas in Anuradhapura, Jetavana the eastern, not conversly. The question was admirably treated recently by A. M. HocART (Mem. ASC. I. 10 ff.). A reference might still be made to Mhvs. 37. 33 where it reads: Mahdvhāras mante uyyāne Jotināmake Jetavanavihāram so āryanto pikā ray. This of course is applicable only to the eastern not to the northern thipa. * Regarding the untranslated termini (here cetiya) see Mihvs. trsl., Appendix D, p. 292 ff. Cetiya and thipu are used synonymously for the bell-shaped structures designed to hold relics. The fundamental form was without doubt the burial mound.
A legendary king of the Mahasammata dynasty (Mhvs. 2, 4). An account of his splendid palace (yapa) is given in the verses Thag. 163-4 = Ja. II. 334 (Mahapanadajataka). It was sunk in the Ganges at Payaga. A legend relates of the Thera Bhaddaji that to prove his miraculous strength, he raised the palace with his toes out of the bed of the stream and showed it to the astonished peuple. (Ja. II. 833; Mhvs.
31.7f)
4- ۔ ۔ ۔ ['C
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He built up all the demolished parivenas and fixed the revenues of the helpers of the monastery as heretofore. The wise (Sirimeghavanna) refilled the vihara which had become sparsely inhabited through his unwise father having stinted it of necessaries. In the vihara begun by his father in Jotivana the monarch had all unfinished work completed. Now when the Ruler of men had heard from the beginning the whole history of the Thera Mahinda, the (spiritual) son of the Ruler of the Samanas (Buddha), he felt a believing joy in his merit in having brought the island to the faith and thought: "Of a truth the Thera is lord over the island'. He then had an image of gold made corresponding with the size of Mahinda and brought it to the Ambatthala-cetiya', so called after the mango tree of the Thera'. There he left it on the eighth day. But on the ninth day he took a great host like to an army of the gods, as also the women of the harem and the inhabitants of the town, save the watchmen, gathered together also all the bhikkhus in Lankadipa, and freed the people who
Parivea (Sinh. pirivea) denotes now a building intended for the instruction of the bhikkhus. That parivena originally, or at any rate in early times, must have denoted more than the single cell inhabited by a bhikkhu is clear from 37. 172.
P. dramikdinan. The drainika had to do work for the monastery and to keep it in order. See Win. I. 206 ff. - Cf. Win. II. 211 ff. the grades bikkh-sānaņera-ārām kā.
What is meant here is the Jetavana-vihara which was built according to Mhvs. 37. 33, by Mahasena in the Jotivana which lies outside the southern gate of the town of Anuradhapura (Mhvs. 15. 202. See the note on 37. 59.) A special Jotivana-vihara did not exist. Cf. also below 52. 59 with note.
4 Cetiyanbathale (so also v. 69, 74). Probably a mere inversion for Ambatthalacettye metri causa. The Ambatthalacetiya stands on a terrace of the Missaka hill, now Mihintale (8 miles east of Anuradhapura) below the highest summit, on the spot where according to the legend, the emissary Mahinda converted King Devanampiyatissa to the doctrine of the Buddha.
By the riddle of the mango tree (Mhvs. 14, 17 ff.) the Thera Mahinda, put the King's discernment to the proof. Even now there are mango trees planted near the Ambatthalacetiya in memory of the event.

37. 81 Siri meghavaa 5
were in prison in the town. Then he instituted a great almsgiving for all living beings, and celebrating with all offerings a matchless sacrifice, he went forth to greet the master of the island, the best son of the Master (Buddha), as the King of the gods (Sakka) had aforetime (greeted) the Master. He had the street from the Ambatthala-cetiya to the town put in order even as the road from Wesali to the town Savatthi, and by the spending of a whole fortune on this occasion, as the King (Asoka), the father of the Thera (had done) on the arrival of the Thera Moggaliputta, he satisfied the poor, travellers and beggars by instituting a great almsgiving and the bhikkhus by (the gift of) the four necessarieso. Then the Illustrious One with the wish: the people shall see the arrival of the Thera, lifted up the image amid great reverence, descended from the mountain (Missaka), (and) while he placed himself at the head (of the procession), made the bhikkhus surround it on all sides - the golden image of the Thera shone as the golden Mount Meru" rising out of the milky sea (shines) when irradiated by the evening glow - and showed it to the people with the thought: Even thus the Leader of the World went forth to Wesali to preach the Sutta. Thus paying
1 On the occasion of Buddha's visit to the Tavatinsa-hea en. Cf. Divyavadana, ed. E. B. Cowell and R. A. NEIL, 401; Rocka ILL, Life of the Buddha, p. 80 f.; BIGANDET, Life or Legend of Gaudama the Buddha, I, p. 225 f.; Th. KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 33.
2 The fetching of the Mahinda image by Sirimeghavaroņa, is compared with that of Moggaliputtatissa by King Asoka, as it is described in Mhvs. 5, 245 ff. The Thera dwells in a hermitage on the upper Ganges. He is wanted to settle the disputes which have arisen in the Buddha Order. Only after many vain attempts does Asoka's emissary succeed in persuading him to take the journey to Pātaliputta where the King receives him with the highest honours. There follows the holding of the Third Council.
P. paccayehi cattihi, namely: clothing (civara), food (pindapóta), dwelling (se nasana) and medicine (bhesaija).
Meru or Sumeru is the mythical world mountain which rises in the centre of the earth, on whose summit lies the heaven of the Tavatimsà, of the 33 Gods. S. KIRFEL, Kosmographie der Inder, p, 16, 187 etc. Verses 66-80 form one sentence. The subj. is manuindo in 66
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reverence and homage (to the image) the Lord of men set out in the evening for the vihara Sotthiyakara which he had himself erected near the eastern gate, and there also he let the image of the (spiritual) son of the Conqueror (Buddha) tarry three days. Then after he had on the 12th day put the town well in order, even as the town of Rajagaha at the first entry of the Master, he fetched the image from the Sotthiyakaravihara and brought it, while the town had the semblance of the ocean by reason of the great festival, to the Mahavihara,
taken up again by rājā in 67, so in 70 and ayan in 72, verb. fin. dasses in 80, obj. patibimban in 68 (taken up again by tam in 77). The construction of the sentence is disturbed by the verb. fin. sobhatha in 79. I believe either that the whole of verse 79 was inserted later or perhaps better still that it is to be regarded as a parenthesis. The Sutta preached by the Buddha in Vesali is the Ratanasutta (No. 6 of the Khuddakapatha = v. 222 f. or Culavagga 1 in the Suttanipata). Its previous history is related by Buddhaghosa (Kh. A. p. 158 ff.), appears also in the Mahavastu (I. 253 ff.) In Wesali, the capital of the Licchavi clan (T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 25 f.) bad plagues caused by evil spirits are rife. The terrified inhabitants appeal to the Buddha who is sojourning in Rajagaha. He comes, drives of the evil spirits and pronounces over Vesall the verses of blessing (Svastyayanagatha in the Mahavastu) of the Ratanasutta. It is now expressly insisted on that the street from Rajagaha to the Ganges and again on the territory of the Licchavi from Wesall to the Ganges was put in the most perfect order and decorated. I should therefore refer v. 74 also to the journey of the Buddha to Vesali, though in that case Savatthi would be erroneously substituted for Rajagaha. That there was a tendency to make Savatthi a dwelling place of the Buddha is shown by Mrs. Rhys Davids's acute observations on the Samyutta-Nikaya. (The Book of the Kindred Sayings trsl. by F. C. Woodward, III, p. XI. f.)
From the description of the position the name would best fit that collection of buildings east of Anuradhapura now called Puliyankulam. The foundation of this vihara would then have to be placed in the 4th century A. D., as Sirimeghavanna built it himself (sayankatan). The fact of the present ruins belonging in style to a later period is no argument against the identification, as all these monasteries were repeatedly enlarged and renewed.
On the Buddha's first visit to Rajagaha on which occasion King Bimbisara presented him with the Veluvana park see Win. I. 35 f.; JaCo. I. 82 f.; RockHILL, Life of the Buddha, p. 48.

37. 92 Sirimeghavaņins 7
left it three months in the court of the Bodhi tree, brought it then in the same (solemn) manner to the inner town and had a handsome shelter built for the image near the royal palace at its south-eastern corner. The wise, discerning (King) had images of Itthiya and of the others made and put them in the same spot. He set a watch there and spent a sum of money as an offering and gave orders to proceed year by year in like manner. In obedience to his order the kings of his race keep up the custom here (in Ceylon) to this day and do not neglect it. On the day of Pavarana he brought the image from the town to the vihara and ordered that every year an offering be made on the 13th day. Beside the Bodhi tree Tissavasabha in the Abhaya-vihara he had a stone terrace and a handsome wall built.
In the ninth year of this (King) a Brahman woman brought hither (to Anuradhapura') from the Kalinga country the Tooth
The theras Itthiya, Uttiya, Sambala and Bhaddasala (Mhvs. 12.7), the sãmaņera Sumana and the lay-brother Bhaņduka (Mhvs. 13. 18, 14. 83) were companions of Mahinda on his fight to Ceylon.
Pavarad is the ceremony observed by the bhikkhus at the close of the three months' vassa, that is the rainy season spent in the vihara. The vassa begins according to the directions of the Vinaya (I. 137; cf. with this Win.-A. III. 2934 the commentary of Buddhaghosa) on the day after the day of full moon of the month Asalha (May-June) or a month later and lasts three months. As the Pavarana festival takes place on the 14th and 15th days of the final month, the 13th day mentioned in v. 90 is the day immediately preceding it for which the King ordains a yearly festival of offering. (See Th. KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 100.)
Differently rendered by TURNoUR-Wijksiy HA: "and he built stone cornices and beautiful walls also at the Abhaya and Tissa-Wasabha viharas, as well as at the bodhi tree." I think, however, that slaveding can only belong to bodhipādape. The sacred fig trees (Ficus religiosa) are as a rule sourrounded by a stone terrace. Vihdire Abhaye refers without doubt the Abhayagiri-vihara in the north of the town. I am inclined to look upon Tissavasabha as the name of the Bodhi tree, named perhaps after the name of the man who planted it and who came from the village of Vasabha. There was a village of this name near Anuradhapura its revenues (see 41.97) being later made over to the Jetavana by Mahanaga.
A more detailed account of this event by which the most famous
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Relic of the great Sage (Buddha). In the manner set forth in the Chronicle of the Tooth Relic the Ruler received it with reverence, paid it the highest honours, laid it in an urn of pure crystal, and brought it to the building called Dhammacakka built by Devanampiyatissa on the royal territory. Henceforth this building was the Temple of the Tooth Relic. The King his heart swelling with joy, spent 900000 (kahapanas) and arranged therewith a great festival for the Tooth Relic. He decreed that it should be brought every year to the Abhayuttara
vihārao, and that the same sacrificial ceremonial should be ob
served. The Ruler had eighteen viharas built and (he constructed) tanks which always contained water, because of his pity for all living creatures. After performing innumerably many meritorious works such as offerings for the Bodhi Tree and the like, he went in the 28th year (of his reign) thither whither his merit took him.
relic of the Buddha came to Ceylon, is to be found in the Rajavaliya (see p. 58 of B. GUNAsEKARA’s translation); in the Rāja ratnāka raya (ed. SADDHANANDA, Colombo, 1887, p. 29) and in the Pùjavaliya (Contribution to the History of Ceylon, extracted from the Pijávaliya, ed. B. Guy AsKKARA, p. 23-4). The country of Kalinga corresponds roughly to the present Orissa on the mainland of India. W. 93 refers to the Dāțhā dhātu vann sa written in 1211 by Dhamma kitti, an older namesake of the author of the first part of the Clavannsa, or to the copy of it written in the Sinhalese tongue. The Pali Dathadhatuvamsa has been edited by T. W. RHYs Davids, JPTS. 1884, p. 108 ff.
1 One must look for the remains of the building in the so-called Dalada-Maligava in the south-eastern part of the city of Anuradhapura, not in the ruin of the same name at the Thtiparama. See E. R. AYRTon, Ceylon Notes and Queries II, Apr. 1914, p. XII ff.
The Northern Vihara of Abhaya", the same as the Abbayagirivihara. We often meet with the name Uttara. Mahdi-Ceta in inscriptions.
Thus in that of King Malu-Tissa, WIcKREM AsINGHE, EZ. II, p. 256, cf. also
ib. p. 221, 286; as well as A. M. HocART, Mem. ASC. I, p. 12. In the older Mahavamsa (35.119) we also find the name Abhayuttaramahathupa.
Literally: "he went there where was the way to rebirth (gat)'. Means the same as yathakam name gato (see above note 2 to v. 51), here of course in a good sense. According to Pijavaliya and Rajavaliya the king reigned fully 28 years.

37. 107 Jethatissa, Buddhadäsa 9
The youthful Jet thatissa, the youngest son of his brother, 100 then raised the umbrella of dominion in Lanka, (he being) experienced in the art of ivory carving. Extraordinarily skilful, 101 he carried out many difficult works and taught the practice of his art to many people. At his father's request he made a 102 beautiful, charming figure representing the Bodhisatta, as beautiful as if it had been produced by miraculous power, as well 103 as a chair of state with a back, an umbrella, a mandapa with jewels: Here and there" (were) all kinds of work by him in splendid ivory. After ruling the island of Lanka för nine years 104 and doing numerous meritorious works, he passed away in accordance with his deeds.
Thereupon his son Buddhadasa" became king, a mine of 105 virtues, as the sea (is such) of all jewels. Creating happiness 106 by every means for the inhabitants of the island, protecting the town', as the wealthy Vessavana protects the town of Alakamanda', gifted with wisdom and virtue, a refuge of pure pity 107
1. According to the reading bhditu tassa kanithako as against bhata f. k. cf. Cūlavs. ed., Introd. p. XVII. Nevertheless I have scruples in adopting this reading, since in the historical literature of Ceylon Jetthatissa is distinctly called the brother, not the nephew of his predecessor
P. citrdini. I do not believe that this word refers to painting. It is always a question of Jetthatissa's ivory carving only.
The father' may be king Sirimeghavanna, the paternal uncle being always called pitar.
By in adapa is understood a light, open, arbour-like structure whose roof is supported on pillars, often put up for merely temporary purposes.
The construction of the sentence is not quite clear. I think v. 103 c d is a summary of what has gone before.
6 Pujavaliya has the same; but according to the Rajavaliya, 10 years. " The Sinhalese sources (Ptijav., Rajav, Rajaratn.) call him Bujas - raja. Also Nikaya-samgraha. ed. WICKREASINGHE, 16.
IRakkhan is to be supplemented from d by the object puram, while on the other hand pura must be supplemented by the participle rakkhan from c.
o Vessavaņa — Skr. Vaiśravaņa, patronymic of Kuvera the god of wealth. His capital is called in Skr. Alakdi (E. W. Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 142 ff.). In D. II. 147, 170" Ālakamandā is called the capital of the Devas.

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and endowed with the ten qualities of kings, while avoiding the four wrong paths, practising justice, he won over his subjects by the four heart-winning qualities. The Ruler lived openly before the people the life that bodhisattas lead and had pity for (all) beings as a father (has pity for) his children. He fullfilled the wishes of the poor by gifts of money, those of the rich by protecting their property and their life. Great in discernment he treated the good with winning friendliness, the wicked with sternness, the sick with remedies.
Now one day as the King riding on the back of his elephant was on his way, in the principal street, to bathe in the Tissa-tank, he beheld a large snake smitten with belly disease, lying not far from the Puttabhaga-vihara outstretched on its back on a white ant-heap to display its disease of the belly, called a tumour. He thought: the snake is certainly ill'. Thereupon he got down from the great elephant and approaching the great snake, thus spake the hero, the Spotless One, to the great snake: "I understand, great Snake, the reason of thy coming. But ye (snakes) are very fiery' and easily fly into a rage". There
On the dasa rajadham md see M. and W. GEIGER, Pali Dhamma, p. 17. They are enumerated J. III. 274': dana "giving of alms”, sila "leading a moral life", pariccaga "liberality", aijava "fair dealing", maddava “gentleness”, tapas “self-discipline”, akkodha “without wrath”, avihimsd "not wounding", khanti "patience", a virodhana "peaceableness".
2 P. catasso agati hitva. The four agati are chanda “desire", dosa “hate", noha “illusion", bhaya “fear".
3 The cattari sangahavatthiini are dana "the giving of alms, liberality", peyyavaija "friendly, winning speech", atthacariya "beneficent action”, samānattată “sociability”. Cf. 41. 56.
4 One must read “nāgo rogā ti nicchayam”, The ti is, as often, placed
in the oratio recta. Cf. 44, 16; 45, 20; 48, 80.
The verse contains a play upon words impossible for us to render, naga being used in the threefold meaning of "snake" especially cobra, "elephant" and "great man, hero". Add to this the similarity in sound with anāgavă (Skr. áāgas “guilt, sin”).
o P. mahāteja. Tua NoUR’s translation “highly gifted” is wrong.
" Literally: "You are quickly such who bear the character of being
wrathful”. See Cūlavs. ed., vol. II, Index 2, s. v. kuppana.

፴7. 181 Виddhadäsa 11
fore it is impossible for me to touch thee and so to accomplish my work; but without touching thee it is also not possible. What then is to be done?'" At these words the prince of the snakes stuck his whole neck into the cavity (of the white antheap) and remained lying motionless. He stepped up to it, took the knife that he wore at his side and slit open the belly of the snake. After he had taken out the diseased parts and applied an excellent remedy, he at once cured the reptile. Then he gloried thus: "Even the beasts have known my great charity; in the right way have I ruled." When the snake saw that it was cured, it gave the Monarch as a mark of esteem, its own
precious jewel. The King placed the jewel as eye in the stone
image of the Perfectly Enlightened One in the Abhayuttaravihara.
A bhikkhu on his mendicant round in the village of Thusavathika had been given only dry mendicant's food. When then he went begging for milk he got milk with worms in it which he drank. In his belly the worms multiplied and fed on his bowels. Then he went and told the King. The King asked: "At what meal did this pain arise and of what kind is it?' The other answered: "At the meal that I took with milk in the village of Thusavatthi'. The King recognised that it had been milk with worms in it. Now just at that time a horse had to be cured by bleeding. The King himself bled it, took the blood, gave it tho the samana to drink and spake, waiting a moment: "That was horse's blood." When the samana' heard that he vomited. The worms came up with the blood, the bhikkhu was cured, but the King showed his joy: "By a
P. phaga, the hood of the cobra which it inflates when irritated. Pun with phaginda "prince of the hooded snakes".
In allusion to the widespread popular belief that snakes or particular snakes have a jewel in their head. Cf. for instance, Chakesadhatuvamsa, JPTS, 1885, p. 1416.
I now prefer to read vitinamayan with the MSS. S3 or, 6, or vtindiniya with the Colombo edition. s
* On the term samaņa cf. R. 0. FRANKE, D. trsl. p. 804 ff. In the Mahavamsa, the word is used in the same sense as bhikkhu.
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single stroke of the knife worms, samaua and horse have been cured: excellent of a truth are my activities as healer."
A man in drinking water swallowed the egg of a water snake'; out of it there came a water snake. It sucked itself fast in his inside. Tortured by the pain caused by this he sought the King. The latter asked him as to the cause'. He recognised that a reptile was within him, made him fast a week and had him, after being bathed and rubbed with oil, laid on a well prepared bed. Now as he lay there in deep slumber with open mouth, he placed before his mouth a piece of meat with a string attached. (Lured) by the smell the reptile came out of him, bit fast at it and wanted to crawl in (again). Thereupon the King held it fast by means of the string, drew it out, threw it in a jug into water and spake these words: "As is well known the physician of the Perfectly Enlightened One was Jivaka'. Can the world show a work of his harder (than this)? Certainly he also would accomplish a work like this - of that there can be no doubt - if he did it with the utmost care. Behold the consequences of my good deeds!"
1 deɖiɖubha. Cf. udakadeddubha J. I. 861°, III. 1619. In J. VI. 19416 the Comm. explains the word d. by udakasappa. In Sinh. also deduba means a water snake. The closely allied skir. word durdubha is a kind of lizard without feet living in the water (Böhtling K-Roth, s. v.).
P. anto tudittha tundam, lit. "it stuck (or bored) its mouth in". P. niddina is like skr. niddina a medical term: "the theory of the causes of diseases and of their nature: Aetiology, Pathology" PTSPD. s. v. Cf. Milp. 27213: roguppattin ca nidänap ca.
For this famous physician, Jivaka Komarabhacca, see namely Win. 夏。268f V
TuRNoua has misunderstood the passage. W. has got nearer to the sense, but he has misinterpreted sabbadarena kabbanto ("in all lovingkindness"). The meaning is this: Buddhadasa has no intention of placing himself above Jivaka, but his achievements are equal to the highest of those of Jivaka. The latter also had to use all his skill to achieve such cures as Buddhadasa can boast of having accomplished.
P. puffiodaya, lit. "ascent of acquired merit", a technical expression denoting the moment, in which the effects of former good deeds make
themselves felt. See 58. 28.

87. 148 Buddhadaaa 13
In the same way in Helloligama he saved a Candala woman 140 the fruit of whose womb had taken a wrong position, seven times with the child. A bhikkhu was disturbed in his exer- 141 cises by the writhing disease'; as he had become (bent) like a roof-tree' the wise (King) freed him from his ailment. A 142 young man was drinking a little water in which were frog's eggs. An egg penetrating by the nostril entered his skull. It 148 opened and was a frog; it grew and dwelt there. At the approach of the rainy season the young man was greatly tortured by it. The King split the skull, took out the frog, put 144 the parts of the skull together again and cured the young man at once. For the good of the inhabitants of the Island the 145 ruler had refuges for the sick set up in every village and placed physicians in them. He made a summary. of the essential con- 146 tent of all the medical text-books and charged one physician with (the care of) twice five villages" and gave the physicians 147 the produce of ten fields as livelihood. He also appointed physicians for elephants, horses and soldiers. For cripples' and 148
1 One must join mahagabbhining jatar. On madhagarbha cf. Jolly, Medizin (der Inder), p. 64f. Satta väresu belongs to mülhagabbhinin as well as to sukhitan aka "cured, saved'.
P. vutthdipito. The verb (v)uttha is the term for awaking from the state of absorption in meditation (samadhi). Thus Win. I. 29, 8 etc. D. II. 1565 ff.; M. I. 8028-10 etc. Also the substantive (v)utthāna M. I. 296 etc. Manifestly our passage means that the pain awakened the bhikkhu out of his sleep of meditation.
P. vatabadhena. See Jolly loc. cit. p. 118 f. The disease consists in contraction of the joints, cramp, paralysis ete.
4 P. gopanasi a roof beam in gable form M. The expression gopanasivakka “bent like a g.” is used of people bent by age.
P. tattha gacchati in the more general meaning "was there" (cf. skr. tatragata), the present expressing the permanent condition.
Lit. made him (as he had been) originally. I do not take saratthasa ngaham as does TURNoua, for the title of a medical work. In this case the construction of the preceding genitive sabbesan veijasatthdinary would be quite unintelligible. Cf. - also the note to v. 171.
8 P. pithasappina, who moved about with the help of a chair-like frame. PTSPD. s. v.

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for the blind he built refuges in various places and refuges with maintenance in the principal street". He hearkened constantly to the good doctrine, showing reverence to the preachers of the doctrine. He also fixed the salaries of the preachers in different places. Of his great pity he had a pocket for his knife made in the inside of his mantle and whereever he met them he freed the afflicted from their pains.
Now one day the King royally adorned came forth with his army like Wasava' with the Gods. Now when a leper who in a former existence had been his enemy, beheld the Ruler at the very summit of his glory and good fortune' shining in royal splendour, he was filled with fury; he struck the earth with his hand and smiting the ground again and again with his staff, he revilled him with many abusive words. As the discerning (King) witnessed this curious beinaviour from afar, he thought: "I cannot remember. having done evil to any being; he is certainly my enemy from former times. I will appease this (his
Evidently for travellers: bhoga means here "feeding'. In TuRNour's translation the double salaiyo is disregarded.
P. dhammabhdipaka (below in v. 178 the synonym dhammaghosaka). The word dhamma means here the teaching of Buddha as formulated in the sacred texts. Recitations from such texts (Suttas) by the bhikkhus are even now frequent in Ceylon. They often last the whole night through and pious laymen listen with intense devotion, although they understand not a single word of the recital (Sinh. bara). P. TuxEN is undoubtedly right in regarding this as "in the first place a kind of spiritual adjustment", thus "a sort of Yoga", facilitated by the musical effect of the recital, by the rhythm which is peculiar to the Pali texts. The feeling for rhythm is as I have frequently noticed, extraordinarily developed amongst the Sinhalese. P. TuxEn, Einige Bemerkungen über die Konstruktion der Pälitexte, Festschrift Hermann Jacobi, p. 98 ff.
P. satthavattim. The word sattha is used here for the surgical knife. So already above v. 119. For the expression "cover" "receptacle" for viațți cf. maricavațți = pepper pod.
A name for the King of the Gods, Sakka or Indra. Here we must either regard the m in sirisobhagga-m-aggappattan as neutralising the hiatus, or we must separate sirisobhaggan aggappattan so that the first word is dependent as acc. on the second.
P. vippakdira, lit. change, demeanour deviating from the normal.

87. 170 Buddhadlása 15
enmity)," and he said to a man who stood near: "Go and find out the feelings of the leper yonder.' He went. Like a good friend he seated himself by the leper and asked him why he was so angry. The leper told him everything: "This Buddhadasa here was (once upon a time) my slave; for his meritorious deeds he has become monarch. To slight me he rides past me there on his elephant. He shall learn to know me in a few days! If he puts himself in my power (again), I shall make him partake of the full chastisement of slaves. If he does not fall into my hands, I shall slay him and drink his throat's blood. Of that there is no doubt. Thou shalt see it shortly.' The man went and related the matter to the prince. The discerning (King) (now) felt certain that that (leper) was his enemy of old. He thought: "It is meet to put an end by (some) means (or other) to the enmity of a foe', and (thus) directed the man: "win him in the right way.' He went to the leper and spoke to him like a good friend: "For a long time l have harboured the thought of destroying the King; but as I found no accomplices for his murder, I could not (carry it out). But now that I have found thee, I can fulfil my wish. Come to my house, dwell with me and be my helper, in a few days I shall destroy his life.' After these words he took the leper to his house and having had him bathed and oiled, clad with a choice garment, well fed with dainty food and served by youthful women, he had him laid on a splendid, well-prepared bed. In the same fashion he sheltered him for several days and when he saw that he had grown trustful and that he was happy and contented, he gave him food and drink with the words: "This is a gift from the King.' Twice and thrice he refused it, then begged (by the other) he took it. Gradually he learned to put full trust in the Monarch and when he heard (later) that the Monarch was dead his heart broke in twain.
Lit. "I will make him know myself". Erroneous by W. "I will make him know himself". The acc. attainan can only be related reflectively to the subject contained in jānāpessāmi. The gerund kāretvā in v. 159 belongs to jandpessami, the ger. maretvd in v. 160 to picissani. The sense is: if he voluntarily becomes again my slave (hatthan me et-diyatt) I shall chastise him as such, if he does it not, I will slay him.
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16 Виddhadäва 87.17
171 Thus the King healed physical and spiritual disease and he installed physicians in the island to provide for the cure (of the sick) in the future.
172 In the Mahavihara the King had the Moraparivena built
which was beautified by a pasada five and twenty cubits high.
178 He made over to it the two villages of Samana(gama) and
Golapanu(gama) and to the bhikkhus wilo held forth on the
174 doctrine (he assigned) revenues and servants'. He built viharas
and parivenas which were fitted up with the four necessaries, 175 and (he built) tanks and alms-halls, and (erected) images. In the reign of the same king the ascetic Mahadhammakathin'
176 translated the Suttas into the Sihala tongue. The King pos
sessed eighty heroic, vigorously grown sons of winning mien who bore the names of the eighty disciples (of the Buddha').
1 The Col. ed. takes out the second half of this verse "and he installed' etc. which all MSS. known to me have in this place, and adds it above to v. 146 (= v. 96 of the ed.) after "aummary of the essential content of the medical books". On grounds of method I cannot accept this. Besides which the verse is quite appropriate here. The compiler summarizes what the king had done for the furtherance of medical lore not only in his own day but also for the future.
o P. Moraparivela or Mayiiraparivela means “Peacock-P.' The traditional name Maytra-Pirivena is applied even to-day to a very ruinous building lying not far from the south-west corner of the present Mahavihara on the road leading to Kurunegala. H. C. P. BELL ASC., Ann. Rep. 1894 (= SP. XXXIX, 1904), p. 5.
P. hatha. As the hattha according to FLEET, JRAS. 1906, p. 1011 was not smaller than 7. 75 inches (= 45.08 cm.) and certainly not larger than 18.25 inches (= 46.35 cm.), the height of the pasada of the Moraparivena must have been roughly 37 to 38 ft. (= 11.28 to 11.58 m.) 4 P. bhoge kappiyakarake. By bhoga is meant the produce taxes of certain lands. The kappiyakdrakdi (lit. who do what is meet) are probably no other than the ardimiko (note to 37, 68). * * Without doubt the same as the one named as his contemporary by the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hian, Ta-mo-kiu-ti (BEAL, Buddhist Records of the Western World I, p. XXVI. . As Fa-hian stayed in Ceylon about 4.11-12 we have here a valuable confirmation of Buddhadasa's time. E. R. AYRTon, JRAS. 1911, p. 1142.
The asitisavaka are mentioned for instance in the Chakesadhatuvamsa, JPTS. 1885 p. 16; the astinahathera DhCo. I. 14, 191. Cf. below 85. 102.

7, 182 Upatissa II. 17
Sorrounded by these (his) sons who were named Sariputta and so forth, Buddhadasa shone like the Perfectly Enlightened One. After he had thus wrought blessings for the dwellers in the Island the Lord of men, Buddhadasa, went to the world of the gods in the twenty-ninth year (of his reign).
Hereupon his eldest son Upatissa became king: endowed with all royal virtues, ever leading a moral life, great in pity. Shunning the ten sinful, actions, he practised the ten meritorious works; the King fulfilled the ten royal duties and the ten paramitas'. By the four heart-winning qualities' he won over the four regions of the world. In the Mahapali Hall" he had the remains of the royal table distributed. For cripples,
1 P. tidiva = sagga (Skr. tridiva = svarga) designation of the Tã
vatimsa-heaven, the heaven of the 33 gods at the head of whom stands
Sakka (Indra).
The Pejavaliya gives Buddhadasa a reign of full 29 years, the
Rajavaliya one of eighty years!
* The ten "meritorious works' (purifiakiriya) are dana "giving of alms", sila 'leading a moral life', bhavana 'spiritual discipline', apaciti "reverence", veyydiacca "diligence", pattianuppaddina "transference of one's own merits to another", abbhanunodand "gratitude", desand "instruction”, savana “hearkening (to sermone)”, dittikujukakamma “right views" (see PTSPD. s. v. puiña). - On the dasa rajadhamid see above note to v. 107. - The ten paranita ("perfections") which must be
177
178
179
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182
attained by each future Buddha (bodhisatta) are dana, sta, neckhana .
“renunciation”, paññā “knowledge”, o viriya “manliness”, khanti “pa
tience", sacca “uprightness”, adhitthana “will power", netta “love”,
upekkhd "serenity".
See above note to v. 108. Most probably the building whose remains lie S. E. of the Mahathupa (Ruvanveli-Dagoba) close to the present post-office. That this building served for the distribution of alms is proved by the stone canoe 44 ft. long (= 18.4 m.) lying near. This was obviously a receptacle for gifts of rice which were then portioned out. According to 42. 67 this 'stone canoe was presented by King Aggabodhi II. The erection of the hall. is ascribed, Mihvs. 20. 28, to Devānappiyatissa, 247-207 B. C. Cf. on the building H. C. P. BLL, ASC, Ann. Rep. 1902 (= SP. LXVII, 1907), p. 1-8.
The reading of the MSS. raidinubhojana is certainly right. Cf. Clavs. II, Index 2, List of Words, s. v. anulbhojana.

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18 Upatissa II. 37. 183.
women in travail, for the blind and the sick he erected great nursing shelters and alms-halls. In a northerly direction from the Mangalacetiya he erected a thupa, an image house and an image. In carrying this out he with the thought: my subjects must not be estranged (from me) had (the work) done by boys to whom he distributed sugar and rice. He had built at various places innumerable and meritorious works, (such as) the Rajuppala (tank), the Gijhakuta, Pokkharapasaya, Valahassa and Ambutthi (tanks) and the tank of Gondigâma, the Khandaraja-vihara and (further) tanks always filled with water. (Once) when rain poured (into the house) he passed the night nevertheless lying on his bed, thinking: it would be a trouble to the people (if I were to call anyone). When the Minister noticed this he took him into the garden and had the house (meantime) covered in'. Thus never for his own sake did he cause trouble to living beings.
In the time of this (King) the Island was vexed by the ills of a famine and a plague. The benevolent (King) who was as a light for the darkness of sin, asked the bhikkhus: "Did not the great Sage (Buddha) when the world was visited by such evils as famine and the like, provide some kind of help for the world?' They pointed to the origin of the Gangarohana
The patindigeha is an essential part of every monastic establishment. It is known by its having besides the main entrance on the east side, an extra entrance from the north.
The ingenious correction khijantu "shall (not) be wearied" (instead of bhijantu) of the Colombo edition is tempting. Nevertheless I feel unable to accept it. It will be argued that if the work is wearisome for adults it must be so in a far greater degree for boys. The idea is rather this: the King will not make enemies of his subjects by giving them tasks which keep them from more important work. Boys have free time and consider such work when rewarded by sweetmeats, as play. −
8. The construction of vv. 185-6 is difficult, the translation uncertain. lt is worth noting that in the Pujavaliya and the Rajavaliya the construction of the Topaveva, the lake of Polonnaruva, is ascribed to Upatissa.
Here too the construction is brief and obscure. But W. has grasped the meaning properly.

37. 198 Upatissa II. 9
Sutta on such an occasion. When he heard this he made an image wholly of gold of the departed Buddha', laid the stone alms bowl of the Master (filled) with water in the hollow of its hands and placed this his figure on a great chariot. He took upon himself the duties of a moral life and made the people also take them on themselves, he instituted a great almsgiving and established security (of life) for all living creatures. Then after he had adorned the town (so that it was) comely as the world of the gods, he descended surrounded by all the bhikkhus dwelling in the Island, to the principal street'. Then the bhikkhus who had gathered there reciting the RatanaSutta and pouring out water, walked about the street, not far from the royal palace, near the wall, round which they walked with their right side towards it in the three watches of the night. When morning dawned a great cloud poured rain on
the earth and all who had suffered from disease, held refreshed
high festival. But the Lord of men decreed: "When there shall be on the Island an evil such as famine, plague or the like, thus shall it be done.'
1 Must be a name for the Ratana-Sutta mentioned in v. 195. On this see above note to v. 80.
o P. sannbuddhadlātu nuo, lit : of the relic of the Perfectly Enlightened One. As Buddha himself has entered Nirvana, an image of his outward appearance as he was in life, can only be a "relic" of him. TuRNour's translation: "for the tooth relic" is wrong.
The bowl relic (patt (till cita) was next to the sacred tooth the relic most revered on the Island. See below 61. 6, 74. 100 ff. It was osiginally kept in Pataliputta by King Asoka (Mhvs. 17. 20). The Samanera Sumana, one of Mahinda's companions, brought it so Ceylon, and King Devanampiyatissa deposited it in his palace (Mhvs. 20. 13).
* What is meant here is the sacred street which starting from the city of Anuradhapura in the N., runs southwards to the Mahavihara.
A fine example of popular rain magic adopted by the official religion. For the filled water vessels and the pouring out of water in Indian rain magic see OLDENBERG, die Religion des Veda“, p. 505. Further analogies in L. von SchRöpER. Arische Religion lI, p. 253 ff.
P. kurum and uadakkhigan. The walking round a sacred object or a holy person with the right side towards it or him, thus to the left
is a ceremony of reverence. . As we were informed in the Subhadrarana.
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20 Upatissa II. 37. 199
When he having ascended to the Cetiya, perceived ants and other (insects) he with the words: walk slowly in the forest, was wont to sweep the earth with a peacock's feather and to use for the cleaning of a seat a shell filled with water. In the south-west corner of the royal palace he had a house built for the Uposatha festival, and a house with an image of Buddha as well as a pleasant garden surrounded by a wall. On the fourteenth, on the fifteenth, as well as on the eighth day of the half of the month and on extraordinary festivals he stayed there accessible to instruction', taking upon himself the eightfold Uposatha vow. His whole life long he ate of the food (served) in the Mahapali Hall. When he took a walk in the
in FBalapitiya the person showing reverence must go to the right. A young bhikkhu performed the ceremony in our presence before the thtipa of the monastery. This however must be an innovation. This we learn from the Borobudur in Java. In the case of the reliefs of the first terrace, the pilgrim can only follow the single events in the life of the Buddha in their proper order if ascending the terrace from the east side, he walks round it to the left.
The passage is difficult. A tolerable construction is only possible if we regard diddya ca'ati as a periphrastic formation. As a rule certainly car is joined with the pres. part. But already in Skr. when similarly used, it is found occasionally also joined with the gerund. S. BR. s. v. Uposatha is the Buddhist sabbath which is kept four times in the lunar month, on the day of the new moon (coituddasi), on that of the full moon (paicadast), and on the 8th day (atthami) of each half of the month. On the first two days the confession festival (pdfimokkhuddesa) of the bhikkhus took place. Special buildings or halls were erected for this ceremoňy. Mhvs. trsl., p. 296, nr. 29; SPENCE HARDY, Eastern Monachism p. 237 f.; TH. KEEN, Indian Buddhism p. 99 f.
P. patih diriyapakkha "an extra holiday, an ancient festival, not now kept" (PTSPD. s. v.) Cf. Sn. 402. The two lines of verse 202 are also found with slight variation S. I. 208*6, Vv. 15. 6, 19. 9; DhCo. IV, p. 21. With the help of these parallel passages we should read catuddasin. pañcadasing yā ca pakkhassa attihanrī.
* P. sāpadānang is an adverb, = sa-ap. The word apadāna means "instruction'. Thus Th 1, 47 where the Co. renders it by occida. The opposite of sapadana is anapadana "accessible to no instruction" which in Win. II. 4 stands next to bdila, avyatta and apatti bahula. What is meant is of course instruction by the sermon.
He lived thus as simply, as the poor who are dependent on charity.

37.210 Mahānāma 21
garden, having set up a feeding-place for the Kalanda birds he had his own food served to them, and this is a custom to this day. (Once) seeing a criminal who was to be executed being led forth, he was deeply moved and had a corpse fetched from the burying ground and thrown into a copper barrel. He then gave the criminal money and let him escape by night, but after sunrise, full of wrath, he had the corpse burnt as if it had been the criminal. He instituted a great festival for all the cetiyas in the Island and (presented) a gold casing for the crowning ornament on the Thupa in the Thuparama. After he had for forty and two years performed meritorious works without leaving even a moment unemployed, he entered into the company of the King of the gods.
The queen-consort of this King who had an intrigue" with his younger brother Mahanama, murdered him by stabbing him in a lonely spot. This younger brother who during his brother's lifetime had undergone" the ceremony of renunciation of the world, returned after the murder of the King, to the
Accortling to the northern tradition the Skr. Kotlantat(ka) denotes a bird. Cf. Rock H. L., The Life of the Buddha, p. 43, the legend of the Weijuvana park (P. relatrans) and of the Kalantakanivapa (P. kalandakamircipa). In my opinion we must assume the same meaning for P. kalot ada(ka), although Sinh. kalada is said to stand for "squirrel'. That we have to do with a kind of bird seems clear from Milp. 368. Here the expression nuairyutthuil papphote trá is used of the healandalk''(t; JaCo. lE. 1539 we have pakkhe pappothetra, said also of a bird.
The Thuparama lies near the southern gate of the city of Anuradhalura on the west side of the sacred street (see note to 37. 194). It was built by Devanampiyatissa (247-207 B.C.) See Mhvs. trsl., Note to 17, 50. Cf. now with my translation of 17. 41 A. M. HocArt, Ceylon Journal of Science, Sect. G, I. 2, p. 44, note 4. The relic preserved in the Cetiya of the Thuparama was the right collar-bone of the Buddha (see 42. 53). Its history is relate Mh vs. 17. 9 ff.
* IPūjaivaliya, un Rājāvaliya, give the saume length of reign.
Also W: "His consort who was intimate with his younger bruther Mahanama. . . . Nevertheless the union of rallabhd with the instr. is surprising, as also the use of the word to denote a criminal relationship.
The pathhajja, while the actual admission into the Order is carried uut by the vasaada which fullws lt"r. See Mhvs. trsl. . 294,
II. 15 l . 296, nr. 28.
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22 TMahӑпӑта 87.21
lower life and became monarch. He took as his Mahesi the Mahesi who had murdered his brother. He built refuges for the sick and enlarged the Mahapali Hall. He erected three viharas, Lohadvara, Ralaggama and Kotipassavana“ and presented them to the bhikkhus of the Abhayuttara-vihara. After having built a vihara on the Dhumarakkha mountain', he bestowed it at the Mahesi's instigation, on the bhikkhus of the Theravada School'. He had renovations made in ruined viharas. He was always one who rejoiced in the almsgiving and in the leading of a moral life and one who reverenced the (three sacred) objects.
A young Brahmana born near Bodhimanda", who understood science, the arts and accomplishments and was perfectly versed in the three Vedas, who knew the (various) systems of doctrine thoroughly, who was skilled in disputation and also fond of controversy, wandering about Jambudipa', sought out the various masters of controversy. Thus he came (once) to a vihara and
The lay life is regarded as inferior (hina) to the monkish. . Mahes (skr. nahis) is the title of the first wife of the King. See the Introduction II.
A Kotipassava-vihara is mentioned 38. 46, but here as founded by Dhatusena. The two other names do not occur otherwise, neither are they, as far as I know, to be found in Sinhalese historical literature.
4 The mountain is mentioned, Mhvs. 10. 46 f, in the history of Pandukabhaya. It lies on the left bank of the Mahaveliganga by the Kacchaka ford (now Mahagantota), E. of Polonnaruva.
That is to the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara in which the Theravadins had their seat.
P. catthupajaka. These are the tini catthiani, the vatthuttayam (Buddha, the Doctrine and the Order). TURNour's translation is too general.
Bodhimanda "Place of Enlightenment", the spot not far from the present Bo-Gaya in Southern Bihar where, according to tradition, the Bodhisatta meditating under a Ficus religiosa, by attainment of the highest knowledge became the Buddha. For the history of Buddhaghosa cf. B1MALA CHARAN Law, The Life and Work of Buddhaghosa, Calcutta
and Simla 1923.
Name for the continental India.

87.224 Mahůžndina 23
elucidated during the night the ideas of Patañjali word for word and quite exhaustively. Hereupon the Grand Thera (of the vihara) named Revata realised: "This is a being of the highest wisdom; he must be won over,' and he said: “Who then is he who cries there with the cry of an ass?" The (Brahmana) said to him: "Dost thou then understand" (at all) the meaning of the cry of asses?" and on the reply: "I understand it" he expounded his ideas. Revata answered each single thesis and pointed out the (logical) contradictions. On the request: "Explain then thy own system of doctrine,' he held forth to him on the text and content of the Abhidhamma. The (Brahmana) did not understand it. He asked: "Whose sayings' are these?' "These are the sayings of the Buddha,' answered the other. To the request (of the Brahmana): "make them known to me,' Revata answered: "Thou shalt receive them when thou hast undergone the ceremony of world-renunciation.' As the Brahmana craved for the sayings he underwent the ceremony of world-renunciation and learnt the Tipitaka'. He recognised: this path leads alone to the goal, and accepted it thereafter". As his speech was profound like that
1 The author of the Yogasütraini (STRAUss, Indische Philosophie, p. 178ff.) who must accordingly, if our notice is credible, have lived before middle of the 5th century A. D.
Lit.: with comprehensive words and well rounded off. * P. thera (= Skr. sthavira) and mahathera are titles of older bhikkhus in leading positions, something like presbyter.
P. manta, skr. mantra. What is meant by this word are the sayings of the Veda. Here the word has a wider meaning, something like "sacred text'.
That is the whole of the canonical books consisting of the three parts Vinaya-, Sutta, Abhidhammapitaka. See Mhvs. trsl. p. 296, nr. 27. The sentence elayano ayan maggo is an allusion to a passage in the Samyutta. Here (S. W. 1678 ff.) the Buddha says: ekāyano ’yanyi (sic!) maggo sattànam visuddhiya . . . nibbanassa sacchikiriyaya yad da cattaro satipatthand. We see at once from the passage that ekdiyana is an adjective something like "alone accessible". In the ChandogyaUpanishad 7. 1. 2 the word is used substantively to denote a branch of science. Sankara explains it by mitisastra.
That is: he now entered the Order with the ceremony of the tupasanpada, making its duties and principles his own.
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of the Buddha he was called Buddhaghosa; for his speech (resounded) through the earth like (that of the) Buddha'. After he had written a book Nanodaya yonder (in Jambudipa), he also wrote the Atthasalini', an interpretation of the Dhammasangani. The sage (Buddhaghosa) also began to compose a commentary to the Paritta. When the Thera Revata saw that, he spake the following words: 'The text alone has been handed down here (in Jambudi pa), there is no commentary here. Neither have we the deviating systems of the teachers'. The commentary in the Sihala tongue is faultless. The wise Mahinda who tested the tradition laid before the three Councils as it was preached by the Perfectly Enlightened one and taught by Sariputta and the others, wrote it in the Sihala tongue and it is spread among the Sihalas. Go thither, learn it and render it into the tongue of the Magadhas. It will bring blessing to the whole world.' Thus addressed, the wise (Buddhaghosa) sallied forth joyful in the faith and entered the Island just in the time of this King (Mahanama). He came to the Mahavihara, the abode of all pious (people), went into the great practising-house', learned from Samghapala the commentary
"Speech" in P. ghosa. The second time TuRNour translates it by "fame", scarcely right. In this case the motivation with hi would not apply. TuRNour avoids the difficulty by translating "and throughout etc." * The Dhammasah gani is one of the books of the Abhidhamma (cf. note to 44. 109). It and its commentary the Atthasālinī were published by E. MULLER (PTS. 1885, and 1897). On kaccha "elucidation" see Cūlavs. ed. II, Index 2 s. v.
For the Paritta see GrigER, Pali, p. 16 f. Cf. note to 46. 5. P. dicariyavadá. In the Mhvs. (5. 2) all these later schools are placed in opposition to theravada, the original school represented in the Pali Canon.
P. sihalathakatha. For this see Geiger, Pali, p. 17. P. kathainagga, concrete: the traditional text as handed down today, just as in JaCo. I. 27, 9 the word means "traditional history'.
" For the history of the three Councils (sangiti) see Mhvs. 3, 4, 5.
Lit. "hearken to it', all teaching being oral. 9 That is from the Old Sinhalese into the Pali tongue. 1. P. mahdipadhanaghara. By padhana is meant the practices in which the zealous bhikkhu engages in order to attain through the

87.241 Маһапатта 25
in the Sihala tongue and the doctrinal system of the Theras perfectly, reached the conclusion: it is just this system which interprets the intentions of the Master of Truth; gathered 284 together there the community and said: "give me all the books that I may compose a commentary'. To test him the 285 community gave him two verses with the words: "Show here thy qualification. Once we have seen it, whe shall give thee all the books.' Briefly summing up the three Pitakas together 286 with the commentary he wrote the work called Visuddhimagga'. Then calling together the community who was versed 287 in the thoughts of the Enlightened One, he began to read the work in the vicinity of the great Bodhi Tree. But the devatas' 288 to convince the people of his greatness, caused the book to vanish; but twice and thrice he reproduced it. When the book 289 was brought forth a third time to be read the gods then produced the two other books. Then the bhikkhus read out all 240 the three books together. Neither in composition and content, nor also as regards the sequence (of the subjects'), in the 241 teaching of the Theras, in the quotations, in words and sen
various grades of ecstatic meditation to the dignity of the Arahant, of the "perfected".
1. The sangha, that is the totality of the bhikkhus belonging to the vihara.
See Note to 37. 223. ` 3 Wisuddhimagga (ed. hy Mrs. RHYs DAvDs, 2 vols. IPTS. 1920-21) illudes to the verse:
sile patitthaya naro sapaijo cittan priian ca bharayan ditapi nipako bhikkhu, so iman pijataye jatan which WARREN (Buddhism in Translations, Harvard Oriental Series vol. III, p. 285) has rendered thus :
"What man his conduct guardeth, and hath wisdom,
And thoughts and wisdom traineth well, The strenuous and the able priest, He disentangles all this snarl." On those spiritual beings common to the popular belief called devatá see Zeitschr. für Buddhismus VII, p-28. In the following verse they are called Maria "gods".
* Lit: regarding the earlier and the later.
P. palihi refers to passages quoted from the canonical texts, the

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tences was there any kind of deviation in all three books. Then the community satisfied and exceedingly well pleased, cried again and again: "without doubt this is Metteyya' and handed over to him the books of the three Pitakas together with the commentary. Then dwelling in the Ganthakara-vihara which
244 lies far from all unquiet intercourse, he rendered the whole
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24
of the Sihala commentaries into the tongue of the Magadhas, the original speech of all. For beings of all tongues this (rendering) became a blessing and all the teachers of the Theravada accepted it as the original text. Then having accomplished what he had to do, he set out for Jambudipa to adore the sacred Bodhi Tree'.
When Mahanama had enjoyed the (dominion of the) earth twenty and two years and done many meritorious works, he passed away in accordance with his doing.
248 For all the power they had amassed and for all the glorious
splendours they had enjoyed all the rulers of the earth were at the end unable to escape death. With the thought: thus all beings are subject to the law of decay, the wise man should forever entirely forsake the desire for wealth and even for life.
Here ends the thirty-seventh chapter, called "The Six Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
foregoing therstraidehi, on the other hand, means quotations from the commentaries.
The next expected Buddha. He is now living as a Bodhisatta in the Tusita heaven according to Mhvs. 32. 78. Cf. Th. KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 64, 65, 95.
- Cf. 52. 57 with note.
* See note to 37. 227.
* The sacred tree of B6-0aya (see note to 37.215), of which according to the legend, the Bodhi Tree in the Mahavihāra at Anurādhapura is a cutting.
So also the Pujavaliya; only 20 years. according to the Rajavaliya. According to Chinese sources the King Mo-ho-nan (= Mahanama) sent a letter to the court of the Chinese emperor in the year which corresponds to 42s A. D. This however does not agree with the Sinhalese chronology as it is generally accepted. See JRAS. C. Br. xxv, nr. 68, p. 83.

Sotthisenau to Mitta sena 27
CHAPTER XXXVIII
THE TEN KINGS
Mahanama's son Sotthisena was sprung from the womb of a Damia woman, but his daughter Samgha was the (daughter) of the Mahesi. Now after Sotthisena had begun to reign he was killed by Samgha. The selfsame day she had the drum beaten and ceded (the sovereignty) to her husband, the umbrella bearer (of the king). The latter built the Chattaggahaka-tank and died in the course of the year.
Now a wise minister, a friend of this (umbrella bearer) had the dead (prince) burnt in the (royal) demesne and secretly made Mittasena a powerful rice thief, king in the belief that he was suited for the sovereignty. He kept him in the interior (of the palace) and under the pretext that the King was ill, he himself wielded the sceptre. Now (on one occasion) when there was a feast the people cried: "If a king is there, let him come with us.' When the Lord of men heard that, he, arrayed in all his ornaments, said to those who led forth the royal elephant: “this befits me not”, and indicated the
Pijavaliya, Rajavaliya and Rajaratnakaraya call this prince Sengot. The two first sources agree that he was murdered in the afternoon of the day he succeeded to the throne.
* Government decrees were made public by beat of drum.
P. chattaugahakajantuno. The "umbrella bearer" who has to hold the umbrella, the symbol of sovereignty, over the prince is a high court official. We have all erred however (Turmour, Wijesinha and I myself in my edition of the Cilavs.) in regarding jantu as the name of the official. The word means sinply "individual, person" and stands almost pleonastically at the end of the compound, similarly to putta. In none of the other sources - is the name Jantu met with. Rajavaliya, takes Chuttaggãhaka (Sinh. Sattyãhaku) itself for a proper name. In the Pũjā
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elephant made of stucco at the temple of the Tooth Relic. At the words: "it is the King's command', the elephant began to move. The (King) mounted it, rode round the town with his right side towards it and when he reached the eastern gate by the Pathamacetiya', he restored it to the Relic Temple. At the elephant wall of the three great cetiyas he had a gateway constructed. After doing many meritorious works Mittasena died in a year".
The Damia named Pandu had slain Mittasena in battle and now having come over from the opposite coast, held sway in Lanka. All the kinsmen of the noble families betook them
valiya and the Rajaratnakaraya, the King is called Liimaini-Tis (Lambakanna-Tissa). They agree in giving the duration of his reign as one year. TuRNoUR and W. have misunderstood the passage, translating stillandigan as "the white elephant', as if the text had suddhandigan. The miraculous story as related here, thus differs in no way from the version found in the Pijavaliya (Rajavaliya and Rajaratnakaraya).
On this cetiya see Mhvs. 14. 44 f.; Greer, Mhvs. trsl., p. 95, n. 2; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 275. Remains of the thiipa have been discovered, as is shown by the newest plan of Anuradhapura.
The reading of the MSS. katun nagaram appayi is certainly wrong. have not, however, ventured to alter it. My translation gives the more likely sense. This would be in Pali something like dhoitusghare tam appay. The edition has dhăturmågan samapopayi. Accordingly W. taking pathan acetiyatthdine as the more distant object of sana appay,
translates "and commanded that he should (in future) be stationed at
the Pathama Cetiya outside the eastern gate. This is certainly wrong both as to sense and construction.
The hatthipakara is the supporting wall of the terrace on which
the sttipa stands. It takes its name from the row of brick and stucco
elephants which project from it and appear to bear the platform. See
below 39.80 and 41.95, as also Dipavs. 20. 6.
Where three large cetiyas or thipas are named together, Ruvanveli
(muhathipa), Jetavana (Eastern Stupa) and Abhayagiri (Northern Stupa)
are meant. - P. toraga, probably at the stairs which lead at the four sides to
the terrace. -
" Pijavaliya also gives Mittasena one year (havuruddak).
That is from Southern India.

38. 19 ر- Paņdu 29
selves to Rohana, on this side of the stream the Damias ruled. Those of the Moriya clan who had fled through fear of the door-keeper Subha dwelt here and there (scattered about the country). Amongst these was a house-owner in Nandivapigama' named Dhatusena. His son Dathanama who lived in the village Ambilayagu, had two sons, Dhatusena and Silatissabodhi, (both) by (a mother of) the same caste. Their mother's brother had in faith undergone the ceremony of renunciation of the world and lived in the dwelling built by Dighasanda. The young Dhatusena underwent with him likewise the ceremony of world-renunciation. Now once as the latter was reciting (sacred texts) at the foot of a tree a cloud began to rain. A snake seeing this, encircled him in her folds and covered the book and the boy with her hood. The uncle saw that. Another time another penitent in his wrath threw dung at his head but failed there with to disturb his spirit. The uncle beheld
On the left bank of the Mahalveliganga which was always regarded as the boundary between North Ceylon with Anuradhapura and later Polonnaruva as centre and the south-eastern province Rohana.
The organisation of society was throughout totemistic. Five clan names known to me: Taracchā, Lambakaņņā, Balibhojakā, Moriyā, Kuliiga (and probably Gokanna), are one and all names of beasts (hyenas, tigers or hares, crows, peacocks, fork-tailed shrikes). A sixth name Monasihaka (90.7) contains in its second part a beast name. To these must be added the name of the Sihala themselves, the "Lion-men' socalled after Vijaya who belonged to the Lion clan. His father was Sihabahu, his grandfather a lion. Fables according to which the members of a clan are descended from the animal whose name they bear are very frequent. Txloa, Anfänge der Cultur, II, 235; FRAzER, Totemism, p、3f
Mhvs. 35. 51 ff. Subha reigned 118-124 A.D.
A Nandigama-vihara was built by that same Subha gagante, that is on the bank, near the Mahavalukaganga (Mhvs. 35. 58). Nandigama was not far from Kacchakatittha. See 37.213, note.
Dighasandana was the senapati of King Devanampiyatissa. He built (Mhvs. 15. 212 f.) a parivena in the Mahavihara which was called after him.
We have to imagine that Dhatusena was sunk in meditation which even the inconsiderate conduct of the penitent could not disturb. He
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that too and thinking: "that is in very truth a most excellent being, without doubt he will become king, he must be protected', he went along with him into a vihara and instructed him in the Gonisa-vihara with the object: "he must be made a master in state-craft'. Panduka heard this and sent people to seize him. In the night the Thera had a dream about it and fetched the boy away. Scarcely had he departed when the people surrounded (the house) but did not find him in the parivena. The twain (uncle and nephew) departed thence and when, farther south, they reached the great river called Gona then just in flood, they were obliged to halt, much as they wished to press forward. The Thera spake: "even as this river holds us back, so do thou (in future time) hold back its course by collecting its waters in a tank,' and he descended with the boy into the stream. A snake king saw the twain and offered its back. With its aid he reached the bank and brought the boy to the frontier, and (once) while staying there
was not moved to indignation by it. It must be noted that the same breach of conduct as that of the penitent is ascribed (38. 113 f.) to Dhatusena himself and that his fearful end was regarded as expiation of it.
The passage is somewhat dubious. In the first place I believe that the words addiya tam viharaon updigato mean: he fetched him out of the Dighasanda-parivena. As that lay in Anuradhapura, the youthful Dhatusena was here not safe enough from possible machinations of the king. His uncle took him to the Gonisa monastery (gonisadvihdra means the monastery whose name begins with gonisa). We do not know where this monastery was as it is not otherwise mentioned - possibly in the south of the capital. For the rest I follow the conjectural nitind of M. GEIGER which makes the sense far more pregnant. As his uncle regards Dhatusena as the future king, his task is to acquaint him with mīti, i. e. statecraft. W. turns Gonisādivihāra into the oratio recta : “I must render this youth accomplished at the Gonisáda (sic!) vihára” — a meaning to my mind less probable.
? Or perhaps "near the Dakkhinadesa". See 41. 35, note.
Now the Kala-oya flowing into Dutch Bay.
An allusion to the Kalavapi afterwards constructed by King Dhatusena. See 38. 42.

88. 87 Parinda to Dhātusena 3.
he got milk broth (as alms); he ate thereof and put what was over into the alms-bowl of his nephew. The latter out of reverence for the Thera poured the rice on the ground. Then the Thera perceived that he would enjoy the earth.
After reigning, King Pandu died in the fifth year, likewise his son Parinda in the third year. Parinda's youngest brother, Khuddaparinda, then ruled the wide earth and persecuted all those who attached themselves to Dhatusena. Dhatusena won over the people for himself and fought against the King. The latter after accomplishing works both meritorious and evil, died at the end of sixteen years. Hereupon Tiritara became King; two months later he was destroyed by Dhatusena who fought a great battle with him. After this prince had been killed, the Damia Dathiya became king, but was slain at the end of three years by Dhatusena. Hereupon there followed the Damia Pithiya who after seven months went to his destruction. The race of the Damias was annihilated in battle with Dhatusena.
Now the Lord of men Dhātu se na became king in Lahkā. Together with his brother he waged on the Island by every means unceasing warfare with the ravagers of the Island, the Damilas, building fortresses, twenty-one in number. And having thus thoroughly cleared the country and made its inhabitants
P. pattena. Not "with the refection dish", as translated by TURNour. * P. bh uñjate mahinn is a figurative expression for “ruling”.
I should now prefer the reading putto Parindo pi tatiye, tassa bhatuko etc. (with the Colombo edition and W1JEsiyHA). Rajaratnakaraya namely, speaks of six Damila princes who had reigned together 27 years before Dhatusena ascended the throne. The same number is found in the Rajavaliya and the sum of the single numbers in the Cilavamsa, gives the same figure, in so far as we allot Parinda a reign of not quite three years.
TuRNoUR's translation "he entirely extirpated the Damilas' etc. is inexact. That is not there. The acc. Da mille in 35 can only be governed by katva yuddhan in 36, which is treated (see also 76. 100) as a transitive verb: after he building fortresses had fought the Damias, and after he had cleared the country and had made ..., he restored . . .
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happy, he restored to its former place the Order which had been destroyed by the foe. But wroth with those belonging to noble clans or to kinship villages” who had attached themselves to the Damilas and protected neither himself nor the sacred doctrine, he deprived them of their villages and left their villages defenceless. But to all the people of noble clans who had come to Rohana and supported him he showed fitting honour and (gave) marks of esteem, and to his ministers, the companions of his misfortunes, he brought contentment. By damming up the great stream he created fields which were permanently watered. In the Mahapali Hall he distributed rice fare to the bhikkhus. As dwelling-place for cripples and for such as suffered from a disease the wise (prince) built asylums. By building the Kalavapi' he dammed up the mighty Gona river. After he had provided the peaceful Mahavihara with bands of ornament he had a house, worthy to behold, erected for the Bodhi Tree'. He provided the bhikkhus plentifully with
l'. ssistint an "the doctrine' is used in exactly the same sense is we speak of 'church'. He restored the Buddhist church.
The contrast is between single individuals (kulitsi) and clan unions (kulayyámáā with shortening of the final vowel metri causa). W.’s translation "nobles and landlords' is inexact.
* The Mahāvālukagaṁgā (Mahaveliganga).
Now Kala-veva, 25 miles (= 40 km.) S. S. E. of Anuradhapura. W. translates the passage thus: "he improved the mahavihara by adding regular walks thereto". It is quite right that here as one might expect, uantiyuttan and andkulaut are closely associated, but I do not know how pant can be made to mean "walk'. In the Mhvs. the word is chiefly used of the decorative pictures done in relief or painted on the walls of the buildings: See 27. 37; 30. 65; 32. 4 etc. I should he inclined to use the word in this sense in our passage and in v. 69.
6 P. bodhighara. Mr. HocART writes (18-9-26) that by boge (P. boelhigelict) is understood now, in Dambadeniya for instance, a small chapel erected beside the bodhi tree. At the same time he points out that the picture of a tree with a superstructure occurs in the Sanchi reliefs. l believe in fact that in the first instance bodhighara or geha denotes a building or a wooden roof, erected oper the bodhi tree, of course only over the trunk which in the case of the Ficus religiost is always very short, while the straggling branches spread away over it. Cf. with this

88, 5. | Dháitusema 33
the four necessaries and like Dhaunasoka" he brought about a redaction of the three Pitakas. He had eighteen viharas built and provided with revenues for the adherents of the Thera School and (he erected) eighteen tanks on the Island'. Kalavapi-vihara, the (vihara) called Kotipassava, the (vihara) called Dakkhiņāgiri and the vihāra called Waɖiɖlha; the Paụụavallakabhuta and the (vihara) called Bhallataka and in the district Pālāņasinna the vihāra Dhātusenapabbata; the Mangana(- vihāra), the Thūpavițțhi(-vihāra) and the Dhātusena(-vihāra) in the north, the Pacinakambavitthi(-vihara) and the Antaramegiri (-vihāra); the (viharas) Attahidhatusena and Kassipitthikadhātusena, in Rohaņa the (vihāras) Dāyagāma, Sālavāna, Vibhīsana and the vihāra Bhillivāna: these eighteen vihāras are mentioned. This best of men built the tanks Padulaka, Hambathi, Mahadatta and others', and also eighteen smaller viharas
51. 54. I had the impression on the spot in the Mahavihara, that it would have been an easy matter to shut off the terrace built round the sacred tree by means of a roof. For the analogous thipagliara see note to 48, 66.
Alluding to the Third Council at Pataliputta under Asoka (269-227 B.C.) See Mhvs. trsl. p. LV1 ff.
The same is related of Dhatusena by the Pujavaliya, the Rajavaliya and the Rajaratnakaraya. In these later sources the form of the name is Dasenkiliya.
46
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51
Of these eighteen viharas only four are also mentioned in other
parts of the Colavamsa, namely Kalavapi, Dakkhinagiri, Bhallataka and Salavana. The Kalavapi-vihara is perhaps the monastery which now bears the name of Aukuna-vihara. If the Kotipassava-vihara is the same as the Kotipassavana mentioned 87. 212, then it was not founded by Dhatusena, but merely restored. The same is the case with the Dakkhinagiri-vihara, which according to Mhvs. 33.7, was founded by Saddhatissa the brother of Dutthagamani. 1 am inclined (see D. FrcRguson, JRAS. C. B. 1911, XX11, Nr. 64, p. 197 ff.) to identify this with the Mulkirigalavihara N. E. fron Matara. Instead of viharo vaddananako the Col. ed. reads contrary to the MSS. v. viaddliamdinako, probably because a bodhi tree of this name occurs twice (43. 5 and 49. 15).
Ptjavaliya names the following tanks as Dhatusena's work: Kala, Balalu, Keļavasā, Badulu, Kaunnaru, Danavalā, Udanviti, Pāņagamu, Mānāmatu, Kitumiņi, Mahad abarā, Sapgamu, Surulu, Malāsu, Mahamidel, Mahaeli. The two first are the Kala- and Balaluveva which are connected

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and likewise (many small) tanks which he made over to them. He removed the Mayura-parivena' which was five and twenty cubits high, and replaced it by a pasada twenty-one cubits in height. To Kumarasena (his brother) he made over his former revenues and fixed them exactly: (namely) one half to the Kalavapi and two hundred fields. He renovated the ruined Lohapasada and he restored the dilapidated umbrellas on the three great thipas. For the Bodhi Tree of him (the Buddha) to whom was vouchsafed the highest enlightenment, he instituted a bathing festival like the Bodhi Tree festival instituted by Devanampiyatissa. He set up there sixteen bath maidens of bronze and arranged for the adornment and consecration of the Prince of the wise". Since the planting of the great Bodhi Tree the rulers of Lanka have instituted in every twelfth year (of their reign) a festival for the Bodhi Tree. After having an image made of the great Thera Mahinda he brought it to the spot where the Thera's body had been burnt", to organise
with each other. Ile Rajaratnakaraya mentions Kalahallu (Kala-Balalu ?) and Badulu.
The same as Mora-parivena 37. 172. See note to the passage. The new building was 6 ft. (roughly 1.80 metres) lower than the former pasada. * P. alpetvă visodhayi. Cf. skr. visodhayati meaning “to make clear, to determine, to fix' (BR. the word Sudh with v).
Chatta in P. denotes the sharp cone forming the top of a thipa. It is a conventionalized umbrella as symbol of dominion, of the spiritual world dominion of the Buddha. For the three thupas see note to 38. 10. All MSS. have dhavanalohakaijiayo. In spite of 42. 33 I do not venture to alter the traditional text into -?" đã rỡĩy0. What the “bath maidens' were, whether perhaps bronze figures with water vessels, we do not know.
We must imagine a ceremony in which the image of the Buddha is clad in royal garments and solemnly consecrated just as a king at his coronation.
By Devanampiyatissa in the Mahavihara according to Mhv. 18. 1 ff. The Bötree here was according to the legend, a cutting of the tree at Bó-Gaya.
" Local tradition regards the remains on the north side of the Thiparama as those of the cetiya built for Mahinda. To the east of the Thtiparama lies the grave of his sister Samghamitta. For the death
and burial of the two see Mhvs. 20. 30 ff.

38. 65 Dhitusena 35
there at great cost a sacrificial festival. He gave orders with the outlay of a thousand gold pieces", for the interpretation of the Dipavamsa and commanded sugar to be distributed among the bhikkhus dwelling there. Remembering how once a bhikkhu had thrown dung at his head, he gave to the parivena where he himself had dwelt no gifts of any kind. He undertook buildings for the enlargement of the Abhayuttara-vihara and for the stone image of the Master (Buddha)" he had a shrine erected with a mandapa. As the eye placed by Buddhadasa (in the inage) had been lost, he made a pair of costly jewels into eyes
for the Master. Further he wrought a gleaming diadem of
rays and out of dark blue gems a shining coil of hair, likewise a bandolier of gold and a tuft of down (between the brows) and a golden garment, a mandorla of gold, a lotus flower and a magnificent lamp. There also he presented countless robes of divers colours'. In the image house of the Bahumangala-ceti
Where only figures are given in the mention of values the lini. form currency, the kth (tps 2 a should be added. On this see Rii Ys D Avilos, Buddhist India, p. 101 f.
9 P. dipetum Ditransam. FLEET has translated this ingeniously as: "to vrite a dīpi kā on the Dīpavansa" (JAS. 909, p. 5, m. 1). In this lifka he recognises the older) Mahavamsa for whose composition an approximate date might thus be found. I was myself (Mh vs. trs). p. XI f) inclined to follow him. But I have since had scruples. Versos 58-59 belong in construction most closely together. Consequently lipetun Luipacon.saya must refer to an action which took place within the framework of a festival. That however, can only have been a rea, di ng of the Dipa vannsa, perhaps with historical and legendary explanations, but not the composition of so voluminous a work as the Mahāvaunnsa.
3 See above 38. 19. I believe we must read attant instead of -at): "the parivena inhabited by Dhatusena, himself', an instrumental case being absolutely necessary in connection with the Partic. Praet. ratthassa. This stone image was a celebrated statue of the Buddha manifestly held peculiarly sacred and which is repeatedly mentioned under various names: here Silóisatthar, 39.7 Silasaanbuddht, 51.77, 87 Silft in ( / uit nida, probably also 38. 65 kålasedasatthar (see note to the passage).
5 See mote to 37. 103. 6 See above 37. 123.
Werses 62-64 show us how people were accustoned to adorn the
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ya' he erected Bodhisatta figures and in the same (image house) he had a diadem of rays made for the image of the Master in black stone and for the world teacher named Upasumbha.
67 Also he had the ornament described above made for the Buddha
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image known as Abhiseka and a Bodhisatta temple on the left side of the Bodhi Tree. For the (Bodhisatta) Metteyya he had the complete equipment of a king prepared and ordained a guard for him within the radius of a yojana. He had the viharas adorned with bands of ornament called dhaturaji and
Buddha statues and decorate them with jewels. The raisicialdima (often only calamar) seems to be the bundle of rays or flames above the head which distinguishes the figures of the Buddha from those of his disciples (cf. also below v. 66 and Mhvs. 52. 65; 53. 49). By kesarattarasu we must understand the knot or tuft of hair on the top of the head, so often found in Buddha images. To imitate the blue-black colour of the hair it is here made of dark sapphires. The hema caddha (cf. amsavaddhaka Win. I. 2040) is probably the carrying band for the alms bowl. On a bronze figure of the Buddha in my possession there is a band over the left shoulder. The tuft of hair obove the nose (at alonia) is a well known physical feature of the Mahavira. The golden garment (sova racivara) is the yellow robe of the Order of Buddha and of his disciples, the lotus flower (paduna) the throne on which the figure sits or stands. The paidaiala (cf. also Mhv. 52.65, 58.50, as well as the inscriptional pãdadāla, WIcKREMAsINGHE, EZ. I 221 "o) is the mandorla behind the figure as is frequently seen in bronzes and in the Buddha pictures of Central Asia (cf. A. von Le CoQ, Die Buddhistische Spätantike Mittelasiens V, plate 7, 18). Amongst the votive gifts there must of course be a lamp (dipa). The robes of divers colours are probably draped about the image at various festivals, according to the character of these.
Probably the Mangala-cetiya mentioned 37. 188. l suggest reading: bodhisatte ca tatthapi Kalaselassa satthuno with slight alteration of tatthdisi which is certainly corrupt. What follows shows that the different Buddha images had their special names. The Kalasela was obviously so called because the statue was made of black stone (amphibolic gneiss?). It is very likely the same as the Silasanbuddha, -satthar (see above v. 61, note). The Abhiseka is named again 39. 6, 40.
See 87. 242, note. FLEET (JRAS. 1906 p. 1011 f) calculates the Buddhist yojana as being 4.54 miles = roughly 8 km.

38.77 Dhăitusendu 37
(he erected) for a hundred thousand (gold pieces) a large and splendid house for the Bodhi Tree. In the Thuparama (he instituted) as offering to the thupa a restoration of what was ruined (in the thupa). Likewise in the Temple of the Tooth Relic he repaired what was dilapidated, and to the Tooth Relic he dedicated a casket for the tooth relic, a halo made of closely fitting mosaic thickly set with precious stones and golden lotus flowers, and he instituted offerings without number. To the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he distributed robes and other (gifts). Having undertaken renovations in the viharas here and there, he had some fine stucco work executed for the wall of the (Relic) house. (In the same way) he had valuable stucco work made for the three big cetiyas and put up a golden umbrella as well as a ring for protection against lightning. Dhammarucika bhikkhus' dwelt (at that time) in the Mahavihara which had been destroyed by the ruthless Mahasena. After Dhatusena had built the Ambatthala-vihara on the Cetiyapabbata' he wished to hand it over to the adherents of the Thera School. But being entreated by the Dhammarucikas the monarch accordingly made it also over to them. For the pro
W. here mistakenly connects mahagghamatisankian with prol plāni instead of with raņsiņ planakutinam. For (jhanakutim ef. Cillavs. ed. II, List of Words s. v. kuttina; further Mh vs. 5l. 69.
Cf. above note to 38.54. The cones of the thupas were gilled. Cf. with verses 74 and 75 also 4). 95.
P. rajiracumbatan. It is related Mhvs. 36.66 of Samghatissa that he placed a vajiracumbatan on the top of the Mahatlipa. On this the Tika has the following interesting notice (p. 487, 19): to the crt tithathipassa muddhani satasahassagglianakan mahámatica patitthöpetã tassa hetlā asaniuppadda vaiddhaņsanathaņādhāraralayahca katrā amaghriņi rojiracumbatakaica pitjesili attho. It is thus a case of an appliance against lightning placed at the top of the cone of the thipa. What is doubtful is whether vajira means here "diamond' or "lightning'.
A sect which according to Mhvs. 5. 13, branched off in Ceylon. For the history of this sect see Á. M. HocArr, ASC. Mem. l. 15 f.
* Name of the Missaka mountain (now Mihintale). Cf. above note to 87. 69. The Dhammarucikas, therefore, got possession of both viharas, the Mahavihara, and the Ambitthala-vihar.
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38 Dhfit usema , 38.78
cession of the Relic he had a boat made of copper and instituted a regular alms with the produce of twice five ammanas (field). Within and without the city this incomparable (prince) like Dhammasoka built temples to the Victor (Buddha) and raised images. What man would be capable of enumerating one after another his meritorious works? Thus these have been but superficially noted.
Dhatusena had two sons: Kassapa by a mother of unequal birth and the mighty Moggallana by a mother of equal caste, also a charming daughter who was dear to him as his life. On his sister's son he bestowed the dignity of senapati' and gave him his daughter (to wife). Without blame (on her part) he struck her with his whip on the thigh. When the King saw the blood-stained garment of his daughter and heard (of the affair) he in his wrath had his nephew's mother burnt naked. From that time onward (his nephew) nursed hatred (against the king), joined Kassapa, awoke in him the desire for the royal dignity, estranged him from his father, won over his subjects and took the ruler (Dhātusena) prisoner alive. Thereupon Kassapa raised the umbrella of dominion and destroyed the people who sided with his father, having every scoundrel as his comrade. Moggallana whose intention it was to fight him, betook himself, as he could raise no forces, to Jambudipa to find troops there. Now to torment still farther the Lord of men (Dhatusena) sorely smitten as he already was
1 The use of barks or boats for carrying the images or symbols of the Deity (here the relics) in festive processions is widespread. Germany offers numerous examples (MANNHARDT, Wald- und Feldkulte, J. 593 ff., v. ScHmöoER, Arische Religion II. 661 Anm.); but we meet with the custom also among the Egyptians (TELE, Religion im Altertum I. 67) and among other peoples.
P. am mana is a dry measure for measuring corn, then also the measure for a field, as much as one can sow with an anamara. In Sinh. an amatau (see Cough, Sinhalese Dictionary) represents as field measure about 2 to 22 acres (roughly o. 8 to 1 hectar).
3 Cf. above 38. 44 with note, 4 P. sendipacca, the dignity of commander-in-chief of the army (endipat).
Thus his own sister.

88, 99 Dhätиserта 39
by loss of his kingdom, separation from his son (Moggallana) and by life. in a dungeon, the deluded (Senapati) spake thus to King Kassapa: "There are treasures lying in the King's palace, O King, has thy father told it to thee?' On the answer "no' he said: "Knowest thou not his intention, O Monarch? for Moggallana he keeps his wealth'. When he heard that, this most wicked of men grew furious and sent messengers to his father with the command to make known the place where the treasure lay. The latter thought: this is a pretext of the villain to kill us, and he kept silence. The messengers went and told the King. He became very wroth and sent (messengers) again and again. Dhatusena thought: it is well, I will visit my friend', bathe in the Kalavapi and then die,
and (he) spake to the messengers: "if he lets me go to the
Kalavapi he shall learn it.' The messengers went and told the King and the King joyful in his thirst for gold, sent messengers to whom he gave a chariot with a damaged axle'. As the Monarch drove thither, the driver who guided the chariot, ate roasted corn and gave him also a little of it. He ate of it, had joy over the man and gave him a leaf for Moggallana asking him to make him gate-keeper as a reward. Thus is good fortune fleeting as the lightning. How then can the sensible man be intoxicated by it? When the Thera heard: the King comes, he put aside the bean soup and chicken he had received remembering: the King likes that, and took his seat
1 He means the Thera who had been his teacher. Cf. 38. 16 f.
P. jinnema-in-akkhind. W. translates "with his eyes sunk in grief", but akkhi is here not "eye", but axle'. The word for "axle' is otherwise akkha = Skr. aksa. The form akkhi which is borne out by our passage, is important as it is nearer to the Latin acis, lit. aseł8. In intenanakkhind the consonant m is as often used to remove a hiatus. See GEIGER, Pali S 73. 2. It would also be possible to read i22e, a cakkinā.
3 The inf. katun is in a sense to be taken twice, first with the obj. sangaham, then with the obj. dediranayakan.
4 P. masam sākuman for săikulan according to the perfectly correct conjecture of Sus ANGALA and BATUwANTuDaw A, primarily 'flesh of birds".
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(awaiting the guest). The King came, greeted him respectfully and took a place at his side. Thus the twain sat side by side (joyful) as if they had gained a kingdom, and their mutual converse chased their cares away. After the Thera had entertained the King, he admonished him in many ways and encouraged him to strive ceaselessly, showing him how the world
is subject to the law (of impermanency). Then Dhatusena betook himself to the tank, plunged as he liked therein, bathed and drank and spake to the King's henchmen: "This here, my friends, is my whole wealth". When the King's henchmen heard that they took him with them to the town and informed the King. The Lord of men thought: he is keeping his treasure for his son and as long as he lives he will estrange the people of the Island from me. He was filled with fury and commanded the Senapati thus: "Slay my father.' He (the Senapati) rejoiced (saying); now I have seen the back of my foe. Full of bitterness, adorned with all his ornaments, he betook himself to the King (Dhatusena) and strutted up and down before him. When the King saw that he thought: this villain wants to ruin my soul even as my body and bring it to hell. Shall I fulfil his wish by letting anger rise within me? Awaking loving thoughts within himself, he spake to the Senapati: "I have the same feelings for thee as for Moggallana..'. The other laughing shook his head. When the ruler saw this he realised: to-day even he will slay me. Thereupon the brutal (Senapati) stripped the king naked, bound him with chains and fetters in a niche in the wall with his face outwards' and closed it up with clay. What wise man seeing this would still hanker after pleasures
With these words Dhatusena points at the Kalavapi constructed by him.
* That is: I an the victor, I have won the game.
3 Lit: in the inside of the wall.
4 P. puratthabhimukham. W. translates this "with the face to the east". This is of course possible, but one sees no particular reason why he should face the east. According to my conception of the passage, the idea is that Dhatusena's torture should be increased by his being a witness of the whole process of being immured.

88, 115 LOltātusena 41
or life or fame? The Lord of men Dhatusena went thus after 18 years, murdered by his son, to the King of the gods. When this king was building the Kalavapi tank he saw a bhikkhu sunk in meditation and as he could not rouse him out of his absorption, he had a clod of earth flung at the bhikkhu's head. The consequence of this deed experienced in his lifetime has been described (in the story of his violent death).
These ten excellent kings also with all their treasures have fallen into the jaws of death, robbed of their treasures. Can a wise man when he sees the fleeting nature of the rich and of wealth crave for earthly joys?
Here ends the thirty-eighth chapter, called "The Ten Kings',
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Ptjav. Rajav. and Rajaratn. all give the same number. P. bhogavato dhane ca. The loc, dhane stands, as frequently, for the genitive dhanassa.
W. does not translate this indispensable strophe. It occurs in all the MSS. known to me.
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Kasвара I.
CHAPTER XXXIX
THE HISTORY OF THE TWO KINGS
1 Thereupon the wicked ruler called Kassapa sent forth his 2 groom and his cook. But as he was unable (through these) to slay his brother, he betook himself through fear to Siha8 giri' which is difficult of ascent for human beings. He cleared (the land) round about, surrounded it with a wall and built a staircase in the form of a lion. Thence it took its name 4 (of Sihagiri). He collected treasures and kept them there well protected and for the (riches) kept by him he set guards 5 in different places. Then he built there a fine palace, worthy
ra
Now Sigiri, about 38 miles S. E. of Anuradhapura and ten miles N. E. of Dambulla in the Central Province.
P. nissenijehani. The word cannot refer, as W. assumes, to the galleries which partly cut into the rock, lead halfway up the face of the Sigiri rock, as sihakarena is inapplicable to these. It is far more likely that what is meant is the staircase built on the north terrace of the rock at the end of the galleries where the second half of the ascent begins. This structure had in fact the form of a recumbent lion, perhaps of the fore part of the body. It was made of brick. The claws of the outstretched right paw of the lion still exist. Their dimensions - they reach to the breast of a man standing upright - give some idea of the gigantic proportions. of the lion's figure. It appears there was a door between the two paws into the breast of the lion whence steps led through its body to the beginning of the staircase leading to the heights of the Sigiri rock. I am inclined to think that this staircase was of wood. There were no galleries on this part of the rock on its northern side. The ascent is made now by means of a steep iron ladder. The use of the plural nissetigehani is due to the fact that the structure consists of a series of separate parts.

39. 12 Kassapa I. 43
to behold, like another Alakamanda and dwelt there like (the
god) Kuvera. The Senapati by name Migara, built a parivena called after himself and a house for the victor Abhiseka. He sought (permission to hold) a consecration festival for it even greater than that for the stone image of the Buddha'. As leave was not granted him, he refrained with the resolve: I shall seek for it (again) under the sovereignty of the rightful ruler.
Kassapa began to rue the deed he had done and with the thought: how can I be saved? he performed many meritorious works. He planted gardens about the gates of the city and mango groves over the Island at a yojana's distance from each other. He restored the Issarasamanarama so that it was larger than the former ground, bought villages for its support and granted them to it. He had two daughters, Bodhi and Uppalavanna; he gave their names and his own to this vihara". When he handed it over to the samanas of the
See above note to 87. 106. As to this and other images of the Buddha see 38. 65-67 with note. W. (note to the passage): "The abhiseka of an image is the setting or painting of its eyes, a ceremony generally performed with great splendour. It is the Netra-pinkama of the Sinhalese Buddhists". The name of the Abhiseka festival suggests however, that it had a still more comprehensive meaning.
The festival instituted by Dhatusena for the Sila-Buddha is described 38. 62 ff. See the notes.
Now the Isurumuni-vibara, in the south of Anuradhapura situated not far from the Tissaveva tank. It is first mentioned under Devanampiyatissa (Mhvs. 20. 14).
join adhi kaņ directly with kā retrā "he made... larger than... See the following note. f
"Our chronicle here gets valuable confirmation from inscriptions. In an inscription of Mahinda IV. found in Wessagiri, it is stated that the King had taken care that the Isuramenu-Bo-Upulvan-Kasubgiri-vihāra should be constantly supplied with water from the Tissaveva (Wick REMAsi NGHE, EZ. II, p. 31 ff.). The Wessagiri-vihāra lies only about 1/2 a mile south of the lissarasamana-vihara at the south-east corner of the Tissaveva. From the agreement of the inscription and the expression karetva pubbavatthuto adhikan in v. 10 it is clear that Kassapa l. made a great
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Thera School they were loth to take it, fearing the reproach of the people', because it was the work of a parricide. As however, the King wished to give it to them, he presented it to the image of the Supreme Buddha. Then the bhikkhus agreed, thinking: it belongs to the Master. In the same way he built a vihara in the Niyyanti-garden near the mountain, which then bore their name. He granted this vihara equipped with the four necessaries, to the Dhammarucis' and in addition a garden lying to the north of it. Now once when eating a tasty dish of rice prepared with sannira' fruit, cooked with butter and exquisite spices which a woman had offered him, he thought: this is delicious, I will treat the brethren to it, and he had the like dish of rice given to the bhikkhus along with a robe. He kept the Uposatha festival" and cultivated the appamafina, he took on himself the pious du
monastic establishment out of the Wessagiri and Issarasamapa viharas and that this enlarged monastery was named after his two daughters and after Kassapa himself. WickRRMAs.INGR's assumption loc. cit. is thus confirmed. Wessagiri is first mentioned Mhvs. 20. 15 in close connection with Issarasamapa.
Lit. "somewhat fearing what the world finds blamable". P. bhogo no satthuno, thus something that benefits not the monastery or its inmates, but the Buddha himself.
3 Uncertain. I take Niyyant for the name of the garden. The mountain near which it lies is very likely the Sihagiri. Tesan nano means the names of the King and of his daughters.
4 See above note to 38, 75.
P. sanntra occurs besides here three times: 74. 204 as tree along with kadal, pilga, mdlikera; as fruit along with many other fruits 100. 5, and as blossom 100. 26. It is pretty certain that what is meant is the royal coco-nut.
P. ayydinar according to the happy conjecture of S. and B. Ayydi used of the bhikkhus in general is found for instance Win. I. 10116, it is frequently used with a proper name as ayyo Anando Win. II. 290, ayyo Mahākassapo S. II. 215o" etc.
" That is he kept on the Uposatha days the five or eight Buddhist moral commands (silani, see CHILDERs s. v.)
8. By appanaia certain virtues are understood which the believing Buddhist practises and which regulate his relations with the outside world. There are four of these, D. III. 223 f: metta "a loving spirit",
karuga "pity"; mudita "joyous sympathy", upekha "serenity".

89. 27 Казsара I. 45
ties' and had books copied. He made images, built alms-halls and the like in great numbers: always he lived in fear of the other world and of Moggallana.
Now in the eighteenth year the royal hero Moggallana came hither at the information of the Niganthas with twelve distinguished friends from Jambudipa and collected troops at the Kuthari-vihara in the Ambathakola district. When the King heard of it he thought: I will seize and devour him, and though the soothsayer declared it to be impossible, he went forth with an array of forces. Moggallana likewise (set forth) with an army ready for battle, accompanied by his heroic friends, like to the god Sujampati who fares forth to fight with the demons. When the two hosts fell on each other like two seas that have burst their bounds, they fought a mighty battle. Kassapa espying a great stretch of swamp in front of him, turned his elephant to seek another road. When his troops seeing that, with the cry: Friends, our commander here flees broke up in disorder, the troops of Moggallana cried: "We see their backs' But the King with his dagger cut his throat, raised the knife on high and stuck it
The dhutagdi are certain ascetic observances of an outward kind thirteen in number. It is not expected that these should be kept simultaneously, but it is meritorious to observe one or other of them. They are meant primarily for the bhikkhus not for laymen.
Name for the adherents of the Jaina sect.
As a ferocious beast seizes his prey and devours it.
According to the Abhidhanappadipika 18 name of the god Sakka or Indra 'consort of Suja".
* Moggallámo pi must be supplemented by the verb muikkhami from the preceding verse. The part, gacchanto belongs to Sujampati. It must not be regarded as representing a finite verb, as we have to deal here not with the description of a condition but with the narration of a fact.
Cf. for this phrase 38. 105 with the note. The construction of the sentence is difficult. The Col. Ed. changes balakdyd into balak diyo and reads with the inferior MSS. pabhijitha. It is possible to retain the reading of the better MSS. if we assume for this passage the freer use of the gerund in the sense of an absolute participle, as it frequently occurs in the later chapters. See Clavs. ed., Introd. p. XVI; as also A8. 78-79.
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in the sheath'. Moggallana carried out the ceremonies of burning, glad at his brother's deed". He took the whole of the (royal) treasure and came to the capital'. When the bhikkhus heard of this event, decently clad in their upper and nether robes, and having cleansed the vihara, they ranged themselves according to rank. When Moggallana came to the Mahameghavana', as the King of the gods to the Nandana (grove), he made his great army turn back outside the elephant wall'. He approached the community, greeted it respectfully and pleased with this community, he as a mark of distinction, presented it with his umbrella". The community returned it to him. They called the spot the Chattavaddhi",
W. has discussed the passage and the parallel passages 41. 24 f. 41. 52 f, 44. 112 and 116, 50. 23 in detail p. 6 f. All objections vanish if one takes churikan as the object of ukkhipiya and not sisan. It is also the object of hatthinki appeted in 44. 112. In 44, 116 we have only Rhipitva churikan and in 41. 24 instead of it kuted kosiyan asiputtaka. As to sisan chindati W. himself has seen that it must not be translated too literally by "he cuts his head', but by "he cuts his throat'. This clearly follows from 41. 52 f. where we first have chimditunqa ssamı atta; no and them chindli kamed hara ing. The meaming of our passage (39. 27) is: Kassapa dying swings his dagger in the air to
call his brother's attention to his own suicide. - Kassapa's late is
approximately fixed by Chinese sources where we are told that a letter
of the king was received at the Chinese court in the year 527 A. D.
See JRAS. C. Br. xxv, Nr. 68, p. 85; H. W. CoDRINGToN, H. C., p. 30.
Because he had thereby spared him the necessity of meting out
justice himself.
3 P. sādhana denotes the Regalia. Cf. rājasādhana 41. 20. * Thus I translate nagaran varan.
The park in the south of Anuradhapura in which the Mahavihara lay. 6 The hatthipakdira is by no means the town wall as W. thinks
(the elephant rampart of the city) but the wall supporting the terrace of the Mahathtipa. The passage deals not with the march into the
town, but with the entry into the domain of the monastery. The bhikkhus are assembled on the terrace. Moggallana lets his troops turn back and goes up alone to greet them. Cf. above 88. 10 with note.
" "In token of submission to the Church' (W.). The umbrella is the symbol of the ruler.
That is: "increase, flourishing of the umbrella". Its value has

89, 42 Модgalläта І. 47
and a parivena built there received this name. After he had entered the city he visited the two other viharas', honoured also the community there and having attained to the great kingdom, he protected the world in justice. But at the thought: high dignitaries have attached themselves to my father's murderer, he gnashed his teeth with rage - therefore he received the name Rakkhasa - and had more than a thousand of these dignitaries put to death. He cut of their ears and their noses and sent many into banishment. When he heard the (sermon about) the pious doctrine he became peaceful in spirit and well minded and instituted a great almsgiving, as a rain-cloud (pours a shower of rain) over the earth. On the day of the full moon of the month Phussa' he ordained a yearly alms and since then this alms is customary in the Island to this day. And the charioteer who had given his father roasted corn, brought his father's letter and showed it to Moggallana. When the latter saw it he wept, praised the love he had borne to his father and he, the powerful one, appointed him to the office of gate-keeper. And the Senӑpati Migara who had sent him reports in a fitting manner, instituted a dedication festival for the Abhiseka-Buddha according to his desireo. The vihāras Dalha and Dahākondañña by name ön the Sihagiri Moggallana granted to the adherents of the
Dhammaruci and Sagali Schools". The Pabbata-vihara which
been increased by the King receiving it again out of the hand of the bhikkhus.
Namely Jetavana and Abhayagiri. P. , thari daitham, lit. he revealed his eye-tooth, let it be seen, bared it. The alteration into dayan in the Col. Ed. is certainly wrong. It deprives the following rakkhasandmava of all sense.
3 That is "devil". Characteristic of all representations of Rakkhasas (Skr. raksasa) are the powerful eye-teeth protruding from the mouth like the tusks of a boar.
4 December to January. See calendar Mhvs. trsl. p. 2, n. 3. 5 Cf. above 38. 95 f. 6 See 39, 6 f. "The Sagalikas are like the Dhammarucikas a sect only found in Ceylon. Mhv. 5. 18; 38.75. The Dhammarucik as had their seat in the Abhayagiri-vihara. See also 52. 17.
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he had built he granted to the Thera called Mahanama in the Dighasana vihara'. Having built a shelter for bhikkhunis' called Rajini, the wise (king) made it over to the bhikkhunis of the Sagalika School.
A man of the clan of the Lambakannas named Dathapabhuti, who had been in the service of Kassapa, had in illhumour betaken himself to the Mereliya district and dwelt there. He had a son known by the name of Silakala. He too out of fear of Kassapa had betaken himself with his kinsman Moggallana from here to Jambudipa and had undergone the ceremony of world-renunciation in the Bodhimanda-vihara. Fulfilling his duties to the community with zeal and great skill he had (once) presented a mango fruit to the community. The community pleased thereat, gave him the name of Ambasamanera. Therefore he bore that name. Later on as described in the Kesadhatuvamsa", he got possession of the Hair Relic and brought it hither from that land. Moggallana honoured him, accepted the Hair Relic, preserved it in a precious casket of crystal, housed it in a beautiful building with a picture of Dipamkara's city and instituted with pomp a
It is very probable that what is meant here is the vihara built by Dighasanda (see 38. 16). But whether with the Col. Ed. we are at liberty to alter the name seems to me doubtful. Mahanama is the
author of the older Mahavamsa.
P. bhikkhunupassayam. This is the usual name for viharas intended for female members of the order.
One of the most famous clans in Ceylon from which sprang a whole series of Sinhalese kings.
The author lives in Ceylon and Anuradhapura. The former is for him ayang dipo, “this our island”, Anurādhapura idan nagaran “this our capital"; "here, hither, from here" means "in, to, from Ceylon (or also : Anurādhapura)” etc. 5 Cf. 87. 215 with note.
That means: the novice with the mango fruit. After the pabhaija and until the upasanpada one is not bhikkhu, but 8amacra that is a future samana, one in the making.
"The work is unknown to us. Neither as regards period or content has it anything to do with the Chakesadhatuvamsa published by MINAYEFF, JPTS. 1885, p. 5 ff.
Dipamkara is the first of the 24 legendary forerunners of the hi

89. 57 Модgallana I 49
great sacrificial festival. He had statues made of his maternal 52
uncle and of his wife and placed them there, as well as the beautiful figure of a horse. Further he had constructed a casket for the Hair Relic, an umbrella, a mapdapa studded with jewels, portraits of the two eminent disciples and a fan of hair. The King also made provision for the relic greater than his own, and the Ruler entrusted Silakala with the keeping of the relic appointing him sword-bearer - hence he was known by the name of Asiggahasilakala - and gave him his sister (to wife) together with (the necessary) revenues. Here we give but a short extract; an intelligent man can find a full account in every respect in the Kesadhatuvamsa. By instituting a guard for the sea-coast he freed the island from danger. By a regulative act he purified the good doctrine,
storical Buddha. He worked in the town of Rammavati or Rammanagara, Buddhavamsa 2.207ff; JaCo I. 11off The conjecture Dipankarassa nathassa of the Col. Ed. instead of Dipankaranagarassa is tempting. I have however, not accepted it, because it is difficult to see how the first perfectly clear and simple reading could be turned into the second. It seems to me that we have to deal here with a picture with which the house was decorated.
W. has not properly understood the construction of the sentence. There can be no question of its being "other images also". The literal translation would be as follows: "having fashioned his uncle and his wife of gold, he placed the images there and a beautiful image of a horse' These two individuals had obviously played an important part in the bringing over of the relic, the horse too, very likely. It is impossible to say more in the absence of the quoted text (Kesadhatuvanpsa). The assortment seems at first curious. We have to imagine the reliquary resting under a pillar-supported canopy, the ratanamadapa, on a royal throne. Umbrella and fan made of a yak's tail (vdilatjani), are attributes of the royal dignity. The portraits of the two aggasovakd - Sariputta and Moggallana - stand at the side of the relic, as the highest dignitaries at the side of the throne.
The asiggaha is like the chattaggaha (see 38. 3 with note), a high court official. Cf. 42. 42; 44. 43 ff. See the Introduction III.
Of a hostile attack from India. P. dhanmukammena. This is an act which the priesthood carries out according to the formalities laid down in the Vinaya. The King orders its carrying out. Cf. with this especially 44. 76, 52.44. It is
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the Order of the Victor (Buddha). The Senapati Uttara founded a practising-house which was called after him. After Moggallana had carried out meritorious works he went to his death in the eighteenth year (of his reign).
Thus even he though better far than the ferocious Kassapa, was not able once his merit was exhausted, to conquer approaching death as if he were but its slave. Therefore the wise when they have conquered the fear of death, will be happy. Nirvana the highest eternal state of bliss is attainable (only)
by him who knows the (nature of the) ego.
ܢܠ Here ends the thirty-ninth chapter, called "The History of The Two Kings", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
always concerned with the removal of abuses which have crept into the Order and with the punishment of guilty bhikkhus.
See 37. 232 with note. Pujav. and Rajav. also give him 18 years. Kassapiakopino is a transposition of kopikassapassa. Cf. 37. 69, n. The whole strophe is very corrupt in the MSS. I have attempted to reconstruct it in less arbitrary fashion than has been done in ille Col. Ed.

Kumarādhātu sena to Sa 51
CHAPTER XLII
THE NINE KINGS
After his death his vigourous son of god-like form, called 1 Kumaradhatus ena' became king. In the vihara built by 2 his father he had repairs carried out, he had a revision made of the sacred texts and he reformed the Order. He supplied 3 the great community abundantly with the four necessaries and after accomplishing many meritorious works, he passed away in the ninth year' (of his reign). Hereupon his son Kitti- 4 sena became king. After he had in divers ways done meritorious works he was forced to quit the throne in the ninth month. His mother's brother, Siva killed him and became 5 (himself) king; he did several meritorious deeds and was slain' on the five-and-twentieth day by Upatissa.
i Pujav. and Rajav. - in the first of these the King is called Kundiradasa - tell of his friendship with Kalidasa. Kumaradasa flung himself into the fiames of the pyre on which his dead friend was burnt and died with him. Popular tradition places this event in Matara. Here as we observed for ourselves on the spot, the people are well acquainted with the names of the two friends and their tragic fate. Tradition makes Kalidasa, the son of the first minister of Kumaradasa's father and the youthful comrade of Kumaradasa. The grave of the latter in Matara is still pointed out.
Pejav. also gives him 9 years. Likewise Rajav. (the translation gives erroneously 18 years).
Rajav, gives the length of reign as 9 years, Pejav. in accordance with Mhvs. as 9 months.
* Pujav, Rajav, Rajaratn. and Nik.s. call the prince Mädisivraja. He reigned according to the Pujav. 25 days, Rajaiv. has erroneously 25 years.
C-...-7

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52 VA Upatissa III 41.6
Then Up a tissa, husband of the sister of Moggallana and his general, having slain Siva, became king. After the king by granting offices and the like, had won over the people for himself, he gave his daughter (in marriage) to Silakala together with (the necessary) revenues. King Upatissa had a son, Kassapa. He was a hero associated with sixteen heroic comrades of the same breed. He lived by his manliness in pious fashion, showing reverence to the aged.
Silakala whose heart was deluded by lust for power, hereupon betook himself to southern Malaya, collected a mighty force and plundering the frontier, arrived near the city (Anuradhapura). When Kassapa the eldest (son of the King) heard that, he mounted his favourite elephant, comforted his father, took his companions with him and fared forth to meet Silakala. After the latter had been routed seven or eight times and his courage had ebbed, he brought the districts east and west by a ruse into his power and advanced to the Pacinatissapabbata to renew the combat. Kassapa with his comrades mounted his elephant, came thither, sent the rebels flying and drove his elephant to the summit of the mountain. Hence they called him Girikassapa. Silakala remaining obdurate, made the kingdom still more rebellious and brought it entirely into his power. He advanced with an invincible army and train of followers upon the town and besieged it. For seven days
Sinhalese sources call this king Liminiupatissa. He sprang thus from the Lambakanna clan.
P. jetthdpacayaka does not mean "honoured his parents greatly". the term is found in kule jetthaupacayika Pv. 2.7. 18 beside matteyya and petteyya. Cf. further kulajuesthopacayaka Mahavastu I. 198. It is a matter of the reverence shown to the oldest and noblest members of the clan.
Name of the Central Province, the mountain country of Ceylon.
One of the mountains east of Anuradhapura. King Jetthatissa I. (beginning of 4th century A. D.) had founded a monastery there and had brought the stone innage of the Buddha from the Thüpäräma, to tle! new vihara (Mhvs. 36. 127 ff). His successor Mahasena then transferred it to the Abhayagiri-vihara (37. 14). It was at the laicinatissapabbit: that according to 44. 14 f., the decisive battle was fought between Salpighatissa and Moggallāna l II.

4, 28 Silakila 53
the King's people fought, then they weakened. Thereupon Kassapa thought: "All living creatures here are perishing because of the siege of the town, the troops are enfeebled, the King is old and blind. I will take my father and mother (for safety) to Merukandara, collect the troops and then punish the rebels'." In the night he took his comrades and the royal treasure and set off for Malaya. But as the guides did not know the way, they lost themselves and wandered hither and thither near the town. Hearing of this Silakala hastened out and surrounded them. A terrible fight ensued. As the battle went off like the battle of the gods and the demons, when his comrades had fallen and the royal elephant had succumbed, Kassapa handed him over to his driver, cut his throat, wiped the blood from his dagger and stack it in the sheath. Then supporting both hands on the temples of the elephant he sank down. Upatissa when he heard this, died also, pierced by the arrow of grief.
When after a year and a half (of his reign) Upatissa had entered Heaven Silakala became king. Together with his former name he was called Ambasamanerasilakala. Living for thirteen years (longer) he protected the Island in justice. He had delicious meats (prepared in the same way as) for the King, distributed in the Mahâpali hall and concerned for the wel
A district in Malaya, which often served as place of refuge (cf. 44. 28, 47.58 &c.).
Here me stands for mayd and belongs to nigahiya "by me is ... to be punished". The gerunds katva and sangahetva are then to be taken in conjunction with me.
3 For rajasadhana see mote to 39. 28. Cf. also 48. 89.
Puja v. the same, Rajav, however, one year and ten months.
5 See above 89. 48-50.
Piljiv. and Nik.-S. call the King Lāmāni. Ambaherana-Salame van (= Silameghavanna), likewise Rajaratn.; In Rajav. he is called Limini-Akbo (= Aggobodhi). Pujav. and Rajav. give him in agreement with our chronicle, a reign of 13 years. Rajaratn, contains a chronological statement. It says that his reign began 1088 years after Buddha's Nirvana and 852 years after the introduction of the Buddhist doctrine into Ceylon.
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fare of his people, he increased the revenues of the hospitals. Daily he sacrificed to the Bodhi Tree, he had images made and to all bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he distributed the three garments'. He decreed throughout the Island preservation of life for all creatures. In most fitting manner he sacrificed to the Hair Relic brought (hither) by himself. The Rahera canal he made over to the Abhayuttara-vihara. Here beside the Monarch of trees he set up the throne called Kunta which he had fetched away from the eastern vihara of the adherents of the Thera School. All his life long he performed mertorious deeds without number.
The King had three sons: Moggallana, Dathapabhuti and Upatissa. To the eldest (Moggallana) he handed over the Eastern Province and after conferring on him the dignity of the title of Adipada, he dismissed him with the words: “Go and dwell there'. He went and took up his abode there. On the second son (Dathapabhuti) he conferred the post of Malayaraja and the province of Dakkhinadesa and entrusted him with the care of the sea-coast'. But Upatissa, a young man
Namely robe (sanghditi), undergarment (uttardisaiga) and shirt (ανιίαγανά8ακα).
That is, beside the Bodhi Tree in the Abhayagiri-vihara (tattha ) I believe that thanan Malayarajaggan means the same as 'th. Malayardjoidin or in composition Malayarajadithdnam. But this -is a circumlocution for Malayarājatthāman, as so often happens, for instance Kundardididhatusena (= Kumaradhdtv sena) 41. l. See following note for the title Malayaraja.
4 Here appears for the first time the title (idipada which in course of time becomes the title for the princes of the royal house. The heir to the throne is Mahadipada. The title Malayaraja, so frequent later, is here mentioned for the first time. Apparently the owner of it was entrusted with the administration of the province Malaya, the central mountain country. I regard the province called desa Puratthima as the one otherwise called Pacinalesai “Eastern Province". Dakkhinadesa
as H. W. CodriNgtoN (Notes on Ceylon Topography in the twelfth cen
tury, JRAS. C. B. XXIX, Nr. 75, 1922, p. 62 ff.) rightly saw, is not i a general term for the south of the island (Rohana) but a special province, the territory in the west of the mountains up to the sea. The two provinces get their names from their position in relation to Anuradha

4. 43 Dathäpabһиti 55
of good looks he took to live with himself for he was particularly fond of him.
In the twelfth year (of his reign) a young merchant who had betaken himself from here to Kasipura brought hither from there the (book) Dhammadhatu. The King as incapable of distinguishing truth from falsehood as the moth which flies to the lamp it takes for gold, when he saw it, believing it to be the true doctrine of the Buddha received it with ceremony. He showed it reverence and honour and placed it in a house not far from the royal palace. Every year he was wont to take it over to the Jetavana-vihara and there to arrange a festival which he made into a permanent institution, regarding this as a blessing for all beings. After Silakala had thus performed numerous meritorious deeds he passed away on reaching the thirteenth year of his reign, according to his deeds.
After Dathapabhuti had seized the throne the deluded one had his brother (Upatissa) murdered, because he sought to hinder him, it not being his turn. When Moggallana heard that, he spake full of fierce wrath: "He hath usurped the government though he had no right to it, without cause he
lpura. lt is worthy of note here that Dakkhinadesa is not yet, as regularly later, the province of the heir to the Throne, but is handed over to the second son, being apparently united with Malaya. Or does Silakala wish for some reason or other that Dathapabhuti and not Moggallana should be his successor? ممبر
The town (in the land) of the Kasis, that is Baranas, i. e. Benares. According to the wording of the Pali text, one is inclined to assume that dhammadhatu is meant for some relic of the Buddha, perhaps his
clhammakaraka, his water vessel, and that this relic turned out to be
a fake. The Nikāyasamgraha however, which treats the subject in greater detail (p. 16-17), says distinctly that it is a book containing the heretical doctrines of the Waitulya School (see note to 42.35). The King was not able to distinguish these teachings from the true Buddha doctrine. We must therefore assume that Dhammadhatu was the title of the book. The Nik.-s. gives the name of the merchant's son (velaidaputraya) who brought the book as Punna.
P. karest carittan; the infin. katun governs the acc. maham.
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hath slain my youngest brother who spake the truth. I will see that he has a merry reign'.' He took a strong army and advanced to the Rahera mountain. When the King heard it, he erected an armed camp with troops ready for battle on the Karinda mountain. Hearing of this Moggallana sent the King this message: "The people living on the Island have never failed in their duty to thee or me and if one (of us) is dead, the government need not be divided between us. Others shall not fight therefore, we two alone will fight a combat here on elephants'. The other declared that he was willing and armed with the five weapons, he mounted his elephant and prepared at once' for battle, like Mara' against the Sage (Buddha). Moggallana also mounted his favourite elephant and took his place. The huge elephants rammed each other. A crash was heard at their onslaught like the roar of thunder and sparks like lightning flew at the striking of their tusks. The blood-stained elephants were as evening clouds. Wounded by Moggallana's elephant the King's elephant began to give way. When the King saw that he made as if to cut his throat. But Moggallana greeting him with reverence, besought him: "Forbear to do that ' Despite the request, he persisted in his defiance and cut his neck. Thus after six months and (six) days' he lost the kingdom.
1 P. karapessdin maijarajan, lit. "I shall see that his reign is an intoxicating draught'. That means either a reign the pleasure of which is as short as that of an intoxicating drink, or in scorn a reign that will make as merry as an intoxicating drink.
This seems to me the sense of this not quite easy passage: the people who are loyal to us both are then not obliged to choose between us. .
According to CLough, Sinhalese Dictionary, s. v. the weapons were: sword, spear, bow, battle-axe and shield.
4 P. otthari "descended (into the arena, to the place of combat)".
Mara, the tempter, who with his army of demons fights against Buddha in the night of enlightenment and is routed by him, is a favourite subject for artistic representation. Thus at Borobudur, relief nr. 94 (l. gallery, main wall, upper row). Cf. N. J. KroM, the Life of Buddha on the Stüpa of Barabudur, p. 102 ff.
According to Pojav. and Rajav. he reigned six months.

41.68 Moggallāna III 57
Hereupon the mighty Moggallana became king on the Island. On account of his mother's brother they called him Cula (moggallana). He had poetic gifts without equal, as highest (good) he held the three (sacred) objects, He was an abode of virtues like generosity, self-control, purity, goodness. By largess, friendly speech, by working for the good (of others) and by his natural feelings for others, he won over the mass of his subjects. By almsgiving and the (founding of) viharas, by (gifts of) medicine and garments he won the community of the bhikkhus and by just protection. While distinguishing the preachers of the doctrine by abundant gifts of honour, he had the three Pitakas together with the Atthakatha recited. Boys he lured with sweetmeats which delighted them and had them constantly instructed in the good doctrine, he, the sage who was a shining light of the good doctrine. He also composed a poem in praise of the good doctrine which he, the best of men, from the height of his elephant, recited at the close of the sermon, in the town. He dammed up the Kadamba river among the mountains forming thereby the Pattapasanavapi, Dhanavapi and Garitara tanks. With the thought: this is a work that ensures long life, he, full of zeal, had the sacred texts written down and a solemn festival held for the (three sacred) objects. While full of pity for the world as a mother for the son of her womb, he died, having given and enjoyed according to desire, in the twentieth year (of his reign).
P. ayyakan as Moggallana I. who was his matula, since according to 39. 55, his father Silakala had married Moggallana's J. sister.
The vatthuttaya are the Buddha, his doctrine (dhanama) and his Order (sangha). -
P. sandinattassabhavena. By this the cattar sangahavatthian are meant. See note to 87. 108.
That is the sacred texts together with the commentaries. o P. cuijarasekhare misa. Here misà stands for nissà metri causa and the latter for missidya as expressing a local relation.
The river flowing past the east side of Anuradhapura, now called Malvatu-oya.
Pujav. and Rajav.: 20 years. In both works and in the Rajaratn. the king is called Dala-Mogalan. Seeballow note to 44, 68. Tirast,
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His Mahesi had killed his kindred with poison. She then made her son king and carried on the government herself. Lord of men Kittisirimegha thus made king, at once had the house of the Monarch of trees covered with tin plates. For the poor, for travellers and beggars he instituted a great almsgiving. As protector of the road in such manner he could be useful to all'. But in all enterprises the Mahesi took the lead, thus everything in his kingdom was turned upside down. The royal officials and the high dignitaries thought only of bribery, and the powerful in the land terrorized the weak.
At the time of Silakala there lived in a village called Sangilla, a man called Bhayasiva, a scion of the Moriya clan. Siva had a son by name Aggabodhi and also a sister's son known by the name of Mahanaga. His sister's son was of tall stature, Aggabodhi was handsome. On account of his high-soaring plans, the vigorous Mahanaga gave up field labour and led a robber's life in the forest. Once when he caught an iguana' he sent it to his aunt'. When she saw
1 The Bodhi Tree in the Mahavihara.
The conjectural maggamalo "road-hall" (perhaps = rest-house) of the Col. Ed. for-palo is without doubt tempting. According to it. W. translates as follows: "Yes, he was like unto a public hall of charity wherein all men were able to partake freely of according to their necessities." l have however, scruples about taking such liberties with the MS. reading, more especially as it gives tolerable sense. In the foregoing travellers and wandering beggars have been mentioned. Here the compiler of
our chronicle adds the remark: the king would have been a signpost
and a guide to all these (sabbopabhogiyo, lit. = one who must or can hc enjoyed by all), had not the queen prevented him. She interfered everywhere and thereby brought the kingdom to chaos.
An alteration of the text is certainly necessary if the MSS. have blitfineyyo mahdindigo aggabodhi casundaro. The writer of S. 6 has felt that, when he has changed sundaro into -rd. But it seems to me that in this verse a contrast, not a resemblance, between the two cousins has to be emphasized, to make the future conduct of Mahanaga intelligible. I should incline therefore, to read mahaktiyo instead of Mahóndigo, and refer the reader to the critical note in my edition.
4 P. godhã, Sinh. goyã. Two species are distinguished: talagoyri, “land-iguana” ( Varanus dracaena) and kabaragoyā “speckled iguana” (Hydrosaurus salvator). The flesh of iguanas is eaten.
P. matulani, the wife of the mother's brother, hence the wife of Bhayasīva.

4.1. 81 Hittisirinnegha 59
the iguana she understood (what he wanted) and ordered to send him a basket of corn. He also sent to the blacksmith a hare and he did the same (as the aunt). From his sister he begged seed corn and a bringer of the seed corn; she handed him over a slave and provided him secretly with food and drink.
Now during a famine a certain man, skilled in magic spells, in order to get alms, was wont to beg food from everybody clad in the robe of a bhikkhu. He had betaken himself to the village (of Sangilla) but as he got no food, overcome with hunger, he sat down trembling. When the merciful Mahanaga saw him, he had pity on him, took the alms-bowl, but although he traversed the village in all directions, he got not even rice soup. But when he gave up his upper-garment, he got food. The other ate, was content and thought: I will make him worthy of the kingdom on the Island. He took him with him and came in a moment to the Gokauna sea. Seating himself there and murmuring in the usual way the formula of incantation, he conjured up the Naga King in the night of the full moon of the month Phussa. "Touch the great Naga'', he commanded Mahanaga. In the first watch
P. pasamsayi must not be corrected. The root sans is intimately connected with sas, just as in Skr. Sans and Scis merge in each other; pasatis means here "to determine, to direct'. The aunt understands that by sending the iguana her nephew wishes to indicate that while he has the flesh of game in abundance, he lacks bread.
* The son of this sister is (42. 1) the future king Aggabodhi I.
P. bijagdiha, purposely formed like asigaha, chattagaha. Gokara (ka) is also 57. 5 the theatre of a similar scene of magic as the one here described. In 71. 18 it is the farthest spot down the Mahaveliganga ("from Sarogamatittha as far as Gokanna"), which must be protected from the enemy in Rohana. As in our passage it is described as mahagava "ocean", it can be no other than the mouth of the Mahaveliganga, the Koddiyar Bay, the Bay of Trincomalee.
December to January. The Nagas are semi-divine beings in the form of snakes. They are always held to be zealous worshippers of the Buddha and of his teaching. They are represented in human form with a snake's head growing from between the shoulder blades over the head.
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of the night, through fear, he did not touch the Naga who had appeared. It was even so in the middle watch of the night. But in the last watch he caught him by the tail and (immediately) let go of him. (Only) with three fingers had he touched him. When the magician saw that he foretold: "My effort succeeds: After thou hast had war with three kings and slain the fourth, thou shalt be king in thy old age and live yet three years; and three people out of thy clan will be kings (after thee). Go thither, serve the King; later thou shalt witness my power.' With these words he sent him forth. Mahanaga went, sought the monarch and entered his service. The King made him collector of revenue in Rohana and he collected many goods which were produced there. The King was pleased with him and gave him the rank of an andhasenapati and commanded him to betake himself thither (to Rohana) again. He took the son of Bhayasiva and his sister's son' with him, went thither and raised rebellion in the whole province. He made of Rohana a territory whose products fell exclusively to himself and took up his abode there'. In order to wage war with Dathapabhuti he advanced with a great array of forces, but from fear of Moggallana, he returned to
W. translates: "he raised it by the tail with three of his fingers and dropped it", but khip does not mean "to raise" nor chup "to drop". In my edition the punctuation of the text is also wrong. One must place the semi-colon after khip and take til' ewan angulihi sa tana chupi as a connected sentence.
* The event takes place, as is apparent from v. 69 and from what follows, in the time of King Silakala.
8 This title only occurs here. See Introd. III.
The former was called Aggabodhi (41.70). By bhagineyya we have probably to understand the nephew of Mahanaga who according to v. 93 died prematurely.
The present part. vasan is used here instead of a finite verb to express a permanent state.
Before it came to a fight, the reign of Dathapabhuti had come to an end, after lasting six months.

1.98 Mahānāga 61
Rohana. While he dwelt there he heard of the confusion in King Kittsirimegha's kingdom. Mahanaga thought it was now time to seize the government, set out hastily from Rohana, slew the Ruler on the nineteenth day, took over the government himself and reestablished order. Then he sent a letter to his sister's son bidding him come. The latter coming turned back because of an (unlucky) omen and died. Thereupon Mahanaga out of gratitude, made the son of his mother's brother (Aggabodhi) Uparaja. After building an irrigation trench round the Monarch of trees he had a roof put over its golden house and set up images of the King of Sages. He decorated the three great cetiyas with stucco work and (put up) a protecting ring (against lightning). He also repaired the elephant terrace and the paintings'. The weavers' village Jambelambaya he affiliated to the Uttara-vihara and the village called Tintinika to the Mahavihara. The village of Wasabha in Uddhagama he granted to the Jetavana, he also instituted a giving of garments for the three fraternities. After granting three hundred fields to the Jeta (vana)- vihara he instituted there a permanent (gift of) rice soup for
P. asamaijasa, lit. "uneven road" a figurative expression for the idea of disorder and confusion.
* Pūjāv., Rājā.v., Nik.-S., Rājaratin. call the king Kuɖãkitsirimõvan to distinguish him from Sirimeghavanna, the first prince of the Culavamsa line. The two first chronicles attribute to him a reign of 19 years.
For the Uparaja, the co-regent of the reigning king and his relintion to the Yuvaraja, the heir-apparent, see Introduction II.
1. Cf. for the works mentioned here 38. 10 and 74 with the notics. The stucco work is of course the masonry of the thupa; cumbata is short for vajiracumbata; hatthived is the same as hathipakara.
Or "the weavers' village called Jambela' according to the reading jambelachayan preferred by S. and B.
P. Uttare. This doubtless stands here for Abhayuttare, is therefore the Abhayagiri-vihāra. Cf. note to 37. 97.
" The tayo nikaya are the communities of the Maha-, Jetawana-and Abhayagiri-vihāras. But in a Sinhalese work, quoted by WICKIRRMASING II E, EZ. II. 275, note , it is pointed out that they are the three sects of the Dhammarucis, Sagalikas, and Vetullas. Sometimes, as 46.15 f. "two fraternities' are mentioned along with the three. سـ
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the bhikkhus. He handed over to the Ascetics a thousand fields (watered by the tank) called Diiratissa. For the inmates of the Mahavihara he instituted a permanent (dole of) rice soup. The Ciramatikavara (canal) he granted thither, rejoicing at virtuous dealing. In the Mayura-parivena he undertook renovations and in the Mahādevarattakurava-vihāra in (the district of) Kasikhanda he restored the dilapidated Anurarama. After he had performed in this and in other ways works which lead to Heaven he joined after three years the company of the gods.
These eight kings who were all contented in spirit', whose wealth was endless as that of the King of Kings, who gloried in their troops, their elephants, their chargers and in the chariots of their heroic army, they had finally to surrender all and forsaken by their followers, mount the pyre. The wise
I do not think that we can connect tapassina in directly with
Mahdaviharavdisinan. The former belongs to the first, the latter to the
second half of the verse. The ascetics do not live in the vihara, but in the arainia. Probably the ascetics of the Tapovana, 52.22, 53. 14, 54.20 are meant, the settlement in the wilderness west of Anuradhapura, recently more accurately investigated by AYRTox and HocART. See Memoirs
Archaeol. Survey Ceylon I. 1924, p. 18 f.
See 87. 172 and 38, 52 with the notes. Pejav. and Rajav, call the prince Senevi or Senevi-Mana. The duration of his reign is given as 3 years. In Rajaratin. and Nik-s, he is also called Senevi. After him all four chronicles insert a king whose name is missing in the Clavamsa. Pitjav. : Limini-SinganSaladaabona (9 years), Rajav.: Lämäini - Sim ha-Saladaabona (9 years), Rajaratn, and Nik.-s.: Laimini-Singanaya.
Because they had attained the highest human goal, the dignity of kingship.
The word 'diardia denotes also in Skr. Kuvera, the god of wealth.
The two first lines of the strophe offend repeatedly against the law of style. They can only bè translated according to their sense. Rajarajena rapdi and naraka rituragd starasendirathehi are disintegrated compounds. They stand instead of rajarajarupa (rapa = "like", as in bhagavantaripa, D. I. 51) and narakarturagasirasendirathehi.

4. 103 Mahdinsiga 63.
man when he remembers this should, if he seeks his salvation, harbour the wish to fling away from him the happiness of existence.
Here ends the forty-first chapter, called "The Nine Kings' in the Mahavansa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The MSS. have it is true, atthardiako "the eight kings". Cf. the note to the signature of the following pariccheda.

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64 Aggabodhi I
- CHAPTER XLII
THE TWO KINGS
1 Aggabodhi the highly favoured of fortune, sister's son of King Mahanaga', now became king whose aspiration was 2 the attainment of the highest enlightenment. In splendour imitating the sun, in charm the moon with full disk, in stead3 fastness the Sumeru mountain, in depth the ocean, in firmness the earth, in impartiality the wind, in insight the ma4. gician among the gods', in purity the autumn heavens, in the enjoyment of wishes fulfilled the King of the gods, in wealth
Here S. and B., and W. obviously dependent on their rendering, translate ikbiti Mahānāga-naraniñaluhu mayilipit, W: “the son of Mahanaga's mother's brother." In itself that would be quite simple. Aggabodhi would then be the son of Bhayasiva mentioned 41.70 whom Mahanaga according to 41. 93, appointed uparaja. But there is one difficulty about the matter It absolutely contradicts the text. Aggabodhi is here perfectly plainly described as ble digineyyat of Mahanaga. The Pujav. also calls him Mandiraja-bdindi and likewise the Rajav. We must stick to this if we wish to keep firm ground under our feet. We must thus assume that the Cullavamsa says nothing about the after fate of Bhayasiva's son, just as it is so often silent where we should like to hear more, and that the Aggabodhi named in 42. 1 has nothing but the name in common with him. STILL's genealogical tree (in his very valuable Index to the Mahawansa) which rests on the translations, needs correction accordingly.
Sumeru is the same as Meru or Hemameru. Cf. 37.79 with not.
P. samarutti refers to the impartial demeanour towards others, none being favoured, none being disadvantaged, as the wind blows equally for all heings without distinction. It is interesting to find suite similar phrases as those in v. 2 and 3 in an inscription of Mahinda IV. (WickREMAs NG IIE, EZ. II. 225). • That is Brhaspati.

42. 12 Aggabodhi I 65
the commander of treasures, in justice the upright Wasetha', in courage the king of beasts, in royal virtues a ruler of the world, in generosity a Wessantara, it was thus his people knew him. On his mother's brother he conferred the dignity of uparaja, on his brother that of yuvaraja, on his sister's son that of king of Malaya'. To the most distinguished officials also he gave positions according to their merits. He won over his subjects by the heartwinning qualities and by the royal virtues". The province of Dakkhinadesa with the appropriate retinue he made over to the Yuvaraja. The latter while he dwelt there, built the Sirivaddhamana tank. After the wise (prince) had erected the Giri-vihara intended for the community (of the bhikkhus) he granted it two hundred fields for the support of the community. To the Malayaraja he gave his daughter Datha by name (to wife); he also built the parivena which bears the name Sirisamghabodhi. For Mahasiva he built a parivena" which was called after him. His companions also were chiefly intent on meritorious works. Thus by a pious mode of life he followed the good old custom
The term amaranantar applied to Brihaspati here bears out his close association with the Atharvaveda given him in the Indian epics. Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 181. - The King of the Gods is Indra, the Lord of treasure Kuvera.
* A frgi, a primeval sage (Skr. Vasistha).
Wessantara was the last human incarnation of the Buddha. His history is told in the Jataka bearing his name (Nr. 547) FAusBöLL's edition, VI. p. 479 f.
4 Cf. for these titles the notes to 41. 33-35.
5 See notes to 87. 107 and 108.
o P. sayoggam. the adj. yogga is made into a substantive by supplementing it with a nominal term like "accessories, equipment, retinue". Sayoggabalavahana in 44.84 is used in the same connection. Here for the first time we have the Southern Province, the dakkhigadesa as territory reserved for the heir to the throne, as is thenceforward the rule. Cf. also the note to 41. 85.
Note to 37. 63.
P. sadhupacarena. W. translates this: "by continually keeping the company of good men", which is also possible.
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and to remove hindrances, he restored it where it had fallen into decay. During his reign poets wrote numerous poems in the Sihala tongue which were distinguished by various useful doctrines. In the Dakkhina-vihara he erected a splendid pasada' and in the course of nine years he cleared the island of all brierso. After building the vihāra called Kurunda destined for the whole Order (of bhikkhus) and a tank of the same name and (after planting) a cocopalm garden three yo
Refers directly to "the good old custom" (pordian dhammiyan vidhian) which is figuratively likened to a building that has fallen into decay and must be restored. The "hindrances' are things, actions, eircumstances which obstruct the path to delivrance.
So I translate naya which is chiefly used of prudent policy. The names of the twelve poets said to have flourished under Aggabodhi I. are enumerated in the Pitjav., the Rajav., and the Nik.-s.
Pījāv: 1. Dāhāmi Rājāv: Dahanet Nik.-s. : Dāmīya
2. Temal Pusu Suriyabahuya 3. Bäbiri Bäri Bäbiriya 4. Bisodala Miyo Dalabisoya 5. Anurut . Kuma Anurutkumaruya 6. Dalagot Dalagot Daļa gotikumaruya 7. Puravadu Purava Puravaɖukumaruya 8. Daasalakumaru Dasalā Daļasallakumaruya 9. Kitsiri Kitsiri Kitsirikumaruya 10. Kasub Käsubu Kasupkotaӑрӑya 11. Koţa Kota Sakdāmalaya (?== 2) 12. Ара Арауа Asakdāmalaya
In addition it is stated in the Pjav. and Rajav. that the Thera Dhammakitti (sinh. Dämi, Dahāmikit) held office under King Aggabodhi.
3 That is: the "Southern Monastery". According to Mhvs. 33.88 its builder was Uttiya, one of the warriors of Wattagamani. It lay nagaramahdi dakkhinato. In the latest plan of Anuradhapura the Dakkhina-vihara is identified with the cetiya known in local tradition as "Eara's tomb"
(Cf. Mhvs. 25.72-73). As regards this monument, I should prefer keeping
to the local tradition. The Dakkhina-vihara has thus still to be identified.
4 See mote to 37. 59.
Said figuratively; kataka "thorn" is used of all enemies of the throne and the church, of all pests of the organism of the State.
The building of the Kurunda tank is also narrated in Pujav. Rajav. and Rajaratn. H. W. CodRINGTon (H. C., p. 85) identifies it with the Giant's tank near Mannar.

42. 23 Aggabodhi I 67
janas in length, he granted it to Mahasiva as his dwelling and in addition to it revenues, honours and distinctions and a hundred monastery attendants. Near to it he built the Ambilapassava-vihara and granted the village of this name to the Ascetics of the Thera School. To the Unnavalli-vihara he granted the far-famed village of Ratana' and placed (in the vihara) a stone image of the Master. In Kelivata he built the (vihara) called Sumanapabbata and beside the Bodhi temple a stone terrace with a large oil pit'. After he had restored the Lohapasada, he distributed at the dedication festival of the pasada to six and thirty thousand bhikkhus the three garments". He assigned to it a village and ordered that it should be guarded. In the Hatthikucchi-vihara" the enlightened (prince) likewise erected a pasada which bore the name of his daughter. He kept piously to the instruction of the bhikkhu Dathasiva and living according to the law, he looked after him heedfully. Further he built the great vihara Mugasena
The Col. Ed. differs greatly here from the MSS. It reads mahdistnadvayajiceva sassain karayituan add, but it is just the first syllables mahdisiva which are well preserved in all the MSS. It seems to me very doubtful for the rest, that mahdisinadvayan should mean "two large tracts of defined land" as translated by W. For sind I know only the meaning "boundary", but not "defined territory".
* See mote to 87. 63.
See notes to 41. 99 and 87. 227.
Is Ratanagama not the present Ratnapura The epithet dighatapita would then point to its having been famous then as a mine of precious stones. Here attention may also be called to the district Ratanakara-rattha (69. 31) which lies in the Southern Province.
The Bodhi temple in the Mahavihara is meant here (note to 38.43). The "oil pit" was probably a cup-like hollow intended for the reception of the oil presented for festive illumination.
See note to 41.29.
" Is also mentioned 48.65 in the reign of Aggabodhi VI and 49.76 in that of Dappula II.
Apparently Dathasiva took a post at court corresponding to that of the purohita in the Indian courts. This is the beginning of the
political influence of the bhikkhus. Cf. 57. 88 f. and note.
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pati and assigned it the village Lajika for the (necessary) maintenance of the slaves. For the merit of King Mahanaga King Aggabodhi built a (vihara) called by his name and assigned it to the Grand Thera who was versed in the three Pitakas. But he who no longer possessed wishes, handed over the vihara to sixty-four bhikkhus of his kind who practised yoga'. After building the Bhinnorudipa(-vihara) for the same (thera) who dwelt in the Mahaparivena', and granting
it (revenues) from Vatakarapisthi, he erected halls for the
Uposatha festival in the vihara called Dakkhinagiridaha, in Mahanagapabbata and in the Kalavapi-vihara. In the Abhaya (giri)-vihara he constructed a large bathing tank and on the Cetiyapabbata he provided a permanent water supply for the Nāgasoņdi tanko. After having the Mahindatața tanko constructed in the proper way, he decided to set up (the image
The reading ekassa which W. accepts, is certainly wrong. It can only be a question of a foundation for the benefit of the vihara mentioned in the first half of the verse and which is alluded to by et assa. Vihdiran must be inserted from v. 23. We might translate "he gave it (i. e. the Mitigasenapati-vihara) the name Mahanaga-vihara'. The building of this vihara by Aggabodhi (Mandiradapirivea) is also mentioned in Pujav. and Rajaratn.
See note to 37. 223. Who the Grand Thera was is not said, probably Dathasiva.
I. e. who gave themselves to ascetic and meditative practices. H. Beckh, Buddhismus II, 9 f, was the first to show the significance of Yoga in Buddhism in its true light.
According to 50.67 a building in the Jetavana-vihara. Mentioned again 48. 65.
The translation is not quite certain on account of the brevity of the original. W. has, however, disregarded the gerund katva in his rendering.
See note to 37. 201. I think what is meant here is the bathing tank now called Nagapokuna, situated just under the summit of the Mihintale mountain (see 38.75 note) where hewn in the rock face the heads of a cobra (ndiga) seem to rise out of the water. Not "Elephant's Pool" as W. translates. See Mihvs. trsl. p. 94, note 1.
The tank at the foot of the Missaka mountain by which the pre
sent fields of the village Mihintale are irrigated.

42, 37 Aggabodhi I 69
of) the Thera (Mahinda) on its dike and he decreed that when 30 the Grand Thera Mahinda should be brought to the place, people from the Taraccha clan should carry him. He plac- 31 ed a golden umbrella on the (thupas of the) three fraternities, seven- eight- and nine-fold and (set) with precious stones. He presented the Mahathupa with a golden 82 umbrella weighing four and twenty bharas' and here and there (he offered) a superb jewel of great value. Having decorated 33 the temple of the Tooth Relic with brightly gleaming precious stones he made a golden reliquary (for the relic) and in the Pali Hall a canoe of bronze. He built the Mahamekhala 34 bund and conducted a great canal from the Manihira tank.
At that time a Grand Thera called Jotipala had beaten in 85 controversy the adherents of the Vetulla School on the Island. The Adipada called Dathapabhuti, ashamed (at the 86 defeat), raised his hand to strike him (the thera). At the selfsame moment an ulcer appeared (on his hand). But the King 37 who was pleased with Jotipala, assigned him a dwelling in that very vihara. In his pride Dathapabhuti went not to
1 P. taracchdi. See, note to 88. 13. W. is not at all clear about this passage. The Taraccha are already mentioned Mhvs. 19. 2 along with the Kulihga.
See note to 38. 54, as also to 41.97.
Has reference to the single storeys of the chatta, which apparently differed in the three thupas (Mahathtipa, Jetavana, and Abhayagiri) in the way indicated.
A bhara (= 20 Tula = 2000 Pala) is according to BR. (Sanskrit - Wtb. s. v.), equal to about 140 lbs. That would give a total weight of 33 to 34 cwt. According to the Sinhalese weight (1 pala = 4 karsa = a little more than 72.5 gr.) we should get double that quantity. The unbrella was of course of stone and gilded.
See note to 87. 181.
Now Minneri-weva, N.W. of Polonnaruva.
"The Mahavamsa regards the Wetulla School as a heretical sect. They were the representatives of the Mahayana, in Ceylon and are first mentioned Mhvs. 86. 41 in the reign of Wohāraka-Tissa (2nd half of the 3rd c. A.D.). They had their seat in the Abhayagiri-vihara according to Mhws. 86. 11 1. Cf Mhvs. tral., p. 259. n. 2.
Presumably in the vihara where the controversy had taken place. (Abhayagiri ?)

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him and so died. The King conferred the dignity of mahadipada on his sister's son Aggabodhi and charged him to take the Thera under his protection, which he did. After building the Nilageha cell the King gave it to that same Thera. Thus he wrought many meritorious works and died in the thirty-fourth year (of his reign)'.
Hereupon Aggabodhi became king. As the former king was the elder he was distinguished by the name Khudda". Versed in the former customs he protected the Island and he made Samghabhadda the daughter of his mother's brother mahesi. As sword-bearer he appointed a kinsman of the Mahesi. He distributed posts according to worth, without preference". The Weluvana(-vihara) which the king had built he made over to the adherents of the Sagali School. He also built the Jamburantaragalla (-vihara) and the Matikapitthi(-vihara). During the reign of this (king) the prince of the Kalinga country whose mind was disturbed when he saw the death of living beings in war, came hither to our Island with the resolve of world renunciation. He underwent the ceremony of world renunciation under Jotipala and the King maintained him honourably for a long time. He built him a prac
He was too proud to go to Jotipala and ask his forgiveness. The title mahadipada is usually borne by the heir to the throne. What a pariccheda was in a monastic establishment is difficult to say. I suppose it to have been single cells for the inmates. Cf. 48.2, 50.77.
4 Ptjav: 34 years, Rajav: 30 years.
. e. the little, the younger. In the Sinhalese sources he is also called Kuda-Akbo. See note to 87.211.
W.'s translation of analayo by "as he envied not to give power into the hands of others" is certainly not right. Alaya means "wish, affection". What is meant is merely that the king was not influenced by personal wishes but by objective considerations. Cf. also 46. 4.
See note to 39. 41. The Sagaliya had their seat in Jetavana, as the Dhammarueika in Abhayagiri (A. M. HocART, Memoirs ASC. 1,
p. 15 ff). For the Veļuvana-vihāra see note to 44. 29.
It seems that he was driven from his country by Pulakesin I., the founder of the Chalukya dynasty who conquered the Kalinga kingdom.
According to Jouveau-Dubreuil this took place 609 A.D. See H. W.
ConRINGToN, H. C., p. 35,51.

42, 54 Aggabodhi II
tising-house in the Mattapabbata - vihara. The Kalinga prince's minister and his Mahesi betook themselves to the same (Jotipala) and under him they (likewise) underwent the ceremony of world renunciation. When the Mahesi of the King (Aggabodhi) heard. of her splendid renunciation of the world, she supported her honourably and had the Ratana(-vihara) built (for her). To the minister the King granted the Wettavasa-vihara in Pacinakandaraji, but the ascetic handed it over to the community. The royal Thera died; the King (Aggabodhi) mourned for him and wept for him and after that built a practising-house in the Culagalla-vihara' as well as one in the Palamnagara-vihara'. Thus in his place and for him the ruler performed many meritorious works.
Once while the Thera Jotipala was performing his devotions in front of the cetiya in the Thuparama a piece of (mesonry) got loosened and fell in front of him. The troubled Thera called the King and showed it to him. When the King saw it he was horrified and had the work at once taken in hand. He housed the Relic of the Right Collar-bone", carefully guarded, in an inner room of the Lohapasada and honoured it day and night. As the repairs in the Thuparama were delayed, the devatas' dwelling there appeared to the
1 See notes to 87. 232.
The name occurs in what is probably the right form Pacinakhandaraji also in Mhvs. 23. 4. I believe it to be the name of a village near the Citta mountain. aI. e. he refused personal possession and handed over the vihara to the community of the bhikkhus.
Mentioned also Mhvs. 35. 13. The vihara was built by Claibhaya at the end of the 1st c. A. D. on the bank of the Gopanadi (Kalaoya), south of Anurādhapura.
In Palamnagaraga the ga means "found in". It is thus not part of the name, as W. supposes.
This is a patti, that is an action whose merits are transferred to another person who has died. The reward for the pious foundations made by Aggabodhi are to fall to the royal thera from Kalinga.
See above note to 87. 207. o Thūpārån amhi belongs to navakamme as well as to devată. According to popular belief devatas are everywhere, in every field, every tree, every building, even in the single parts of a house.
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King in a dream as attendants of the monastery. "If the King hesitates to rebuild the shrine of the relic we shall take the relic and go where it pleaseth us", said they. At that moment the King awoke and greatly perturbed, he had the work on the shrine finished in a short time, including the paintings and the like. Further (he had) four images and thrones of stone, a golden umbrella and work in stone and ivory (made) for the shrine. His dignitaries and others (of high rank) made nine hundred reliquaries and renewed the whole work of Devanampiyatissa'. When with immense pains he had got together the offering in fitting manner he with the greatest reverence, brought the relic from the Lohapasada hither. He had the relic surrounded by the Grand Thera Jotipala together with the community, carried in festive procession in a reliquary. To the relic-shrine he dedicated the island of Lanka together with his own person' and handed over to its guardians the village the proceeds of which had belonged to the Mahesi. In Nagadipa (he preserted) the Unnalomaghara temple to the Rajayatanadhatu (-rihara), as well as an umbrella for the Amalacetiya". He granted to the vihara there a village for the provision of rice soup. To the Abhaya (giri)-vihara he granted the village of Anganasalaka. Giving it his own name and that of the Mahesi, he erected in the Abhayuttara the Dathaggabodhi house. The Queen piously built the Kapalanaga-vihara and handed it over provided with the four
In v. 57 the v. karaiyi must be supplemented to the accusatives from v. 56. Nava kamman in v. 58 d must have the v. akãsum added from 58 a.
He is the builder of the Thtiparama-cetiya according to Mhvs. 17。1f,62。
P. pariharena. The word has obviously here already the meaning of its Sinhalese equivalent perahara "procession".
See above 89. 31 for a case of similar homage to the Church. The verb is missing in the sentence. We must probably supplement it with an add from the foregoing. My interpretation differs greatly from that of W. I take Rajayatanadhatu for the name of a vihara. Nagadipa means the most northerly part of Ceylon.
See note to 87. 97.

49, 69 Aggabodhi II 78
necessaries, to the same monastery. In the Jetavana the King erected a building with a glittering crowning ornament and near the house of the Bodhi Tree he had a well dug. He also built the Gangatata, Walahassa and Giritata tanks. He enlarged the Mahapali Hall and set up a canoe for the gifts of rice'. For the bhikkhunis the Mahesi ordered permanent gifts of rice'. Thus after King Aggabodhi had performed meritorious works, he went to Heaven in the tenth year (of his reign).
Thus (both) these Lords of men, who rejoiced in meritorious works, who were blessed with riches, fell into the clutches of death. Then should the wise man when he beholds rightly the course of existence, shunning according to precept, all connection with existence, (his face) turned towards Nirvana, live discerningly, surrendering himself to the renunciation of the world.
Here ends the forty-second chapter, called "The Two Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
There is no reason to change the reading of the MSS. rajanacumbatam into rajatacwmbatam as do S. and B. There is nothing strange in the archaic participial form in - āna in the eclectic style of the Cüīlavarpsa.
Rajav. and Pujav. relate that in all he built 13 tanks. The Gangatala, Giritalā, Hovațu, Neralu, Māțombu, Siravalāskäțiya, Eņderahaļu, Kalunnaru, Mahaudalu, Kingomu, Madata and Kalamvivu are named in the Pujav. In addition both chronicles ascribe to him the building of the Welunna-vehera.
3 P. bhattan āvam. Cf. note to 87. 181.
P. bhattavamsan. The regular recurrence of the gifts is compared with the succession of the generations in a family.
Rajaiv. and Pujav. likewise give the duration of the reign as ten years.
6. The MSS. have Trajako "the three kings' and having regard to the signature of the foregoing pariccheda, it would have been more consistent to have retained this reading. As in our signature one king more, in the foregoing one less is given than actually occurs in the pariccheda, we may perhaps assume that the difference is traceable to a copy in which the last king of the series of the 41 st chapter, Mahānāga, is treated mot with his - prefetessors but with his successors, the two Aggabodhis.
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174 Sanghatissa
CHAPTER XLIV
THE SIX KINGS
Hereupon the Sword-bearer Samghatissa became ruler. With the wish to further religion as well as the kingdom he rejoiced in righteous action. Bestowing office according to merit, he won his subjects for himself. But when the general of the younger king (Aggabodhi), Moggallana, who dwelt in Rohana, learnt that Samghatissa had become king, in order to begin war he occupied a fortified camp in Mahagalla. When Samghatissa heard this he sent troops to fight him, but the mighty Moggallana routed them. Thereupon he betook himself with elephants and horses to Rattivihara, collected his troops there and took up a position. At news of this the King returned, gave him battle at Kadalinivata and
Prijav. and Rajav. describe him as younger brother (mal) of Aggabodhi II. But is seems to be more probable that he is the asiggaha mentioned in 42. 42 as a kinsman of Aggabodhi's II. mahes.
Mahagalla is mentioned in three places. According to 58. 42-43 (q.v.) it was situated in Dakkhinadesa. The sequence Tilagulla, Mahagalla, Mandagalla, Anuradhapura, Mahatittha in a successful campaign of Wijayabahu I. allows of our determining the situation. It is evidently the present Magallegama N.W. of Kurunegala halfway on the road to Puttalam not far from Nikaveratiya (Census of Ceylon 1921, II. 282-3, nr. 62). So also H. W. CodRING-Ton in a letter dated 19. X. 26. Mahagallakavapi is likewise mentioned three times, namely 68, 34 and 43 among the water works built by Parakkamabahu I. to further cultivation in Dakkhinadesa. The passage 79. 66 is either a repetition of what is related in Chap. 68 or it refers to the restoration of the tank.
8 Not Kadalladi-Nivata. The did serves only, as so frequently, for paraphrase "beginning with Kadall". Cf. Kadalyadinivata 48.50; Mahapānādiidīpa 44. 122; Sirisannghãdibodhiko 46. 1.

44.15 Sanghaltissa 75
defeated him. Then he sent his troops (after him), but returned himself to the town. Moggallana restored his vanquished army to its former state and marched to Rahera. The King's Senapati sent his son against the rebels, he himself feigned (sickness) as if suffering and distressed like one very sick, he kept his bed. When the King heard of it he at once sought him out and admonished him: "Be not troubled. Only set the Prince his tasks here (in Anuradhapura) and protect the city; it is impossible for thee to accompany me to the seat of war as thou art sick'. Because all the people had left the city and the King's food was thereby curtailed, they placed before the King food that had been prepared in the Mahapali Hall. When the King saw that, he was much perturbed and thinking: (it must be) before he becomes weaker than (he is') now, he went forth in haste to war. With his son he mounted his elephant at the head of an army in fighting trim and marched with a small force to Pacinatissapabbata. When both sides were engaged in battle the treacherous Senapati opened the attack from behind. When the Ruler's
It is unnecessary to change savahanan into savahinion. Vahana (primarily: baggagetrain, camp-followers) is several times used in just this section as "army'. Thus vv. 13 and 22.
The Rahera mountain is already mentioned 41. 44 on the occasion of the battles between Dathapabhuti I. and his brother Moggallana. The Col. Ed. reads, it is true, Kareheran updigami.
Jetthatissa is presumably meant by the "Prince". According to v. 28 he had remained in the town, probably as Regent under the Minister's guidance, while his father was in the field.
P. ubbdisite, lit. "caused to depart'. The people had left the town from fear of the enemy. It does not mean that they were in the field. The loc. sabbe is one of the incorrest forms peculiar to the language of the Cillavamsa. Cf. similarly sabbe. Jambudipe 75. 26 and also Lankåtale sabbe 44. 44.
The idea is this: The King feels that he cannot do without the advice and help of his Senapati in the city while he hinself is absent. He wants therefore to hasten the decision in the field so that the sick man does not die before it. Yāca na means “until — before”; mando stands for the comparative and the ablative etto belongs to this.
See note to 41. 14. I. e. Samghatissa and Moggallana,
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son saw that, he said: "I will slay him". But the King restrained him: "Think not of such a thing; our army is unable to stand this, it is certainly much too weak." The King was in the centre between the two hostile armies, therefore his forces had to be divided against the rebel (Moggallana) and the Senapati. The King's elephant sought the shade of a madhuka tree whereupon the umbrella fell to the ground because it knocked against a branch. The rebel's army saw that, took possession of it and handed it over to their commander. He raised the umbrella, standing on the summit of the mountain. Thereupon the King's troops thinking he was
now king, came and surrounded him. But King Samghatissa
2.
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was alone. He dismounted from the back of his elephant and
fled with his son and a faithful minister to the Merumajara forest nearby.
The victorious Moggallana' took the host, the treacherous Senapati and his ruthless son, came to the capital and was king as sovereign of the Lanka country. Then he thought: "As long as the foe is in life there is no good luck." When he heard that a son of the former king was here (in Anuradha
pura), he was wroth and at once commanded that his hands
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and feet be cut off. The man charged by the King, went thither immediately to cut off his hands and feet. The boy wept in distress: "If my hands which I have for eating cake, are cut off with what shall I then eat the cakes?" When the
P. hessati. The future in the sense of a mitigated statement where otherwise the potential is used. The ti, as so frequently, is inserted in the oratio recta. Cf. note to 87. 114; further 48. 116; . 77. 99.
Bassia latifolia. Skr. madhika, B.R. s. v. This is the ni-gaha of the Sinhalese which CLough defines as Bassia, longifolia.
The governing verb of puttan 'inaccan ca 80hada is wanting.
Hence the writer of MS. S. 6 recorred the text to puttam adaya Sohadan.
It seems to me probable that 8ohadan was a gloss to distinguish the amacca from the faithless Senapati and that this gloss displaced an ādiya in the text. The gerund ādiya which is found already in Mhvs. 1. 74 is found again in v. 22.
4 Pūjãv. calls him Lämäni- Bõ - nā- Mugalan, Rājāv. Mädi - BõMugalan, Nik-s. and Rajaratn, Lámini-B6-naya.

44. 88 Moggalana III 77
King's servant heard that he wept and wailed, sorely grieved at the King's command. Nevertheless he cut off his left hand and his left foot, the wretch. Jetthatissa another son of the King, fled and betook himself unrecognised to Malaya in the Merukandara district. Meanwhile the King (Samghatissa) with his son and his minister had secretly reached Veluvana. At the instigation of the bhikkhus there he donned the yellow robe. He had the intention of betaking himself in the disguise of a bhikkhu to Rohana and got as far as Manihira'. Here the servants of the King who were there, recognised the three, put fetters on their feet and told Moggallana. When the King heard that, he rejoiced exceedingly and gave the command: "Go with all haste, take the three to the secure and safe Sihagiri'. There cut the King's head off and that of his son, but bring the minister to me alive'. Thus charged, the people took the three, brought them to Sihagiri and set about to do what had been commanded them. Then spake the King's son to the people who carried out the deed: "Do me the boon of cutting my head of first." The King's men did so, then they struck off the head of King (Samghatissa). Behold ye who know well what righteous action is, the action of fools! So transitory are (worldly) delights, so uncertain and unstable: how could ye setting your hearts on these, neglect to seek your eternal salvation?
They informed the minister of the King's command, as they had his good at heart". When he heard that he laughed
See note to 41. 19.
* See above 42. 48. The Veluvana-vihära müst hence be looked for somewhere on a line between Anuradhapura and Manihira.
Now Minneriya-veva, one of the largest and most beautiful tanks in the island, about 10 miles W. N.W. of Polonnaruva. ۔۔۔۔۔۔
Sigiri lies about 10 miles W.S.W. from the Minneri lake.
W. refers hitesino to amacassa "unto the faithful minister". I believe though, that it is a nom. plu. belonging to the subject contained in dhansu. From what follows it seems that Moggallana's henchmen wished to save the minister's life by offering him the prospect of service with the new King.
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and spake these words: "While I was still in life I saw my master beheaded; shall I alas! serve another master besides him? After ye have slain him here will ye also take from him his shadow P Alas! ignorant are ye, I trow, and deluded." After he had spoken thus he took hold of his master's feet and lay thus there. The henchmen (of Moggallana) seeing no means of bringing him away, willy-nilly struck his head off too. Then they took the three (heads) and showed them to the King. He struck at them and rejoiced, being rid of his fear. To the treacherous Senapati he granted the dignity of Malayaraja and gave his son the office of sword-bearer.
Moggallana covered the three thupas with new material and instituted a great thupa festival throughout the territory of Lanka. With a great offering he celebrated with reverence. the Hair Relic of the Master, likewise the Tooth Relic and the great Bodhi Tree. In accordance with ancient custom he held the entire Wesakha’ festival and the like. By a regulative act he reformed the Order of the Perfected One. With a great festival he instituted a recitation of the (three) Pitakas and he honoured the learned priests by giving them specially high revenues. To all the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he presented a robe and in all their dwellings he had kathina' robes
The covering over of the thipas with white linen cloths was a token of festive homage. Cf. 52.67 and 54.87. The word sabbe belongs most likely to Lankatale (see note to 44. 11) and thupe mahussavan the same as thitpassa ma and takes the place of the compound thiuратаһи88арат.
The month Wesakha corresponds to April-May. The birthday of the Buddha was celebrated on the day of the full moon of this month.
3 See note to 39. 57.
4. By kathina we are to understand a gift of clothing to the community carried out in a specially solemn form at the end of the Pavarana festival (see note to 87. 90). It is considered highly meritorious. The term is attihatakathino (lit. "outspread raw cotton"), kathinatthdra, in our passage kathinan attharā pati. The ceremony consists in the uninterrupted making of the garments in the course of a day and a night from raw cotton. The cotton is spun by women, the stuff woven, dyed and finally made up into garments. Cf. Winaya I. 253 ff. (= Mahavagga VII. 1 f).

44,59 Moggallāna III 79
made. He made images and repaired what was decayed. He made over to the community more than 300 salt-pans. In Karapitthi he built the Moggallana-vihara, further the Pitthigama-vihara and Watagama together with a village (assigned to it). He also built a cetiya temple in the Rakkha-vihara and he granted villages to many viharas for their maintenance. Thus the Monarch performed countless meritorious works in remembreance of the fleeting nature of the fortunes of the preceding king.
Now it happened that for some offence or other he became displeased with the Malayaraja. He remembered his shameful conduct towards the former king. He got him into his power by craft and had his hands and feet cut off. When the Sword-bearer heard that he betook himself with his son to Rohana. Dwelling there he soon brought the land into his power. He sought out Jetthatissa who kept himself hidden in Malaya. In league with him he conquered in a short time the province of Janapada. He then betook himself to the Dohalapabbata and took up his position in an armed camp'. When the King heard all that he (likewise) took up his position near him with an army and a train ready for battle. Now at that time many of the King's people suf
fered from fever and died. When the Sword-bearer heard,
that he took up the fight with vehemence. The King's army was too weak, it was scattered and fled. The King fled be
I read Rakkhaviharake as against -kan of the MSS.
? See 44., 43. * The Malayarāja's son (44. 48).
I believe that we must read rattham Janapadan and that with this is meant the country often mentioned later (66. 110 etc.), situated in northern Malaya towards Dakkhinadesa. The verb ghdtento is curious. The Dohala mountain is most likely to be sought in the district of Janapada. The form of the name agrees in all MSS. The alteration to Dolhapabbata in the Col. Ed. is arbitrary. It cannot be the mountain Dolagalvela. That lies on the right bank of the Mahaveliganga, and occurs in the Mahavamsa (10.44) under the name Dollapabbata. The scenes described in our verses took place without doubt somewhere in the neighbourhood of the present Dambul. In v. 60 Sigiri (Sihapabbata) is also mentioned in connection with the battle.
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hind it. When the Sword-bearer met him alone near Sihagiri he slew the Great King together with his attendants. In order to kill Jetthatissa also whom he had left behind, he sent him a message: "Come and be King, come." Jetthatissa saw through the plan, turned and fled to Malaya (for he said to himself:) "Would he really hand over to me the royal dignity gained with so much trouble?'
When after six years he had slain the Prince Moggallana surnamed Dalla, the Sword-bearer with army and train entered splendid Anuradhapura, became king and rolled the wheel of dominion over the earth's circle. He was called Silameghavanna, reverenced the Order and the Bodhi Tree, sacrificed to the three thupas and enlarged the Mahapali Hall. During a bad famine he dispensed milk rice made with butter and syrup to the community and (presented it) also with filters. Through sheer generosity he won the hearts of the poor, of travellers and beggars. To boys the bountiful (Prince) gave money to buy cakes. In the Abhayagiri-vihara he honoured the stone image of the Buddha by an offering. He had its ruined temple (restored and) brightly decorated with divers precious stones. He dedicated (unto it) the Kolavapi tank to protect the Victor and he continually instituted sacrificial festivals at the greatest cost.
While the Monarch thus lived as a vessel for meritorious action, a general named Sirinaga, mother's brother of Jethatissa, had betaken himself to the opposite shore. He returned
The same number in Pljav. and Rajav.
* The Sinhalese chronicles give this Surname to Moggallāna II. See note to 41. 63.
The Sinhalese chronicles do not mention the name of this king. They merely call him asiggdihaka.
That is, as wages for the guarding of the image and its temple he allotted the proceeds of the tank. The words dirakkhatthan jinassa belong to datvana, not to the following.
The word bhajana is used in Skr. with the same figurative sense. See BR. s. v., nr. 4.
I. e. to the mainland of India.

44, 82 Šilāneghavaņņa 8.
with many Damias and began to take possession of (the northern province) Uttaradesa. At the tidings of this, the King advanced, offered battle at the village of Rajamittaka, beat the Damias who had accompanied him, captured those who remained over from the slaughter, subjected them to all kinds of humiliation and distributed them here and there as slaves to the viharas.
When the Monarch had thus gained the victory, he returned to the city and while he, after he had cleared the whole kingdom and was menaced from no side, dwelt there, a bhikkhu called Bodhi who had seen many undisciplined bhikkhus in the Abhayuttara-vihara, though reckoned by the ceremony of world renunciation, he was still young, came to the King and begged him to proclaim a regulative act. The King had the regulative act carried out by him himself in the vihara. Then all the undisciplined bhikkhus who had been expelled from the Order, took counsel together, murdered Bodhi secretly and annulled the act. When the King heard that, he was wroth, seized them all together and made them, their hands cut off and in fetters, guardians of the bathing tanks; another hundred bhikkhus there he expelled to Jambudipa. In remembrance of Bodhi's efforts he thus cleansed the Order. When then he invited the bhikkhus of the Thera School with the others to celebrate together the Uposatha festival, he was refused. He flew into a rage and offending all respect, he abused and revilled them with harsh words. Then he betook himself without demanding pardon of the bhikkhus, to Dakkhinadesa. There he was attacked by a fell disease and died suddenly. Thus after nine years he left the earth.
See note to 39. 57.
The other bhikkhus meant here are those of the Abhayagiri-vihara. As the King has expelled the unworthy members of the Order, he thinks the time come for a common celebration with the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara, which they however reject.
The same length of reign is assigned to Asiggahaka in the Pojav. and Rajav.
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His son the young prince, Aggabodhi by name, then became king, known by the name of Sirisamghabodhi. He invested his youngest brother Mana with the dignity of uparaja and granted him (the province of) Dakkhiladesa with fitting army and train. The King who did no discredit to the conduct of former kings, protected the kingdom in justice and daeply reverenced the Order. Jetthatissa who heard all this in Malaya, betook himself to the Arittha mountain and brought the population over to his side. After he had brought the southern and eastern districts into his power and made them his friends, he began gradually to march with strong forces on the capital. He sent his minister Dathasiva to occupy the territory in the west' and took up a position himself in the village Siripitthi. When the King heard all that he sent the Uparaja (Mana) with a force into the western territory. He went up and put Dathasiva to flight. The King thought: one can kill the fellow like a young bird in the nest and took
1 For the first time Siris a m g h a b o di hi occurs as royal biruda. WickREMAsiNGHE has made the happy observation that in the sequel this epithet is used alternately with that of Silameghavanna, so that when a king bears the biruda Sirisamghabodhi, his successor calls him. self Silameghavanna and conversely. EZ. II, p. 9. As name Sirisamghabodhi is first met with Mhvs. 36. 73 ff. (300 A.D.). The title was obviously chosen in honour of this pious king of the Lambakanna clan. The Sinhalese chronicles only know King Aggabodhi III. under the name Sirisangabo.
2 Now Ritigala, the isolated massif halfway between Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva.
3 P. susam anase, not -so as in the Col. Ed. Jet thatissa not only brings the districts into his power, but also wins over the inhabitants as adherents (samanasa "being like-minded").
4 It seems to me that pacchima un disam in v. 88 as also pacchima m desam in v. 89 are not to be taken as proper names of a district, as little as pubbadakkhine in v. 87, but merely as a general geographical designation.
5 See v. 84.
6 Dārakam is probably to be taken in the oratio recta as S. and B. have it in their Sinhalese translation. The word is used contemptuously of the inexperienced amacca of prince Jetthatissa.

44. 104 Jetițhatissa III 83
prisoner the prince's minister (Dathasiva) who had marched to Mayetti. Then he thought: I will catch Jetthatissa in the same way, and with a few troops the fearless one marched recklessly against him. But Jetthatissa on the news thereof, fell with a skilled army and train on the King's army like a sea that has burst its bounds. The army of the King was scattered; the King mounted his elephant and fled at once alone and in disguise. In the sixth month after his accession he hastily took ship and betook himself to Jambudipa, deserting wealth, country and kinsfolk.
Jet thatissa now became king in the city; he fulfilled all duties as was formerly customary and protected the Order. Mahadaragiri he granted to the Abhayuttara-vihara, to the Mahavihara he made over the Bodhi Tree called Mahametta. To the Jetavana the King granted Gondigama. To the practising-house in the Mahanaga(-vihara) he assigned the villages Matulangana and Odumbarangana and to the Kassapagiri (-vihara) (the village of) Ambilapika for the (supply of) food. The village of Kakkhalavitthi he gave to the Weluvana (-vihara) and to the Gangamati-vihara the village of Keheta; to the (vihara) called Antaraganga he gave the village of Cullamatika and to the (vihāra) Mayettikassapavasa (the village of) Sahannanagara. To the Kālavāpi-vihāra, he assigned the village called Lada. This and other (viharas) he provided abundantly with maintenance villages. What was ruinous he restored (at a cost of) three hundred thousand (kahapanas); to the bhikkhus dwelling in the Island he presented the three garments.
The King (Aggabodhi) who had betaken himself to Jambudipa had brothers in blood. These hidden here and there, sought to make the land rebellious. When Jetthatissa heard this, he betook himself to Kalavapi, made war on them and
1 For this vihāra see 42. 24. For padhānaghara cf. 37. 232. 2 Inscriptional mention is made of this monastery under the name Kasubgiri on a tablet of Mahinda IV. See WICKREMASINGHE EZ. I, p. 216. It is mentioned again in Cūlavs. 48. 24 under Kassapa III.
3 See mote to 44. 29.
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took up a position with his army on the spot. The King (Aggabodhi) who had gone to the other coast and there hired Damia troops, came to Kalavapi and began the combat. Jethatissa ready for war with a well equiped force, first letting his minister Dathasiva escape to Jambudipa, mounted his armoured elephant, but seeing his troops fall back in the battle, he spake thus to the high dignitary who rode with him on the elephant: "Take my message to the Mahesi, then mayest thou do what thou wilt: forsake O great Queen, the world, recite the sacred texts, learn the Abhidhamna” and transfer the merit to the King'." After he had given this order, he hewed down the Damias as many of them as met him in the course of the battle. But when his strength was failing he saw a Damia called Veluppa coming to fight with him. Then as he was wont to keep a knife in the betel-nut bag in his hand, he quickly drew his dagger out of that and cut his throat. Then leaning upon the elephant, he stuck the knife back in the sheath. The great army cried aloud. The high dignitary set off, thinking ever and only of how the King had cut his throat, and gave the Queen the message. Together with her he underwent in the Order the ceremony of world renunciation and after he had mastered the Abhidhamma together with the commentary, he
P. palapetvd. The translation "he sent" does not give the full sense of the original. According to v. 90, Dathasiva had become the prisoner of Aggabodhi. But as it is expressly stated, v. 93, that Aggabodhi escaped alone (eko) in disguise to Jambudipa, Dathasiva can no longer be in his power. It is thus not a case of freeing Dathasiva from captivity, the latter must be again in Jetthatissa's service. The idea is rather the following: Jetthatissa sends Dathasiva to Southern India, to cut of Aggabodhi's rearward communications, thereby unconsciously letting his minister escape the disaster overtaking himself.
The Abhidhamma is the third part of the Buddhist Canon, in which its philosophical content is systematically summarized - the third pitaka. See 87. 221.
P. patting dehi rdino. For the term patti see note to 42. 50. 4 P. ayunhi khayan agate perhaps "when his lifetime came to an end' according to his kamma.

44.12s Aggabodhi III SSB. 85
came down (once) from the teacher's chair and seated himself on the ground. At the Queen's request: come and show me how the King died, he seated himself in front of her, cut his throat, stuck the knife (in the sheath) and spake: "Thus died his Majesty". When she saw that her heart broke through heavy sorrow and she died. Thus after five months King Jettlhatissa went to Heaven.
After Aggabodhi had thus victoriously subdued the foe
in battle, he restored his royal dominion and resided in the
capital. To the practising-house called Mahallaraja which had been erected by himself in company with the Uparaja (Mana), he granted the two villages of Haikara and Samugama as well as the royal share in (the revenues) of Kehella, and the whole of the (necessary) staff. To the Jetavana(-vihara) he gave (the village) Malhãmanukagãma and he honoured the Mayettikassapavasa(-vihara) by the grant of Salaggama. To the Cetiya mountain he granted Ambillapadara and in Pulatthinagara he built the Mahapanadipa (-villara).
The court officials of the King slew the Yuvarāja Māna who had committed an offence in the women's apartments,
| Dhan masa na is a raised seat in the centre of the assembly-ball of the bhikkhus on which the priest, who recites the sacred text, takes his place, his face turned towards the east. It differs from the theroisanct on which the head of the Chapter has his seat, facing north. See Mhvs. 3. 21-22, 32, 35.
Pujav. and Rajav. give Lämäni-Katusara-luetatis - so the King is called in these chronicles - likewiso a reign of five months.
3 See 37. 232; 39.58.
in the Col. Ed the text of the MSS. has been arbitrarily altered, There is nothing surprising in the use of the loc. karite instead of the genitive kārtassa used with padlháīmegharakassa. Cf. Cūlavs. ed., Introd. p. XVIII.
5 Cetiyagiri = Cetiyapabbata here of the monastery erected on the Mihintale mountain. See notes to 38 75 and 42. 28.
For the form of the name see note to 44, 6. The name of the later capital of the kingdom, Pulatithinagara (now Polonnaruva) is here mentioned for the first time in the Cilavamsa. It does not occur at all in the older Mahavamsa.
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although they had promised him absolute safety. Therefore the King wishful of securing the succession (for his family), invested his youngest brother Kassapa by name with the dignity of Uparaja. Now when Dathasiva heard of the death of Mana he came in haste with Damia troops to the village called Tintini. At the tidings of his advance Aggabodhi marched out with his army, gave battle and was forced in the twelfth year (of his reign) to flee to Jambudipa. At his flight he left everything behind. He took with him only the pearl chain of one string by which to make himself known, and departed quite alone. Even without the chain of one string of pearls Dathasiva became king, according to custom, known over the circle of the earth under the name of Dat hopatissa. The other (Aggabodhi) seized the opportunity and got hold of the government again by fighting. So each drove out the other in turn. But the whole people suffering under the wars of these two kings, fell into great misery and lost money and field produce. Dathopatissa exhausted the whole property of former kings and seized all objects of value in the three fraternities' and in the relic temples. He broke in pieces the golden images and took the gold for himself and plundered all the golden wreaths and other offerings. In the Thuparama likewise he took away the golden crowning ornament on the temple and smashed the umbrella on the cetiya which was studded with costly precious stones. The canoes in the Mahapali Hall he left to
1 I now believe that the conjecture aparaijhitva of S. and B. instead of aparuijhite a must be accepted with regard to 51.8. The construction of the sentence is certainly irregular. The gerund aparajjhitvā is used like a Loc. absol. The court officials killed the Yuvaraja because an offence in the women's apartments had been committed by him.
As the yield from taxation of this village according to 41.96 was assigned to the Mahavihara, it cannot be situated very far from Anuradhapura. Thus Dathasiva advances from the coast direct on the capital.
8 Obviously a peculiarly valuable part of the regalia, of the rajasôidhana. Cf. Skr. ekôiUali, as well as 46. 17.
See note to 41. 97.

44。146 Ka88ара II 87
the Damias; (and) they burned down the royal palace together with the Relic Temple'. Later he repented and to acknowledge his wrong he founded the Sakavatthu-vihara with the (necessary) revenues. His sister's son also, the Mahadipada, known among the people by the name Ratanadatha, supported the King with his income. (Once) when Aggabodhi had by military superiority got hold of the kingdom, the Yuvaraja, Kassapa, the deluded one, to provide for his army led by evil-natured villains, broke open by force the cetiya of the Thuparama and plundered the valuable treasures given by Devanampiyatissa, the younger Aggabodhi and (other) former kings. He also broke open the cetiya of the Dakkhina-vihara and seized the valuable treasures and ine had yet other (cetiyas)
broken open. When he acted thus led away by evil-natured people, the King was powerless to prevent him - alas ! evil-doers will not be hindered (in their action) - and as
he could not hinder him he by the organisation of a festival, restored the cetiya of the Thuparama shattered by him, at the cost of a thousand (kahapanas).
Now the Lord of men Aggabodhi was defeated by Dathopatissa and betook himself to Rohana to restore his army and train. While he sojourned there he fell ill and died in the sixteenth year' (of his reign). Thereupon his youngest brother the Yuvarāja Kass apa, sent King Dāthopatissa flying to Jambudipa and united the country under one dominion; but the crown he did not wear. Through intercourse with pious people he repented and with the thought: I will make an end
1 See note to 37. 95.
2 Younger brother of Aggabodhi III.
3 By Aggabodhi II. Cf. with this, 42. 51 ff.
The calculation evidently starts from the beginning of the reign of Aggabodhi III. Thus the 15-16 years include the first period of Aggabodhi (6 months), the interregnum of Jet thatissa II, as well as the reign of Dalthopatissa who, according to v. 126, seized the sovereignty in the twelfth year of Aggabodhi. Pujav. and Rajav. simply say that Jetthatissa reigned 5 months, Dathopatissa (Lāmāni Dalupatis) 12 years and Aggabodhi (Sirisaigabó) 16 years.
Evidently Dathopatissa had secured the Regalia.
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of my evil doings, he laid out flower gardens, fruit gardens and tanks and he honoured the three great cetiyas by large offerings. To the Thuparama also he brought an offering
and granted it a village and he had the sacred texts recited
by all the foreign bhikkhus. In the Maricavatti (-vihara) he erected a very massive pasada and let the Grand Thera live there who had his seat in Nagasala. While he sojourned there, he provided him with the four necessaries and had the Abhidhamma with the commentary recited by him. Then after he had had the Nagasala dwelling put in order he made it over to him also, and granted him the village of Mahanithila for the supply of the (four) necessaries.
Now Dathopatissa came hither from Jambudipa with a great force; but when he offered battle to Kassapa he was defeated by the latter who had a well equipped army, and was slain. Twelve years had passed since he became king'. A sister's son of Dathopatissa named Hatthadaha fled full of fear from the great battle to Jambudipa'.
Thus in truth all joys are fleeting, hard to attain is their delight and lasts but a moment. Therefore he who seeks his salvation will give up his joy in these and will turn to the truth.
Here ends the forty-fourth chapter, called "The Six Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Lit: I will bring about the destruction of my evil kamma. The againiyabhikkhavo are the opposite of the bhikkhaco dipavasino, the bhikkhus settled in the Island. Those are bhikkhus who come from outside, on a pilgrimage to Ceylon, for instance. When W. translates: "holy monks who lived not among the habitations of men", he was probably thinking of draiiaka bhikkhaco,
We must take katva in the sense qf "to restore", in which the verb kar is often used. It would also be possible to translate Nagascalakan divasan katvd by "after he had made a habitable dwelling out of N." In any case the meaning is that the former dwelling of the Mahathera, Nagasala, had become dilapidated and that until its restoration the King assigned him as dwelling the newly built pasada in the Maricavatti-vihara. If we compare this with the calculation in the note to 44. 144, we find that Dathopatissa's death falls in the eighth year of Kassapa's reign. See for this passage my edition of the Clavamsa, Introd. p. XIX.

Казвара II 89
CHAPTER XLV
THE FOUR, KINGS
Hereupon Kassapa, the victor in the fight, whose aspiration was fulfilled, gave a most excellent repast in the Mahapali Hall to the community. He honoured the ascetic Mahadhammakathin who lived in the Nagasala by a great offering
2
and induced him to recite the true doctrine. In honour of 8
the Thera who was a native of Katandhakara, who lived in the building erected by his brother, he had the sacred text written down with a short summary. What was delapidated he restored and had new works undertaken on the cetiyas and provided sundry revenues for the community in several places. He had three diadem jewels wrought which glittered with different precious stones, and he gladdened a hundred Pandupalasas' by an offering of garments.
Kassapa had many sons, the eldest of them was Manaka. They were not yet in riper years, children without much sense.
Katandhakaravdisin probably refers to the home of the thera whose
name is not mentioned, just as to-day when a bhikkhu enters the Order the name of his native place is prefixed to his adopted one. His abode was evidently the padhanaghara called Mahallaraja built according to 44. 119 by Kassapa's brother Aggabodhi III. in company with the Yuvaraja Mana. With "summary" (sangahu) of the sacred text one should compare titles like Abhidhammatthasamgaha, Dhammasangaha, Saddhammasangngaha, Sārasamgaha.
Evidently as crowning ornaments for the three great cetiyas - Mahāthūpa, Jetavana- and Abhayagiri-Thupa. Does the epithet ndinamahisamuijotate indicate that each cetiya had its own particular colour?
W. (p. 32, note); "Apandupalaisa is a lay candidate for holy orders living in the vihara until he could get his robes and alms-bowl made."
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Now once when he was seized by a bad illness, he thought: my sons are all still children, incapable of reigning, and he sent for his very clever sister's son (Mana) who lived in the province of Rohana and transferred to him the whole government, together with the care of his sons. After he had honoured the cetiyas with perfumes, flowers and other offerings he made his peace with the bhikkhu community by supplying them with the four necessaries. Thus the Lord of men practised justice towards friends, officials and subjects and went after nine years' according to his doing.
Mana having piously fulfilled the prescribed duties towards his uncle, won over the people and had the Damilas' expelled. But the Damias banded themselves together with the resolve: we will drive him out, and just while he was away they seized the town. To Hatthadatha who was in Jambudipa, they sent the message: "It is time for thee to come and take over the government." Mana also sent a message in haste to his father to Rohana. When his father heard it he came hither from Rohana without delay. The two took counsel together and made a mock treaty with the Damias. Thereupon they were all in accord. Māna now crowned his father (Dapp ula*) king. He when he was consecrated, presented the (three) fraternities with three thousand (kahapanas). Having thus won over the Order and the kingdom, for himself, he sent all provisions found in the palace to Rohana to secure them from the enemy. When Hatthadaha heard the news of the Damias he came immediately to this Island with a Damia force. All the despised Damilas who dwelt here, arose and joined him on the way as he approached. And Māna thought when he heard all that: it is no time to fight now, and sent his father,
The same number in Pitjav. and Rajav. where the king has the name Paisuu-Kasubu. Likewise in Rajaratn. and Nik.-s,
* The mercenaries whom Dathopatissa had brought with him from Southern India and who according to 44. 134 f. had become an un
disciplined rabble.
The King's name is first mentioned in v. 86. The Sinhalese chronicles agree in calling the successor of Psuļu Kasubu Dap pulu.

3. 80 Daghopatissa II 91
the King, with the valuable property to Rohana. He betook himself to the Eastern Province and bringing the people round
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to his side, took up his abode there. But Hatthadaha who
had won over the party of the Damilas for himself, occupied the royal city and publicly took the name of Dathopatissa. After his mother's brother the people called him by this name. Having fetched his father's brother's son, Aggabodhi by name, he placed him in the position of Yuvaraja and granted him the province of Dakkhinadesa. Upon his supporters he bestowed honourable office according to merit and towards the Order and the people he fulfilled every duty. In the Mahapali Hall he had besides clothing, rice with sour milk, milk and milk rice distributed and keeping the Uposatha day, he hearkened to the sermon. As he made all offerings and had sermons preached, he by these and other merits made himself happy. To the Kassapa-vihara he granted the village of Senamagama and Mahagalla he gave to the practising-house. To the Moraparivena he granted (the village of) Kasagama and the cetiya of the Thliparama he honoured by the grant of Punneli. In the Abhayuttara (-vihāra) he built the Kappura-parivena' and he built the vihara called Tiputthulla and added it to the
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same (vihara). As he was about to do this, the bhikkhus of 30
the Thera School wanted to prevent him, because the vihara was situated within their boundary". But he treated them without consideration and carried the thing through by force.
What is meant is probably the Kassapagiri-vihara mentioned 44.98 (see the note) and again 48. 24.
Cf. note to 44, 3. The "practising-house" is probably the padhana
ghara Mahallaraja mentioned 44. 119 and which is probably meant
in 45. 8.
See note to 37. 172.
* This pariveņa is mentioned again twice. Aggabodhi IV. built a pasdda there according to 46.21 and Sena I. according to 50. 77 a pariccheda (s. note to 42. 39).
The passage is surprising. As the Abhayuttara (Abhayagiri) is without doubt the northern thupa it is difficult to understand how a boundary dispute can arise between it and the Mahavihara, the seat of the Thera Bhikkhus.

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Then the bhikkhus of the Thera School were bitter against the King, saw in him an unbeliever and applied to him the turning down of the alms-bowl'. For the wise Master hath said: "If an unbelieving layman thinks to lessen the income of the bhikkhus or taunts them, the turning down of the alms-bowl is to be applied." Hence they carried out this action against him - the laity thought otherwise - and they made the agreement that when a bhikkhu goes on the mendicant's round bearing the alms-bowl upright, he shall turn it down at the gate of his house. Now at that time the King was smitten with a fell disease and died in the ninth year (of his reign), since the end of his lifetime had come.
King Dappula had meanwhile betaken himself to his Rohana and took up his abode there, heaping up a store of meritorious works. Now we will relate the history of his house in due order, because if it is related now it will cause no disturbance*.
There was once a man of the lineage of Okkaka", known by the name of Mahatissa, rich in merit, a mine of heaped-up virtues. He had a wife known by the name of Samghasiva gifted with wealth and virtue, the daughter of the ruler of
The meaning of pattanikkuijana is clear from this passage. If the bhikkhus wish a layman to be regarded as expelled from the society, they make this known by refusing to take alms from him, turning down the bowl as it were. W. 38 d is a parenthesis: Though the laymen did not approve it, the bhikkhus carried out the action.
Ptjav. and Rajav, say also that Lamami-Dalupatissa reigned 9 years. They make him the successor of Dapulu. Nik.-s, mentions two successors of Dapulu: Lamini-Dalupatissa and Pisulu-Dalupatissa.
To judge by the form of the introduction to the following passage appearing so disconnectedly in the context, it seems to me beyond a doubt that the author has here made use of another source, apparently a chronicle of Rohana and its dynasty. It must be the same source which is employed in 67.3 ff, where just as abruptly as here, a section from the history of Rohana is inserted. Cf. also note to 47. 1.
A mythical king (Skr. Ikivaku, Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 201), through whom (Mhvs. 2. 1 ff) the Sakya family from which the Buddha sprang, is derived from Mahasammata. See also RockHILL, the Life of the Buddha, p. 9 f.

45.50 History of Rohaga 93
Rohana. She had three sons: the first was called Aggabodhi, the second Dappula, the third Maliakkhika. She also had a daughter who came to the court of the King. The eldest son was the independent ruler of the province called Rohana. Rich as he was, he had the Mahapali Hall built in Mahagama and there also the parivena called Daihaggabodhi. In Kanagama (he built) hospitals for the blind and the sick and a large image house in the Patima-vihara. There the wise (prince) set up a stone image of the Buddha which he had made and which received the name of "the great', produced as by a miracle. Further he built the Salavana-vihara which bore his name and the Parivena-vihara as well as that of Kajaragama'. He erected new buildings in the Dhammasala-vihara and the discerning (prince) himself cleaned out the privies therein. Once having enjoyed the food left over by the bhikkhu community he (being) pleased, granted the village of Mandagama' to the community. When he after performing these and other meritorious works, had gone to Heaven, his next brother Dappula by name, became ruler (in the land). He carried on the government after subduing his enemies, instituted a great almsgiving, (and) made Rohana secure. His subjects were contented with him and said: he is our great lord and since then the people called him "Great Lord'.
This passage shows that Rohana about 600 A.D. was not yet incorporated with the kingdom with the capital Anuradhapura, but that it held or at any rate claimed an independent position beside it.
* The name is contained in that of the present Magama (Census of Ceylon, 1921, II, 194, on the left bank of the Kirinda-oya, not far from its mouth in the Hambantotal district) whose cultivated land is watered by the Magam-Ela diverted from the Yoda-veva in Tissamaharama. Mahagama is first mentioned Mhvs. 22.8 as the residence of Devanarppiyatissa's younger brother, Mahanaga.
The name means "village of the blind". Now Kataragan north of Tissamaharama, on the Menikganga, on the old road from Mahagama to Guttasala (now Buttala). It is known by a much visited shrine of Skanda. According to the Census of Ceylon (I. 464) the village had 103 inhabitants in 1921.
A Madugama in the Mahavedirata Korale of the Badulla District (N. E. of Buttala) is mentioned in the Census of Ceylon II. 460.
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When the Ruler of men Siladatha heard of that he gave him his daughter (to wife) and delighted at his many good qualities, he granted him the office of Yuvaraja, indicating by that that he was fitted for the royal dignity. Manavamma and other men of high repute were his sons. When he was with the Mahathera who dwelt in the Pasanadipa (-vihara) and had heard the sermon of the sacred texts, he experienced believing trust in him and to honour him he built the Rohana-vihara and gave it to him. But the Thera made it over for the use of the community in the four quarters of the earth. Dappula built the Ambamala-vihara and many other viharas; he also erected the Khadirai-vihara and offered to the god. The discerning (prince) repaired the Anurarama-pasada, the badly decayed Muttolamba (-pasada), the Sirivaddha-pasada and a further one (called) Takkambila, and housed thirty-two bhikkhus therein whom he gladdened by the gift of the four necessaries. The village of Kevattagambhira he granted to the Nagavihara, to the Raja-vihara he assigned the village of Gonnagama. In the same way he gave to the Tissa-vihara (the
The name as name of a king does not occur in this form in the Clavamsa - another proof of the separate character of the Rohana Chronicle. King Silameghavanna is meant; for in 45. 8, 11 Mill.i.a, the son of Dappula, is described as sister's son (bhāgineyya) of Kassapa II., the son of Silameghavanna. Thus Dappula was married to the sister of Kassapa II, a daughter of Silāmeghavaņņa.
The Col. Ed. has viharam Rohae and W. accordingly translates "a vihara in Rohana'. The MSS. reading meanwhile, is viharan Rohathan and it is quite correct, for in the Pijav. and Rajav. also, the building of the Ruhunuvehera is ascribed to Dapulu. Cf. Clavs. ed., Introd. p. XIX.
8 Presumably there was at this spot a local Hindu cult, probably of Skanda, the God of Kajaragama, a kind of patron saint of Rohana; and the King did not neglect to reverence the deity.
4 I take Muttolambag for the name of a pasada. At any rate W.'s translation "ornamented it with festoons of pearls' is impossible to reconcile with the text. The finite verb would be wanting.
One of the oldest viharas in Rohana, built by the founder of the dynasty, Mahanaga, the brother of Devanampiyatissa Mhvs. 22.9.

5, 69 History of Rohana 95
village of) Kattikapabbata and to the Cittalapabbata (-vihara) the village of Gonnavitthi. Having granted to the Ariyakari (-vihara) the village of Malavatthu, he built in that place a superb image house. For the (image of) the Victor (Buddha) there he had a valuable tuft of hair (between the brows) made and a bandolier of gold and brought it every kind of offering. Decayed cetiyas he adorned with a new coating of stucco and further he had a statue fifteen cubits high made of the saviour Metteyya'. These and other meritorious works without number the Prince performed himself and had them also performed in pious fashion by his retinue. Amongst the people surrounding him were many men of meritorious action; numerous viharas furnished with (ail) necessaries were built by them.
Once when Dappula was on the march in a pathless wilderness, he after finding quarters for his army, pitched his camp at night. As he lay there, well bathed and oiled and well fed, outstretched on a splendid couch and in a comfortable tent, he tried to sleep. Nevertheless he found no sleep and although with the thought, what then could be the cause, he pondered over all that he had experienced during the day, he found no cause in himself". Thus he thought it must lie outside (of his person) and entrusted people with the task of seeking it. He spake thus: “Without doubt worthy friends of mine have tarried during the night at the foot of a tree
The Tissa-vihara, now the Tissamaharama near Hambantota, and the Cittalapabbata-vihara were founded by Kakavannatissa (Mhvs. 22.28). The ruins of the latter, now called Situlpav-vehera (Nik.-s. 15. 17) lie fifteen miles N. E. of Tissamahārama not far from Katagamuva. See JAYAvARDANA, Ceylon National Review ll, p. 23. For an inscription in the Situlpav-vehera see E. MÜLLER, Anc. Inscr. Ceylon, Nr. 16, p.29, 74, 1 10; WIcKREM AsINGHE, EZ. II, p. 60, 67.
For the unaloma and the henapatta (or hemavaddha) on the Buddha images s. note to 38. 64.
About 2212 ft. (= 6.86 m). See note to 87. 172.
4. Note to 37. 242.
The word anto which refers to the person of the King, stands in opposition to baht.
The word ayyaka refers to bhikkhus.
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and have become wet. Bring them hither!" Numbers of people with torches in their hands set forth to the search and found bhikkhus who came from Mahagama, under a tree. They returned and told the tidings to the King. He hastened thither, and when he saw the bhikkhus brought them full of joy to his own tent, gave them red garments which he kept ready for constantly renewed gifts to the bhikkhus, took the wet garments himself and had them dried, practised the custom of feet-washing and the like, made them all sit on a well covered couch, offered them medicine, handed it to them himself, did for them also in the morning everything that had to be done, such as feeding and the like, gave them servants and let them go when they liked. Thus was the beginning of the day spent by him who had his pleasure in doing meritorious works.
While thus this most excellent of men directed his life and also the kingdom, thinking only of meritorious works, keeping all his subjects to meritorious action, Māna tarried in the Eastern Province and collected troops. Then he brought together his father's army and resources and marched to Tisucullasagama to begin war. Dathopatissa also marched on hearing the tidings of this, with strong forces to Tambala. When they met they fought a great battle. Dathopatissa's warriors sent Mana to Heaven. When Dappula heard that, he died also, pierced with the arrow of grief. Seven days long dwelling in Anuradhapura he had wielded the sceptre;
Gacesanta has the meaning of seeking as well as finding. The verb governs the acc. bhikkhit "when during their search they found bhikkhus . . . they returned . . ."
* The reading of the MSS. tassãdidiwasan gatap (as emendation instead of gato) is very good and must not be altered as in the Col. Ed., into tassdisi divasan gatapa. The point lies just in this, that already in the early morning the King could satisfy his desire for puffia, how much more in the course of the day.
3. The greater number of my MSS. have this reading. Only in one of them is it corrected into Tipulaheyagdimakar. The Col. Ed. reads Tipucullasagā makam.
- Namely immediately after the death of Kassapa II. Then he re

5, 82 History of Rohata 97
in Rohana he wielded it three years: therefore we have spoken 81 of him in Rohana as well as here.
Thus were the joys which a man won toilsomely only by 82 killing his foes in fight, effulgent but for a moment, like the lightning. What wise man would find his pleasure in them?
Here ends the forty-fifth chapter, called "The Four Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
tired to Rohana, his son Maria to the Eastern Province. The events described in v. 78 f. took place three years later, thus still in the first half of the reign of Dathopatissa. According to Ptjav. Dappula reigned 3 years and 3 months. According to Rajav. 10 years. Both sources have in mind the reign in Rohana.
Namely in Anuradhapura.

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98 Aggabodhi IV. SSB.
CHAPTER XLVI
TEIE TEREE KINGS
After Hatthadatha's death the younger brother of the king, the prince Agga bodhi became (king) under the name of Sirisamghabodhi'. He was a just monarch, gifted with right views; therefore he performed meritorious works without number. He took care of the eating-houses of the inmates of the three fraternities, enlarged the Mahapali Hall and decreed the keeping of the command not to slay. He bestowed office according to worth without preference, and by showing favour in accordance with rank, clans and so forth he won over these to himself. Wherever the discerning (prince) saw bhikkhus he honoured them and made them recite the Paritta' which is contained in the doctrine (of the Buddha). (Once) when he visited the Thera Dathasiva who dwelt in Nagasala, rich in knowledge, virtuous, highly learned, he paid him reverence, heard from him the doctrine of the Perfectly Enlightened One,
From rajino we must supply the predicative substantive raja.
2 P. anālayo. Cf. note to 42. 42.
Ceremonies at which a Paritta Text is recited are observed on the most divers joyful and sad, at the inauguration of a new house, on a journey or at similar undertakings, for warding off sickness, after cases of death, etc. For such a ceremony at which I was present see Journ. PTS. 1924-27, p. 227. The epithet sasanogadha stresses the canonical character of the Paritta. The texts of the Paritta are taken from the canonical writings and the Khuddaka-Patha itself is a kind of Paritta (s. SRIDENsTÜcKRR, Khuddaka Patho, trs). p. 2 ff.) I am inclined to believe that it is this book which is meant by the Paritta mentioned 87. 226. The Paritta ceremonies are derived from popular magic. This is clearly seen in the narrative 51.80, 52.80.

46. 19 Aggabodhi IV. SSB. 99
rejoiced fervently over the doctrine since it offers absolute peace. When then he heard of the many injuries done to the bhikkhus of the Thera School by evil-minded villains, former relatives of his own kinsfolk, he restored the ruined viharas and parivenas as they had been originally and granted them here and there maintenance villages with abundant revenues. Where the necessaries had been curtailed he brought them now as it were to new growth. Slaves he placed at the disposal of the community where they were wanted. For the above named Thera he built a practising-house which bore his name; the discerning (Thera) accepted it and made it over to the community. As maintenance villages the King granted it Bharattala, Kihimbila, Kataka, Tulādhāra and Andhanāraka, Andhakāra, Antureļi, Bālava, Dvāra nāyaka, as vell as Mahānikkaddhika and further Pelahala. Having granted these and other maintenance villages, the Ruler of men placed at its disposal helpers for the monastery who were even of his own kindred. Having further seen and heard that necessaries flowed sparingly to the viharas of the two fraternities, he granted them also many maintenance villages. What need (is there) of many words? Also to the three fraternities he gave a thousand villages with large and assured revenues. Bearing in mind the splendid qualities of the three Jewels, he took the pearl chain of one string and made of it a rosary. Thus he was in all his dealings one to whom the teaching of the Buddha was the highest (good), and vying with him all the people also fulfilled the (commands of that) doctrine. The Damia by name Potthakuttha, who was in his service, erected the wonderful practising
1 P. tassa; padhanagharassa must be supplied. All the foundations enumerated in vv. 12-14 had to do evidently with the "practising-house" mentioned in v. 11. For the monastery helpers (diramikdi v. 14) see note to 37. 63.
Perhaps the Thtiparama and the Maricavatti-vihara. See note to 41.97.
Buddha, Dhamma and Samgha, the Buddha, his doctrine and his Order are thus called.
See note to 44. 127.
P. akkham ald = skr. aksamala with the same meaning.
C1-...-lti
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house, called Matambiya' and assigned it the Ambavapi (tank) at Bukakalla, the village of Tantavayikacatika, as well as the village of Nitthilavethi together with slaves. In the Kappuraparivena', as well as in the Kurundapillaka (-vihara) and (in the vihara of) Maharajaghara the same (Potthakuttha) erected pasadas. In addition he granted, wealthy as he was, three. villages to the viharas. The wise Senapati, Potthasata by name, finished in the vihara called Jeta a parivena that bore the King's name. The Damia Mahakanda built the parivena called after him, another (built) the Cullapantha (-parivena) and Samghatissa, the Uparaja of the King, (built) the Sehala-uparajaka. Many people besides erected these and other viharas, emulating the King; for it is the rule with living creatures: what he who is master does, evil or good, the same is done by his subjects; let the wise man take heed of that. The highly virtuous Mahesi of the King, Jettha by name, built the Jettharama as abode for the bhikkhunis and granted it two villages in the Pattapasana domain and the village of Buddhabhelagama, as well as a hundred monastery helpers. The wealthy Malayaraja gave a costly relic-house for the cetiya
30 in the Mandalagiri-vihara and on the Lohapasada he covered
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the central pinnacle. The Bodhitissa-vihara was erected by the
highly respected Bodhitissa. All the heads of districts in the
Island built here and there according to their means, numerous
viharas and parivenas. The time of this Ruler of men consisted as it were, in nothing but meritorious works; for fear of prolixity they have not been fully enumerated'. Even the foregoing form of the narrative which gives but a sur
1 WickREMAs NGHE (EZ. II, p. 10, note 5) identifies with this building the Madbiyan pirive a mentioned in the Timbiriveva pillar inscription.
A building in the Abhayagiri-vihara according to 45. 29.
Mentioned as Maidiligiri in the Medirigiri inscription (WCKREMAsNam E, EZ. II. p. 28), about 46 m. E. S. E. of Anurādhapura in Tamankaduva, N. E. of the Minneri lake. The ruins are described in the ASC., Ann. Rep. for 1897 (= XLII. 1904), p. 7.
4 P. vicaritain. One must start from the meaning "explained singly (vi-), analyzed”.

46.4 Aggabodhi IV. SSB., Datta 0.
vey of the most important matters', seems to me too longwinded.
At another time he had taken up his abode in Pulatthinagara* whither he had betaken himself, amassing a store of meritorious works. He was attacked by an incurable disease and as he saw that the time for his death had come, he called his subjects, exhorted them to piety and went to his death. When he was dead his subjects mourned all in deep grief, performed for him on his pyre all ceremonies without fail, made for themselves medicine from the ashes of the pyre, then they took carefully all the royal treasures and the whole army and train under their protection and betook themselves to the town (Anuradhapura).
Thus the King went in the sixteenth year (of his reign) to Heaven, the Damia Potthakuttha administered his kingdom. He seized the person of the Uparaja Dathasiva, had him thrown into prison and ordered him to be strictly guarded. But as he thought: without a king it is impossible to rule the earth, he fetched hither the chief of Dhanapitthi" Datta by
Iit.: A general view (upalakkhanan) of the cases (or examples, hetūnam, cf. the meaning of latin causa) according to the degree of their importance (yuthapadhanann is used exactly like skir. yathapradhanaup). W.'s translation: "inasmuch as it has been mixed up with renarks on the nature and condition of things which lead men to good and evil' - a free rendering rather than a translation - misses the point.
* Figurative in the original, the comparison with a road (manga) which is overcrowded with people (oikula).
For the first time here Polonnaruva (cf. 44. 122 with note) is mentioned as a royal residence, though only temporarily.
A very characteristic trait of primitive mentality. * The Sinhalese chronicles call the king only by his epithet Sirikangbo. Pitjav. and Rajav. give him a reign of 16 years. Both chronicles as also Rajaratn. ascribe to him the building of the Piyagal-pirivena and of the Devinuvara(-vihāra). This is Devanagara, now Dondra at the southern point of Ceylon.
The guard (rakkhdicaraga) refers not as W. thinks, to the country, but to the prisoner, Dathasiva.
" A now uninhabited village, Danpitigama, lies to the north of Ku
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name, who belonged to the royal family, and consecrated him king; and in his name he administered the whole. Datta erected in Dhanapitthi a vihara which was called after him and heaped up other meritorious works. After living exactly two years', he died. But Potthakuttha after his death, summoned another young man, Hatthadath a who was a native of Unhanagara. Him also he consecrated king and acted as before. Having built the practising-house of Kaladighavika and performed other meritorious works, Hatthadatha fell after six months into the power of death.
When the wise have once realised how baleful are treasures, wealth and power' they will surely give up the desire for royal dignity and find their whole joy solely in meritorious works.
Here ends the forty-sixth chapter, called "The Three Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
runegala í the Korale Katuvana, Ambagasse-Palata (Census of Ceylon, II. p. 288).
Lit.: putting forth his (Datta's) name. In the Sinhalese sources the king is called Valpitivasi-dat. Ptjav. gives him a reign of 2, Rajav. one of 10 years. The place name Valpita is often met with in Ceylon.
In Sinhalese sources he is called Humannaruriyan-Dala or the like. The length of reign given him in Pijav. and Rajav. is the same as in the Clavs. 6 months.
P. vahandini "chariot" as emblem of the military power of princes.

Майтаратта 103
CHAPTER XLVII
After the death of this king, Māna vamma became king. Of what clan was he? Whose son was he? How came he to reigno?
Now there was belonging to the line of Mahasammata and bringing with him (as inheritance) the good qualities of his clan, a son of Kassapa, the depredator of the Thuparama and (there was also) a daughter of the Malayaraja King Samghamana. He wedded her and lived with her in retirement in Uttaradesa (the Northern Province). When this affair had been spied out by the prince Hatthadatha, he betook himself to Jambudipa and sought out the ruler Narasiha, told him his name and entered his service. He satisfied the Lord of men in every way. When he felt assured of his friendly feeling, he let his wife come and took up his abode there, serving (the King) day and night. But the ruler of Kanduvethi who
Sinhalese documents call the king Mahala-pano.
Here it is again probable that the author has taken a new source
for his narrative. Cf. note to 45.37.
8 : consider the alterations of the text in the Col. Ed. bhedino for bhojino in v. 2 and Sanghai ndin'assa rajini instead of Sanghamdinassa rajino as inadmissible in view of the complete agreement of the MSS. They are also unnecessary. The word bhoji has also in Skr. the meaning of "exploiting' in an unfavourable sense, as we have to take it here. The verses 2 and 8 a... b. are evidently a kind of title, hence the absence of the finite verb. The name of the wife Samgha is first mentioned in v. 8.
4 Namely Narasiha, W. says erroneously "another king, Kanduvethi". The name of the territory Kanduvethi over which Narasiha ruled, reminds one of Kanduvetti in 77.79 used as the name of a vassal prince
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governed the whole kingdom, well pleased with him, granted him a large income. In wedlock with him his wife, Samghā by name, bore four daughters and four sons.
Now once as the King was taking an airing for pleasure on the back of his elephant, together with Manavamma, being thirsty, he drank without dismounting', a young coconut, and passed it then to Manavamma whom he did not regard as his equal". Manavamma took it and thought: “My friend is monarch here. Is there for such beings such a thing as leavings in the strict sense of the word? It is right therefore if I drink thereof'. Thus he thought and drank thereof. Such great efforts are made by those who wish for success. The King saw that, was alarmed, and in his turn drank what the other had left over. This is ever the way of acting of the honourable. From that time onward he made him his equal in food and dwelling, in equipment and means of conveyance.
While the two so lived (together), the Wallabha King' came to make war on Narasiha. Narasiha reflected: "This (my friend) serves me untiringly night and day in the expectation that through my service he will gain the royal dignity which belongs to him by right of descent. If he were
in Southern India. It is probably a case of writing the same name in two ways. Hulitzsch, JRAS. 1918, p. 527 has shown that Kanduvetti or -vethi is synonymous with Kadavan, a designation of the Pallava kings. Thus Narasha was a Pallava.
Lit.: being there (namely on the back of his elephant). It is contrary to custom to offer an equal the remains of one's own meal. The word aiia "not his equal" stands in opposition to saku in v. 14. Narasiha realises his error and makes it good by taking the coconut from Manavamma and drinking what he has left.
In this case the effort of self-restraint. 4 The Wallabhas are a South Indian tribe. Their ruler is simply described (as also in 54. 12 f.) as the Wallabha. Wallabha as the name of a people occurs also in Skr. BAHADUR WEKAYYA EI. III. 277; HultzscE (JRAS. 1913, p. 528) has proved that Narasiha is identical with the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I and his enemy the Wallabha with Pulakesin II. whose capital Vatapi was taken by Narasiha. FLesr (Hultzsch l.c., p. 529) has calculated the date as A. D. 642. Cf. H. W. CoDIRINGroN, H. C., p. 3ó -6.

47.8 Mānavam na 105
now to march out with me and found his death in battle, then all that he and I have planned together would be without result.' Pondering thus, the King let Manavamma return to his town (and) he himself began the war against the VYR king. Manavamma thought likewise: "If this king, while I am in life, falls in this war, of what value would my life then be to me? His trust in me would have been an error if I were to behave so. Why by making me his equal did he favour me?' Is is therefore meet that I go forth with him to the battle-field; for it is happiness for me to live or die with him here.' Thus pondering, armed he mounted his favourite elephant, went forth and appeared before the King on he battle-field. When Narasiha saw him he cried out full of joy: "Truly I have shown him friendship as I was bound to show it.' Thereupon the army of Mana(vamma) and the army of the King scattered the army of the Wallabha king at their encounter. Manavamma showed his heroism, distinguishing himself by his courage like Narayana' in the battle of the gods. But Narasiha rejoiced over Manayamma's bravery and embraced him lovingly with the words: "It is thou who hast brought me the victory." He returned to his town, held a festival of victory and showed all (honour) that was due to Manavamma's army. Now the King thought thus: "My friend has done all that was due on his part; from to-day he is without obligation towards me. I will now also discharge my debt by doing on my part what is due; for grateful people who remember what has been done for them are very hard to find.' He assembled the dignitaries and spake these words: "Ye are witnesses of the deeds of this my friend. I also must
He has favoured me in the expectation that I might help him in his difficulties.
The acc. sapthava is governed by aho. I now see that he was worthy of what I have done him.
As Indra-Sakka is otherwise always considered as the protagonist of the Gods in the battle against the asuras or demons, we must take Nardiyata here to be one of his names. In a passage of the Samyutta commentary (ed. Cal. p. 279) the strength of the chaddanta elephants, elephants with 6 tusks, is described as Narayaga-balan.
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106 Мӑпаvатта 47. 32
now show him all the love and happiness which are his due. A return service for him who has earlier rendered us a service is the duty of the pious." At these words the dignitaries answered the Ruler: "Whatsoever the King wishes finds favour with us.' Thereupon the Sovereign gave Manavamma an army with the attendant train and the whole equipment and all the necessary servants and spake to him: go forth then, and as he gazed after him as he marched forth with the army, he wept as for a son that goes to a far country. Manavamma embarked in the vessels at the sea-coast and arrived quickly, after he had with speedy voyage crossed the sea and penetrated into Lankadipa with his army laying waste. At tidings of this King Dathopatissa fled. Manavamma came into the town (Anuradhapura) and without taking over the sovereignty, he arose and pursued closely the fugitive (Dathopatissa). Then the Damia army heard that its Lord (Narasiha) was smitten with a fell disease. On these tidings it departed. When Dathopatissa heard that, he marched with a strong force against Manavamma and began the fight. Manavamma thought: "My whole army has gone; if I fall then the wish of my foe is fulfilled; I shall betake myself therefore to Jambudipa to fetch troops there and recover the dominion.' Therefore he did so. He departed, sought again his friend Narasiha, and cleverly satisfying him, he served him heedfully. During the reigns of four kings' Manavamma stayed there. Then Narasiha thought: "With pride unbroken, finding in honour his wealth, my friend serves me for the sake of the royal
1 The tam in 35 d must be supplemented by jaladhinn from jaladhītate in b.
P. ahutvdi va narddhipo. What is meant is that he wasted no time in performing the ceremonies of abhiseka connected with the solemn ascent of the throne. Cf. 48. 26. −
* P. mate mama. Here the gen. nama takes the place of the loc. mayi. See Cūlavs. ed. I, Introd. p. XVI.
4 These were the kings Dathopatissa II., his enemy in his unsuccessful attempt to seize the throne, as described v. 35-41, further Aggabodhi IV., Datta and Hatthadāțha.

47.59 Mānavamma 107
dignity and will become old and grey-headed thereby. How can I when I see this, exercise dominion? If I cannot at this time by sending forth my troops, gain the kingdom' for him of what use is my life to me? Having so pondered, he collected his army, equipped it with what was needful, gave it (the pay) it demanded, marched himself at its head to the sea-coast, had numerous strong ships of different shape built here and spake to the dignitaries: "Go ye with this man here." But all the people there refused to go on board. Then Narasiha reflected, hid himself, but gave his own armour, known everywhere as badge of the King, and all his own ornaments to Manavamma, told him to embark and said: "Go thou and when thou art at sea have this drum called Kottha sounded.' He did all this. But the people in the belief it was their king who was going forth, went on board and left the Ruler of men alone behind. Mana (vamma) began the voyage with the army. The whole ocean was as a (floating) town. Having reached the port he landed with his army,
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remained there a few days that his troops might rest, took 54
Uttaradesa (the North Province), brought the inhabitants into his power and began with his invincible great army to march on the town. When Potthakuttha heard this he advanced against him with a large force. The two armies clashed with each other like seas that have burst their bounds. Manavamma who fully armed had mounted his elephant, separated Potthakuttha and the King and put them to flight. When the people in the country saw Hatthadatha fleeing, they seized his head and showed it to Manavamma. Potthakuttha fleeing reached Merukandara. When the chief (of the district) saw him there he thought: "He has been for long my friend; therefore when
1 The words imasmin pana vārasmin as far as na gahessãm i form a conditional introductory sentence without a conjunction. Such conditional sentences occur also in Skr. See SPExER, Vedische und SanskritSyntax, $ 288. W.'s translation goes to pieces on the negative na.
He carried on the government for Hatthadatha who was nominally king, according to 46. 44 ff.
See note to 41. 19.
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108 Майтаратта 47. 60
he, in his need, takes refuge with me I must not desert him. But how can I towards these two, my master and my friend, remain free from blame?' and he ate poisoned cake and died. Potthakuttha ate of the cake with him and died likewise. Thus for Manavamma the Island was freed of the briers (of enemies).
From that time Manavamma set up in the Island the umbrella (of his dominion) warding off there with as it were, all harm from the inhabitants of the Island. He performed many inestimable meritorious works; what man would be able to enumerate these in their order? After founding two villages, he the excellent one erected in the Padhanarakkha (-vihara) (of the one) the pasāda called Sepanni and in the Sirisamghabodhi(-vihara) (of the other) the blissgiving (pasada) Siri. He roofed over the Lohapasada as well as the temple in the Thuparama. After he had built a pasada in the Thuparama, he
made it over to the Pamsukulins. . . . . . .
P. pansukilin denotes ascetic bhikkhus who only wore garments made of rags (pansukila) patched together. In Ceylon the word has without doubt come to designate a particular sect whose members were pledged to the observance described above. According to 51.52 the Pamsuktilins belonged up to the time of Sena Il. to the congregation of the Abhayagiri-vihara, when however, they seceded and formed a special group of their own.
The MSS. are here all badly mutilated. Only the MS. of the Colonbo Museum tested by me on the spot, gives a text at all capable of translation (Cf. Cüīlavs. ed., vol. II. Introd. p. II): “After building a pasada in the Thtiparama, he made it over to the Pamsukulins. What was decayed he restored, after providing that the vihara could be easily supplied with (the four) necessaries. He even restored the umbrella on the decayed temple and he also granted to the adherents of the Dhammaruci (sect) the Rajinidlpa-vihara." It seems to me beyond a doubt that we have here an attempt at emendation on the part of the copyist. The Col. Ed. also tries to restore at least v. 66. The text should be translated thus: "After

(Mānavamma) 109
he had built a pasada in the Thtiparama, he handed it over to the Pamsukilins. He repaired the decayed umbrella on the top of the cetiya; and he also restored numerous shrines which had fallen into decay.'
Then too the Sinhalese sources name as successor of Manavamma (Mahaläpānō) ain Aggabodhi (Akbō). According to Pūjāv. and Rājāv. he was the son of Manavamma to whom, it is true, they ascribe the reign of 35 years, including no doubt the time of his sejourn in India, while Akbö is said to have reigned 6 years. Also in Mhvs. 57.25 an Aggabodhi is named as eldest son of Manavamma.
Now as the signature of our chapter describes it as the 48th, a 47th would therefore be entirely absent. Thus S. and B. have assumed that there is a gap in our MSS. The missing part should have contained as conclusion of chapter 47, the end of the reign of Manavamma and in the new chapter 48 the beginning of the reign of Aggabodhi W, the further course of which is described in the 19 verses which have been preserved. A gap might be explained by the loss of a leaf out of the archetype.
I have adopted this assumption in my edition and translation, must insist however, that the arguments taken singly are not compelling. That the Sinhalese chronicles insert a king who does not occur in the Colavamsa we have already seen (s. note to 41. 102). Yet on the other hand, the mention of. Aggabodhi in 57.25 must be taken into account. The absence of the chapter number 47 is also not decisive. Numbers 40 and 43 are also wanting without any gap being noticeable in the account of events. It is therefore not impossible that it is merely a case of the mutilation of single verses. The assumption of the loss of a leaf would in the first instance only explain a gap, it would not explain the mutilation of the text after v. 66. It is however, the combination of the two first arguments which make the assumption of a gap probable and the probability is perhaps strengthened by the fact that just at the place where the gap might have to be assumed, the text of the MSS. is in disorder.

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10 (Aggabodhi V)
CHLAPTER XLVIII
THE SIX KINGS
1 . . . . . After he had made thereof a mansion for which the necessaries could easily be provided, he also presented the Rajinidipika (-vihara) to the bhikkhus of the Dhammaruci 2 School. After building the Mahanettapadika cells (for dwellling in), he granted to the same (Dhammarucis) the village 3 of Devatissa in (the district of) Kotthavata. In Mahathala he built (the vihara) called Kadambagona, further in Devapali 4 the (vihara) called Girinagara, in Antarasobbha the Deva-vihara, further he built the Rajamatika monastery and gave it to 5 the Pamsuküllinso. In the Gokannaka-vihãrao lhe erected a practising-house and the ruined temple of the Waddhamana 6 Bodhi Tree' he had restored. In the vihara called Samghamitta and elsewhere he, the highly-famed, had here and there new 7 works undertaken on the viharas. At a cost of six and twenty thousand gold pieces he restored whatever had fallen into 8 decay on the Cetiyapabbata. Having restored the Talavatthu
It is possible that besides Rajanditikan draman as object add should receive the names of all the viharas mentioned in v. 3 and 4.
Of the localities mentioned in v. 2-4 Antara sobbha alone is mentioned in Mhvs. 25. 11 as a district. Instead of Kott havata Col. ed. reads Kokavata, which occurs 37. 42 and 47 as the name of a village and of a tank built by Mahasena (4th c. A. D.). The MSS. however, give no authority for this reading. Mahathala is probably the present Matale (north of Kandy) (Thus W. in Index s. v.). For the Pamsukilins s. note to 47.66.
8 Built by Mahasena according to Mhvs. 87. 41.
Cf. below 49. 15. Like the images of the Buddha, the Bodhi trees had their special names.
* P. suvaņņa. In Skr. suvariņa is a weight = karşa. This is according to BR. = 11.375 gr. This would give an expenditure of over-e 40,000 according to the present value of gold.

18, 19 (Aggab0dhi V) 111
vihara he granted (the village of) Pannabhatta to the vihara called after the Ruler of men Mahasena'. The Gondigamika tank which had burst he dammed up as before and to all living beings he gave as a gift whatever they needed. The Uposatha day he observed with fasting together with the inhabitants of the Island, and preached to them the doctrine in order to procure them spiritual happiness. Everyone in his kingdom cultivated action which leads to Heaven, for as the monarch acts so do also his subjects. Therefore should a wise king ever practise piety; in every place where men dwell he will become renowned and finally, surrounded by his companions, he enters Nirvana. Therefore the prudent man should contemplate that which is for his good and for that of others. For if all the subjects attain good discipline through an individual who himself has good discipline, how could a discerning man let such an one come to harm? No means for bringing to beings happiness in both worlds was left untried by him who was unflagging day and night. The fine garments worn by himself he gave to the Pamsukulin bhikkhus as raiment. The employment (of officials) in wrong places, undeserved favour or unlawful seizure (of property) was unknown with him.
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To all creatures he gave the nourishment by which each of 18
them live, and whatever makes them happy with that he
blessed them. Thus after the Ruler of men had performed
meritorious works for six years' he, the peace-maker went (to the Heaven of) the King of the gods".
As neither Talavatthu nor Pannabhatta are otherwise mentioned it is difficult to understand rightly the sense of this passage. It seems to me that Talavatthu was an older monastery which Aggabodhi restored and to which he granted a village, afterwards giving it the name of Mahasena by whom perhaps the older structure had been built. A Buddha image in the Mahasena monastery is mentioned in 5l. 76.
? P. nivutthanivutthamhi thane, lit. "in each inhabited place' applied by W. to the King "wheresoever he may dwell", which is also possible.
The meaning seems to be this: it lies in his own interest to educate his people to piety by his own example, as this assures his own safety. He will have all the right-minded on his side.
The same length of reign in Pijav. and Rajav.
That is to the heaven of the Tavatimsa gods at whose head stands the King of the gods, Sakka-Indra.
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112 Kassapa III, Hahinda I 48. 20
Now his brother next in age, the prince Kassapa, became king, well qualified for the royal burden, for taking OVer according to ancient custom. As a father (wins) his son, so he won his people by generosity, by friendly speech and by care for their welfare. Offices he bestowed on various people according to merit and he himself enjoyed the pleasures of life, free from all sorrow. For laymen, bhikkhus and brahmanas the prince encouraged the way of life fitting for each and carried out the command to kill no living creature. The two Macchatitthas, the mansion Heligama, the monastery Waqijagama, as well as Kassapagiri; further the superb practising-house called Ambavana, maintenance village' . . . .
Amongst them all the youngest was the prince called Mahinda. When the royal dignity came to him he was yet not king', although he bore the burden of the kingdom. He had a friend by name Nila, with whom he had for long had intimate intercourse. But he had died beforehand. In memory of him he would not have it'. Alas! even the dominion over
the Island he deemed not blissful, since his friend was wanting. Friends are so hard to get. Hence the Sage (Buddha)
I believe that rajabharassa (or raia) is directly governed by sanuttho. In Skr. in the same way with samartha the thing for which one is qualified may stand in the loc, or the dative. Bharassa would correspond to both. Instead of pubbavuttino I should prefer to read pubbavuttito, adverbial ablative.
* Inscriptional Mastota in an inscription of Mahinda IV. WIcKREAs NGHIE, EZ. II. 216, 221, 227.
Here again there is a gap in the recorded text. Of the MSS. with which I am acquainted one, at least, indicates this by leaving a space free for about 41 slokas. The finite verb is missing for the objects in vv. 24, 25. The missing verses must have contained the end of the reign of Kassapa III. According to Pejav. and Rajav. he reigned 7 years. Both sources as well as Rajaratn. mention the building of the Helagamparivena. Of the other names which are mentioned above, Kassapagiri alone occurs again (44. 98).
4 P. nihosi rajd, see note to 47. 37.
Nanely the festivities connected with the abhiseka.

48. 88 Mahinda I 113
hath said: "All worldly things and all spiritual things which lead to Nirvana, these all are the lot of beings who have associated with a staunch friend; therefore must one ever strive after (gaining) staunch friends." Only as Adipada" he administered the kingdom to protect as it were, during his life, living beings on the Island. On Aggabodhi, the son of his brother Kassapa he conferred the dignity of Uparaja and gave him abundant revenues. He assigned him (the Eastern Province) Pacinadesa and sent him forth to take up his abode therein. (The province of) Dakkhinadesa the King gave to his own son'. To the Mahapali Hall he gave an offering of ten cart-loads and beggars he provided with luxuries like his own. He ate nothing without first having given to the beggars, and if without thinking of it, he had eaten, he used to give them double of what he had himself enjoyed. For the bhikkhunis he built an abode which was called after himself and granted them as convent boundary (the village of) Nagaragalla. He built the Mahindatata monastery, provided it with the four necessaries and performed many another meritorious work, rejoicing at the worth of such works. After the discerning (prince) had reigned in this way for three years, he seeking his friend, entered into the world of the gods.
The kalyanamitti are often praised in the Canon. It seems to me that this passage is an allusion to Samyutta 8. 18 (= I, p. 88) where the Buddha after a eulogy of the kalyanamittata, says of himself: maman hi, Amanda, kalyāņamuittat digamma (cf. v. 80 a !) jäätidhammandā aatta jottiya parinuccanti etc. The passage occurs once again Samy. 46. 2 (= W, ). 3). * See mote to 41. 85.
Who likewise bore the name Aggabodhi, (See v. 39). W.'s "the southern country (only)" gives a wrong shade of meaning to the context. The bestowal of Dakkhinadesa was in no sense a slight. It was just this province which was reserved for the heir apparent.
W. takes diranamariycidaka as the name of another village.
The Mahindlatata tank had already been built by Aggabodhi I and given this name in honour of the Thera Mahinda who converted the Island to Buddhism. See 42. 29.
The Sinhalese sources call this king Midelpana or Midel only. The name is missing in the Nik.-s.; Ptjav. and Rajav. give him a reign of three years like the Clavs.
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114 Aggabodhi VI. SMW. 48. S9
Now Prince Aggabodhi (son of Mahinda) who dwelt in Dakkhiņa desa, had for some reason or other come to the capital. While he sojourned there the Adipada Mahinda died; thus the kingly power came into his hands. After taking possession of it and securing it he sent a message' to Aggabodhi, the Governor of Pacinadesa. He came hither and became king under the name of Silamegha. The dignity of Uparaja the monarch conferred on the Prince (Aggabodhi of Dakkhiņadesa). The latter entreated the King thus: free thyself from the burden of cares and enjoy life's pleasures, and administered the government himself. As was meet, he treated his subjects with severity and clemency and all undisciplined people on the Island the discerning one brought on to the right path. While the twain lived thus, the evilminded found no opportunity for interfering, and they, thought: the twain must be estranged. They went to the King and spake slanderously to him in secret: "Thou art King in name, in reality the other is king; the Uparaja will take the royal dignity for himself; the people he has already won over; in a short time he will be king, of that there can be no doubt." When the Monarch heard that he fell out with the Prince and the Prince when he noticed that, became a rebel against the King. He fled to his province, won over the inhabitants and with mighty forces began the war. At Kadalinivata a
A message to the effect that everything is ready for him to take over the government. As Aggabodhi of Pacinadesa is a son of the elder brother Kassapa, he is according to Sinhalese law, the legal successor of Mahinda. Mahinda's son Aggabodhi willingly recognises this.
? SYLvAIN L'ÉvI (Journ. Asiatique, May-June, 1900, p. 418; cf. JRAS. Ceyl. Br. XXIV, Nr. 68, 1915-16, p. 87 ff.) communicates a Chinese account according to which an Indian monk, Vajrabodhi, on the way to India touches at Ceylon where he is invited by the king Chi-li-Chi-lo (i. e. Siri-Sila). S. Lévi identifies this king with Manavamma (see 47. 1 ff), but E. R. AYRTon (Ceylon Notes and Queries II. Jan. 1914, p. XXVII ff) probably more correctly, with Aggabodhi VI. Silamegha.
Must be situated according to 44, 6, on the line of march from Dakkhinadesa, (more exactly from Mahagalla, not far from the present Nikaveratiya) to Anurādhapura.

48.68 Aggabodhi VI. SMV. 115
bitter fight took place. The Prince suffered a defeat and betook himself to Malaya. Later the King thought gratefully of his cousin's support', of the transference of the royal dignity and the rest and grieved quite openly. The Prince too on hearing this, became conciliatory. So they let each other know how they loved one another. The King betook himself quite alone to Malaya, took the prince with him and returned to his capital . . . . . . he married him to his daughter Samgha by name. While he lived with her in intimate intercourse with the King, he (once) angered at some fault or other, struck her a blow. She went to her father and wept before him bitterly. "Without reason the husband thou gavest me kills me." Scarcely had the King heard this than he thought: of a truth I have done wrong, sent her at once to a home for bhikkhunis and made her undergo the ceremony of world renunciation. Now the son of her maternal uncle, Aggabodhi by name, whose heart had been long filled with love for her, thought this was a favourable time to flee with her, seized her secretly and betook himself alone (with her) to Rohana. The Ruler of men Aggabodhi took (his cousin) Aggabodhi with him and betook himself with him to Rohapa to slay (the seducer) Aggabodhi. (The Uparaja) Aggabodhi made his cousin (the King) Aggabodhi halt, and went himself to the western mountains' so slay (the seducer) Aggabodhi. When at the head of a great army he had brought the whole of Rohana into his power, he delivered battle and seized him and his own wife Samgha. From that time onward the three
1 Lit. "of his brother'. As the father's brother is called father, so the sons of brothers are brothers.
2 The line a b of v. 54 is defective in all the MSS. I propose to complete it thus: hoti nissang sayang dihiro iti tuho atīva so "with the thought; he is no doubt firm, he, being highly pleased, gave him &c. &c. 3 The verb nisiditva stands here in a causative sense instead of nisidapetva. Cf. Cülavs. ed. Introd. p. XIV.
4 The western mountains of Rohana are probably the not inconsiderable mountain range rising south-east of Ratnapura which reaches its greatest height (over 8000 ft) to the south of Rakvana where it is
crossed by the Bulutota Pass.
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lived happily and in harmony in mutual intimate intercourse at their ease. The King built the Waparani monastery and the Managgabodhi monastery, further the Sabhattudesabhoga in the Abhayuttara-vihara as well as pasadas in the viharas Hatthikucchi and Punapitthi, in the Mahaparivena and in Wahadipa'. In the Thuparama he restored the damaged doors of the temple as they were before and transposed the pillars' therein. After performing these and other meritorious works according to his power, he passed away in the fortieth year of his reign according to his doing". ,
Thereupon the Uparaja Aggabodhi, the fortunate, became king, son of the wise Adipada Mahinda. To the Order and to the laity he showed favour according to merit. With the dignity of Uparaja he invested his own son Mahinda. The ruined temple of the great Bodhi Tree he built anew and solidly; he also built two monasteries: Kalanda and Mallavata. By legal acts he carefully reformed the Order of the Conqueror (Buddha) and judging according to justice, he rooted out unjust judges. He himself studied the medicinal plants over
1 See note to 42. 2. * See note to 42. 26.
Mentioned again 49.33 under Udaya I and 49.76, along with the Hatthikucchi-vihāra, under Dappula II.
It seems to me that what is meant by the temple (geha) of the Thuparama is the superstructure of the cetiya. What makes this likely is the mention of the pillars which were re-arranged by the King. The pillars which surround the thiipa in four rows are in the Thiparama (as also in the Laikarama cetiya) still partially preserved. They were intended to support the roof which was of wood. Cf. for plan SMITHER Architectural Renains, Anuridhapura, p. 4 f. Such superstructures are described as Cetiya- or thipa-ghardini or gehdini analogous to the bodhighara'i or gehdini. SMITHER doubts it is true, whether the pillars at the Thtiparama cetiya could have borne such a structure, while PARKER (Ancient Ceylon p. 270) quite admits the possibility. The custom of building over a cetiya is even to-day not unknown. I myself saw an interesting example in the Budumutava monastery at Nikaveratiya which I visited on the 20th April 1926 in the company of the Archaeological Commissioner Mr. A. M. HocART. The term thipaghara is insepara ole from that of bodlighara (s. note to 38. 43).
Pijav. and Rajav. also give King Akbo a reign of 40 years.

48.79 Aggabodhi VII 117
the whole island of Lanka (to find out) whether they were wholesome or harmful for the sick. He had rice by allotment distributed to the inmates of the three fraternities and delicious foods fitting for himself, to the Pamsukulins. The King, having thus with unrestricted royal power, performed these and other meritorious works, died after six years just as he was sojourning in Pulatthinagara.
Formerly Aggabodhi had a son; he had died as Yuvaraja. Since then no son existed as heir to the throne. There was however a son of the King Silāmeghalo by name Mah in da, fitted for the royal dignity, rich in merit, capable of winning the people for himself. On the day of his birth the King (Silamegha) consulted the astrologers and when he heard their answer that the boy was fitted for the royal dignity, he gave them plenty of money and kept the matter a secret. But when he grew up he made him his senapati. He gave the entire government into his hands and as independent ruler the discerning (prince) fulfilled the royal duties in a just way".
W. gives an entirely different rendering. He separates maigalam cavamalgalan from thesaijan and translates: "ordained the form and manner of holding festivities and funerals'. There is no verb in the text corresponding to "ordained". All the accusatives are governed by vicaray. But if mangalan cavam.aigalan meant what W. assumes, the objects to be tested by the King would still have been very heterogeneous and the combination of m. cavam.. with bhesajan very amazing. S. CHILDERs, Pali Dict. s. v. salukd: "Food belonging to the collective saigha of a monastery was sometimes distributed to the monks by tickets called salaikai, and consisting of slips of wood, bark, bamboo, tallipot leaf or other similar material. Food so distributed was called salaikabhattang "ticket-food' . . . Similar tickets seem to have been issued by private persons, like our soup-tickets".
The same number in Ptjav. and Rajav. Pulatithinagara is here again a temporary royal residence as in 46. 34.
Lit.: The kingdom was sonless. Yuraraja is here used of Mahindal as uparajat above in v. 69.
° I. e. Aggabodhi VII. Cf. above v. 42.
This happened evidently at the time when Aggabodhi WI. was in conflict with his Uparaja, afterwards King Aggabodhi VII. Cf. above v.48ff. We have here one of these cases where in the course of a sentence the subject changes the gerund being used in the sense of a Loc. abs.
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118 Mahinda 48.8O
Therefore when (King Silamegha) died, he as clever statesman took not the dignity of senapati from the hand of his successor Aggabodhi (VII). (On the contrary) at that time he betook himself with some kind of commission from the King to the sea-coast and took up his abode in the seaport of Mahatittha. When he heard here of the death of his uncle' he came hither in haste (fearing) rebels might seize the kingdom and destroy it.
Then in (the Northern Province) Uttaradesa the chiefs of districts together with the dwellers in the province seized the land by force and refused tribute to the King'. At the tidings of this Mahinda advanced with a great army to Uttaradesa, crushed all the chiefs of districts together with the dwellers in the province, betook himself then to the spot where the King had died, sought out the Queen, wept (with her), comforted her according to the circumstances of the time, and spake the following words: "Grieve not, Great Queen, that thy husband is dead. I will shelter the Island, thou mayest keep the royal dignity.' By her silence she seemed to assent; in secret the crafty one took measures to slay him, as she wanted to live in her own way. When the Senapati (Mahinda) found this out, he had her watched and put her adherents, a great number of people, to flight in combat. Then he had the Queen put into fetters and brought in a chariot, took her
(See note to 39.26). Aggabodhi is subject of katva in 78 b and kattana in 79 a. With so in 79 c Mahinda is meant. W. gets out of the difficulty by apparently separating sayan vasi into sayan tasi and translating "he lived (without care and anxiety)". But for this interpretation there are no corresponding words in the text for those which the translator has put in brackets.
P. nayaifu. One can perhaps see in such expressions the influence of the Indian Niti-literature. Cf. yathanayan below in v. 96.
Now Mantai or Mantota not far from Mannar. It is already mentioned in Vijaya's time (Mhvs. 7. 58) as the place where settlers from the Indian mainland land.
P. cilapituno, lit.: of his little father. His grand-father and the father of Aggabodhi VII. were brothers. Cf. note to 51. 24.
Lit.: they made the country into one where the King's taxes were cut off.

48. 100 Mahinda II 19.
with him to the capital and seized the royal power together with the (royal) treasure.
Now there was also a sister's son of King Silamegha called Dappula, an adipada who had at his disposal a large army and considerable means. He sojourning in Kalavapi, collected his army and advanced to the neighbourhood of Sangagama to begin the war". At the tidings of these events the Senapati marched in haste thither, at the head of his army, taking the Queen with him. A terrible battle took place there between the two. When the Adipada saw his army falling back he took flight and escaped with his army into the mountains. After the Senapati had put him to flight there, he lived happily.
When the district chiefs of Uttaradesa heard that the capital was unoccupied they all came together and took the town. But the Senapati, a hero of indomitable courage, chased them away again, entered the town himself and administered the government according to the rules of statecraft'. For the bhikkhu community, for the laity, for fishes, game and birds, for his kinsfolk and for the troops he did everything that was meet for them. Later on Dappula who was in Malaya, brought together a reserve army. He summoned his two sister's sons from Rohana and taking all the inhabitants of the province with him, he reached the town with a great army at night time and broke over it like the ocean. The troops encom
1 See 89. 28; 4). 20.
As bhagineyya of Aggabodhi WI. he held that he was the legal heir before Aggabodhi's son Mahinda. The same view is taken by Dappula's brothers (see v. 116) who believe themselves entitled to the crown after him.
According to the Col. Ed. one should translate: "he climbed with his train the Acchasela mountain". This name does not occur in any of the MSS. with which I am acquainted. The majority have simply palāgitvānamāruhittha savā kano. Tvo MSS. insert saseno before 8avāhano, evidently a gloss to this word. The object of aruhittha is everywhere missing. I have supplied it according to the sense. Perhaps one should read Malayan so savāhano.
See note to 48. 80.
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passed the town with clangour on all sides. With the neighing of the steeds, the trumpeting of the elephants, the rattle of the drums with their rhythmic sound and the battle cries of the warriors the firmament was at that time near to bursting. When the Senapati saw the great army he was light-hearted and informed his own troops of the matter with the words: "Three king's sons have shut in our town with a great force: what must ye then do?' Thus addressed, these warlike heroes answered: "On a day when they have not served their king there is for his servants no life. If at such a time as this we were from love of life to flinch, for what then had our master maintained us for so long a time for our well-being?' At these words Mahinda full of confidence, placed his army in readiness at night and at daybreak mounted his tried elephant, broke through a gate like a downrushing thunderbolt, and began with his thousand warriors the irresistible combat. After scattering the troops of the Adipada in all directions, he gathered (his people) together at one spot and proclaimed a truce. The Adipada Dappula already vanquished at early morning, fled with those who had escaped the slaughter to
1. Tālāvacarasaldānang is adjective attribute to kāhalãna np.
The manuscript reading devasevadine (= deva-aseva-dine) alone gives the right sense: only when their whole life is absorbed in service of their king do his servants wholly fulfil their duty. W.'s translation "from the day that your servants entered your service, their lives have they given unto you' is impossible. It is made so by the loc. dine and by the negation in sevakanan na jivitam which was simply not taken into account. In any case one would have to translate "their life belongs to his servants no longer'. Even then the difficulty with dine remains, it cannot possibly mean "from the day".
3 P. niyattian sanpavedayi. The word niyatti is otherwise unknown. It is derived from the root yat with ni, which probably means "to unyoke (the horses), to rest'. Also in the single passage in the Rigveda (I. 186. 11), where the verb occurs, it seems to me to have this meaning. I should be inclined to translate mí yā devéșu yáltate vasūyúr by “that (namely our supplication) which prays for good enters into (the abode of) the Gods'. GEIDNER, Rigveda I. 241: "that . . . . . aspires to the Gods'. The idea is that Mahinda to prevent further bloodshed, forbids the pursuit of the enemy.

48. 120 lahinda 12
tohaua. But the two princes who had some time before conne froun Rohana, Mahinda captured alive and took with him to the capital. The hero who had thus gained the victory, now that the Island was at peace, sent his army forth to subdue (the East Province) Pacinadesa. They marched into the province and also into (the North Province) Uttaradesa, subdued them in a short time and brought over a large force to their side. The King however, made the Great Queen his consort, as he thought she could neither be set free nor slain'. In consequence of their intercourse she became with child and brought forth a splendid son who bore on him the signs of (former) merit. After that she was very dear to the King who granted his son the dignity of uparaja with the (corresponding) revenues.
When the two \dipadas who were in Pacinadesa heard of this they said to each other: that is our undoing. They raised an army from both their provinces and large sums of money, then summoned their brother (Dappula) from Rohana, made with him a treaty and took up a position with large forces on the bank of the (Mahavaluka-) Ganga. When the King heard all that he brought the district chiefs here and there (by kindly speech) over to his side, imprisoned the obdurate and also had a few executed. He appointed a guard in the town, decreed exactly what was to be done and with a large army and taking the Mahesi with him, he occupied an armed
It is not by chance that the royal title is here for the first time awardled to Mahinda. At the beginning of the campaign against Dappula (v. 102) he was still called Senā pati. Probably he only underwent the ceremony of consecration (abhiseka) after his marriage with the widow of his predecessor, as a queen must also take part therein.
By her marriage with the King this woman who was inclined to intrigue (v. 87) is kept under his supervision and influence, without the necessity of force being used against her. That distrust of the Queen still existed is shown by v. 120.
* P. puññalakkhaņasanny utam. The marks om the boy established by the soothsayers point to a favourable kamma, to the boy having accumulated abundant merit in former existences, so that he is called to greatness in this new existence.
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camp at the village of Mahummara. When the three Adipadas had knowledge of his advance they began a great battle at Kovilairagama. But the King with his strong army destroyed their forces. Dappula fied, the two Adipadas fell.
Here also again victorious, the Monarch returned to the capital; he practised the royal duties and instituted a great almsgiving. For the great Bodhi Tree, that prince of trees, for the three great cetiyas and for the relics he, full of reverence, instituted a great offering. Dappula who had betaken himself to Rohana, arriving there, raised troops to fight anew against the King. The King (wishing) to bring order into the land for his children and his children's children assembled in the Thuparama all the bhikkhus and other wise persons who knew what is seemly and what is unseemly - he who was versed in all the duties of a king, they who were learned in statecraft. He informed them of the events, and after decreeing everywhere what was to be done throughout the Island and in the capital, he with their consent set out with a great army consisting of the four members, and provided with all resources, and came within a short time to the Māra mountains. He laid waste the country and immediately thereafter ascended the mountains. When they saw that in Rohana they yielded themselves through fear. Hereupon the haughty one made a treaty with Dappula. He received from his hands elephants, steeds and jewels, decreed the Galhagangä* as the
The four aigdini of an army are the elephants, the chariot fighters, the riders and the infantry.
A Maragala (probably = Maragallaka in 55.26) is situated east of Madampe in the Atakalan Korale of the province of Ratnapura, Medapattu. If we can associate our Marapabbata with this, Mahinda II must have pushed against Rohana from the N.W. (Ratnapura-PelmadullaMadampe). The mountains he ascended would be the range to the South of Rakvana with the Bulutota Pass.
8 P. sadappaka contains a pun on Dappula’s name.
The MSS. undoubtedly point to this reading. The name Gahagang a is however, otherwise unknown. One might take it for a name of the Mahaveliganga since oragaiga "land on this side of the Ganga" is always used of the territory on the left bank of this stream. In this

48. 140 Mahinda II 123
boundary of the rulers of Rohana and kept the land on this side of the river for himself, making thereof royal property.
Thus had the powerful (prince) freed the Island from all briers', as sole monarch he entered the capital and lived therein happily. The mighty King founded the Damaviharaparivena and the Sanniratittha (-vihara) in Pulatthinagara. In the Abhayagiri he erected the Mahalekha-parivena. Then the wealthy (prince) having built at a cost of three hundred thousand (kahapanas) the superb, many-storeyed Ratanapasada, like a second Vejayanta, and having at a cost of sixty thousand (kahapanas) had made of pure gold an image of the Master, furnished with a costly diadem of jewels, he held with all pomp a magnificent dedicatory festival for the consecration of the Pasada, and dedicated (to the Buddha) thereby his whole kingdom'. He also had a splendid Bodhisatta made of silver and placed the beautiful (statue) in the Silamegha home for bhikkhunis. In the Thuparama he made a gold casing of the thupa and for the sake of diversity he
treaty the Mahavelliganga would then be fixed for the first time as the boundary between Rohana and the territory immediately belonging to the king, being always held as such later on. The Col. Ed. reads Gilhabhogyanqa.
See note to 42. 14. o A. M. HocART supposes the Ratana pasada to be the very considerable building known by tradition as the "Elephant Stables' whose ruins lie to the west, not far from the Abhayagiri Thupa (Northern Thipa), Memoirs ASC. I (1924), p. 1 ff. According to the Mahavs. it was built by Kanitthatissa (223-24l A. D.) for the Thera Mahanaga who lived in the Bhitarama. It is, however, interesting that in the building which according to HocART's discovery, lay below the later structure, there was an inscription belonging to Gajabahu I. (171-193 A.D.) Mahinda I. evidently rebuilt the pasada of Kanittihatissa. A Rui'anMahapuha is mentioned in an inscription of Mahinda IV. WICK ReMAsINGHE, EZ. II. 215, 218, 226.
* Skr. Vajayahta, name of Indra's palace. For this custom cf. 39. 31 (with note). Probably the Bodhisatta Metteyya, the only future Buddha whom the Southern Schools mention by name.
The same convent for nuns is mentioned 49. 25 under the successor of Mahinda II.
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had strips of silver introduced at regular intervals. There too he repaired the decayed pasada. Instituting a great festival, the discerning (prince) had the Abhidhamma recited by the Grand Thera dwelling in the Hemasali(-vihara) and built a bathing tank there for his use. He restored many decayed temples of the gods here and there and had costly images of the gods fashioned. He gave the brahmanas delicious foods such as the King receives and gave them milk with sugar to drink in golden goblets. To the lame he gave bulls as well as the needful maintenance, and to the Damias he gave horses, as they would not take cattle. The poor who were ashamed to beg he supported in secret, and there were none on the Island who were not supported by him according to their deserts. Pondering how food could be provided for cattle, he gave them young corn full of milky juice from a thousand fields. He also strengthened the weir of the Kalavapi tank. Such like meritorious works of his were boundless.
His son, the Yuvaraja, was then already dead, but there was still another son, born to him at the time when he was Senapati'. The King fearing that the (other) princes might kill him, thinking he was fitted for the royal dignity, let him grow up without care, just as chance might determine. When
1 P. thūpassa ”kāsi sovaņņakañcukam. When a thüpa, becaume dilapitated one used to build round it a new casing of brick. Such a casing was called kaicuka, Mahinda places a casing of gold and silver plates on the cetiya of the Thtiparama. In 49.81 we are told that king Dappula II. also covered the thupaghara in the same vihara with golden bricks, and in 50, 35 that the gold plates of the Thuparama cetiya were plundered by the Pandu King.
The Brahmanical religion, Hinduism, had always a place in Ceylon along with Buddhism and was recognised by the reigning princes.
3 P. vārisanupāta. Cf. 68. 85, 37.
Hence in the time before his marriage with the Queen Dowager who bore him the son (see v. 115) who was appointed Uparaja, and who had in the meantime died. Note that neither of the princes is named. Cf. below note to 49. 1.

48. 160 Л.ahšnda II 125
the town was surrounded by foes, this prince came to his father and begged from him a fighting elephant. The King gave him his big elephant, terrible as the elephant of Mara', and in addition a trained force versed in the use of arms. He spake: now it is time, girt his sword, mounted the mighty elephant, went forth from the town, scattered the whole almost invincible army and won the victory. When the King saw that he rejoiced and granted him the dignity of senapati. He (then) betook himself with his forces to (the North Province) Uttaradesa and put to flight the Adipada Dappula together with his army. Therefore was Dappula filled with a great hatred towards him. When he met him face to face in the battle of Mahaummara' he grew furious and hastily spurred on his elephant to kill him. But the other rammed with his own elephant (that of Dappula) and put him to flight. When the King saw that he was highly pleased and as otherwise none was there (suitable) to claim the royal dignity, he conferred on him the office of his Uparaja.
After Mahinda had thus for twenty years enjoyed the full (dominion over the) Island he entered Heaven to enjoy the fruits of his meritorious actions.
Thus all the delights of fortune won by all kinds of means through bitter suffering disappear in a moment. Truly only fools can find delight therein.
Here ends the forty-eighth chapter, called "The Six Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
See note to 41. 48.
* This episode tosk place in the sortie (described in v. 106 f) from Anuradhapura when it was besieged by Dappula.
Refers to what is described in v. 112.
See above v. 120.
The same number in Ptjav. and Rajav.
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CHAPTER XLIX
THE FIVE KINGS
1. After his father's death the Uparaja (Udaya) became king, apt to mete out punishment and favour to foes and friends. 2. As Mahesi the King had the clever Sena by name and little children (had he) who were very dear to the king and charming
There is no doubt that the Uparaja meant here is the one mentioned in 48. 158, as the son of Mahinda by a former mariage (48. 149). The name of this prince is, however, nowhere directly mentioned in the Cülavamsa. The four Sinhalese sources have Uda = Udaya as successor of Mahinda I, and the accuracy of their statement is indirectly confirmed by the Cillavamsa: The successor of the unnamed king is his son Mahinda (III). After him comes an Aggabodhi (WIII.) whose relationship with his predecessor is not mentioned. As however, there is mention (49.44) of his grandfather in a way which clearly points to Mahinda II., he must have been the brother of Mahinda T. and like him, the son of the unnamed king. Now it is said of this Aggabodhi VIII. in 49.45, that he built a parivena and called it Udayaggabodhi by joining his father's name with his own. Hence the son of Mahinda ll. and father of Mahinda lII. and Aggabodhi VIII. was called Udaya. In the Sinhalese translation of SUMANGALA and BATU w ANTUDAwA, also in WJEsINHA's English translation and in all following publications, as far as l can see, this king gets the name of Dappula. I suppose on the ground of the following consideration: According to 49. 30, the unnamed King built a Dappulapabbata and in 50. 80, it is said that King Sena I. finished the Dappulapablata begun in the time of King Dappula. Thus the unnamed king was called Dappula. This in no w ay upsets the absolutely conclusive argument for the name Udaya; the more so, since the two notices about the Dappulapabbata do not in the least agree. According to 49.80, it was an divasa erected (not; begun) by the King himself in the Ambuyyana-vihara and granted to the bhikkhus. In 50. 80, it was a structure (vihara?) commenced by one Mahadeva under King Dappula and finished by King Sena I. This

49. 9 (Udaya I) 27
to look at. The dignity of yuvaraja he bestowed on his eldest son, the others he made adipadas; of his daughters he made queens. Offices the King bestowed on these and those persons according to their deserts, and his subjects he won by the four heart-winning qualities. Now the King had for some reason or other betaken himself to Manihira, and while he sojourned there he heard that the border-land was in rebellion. Thereupon he sent with all haste the Senapati and his son with the order to go thither and bring the district under his sway. When these had betaken themselves there, slanderers who were planning strife, by all kinds of idle talk estranged the twain from the Ruler of men. Now the twain began as foes (of the King) to get possession of the country for themselves. On tidings of this the King betook himself at once to Duratissa'. He slew the twain, took possession of everything they had, slaughtered all their accomplices, and betook himself to Pulatithinagara.
Dappula can very well be Dappula l. (49.65ff), the second predeces. sor of Sena I. It is a question therefore, whether the two Dappulapabbatas had anything at all to do with each other. If we assume that they had, then the building in 49. 30, is wrongly ascribed to Udaya I. or at least its name is due to a mistake. It was erected, as we are told by the more exact and therefore more trustworthy notice in 50, 80, under Dappula II. (W: D. III.). Sena finished the building and it probably only then got its name.
1 The Col. Ed. alters the reading khudda putta in which all MSS. agree, to khuddaputta. W. translates: "(she) had a little son." I merely point out that in the very next verse se veral sons and daughters are mentioned.
W.'s translation "and gave his daughters away to the other governor of the Rohana to be his queens' is quite wrong. We have to do with the granting of titles and honours (rajini acc. pl.). Cf. below 50. 58 and 54. 11.
8 See 42. 34 with note.
A Diratissa tank is mentioned 79. 32, among the tanks restored by Parakkamabahu. The events described evidently take place in the North Province. -
W.'s translation: 'returned again to the city of Pulatthi' is inexact; for the text has gami not paccagami. It also gives a wrong picture; for Udaya was not in Pulatithinagara before, but in Manihira.
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At that time there lived in the province of Rohana a nobleman Mahinda by name, a son of the Adipāda who administered the revenues of the country. He fell out with his father and betook himself to the King. When the King beheld him he was much pleased and showed him grace according to his deserts. To strengthen the friendship with him he gave him his daughter, by name Deva, and sent troops to Rohana. Mahinda set out, laid Rohana waste with the help of the royal army, drove out his father to Jambudipa and took possession of Rohana.
In the Mahavihara Udaya built a fine, solid house for the distribution of food by allotment. To the Kholakkhiya image of the Lord of Sages (Buddha) he granted, for the outlay on festivals, the village of Mahamaga, having himself offered (to the image) according to his capacity. For, the prince of trees, Waddhamana, he restored the broken down temple and granted for its guardianship the wealthy village of Kothagama. To the Nilarama (monastery) he gave the village of Kalussa and to the bronze image (of the Buddha) he gave the village of Aramassa. What was broken down he restored and he had images fashioned as well as a great many pasadas, cetiyas and viharas erected'. In Pulatthinagara' he built of his great pity a large hall for the sick, and likewise in Padavi, each provided with a maintenance village, also halls for cripples' and the blind in different places. Judgments which were just he had entered in books and (these) kept in the royal palace because of the danger of violation of justice. To the vihara called Nagavaddhana he made over several maintenance villages
In the original the name is not mentioned, it simply says he built.
3 P. salākagga; for salākā cf. note to 48. 73.
See note to 48, 5.
I now prefer to add the accusatives pasade etc. in v. 18 a b to the preceding verse so that they are governed by karayi in 17d. The new sentence begins then with Pulatithinagare.
Note how Pulatthinagara gains more and more in importance (cf. also 48. 184).
6 P. pithasappin, lit.: who moves with aid of a chair (pitha), i. e. a pupport that one pushes in front of one.

49, 27 (Udaya I) 129
and without annulling ancient charters', and observing former decrees, he maintained permanently the great almsgiving - instituted by his father and all the other meritorious works which he carried out without curtailment. The Mahesi, too, of the great King performed many meritorious works. The Queen built on the Cetiya mountain the Katthaka-cetiya, and having built the Jayasenapabbata (-vihara), she granted it to the Damia bhikkhu community. She also made over to them the village of Mahummara. Then she built a home for bhikkhunis called Silamegha, and gave it to the (former) home for bhikkhunis called Silamegha. Villages which had been sold she redeemed, by giving the (necessary) money to the vihara and granting the villages to the vihara in question. Having had all the great trees on the Cetiya mountain clipped, the
P. lekhe. We have to do here with deeds of gift, so-called sannas, engraven on copperplates, occasionally on silver or gold, or written on palm leaves such as are still preserved in considerable numbers. H. C. P. BE.1, Report on the Kigalla-District, p. 91. This passage is probably the oldes, confirmation of the custom.
? See :bo we 48. 123- 4.
3 In contradiction to all the MSS. the Col. Ed. alters the name into Katakan cetiyan, apparently merely for the sake of getting hold of t, familiar Pāli word (kantuka "thorn”). e
4 Very doubtful. The MSS. are all corrupt. They read danissada, have thus a syllable too little. If my restoration danilassada is right - it is at any rate nearer the MSS. than the gamikassada of the Col. Ed. - it would mean that also Damias in Ceylon were Buddhists, but that the bhikkhus of this nationality formed a special group.
5 We must assume that the old convent of this name mentioned 48. 139, had fallen into decay. The Queen built a new convent, gave it the same name and granted it to the bhikkhunis who lived in the former one, as their home.
That chedayitvana here means "after he had felled" is not plausible to me. But the clipping of the branches to facilitate the putting on of the flags and to enable them to be seen is quite intelligible. This makes the trees into votive "rag-trees". For analogies s. R. ANDR&E, Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche (1878), p. 58ff; MannhaRDr, Wald- und Feldkulte? (1904), I. p. 219 ff. and passim; v. SchRönER, Arische Religion (1916), II. p. 282.
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King gave brightly coloured flags and streamers as offerings. In the domain of the Puccharama'(-vihara) he restored the pasada and for it he made out of the poor maintenance village of Ussānavițțhi a rich one. The vihāra Giribhaņdao which had gone to rack and ruin he restored as it had been formerly, and granted maintenance villages to the bhikkhus dwelling there. In the Ambuyyana(-vihara) he built the dwellling house. Dappulapabbata' and made it over, provided with the four necessaries to three hundred bhikkhus. Having built
the beautiful monastery Nilagalla, he had a canal laid out
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which made fruitful much country and granted it (to the monastery). In the Arikari-vihara he renewed what was broken down and built (there) a house for the distribution of food by allotment, and a pasada which was formerly missing. In Wahadipa' he built the Senaggabodhipabbata (-pasada) and in the three fraternities he, the deeply learned, had the sacred texts recited. To those among the bhikkhus who were engaged in the hardest studies' he presented" bronze almsbowls and he left undone nothing of that which one calls a meritorious work. To widowed women of good family he gave ornaments and when they wanted food he handed them food
It is uncertain whether the works enumerated in 27-80 are to be ascribed to the Queen or the King. In 28 we have să as subject, but in 81 so. I prefer to assume the King as author, the services of the Queen being usually devoted to the bhikkhunis.
The Col. Ed. changes the name, against the MSS., into Pubbarama. See note to 50. 69.
Mhvs. 84.81 speaks of a great festivity instituted by King Mahadathikamahanaga (66-78 A.D.) on the Cetiya mountain (Mihintale), which received the name Giribhagda-mahapijd. This name is probably connected with that of the vihara.
* See below 50.80 and above note to 49. l. See note to 48. 65. * P. suganthike from gantha, skr. grantha. Cf ganthika-bhikkht., Dhammapadatthakatha ed. H. C. NoRMA, I. 156. See RErs DAvDs and STEDE, PTS. P. D. s. v. ganthika. W.'s translation “compelled the priests to accept his offering of alms-bowls" is impossible. For that it would have to be bhikkhā instead of the genitive bhikkhūnang of the text.
Lit.: he let them receive (gaghdipes).

49.45 Mahinda III, Aggabodhi VIII 131
at night. To the cattle he gave young corn, to the crows and other birds rice, and to the children grain with honey and syrup. Thus, the King with his attendants performed meritorious works, and after enjoying the earth, he had to leave it after five years.
Hereupon his son Mahin da by name became sovereign of the Sihalas, a nobleman, equipped with excellence of every kind. Known all the earth round by the name of Dhammikasilamegha', he was a light of the true doctrine', a banner of the doctrine, to whom the true doctrine was the highest, and he performed without fail every work that followed the right path and which had been done by former kings, but he avoided wrong. To allow of repairs being made at all times on the Ratanapasada' he granted it the Getthumba canal'. What was ruined he rebuilt, and performed (other) meritorious works. After reigning for four years he went to his death.
Aggabodhi then raised the umbrella of dominion in the capital, preparing unremittingly welfare and happiness for all creatures. He instituted a sacrificial festival for the relics, worthy of all the virtues of the Master, and a great festival for the image of the Sambuddha set up by his grandfather". He, the Ruler of men, built the Udayaggabodhi-parivena,
Pujav. and Rajaw. the same. --
* In Pojav. and Rajav. the king is called Häligära vil Iskäbo Mihindu, in Räjaratn. and Nik-s. Sömihindu.
Three times here the ambiguous word dhamma occurs in the text; for "wrong" adhamma. The compiler paraphrases the adjunct dhammika in Mahinda’s biruda.
See note to 48. 135.
Whose waters could only be employed for tillage by payment of a tax, otherwise accruing to the king, to the inmates of the Ratanapasada.
Pujav. the same; Rajav. 7 years.
Without doubt what is meant here is the golden statue mentioned 48. 137 as having been made by Mahinda II. This proves that Aggabodhi VIII., whose relationship to his predecessor is not mentioned in any of our sources, was a grandson of Mahinda II., a son of Udaya I. and brother of his predecessor Mahinda III.
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choosing for it his father's name and his own. Further, he built the parivena called Bhuta, furnished with (the needful) revenues and granted it to his own teacher and three hundred bhikkhus. To the Rajasala(-vihara) he granted the village of Culavapiyagana and two villages to the Kalula and Mallavata' viharas. On the Uposatha days he forbade the bringing in of fish, meat and intoxicating drinks into the centre of the town. When he had done reverence to the bhikkhus or the cetiyas, he used, when leaving, to clean his feet thoroughly, that no sand might be lost. All actions leading to Heaven and to delivrance, all those actions he performed with faith in the three (sacred) objects".
The King found pleasure in the serving of his mother day and night. He went to wait on her already early in the morning, rubbed her head with oil, perfumed the parts moist with sweat, cleaned her nails and bathed her carefully. He clad her himself in a new garment, pleasant to the touch, and the cast-off raiment he took and cleaned it himself. With the water therefrom he sprinkled his own head together with the diadem, and worshipped her perfectly with fragrant flowers as a cetiya. After making obeisance before her three times, and walking, with right side facing, round her and
The name Udaya. See note to 49. ). The vihara Uda-Agbo is mentioned in an inscription of Mahinda IV. WIcKREM AsINGILE EZ. II. p. 216, 221, 227.
A Bhittarama is mentioned already under Kanittihatissa (223-241 A. D.). Here we have probably to do with a new building in this momastery. vn
According to my conjecture, Rajasalaiya instead of raidsdilaiya. The word soild alone says too little.
Mallavata - vihara, built according to 48.70, by Aggabodhi VII. See note to 87. 214 and 41. 55. W.'s translation "cleanse her body" is too general. The verb tubbatteti is used of rubbing in with some kind of perfumed substance. To the passages cited by RIHYs DAvros and STEDE, I may add Dīghanik. II. 32414, 16; Vinaya ed. OLDENBERG III. 3299; Thūpavamsa ed. Col. p. 3911; Mahav. Tika, ed. Col. p. 132o. The word jallikà means “sweat drops” just as the more frequent rajoala must be translated by "dirt and sweat'. Cf. sedajallika Sn. 198 (RH. D. and Sr.).

49,64 Aggabodhi VIII 33
giving her attendants raiment and the like to their heart's content, he offered her delicious food with his own hand, partook himself of what she left and strewed thereof on his head. To her attendants he gave the best food such as was meant for the king, and when he had put in order her chamber, fragrant with sweet odours, he carefully prepared there with his own hand her couch, washed her feet, rubbed her gently with fragrant oil, sat by her rubbing her limbs and sought to make her sleep. Then with right side facing, he walked round her bed, did reverence three times in the right way, ordered slaves or servants as guard and without turning his back on her, went out. At a spot where she could no longer see him, he halted and three times again did reverence. Then happy at his action, and ever thinking of her, he went home. As long as she lived he served her in this way.
Once he addressed one of his slaves with the word "slave"; to make up to him for it, he let him use the same word towards himself. The wise (prince) made his mother offer his own person as a gift to the bhikkhu community, then paid down a sum equal to his own value and was thus again a free man. Thus holding meritorious works as the highest, he did good to the Island and went after (a reign of) eleven years' to the world of the gods.
1 P. katerá niddam upecca tam, a highly curious construction. niddam upecca would mean "after she had fallen asleep'. By the addition of katvdi tant the causative meaning is given "after he had brought about that she fell asleep". See Clavs. ed., Introd. p. XV.
In the original this whole section from v. 55 to 61 forms one sentence. The fin. verb yati is in the pres. to express continued repetition. All the preceding verbs are gerunds.
W.'s translation "it grieved him so that he himself sought to obtain his servant's forgiveness' is too vague and overlooks the point, namely, that he permits his servant to call him by the same contemptuous epithet which he himself had used to him.
Pujav. and Rajav. have the same. In Rajaratn. and Nik.-s. the king is called Midi-Akbó.
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134 Dappuda II 49. 65
His younger brother Dappula now became king after his death. He kept closely to the conduct of the earlier kings. At that time the sons of the ruler of Rohana, Mahinda by name, driven out by their father, came to the King, their maternal uncle. He beholding them and hearing their story, gave them a strong force and sent them away to fight with their father, concerned for the welfare of his kinsmen. But when the ruler of Rohana, Mahinda, recognised the situation, he began on his part to make war on them with strong forces. The twain had to retreat and after appointing a commander over the army, they returned to the King and abode there (in Anuradhapura) serving him. Their father was content therewith, but in combat with another kinsman he was slain and this kinsman too lost his life. Hereupon the King gave his sister's son Kittaggabodhi his daughter Deva to wife, gifted with all virtues. He (Kittaggabodhi) appointed (his brother) Dappula to the king's service and betook himself at the head of an army division to Rohana. He became sovereign of Rohana and favoured by every kind of good fortune, took up his abode there increasing in sons and daughters.
The King had the ruined temple of the Prince of Trees newly and durably built and gilded. At the festival of his consecration he instituted a sacrificial feast which he so
1 In accordance with the old Sinhalese law of inheritance three sons of Udaya I. reign one after the other. According to this law Dappula's legitimate successor would have been the son of his eldest brother Mahinda III. But cf. below 49. 84 and 50. 4.
Their father Mahinda according to 49. 10-12, was married to Deva the daughter of Udaya I., a sister of Dappula II. The quarrels in Rohana about the succession described there, of the details of which we are ignorant, thus continue. It was the policy of the Sinhalese kings to exploit these to strengthen their position in Rohana. Note the similarity of the events, as described in 49. 10 f. and in 49.66 f, especially the repetition of the name Deva.
The construction of the sentence is not quite simple. W. translates it "the king rebuilt the old house of the Bodhi-tree, so that it may last, and ornamented it with works inlaid with gold".

49.84 Aggabodhi IX 135
arranged that it was fully worthy of his own royal dignity and the perfection of the Master (Buddha). He rebuilt the ruined pasada in the Hatthikucchi-vihara, the Wahadipa monastery and the Lavaravapabbata (-vihara). For the vihara called Jeta he made a golden image of the Master and on its delivery to the Bodhi temple he held a sacrificial festival of unimaginable splendour. Every year he instituted in the Island a gift of raiment. He enlarged the Mahapali Hall, and eager for the good of the refectory he dispensed as much (rice) as tallied with the weight of his body. Ruined buildings he restored, he kept to the conduct of former kings without neglecting anything. He had a discerning senapati by name Wajira. This (Wajira) built the Kacchavala monastery for the Pamsukulins. In the Thuparama the King covered the temple of the thupa with golden bricks in the right way and put in doors of gold'. After the Ruler of men had thus reigned sixteen years', he went to that land whither all beings must go.
This King having gone to the world of the gods, Aggabodhi (by name) had the drums of dominion beaten the selfsame day. His father (Dappula) to safeguard the succession
1 Very doubtful, as all our MSS. are corrupt. For the first two names mentioned here, cf. 48.65 with the notes.
We must assume that it was a figure seated in the attitude of meditation, and that it was placed at the foot of the Bodhi tree, just as the Buddha sitting under such a tree, received the highest enlightenment. I am inclined now to assume that the words bhattaggan avalokiya in 78 belong to the following and not to the preceding.
4 Chadayi is here probably wrong, as also karayi in the Col. Ed. It will perhaps be best to retain the reading of the MSS. padayi (padeti = skr. pra-dā treated after the analogy of the causative, like kāreti). So Poijäv.; Rajav.: 12 years. According to Rajav. and Rajaratn. an incursion of the Damias took place in this reign. They plundered Anuradhapura and carried away much valuable booty.
The original has tada ahi. This seems to give no sense, so in the edition (of the text) I have remarked at this passage: "we expect something like tadatrajo." I am inclined now to think that we have here an etymological puerility, and that for the sake of the metre, tadahi has been split up into tada ahti.
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for his sons, had not made his brother's son, Mahind by name, adipada. As the latter could not bring himself to 'show reverence to his younger kinsman, he fled in his confusion to the other coast . . . . When he (the King) heard of their arrival he sent out a strong force gave them battle and seized their heads.
In the monastic fraternities he ordered everything that had to be done and throughout the Island he caused the prevention of evil action. The bhikkhus in the smaller viharas' used to receive rice gruel as medicine in the Mahavihara. When the King heard of it he was dipleased; he granted (the small viharas) the important village of Kathapitthi, (the village of) Yabalagama, (the village of) Telagama and a well-filled canal and gave orders that the bhikkhus should receive their rice gruel in (their own) vihara. After that they all received the gruel gratefully (in their vihara). On the Island he had the drums beaten and summoned the beggars, distributing to them gold as much as they wanted, for three days.
Having performed these and other meritorious works, the King went after three years' to behold the reward for his faith in the three (sacred) objects, driving, as it were, in a heavenly chariot to death.
Against the law of succession. See above note to v. 65.
Hence to southern India. The word refers to Mahinda's inner conflict. He sees no way of escape except by flight to the mainland. 3 The tesan at the beginning of the verse is surprising, since only one Mahinda was mentioned before. W. seeks to make the plural intelligible by supplementing (v. 85) "with all his brethren'. But that is not in the text. Besides, according to 50. 4, it is the succeeding king, Sena I. who kills Mahinda. I think we must assume a gap in our text. The missing part (perhaps only a single verse) dealt with friends and adherents of Mahinda who fought at first for his rights and were defeated by Aggabodhi.
4 What is meant are the smaller viharas of Anuradhapura in contrast to the three great nikayas.
* So Pūjāv. In Rājā.v. and Rājaratn. Aggabodhi IX. is not named. His successor Sena is also omitted. Nik-s, calls him Pagulu-Akbö.

49. 93 Aggabodhi IX 37
Thus all corporeal beings are impermanent. Even the allwise Buddhas are doomed to die. Hence a prudent man ri
ving up (everything) that proceeds from the lust of being, will keep his thoughts fixed on nirvana.
Here ends the forty-ninth chapter, called The Five Kings, in the Mahavamsa, conpiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 P. budalho vibhave bhaireyya. Cf. skr. budh with acc. or gen. “to direct the mind to something'. In P. the loc. is used instead of the gen.
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138 Sета I
CHAPTER L
THE ONE KING
Hereupon his younger brother Sena raised the umbrella (of dominion) in the town, abounding in riches, who looked on al creatures as on a dear son. He adhered to the conduct of former kings in accordance with tradition, and he performed also pious actions before unheard of. Towards bhikkhus, bhikkhunis, his kinsfolk and (the other) islanders, towards fishes, four-footed beasts and the birds he fulfilled every duty. He had Mahinda who had betaken himself to the opposite shore, slain by agents. In such wise he cleared his path of all who could dispute with him the royal dignity. He instituted a great almsgiving for needy beggars, to bhikkhus and brahmanas (he dispensed) delicious food such as the king receives. He had three younger brothers: Mahinda, Kassapa and Udaya. Of these Mahinda was the Yuvaraja who, obedient to him, served him in fitting manner. The Queen, Samgha by name, was the queen-consort of the King.
Once when the King had betaken himself for pleasure to a port on the sea, the Adipada Udaya who had remained behind in the town, took to wife the daughter of the wife of his maternal uncle by name Nala who was under the King's protection, and took her with him to Pulatithinagara. Without
1. Sena II. is called Matvallasen in the Nik.-s.
See above 49.85-86 with the notes.
P. rakkhantin is to be understood as pres, part. of the passive rakkhati = skr. raksiyate. The name Nala is contained in that of the monastery Nalarama which according to the inscription of Mahakalatteva
(E. MOLLER AIC. nr. 110; p. 77, 112) the Grand Scribe Sena (cf. 52. 88)
built in honour of his mother and named after her. This Nala however, cannot well be as WICKREMAsixate assumes (EZ. I. 154, n. 7), the daughter of Mahinda of Rohana and of Deva; since Deva was not the тdtиlani, but the pitucchd of Udaya.

SO, 24 Sema II 139
being wroth, with him the King made with him an inviolable treaty, sent the Mahadipada (Mahinda) to him, quieted him and brought him hither again. Thus the princes were again at one and lived sheltering the Order (of the Buddha) and the laity, in perfect peace.
Once later came the Pandu King with a great force from Jambudipa and began to take possession of the Island. When the King heard thereof he sent a strong army against him, but owing to the discord among the high dignitaries, the prince, the Pandu king, found opportunity to get a firm footing; he laid waste the whole of Uttaradesa (the North Province) and occupied an armed camp in Mahatalitagama. The many Damias who dwelt (scattered) here and there, went over to his side. Thereby he gained great power. The great army which had gathered there (in Mahatalitagama) began war with the King; the Pandu King went into the field riding on the back of his elephant. The Damia army who beheld the face of its leader, was full of vigour and determination, and ready to lay down its life for him. But the Island army as its leaders were absent, was without zeal; it scattered in fight and fled in all directions. The great army of the Pandu King broke in at the same moment crushing in onset the people, like the hosts of Mara. When the King heard of the dispersion of his army, he took all his valuable property, left the town and turned towards Malaya. Thereupon the Yuvaraja, Mahinda, mounted his elephant; but when he saw in battle the flight of his army, he thought: "Alone it is impossible for me to kill all these; but death at the hands of these base people is not beautiful; therefore is death by my own hand to be preferred' and sitting on the back of his elephant, he cut his throat. When his men saw that, many of them like
From the standpoint of the author: to Anuradhapura.
The Pandus or Pandiyas were a Dravidian people inhabiting the southernmost part of the Indian peninsula. Their capital was at first Korkai, later Madhura. Cf. W. A. ShTE, Early Bistory of India, p. 335f. For the name of the Pandiya king who invaded Ceylon, cf. H. W. CooRINGroN, HC., p. 52.
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wise cut their throats and when the Damia army beheld this it rejoiced with exceeding joy. When the Adipada Kassapa. surveyed all that, just at it was, he mounted his favourite horse, armed, weapon in hand, and came alone as far as the Abhaya-vihara'. Even as a supanna when it catches a snake breaks through her watery abode, so he broke through this great army by storm. He forced the whole (army) to retreat and remained himself unscathed. His one horse looked as if it were a line of steeds. When he saw none following him he thought: “What would it avail if I alone (by my death) were to fulfil the wish of the foe? meahwhile I shall, if I remain in life, be able to fulfil my own wish. Therefore it is right if I retreat'. Therewith the great hero broke fearlessly through the great army and escaped to Kondivata. The great army of the Pandu King thereupon took the town. They showed the Yuvaraja's head to the Pandu King. When he saw it he had (the corpse) burned and gave orders for the observance at the pyre of all the ceremonies prescribed by the Pandus for their kings.
The Pandu King took away all valuables in the treasure house of the King and plundered what there was to plunder in vihara and town. In the Ratanapasada the golden image of the Master (Buddha) the two jewels which had been set
Abhayagiri-vihara. The pursuing enemy had thus already approached the northern gate of the town.
The words ogdihitva vidarayi belong to both objects mahdisena and salilālayam. . In W.’s translation the simile is not rightly grasped or at least blurred. For Kassapa's breaking through the hostile army the expression o-gdih "to dive" has been chosen with reference to the simile. The Supaunas are mythical birds griffinlike. They are considered the deadly enemies of the Nagas. In this passage these are described as bhujangdi, snake-like dwellers in the sea.
Lit.: preserved (or protected) himself well. Note in sugopayi the rarer association of su with a finite verb, as shortly before, in v. 4 зиvisodhesi.
W. has not understood the passage aright, nor I myself in my edition (but cf. the corrections and additions in vol. II). It deals with the golden image set up by Mahinda II (48. 135 ff) in the Ratanapasada which he had built in the Abhayagiri-vihara. See also 5l. 22 ff. We must therefore read Paisdde Ratane sabbasovarian satthubimbakan.

50. 44 Sena II 141
as eyes in the stone (image of the) Prince of Sages, likewise the gold plates on the cetiya in the Thuparama, and the golden images here and there in the viharas - all these he took and made the Island of Lanka deprived of her valuables leaving the splendid town in a state as if it had been plundered by yakkhas'.
The King (Sena) had posted guards at various places along the highway and in great alarm had taken up his abode at the confluence of the two rivers. In order to make a treaty with the Sihala ruler, the Pandu King now sent dignitaries thither. When the Sihala sovereign saw them and heard their message, he agreed to everything, bestowed favours on the ambassadors to their hearts' content, presented them with a couple of elephants as well as with all his jewels and sent messengers to the Pandu King, thinking of his own advantage. When the Pandu King saw all this he was highly pleased, handed over the capital on the same day to the messengers, evacuated the town and betook himself at once to the seaport. There he embarked and returned to his country.
Thereupon the Ruler Silamegha (Sena) entered the town, brought the Island again to its former condition and lived in peace. His second brother', the nobleman Udaya by name,
1. Cf. on this 48. 140, as well as 49.81. 2. By yakkha are meant the prehistoric inhabitants of Ceylon whom Vijaya found when he migrated to the island. They were believed to have magic powers, hence the word means superhuman, demoniacal beings generally. Ethnologists consider the Widdas as remnants of these aborigines. Cf. the monograph of A. K. Coon(ARAsway, Yaksas, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 80, Nr. 4. Washington 1928. The mahdinagga is probably the highway which led from Anuradhapura to Pulatthinagara and from here to Rohiaņa. Malayābhimukho gato above in v. 20 evidently, gives merely the general direction in which Sena retreated. The "confluence of the two rivers" where he took up a waiting position must be the point of junction of the Mahavelliganga and Ambanganga where he commanded the two fords: Dastota (Sahassatittha) and Mahagantota (Kacchakatittha).
Silamegha is the surname of Sena. Cf. note to 44, 88. After Mahinda's death (v. 23) his brother Kassapa became heir to the throne. But as he was slain by the Pandu King according to v. 46 the youngest brother of Sena I., Udaya by name, took up his position, but he died very soon so that the succession passed to Kassapa's eldest son.
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he appointed mahadipada and assigned him for his revenues (the Southern Province) Dakkhinadesa. But he, after performing meritorious works as was meet, was seized after a short time with illness and fell into the jaws of death.
The Adipāda Kassapa while he sojourned in Pulatthinagara, was slain by the Pandu King who had ordered it. Now this Adipada Kassapa by name, had four able sons endowed with the marks (of future) power. Of these the first was the prince Sena by name, a hero, a man of great energy, capable of bearing the burden of the royal dignity, an eminent man. To him the King assigned in accordance with the custom the dignity of mahadipada and assigned him for his revenues Dakkhinadesa together with the (needful) troops.
The ruler of Rohana, Kittaggabodhi, had four sons and three attractive, charming daughters. His eldest son, the nobleman by name Mahinda, was murdered by his father's sister who took the country with the royal treasure for herself. The three brothers enraged at the murder of their brother took their three sisters and betook themselves to the King (Sena). When the King who greatly loved them, in deepest pity' beheld them, he brought them all up full of
love in the best way possible as if they were royal princes'.
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Then the Ruler of men sent the eldest of them, Kassra by name, with forces: "Take possession of thy country, go!". He
According to the inscription mentioned above (note to 50.9) the marriage of Udaya with Nala produced a son. He is there called Mahal-Sen. That is the Sena of 62. 83, who under his cousin Kassapa IV., evidently at an advanced age, enjoyed the dignity of Mahālekhaka. But as according to v. 6, Kassapa was older than Udaya, his sons succeeded before those of Udaya.
The MSS. point to the reading bhatughatake. But since the word refers to a female, S. and B. in conjunction with one MS. read -ghatane. The MS. S 6 originally had this reading, but it is corrected to ghatake. P. daydimukho. At the end of a compound mukha is used in the sense of padhana.
4. Not as W. has it "as if they were the offspring of the gods." The children of the house of Rohana are treated as if they belonged
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set forth, slew her, brought the whole of Rohana into his power and took up his abode there without mishap. Then he fetched his two brothers Sena and Udaya, shared with them the country and dwelt with them. But King Sena brought up the maidens in a most excellent way and when the three princesses were grown up, gifted and beautiful as divine nymphs, he gave the one called Samgha to whom he assigned the rank of queen', to the Uparaja Sena to wife, with large revenues worthy of the royal dignity. The younger brother of the Uparaja, Mahinda by name, was endowed with all virtues, practised in all sciences. To him the King gave the two princesses, called Tissa and Kitti, with revenues which he deemed fitting. Thus the King showed favour to his kindred according to (their) deserts. By favours such as almsgiving and the like he won the people for himself. Endowed with the ten qualities of kings', he enjoyed (while) performing meritorious works, the earth. For the Pamsukulika bhikkhus' he built a monastery on the Aritha mountain", erected as if by magic, and endowed it with large revenues. He granted it also an equipment without flaw, worthy of a king, many helpers of the monastery and slaves as work people. In the Jetavana-vihara the Sovereign whose aspiration was directed to
the Buddha step, erected a pasada of several storeys. After.
It is possible to refer thapetva rajinithane to all three princesses. In 49.3, we already had a case of the king granting the title of rajini to princesses in the same way as that of didpdda to princes. Cf. further 54. 11, as also 60. 84.
The alteration of sarikkhakan which all the MSS. have, into parikkhakan is unnecessary. The skr. Sadria can also mean "suited to, worthy of'. The context demands an adjectival attribute to mahabhogan.
3 See mote to 37. 107. 4 Cf. above note to 47. 66.
The Ritigala (see 44.86 with note) is extremely rich in ruins. Cf. ASC. 1898 (= XXXVIII, 1904, p. 8ff.). Then Plans and Plates for Annual Report 1893 (Colombo 1914). A. M. HocART identifies the monastery built by Sena with the ruins of Banda Pokuna. See Memoirs ASC. I. 44.
A pun in the original on bhim in its three meanings of earth, platform or step and storey. Note the Mahayanistic idea of striving after the attainment of future Buddhahood. It occurs here for the first time in the Mahavamsa.
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bringing thither a wholly golden image of the Victor (Buddha) that he had had made and having fixed large revenues for the pasada, he let bhikkhus take up their abode there. In the same vihara he had the splendid pasada in the Mahaparivena rebuilt, which had been destroyed by fire. In the Abhayuttaravihara he built the Wirankurarama and granted it to the bhikkhus of the Mahasamgha and of the Thera School. The Pubbarama' also furnished with the four necessaries, he built together with his royal consort Sarpgha. Likewise together with her the discerning Monarch built in the Mahavihara, the dwelling-house Sapghasena' with large revenues. Having had made of pure gold a reliquary for the hair relic he instituted a great sacrificial festival. The sublime (prince) dedicated to it the kingly dignity. To the Cetiya mountain he assigned the productive Kanavapi tank, and to the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he had the three garments" distributed. In Pulatthinagara he built at the Thusavapi tank the Senaggabodhi shrine, endowed with villages and monastery helpers, and here
1 Thus I understand waddlhettidi. Cf. for the meaning Calavs. ed. I, Index of Words, s. v. traddlheti.
* Is mentioned in a Wessagiri inscription of King Dappula IV. (V.) WτοκREMABIΝαΗΕ, EZ. Ι. 23 f.
For the Mahasamghika who branched off from the Theravadins (Mhvs. 5. 4-5), at the first Council, s. M. WALLesen, Die Sekten des alten Buddhismus, p. 24 ff.
4 If above in 49.28, one reads with the Col. Ed. Pubbarama instead of Puccharama, which however, is contrary to the MSS., then in our passage it is only a question of rebuilding the monastery. Cf. EZ. I. 183. * This is probably the Saigsen-aram mentioned in the inscription of Kassapa V. which was restored by this king together with the Maricavațți-thūpa. WICKREMASINGHE, EZ. I. 41 ff.
The relic was brought to Ceylon by Silakala. See Mhvs. 89. 49 ff. See note to 41. 29.
W. follows the reading vapiyo of the Col. Ed. and translates accordingly: "with the help of the great tank Thussvápi he built several smaller tanks ... and he also built" etc. In this case however, a ca in the second line of the verse would be indispensable.

50. 84 Sena II 145
beside this building', he built a large eating-hall where good food was distributed, as well as for all (the bhikkhus) an eating-hall in the Mahanettapabbata(-vihara). He also had a hall for the sick built in the west of the town and for the destitute he made an offering of rice soup with the solid food (belonging thereto). For the Pamsukulika-bhikkhus the sublime (prince) built a separate kitchen and dutifully gave them permanent support. When he was (still) Mahādipāda he built in the Kappura-pariveria and in the Uttaraha (-parivena) single cells which bore his name. Three times the wealthy prince dispensed alms equal in weight to his body and yet other meritorious works of divers kinds were performed by the King. His royal consort, Samgha by name, had built in the Uttara-vihara a dwelling-house called Mahindasena and let bhikkhus take up their abode there. The charming Dappulapabbata-vihara' was begun in the time of the wise King Dappula by Mahadeva, and the Kassaparajaka(-vihara) by the young prince called Kassapa - both these unfinished (buildings) the same King (Sena) completed'. His Senapati Bhadda built the parivena, called Bhaddasenapati, endowed with slaves and revenues. The dignitary Uttara built in the Abhayuttara-vihara the dwelling house, called Uttarasena, excellently provided with the (four) necessaries. In the same place Wajira (by name) built the dwelling house Wajirasenaka, and Rakkhasa (by name) built the dwelling-house, called Rakkhasa.
I supplement tasmin yeva not with nagare, as does W., but with avase from 78c to get the antithesis to sabbesan in 74 c. The first Mahapali hall belonged specially to the Senaggabodhi house, the second was for general use.
Of the first we know from 45. 29 that it belonged to the Abhayagiri-vihara; the second parivena is mentioned again 51. 75.
I. e. Abhayuttara-vibara = Abhayagiri-vihara. 4 Cf. with the verse the note to 49. 1.
By Darukassapa is probably meant the younger brother of the king whose death is announced in v. 46. W. takes it for the name pf a minister. For Kassaparajaka. s. note to 52.45.
Pun on the word attara. occurring 4 times in the verse.
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Thereupon after twenty years the King who had ever fixed his gaze on the highest, while sojourning in Pulatthinagara, pondering over the misdeeds of the Pandu King, and in sense making way for the hero Sena, had to leave thé Island and depart as a lamp (goes out) which the storm has quenched.
Riches are fleeting together with life, how much more so are even kindred and friends. Behold the King who forsaken fell into the terrible jaws of death.
Here ends the fiftieth chapter, called The One King', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.
So also Pejav. P. dadanto viya Senassa sirassavasaran. He leaves to his successor
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CHAPTER LI
THE HISTORY OF THE TWO KINGS
After Sena had thus died the Mahadipada Sena by name performed all that there was to do for him in pious manner, then with army and train he entered the town and was king over the earth's circle. Showing conduct like that of the kings of the first age of the world, pious, wealthy, heroic, generous, impartial, succouring the needy, equipped with large revenues, with army and train, he represented in his spotless fame and his splendid ability, as it were, a union of the sun and the moon: richly gifted with unblemished qualities, practising every kind of virtue, devoid of all sin, weary of the cycle of births, his gaze fixed on the highest. Samgha who was his consort, he consecrated Mahest and gave her a dowry according to the custom. His younger brother, the able Mahinda by name, he made uparaja, assigning him (the Southern Province) Dakkhinadesa. As however, he had committed an offence in the women's apartments, he disappeared on being discovered by the King, and betook himself with wife and child unrecognised to Malaya.
At that time time the King's consort Samgha bore him a son who embodied, as it were, in himself the princely form
Namely the prescribed funeral ceremonies. Sena II. is called in Pujav, Rajav., Rajaratn. and Nik.-8. Mugayin-Sen. In Pojav, he is erroneously called brother (mal) of his predecessor.
For Panada or Mahapanada see note to 87. 62. It cannot be a question here of son of Panada, as such does not otherwise occur, but of Panada himself when he was prince. We must thus read kumdraripan and this belongs to Pandidassa as well as to attano. For Mahapanāda as prince see Jātaka IV, p. 323 ff. Suruci-Jātaka.
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of Panada. When the King beheld the newly-born he was overjoyed, as Suddhodana over Siddhattha born in the Lumbini garden, (thinking): my son endowed with the qualities of power and virtue, is worthy of the royal dignity not alone in this single island but in all Jambudipa, and already on the day of name-giving he consecrated him uparaja in the most solemn manner and granted him (the Southern Province) Dakkhinadesa. The Yuvaraja (Mahinda) who was sojourning in Malaya, understood by prudent conduct to appease the sovereign, and with his brother's consent, he came accompanied by the bhikkhus dwelling in the three fraternities, sought out the King, and made here at once an inviolable treaty with him.
The consort of the Yuvaraja', Tissa by name, the Queen, bore a daughter, named Samgha, and his other consort Kitti bore likewise four sons and a daughter. Then the King thought: under these circumstances' my younger brother will be reliable for me, and he took careful counsel with his ministers and prudently married the beautiful daughter of the Yuvaraja, Saragha by name, to his own son Kassapa. Dakkhinadesa (the South Province) he granted in like manner to his younger brother, but to the Prince (Kassapa) he made over a special share of his own revenues and assigned him all the
The son of Sena II. was Kassapa, later King Kassapa W. In an inscription of Anurādhapura, he expressly says of himself: dunia sägäihi e уира-raj bisev-siri pindled "who at the same time that he was born (P. janita), received the consecration as yuvaraja". WrcKREMASINGEE, EZ. II. 42 ff. As to the difference between the Clavs. and the inscription regarding the title uparaja and yuvaraja see note to v. 15.
* P. upāyena. W. : cunningly.
As the reconciliation between Sena and Mahinda has taken place the latter regains his rights as heir apparent, Dakkhinadesa (v. 19) being
assigned him for the same reason. The more formal dignity of uparaja
which is generally associated with that of yuvaraja, remained apparently with the son of King Sena.
4 P. evan sati: if he (the king) so acts as he intends, and as he acts subsequently, after holding counsel with his ministers: by kinship through marriage.

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extraordinary revenues in the kingdom. But the administration of the whole island he looked after (himself), concerned for the welfare of the Island. In consequence of the living together of the twain (Kassapa and Samgha) who performed meritorious works, sons and daughters were born, endowed with the qualities of power and virtue.
Once when the Ruler with all pomp was holding high festival for the Tooth Relic, he ascended the splendid Ratanapasada and when he beheld the pedestal of the golden Buddha empty whereon formerly the image stood, he asked why that was so. Thereupon his councillors replied: "Knowest thou not O Ruler that in the time of the great King thy uncle, O Sovereign the Pandu king came hither, ravaged this Island and departed with whatever belonged to the treasures of the Island?' When the King heard that, he was ashamed, as if he himself had suffered the defeat, and gave orders the selfsame day to his councillors to collect troops'.
1 According to the reading of the Col. Ed. raijan pi sabban tass’ eva, paribhogaya dapayi one would have to translate: "also he assigned him the whole kingdom for the drawing of his income". Raija might mean that part of the Island that was later called Rajarattha and still later Patittharattha, but that would have been monstrous, since Sena would thereby have deprived himself of all rights and of nearly all his revcnues. It would be difficult too to see how what is said in 19 c. d could be distinguished from what is contained in v. 20 a b. The point here lies I believe, in the little word pari in paribhoga. It implies the idea of "more" of "acquisition' "addition to something" (Cf. BR., Wtb. s. v. pari 2 a. 8), thus paribhoga stands in contrast to the simple bhoga of the preceding line.
Without doubt the passage must be so translated, although the construction is not without difficulty. Cf. 50.34 with the note.
The uncle of Sena II., his predecessor Serua I. is here described as "great father' (mahdipita). The elder brothers of the father are thus described, the younger brothers being called "ittle father" (clapita). See note to 63. 51.
The successful war of Sena II. against the Pandus is mentioned in several inscriptions. The King is called Siri Sangbo (so in the inscr. of Bilibeva, of Etaviragolleva and Elleveva, WIcKREMAsINGHE, EZ. II. 39, 44 ff.; Bell, ASC., VIIth Progress Rep. = XIII. 1896, p. 45). The four Sinhalese sources also relate the victory over the Pandus and the regaining of the drum of victory and the jewelled goblet which they had captured.
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Now at that time there arrived a son of the Pandu King who ill-treated by the king, had made the resolve to gain the kingship for himself. When the King (Sena) saw him he rejoiced greatly, treated him as was meet', betook himself then to the seaport Mahatittha and while he sojourned there, collected a great force as well as all the appliances of war completely, like to a war-equipped army of the gods. Then the glorious (Prince) commanded his Senapati together with the son of the Pandu King thus: "Arise, slay the Pandu King, bring hither all the jewels formerly carried away from here, transfer to him the royal dignity and come hither again at once'. The Senapati declared himself ready to do so, bade farewell to the Ruler, took the army and set sail on the spot. He came then to the opposite coast with his whole army and train and laying waste the neighbouring country, surrounded the town of Madhura. He blockaded the gates, cut of all traffic and set fire to towers, bastions and gates'. When thus the Sihala army had penetrated his town, pillaging the whole (town) and slaughtering the garrison, then the Pandu King at the news, collected his army, came on in haste and opened fight. But as his troops were not complete the Ruler who riding on the back of an elephant was himself wounded by a spear, left the town to its fate, took flight and lost his life at the place whither he had betaken himself. His consort who had come with him also found (her) death. Thereupon the Sihala army which had fearlessly entered the
I. e. he fulfilled all the duties due to a guest of royal blood. Now Mantai (Mantota) in the Mannar District. 3 P. anumann is adverb. 4 S. gopurattalakotthake. According to the description of the plan of an Indian fortress given in Kautalya's Arthašāstra, 2. 3. 21, gopura means a bastion-like structure above the gates, while attala is a tower built on the wall. Cf. attālauddāmaparikhādīni DhCo. III. 488 16 and pdikdiraparikhaattalakddini JaCo. WI. 3411, with which is meant the whole fortification of a town; also pakaro gopurattalako JaCo. WI. 433. Dvarattala also occurs in P. (Dipavs. 13. 21; 22. 10 and 19); JaCo. WI. 390 distinguishes this last from antarattalaka. Thus divarattala is al
most synonymous with gopura,

5.5 Sed II 151
town, plundered it completely, as the gods the town of the asuras'. The Senapati thereupon inspected the treasures in the royal palace; and all the valuables which had been carried away from our island, as well as that found in the town and in the country, he took for himself and carried on the administration which he had seized. Hereupon he consecrated the son of the Pandu King and transferred the country to him with celebration of the (customary) festivities. He took elephants and horses and men also, as he pleased, and stayed here and there at his pleasure, from no side threatened. Then he betook himself to the sea-coast, sojourned there so long as he chose, embarked with unruffled calm, as if for amusement, came to Mahatittha, greeted the Ruler respectfully, gave a report and showed him the treasures he had brought along. "Good', said the King, showed him favour and entered the capital with his joyful army. He held a victory banquet and celebrated a festival of victory and instituted a great offering for beggars according to their hearts' desire. He restored all valuable property in the Island as it was heretofore, without partiality, and the golden images he set up in the places where they belonged. The empty pedestal (of the statue) of the Master in the Ratanapasada he filled again and he made the country secure by setting up guards against every danger. From that time onward he made the Island hard to subdue by the foe and made it increase in wealth like the land of the Uttarakurus. Living beings on the Island who in the time of the former king had been in distress, felt themselves delivered in that they came to peace as from heat into the shade of clouds.
1 The Indian epics speak of three towns of the asuras. They are built by the demon Maya of gold, silver and stone, in Heaven, in the firmament and on the earth. Siva destroys them with fire and is therefore named tripuraghna, tripuradahana, tripurahan etc. See BR. s. v. tri. pura; BoPKIns, Epic Mythology, p. 50.
By setting up the recaptured image. A mythical people of sages and seers who live beyond the Himalaya. Their country is often held to be the land of bliss. HoPKINs, Epic Mythology, p. 186.
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In the twentieth year of his reign, in the Abhayuttaravihara the Pamsukulika bhikkhus separated and formed special groups. The Yuvaraja Mahinda had built for the Prince of trees of the Master a beautiful, wonderful, graceful temple. The carpenters who were building the Bodhi house, noticed that a branch of the sacred Bodhi Tree by striking on a beam, threatened to break. They considered what should be done, and informed the Yuvaraja (of the matter). He came hither, reverenced (the tree) with a great sacrificial offering (and said): "If the Master is born for the salvation of all living beings, as one that accepts the priceless merit which lies in the building of the temple, then let the branch bend upwards so that it is possible to build the temple.' Having thus favorably influenced it and done it reverence he went home. Then the branch on the Prince of trees during the night bent upwards and all the workmen made it known to their master. The Yuvaraja was highly delighted, told his brother, the King, and reverenced (the tree) with a great sacrificial offering for which he spent much money. Having built the parivena called Mahindasena he made it over to the community together with
See note to 47.66. Here we must keep strictly to the MSS. reading gadhesium (for which gandhesun in some MSS. is merely a frequently recurring inaccurate spelling). The alteration into gataheswar of the Col. Ed. is poor. Gaia means a group of persons closely assotiated for the pursuit of common aims, a corporation, here an independent branch of bhikkhus, a sect. Wilson, Dict, in Skr. and Engl, gives for gaya etc. also the meaning "a sect in philosophy or religion". Cf. also garassa satthā Samyutta I. 66* o.
See note to 88. 43.
3 For bhindantam cf. Cūlavs. ed. I. p. XV.
4 Here we have a saccakiriya (Mhvs. trol. p. 125, note 3) of which
the formula is: as certainly as this or that is - the case, so certainly
will this or that occur. W. changes the subject between 1 and 2. In line 2 he takes "I" as subject: "and if by the building of this house . . . I shall gain merit." That is impossible. In such a case aham would not be absent. The idea is rather this: The building of the temple is an offering, a pija which the Master - sattha remains the subject - shall
graciously accept. In it there lies at the same time great merit, of
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51. 72 Senas II 153
the (needful) revenues and accumulated still further merit. He dispensed raiment, umbrellas, shoes which had come to himself, further rice for wayfaring (bhikkhus) and baths with cheer. After the mighty Prince had thus carried out all kinds of works of inferior merit, he passed away in the thirty-third year of the King's reign in accordance with his doing.
He being dead, the King set his younger brother Udaya in his place and assigned him all that had belonged to the other. With an offering equal to the weight of his body he comforted the poor and the helpless and by a regulative act he, at the same time, reformed the three fraternities. He had a thousand jars of gold filled with pearls and on the top of each he placed a costly jewel and presented (it) to a thousand brahmanas whom he had fed with milk rice in pure jewelled goblets, as well as golden threads. He clothed them also, as a friend of meritorious works, with new garments at their hearts' desire, and gladdened them with festive pomp. To the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he dispensed the three garments, and presented all the women with quite exquisite raiment. Having restored the Lohapasada so that it resembled the Wejayanta palace he brought thither an image of the Buddha of closely jointed gold mosaic. When he heard that the pasada had been an Uposatha house for all the great sages, he made it into a dwelling for the community with the wish that it should never stand empty. He assigned it maintenance villages, placed guards and ordered that thirty-two bhikkhus should dwell there. On the (Mahavaluka-) ganga he
Cf. with sapatisambhattain vatthan the phrase savatthay patisangubhattann in 52. 14.
Win. I. 292 has digantukabhatta "rice food for newly arrived bhikhhus' and gamikabhatta beside glanabhatta. These are the monks who are unable to live by piadapata, that is the almsfood collected on the regular mendicant round.
3 The idea here is of the cotton thread which, according to brahmanical rite, the three highest castes wear over the shoulder. In this case these were evidently interwoven with gold thread. 4 See note to 48. 186. See note to 50. 66. 6 P. suvaņņaghanakoțițiimang; cf. DhCo. Iv. 13516; Mihvs. 80. 97.
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had the Manimekhala dam built and on the Manihira tank he built an outlet for the water. At Kathantanagara he dammed up the Kanavapi (tank) and on the Cetiya mountain he built a hospital. The Buddhagama-vihara, the Mahiyangana-vihara" and the Kutatissa-vihara' he enriched with a maintenance village. To the Mandalagiri-vihara' he made over villages which belonged to himself and in the Uttaraha-parivena" he built a pāsāda. To the Mahāsena" Buddha he granted a village and gave it watchmen, in the Sobbha-vihāra he built an image house. He brought figures of Bodhisattas into the Manimekhala-pasada and the ruined temple of the stone statue of the Prince of Sages he restored. The King united there
Here it is a case of restoring the dam, as the tank itself existed already at the time of Sena I. Cf. 50.72.
P. teijasala, lit. hall of physicians. The sick there found medical assistance.
Now Alutnuvara on the right bank of the Mahaveliganga in the Bintenne district. Evidently an ancient place of worship, probably already in pre-Aryan times, if the tale related in Mh vs. 1. 14—43 rests on any kind of tradition. The thipa in Alutnuvara is held to be the oldest in the Island. The Dutchman Spilberg saw it in the year 1602 in good condition, white as marble and crowned by a gilded pyramid (See TENNENT, Ceylon II. 421). This was certainly not its original form. In TENNENT's time it lay in a ruinous condition "a huge semicircular mound of brickwork three hundred and sixty feet in circumference, and still one hundred feet high, but so much decayed at the top, that its original outline is no longer ascertainable'. Later the thipa was apparently repaired in the usual way by a casing. When we visited Mahiyangana it lay again in ruins. The year before the southern half had been pulled down and the relic chamber also destroyed. What it contained in the way of votive gifts, as far as I saw these, belonged to more modern times.
Mentioned as Kututis a -rad-maha veher in the pillar inscription of Mahinda IV. in Polonnaruva, Rāja-Māligāva, EZ. II. 50, the reading of the name is however, not quite certain.
For this see note to 46. 29.
6 See 50, 77.
" This means most likely the Buddha image in the Mahāsena-vihāra. For this cf. note to 48. 8.
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with the Bodhisatta with the temple. Having dammed up (anew) the irrigation trench of the Prince of trees he held a great festival. He had the whole of the Ratanasutta written down upon a golden plate and held for it a great sacrificial festival. He had the Abhidhamma recited. The image of Ananda' he brought into the town, walked round it facing to the right and made the community of the bhikkhus recite the Paritta in the usual way. By sprinkling with the Paritta water the King charmed people against illness and so removed the danger of plague from his country. After receiving the consecration at the Hemavaluka-cetiya he decreed in writing that this action should be performed every year. On the four Uposatha days in the month he dispensed to four thousand (persons) a gift of garments and rice food to boot. The Vesakha festival he celebrated in common with the poor, giving them food and drink and clothing as they desired. For the
The passage is not clear. It seems to deal with the affiliation of the Manimekhalapasada to the shrine of the Silamayabuddha. It is curious that in v. 77 Bodhisattas are mentioned, whereas in v. 78 only one Bodhisatta is spoken of. According to an inscription in Jetavana, the Minimevula-maha-paha was built by the grandfather of Mahinda IV. (EZ. II. 24).
* Such a trench had already been dug by Mahanaga according to 41.94. Sutta I in the Culavagga of the Suttanipata (v. 222 ff.) This Sutta exists also in "Sanskrit' in the Mahavastu (ed. SENART I. 290 ff.).
Ananda was the Buddha's favourite disciple and his, constant companion. What portrait of him is meant, and where it used to be formerly we do not know.
W. translates: "and carried it in procession round about the city'. But it is impossible to get this meaning out of katva padakkhigan.
See note to 46. 5. " The same as the Mahathtipa (in Anuradhapura), now Ruvanvali Dāgoba.
Tradition places the parinibbana of the Buddha on the day of full moon of Wesakha (April-May). See Mhvs. 8. 2; FLEET, JRAS. 1909, p. 6 ff. The Wesakhapuja is often mentioned in the Mhvs, thus 32. 35, 35. 100. It was a favourite day for specially solemn actions such as the crowning of King Devanampiyatissa (Mhvs. li. 42), the laying of the foundation stone of the Mahathtipa (Mhvs. 29. 1) etc.
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bhikkhu community of the Island he instituted a permanent offering and the poor, travellers and beggars he comforted by gifts. The Mahesi of the King, Samgha by name, built in the Abhayuttara(-vihara) the building called Samghasenapabbata together with the (necessary) revenues. She placed a dark blue jewel diadem on the stone image of the Prince of Sages and instituted at great cost a sacrificial festival for the Master (Buddha). His Senapati, the hero Kutthaka by name, built the parivena called Senasenapati with great revenues. Thus the glorious (prince) with his court performed many meritorious works and entered in the thirty-fifth year of his reign into the world of the gods.
Thereupon his next youngest brother, the nobleman Udaya' by name, became king, concerned in every way for the wel
Different from the Sarpghasenarama named 50.70 (see note here) which belonged to the Mahavihara. Cf. also note to 52. 45.
Here again inscriptions offer a valuable confirmation of our Chronicle. The Sene virad Kuttha = Senâpati Kutthaka and the Senevir ad Piri vena = Senasenāpati-pariveņa are mentioned in the Rambeva inscription as well as in the Iripinniyeva inscription (Wickremasinghs, EZ. I. 164, 175). In my edition I have given the name of the Senapat in the form Tutthaka, as all my MSS. read thus. Now however, I am more inclined to regard the difference as being due, less to varying tradition, than to a slip of the pen, as BeLL has already done, ASC. WII th Progress Rep. 1891 = XIII. 1896 p. 59 n. 2. Cf. Errata" et Corrigenda, Cillavs. ed. II. We may thus change Tutthakananako into Kutthakandinako which is also the reading according to WickBEMAs.INGHE, of a MS. in the Indian Institute at Oxford.
Ptjav. 85 years, also Rajav. 4 Without doubt the inscriptions of Iripinniyeva and Rambeva (EZ. I. 168 ff., 172 ff) belong to this king, Udaya II. (as I have, otherwise Udaya II.). In these the king calls himself Salam e van = Silām eg havaņņa, which would not fit Kassapa IV., as his biruda was Sirisanghabodhi. The king in the Kirigalleva and Noccipotana inscriptions (EZ. II. 1 ff. 5ff) of the 2nd and 9th years of his reign has the same name. He is mentioned as a brother of Kassapa (IV) in the Moragoda and the Timbiriveva inscriptions. See note to 52. 1. The Negama inscr. (EZ. II. 14 f) dates from the time before Udaya's (II) ascent of the throne, as he still calls himself there Uda Mahapa i. e. Udaya Mahadipada. This Uda Mahapa cannot be Udaya III. who reigned later (Uda

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fare of the islanders. While himself king, he raised his youngest brother Kassapa to the rank of Mahadipada. The King considered that one should show favour to his kindred and gave his brother's son (likewise) called Kassapa, the daughter of the Yuvaraja (Kassapa), Sena by name, to wife. The King himself took the other (daughter) called Tissa'.
The son of the (former) Uparāja, Mahinda, and of the princess Kitti, the Adipada Kittaggabodhi, the deluded one, rebelled against the great King, escaped by night and came alone in undiscovered disguise to Rohana. He brought all the people into his power, laid waste the whole province and had his maternal uncle who dwelt there murdered. When the Monarch heard this he was filled with rage and sought a means of bringing him hither. He summoned the son of his brother, the Yuvaraja Kassapa, and spake to him thus: "Most excellent One, thou must be my helper'. Said the other: “What shall I do?" The Ruler replied: "Thy son, the powerful Mahinda, has become a man. He has from his father and his mother a claim on the province of Rohana. He is brave,
Ma hay ā, note to 53. 13), because apart from palaeographical reasons, the reigning king in the Negama inscr. has the biruda Sirisangbo. This fits Sena II. whose yuvarāja was Udaya II. ut not Dappula IV. Sillāmeghavaņņa the predecessor of Udaya III.
The Mahadipada or Yuvaraja Kassapa is the king who reigns later as Kassapa lW.; the son of Udaya's brother (Sena II.) is the later Kassapa. W. The brothers of Kitti, the mother of Kittaggabodhi, were according to 50. 50 ff. Kassapa, Sena and Udaya. It is the first of these probably who is meant here.
With the reading yucarajassa which is accepted in the Col. Ed. nothing can be done. We must decide therefore for the reading yuvarajan sa. Still the designation of the brother's son (bhatuputta) of Udaya II. as yuvarāja is curious. In the verse 83 not this Kassapa is called yuvaraja, but on the contrary, the youngest brother of the King, who is likewise called Kassapa. Nevertheless according to the Sinhalese law of succession, the nephew Kassapa was heir to the throne after the brother, and probably for that reason he is here, in anticipation, called yuvaraja.
On the father's side, because Mahinda's father Kassapa (later Kassapa. W.) was the son of Samgha, the daughter of the Rohana prince Kittaggabodhi, and on the mother's side because his mother, the younger Samgha, was a daughter of Tissa and thus granddaughter of the same Aggabodhi.
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able, a hero, adroit, skilful in the management of the bow, warlike, discerning, prudent and experienced in statecraft. We will send him to bring the villain hither who slew his uncle.' When Kassapa heard the King's words he spake full of reverence: "O King, summoned by the King, I would myself go, how much more so my son. My line is safe and thy good graces', O Monarch; do therefore, that time be not lost, what thou desirest." When the Ruler of men heard his words he rejoiced greatly, had a great force completely equipped and gave orders to the general Vajiragga to take the young prince Mahinda with great care under his protection. Having thereby made the town empty as it were, he gave the whole army and train with all the appliances of war to Mahinda. The Ruler of men himself accompanied him on foot and enjoined him: "O excellent One, go hence and defend the kingdom.' Mahinda shone glorious as great Indra when he set forth at the head of the army of the gods for the great battle between gods and demons. He arose and speedily came to Guttasala'. All the inhabitants, the chiefs of districts, as well as those of the provinces who had been oppressed by the murderer of his uncle, came hither and joined him thinking: our (lawful) lord has arrived. The rebel who was in Giri
The sense is: so long as I enjoy thy favour the continuance of
my family is assured. Therefore I shall always fulfil thy desires.
* A descendant of a Mekāppar Vädlärum Wiju ragu is mentioned in the Buddhannehela inscription. As this inscription (see WICKREMAs.INGHK, EZ. I. 191 ff) belongs in all probability to the time of Kassapa. W., the Wijuragu, named there may well be our Wajiragga. In the same inscription there is mention of a Widuragu and in the Moragoda inscription of Kassapa W. of a Wadura in the same connection, possibly variants of the same name. BELL, ASC., VIIth Progress Rep. (= XIII. 1896), p. 60. w
Punning comparison of the name Mahinda with Mahinda, Skr. Mahendra “the great Indra”.
Now Buttala in the Korale of the same name in the Badulla District, Province Uva. Guttasala or -hala is already mentioned at the time of Dutthagamani. The importance of Guttasala was due to its lying on a main road which led from Mahagama to Mahiyahgana and from there along the Mahavalukaganga to Pulatthinagara. The older form for the name Buttala is Guttala. It occurs for instance, in the Sinhalese Thupavamsa (ed. W. DHAMMARATANA, 1889, p. 183).

31. 125 Udaya II h 159
mandala, lost courage; he seized all valuable royal property and withdrew with elephants and steeds to Malaya. Mahinda's army defeated his army at different places pursued it on foot, and when it caught sight of the elephants and the horses, seized them before Malaya, and convinced that he was there, entered Malaya, hewing down the whole wilderness of forest of Malaya and making rivers and tanks (look) like roads. When the fool saw the people (advance), he overcome by fury, flung all his treasures into rivers, bogs, chasms and the like and hid himself alone in the forest in a rock cave. People who sought him found the ruthless one and captured him. Full of joy the people took him with them, came with haste and showed him to Mahinda who had halted in Guttasala. When the latter saw him he asked him laughing: "Well hast thou enjoyed Rohana ?' and gave him in charge to Vajiragga the King's general. He himself took the army and betook himself to
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Mahagama. He became ruler of Rohana, showing kindness,
to the people. He saw to it that the people who had been oppressed by the fool recovered, and he restored the Buddha Order which had been injured by him, to the place (befitting it). He laid out gardens of fruit and flowers at divers places, enclosed tanks and dammed up the Mahanadi. Everywhere he brought the four necessaries within reach of the (bhikkhu) community. By keeping down the evil-minded district chiefs and the chiefs of the provinces, and by rooting out the rebels and making (the country) free from briers, he made the whole people content, exercising generosity and giving himself up to enjoyment. As one who must be honoured by prudent men and served by those who wish for their own advantage, he was like to a wishing tree', a dispenser of blessings for all the needy. He
Corresponds perhaps to the modern Kandapalla-Korale embracing the hill country to the west of Buttala, south of the Koslanda-Haldumulla road.
At that time the capital of Rohana. Cf. note to 45. 42.
Perhaps name of the Menik-gangap
P. kapparukkha = skir. kalpavriksa. For the Indian tales about heavenly trees which fulfil wishes and offer mankind all that it needs and desires, see Hopkins, Epic Mythology, 7.
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abandoned the evil conduct practised by former rulers, and took up his abode there, cherishing justice.
The General (Vajiragga) took the Adipada (Kitt၅,၃၀dho) with him and betook himself to Anuradhapura and showed him to the King. When the King saw him he was furious, had him at once thrown into prison, appointed a secure guard for him and ill-used him in all kinds of ways. Three times he the glorious one gave an offering (of rice) equal to his body weight and he had the thupa in the Thuparama covered with golden plates. There too he built a pasada and caused a bhikkhu community to dwell there. In vihara and town he restored what was ruined. On the Kadamba-river he provided an overflow of water with a strong weir, and he enlarged the dam of the Mayetti-tank. There too the Monarch built an overflow of water and every year he had distributed beautiful, specially fine stuffs for (the making of) the robes. During a famine he had alms-halls built for all living beings and instituted a great alms-giving; he also enlarged the Mahapali(-hall). Amongst the inmates of the three fraternities he had rice with sour milk distributed, as well as rice continuously for the destitute and rice soup with solid food. Having thus performed these and other meritorious works which lead to Heaven, he entered after reigning eleven years', into the company of the gods. The gold that he had spent in these eleven years was estimated at thirteen hundred thousand (kahapanas).
Thus after these two Rulers of men had brought into their power the one the formidable Pandu King, the other Rohana with its terrible wildernesses, they themselves fell into the power of death.
Here ends the fifty-first chapter, called "The History of the Two Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious,
See note to 41. 61.
Anuvassan belongs to dapayi, not to aka as W. has it.
The same number of years in Pitjav. In Rajav. on the other hand, 40 years. Both sources, as well as Rajaratn. ascribe to King Udaya the building of the Mahatumburuppe-vihara in Rohana, Udaya II. if mentioned under the name of Udai Abhay in the Moragoda inscription where he is credited with having subdued Rohana and Malaya. BELL, ASC. VIIth Progress Rep. 1891 (=XIII. 1896), p. 60 f. WickREMASINGHE, EZ. II. 200 ff. See also note to 5 l. 90.

Казаара ІИ 161.
CHAPTER LI
TBE TWO KINGS
Thereupon Kassapa took over the government and as- 1 signed to the discerning Yuvaraja called Kassapa (the Southern Province) Dakkhigadesa. The consecration as chief 2 queen he conferred on the daughter of the Yuvaraja, the princess Tissa who was his consort. For mendicant artists 8 who came from different regions the King dispensed permanently an offering which was called Dandissara.
The Adipada Mahinda who sojourned at that time in Ro-4 hana, advanced with forces to seize the Royal Province'. At 5 the tidings thereof the indignant King sent his own army against him, but Mahinda, a great warrior, defeated it in battle. Thereupon the King to prevail upon him to turn back, 6
Several inscriptions date from the time of Kassapa IV. as for instance, the Moragoda inscription just mentioned (note to 5i. 184) where Kasub Siri saňgbo is described as brother (sohovur) cf Udä Abhay (=es Udaya II.) Also in the inscription of Timbiriveva (EZ. II. 9 ff.). In the inscription of the Kiribat-vehera (EZ. II. 158 ff.) the King calls himself merely Siris ang bo, as also in the Mahakalatteva, Kongoleva and Inginimitiya inscriptions (E. MOLLER, AC. nr. 110, 112, 118), also in the Negama inser. (EZ. II. 14f), in that of Kukurumahandamana (ib. II.2lf. as also in that of Alutveva which Wickash Asurgh (ib. II. 280) ascribes for palaeographie reasons to Kassapa IV.
The son of Sena II. See note to 61. 98. P. aggobhised means the same as abhiseka as aggartakes. 4 Yăcakāna sippinang belong together, the first being in apposition to the last, ca joins the sentence with the preceding one. Cf. 58. 80; 60. 22.
P. rajino rathaig. Here for the first time the name Rajaratha occurs in a less conventional form. It means in the sequel northern Ceylon with Anuradhapura and Pulatithinagara as capitals as distinguished from Rohana and from Dakkhiņa desa, the province of the Yuvaraja.

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sent forth his father, the Yuvaraja Kassapa. The latter betook himself to his son, made all kinds of prudent remonstrances accompanied by various instructive tales, induced the son to give up the fight and then returned. But later the Adipada (Mahinda) had (several) chiefs of districts executed, and when he saw that the people rose in rebellion, he approached the capital. The bhikkhu community brought him to the King and presented him to him. The King gave him his daughter to wife and sent him back to Rohana.
When the King had expelled those bhikkhus in the three fraternities whose discipline was bad, he let new bhikkhus take up their abode here and there. Through his nephew who was born of the twice consecrated queen he had amid celebration of a sacrifice the soil about the Bodhi Tree in the Mahāvihāra increased. In the three fraternities he put up three stone images, thereto boards of gold with rays and umbrellas, as well as diadems jewels". Having built in the Abhayagiri-vihara a pasada with his name', he
P. sanand. The brother's son is called "son", just as the father's brother is called "father'. See note to 5l. 24.
The title p. dvayabhisekajata or dvayabhisekasanjata (v. 87) is applied to Kassapa (afterwards K. W.), the son of Sena II. by Sarpgha, a daughter of Kittagabodhi (1) and of Deva. Kassapa. W. has the same title in the Sinhalese form debisevija in an inscription of Anuradhapura (WIcKREMAsINGHE EZ. I. 50, note 17), as well as in the Medirigiriya inscr. (EZ. II. 30: debisechuldā) and in that of Bilibeva (EZ. II. 41 : debiseväidā). According to W. (Mhvs. tral, p. 78, n. 11) the epithet debisavajd also occours in the signature to the Dampiyā-atuvä-gätapada.
* The passage is certainly difficult, but the emendations of the Col. Ed. are much too arbitrary. In the first place tipi bimbe silanaye is quite unobjectionable. We have in the game way Mhvs. 4l. 68 pittake ti. Even ragasiphalaka needs no alteration. We have merely to realise that behind the images, as one often sees in the case of bronze statuettes, boards were fastened on which the rays emanating from the Buddha (the mandorla) were painted. Suvaaye is more difficult to place. It probably belongs to the following dvandva-compound and is put in the plural because one is dealing here with two different objects ... Perhaps one should read tatha rather than tada.
4 WıcKREM AsINGHE (EZ. II. 216) identifies with this the Kasub-vad-mahapahã mentioned in an inscr. of Mahinda IV. in the Jetavanārāma.

62.28 Kassapa IV 168
made bhikkhus dwell there and assigned them a village. To the cetiya in the Mahiyangana-vihara he granted a village: and to all the bhikkhus he distributed his own garments as they had come to him. To all creatures on land and water he granted safety and observed in all respects the conduct of the ancient kings. His Senapati, Sena Ilanga, who was of royal lineage, built for the bhikkhus of the Thera School a dwelling in the west of the Thuparama. For the Dlammarucika bhikkhus he founded the Dhammarama and for the Sagalikas the (monastery) called Kassapasena'. On the Cetiya mountain he built the perivena called Hadayunha and made it over to the Dhammarucika bhikkhus. For grove-dwelling bhikkhus the General built in the groves here a hut and there a hut and gave them to them. On the Rattamala mountain he built a pleasing, agreeable, charming hut and handed it over to the ascetics, the Masters of the Order. In the Mahavihara he had the splendid parivena called Samuddagiri built and made it over to the Pamsukulika bhikkhus". Having made a dwelling in the wilderness called after his family, he granted it to the bhikkhus in the Mahavihara who dwelt in the forests. In ruined viharas he had renovations undertaken and to all bhikkhus he gave patches for their worn out gar
1 See note to 51. 74.
See 5l. 61 with note.
The two sects are also mentioned together in 39. 41.
4 Mentioned as Kasub -s en e vir ad-piiri vena in the Bilibeva inscr. of Kassapa W. (EZ. II. 40).
5 The dramikdi bhikkhavo must not be confounded with the monastery servants which are called drainika (see note to 37.68). The term coincides with drafiiaka bhikkhavo or is at any rate closely allied to it. Cf. 52. 22 and 64.
6 P. sasanassa edinikanan reminds one of the honorific title vathimiya occurring not infrequently in inscriptions. (cf. EZ. I. 38, l. 12; 48, l. 29 etc.) or bik-8ang-h. (EZ. II. 91, l. 18; 92, l. 17 etc.) or merely himiyä (EZ. II. 94, B, l. l).
See note 47. 66.
8 By arajiria is meant the tapovana (see 58. 14f), the forest district to the west of Anuradhapura in which the group of the so-called Western Monasteries lies. On these ruins see A. M. HocART, ASC. Mem. I. 18 f.
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ments. The Tissarama' he built as a home for bhikkhunis and entrusted these with the care of the sacred Bodhi Tree in the Maricavatti (-vihara). In Anuradhapura and also in Pulatthinagara he had hospitals built for combating the upasagga disease. To the dwellings that he had built (for priests') he granted maintenance villages and villages which were bound to provide helpers for the monastery, and ornaments for the images. He built houses where medicine was to be had in different parts of the town and to the mothers of the Pamsukulika (-bhikkhus) he dispensed rice and clothing. Many quadrupeds were freed by the Senapati from their captivity, and to the poor he had large offerings dispensed. Having brought together spices, rice, broth, and all kinds of solid nourishment, he distributed sugar to the bhikkhus in the form of pigs'. In performing these and other meritorious works Sena, the general of the army, illumined the land with the moonlight beams of his glory. A kinsman of his, the general Rukkha by name, built in the village of Savaraka a very charming vihara and handed it over to the inmates of the Mahavihara, laying down as the best (requisite) for the attainment of the degrees of salvation the strictest fulfilment of duty". The Grand
1 Mentioned in the Ayitigeveva inscription of Kassapa W. (EZ. II. 34).
Cf. also 52.77. What disease was meant by upasagga is impossible to determine. According to JoLLY, Medizin, p. 48, 87, the Skr. word upasarga means: "sequelae" or "complication". According to BR. it denotes "possession". Perhaps upasagga is just any kind of epidemic, as "influenza" with us.
3 W. connects attaná katávásánam with the vejjasälä mentioned in
the preceding verse and translates: "to these buildings". That this is
wrong is proved by the mention of the helpers of the monastery and of the images. 4 P. dramikagame. See note to 37. 63.
It will be as well on the whole to keep to the reading of the MSS.: sūkararūpam. Gula always means sugar kneaded into a shape. We have to do here with some kind of form (cf. our sugarloaf) which may have had very little likeness to a pig.
I see no reason for altering the traditional MS. rendering rukkhasavhayang into rakkhasavhayan. Rukkha reminds one of the Skr. rukşa
meaning "rough".
" A difficult passage. I take 8dra in a concrete sense, meaning "the essential, the highest", here in the plural: the various stages on the

5, 88 Казвара. И 165
Scribe, Sena by name, built in the Mahavihara the Mahalekhakapabbata house, an excellent abode for the bhikkhus. A minister of the King called Colaraja, repaired the charming parivena that had been destroyed, so that it had again solidity. In the three fraternities the King (himself) had mandapas built, resembling Wejayanta, painted in different colours, in a fashion (rendered) charming by figure ornaments. And after he had instituted relic festivals to the delight of the people he passed away in accordance with his deeds after a reign lasting seventeen years.
Hereupon the Yuvaraja, Kassapa" born of the twice consecrated queen', attained the royal consecration in the kingdom of Lanka to which he came in order of succession. He was pious, had reached the path of salvation, wise as one who possesses supernatural powers", eloquent as the teacher
road to salvation. For the combination sardinar patipatti cf. patipattisdro JaCo. I. 418. Sadhu "the good, the right, the best" is the predicative object of thapetua. It was evidently Rukkha's intention that the vibara built by him should serve as a padhanaghara (note to 87. 232). W.'s translation is too general and vague. The word "daily" inserted by him is not in the text.
He is mentioned as Mahalai Sen (= Seno mahalekho) in the Mahakalatteva inscr. in which the building of the Nalarama is ascribed to him. See note to 50. 9.
* Pūjāv. the same. Rājāv. does not mention Kassapa IV., the only Kassapa mentioned there is Kassapa. W.
There is an excellently preserved inscription belonging to this king in Anurādhapura (WIcKREM AsINGHE, EZ. II. 42 ff.) which confirms a number of statements made by the Mahavamsa. The Medirigiriya and the Budannehela inscriptions of the same king are dated in the 3rd year of his reign, that of Ayitigeveva in the 5th year and that of Bilibeva in the 7th year (EZ. II. 27, 35, 89). In all inscriptions he has the name Abhā Salam e van = Abhaya Sillāmeghavaņņa. For the literary work ascribed to king Kassapa W. cf. H. W. CopBING-Ton, H. C., p. 38.
4 Cf. note to 52. 11.
P. sabhio. The five abhid are: 1) magic power, 2) the heavenly ear, 3) knowledge of the thoughts of others, 4) the memory of former births, 5) the heavenly eye. They are often described in the canonical works. (Cf. amongst others, SN. trsl. by GEIGER, II. 165 f). HEILER, Die buddhistische Versenkung, p. 26ff.
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of the gods (Brihaspati), generous as the dispenser of treasure (Kubera), deeply learned, a preacher of the true doctrine,
practised in all the arts, adroit in proving what is right and
what is not right, versed in statecraft, immovable as the pillar of a gate, standing firmly in the teaching of the Leader on the path to delivrance, not to be shaken by all the storms of other opinions, keeping himself free from all evil such as guile, hypocrisy, pride, a mine of virtues as the ocean (is one) of all jewels. The King who was a moon for the earth, granted to the Adipada Dappula", a scion of his house, the rank of yuvaraja. Carrying on the government with the ten (royal) virtues and with the five means of winning hearts, he protected the world as an only (son) of his own. He reformed the whole Order of the Master by regulative acts, took in young bhikkhus and thus provided for the filling of the dwellings. The Maricavatti-vihara built by King Dutthagamaui, which had been destroyed, he restored, adorned with various dwellings, made it over at the celebration of a festival to the bhikkhus sprung from the Thera School and granted them, who were five hundred' (in number), maintenance villages. There the Ruler of Lanka revealed, as it were, to the world that Master of the worlds Metteya who in the delectable Tusita Heaven, at the head of the assembly of the gods, preaches
See below note to 53. 1. P. ekam via attano, thus all the MSS. The Col. Ed. alters the text arbitrarily into netta va attano. But the text gives perfectly good sense, as a comparison with 54. 6 shows. Ekan must be supplemented by puttan. See also notes to 87. 107 and 108.
8 The restoration of the Maricavatti-vihara by Kassapa W. is also mentioned in the inscription at Anuradhapura (l. 6) cited above (note to v. 37). Along with Mirisiviti Sangsen-aram and Kasubraj-vehera are also mentioned there. The former was built, according to 51.86, by the mother of the King, the latter according to 50. 81, was finished by Sena I. There is no contradiction between the Cullavamsa and the inscription. As the association with the Maricavațiți shows, it was a case of renovation with the latter. WrcKRCMASINGHe also translates the verb karay (ger) by “(re) built”.
4 Tesan is not as W. thinks (to five hundred of them) gen. part., but obj. to dapayi and paicasatanan attrib. to tesar.

9, 38 Казвара и 67
the glorious doctrine of the truth, in that he himself in the perfectly equipped vihara, sitting in a mandapa decorated with all kinds of jewels, surrounded by all the bhikkhus of the town, recited the Abhidhamma with the grace of a Buddha. He had the Abhidhamma-pitaka written on tablets of gold, the book Dhammasangant, adorned with all kinds of jewels, and having built a splendid temple in the midst of the town he placed the book in it and caused festival processions to be held for it. The position of Sakkasenapati he granted to his own son and entrusted him with the care of this sacred book'. Every year the King had the town festively decorated as the town of the gods, and surrounded by his decked-out army, resplendent as the King of the gods in all his royal robes, riding on the back of his elephant, he marched through the streets of the town and brought with great pomp (that book containing) the summary of the true doctrine to the vihara built by himself, delectable, perfectly equipped. There, in the relic temple, under a graceful jewel-studded mandapa, he placed it on the relic cushion and held a sacrificial festival. He restored the Ganthakara-parivena' in the Mahameghavana, built a hospital in the town and assigned it villages. In the Abhayagiri(-vihara) he built the Bhandika-parivepa' and the Silamegha
1 I regard nāgarehi not as subst. with W., but as adjective attribute to bhikkhiahi. The ca, joins nisinno with parivarito.
See notes to 87. 225 and 44. 109. I believe that dhamasagaikann pottham is in apposition to abhidhammapitakam.
Unfortunately we do not learn the name of this son. It cannot however, be the Mahinda mentioned 51.99 f, as this M. was apparently a son of Saņghā, not of Devā. (Cf. v. 64 and note to 54. 48)
4 P. dhannapotthaka "a work belonging to the dhamma", the collection of the sacred books.
The Ganthakara-vihara is already mentioned in 87. 248 as the place of Buddhaghosa's sojourn. It belonged to the Mahavihāra which was situated in the grove called Mahameghavana. We must assume therefore, that aka in our verse is used in a double sense: "restored" and "built", or we must translate Ganthakara-parivea by "a parivena belonging to the Ganthakara (vihāra)".
Evidently called so in honour of his mother Sapgha who has the
name of Saňg Bağday in the Anurādhapura inscription (l. 8). EZ. II. 28, n. 6.
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pabbata and granted them villages. In the vihara of the Jotivana the King, the Sovereign of Lanka, granted to the eating-house a village, and the same to the one in the Abhayagiri. To the vihara called Dakkhinagiri the King who was filled with the deepest piety, granted out of gratitude a village. The Sakkasenapati' had a graceful parivena that received his name, built in a charming fashion and handed it over together with villages to the adherents of the Thera School. His wife Wajira handed over to the same (bhikkhus) a parivena bearing her name which she had built, together with a village. Further she had a home built in Padalafichana' and granted it to the bhikkhunis of the universally reverenced Thera School. Deva, the mother of the Sakkasenapati, built for the bhikkhus who lived in the wilderness' and who were the light of the Thera stock, a dwelling which received her name. Further she made for the image of the Master in the Maricavatti a diadem jewel, a net of rays", an umbrella and a garment.
On the king's demesne the King built a royal dwelling named after himself, (and) the delightful pasada bearing the name of Palika. Another consort of the King, called Rajini, honoured the Hemamalika-cetiya by the dedication of a covering of cloth. She had a son by name Siddhatha who
1 Again confirmed by the Anurādhapura inscr., l. 18 (Salamey vanpavu). The word pabbata "mountain' often appears at the end of the names of monastery buildings.
3 The vihara of the Jotivana (see note to 87.65) is again the Jetavana-vihara situated in the Jotivana. This is shown also by the conbination with the Abhayagiri.
See note to 88. 50, also 42. 27. 4 The son of the King according to v. 52. o Cf. 54. 44.
P. drafiiakabhikkhiinang. See notes to 62. 19 and 22. For caldimai and pddaiala see note to 38. 64. The wording of the text makes it likely that v. 66 deals only with one building. This was called, therefore, either Kassapapalika or originally Kassapāvāsa and later, at the time òf the author of the passage, Palikapāsãda.
9 See note to 44.44. Hemamalika or Ratanavaluka (now Ruvanvili) is the name for the Mahathulpa in Anuradhapura.

52.79 IКазвара. У 169
being placed over the government here, was known by the title of Malayaraja; he was beauteous as the God of Love. After his death the King built a splendid hall for the bhikkhus 69 and instituted an offering of alms, transferring to him the merit thereof.
While thus the Sovereign of Lanka held sway in justice, 70 the Pandu King was vanquished in battle by the Cola King. To gain military aid he sent numerous gifts. The King, the 71 Ruler of Lanka, took counsel with his officials, equipped mili- 72 tary forces, appointed his Sakkasenapati as leader of the troopsand betook himself to Mahatittha. Standing at the edge of 78 the coast he spake of the triumph of former kings and having thus aroused their enthusiasm, he made his troops embark. With his army the Sakkasenapati thereupon safely crossed 74 the sea and reached the Pandu country. When the Pandu. 75 King saw the troops and him he spake full of cheer: "I will join all Jambudipa under one umbrella'. The King took the two 76 armies; but as he could not vanquish him (the King) of the Cola line, he gave up the fight and retired. The Sakkasena- 77 pati set forth once more, with the purpose of fighting further, made halt, and died of the upasagga plague to the undoing of the Pandu (king). When the Ruler of Lanka heard that 78 the troops were also perishing of the same disease, out of pity he had the army brought back. He then granted the position 79 of Sakkasenapati to the son of the dead (man). He honoured
1 I. e. over the government of the Malaya province.
P. pattin. For this term see note to 42. 50. 3 See note to 52. 25. 4 Therefore the campaign was unsuccessful. The Colaking who vanquished in battle the Pandya king, was no doubt Parantaka I. who ascended the throne in A. D. 907. In the Udayendiram plates he actually boasts of having defeated the Pandya king Rajasimha and of having routed an army of the king of Ceylon. This inscription is dated in the 15th year of Parantaka's reign (= 921-2). In another inscription of his 12th year, noticed by R. B. VENKAYYA, the king "refers incidentally to an invasion of the Pandya and the king of Ceylon'. See Huitzsch, JRAS. 1913, p. 525 f.; H. W. CopRINGTON, H. C. p. 88, 52.

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the latter by making his son leader of the army. By the inmates of the three fraternities he had a Paritta ceremony observed in the town and thus warded off from his people the danger of plague and bad harvest. Having thus secured for the Order and for his people by all manner of means peace, the King in the tenth year (of his reign) entered happily into Heaven.
Even as this ruler of kings, Kassapa, who so long as he held sway in Lanka, was a reader of the Tipitaka, a light of all knowledge, a ready speaker, a monarch among poets, a shining light in presence of mind and determination, a teacher, a saviour, gifted with wisdom, faith and pity, rejoicing in the welfare of others, wise in knowledge of the world, loyal (to his people) - even thus, rich in spotless virtue, should the whole world be.
Here ends the fifty-second chapter, called "The Two Kings", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 W. translates the passage thus: "And then he gave the office of Sakkasenapati to his (the late general's) son, and made him the chief of the army and brought him up in the father's name."
On paritta see note to 46. 6.
According to Ptjav. and Rajav. (here only one Kassapa is named) the king reigned six years. Both sources relate that under him the Queen Sanga (Ptijav, calls her the mother of the King) enriched the Lohamahapasida by providing it with a crowning ornament.

Dappula III, IV 71
CHAPTER LIII
THE FIVE KINGS
Thereupon the Yuvaraja by name Dappula, became king. 1 To the dignity of uparaja he appointed the Adipada of his own name. To the Maricavatti-vihara he granted a village. 2 And then the King who in the town maintained the pious ways of former kings, unable on account of former deeds' to 8 enjoy this kingdom for a longer time, fell in the seventh month (of his reign) into the jaws of death.
The Uparaja Dappula" then became king after him. He 4 granted the position of yuvaraja to the Adipada Udaya. At 5
1 The nomination by Kassapa W. of Dappula III. (otnerwise D. IV.) as yuvaraja is related in 52.42. Neither Ptjav. nor Rajav, nor any other Sinhalese source explains in what relationship he stood to his predecessor. Mhvs. 52.42 says of him merely vapse jatassa attano.
P. pubbkanmena attano. What is meant are his actions in a former existence. His short reign is thus attributed to his unfavourable kamma. Pijav, and Rajav. also give him a 7 months' reign.
* In Pujāv., Rājāv., Rājaratn. and Nik.-s. Dappula IV. (W) is called Kuda-Dapulu to distinguish him from his predecessor. The three first call him brother (nal) of the latter. The Wessagiri inscription (WICKREAsInxGHE, EZ. II. 28 ff.) which must be placed palaeographically in the 10th cent. belongs to this King. He calls himself here Buddas Abhay Salam ev an Dāpulu, son of Buddas Siris ang boy Abahay and of Devā Rājna. The name Sirisaņghabodhi can only apply to Senā II, or Kassapa IV. The latter is ruled out since according to the Sinhalese right of succession, sons of Kassapa IV. could not possibly come to the throne before Udaya III, the son of Mahinda, the younger brother of Sena II. Thus Dappula IV. (and of course his predecessor D. III.) was a brother of Kassapa. W., but by another mother (Deva) who is however not mentioned in the Mhvs. The Etaviragolleva inscription AIC. nr. 117; EZ. II. 44 ff.) might be attributed either to Kassapa W.“ or to Dappula IV. The latter is the more likely, as Kassapa W. has as a rule, the special

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that time the Pandu King through fear of the Cola (king) left his country, took ship and came to Mahatittha. The King had him brought to him, rejoiced greatly when he saw him, gave him an abundant income and granted him a dwelling outside the town. When the King of Lanka had armed (with the purpose): "I will make war on the Cola King, take from him his two thrones and give them to the Pandu King', the nobles dwelling on the Island for some reason or other stirred up a sorry strife to the undoing of the Pandu King. The Pandu King thought his sojourn here was of no use to him. He left his diadem and other valuables behind and betook himself to the Keralas. When the strife was ended the King granted a village near the town to the temple of the great Bodhi Tree in the Mahavihara. His Senapati Rakkhaka Ilaiga built a dwelling house not far from the Thuparama, that was called after the King. The King kept to all that former kings had done and on reaching the twelfth year' (of his reign) he passed away in accordance with his doing.
The Yuvaraja Udaya now became monarch over the dwellers in Lanka. He invested the Adipada Sena by name,
title de-bisevi-dai (see notes to 62. 11 and 37) which is not the case with the king Abha Salamevan mentioned in that inscription. Further we have the Eleveva inscription of Dappula IV. (AIC. nr. 116) in which he calls himself Abha, Salame van Dapulu. Lastly, the Mahadipada Udaya (afterwards U. III.) issued the Puliyankulam inscription (EZ. III. 44 f.) in the last (12th) year of the King's reign.
P. sayanadwayan. Thus in all MSS. with which I am acquainted. The Col. Ed. alters the word arbitrarily into pattanadaya.
* Сf. with pӑpakaттена Равdитo the phrase pӑрепа Раџфито 52. 77. The two passages cannot be separated from one another.
A people settled on the Malabar coast of southern India where Malayalam is now spoken. The fact that a Pandu king left his crown in Ceylon is confirmed by a south Indian inscription of King Rajendra Cola who boasts of having brought it back (Bulzsch, JRAS, 1918 p. 522). Ptijäv. and Rajav. also give Kuda Dapulu a twelve years' reign. They tell of a victorious fight with the Damilas who came from the Soli land. Rajaratn, the same.
* The Puliyankulam inscription (EZ. II. 182 ff., cf. note to v. 4) belongs to the time just before his ascent of the throne. It is dated in the

38.20 Udaya III 178
with the dignity of uparāja. Åt that time officials of the Court fled for fear of the King to the Grove of the Penitents. The King and the Uparaja went thither and had their heads cut off. Being indignant at this deed, the ascetics dwelling there left the King's land and betook themselves to Rohana. Thereupon the people in town and country and the troops became rebellious like the ocean stirred by wild storm. They climbed the Ratanapasada in the Abhayuttara(-vihara), terrified the King by threats, struck of the heads of the officials who had helped the strife in the Penitent's Grove and flung them out of the window. When the Yuvaraja and his friend, the Adipada', saw that, they sprang over the wall and fled in haste to Rohana. A division of troops pursued them to the banks of the Kanha-nadi", but as they could get no boats
twelfth year of Dappula IV. Udaya III. (II.) still calls himself here U da Mahaya, som of Mihind Mahayā and of Kitā. The title mahayā must actually be mahddipada. Linguistically there are difficulties. According to the example of dipd = d.dipdida, we should expect the p to be retained in the joint of the compound. In the Galpota inscription at Polonnaruva (C, l. 19; AIC. p. 99; EZ. II. p. 114) we have the combination äpă mahapá which WickREMAsINGHE (EZ. l. 187, n. 7) has pointed out. We meet also repeatedly in inscriptions with the phrase äpā mahayā siri vindä (EZ. II. 25, 91, 221) for which curiously enough, ayipaya mahapaya siri vinda stands in the Jetavanarama inscription of Mahinda IV. (1. 4, EZ. II. 234). From this it looks almost as if anahayd were a specially worn down form of mahddipada or mahapada. As regards the parents of Uda Mahaya, there is no doubt that the father was Mahinda, a younger brother of Sena II. According to 51.7 he enjoyed the dignity of uparaja, was therefore Mahadipada, and he was married to Kitti or Kitta (50. 60). He quarreled with the King, was reconciled with him and bore from that time the title of yuvaraja (for ex. 51. 15). But he never became king, since he died according to 51. 63 before Sena II. He remained therefore as the inscription says mahayā all his life.
1 P. tapovana. See note to 52. 22. See note to 48, 135.
Lit. "by showing him a horror". Cf. 58.47. 4 The Yuvaraja is Sena (v. 18), his friend (v. 25) is Udaya, later King Udaya IV.
P. yava Kaghanadstafar. The Kahanadi seems to be the same as Kailanadi (86. 40, 44), the river forming the boundary of Rohana.
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and the two were already across, they returned. The princes who in the Penitents' Grove had broken (the precept of) inviolability betook themselves to the ascetics, threw themselves to the ground at their feet, with their damp garments and hair, wailed much, lamented and whined and sought to conciliate the penitents. Through the influence of the peaceability and benevolence of the Masters of the Order the good deeds of the Island princes told in their favour. When the army had calmed down, the inmates of the three fraternities went to pacify the troops of the Yuvaraja. The two princes who were cultured and well-instructed people turned imploringly to the Panpsukulin(-bhikkhus), and returned with them to their town. At the head of the bhikkhus the King advanced towards them, obtained their pardon, took them with him, brought them back to their grove and betook himself to the royal palace. From that time onwards the King observed the conduct of former kings and passed away in the third year (of his reign) in accordance with his deeds.
The princes were pursued up to this point. When they arrived in Rohana their garments and hair were still damp from crossing that river (v. 22).
P. sasanas diminang. The word sdmini as titie of honour of the bhikkhus corresponds to the hiniyd so often used in inscriptions. Cf. also nahdisamin 86.38; 89.64. See 52. 20 with note.
* P. puñiñodayo ahu. Cf. with this note to 37. 189. W.’s translation "the great kindness and longsuffering of these lords of religion moved the king towards the two offenders" is something quite different to what stands in the Text.
8 The alteration of the Text by the Col. Ed. into te samdnetum is quite unnecessary. The reading of the MSS. tosami dineters gives excellent sense.
4 The Ascetics are meant who had left the Penitents' Grove and gone to Rohana. As the King was implicated in the wrong that had been committed in the Penitents' Grove, he had also to get their pardon (v. 26).
That is of those inmates of the three fraternities who were working for conciliation. At their head the king advances towards the ascetics coming from Rohana in company of the princes.
Pitjav. 8 years; Rajav. 8 years.

5, 89 Sena III, Udaya IV 175
After receiving consecration as king in Lanka, the discerning Sen a made his friend, the Adipada Udaya, yuvaraja. A thousand kahapanas the Ruler of men was wont to give away to the poor on the Uposatha day, being all his life long one who kept the Uposatha vow. To the bhikkhus the Ruler gave food and raiment for the images and to mendicant artists the Dandissara offering. Having had built in various places for the bhikkhus graceful pasadas, the Ruler granted them maintenance villages. At a cost of a thousand or five hundred kahapanas he had ruined dwellings in Lanka restored. Forty thousand kahapanas did the Ruler lay out for a stone paving of the Abhayuttara-cetiya. On the great tanks in Lanka he had the decayed outflow canals renewed and the dams made firm with stones and earth. In the royal palace he built a beautiful, costly house for flowers and he retained in full the almsgiving instituted by former kings. Once when visiting the Nagasala-parivena built by the Malayaraja, the minister Aggabodhi, he granted it a village. In the four viharas' he set up in pious fashion sculptured figures, built beautiful maņdapas and held constantly sacrificial festivals for the relics. After performing these and even many other meritorious works of divers kind, he passed away in the ninth year (of his reign) in accordance with his deeds.
Hereupon the Yuvaraja Udaya" received the consecration as King in Lanka and ordained as uparaja the Adipada Sena
He was according to Pijav. Rajav. and Rajaratn., the brother of his predecessor.
So I understand the compound patindbhattavatthani. This would mean that a certain cult was accorded the images whereby food was placed before them and garments swathed about them.
3 Cf. note to 52. 3; 60. 22. 4. P. silapattharagatthaya. It probably means the paving of the square terrace on which the thupa stands.
Probably the four large monasteries Mahavihara, Jetavana, Abhayagiri with the Maricavațiți-vihāra.
o Pūjāv.: 9 years, Rājāv.: 8 years (mistake for Sena IV. see note ίο 54. 1).
None of our sources contain any information as so the relationship
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by name. The King was slothful and a friend of spirituous drinks to the undoing of his subjects. The Cola (king) hearing of his sloth was greatly pleased, and as he wished to achieve consecration as king in the Pandu kingdom, he sent (messengers) about the diadem and the other (things) which the Pandu (king) had left behind (in Lanka). The King did not give them up, so the mighty Cola equipped an army and sent it forth to fetch them by force. Now at that time the Senapati here was absent in a rebellious border province. The King had him fetched and sent him forth to begin the war. The Senapati set forth, delivered battle and fell in the fight. Thereupon the King (Udaya') took the crown and the rest and betook himself to Rohana. The Cola troops marched thither, but finding no way of entering Rohana they turned and betook themselves through fear from here to their own country. Thereupon the Ruler of Lanka appointed the general Widuragga', a man of great energy and discernment, to the position of the Senapati. The Senapati laid waste the borderland of the Cola King and forced him with threats to restore"
of Udaya IV. (III. in W.’s list) to his predecessor. WıcKREMAsInGHz (EZ. II. 59, Genealogical Tables) supposes him to have been a younger brother of Udaya III. (II.) and of Sena III. This makes it possible for him to insert Mahinda IV. in the genealogical tree. (See note to 54. 48).
P. papena jantuna. Cf. 52.77 and 58. 8 with note. See 58, 9. I. e. in Ceylon, of course, or, as in v. 45 and 47, from Ceylon. 4. It is inexplicable why W. should have added to raid so the words (of Cola). What could the Cola King then have done in Rohapa? On the other hand Rohana has forever been the refuge of the Sinhalese kings after being worsted in fight with the Damias. The meaning of the passage is accordingly (as Hulitzsch, JRAS. 1918, p. 525 rightly saw): the Cola King wins the battle, it is true, but King Udaya flees with the valuables which the former wants to get back - makutoidini in v. 44 must be the same as makutddinar in v. 41 - to Rohana. The Cola troops pursue him, but as they cannot penetrate into Rohana, they are obliged to return empty-handed. The Cola King therefore, did not get hold of the Crown jewels. Hulitzsch supposes the Cola King might have been Parantaka I. who calls himself in his latest inscription (94.84-947/8) "conqueror of Ceylon". Cf. H. W. CopRINGTox, H. C. p. 39f
For the name Viduragu or Vijurage see note to 51. 105. 6 See note to 58. 17.
P. anapesi: lit. "he had brought hither".

58, 52 Udaya IV 177
all that he had carried away from here (as booty). Thereupon the King had distributed to all the Pamsukulika-bhikkhus dwelling on the Island articles of equipment in costly fashion. For the image of the Master in the Mahavihara the Monarch of Lanka fashioned a diadem of jewels which sparkled with the rays of precious stones. One of the ladies of the harem, Vidura, honoured his stone image with a network of rays which glittered with jewels. When he had begun to rebuild
the so-called Manipasada which the troops of the Cola King
had burned down, he died in the eighth year (of his reign).
These five rulers of the earth who ruled over an earth united under one umbrella and who had governed the whole world with severity and clemency, (they all) with wives and children, ministers, women and henchmen fell into the power of death. Hence should the wise ever be minded to give up sloth and pride.
Here ends the fifty-third chapter, called "The Five Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
For paidaidila (mandorla) see note to 38. 64, as well as 52.65. * Prijav.: 8 years, Rajav.: 3 years. But cf. note to 54.6.
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CHAPTER LIV
THE THREE KINGS
1. When thereupon Sena had by inheritance attained consecration as king in Lanka he made over the dignity of yu2 varaja to the Adipada Mahinda'. The King was wise, an excellent poet, learned, impartial towards friend and foe, ever 3 full of pity and goodwill. Without. letting the right season pass, the god at that time sent showers of rain streaming in the right way, the people who dwelt in the land were ever 4 happy and without fear. The King was wont sitting in the Lohapasada, surrounded by the inmates of the three frater5 nities, to explain the Suttantas. He fashioned a casket for the Tooth Relic ornamented with various precious stones and
1 In the Sinhalese sources the order of the kings after Dappula IV. (W) = Kula. Dapulu is a follows:
Pījāv.: Udā (8) Rājāv.: Udā (8) Rījar.: Udā Nik.-s.: Udā
Sen (9) Sen (3) Sem Sen Udā (8) Udā (3) Udā Udā Sen (9) Sen (9) Sen Pisulu-Sen Sen (3) Sen (3) Sen Midi-Sen
Mhvs. Udaya (2-3), Sena (8-9), Udaya (7-8), Sena (3). The figures in brackets denote the number of years reigned. The main difference is that the Sinhalese sources insert t w o Senas after Udaya IV. (III.) and before Mahinda IV. (see note to 54. 7) whereas Mihvs. has only one. We shall probably have to keep to the older source. It should be noted that Pujav. and Rajav. call the last Sena of the above list the son of his predecessor.
* WIckREMAsıNGHE considers this Mahinda to be the later Mahinda IV., a younger brother of Sena IV., because in an inscription in the Jetavanārāma (EZ. II. 214) Mahinda IV. says of the Huligam-piriven, that his brother, the Great King, had begun it while he himself had finished it. This parivena might be the one mentioned in v. 6. But cf. note
ο 54 7.

6, 10 Mahinda IV 179
in the four viharas' he instituted, in divers ways, sacrificial festivals for the relics. After turning Sitthagama where he had himself dwelt, into a parivena and after protecting the world like a son he entered into Heaven after a three years' reign.
The Yuvaraja Mahind a became king after him, rich in merit, rich in splendour, rich in military power, rich in fame. He united Lanka under one umbrella after overcoming the peril (threatened) by rebels. The chiefs of districts always upheld him. Although there was also in Lanka a race of nobles, the Ruler of men had a princess of the line of the ruler of Kalinga fetched and made her his first mahesi. Of
1 See note to 53. 37.
* P. GoLDscHMIDT, E. MÜLLER and WIcKREMAs NaHF: ascribe to King Mahinda IV. a series of inscriptions in which the author calls himself Si risang boi-Abahay (Sirisanghabodhi Abhaya). These are : 1) a slab inscription in Wessagiri (EZ. II. 29); 2) the two well-known inscriptions halfway up the Mihintale mountain (EZ. I. 75); 3) the pillar inscription of Rāja-maligāva in Polonnaruva (EZ. II. 49); 4) two slab inscriptions in the Jetavanarama (EZ. I. 218); 5) a slab inscription in Wevelketiya (EZ. I. 241), with a parallel inscription in Kahata-gas digiliya, BELL ASC., 7th Prog. Rep. 1891 = XIII. 1896, p. 51; 6) a slab inscription in Rambeva (EZ. II. 64). In addition there in 7) the pillar inscription of Mayilagastota in which the author merely calls himself dipa Mihindu, that is Adipada, not king. No. 1 is the most certain because the author in addition to his biruda SSB. calls himself Mihindu, and because in it the Senapati Sena is mentioned with an allusion to the successful campaign against the Damilas, which is mentioned in Mhvs. 54. 12. For the rest there are certain difficulties. The author of inscrs. 2 and 3 names as his parents Salam e van (Silãmeghavaņņa) — which fits Kassapa W. father of Mabinda IV. - and De v G on. Inscr. 7 however, speaks of these as Salame van and Sang Gon. Again they are called in inscrs. 4 and 6 Sirisangbo and Dev Gon. In nr. 5 the father is likewise called Sirisangbo while no nother is mentioned. WICKRRMASINGIIR (EZ. I. 213) explains the difference in the father's name by assuming that Kassapa V. used both birudas SSB. and SMW., a way out of the difficulty which I adopt very unwillingly, being more inclined to believe in a regular alternation of the two epithets. The difficulty with Dev G on and Sang Gon has not been got rid of. Cf. below note to 54. 48.
8 Vijamane must be supplemented by tarise from pada d.
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her were born two sons and a charming daughter. He made his sons adipadas and his daughter a queen: thus the Ruler founded the royal house of the Sihalas.
The Wallabha King sent a force to Nagadipa to subdue this our country. The Ruler hearing this, the King sent thither the Senapati Sena by name, to whom he had made over an army, to fight with the troops of the Wallabha King. The Senapati betook himself thither, fought with the troops of this (Wallabha) King, defeated them and remained master of the battlefield. As the kings with the Wallabha (king) at their head, were unable to vanquish our King, they made a friendly treaty with the ruler of Lanka. In this way the fame of the King penetrated to Jambudipa, spreading over Lanka and crossing the Ocean.
The priests who preached the true doctrine the King treated with the most marked distinction. He hearkened to the doctrine and believed in the Order of the Buddha. The King assembled the Pamsukulin bhikkhus, invited them in a friendly manner and had them brought into his house. He had seats prepared for them, made them sit down and had pure food abundantly set before them, and this always as on the one day. To the ascetics living in the wilderness the King sent continually food pure, costly and abundant, with all kinds of seasoning. To sick ascetics the King who was a fount of pity, sent physicians and sought continually to heal them. Pieces of sugar baked in melted butter, juice of garlic, and betel as sweet odour for the mouth, he gave them always as dessert. He had the alms-bowls of the Pamsukulika bhikkhus filled with garlic, black pepper, long pepper and ginger,
For Wallabha, which is not a personal name as W. thinks, see note 47. 15. On Sena's campaign see note to v. 7.
P. suddha pure in a ritual sense. What is meant are foods of which ascetics may also eat.
3 W.'s translation: "thus did he always, as if it seemed to him the work of one day' is certainly wrong.
See notes to 41.99, 52. 22, 53. 14.
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S. 35 Mahinda IV 18
sugar and the three kinds of myrobalans and to evary single (bhikkhu) he distributed continually melted butter, oil and honey. as also cloaks and blankets. All necessaries such as clothing and the like the Ruler had made and distributed among the Pamsukulin bhikkhus. In the Mahavihara the King had new cloth to make robes therewith provided for every single bhikkhu. To the Labhavasin bhikkhus dwelling in the three fraternities the Ruler twice dispensed (rice) equal in weight to that of his body. The decree "Kings shall in future take no revenues for themselves out of the revenues of the Order' the King had engraved in stone and set (the stone) up". He made poor people recite the formula of the (threefold) refuge and the nine qualities of the Buddha and then gave them food and clothing. He built an alms-hall on the grounds of the Elephant House and gave to beggars alms and couches. In all the hospitals he distributed medicine and beds, and he had food given regularly to criminals in prison. To apes, the wild boar, the gazelle and to dogs he, a fount of pity, had rice and cakes distributed as much as they would. In the four viharas the King had raw rice laid down in heaps with the injunction that the poor should take of it as much as they wanted. While holding various sacrificial festivals and while instituting a great feast he had the Vinaya recited by learned bhikkhus. Having made presents to him he
1 P. tiphala = skr. triphala, the fruit of the Terminalia chebula, Terminalia bellerica and Phyllanthus emblica (P. haritaka, vibhitaka, äтalaka).
P. pdpurattharancini is an abbreviation of pdpurara-attharadini.
It is clear from 60. 68, 72, that the Labha vaisins, like the Pamsukillins formed a group of ascetics within the great community.
It is of course, impossible to determine to what inscription of the King this alludes. The Mihintale plates as far as I can see, have no injunction identical with the above.
P. 8aradri. What is meant is the formula buddhann sarahan gacchani, dhananan s. g., sangham S. g. which is usually repeated three times.
P. gue nava. Cf. on the navaguna formula iti pi so blagavd etc. CHILIDErs, PD. s. w.
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had a commentary to the Abhidhamma written by the Thera Dhammamitta who dwelt in the Sitthagama (-parivena). By the Thera called Dahanaga, dwelling in the wilderness, an ornament of Lanka, he had the Abhidhamma recited. He paid honour to the Hemamalika - cetiya by the gift of a covering of stuff, by dance and song, by parfumes and flowers of divers kinds, by garlands of lamps and incense of many kinds, and he presented the bhikkhus there with raiment which he himself distributed among them. Continually from the gardens here and there in his kingdom he had flowers brought and paid honour therewith to the three Jewels. He began to build the pasada called Candana in the MaricavattiG-vihara) and granted the bhikkhus maintenance villages. There the Ruler had the Hair Relic preserved, had fashioned (for it) a reliquary of jewels and (this) set up as a dedicatory gift. The Ruler had the cetiya in the Thuparama covered with stripes of gold and silver and instituted for it a sacrificial festival in accordance with his royal dignity. In the relic temple there the King had a golden door put up like to Mount Sineru gleaming in the beams of the sun. He restored the beautiful temple of the four cetiyas in Padalanchana which had been burnt down by the troops of the Cola King. (In like manner) he restored the burnt temple of the Tooth Relic in the centre of the town, the Dhammasangani
46 house" and the Mahapali Hall. The Ruler having had a
betel-mandapa built, made over the earnings from it to the
1 WIcKREMAsıNGHE (EZ. II. 215) supposes that this thera might be the thera mentioned in an inscription of Mahinda's in the Jetavana as Mahadämi (P. mahādhammika).
See above v. 6. * The loc. uyyānesu stands here instead of the abl. 4 Name of the mythical mountain Meru (Sumeru, Hernameru). See 37.79. 5 See 52. 63.
Evidently the temple mentioned 87. 93-95 which was situated near the palace, thus nagaramaijhamhi.
" See 52. 50-51. This building also was situated nagaramaihamhi.
I.e. a pavilion where betel was sold.

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bhikkhus of the Thera School for (the purchase of) medicines. He built a home called Mahamalaka and made it over to the bhikkhunis proceeding from the Thera School. Now too the Monarch completed the so-called Manipasada, begun by his mother's brother, the pious King Udaya. Four officials of the King thereupon had four parivenas built in the Jetavana. The gracious consort of the King Kitti by name, his equal in fame, built a beautiful parivena west of the Thuparama and in this parivena, in Kappasagama and in the Civaracetiya she laid down three pure bathing tanks. To the Hemamalika-cetiya she dedicated, rich in meritorious works, a golden banner twelve cubits long. For the laity her son built a hospital in the town, and the able Sakkasenani' one for bhikkhus outside of the town. In the four viharas the King had mandiapas erected, like to heavenly palaces and by holding sacrificial festivals in divers ways for the relics for longer than
P. theravamse (loc. instead of gen. -sassa). W. remarks about this passage that the Thera bhikkhus "traced their line of succession from the great apostle Mahinda". The term theriyd however, goes back (Mhvs. 3. 40) to the First Council. The expression catasa is used here as in 52.68, figuratively for "School", likewise again in v. 47.
* The drawing up of the family tree of Mahinda IV. is beset with difficulties. WICKREMASINGHE (plate to EZ. I. 59) has tried very ingeniously to remove them. He assumes that Udaya IV. was the younger brother of Sena III., and Sena IV. (cf. note to 54. 1) the elder brother of Mahinda W. In this way as Samgha the wife of Kassapa W. (see 51.18) was a sister of Udaya IV., the latter could be called the findtula of Mahinda IV. Two objections remain. Udaya IV. is twice (58. 19 and 28) called the "friend' of Sena III. This term used of a younger brother is surprising. Further, the mother of Mahinda IV. was, if the Mihintake plates are really his, not Samgha, but the Deva mentioned 52. 64. - Possibly the following hypothesis may help to clear up the matter. Kassapa. W. had two sons called Mahinda, one by Samgha, and one by Deva. The first is the Mahinda mentioned in 51. 99 f, the author of the Mayilagastotal inscription (Nr. 7 in note to 54. 7). He never became king but died earlier, of which however we have no account. The second Mahinda is the later king Mahinda IV. Let us assume further that Deva, the second wife of Kassapa W. as to whose origin we know nothing, was a half-sister of Sannghā, then Udaya IV. would be the mātula of Mahinda IV. I must point out that my Udaya IV. is W.'s U. lII.
The same as sakkasendipati. See 52. 52. This is probably he son of the Sakkasenapati (the son of Kassapa W.), who (52. 79) after his father's death, inherited his dignity.
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a year, he kept to the pious ways of former kings. Having thus performed these and other eminent, meritorious works in sundry ways the King entered in the sixteenth year (of his reign) into the heaven of the gods.
Sena, the twelve years old son of the King' by the Kalinga princess now came to the throne. The position of yuvaraja he conferred on his younger brother Udaya. Sena, his father's senapati, was also his senapati. Once when the Senapati was away with the army in the border country he had his younger brother Mahamalla who had committed an offence with his mother, slain and made a court official Udaya by name, who was loyal to him, senapati. When the Senapati Sena heard this he was Wroth and came with his army, intending to take his foes captive. Hearing the tidings thereof the Monarch thought: I shall bring here with my court official who has (always) carried out my decrees, into safety, left (the town) and betook himself to Rohana. But his mother turned back, took the Yuvaraja (Udaya) and the Queen with her, and wroth with him (the King), summoned the Senapati (Sena) to her. Supported therein by her, he collected Damias, gave over the country to them and took up his abode in Pulatthinagara. To fight him the King sent troops from Rohana, but the Senapati annihilated the whole army of the King.
1 Pijav., Rajav. and Nik.s. call the King Kuda-Midel, Rajar. Midel-Sala. Pitjav. gives him a reign of 16, Rajav. one of 12 years. Thus according to the reading rajan of the Col. Ed. which I now prefer to raid of the MSS. Jato paticca tain rajan, lit.: born to the king. 8 W. connects Mahdinallaq wrongly with Udayag, whereas it belongs to bhātaran in 59 d.
W.'s translation: "who dwelt in his mother's house" says nothing and misses the point. As regards the meaning I have adopted for vattaintain, I refer the reader to skr. vart (BR. s. v., 7) which is likewise used in the sense of forbidden sexual intercourse with a woman.
The reading of the text and the translation are very doubtful. W.'s rendering: "And when the King heard thereof, he departed and fied to Rohana taking with him the minister who had been as a slave unto him, and whom he regarded as his saviour' can scarcely be reconciled with the text as contained in the Col. Ed.
The Queen-mother is angry with her son because he has done away
with her lover, so takes the part of the Senapati Sena, the elder brother of the murdered man.

54。73 Senta V 185
The Damilas now plundered the whole country like devils and pillaging, seized the property of its inhabitants. In their distress the people betook themselves to Rohana to the King and told him of the matter. He took counsel with his ministers and to protect the Order of the Buddha, he sent his Senapati (Udaya) forth from the kingdom', made a treaty with (the Senapati) Sena and came to Pulatthinagara. He made the daughter of the latter his mahesi, to continue his line. With her he begot an excellent son, called Kassapa. But while now the Ruler of Lanka had his abode there his low class favourites who obtained no leave from their teacher to drink sura, praised in his presence the advantages of drinking intoxicating liquors and induced the Ruler to drink. After taking intoxicating drinks he was like a wild beast gone mad. As he could no longer digest food the Ruler had to surrender the dearly-won place and died in the tenth year (of his reign), still youthful in years'.
When they see from this that the yielding to evil friends leads to destruction, let those who seek their highest good here or hereafter, avoid such (evil friends) as a snake full of deadly poison.
Here ends the fifty-fourth chapter, called "The Three Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The Col. Ed. changes the ratha of the MSS. into rathan which then stands next to 8disanath. We miss ca. W. translates after the Col. Ed. text, "to save the religion and his country".
Namely in Pulatthinagara.
P. hinajdi. W.'s translation "who cared not for him" is wrong.
Thus, if my conjecture tassa santike instead of tassa sattavo is right. If one keeps to 8attavo, then the passage would have to be translated thus: "his low-class favourites who otherwise found no opportunity of drinking sura, being his teachers (and at the same time) his foes, praised the advantages etc.'.
5 fie Sinhalese sources call the King Salam evan after his biruda (Silameghavanna). His predecessor had the surname Sirisarpghabodhi. Pljav. and Rajav. give Salamevan a reign of 10 years. They tell of his initial successes against the Damias and of his conflict with the Senipali who then brought an army of 95000 Damias into the country.
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CHAPTER LV
THE PILLAGE OF LANKA
The Prince Mahinda, his younger brother, who after his death raised the white umbrella in splendid Anuradhapura which was full of strangers brought hither by the Senapati Sena, abode there ten years amid difficult circumstances. As he wandered from the path of statecraft and was of very weak character, the peasants did not deliver him his share of the produce. As the Prince in his tenth year had entirely lost his fortune, he was unable to satisfy his troops by giving them their pay. All the Keralas who got no pay planted themselves one with another at the door of the royal palace, determined on force, bow in hand, armed with swords and (other) weapons, (with the cry) "So long as there is no pay he shall not eat." But te King duped them. Taking with him all his moveable goods he escaped by an underground passage' and betook himself in haste to Rohana. In Sidupabbatagama he set up an armed camp and took up his abode there, after making his brother's wife mahesi. When she died shortly after, he raised his brother's daughter to the rank of mahesi. When of this Queen a son was born who received the name of Kassapa, the Ruler gave up the stronghold inhabited by him
We hear nothing of the reasons why Udaya who according to 54. 58, was appointed yuvaraja, did not come to the throne.
9 P. kicchena ("with trouble") dasavacchare. W. has "twelve years'. See note to 53.9. The Keralas were enlisted as mercenaries by the Sihala king.
4 The Kautaliya speaks I. 20. 1 ff. of secret exits, underground tunnels which have to be made in the royal palace (antahpura). Cf. Kautilya's Arthašästra, trsl. by R. SHaMAsasTRx, p. 45 ff., J. J. MExER, Das Altind. Buch vom Welt- und Staatsleben, p. 49. The skr. expression in the Kauțalīya is surungā. See O. STEIN, ZII. 3. 818.

55. 18 Mahinda V S7
and founded a town at the village of Kappagallaka and dwelt, carrying on the government, for long time among the people of Rohana. But in the remaining parts of the country Keralas, Sihalas and Kannatas' carried on the government as they pleased. But a horse-dealer who had come hither from the opposite coast, told the Cola King on his return about the conditions in Lanka. On hearing this, the powerful (prince), with the purpose of taking possession of Lanka, sent off a strong body of troops. They landed speedily in Lanka. From the spot where they disembarked, oppressing the mass of the inhabitants, the Cola army advanced on IRohana. In the six and thirtieth year of the King's reign the Colas seized the Mahesi, the jewels, the diadem, that he had inherited, the whole of the (royal) ornaments, the priceless diamond bracelet, a gift of the gods, the unbreakable sword and the relic of the torn strip of cloth'. But the Ruler himself who had fled
Karnata embraced the territory of the present Mysore and adjoining strips of country. The name is preserved in that of the Kanarese language. LSI. IV. 362.
* For the acc. mahesian etc., the governing verb agazhiansu must be taken from v. 18. To the articles of the regalia (rajasadhana or 'djublada) belong also the umbrella (chatta) and the so-called ekavali, a chain consisting of one row of pearls. Their possession means at the same time that of the royal dignity. In times of danger, therefore, the first thing the king does is to secure the insignia (41. 20). A new king takes care to get hold of them in order to legalize therewith his possession of the throne. Thus Moggallana I. after the suicide of Kassapa I. (39.28), so also in Rohana the aunt of Mahinda after his murder (desan gahi sausādhanann, 50. 51; cf. also 48. 89). After the death of Aggabodhi IV. as there is no heir, the people take charge of the rajabhamdan (46.38). After the death of Mahalanakitti the Colas take possession of the diadem and the other valuables (kirtådidhanan 56. 10). The Cola king claims there with symbolically the dominion over Lafika. When Aggabodhi III. flees, he takes the string of pears ekdicali with him. It is expressly said of Dathopatissa, that he became king without the ekdvali (44. 127-8), thus something of his dignity is wanting. It is significant too, that when Samghatissa's royal umbrella by a mere accident falls into the hands of the rebel Moggallana the army at once recognises him as the legitimate king (44. 18-20).
8 W. translates: "and the sacred forehead band' and adds in a note
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188 маhinda И 55. 19
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in fear to the jungle, they captured alive, with the pretence of making a treaty. Thereupon they sent the Monarch and all the treasures which had fallen into their hands at once to the Cola Monarch. In the thre fraternities and in all Lanka (breaking open) the relic chambers, (they carried away) many costly images of gold' etc., and while they violently destroyed here and there all the monasteries, like bloodsucking yakkhas they took all the treasures of Lanka for themselves. With Pulatthinagara as base, the Colas held sway over Rajarattha as far as the locality known as Rakkhapasanakantha. People in the kingdom took the young prince Kassapa and brought him up, carefully protecting him through fear of the Colas. When the Cola King heard that the boy had reached his twelfth year, he sent high officials with a large force to seize him. They brought with them warriors a hundred thousend less five thousand (in number) and they ransacked
"the term is of doubtful meaning, but it evidently refers to the fillet
worn round the forehead'. This translation of chinnapatitikādhātuka is perhaps not impossible. Apparently a piece of stuff is meant of the Buddha's dress which belonged as highly prized relic to the regalia of the Sinhalese kings.
For the acc. dhatugabbhe in v. 20 we must take as governing verb
the gerund bhinditvā from v. 21 and from the same verse aggahum for
governing patibimbe in v. 20.
The oioharino yakkhd correspond to the vampires of Slav popular belief. F. S. KRAUss, Slavische Volkforschungen, p. 124 f.
3 The designation so frequently used later of Rajaratha "King's Province" for northern Ceylon is used in contrast to Rohana (cf. for ex. 70, 184 f.) as well as to Dakkhinadesa (for ex., 72. 176-79). Later the name Patittharattha is substituted for it (s. note to 82. 26). The Cola king who conquered Ceylon was, according to Hulitzsch, JRAS. 1913, p. 522 ff.) Parak esa rivar man alias Rājendra-Coļa I. who in the Tirumalai Rock Inscription (EI. IX, p. 229 ff) boasts of having seized the crown of the king of Ceylon, the crowns of the queens of that king, as well as the "crown and the necklace of Indra" which the king of the South (i. e. the Pandya king) hat previously deposited with the king of Ceylon. The conquest of Ceylon is first recorded in inscriptions of Rajendra's 6th year = 1017-8 A.D., but not mentioned in those of the 5th year, and consequently it must have taken place in A. D. 1017. See also H. W. CoroRING-Ton, H. C., p. 40, 53.

35. 3 x'ურ Mahinda V 189
the whole province of Rohana in every direction. A court official called Kitti, who dwelt in Makkhakudrusa, and a minister named Buddha, a native of Maragallaka, these two valiant men, well versed in the ways of war, made the resolve to destroy the Cola army completely. At a place called Palutthagiri they took up fortified positions, carried on war for six months and killed a great number of Damilas. The Colas who had survived the slaughter in this fight, seized with fear, fled and took up their abode as before ir Pulatthinagara. When thereupon the Prince saw the two victorious officials, he was highly pleased and spake to them (thus): "Choose a wish my friends'. Buddha asked as wish for the village in which his family dwelt; Kitti chose as wish that the part of his revenues which the bhikkhu community had appropriated might be remitted. After the most excellent of officials had their wishes fulfilled by the most excellent of princes, these brave men, fearless, and full of humility, worshipped his feet.
King Mahinda dwelt twelve years. in Cola land and entered into heaven in the forty-eighth year (from his ascent of the throne).
Thus fortune's goods if they were gained by one smitten with indolence, are not abiding. Therefore should the prudent
man, who strives after his salvation, ever display ceaseless endeavour.
Here ends the fifty-fifth chapter, called "The Pillage of Lanka', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
For Maragallaka, now Maragala, see note to 48. 129.
* Cf. 58. 18 with note.
8 Cf. v. 16. Pujav. and Rajav. ascribe a reign of 48 years to Mahinda, without a word about anything that happened during it. According to them the arrival of the 95000 Damilas took place in the time of his predecessor.
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190 Vikkamabähu I, Kitti, Mahälänakitti
CHAPTER LVI
THE SIX KINGS
After they had given the name of Wikkamabahu to the Monarch's son, all the Sihalas acted full of humility according to his command. The King collected by every means, money for defeating the Damias, showing, as was meet, favour to his adherents. At the request of his court officials he had ornament and diadem, umbrella and throne made ready for the festival of the King's consecration, but he refused (the festival with the words): "What boots me the ceremony of the raising of the umbrella so long as the possession of Rajaratha is not achieved?" Then the mighty (Prince) assembled a hundred thousand men. But as at the time when the campaign should have begun, he was suffering from the wind disease, he thought it not the time to carry on war and entered suddenly in the twelfth year (of his reign) into the city of gods and came into the company of the gods.
A court official called Kitti, who was invested with the dignity of senapati, aspired to the kingship and maintained his authority for eight days,
He was slain by the mighty Mahalanakitti, who attained consecration as king, and holding sway over the province called Rohana, was vanquished in his third year in battle against
Wikkamabahu is still restricted to Rohana. See note to 55. 22.
P. vataroga. For the various diseases which Indian medicine groups under this term (vātavyādhi) see JoLLY, Medicin, p. 118 f.
The same length of reign (12 years) is ascribed to Wikkamabahu by Pujav. and Rajav. They say of him, though certainly wrongly, that he drove out the Damias who had entered the country under his father. Rajar, and Nik.s. merely mention his name.

b. 7 Vikkamapadu, Jagatipäla, Parakkama 191
the Colas and with his own hand he cut his throat and so died a sudden death.
Thereupon the Damilas took the chief treasures, such as the diadem and the like and sent them to the Monarch of the Cola land. The only son of the Prince (Mahalanakitti) known by the name of Vikkamapandu, had through fear left his kingdom and was sojourning in the Dulu country. But when he had tidings of the events in Lanka, he betook himself to the province of Rohana, and dwelling in Kalalittha”, carried on the government there for a year.
Then a powerful prince of the line of Rama, known by the name of Jagatipala, a Sovereign's son who had come from the town Ayojha, slew Wikkamapandu in battle and ruled as a mighty man in Rohana four years. Him also the Colas slew in battle and sent the Mahesi with her daughter and all the valuable property to the Cola kingdom.
Then King Parakkama, son of the Paņdu King, reignedo two years". The Colas slew him also when fighting with him. These (princes) who were too much swayed by the power of desire, went without exception, helplessly to destruction. Wen the wise man has recognised this, he will doubtless ever be bent on the annihilation of desire.
Here ends the fifty-sixth chapter, called "The Six Kings'; in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The Sinhalese sources pass over Kitti entirely. They call his successor Mahalanakitti Mahalo. He reigned according to Ptjav. and Rajiv. 3 years.
Now Kalutara at the mouth of the Kaluganga.
According to Pijav. and Rajav. Wikrama pandi had reigned 3 years.
Skr. Ayodhya, the present Oudh in India, situated on the river Gogra. Pujav. the same; Rajav, 1 year. Akai must be supplemented by raijan from v. 14. Wikkamapandu is probably meant by the Pandu King.
Pujav. 1 year; Rajav. 6 years. In Rajar. the name is missing. In Pijav. he is called Parakrama pandi, in Rajav. Parakramabahupāņɖi, in Nik.-s. Pairāk ramapāņ liya.
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192 Loka
CHAPTER LWII
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE ENEMIES OF ROHANA
An army leader called Loka, who dwelt in Makkhakudrusa, a trustworthy, determined man, capable of breaking the arrogance of the Colas, after bringing the people over to his side, took possession of the government in the district of Rohana and dwelt in Kajaragama, versed in the conduct determined by custom.
Ad that time there lived a powerful prince of the name of Kitti. The history of his lineage will now be told in the sequelo.
1 In the Sinhalese sources he is called Lokes vara. Pūjāv. gives him a reign of six years. The end of Loka’s reign is related 57. 45-64. For the following period of Sinhalese history it is very difficult to bring the statements of South Indian inscriptions into accordance with those of the Culavamsa. I refer to Hulitzsch, JRAS. 1918, p. 519-21; H. W. CoDRINGToN, H.C., p. 55 ff. See note to 45. 45.
8 From the way it is introduced, the following section seems to be taken from a new source, possibly (see note to 45.37) from what I have called the "Chronicle of Rohana". There are however certain differences between its statements and the rest of the contents of the Culavamsa. That the Kassapa in v. 4 is meant for Kassapa II. (44. 144, 45. 1 ff.) seems certain. But there is a confusion about the names Māna and Main a vamma. Mana is called the eldest son of Kassapa II. in 45. 6. The question is whether he is identical with the Manavamma who later (47.2, 62) ascends the throne. In the Rohana, Chronicle (57.5) the elder son of Kassapa is called Manavamma, the younger who comes to the throne, 57. 14, Māna, but in 57. 25 Mānavamma. Of all the dificulties which according to the Cilavamsa (47. 2 ff) preceded Manavamma's ascent of the throne, the Rohana Chronicle apparently says nothing. A similar difference exists as regards the names of the sons of Dappula I. According to the Rohana Chronicle the eldest of these is Manavamma; the Cillavamsa speaks of the sister's son of Kassapa II. only as Mana.

57. 11 Descent of Kitti 193
King Kassapa had a son known by the name of Māna. He was adipada, a brave man and distinguished by his good conduct. His elder brother the wise Manavamma had at one time seated himself on the bank of the river in the neighbourhood of Gokannaka and had made full preparations according to custom for an incantation. He began after taking the rosary in his hand, to murmur the magic verse. To him there appeared Kumara on his riding bird'. The peacock pecked with its beak at the plate with the offerings', but finding no drink in the old coconut shell with its holes, out of which the water had run, he flew at the magician's face. The latter thinking" (only) of future success, offered it his eye. The peacock slit it open and drank thereout violently. Kumara was pleased, he granted the Prince his prayed-for wish and departed brightly gleaming through the air. When his court officials beheld Manavamma with his destroyed eye, they grieved, but he comforted the people by telling them of the
See note to 41. 79. See note to 46. 17. The God Skanda, who is worshipped in Kajaragama, riding on the peacock which is sacred to him. Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 227.
4 P. balipattan. W. has a note to this: "The tray or bowl in which food, flowers, etc. are presented to spirits at the performances of magical rites". P. patta may mean "tray", but for "bowl" we should expect patta = skr. pātra.
W.: "Water is generally placed in a coconut shell on the altar for the benefit of the evil spirit'.
6 P. japantassa mukhan gato. W. translates this by: "He went up and stood in the presence of the wizard'. That is misleading.
P. bhavinin siddhim afekkhan. W. interprets the passage quite differently. He translates: "The wizard remembered the Bhávins siddhi" and remarks thereto in the note: "A course of action under certain emergencies, prescribed in magical rites".
Popular tradition places the legend of the incantation described in v. 5 ff. in the Vakirigala - vihara in the Kegalla District. The magician is mentioned only by his later monk's name of Mayurapada. The Vakirigala-vihara is said to have been called in former times Mayirapada-paya after him. BELI, Report on the Kégalla District, p. 45.
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fulfilment of his wish. Thereupon his companions were content and urged him to come to Anuradhapura and carry out his consecration as king. "What boots me the royal dignity now that I have a maimed body? I will practise asceticism as soon as I have undergone the ceremony of world-renunciation. Let my younger brother, Mana by name, preserve the inherited reign of Lanka." With that he rejected the royal dignity which had come to him. Having thoroughly grasped his purpose, his court officials sent people to tell that his younger brother. At the tidings thereof, the brother came speedily hither, sought out his brother, fell at his feet, wept and grieved sore and betook himself along with the elder brother, to Anuradhapura where in accordance with the purposes of the elder (brother), he took over the crown. Hereupon he betook himself to Abhayagiri and doing reverence, besought the ascetics for admission for his brother to the ceremony of worldrenunciation. Thereupon the ascetics carried out with the cripple the ceremonies of world-renunciation and of admission into the Order without regard to the regulations. The Ruler built for him the superb parivena Uttaromula and made him head of the parivena. He placed under him there six hundred bhikkhus, gave him the seven supervisory officials and the five groups of servitors. He gave him further assistants who
According to the Vinaya (Mahavagga I. 71 = Win, ed. OldknpERG I. p. 91) cripples are not admitted to the Order.
P. patihdire gatta. According to Abhp. 1018, patihara is equivalent to dvdirapalaka. That is too narrow an interpretation if it is a case here of "seven patihdra". The word probably means in general a monastery official. In fact the Mihintale tablet'A(line 20-21) enumerates seven of these: 1) veher-piirivahamuvā, 2) niyam-jețu, 3) ĉi-kämiyā, 4) pasak
kdmiya, 5) veher-leyd, 6) karand-leyd, 7) kara-du-atsamu. For attempts
at explaining these difficult terms see WickREMAs.INGHE, EZ. I. 101. In slab B, line 5 an eighth is added, sdiriyin-gannak. The mangul-jetak mentioned here in line 6 corresponds probably to the niyam-jetu in A.
Cf. 67. 58, as well as 84. 5. In the last passage, in addition to the five groups of servants, ten others are also distinguished. W. says in a note to our passage that the five mean "carpenters, weavers, dyers, barbers and workers in leather". 1 believe rather that what is meant

67, 80 Descent of Kitti 195
were versed in various handicrafts and placed under him the guardians of the Tooth Relic. His (the King's) counsellors were the bhikkhus of the Abhayagiri (-vilhāra) and the King protected the people wholly according to his (brother's) advice. But certain people who were of his lineage, but had no desire for world-renunciation, dwelt as they liked and were addressed by the title of "Great Lord''. From the pure race of this King Manavamma versed in the law and in statecraft, that was propagated in sons and grandsons with Aggabodhi at the head, that was first among princely dynasties, there went forth sixteen (sovereigns) of equal birth who held legitimate sway in Laňkā.
The monarch Mahinda had two (cousins) daughters of his mother's brother. These fair (maidens) were known by the names of Devalà und Lokita. Of these two daughters, Lokità conceived by the son of her father's sister, the handsome prince Kassapa by name, two sons called Moggallana and Loka“. The elder of these, versed in all the ways of the world and the Order, known by the title "Great Lord',
are workmen as enumerated in the Mihintale tablet B, line 7 ff. We have no idea it is true, of the principle on which the division of these servants into five or ten groups was made.
1 IP. malāsä mipadansita = Skr. mahaswamipradarsita. On the title himiya = P. scini used of bhikkhus see note to 52, 10.
Aggabodhi. W. It is true he is not mentioned by name in the list of kings in the Culavamsa, perhaps owing to a gap in the text. See above 48. 1 ff. It should be noted that here the King, father of Aggabodhi, is not called Māna as in v. 14, but Mānavamma. Cf. note to 57. 3.
3 P. matulattalian. I am inclined to assume that matula here is used in the sense "father's sister'. This would bring us back to the family tree as STILL has drawn it up in the Index to the Mhvs. Kassapa the husband of Lokita, would then be the son of Mahinda W. (55.10), later King Wikkamabahu I. (56.1).
I take Moggallainan ca. Lokavhe for a disintegrated compound. The change into loggallanalokavlic of the Col. Ed. is suggestive, but gets no support from the MSS.
This title apparently customary in Rohana is derived according
to 45. 50 from Dappula I.
16-سس-Cl
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zealous in the service of the community, a habitation of many choice virtues, took up his abode in Rohana.
A grandson of King Dathopatissa who had undergone the ceremony of world-renunciation in the Order of the Holy Buddha, dwelt full of faith, practising asceticism, controlled by discipline, selfcontrolled in spirit, as hermit in a solitary spot. The gods who had pleasure in him, praised everywhere his virtue. When the Ruler of Lanka heard of his excellence, the fame of which had spread everywhere, he sought him out, bowed before him and sought to gain him as his counsellor. But as he would not, he besought him again and again, had him fetched and made him take up his abode in a finely built pasada. The King who prized highly the excellence of the Master of the ascetics, as long as he dwelt there, ruled the people in justice, walking in the way marked out by his advice. But because the Master among ascetics in consequence of the invitation given him in honourable fashion by the Master of Lanka, had of his pity forsaken the mountain world', and having gathered bhikkhus round him, had taken up his abode there, (the pāsāda) got the name of i Selantarasamuha. Since that time the sovereigns of Lanka make a bhikkhu spend the night in a small temple of the gods and
1 It is impossible to determine whether Dāṭhopatissa I. oř II. is meant here.
The inf. katun attanusasanain, "to give him counsel" is governed by draidhayan in 34 a. Which King of Lanka is meant we do not know. Perhaps Manavamma? The fragment vv. 31-39 has evidently only the object of leading from Mahinda from whom Kitti is descended on his father's side, to Dathopatissa from whom he is descended on his mother's side through Lokita (v. 41).
3 P. sellantara lit. "rock interior" (perhaps = "rock cave") with reference to the name Selantarasamiha. Cf. Santiheted in v. 37 a.
4 P. devapalli. Cf. skir. palli "hut". The whole passage is very curious. We are told here of a malathana, that is (according to v. 39) of the position of a premier and highest counsellor (cf. millamacca, 69. 84; 70. 151). It is held by a bhikkhu who must be confirmed in it by a kind of oracle. This confirmation again is granted by the devatas, another proof of the way in which Buddhism is interwoven with popular ideas,

67. 62 Descent of Kitti 197
place him, if he has found favour with the deity, in the leadin position and when they protect Order and people, they act according to the counsel of the ascetics who hold the leading position.
By Prince Bodhi of the line of Dathopatissa te Princess Buddha of like lineage conceived a daughter, Lokita by name, distinguished by most excellent marks. Afterwards she was wedded to the able Moggallana. She conceived by him four children, Kitti, the princess Mitta, Mahinda and Rakkhita. The eldest son (Kitti) was (already) in his thirteenth year a plucky hero, and extremely skilled in the use of the bow. Swayed by one thought alone: how shall I become possessed of Lanka once I have rid it of the briers of the foe? he dwelt in the village called Mulasala.
A powerful man known by the name of Buddharaja, quarrelled at that time with the general Loka. He fled in haste to the district called Cunnasala and having there by every means made subject to himself many people, such as Kitti and others, he dwelt together with numerous warlike kindred at the foot of the Malaya mountains where he was difficult to reach. To him there came a distinguished astrologer Samgha by name, and portrayed the character of the prince (Kitti) in favourable fashion. "The eldest son of the Great Lord (Moggallana), who bears the name of Kitti, carries on him the marks of power and is gifted with insight and courage. Even in Jambudipa he would, I believe, be capable of uniting the whole realm under one umbrella, how much more so in the Island of Lanka!' When the other heard that, he made the resolve to support the Prince and sent people to the Prince. When the illustrious hero heard their message, he for fear that they might hold him back, left the house without
1 The Loka, described in 57. 1 as camūnātha. W. inserts here the words: "who ruled Rohana'. That is not in the text, but it is correct as far as Loka resided in Kājaragāma. It is also not said that Buddharaja was a "prince".
* P. sann vaccharikanāyako, lit. a chief of the s. Cf. skr. sām vatsarika BR, s... v. nr. 2.
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his parents' knowledge, with nothing but his bow and seeing all kinds of favourable signs, he prudently betook himself in haste to the village of Sarivaggapitthi. While sojourning there, the hero sent away his servants and captured the village of Bodhivala then in possession of the opposite party. Thereupon the arrogant general (Loka) sent his army thither; it surrounded the village and opened fight. The prince who full of impetuous courage, fought with his soldiers against them, scattered them in all directions, as a stormy wind (scatters) cotton. He then betook himself, knowing the opportunity, to the Cunnasala district and during his sojourn there brought the whole region of Malaya into his power. Even now the general sent of his army over and over again, but as he could not gain the upper hand, he became furious. A son of the henchman Kitti dwelling in Makkhakudrusa, a powerful man known by the name of Devamalla, now came hither, accompanied by kinsmen and friends, at the head of many people dwelling in Rohana, and with reverence sought out the Prince (Kitti). He able and farfamed, at the age of fifteen girt on his sword and demanded the dignity of adipada. Thereupon he betook himself with a mighty force to Hiraffiamalaya and built there on the Remuna rock a stronghold. Thither too the general sent his army, but as he did not stay victorious in battle, he gave up the idea of renewing the war. The ruler Loka, the army's commander, now forsook this his world,
1 Namely of the general Loka.
* The dat. sangamaya with samarabhi (instead of the acc.) is irregular.
P. seninda is like senani a synonym of sendipati. The title of “King” is never accorded to Loka.
See above 55. 26, 31.
° P. cantipati stands in the text and v. 64 caminátha, both synonymus for seāpati (Loka).
In their list of Errata S. and B. correct lokand tho into lokandino. That is certainly wrong. Without doubt a pun is intended with caminatho, and the form Lokanatha corresponds to the Lokesvara of the Sinhalese sources. Another pun is that with loka. The word is contained in the name, in lokan sakan "his world" or "his people" and in paraloka.

57.74 History of Kitti 199
and in the sixth year of his reign his goal was the other world.
Now a Chief of the Kesadhatus, Kassapa by name, got the upper hand of the people and carried on the government in Rohana. At the tidings of this the Cola general, armed for war, set out from Pulatthinagara and marched against Kajaragama. But the Kesadhatu scattered the forces of the Damias in a battle, set up guards at the frontier of Rakkhapasana, and then the hero proud of his victory, returned with his great army and entered Kajaragama. When the vigorous Adipada (Kitti) heard all this, he quickly equipped an army, to overwhelm the Kesadhatu. When the latter had tidings of this he advanced full of pride with befitting troops from Kajaragama to Sippatthalaka'. But when the invincible Prince (Kitti) at the head of many of the inhabitants of Pancayojana and other districts drew near, he betook himself, perceiving that many of the dwellers in his own district were averse from war, (and) believing that a battle here would be difficult, to Khadirangami. With a great army the royal youth (Kitti) aged sixteen years, entered at once free from all fear, into Kajaragama. Having ruled Rohana six months, the Chief of the Kesadhatus full of bitterness,
Here we meet for the first time with the remarkable expression so frequently used later of kesadhatu. W. translates kesadhatunayaka by "the Chief of the Hair Relic". But nayaka is used here in the same way as in saintaccharikandiyaka, v. 48, for in the sequel kesadhatu is used alone. Cf. on this title the “Introduction” III.
W. suggests doubtfully Rakvana.
P. sutthiradhatuko. The word dhditu at the end of a bahuvrihi compound often means "kind, nature, peculiarity, character' and is much, almost exclusively, used periphrastically. Thus in Samadháttuka “of similar kind”. JaCo. II. 31??; kiliittihadhātuka “defiled” JaCo. I. 488o; badhiradhātuka “hard of hearing” JaCo. II. 681o.
4 See also 58.7.
Now Pasdun-Korale, east of Kalutara, in the province Sabaragamuva. The P. word ratha is frequently used quite in the sense of the Sinh, kỡralẽ.
6 See also 58. 36.
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marched thither to battle. But the army of the royal youth (Kitti) engaged him in hard battle and the mighty ong captured the head of the Chief of the Kesadhatus.
Having reached the age of seventeen years, the Prince the glory of whose great fame had spread on every side, who was extraordinarily skilled in the use of the many expedients such as kindness and the like had freed the whole of Rohana from the briers of the foe.
Here ends the fifty-seventh chapter, called "The Subjugation of the Enemies of Rohana', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

Vijayabāhu, I SSB. 201
CHAPTER LVIII
THE ADVANCE TO ANURADHAPURA
The name Vijayabahu of the Prince wise in statecraft, who now found himself in the position of yuvaraja, was known everywhere. Gifted with abundant knowledge, he had the drums beaten for his entering on the government and placing numbers of his followers in befitting positions and applying the four methods of warriors for the destruction of the Colas who were ravaging Rajaratha, he took up his abode there (in Rohana). When the Cola King heard of that, he sent off his Senapati who was then in Pulatithinagara, with army and train. As Vijayabahu recognised that the (Cola) general who
Kitti adopts this name when he wins his claim to the throne. In the rock inscription of Ambagamuva (BELL, ASC. Ann. Rep. 1910-11 == III. 1915, p. 121, no. 196; WIcKREMAsINGHE, EZ. II. 202 ff.) the king calls himself Sirisangbo Vijayabahu. He names as his parents Abha Salamevan and Dev Gon, names which seem to have been taken over mechanically from the Raja-maligava inscription of Polonnaruva on the introduction to which that of the Ambagamuva inscription rests (See note to 54. 7). Important for the history of the reign of Vijayabahu I. is the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva dealt with by C. RAsANAYAGAx Mudaliyar in JRAS. C. Br. xxx, no. 77, 1924, p. 266 f, and recently also by WIcKREMAsINGHE, EZ. II. 242 ff.
According to Abhp. 348 the caturo updyd the four means of success are bheda "division (of the enemy)", dada "open war, offensive", 8dima "friendly negotiations, treaty" and dandni 'gifts, bribes'. The doctrine of the four updya is also well known in Sanskrit literature. It is found in the Mahabharata, in the Amarakoša, in Hemacandra's Abhidhanacintāmaņi, in the Yājñavalkyasamrti, in Manu, 7. 109 (BR. s. v. daņda 11). Finally they are enumerated in Kautalya's Arthasastra 2. 10, 28: updiyah sdinopapradanabhedadadah as a method of royal policy. See J. J. MEYER, Das altind. Buch von Welt- und Staatsleben, p. 105.
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had advanced close to Kajaragama, could scarcely be defeated, he withdrew into the mountain jungle. The (Cola) general plundered Kajaragama in haste, but as he could not stay there, he betook himself again to his province. Thereupon the Mahadipada came hastily from Malaya and besieged Sippatthalaka' with strong forces. The King (Vijayabahu) sent to the King in the Ramafifía' country numbers of people and much costly treasure'. Then arrived in the harbour many ships laden with various stuffs, camphor, sandelwood and other goods. By all kinds of valuable gifts he inclined the soldiers to him and with large forces at his command, he took up his abode in Tambalagāmao.
All the inhabitants of Rajaratha grew hostile to one another and paid no further tribute. The adversaries of the Cola King full of arrogance, left his commands unheeded, illtreated the appointed officials and did what they pleased. When the Cola Monarch heard this, he was filled with rage and he sent off one of his henchmen with a great army. The latter landed in Mahatittha, slew many people here and there and subdued the inhabitants of Rajaratha. Later on he came then, cruel in his commands, to Rohana and fell upon it with
The title mahadipada belongs to Wijayabahu in his pesition of yuvaräja.
See 57. 70,
Name for Burma. Note that Wijayabahu from now onwards is called raid.
4 P. saram dhanajatan. The word sara is here (as also in v. 21) used as an adjective (see skr. sára, BR. S. v., 4); dhanajāta which is also used in v. 10, is nearly always a mere paraphrase for dhana.
' A Tambalagama lies (Census of Ceylon 1921, II., p. 152) in the Hinidum-Pattuva of the Galle District-not far from Batuvangala on the upper Gin-ganga. If this is our Tambalagama that would mean that the centre of gravity of Wijayabahu's influence was in the west of Rohana, on the borders of. Dakkhinadesa. The fact that the troops which Kitti led against the Kesadhatu Kassapa came according to 57. 71 chiefly from the Pañcayojana-ratha supports this. It is supported too by the further development of events. The Tambala mentioned 45.78 cannot be identified with the Tambalagama of our passage.

58.23 Vijayabahu I SSB. 208
his army like the ocean which has burst its bounds. Two mighty men, Ravideva and Cala by name, became opponents of the King (Vijayabahu) and went over both of them, to the Damia commander. When the general saw them accompanied by a great troop of adherents, he believed Rohana would shortly be in his power.
In the twelfth year (of his reign) the King (Vijayabahu) put up an entrenchment for the conquest of the Colas, on the Palutha mountain and took up his abode there. The Cola army surrounded the rocks on all sides and a terrible fight between the two armies took place. The King's soldiers annihilated the Damia army, pursued the fleeing general of the Cola Sovereign and got possession of his head at the village of Tambavithi'. Taking with them all the captured implements of war, together with draught animals and chariots and all valuable treasures, they showed it (the head) to the
1 I feel bound to keep to the text aihottharitha sendiya sabhinnatelo va sagaro as adopted by me in my edition. The fact of the second pada having a syllable too much is of no account. See Culavs. ed., Introd. p. xii. If one compares the MSS. it is almost certain. in the first place, that aijhottharittha and sanibhinna are right, since they have been preserved in all groups of the MSS. The only question is as to what came between the two words. The Col. Ed. with aiihotthari saseno sa bhinna" follows closely the MS. S 8. But what is remarkable is that this MS. is here quite isolated and differs also from S7. This looks as if we
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had to do with an arbitrary alteration on the part of the copyist. And
how is tato or nato in all the other MSS. to be explained? I think thus: In the archetype a tato was added by mistake to sendiya, intended originally for gantvana in pada a. In group S 1, 2, 4 the word is inserted besides sendya, in S 6, 7 it has ousted this entirely.
P. Palutthapabbata, identical with the Palutthagiri mentioned 55. 28. As this occurs here in association with Maragallaka (see Note to 48. 129), the mention of the Paluttha mountain would take us to the west of Rohana, to the borders of Dakkhinadesa. Mr. HocART however is inclined to identify it with Palatupana, 8 miles East of Tissamahārāma. ASC. 1928, p. 17.
If this is the Tambavita in the Paranakuru Korale of the KegallaDistrict, the pursuit must have extended far to the north, into Dakkhinadesa, That is also not unlikely, for up to his occupation of Pulatthinagara Wijayabahu evidently meets with no further resistance.

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King and spake to him (thus): "It is time to march to Pulatthinagara.' When the Monarch heard these words of his followers he betook himself now with large forces to Pulatthinagara. When the Coļa Sovereign heard of all these events he was overcome with fury, and as he desired to capture the Monarch (Vijayabahu), the hero went in all haste himself to the harbour on the sea-coast and sent a still larger army to the Island of Lanka. When the Ruler (Vijayabahu) heard that he sent off his general with a great force to fight with the Cola army. The general marched to the neighbourhood of Anuradhapura and gave the Damia host a fiery battle. There fell in this fight many warriors of the Monarch and still more of the inhabitants of his kingdom came into the power of the Damias. Thereupon the Monarch abandoned Pulatthinagara and betook himself in haste to the district called Willikaba. Having removed the two officials who were placed over this district, he took up his abode there, gathering his soldiers. On the tidings that the Cola general was pursuing him, he betook himself, aware of the right time, to the rocky hill of Watagiri. At the foot of this mountain he built a stronghold and fighting, kept the Damias three months. at bay.
The younger brother of the Chief of the Kesadhatus who had been slain earlier in battle, had meanwhile gathered together a large troop of adherents and nursing wrath in his heart at the slaying of his brother, he raised the whole district of Guttasala' in rebellion. Thereupon the Sovereign of
That is, he knew well that the time for open resistance to the Colas had not yet come.
From 60.89 it is clear that Watagiri was situated in the province of Dakkhinadesa. Thus Vijayabahu retires not as one might expect, eastwards or south-eastwards over the Mahaveliganga but to the southwest. Evidently he seeks to regain the base in the borders of Rohana and Dakkhinadesa from which he started. Watagiri is no doubt the
mountain Wakirigala in the Galboda Korale of the Kegalla District.
BELL, Rep. on the Kégalla District = ASC., xix, 1892, p. 45.
3 See above 57. 65 ff. 4 See note to 5l. 109.

58.41 Vijayabāhu I SSB. 205
Lanka marched thither in haste with a large force and set up an armed camp at the place called Maccutthala. Then when he had driven his foe in fight out of the stronghold Khadirahgani, he chased him, still fighting, from Kubilagalla. He left his ample possessions together with wife and child as well as his troops in the lurch and fled in haste to the province occupied by the Colas. Thereupon the Lord of men (Vijayabahu) took to himself the whole of his possessions and betook himself to Tambalagama where he erected a new stronghold. In the course of time he went to the town called Mahanagahula and sojourned there arming his troops to fight with the Colas. Thereupon the King summoned two of his henchmen and sent them with large forces to Dakkhinadesa' to subdue the inhabitants there. Another pair of able officials the Sovereign sent to the coast highroad to destroy the arrog
See above 57, 72,
After Wijayabahu had protected his rear by subduing the rebellion in Guttasala, he returns at first to the position which is to serve him as basis for his future operations (see note to 58. 10) and strengthens it by fortifications. He next betakes himself to the place which may now be looked upon as the capital of Rohana, to make further preparations for the Cola war.
According to native tradition we must look for Mahdindigahula on the lower Walave-ganga, N.W. of Ambalantota, where to-day there are extensive rice-fields similar to those of Tissamaharama (H.W. CopBINGTON, Notes on Ceylon Topography in the twelfth Century II, from a proof. slip which I owe to the courtesy of the author). In agreement with this is the statement in v. 10 of the Manavulu-sandesa that the river on which the town stood was the Vanavdhini. Mr. JAYARATANA of the Colombo Museum drew my attention to this passage. The Commentary explains the name of the river by vala-hoya, which is the Walave-ganga,
H. W. CodRINGTon (Notes on Ceylon Topography in the Twelfth Century, JRAS. Č. B. Nr. 75, 1922, p. 64) rightly stresses the fact that dakkhian passan does not mean "southward" as translated by...W. but is the same as dakkhian desan.
P. kakkhala "hard' in a good sense, as much as firm, enduring, energetic.
Wijayabahu's strategy is clear. He attacks the position of the Colas from two sides: from Dakkhinadesa in the direction of Anuradhapura and eastwards from the mountains in the direction of Polonnaruva. The
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ance of the Colas. The officials sent with large forces to Dakkhinadesa, took the stronghold at the village of Muhunnaru, further Badalatthala, the stronghold at Wapinagara, Buddhagama, Tilagulla, Mahagalla and Mandagalla. When later
"coast highroad' I would identify with the old road which avoiding the hill country, led from Mahagama to Dastota or Mahagantota on the Mahavelliganga not far from Polonnaruva. I am inclined to look upon the embankment called Kalugalbämma which is crossed between Ekiriyankumbura and Mahaoya by the Passara-Batticaloa road as the remains of this road. The road does not run along the sea, it is true, but it runs from coast to coast, from Mahagama to Mahatittha. It is doubtful whether the southern part of this road led over Buttala. The Ratemahatmaya Bibile informed me that one can recognize the southern continuation of the Kalugalbämma further east at Kadiyangoda and that the road runs from here beside an old beaten elephant track direct to Mahagama. At any rate the northern continuation of the Kalugalbimma does not lead to Mahiyangana, but leaving this to the left, it seems to lead by Dolagalvela direct to the Mahavelliganga. Thus this highroad must be distinguished from that which runs from Mahagama by way of Kataragama, Buttala, Medagama, Bibile to Mahiyahgana and from there along the Mahavelliganga towards the north. I myself found remains of this road in Bibile, other remains might perhaps come to light at Alut-nuvara (Mahiyangana) behind the hospital. Vijayabahu apparently took advantage of a civil war raging at that time in the Cola country. It ended with the accession to the throne of Kulottunga Cola I. in A. D. 1069-70. H. W. CodRINgroN, H. C., p. 56.
The topographical identification of the greater part of these localities we owe H. W. Copa ING-Ton in the treatise cited above (note to 58. 39). Of the names occurring here the following are mentioned elsewhere 1) Badalatthala, 2) Buddhagana, 3) Tilagulla and 4) Mahagalla. Muhunnaru and Wapinagara are doubtful. Badal at thala has been identified by CodRINGToN (following PARKER) with Batalagoda in the Ihalavisideke Korale West of the Kurunegala District. StoltRY on the
strength of the mention in an inscription of the Budgam-vehera (ASC.
1908 = S. P. VI. 1918, p. 14-15) considers Buddhagama to be Menikdena (see ASC. 1908 = VI. 1913, p. 13ff) in the Wagapanaha. Udasiya Pattu of the District Matale North, where the two roads leading from Kurunegala and from Nalanda to Dambul approach one another, and Codrington supports this assumption. As to Tilagulla, Mr. Codrina Ton refers me by letter to Talagalle Ela in the Katuvanna Korale of the Kurunegala District. According to 68. 44 it is at least, certain that it was situated in Dakkhinadesa. For Mahagalla see note to 44.3.

38.66 Vijayabăhu I SSB. 207
they had also taken Anuradhapura, they brought the whole kingdom into their power and pushed forward to Mahatittha. The two generals sent out to the coast highroad, plundered Chagama and other armed camps here and there, and when later they had got near to Pulatithinagara, they sent messengers to the King that he should speedily come hither. When the Ruler heard of the extraordinary deeds of heroism accomplished by the generals whom he had sent in two directions, he aware of the time being propitious, equipped his whole army and experienced in methods of war, he left the town (Mahanagahula) to exterminate the Colas. During the march the Sovereign set up a camp on the (Mahavaluka)- ganga not far from the Mahiyangana-thupa and took up his abode there for a time. Afterwards the great hero aware of the opportunity, betook himself to the neighbourhood of Pulatithinagara and set up here an extremely strong fortification. But all the warlike, valiant Colas who were to be found here and there, gathered together in Pulatthinagara to make war. The Colas came forth from the town and engaged outside in a great battle, but they were beaten and returned to the town. Then having secured all the gates of the town, they carried on with great strenuousness a terrifying fight from bastions and towers. For a month and a half the great
army of the Monarch kept the town surrounded but could
not subdue it. The great heros, the great fighters, the great warriors of the Great King, the mighty ones with great pride, Ravideva, Cala and the others scaled the walls, broke furi
Finally Mandagalla is according to Mr. C. = Mahamadagalla in Hiriyala Hatpattu N. E. of Kurunegala. A Madagala is also marked on sheet F. 9 of the map (scale one mile to the inch) 5 miles S. S. W. of Anuradhapura as name of a mountain. All the evidence points, at any rate, to the progress of the operations against Anuradhapura from South to North through Dakkhinadesa.
Chagama or Chiggana, it seems to me, has not been identified with certainty. That it was situated in eastern Rohana is clear from 75.3.
See note to 51.74. It was stated in v. 16 that these two generals had gone over to
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ously into the town and at once exterminated all the Damias root and branch. After King Vijayabahu had thus achieved the victory, he the discerning one, had the drums of his dominion beaten in the town. But when the Ruler of the Colas heard of this destruction of his army, he thought: the Sihalas are (too) strong, and sent out no further army.
When the hero the discerning one, who had utterly destroyed the best of the proud Colas, had placed the whole of Rajaratha on a sure foundation, he the best of kings, greatly rejoicing, advanced in the fifteenth year (of his reign) to the greatly longed for, the best (town of) Anuradhapura.
Here ends the fifty-eighth chapter, called "The Advance
to Anuradhapura', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene.
joy and emotion of the pious.
the Colas. It would seem that later they again acknowledged the sovereignty of Wijayabahu. Or we have to do with a mistake of the compiler.
P. millaghaccan aghatayup. I think we have to take millaghaccat. as adverb. Cf. Dh. 250 m. sam ülihatan “radically removed”, as also m. kar D. III. 671 ff., 68. Of the overthrow of the Damias by Vijayabahu the Ambagamuva inscription (see note to 58. 1) says: "through his own courage he drove away the whole darkness of the Damia forces and brought the whole of the Island of Lahka under his umbrella" (line 23). I. e. he made known by beat of drum that he had ascended the throne.
8 P. susadhu (adv.) thapitakhilarajaratho. We have here no doubt in Rajaratha the name of the province freed from the Damias. See note to 55. 22.
The fact that the King entered Anuradhapura is mentioned in the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva line 7-8; cf. note to 58. i.

Vijayabāhu I SSB. 209
CHAPTER LIX
THE BESTOWAL OF FAWOURS
With the protection of Lanka in the vicinity of the sea the King charged powerful followers, acknowledged warriors, in regular turn. Since for the festival of the royal consecration a pasada and many other things had to be prepared, he (likewise) charged one of his followers with this and after he had there done reverence to the various places deserving of honour, he returned, after a sojourn of three months, to Pulatthinagara.
A troop leader known by the name of Adimalaya rebelled quite openly against the Monarch and came, the deluded one, hither with all his troops to fight, as far as the village known by the name of Andu, in the vicinity of the town. The Ruler of Lanka marched thither, destroyed the haughty, one' and returned to Pulatthinagara after bringing his troops into his power.
From the time that he was yuvaraja, the wise Prince, that best of men, had seventeen years chronicled in writing".
1 I read patipātin and take the accus. in an adverbial sense. His followers had to take over alternately the protection of the coast. The Col. Ed. has patipalitian and W. accordingly translates: "having (before) instructed them in their duties'. - ܀ ܖ •
* I should prefer mow to put abhisekamangalatthan in the oratio recta.
Namely in Anuradhapura. Pun on uddharitvdi, uddhatam. For the meaning of "annihilate" cf. skr. har – ud, BR., 8.
The passage is important, since it shows that annals were kept at court of the events during each year of the reign. The narrative of Vijayabahu's reign bears in particular a strongly annalistic character.
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Having betaken himself hereupon to Anuradhapura and well versed in custon, had enjoyed the high festival of the coronation after the manner of tradition, keeping not to evil but keeping firmly to pious action, he, secure (in the royal dignity), had the eighteenth year chronicled. Thereupon he betook himself to splendid Pulatithinagara and dwelt there, known by the name of Sirisamghabodhi. He invested his next youngest brother Virabahu with the dignity of uparaja and distinguished him in the customary way, by making over to him the province of Dakkhinadesa. On his youngest brother Jayabahu the Prince conferred the dignity of an adipada and bestowed on him the province of Rohana. But on all his ministers he bestowed office according to merit and directed them to collect the dues in the kingdom in fitting manner. The administration of justice which had long lain , low, the Sovereign a fount of pity, carried out himself, keeping to the law, with justice.
While now the Ruler of men having rooted out the heaped up briers of numerous foes, ruled his realm of Laika ever in most excellent fashion, three brothers, the Head of the umbrella bearers, the President of the Court of Justice and the Chief of the merchants became hostile to the King and betook themselves, in flight, to Jambudipa. In the nineteenth year they landed again in Lanka. Together they soon roused revolt in the province of Rohana, the district of Malaya and the whole of Dakkhinadesa. The prudent (Prince) marched to Rohana and the Malaya district, slew here and there many enemies and when he had thoroughly pacified the country',
Cf. 57.43, 61,78, 76; 58. 18, 59; 59. 9, 17; 60. 36, 45, as also the chronological summary of WickREMAs.INGIE, EZ. II. 207-8. It is notewortly too that the King's coronation is celebreated in the anciently sacred town of Anuradhapura although Pulatthinagara is the capital.
1. Pun on atthito, sutthito, Susanthito.
P. bahuja, the same as khattiya, because the caste of the Khattiya issued from the arms of God Brahman.
3 P. chattaglāhakanātha, dhammangchaukanāyaka, settlināthau. * P. tam, namy Rohaņanu tathā Malayamaņdlala.

59. 32 Vijayabāhu I SSB. 21.
and appointed officials there, he, the able one, advanced himself with great forces to Dakkhinadesa. The hero there sent on a general of the lineage of the brother of Samani, captured his foes in bitter fight, had them impaled and after freeing Lanka from the briers (of the rebels) he returned to Pulaithinagara which was now devoid of all fear.
At that time the royal consort of Jagatipala who dwelt in the Cola Kingdom, had escaped with her youthful daughter Lilavati by name, from the power of the Colas, had embarked in haste, landed in the Island of Lanka and sought out the Sovereign of Lanka. When the King heard the story of her lineage and saw from that that she was of irreproachable descent, he had Lilavati consecrated as his mahesi. The Mahesi conceived by the King a daughter and the Ruler gave her the name of Yasodhara. Together with the province of Merukandara the King gave his daughter to Viravamma. She conceived two daughters. The elder received the same name as her grandmother', Sugala by name was the younger of the two. The King wishful for the continuance of his line, fetched from the Kalinga country the charming young princess of the royal family of Kalinga, Tilokasundari by name, and had her consecrated as his mahesi". She conceived five daughters: Subhadda, Sumitta, Lokanatha, Ratanavali and Rupavati and a son Wikkamabahu, furnished with the marks
I believe that by Samagi the foster mother of the Buddha, Mahapajapati, is meant. As she was according to the Cullavagga X. 1 (= Win. II. 258 f), the first woman to receive the upasarppadd she can be described as "the Nun" pure and simple. The general (saciva) belonged thus to the family of Gotama.
Or with the Col. Ed. nirataikaga "free of harm". The MSS. vary. W. refers the word as predicative object, like vigatakatakan to Lank ty. From the position of the words it seems to me more correct to combine nirasahkan with the following Pulatithinagara.
See 56. 16.
Like her matdimah, the mother of her mother. She was called therefore, Lilavati.
Vijayabâhu had, therefore, two mahesis, Lilavati (v. 25) and Tilokasundarī.
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of future power. Now that he had obtained increase of offspring, his wives won the King's heart'. Of the other women of the court, except the wives of equal birth, none conceived by the Monarch a fruit of the womb.
Now one day as the King surrounded by the throng of his courtiers, gazed on each of his daughters standing there and, versed in signs, perceived on none of his other daughters except on Ratanavali the sign indicative of the birth of a son (himself) furnished with the signs of power; seized by loving emotion, he called Ratanavali to him, kissed her on the head, and with tender joy spake to her thus: "This thy body shall be the place for the birth of a son who will surpass all former and future monarchs in glorious qualities, generosity, wisdom and heroism, who will be able to keep Lanka ever in safety and united under one umbrella, who will be in perfect wise a patron of the Order, and who will display an abundant and fine activity". Though repeatedly entreated by the Cola Monarch, the King proud of his family, would not give him his younger sister. On the contrary, he fetched the Pandu King who came of an unblemished line", and wedded to him his royal sister Mitta by name who had been born after him. She bore three sons, Manabharana, Kittisirimegha by name, and him who was called Sirivallabha. (His daughter) Subhadda the Ruler gave with ample dowry to Virabahu and Sumitta to Jayabahu'. To Manabharana he gave his daughter Ratana
I believe that haranta which all MSS. have, should be separated into haran td. By td are meant the two queens Lilavati and Tilokasundari who have borne children to the King. There is no need to change the text.
* That is of course the two Mahesis. The word it thagara, lit. "women's house' = Harem women, is used for the inmates, like the German “Frauenzimmer”.
* A prophecy concerning Parakkamabāhu the Great, the future som of Ratanavali.
The Col. Ed. has here nirdisaikan contrary to all the MSS. while
in v. 22 it has nirataikan.
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59.5 Vijayabāhu I SSB. 213
vali, the one with the name Lokanatha to Kittisirimegha (to wife). As the one called Rupavati had died, he gave to Sirivallabha the princess called Sugala. When he beheld the princes Madhukannava, Bhimaraja and Balakkara, kinsmen of the Mahesi (Tilokasundari), who had come from Sīhapura, the Monarch found pleasure in them and granted each of them befitting maintenance. All of them having enjoyed such honour and distinction, dwelt ever loyal to the Ruler, where they pleased. The younger sister of these princes, Sundari by name, he, concerned for the continuance of his house, gave to Vikkamabahu (to wife). Further he also gave Wikkamabahu the excellent Lilavati together with (befitting) income, taking pleasure in the welfare of his kindred.
Thus caring for those belonging to him, full of riches, above all bent on kindness, he did what served the good of his kindred and what at the same time was politically wise.
Here ends the fifty-ninth chapter, called "The Bestowal of Favours', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Sihapura is the town which according to the legend (ef. Mhvs. 6.85) was founded in Lala by Wijaya's father Sihabahu. Lala borders in the north on the Kaliiga kingdom, the home of Tilokasundari, as must be inferred from Mhvs. 6.1-5. The south-eastern district of Chutia Nagpur to the west of Bengal, is still called Singhbhim.
All the MSS. have the form Sundiri with the single exception of S 7, which has Sundari. The latter is confirmed by an inscription. In the rock inscription of Dimbulagala (EZ. II. 184 ff., 194 ff.) ühe Queen
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calls herself Sundaramaha devi, consort of the King Wikumba (i. e.
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CHAPTER LX
CARE FOR THE LAITY AND FOR THE ORDER.
The Ruler chose people of good family whom he had all around him and, as was customary, charged them with his 2 protection. In Pulatthinagara he had a high and strong wall built, provided with many bastions, well faced with stucco, 3 defended round about with a long, broad and deep trench and equipped with high parapets difficult for the foe to reduce. 4. As the number of the bhikkhus was not sufficient to make the chapter full for the (holding of the) ceremony of admission into 5 the Order and other acts, the Ruler of men who had at heart the
continuance of the Order, sent to his friend, the Prince Anuruddha 6 in the Ramania country messengers with gifts and had fetched thence bhikkhus who had thoroughly studied the three
1 P. sabbe samådiya, overlooked in W.'s translation.
They were his permanent bodyguard. P. yathacaran "as was customary' like the skr. yathdcdiram, with the same meaning. BR., s. v. P. pattha dila. The word occurs again M.II. 155 as the designation of a part of a hermitage and in the combination -dile caikam dino. The skr. sthandila = pa -tthaidila means "a level floor, bare floor". What pattha dila is in a fortification cannot be determined. Unfortunately the descriptions which Kautalya's Arthasastra 2, 8, 21, gives of the construction of a fortress, are so obscure, and difficult that they do not help us further.
King Anuruddha of Burma, the national hero of the Burmese, was crowned in the year 1010 (PHAYRE, Hist, of Burma, p. 22). There are chronological difficulties about Anuruddha's being the contemporary of Vijayabahu I. The assumption is probably an arbitrary one on the part of the author of our part of the Mahavamsa or of his source. That Wijayabahu fetched bhikkhus from Burma is confirmed by the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva mentioned above (note to 58, 1). The fact is also related in Pljav. Rajav. and Nik.-s.

60.5 Vijayabāhu I SSB. 215
Pițakas, who were a fount of moral discipline and other virtues, (and) acknowledged as theras. After distinguishing them by costly gifts, the King had the ceremonies of world-renunciation and of admission into the Order repeatedly performed by them and the three Pitakas together with the commentary frequently recited and saw to it that the Order of the Victor which had declined in Lanka again shone brightly. Within Pulathinagara he had many charming viharas built at different places, made bhikkhus who belonged to the three fraternities, take up their abode there and gladdened them by abundant (gifts of the) four necessaries. After building a vihara beautiful by reason of its threshold pillar, provided with wall and trench, beautified by a splendid fivestoreyed pasada, well equipped with charming rows of dwelllings round about, filled with people', provided with a roomy, superb, sumptuous gateway, he, holding precious above all things the three (sacred) objects, made it over to the bhikkhus dwelling in the three fraternities. For their support with food he granted to the community the whole district of Alisara together with the canal diggers' dwelling there. To several hundred bhikkhus he assigned dwellings there, supplying them regularly with the four necessaries in ample
1 P. padesasmin tahin tahin, equivalent to tasmin tasning padese.
See below note to 60. 56. It is doubtful whether elakatthambha is to be understood as a dvandva or as a tatpurusa compound. At any rate what is meant is the whole frame of the entrance gate on which great care was expended in the buildings of Ceylon.
4 What is meant probably are the monastery servants who were present in great numbers.
P. gopura here probably the main gateway of the whole establishment. 6 Now Elahera in the Matale District, N. E. of Nalanda on the Ambanganga. BELL, ASC. 1910-11 = X. 1914, p. 42; ASC. 1911-12 = III. 1915, p. 66. '
" P. nettika "one who makes conduits for irrigating rice-fields" (CarlDERs). Cf. udakan hii nayanti mettikā Dh. 80, 145; Therag. 19; M. II. 105o. These people had to keep in order the rice fields granted to the monastery. W.'s translation "the chiefs of the people who dwelt there' is wrong.
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measure. After building for the Tooth Relic a beautiful and costly temple he instituted permanently for the Tooth Relic a great festival. Holding himself aloof from intercourse with a large circle, he translated the Dhammasangani every morning in the beautiful preaching-hall. While instituting many offerings of sweet-smelling savours, flowers and the like with dance and so forth, he was wont, joined with him in faith, to worship the Enlightened One with bowed head. The many scholars' who came from Jambudipa and who were worthy of a gift, the mighty Monarch who was a hero in giving, gladdened with gifts of money. For the preachers of the true doctrine he instituted offerings of divers kinds, and rejoicing ever at the merits of the doctrine, made them teach the true doctrine. Thrice he dispensed alms to the poor of a weight equal to that of his body and on the Uposatha day he kept the Uposatha vow in blameless fashion. Every year the Sovereign instituted a Dandissara offering; he had the Tipitaka copied and presented it to the bhikkhu community. By the sending of costly pearls, precious stones and other jewels, he reverenced, sacrificing many times over, the sacred Bodhi Tree in Jambudipa.
Envoys sent by the Kannata Monarch and by the Cola King came hither with rich presents. They sought out the Monarch. He was greatly pleased thereat and after rendering both embassies what was their due, he sent at first with the
Confirmed by the Tamil inscription cited above 58. 1. P. garasangarika, the same meaning as DhCo. 4. 148, here a bun on dhammasangani.
* Р. dһаттататdira, synomyum for dhaттasal«і.
P. siri, plur. stirayo. At the end of a compound, Mhvs. 86. 44 with
the meaning “skilful in” etc. II. Sg. sūcinā Mhvs. 26. 23.
Confirmed again by the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva l. li.
The origin of the name is unknown. All we know from parallel passages (52. 3; 58. 80) is that it was alms dispensed to wandering beggars and artists.
See note to 55. 12.
P. tesu (i.e. of the two embassies) dialu (at first). The envoys of the Cola king were thus at first retained.

80.86 Vijayabāhu I SSB. 217
Kaunata messengers his own envoys to Kaunata with choice gifts. But the Colas maimed the noses and ears of the Sihala messengers horribly when they entered their country'. Thus disfigured they returned hither and told the King everything that had been done to them by the Cola King. In flaming fury Vijayabahu in the midst of all his courtiers had the Damia envoys summoned and gave them the following message for the Cola king. "Beyond ear-shot, on a lonely island in the midst of the ocean shall a trial of the strength of our arms take place in single combat, or, after arming the whole forces of thy kingdom and of mine a battle shall be fought at a spot to be determined by thee: exactly in the manner I have said it shall ye report to your master'. After these words he dismissed the envoys clad in women's apparel in haste to the Cola King, then he betook himself with his army to Anuradhapura. To the seaports Mattikavatatittha and Mahatittha he sent two generals to betake themselves to the Cola kingdom and begin the war'. While the generals were procuring ships and provisions in order to send the troops to the Cola kingdom, then, in the thirtieth year (of the King's reign), the division of the troops called Velakkara revolted as
On the way into the Kannata country. Some MSS. have sonally vina, some sotan vina which comes to the same thing and t being constantly mistaken for each other. I keep to sotan vind which gives excellent sense, but believe that we must derive sota from the Skr. 3rotra rather than from $rotas. The alteration of the Col. Ed. into seman rindi would merely be tautological.
The name means "clay-pit landing-place". The place is otherwise never mentioned.
Nothing is said about any answer of the Cola King to Vijayabahu's challenge.
In the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva, the Velaikkara are mentioned as the troops which had taken over the guarding of the Tooth Relic. They were a group of soldiers or a military clan and accompanied, as we learn from inscriptions of Southern India (WickREMAsiNgie, EZ. II. 247), King Rajendra Cola I to Ceylon. Since that time they had great influence in the Island, serving as mercenaries to the king. Accordling to Ríos AnkvAGAM Mudaliyar (JRAS. C. Br. xxix, nor. 77, 1924, p. 268 f) they took the vow to kill themselves if any evil befalls
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they did not want to go thither. They slew the two generals and like rutting elephants in their unbridledness, they plundered the country round Pulatithinagara. They captured the younger sister of the King with her three sons and burned down with violence the King's palace. The King left the town and betook himself in haste to Dakkhinadesa and having hidden all his valuable possessions on the Watagiri rook, he advanced together with the Uparaja Virabahu, of lion-like courage, and surrounded by a great force, to Pulatthinagara where after a sharp fight he shortly put the assembled troops to flight. Placing them around the pyre on which were laid the remains of the murdered generals, he had the recreant leaders of the troops, their hands bound fast to their backs, chained to a stake and burnt in the midst of the flames blazing up around them. The Ruler having (thus) executed there the ringleaders of the rebels', freed the soil of Lanka everywhere from the briers (of the rebels).
The King did not lose sight of the aim he had set himself of fighting with the Cola (King), and in the forty-fifth year (of his reign) he marched with war-equipped troops to the port on the sea and stayed there some time awaiting his arrival. But as the Cola (King) did not appear, the King dismissed his envoys, returned to Pulatthinagara and resided there a considerable time.
The tanks Mahaheli, Sareheru and Mahadattika by name, Katunnaru, Pandavapi and Kalalahallika by name, the tank
the king. Although their disloyalty was punished by Wijayabâhu with
bloody severity, rebellions of the Welakkaras took place even at the time of Gajabähu (63. 24 f) and Parakkamabahu I. (74. 44 f).
The Princess Mitta with her sons Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha. See 59. 41-2.
2 See 58. 31 with note.
In mdninan gamai the latter must be taken as acc. pl., the former as gen. pl. Mānin “proud, arrogant” is evidently the same as “unbridled, rebellious", as noun "rebel". W. translates: "moreover, the king laid waste the lands of the haughty nobles who dwelt there". But v. 44 still evidently refers to the execution of the rebel leaders.

80. 56 Vijayabāhu II SSB. 29
Eraudegalla and the Dighavatthuka tank, the tanks Mandavatuka and that of Kittaggabodhipabbata; the tanks Walahassa, Mahadaragalla and Kumbhilasobbhaka, the Pattapasana tank and the tank called Kana: these and many other tanks whose dams had burst; he had (newly) dammed up, since his efforts were ever directed to the welfare of the distressed. By building dams here and there on brooks, rivers and streams the Sovereign made his kingdom fruitful. While damming up (anew) the damaged Tilavatthuka canal he filled the Malihira tank with water. His own Mahesi who disturbed the peaceful life of the viharas, he deprived of her revenues and had her led out into the town with an iron collar, conciliated the community and thus testified to the world his reverence for the Order. In the three fraternities in Mahagama he restored the relic shrines destroyed by the Colas' and likewise the
Of these lakes several have been already mentioned, others are mentioned later. The Mahad attika is mentioned 38.50 under Dhatusena, the Walahassa 87. 185 under Upatissa II, as well as 42.67 under Aggabodhi II. The Pattapasara was built according to 41. 61 by Moggallana by the damming-up of the Kadambanadi which flows past Anuradhapura. The Kana which is mentioned under Sena I. and II., 50. 72 and 51. 78, must probably be looked for in the vicinity of the Mihintale mountain. Amongst the many tanks restored by Parakkamababu I. which are enumerated 79. 31 f, the Mahad at ta, the Walahas sa, the Kumbhī la s ob b hak a, the Mahā dār ag alla, the Pattapās āņa and the Kana recur. Lastly, among the lakes made or restored by Parakkamabāhu in Dakkhinadesa, before his ascent of the throne (68.43ff) are the Katunn arti and the Kalalah allika (cf. also 70. 73, 163). The Panda vapi according to 68.39 was enlarged by him. This must surely be the Pandaviva in the North-West Province, about 16 miles N. W. of Kurunegala, notwithstanding PARKER's opinion against it. See CoDRING-Ton I. 70. ܚܝ
I.iit.: "by having her caught by the neck". It would seem that the Queen had infringed the right of asylum (abhidiya) of the vihāra. .
* P. dhātugal.bha, equivalent to Sinh. ảăgaba, dãgoba, dãgảòa, The word occurs already in the Mhvs. 81. 94. Note that Pulatithinagara (60. 10) and Mahagama had each its three monastic fraternities (tayo nik (lyst, note to 41.97) just as Anuradhapura.
Refers probably to the plundering of Rohana by the Damias under Mahinda V. See 55. 15 ff.
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two Thuparamas'. At the place of his mother's fire-burial as also at that of his father in Budalavitthi he erected five large dwelling houses (for bhikkhus). The vilharas Pandavapi, Pathina, Rakkhacetiyapabbata, likewise Mandalagiri, and the Madhutthalavihāra, the vihāra called Uruvela and the vihāra in Devanagara, the vihara Mahiyangaua and the cave temple Sitalaggama, the Jambukola-vibara and Girikandaka, the Kuruindiya-vihara and the cave temple of Jambukola, the Bhallataka-vihara and Paragamaka, the vihara called Kasagalla and the vihara called Candagiri, the Welagami-vihara and that in the village Mahasena by name, the vihara in Anuradhapura and the temple of the Bodhi Tree (there): these and many other viharas which had fallen into decay, the Sovereign restored and granted villages to every single one of them. With the wish that all
That the Thuparama of Anuradhapura and that of Pulatthinagara are meant is not at all certain. According to the wording of the text - Mahagama stands at the beginning of the whole verse - one would expect the Thuparamadvayam to be in Mahagama.
Of these viharas that of Pandavapilies without doubt near the lake mentioned 60. 48. Whether the Rakk ha ceti yapab bata is identical with the Rakkha-vihara of 44. 51 remains doubtful. Cf. mote 46.29 for Man «la lagiri. Madh utthala is mentioned 75. 147 as a fortified place (dugga), and this is identified by CodringtoN (Notes on Ceylon Topography in the twelfth century, II.) with Migoda, a hamlet not far from Urubokka (Moravak Korale, Matara District). The Census of 1921 (I. 142) mentions a Migoda (and also a Madugoda) in the Talpe Pattuva of the Galle District. That sinh. goạa is the equivalent of thala in the Pali form of place names in the Mhvs. is a discovery whose credit belongs to Conring Ton. Devanagara is the present Dondra. One could also translate v. 59 as follows: "the vihara called Uruvela in Devanagara”. Jambukola vihara and Jambuko la lena are the Dambul monastery 26 miles N. of Matale, and its celebrated rock temple. The Bhallataka - vihara was built according to 38. 47 by Dhatusena. Kuru in di ya might be identical with the Kurunda mentioned in 42. 15 as a foundation of Aggabodhi I. I believe the Canda giri - vihăra to be the monastery belonging to the Sandagiri Tope in Tissamaharama. A M ahase na - vi hara is mentioned 48. 8 and 51. 76, a village Mahase nāgāma 75. 109. Mahiya ing aņa is known, see 51. 74, note. The other viharas are only named in our passage. The reading Kasagalla is doubtful.

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the people who trod the difficult road to worship the footprint of the Sage on the Samantakuta mountain might not become weary, he granted for the dispensing of gifts, the village called Gilimalaya where there were rice fields and the like, and had rest-houses built on the road past Kadaligama and on the path from the province of Huva' hither, granting villages to each of these (for providing maintenance) and after having the words "In future kings shall not take possession of these' engraved on a stone pillar the Monarch set this up. The villages of Antaravitthi, Samghatagama and Sirimandagalagama he granted to the Labhavasin (bhikkhus). To the Wantajivaka bhikkhus he gave the four necessaries and to their kindred he granted maintenance villages. In the cool season he gave to the bhikkhus abundantly of rugs and charcoal pans, as well as of all kinds of medicine. He dispensed, the discerning (Prince), to the bhikkhu community in careful
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fashion over and over again all articles of necessity and of .
The old Mahavamsa has only Suman aktia as name for Adam's Peak. In the second part Samantaktita is the form used. From chapter 86 onwards the old name appears with it and is used by preference.
Gillmalaya situated in the Kuruviti Korale of the Ratnapura District (Census of C. 1921, II. 476), is an example of resumption of a royal grant in Ceylon. Under the Kandyan government it was a royal village. H. W. Cobrington, H. C., p. 54.
* Kad aligām a is without doubt the present Kehelgamuva (Colom Nca roN) north of Adam's Peak, situated on the small river that joins tie Maskeliya a little farther down. The river then joins the Kelaniganga at Yatiyantota. The sacred mountain was climbed from the North by way of Kadallgama. From the East the path of approach led through the province Iluca, i. e. now Uva. The inscription of Ambagamuva (note to 58. 1) describes minutely all that the King did for the famous place of pilgrimage and so confirms the content of our passage.
* See note to 54. 27. Of the three villages mentioned Antara vițțhi occurs also in 61. 46 and 70. 822. It was situated in Rajarattha apparently mot far from Pullatthinagara.
Evidently an ascetic sect similar to the Labhavasins just mentioned. The name means "one who has thrown away his life".
o P. aggikapalla JaCo. v. 818 (D. ANDERSEN and H. SMITI).

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the necessaries he gave eight-fold'. The many villages in Rohana granted by former kings, for the feeding of the community, to the Labhavasin bhikkhus and to those who made it their duty to sacrifice to the cetiyas and other sacred objects, did he further without exception decree for the same purpose. To cripples the strong one gave strong oxen (for work) and to crows, dogs and other animals he dispensed food, great in pity. To many authors of poems he gave, himself an eminent poet, great possessions with heritable villages. Did he hear verses composed by the sons of royal officials and by others, this prince of poets gave them befitting gifts of money. To the blind and the lame he granted villages separately and of that which was formerly spent for the shrines of the gods he took nothing away. To women of good family who were unprotected or widowed, the Sovereign gave according to their deserts, villages, food and clothing. The highly gifted King stood in the composition of Sihala poems at the head of the Sihala poets. The Uparaja (Virabahu)" who hung with reverence on the beautiful Baddhaguna-vihara, had the cetiya here that had been destroyed by the Colas restored. Generous as he was, he then made over to this superb vihara fine villages and instituted regular sacrificial festivals. Near to the forest which lay close to this vihara, he had a tank built which was solid and held abundant water. In the Kappuramulayatana" the King's daughter Yasodhara built
1 The attha parikkhard of the bhikkhu are the alms-bowl, the three garments, girdle, razor, needle and water sieve. For the Catupaccaya, on the other hand, see 37. 76 note.
P. paveraigdina is a village that remains in possession of the family.
The word is formed like paveiraija DhCo. I. 169.
The temples of the Hindu deities are meant.
4 See 59. 11; 60, 40.
5 P. muttacāg as otherwise muttacāgo (Skr. muktatyāga) S. I. 228o; A. I. 2261; Dhoo. I. 42119; Mhvs. 51. 3.
P. tupacaravana. Cf. PTS. P. D. s. v. upacdira 4: entrance, access, i.e. immediate vicinity or neighbourhood.
" As diyatana at the end of names is used occasionally as vihara

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a massive, charming and large image house, and in the Selantarasamuha (-vihara) she, created Queen by the King, erected a beautiful, lofty pasada which received the name of Pasada. In the same way many courtiers and women of his harem anassed many merits in many ways.
While thus the Sovereign of Lanka reigned over Lanka, the Uparaja (Virabahu), a man of excellent character, was brought by cruel death into his power. After performing all the funeral rites for him, he granted the dignity of uparaja, at the counsel of the bhikkhus, to Jayabahu'. The rank of adipada he bestowed on Wikkamabahu, and when later a son was born to Wikkamabahu, known by the name of Gajabahu, the King having taken counsel with his ministers, made over to him, desirous of the welfare of his son, the whole of Rohana as dwelling-place. He (Wikkamabahu) betook himself thither, made the town of Mahanagahula' the capital and took up his abode in it.
After this Ruler of men, Vijayabahu, had thus for five and fifty years rolled the wheel of dominion without its
(cf. Selantarayatana, 78. 10) Kappuramulayatana may be meant for the Kappüra-parivena (45. 29; 46.21; 50.77) belonging to the Abhayagiri.
1 Cf. 57. 87.
I retain the reading rajinikata to which the MSS. point. We know from 49.8; 50.58; 54. 11 that rajini is a title bestowed by the King on his female kinswomen. It is thus clear from our passage that the King raised his daughter Yasodhara to the rank of rajini and that she then built the structure described in the verse.
’ The name was thus probably Pasādapās āda, so called because of the satisfaction (pasada) felt by Yasodhara at the distinction conferred on her.
* This is quite in keeping with the Sinhalese law of succession according to which before the son, in this case Wikkamabahu, the younger brother, has claim to the throne.
See note to 58. 89. In the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva (note to 58. 1) it is said that the King Sirisapghabodhivarman Sirivijayabahudévar reigned 55 years and celebrated 78 birthdays. According to Pujav. he reigned over 50, according to Rajav, even 80 years.
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wavering, and had served the Order as also the people sore vexed by fear of the wicked Damias, he ascended to the heavenly world to behold the rich reward that had sprung from his meritorious works.
Here ends the sixtieth chapter, called "Care for the Laity and for the Order", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and enotion of the pious.

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CHAPTER LX
HISTORY OF THE LIVES OF THE FOUR KINGs
Thereupon Mitta, the younger sister of the King, her three sons, the highest dignitaries and the ascetics dwelling in the district met together and without sending news of the Monarch's death to the Adipada (Vikkamabahu) dwelling in Rohana, they took counsel together and when they had become of one mind they bestowed the consecration as king of Lanka on the Yuvaraja (Jayabahu). But to the dignity of uparaja they appointed the prince called Manabharana, all thereby quitting the path of former custom. And all three brothers with Manabharana at the head, in company with Jayabahu, took forcible possession of all valuables regarded as specially costly, such as pearls, jewels and the like, as well as of the vehicl
es, and of the elephants and so on, and left Pulatthinagara
with the whole army (with the intention): we will speedily seize (the person of) Wikkamabahu. At the tidings of all these events Vikkamabahu thought: "Unhappily I had no chance of paying my father the last honours, I will now betake myself in haste to Pulatithinagara and by gazing on my father's funeral pyre, assuage the heavy grief which weighs on my soul." With this firm resolve the Adipada left his town
Jayabahu's ascent of the throne is lawful (see note to 60.87), unlawful on the other hand, is the appointment of Manabharana as uparaja, which at once makes him heir to the throne. After Jayabahu, Wikkamabahu is heir, as son of Wijayabahu. Evidently descent in the female line has to do with this, the bhagineyya the son of the sister, having an exceptional position, a circumstance utilized by Mitta in furtherance of her ambitious plans. Jayabahu is, as will appear, a puppet king. The whole influence is now already in Manabharana's hand.
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(Mahanagahula) and full of high courage, accompanied by a force seven to eight hundred strong, set out for Pulatthinagara. While still on the way, in the district of Guttasala at the village of Panasabukka, he caught sight of the great army approaching in battle array, but he wholly a hero, free of all fear, opened fight and at once scattered the foe in all directions. Having suffered this defeat, the three brothers, stubborn-minded, armed troops and train anew, and gave battle in the district called by the name of Adipadajambu, but Wikkamabāhu routed the three (brothers) still more severely in the battle. For the third time he fought them at Katagama, for the fourth time at Kalavipi, for the fifth time at Uddhanadvara, for the sixth time at Pankavelaka and ever he was victorious, and reached Pulatthinagara accompanied by his ministers and attendants. In the intended way he visited his father's place of burial and freed of his great grief, and comforted he took up his abode in the town. On his ministers who had been his friends in need he bestowed according to merit, full maintenance by means of office; and to all the soldiers also who had come with him, he gave fitting reward mindful thereof that they had stood by him in his need.
The Monarch Manabharana with the other brothers seized
P. ekavitro, wrongly translated by W. "being the only brave man in his company'. Eka here has rather the sense of "only, purely, nothing but” as in sakalanivesanan ekaravang kativă JaCo. I 4869, agging ekajālasamāhitan Ja. VI. 495 ** etc.
It can be proved that all these skirmishes took place in a comparatively narrow space to the north and north-east of Buttala. This is proved by the mention in the last place but one of Uddhanadvāra (= sinh. Udundora). The position of this place which is mentioned several times in chapters 7 and 75, has been in the main determined by CodRINGTON in his second article on the Topography of Ceylon in the 12th century. According to a notice in the Dalada-Pijavali Udundora was situated at the mountain Amaragiri and this, as the Rate Mahatmaya Bibile was able to prove, is the older name for Monaragala N. E. of Buttala. Kalavapi, if the reading is right, has at any rate nothing to do with Kalaveva.

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Dakkhinadesa and Rohana, and thereupon conferred on Kittisirimegha the province of Dvadasasahassaka and ordered him to take up his abode there. Charged by his brother, the Ruler of men Kittisirimegha betook himself thither and dwelt in the town called Mahanagahuia. To the Prince Sirivallabha by name he granted the region called Athasahassa' and commanded him to dwell there. So the latter betook himself thither, made of the village of Uddhanadvara by nams, the royal capital and dwelling there, ruled the land. He himself (Manabharana) advanced with the army to Dakkhinadesa and dwelt, under the name of Virabahu, in Punkhagama. The mother of the three brothers and the Monarch Jayabahu sojourned at that time with Kittisirimegha (in Mahanagahula).
A year having passed, Manabharana and the others remembering all the shameful, severe defeats inflicted on them in battle by Wikkamabahu, egged on ever and again by their
A complete change of front has taken place. Wikkamabāhu has lost the province of Rohana and in addition Dakkhinadesa, to his enemies. On the other hand, he is now master of Rajarattha, which was formerly in the hands of Jayabahu and the sons of Mitta.
* The name means "Province of the twelve thousand (villages)". The Sinhalese D o los das corresponds to this (CoDRINGToN I. p. 63. 73). This name is even now, as I was able to verify in Matara, used as designation of the Giruva-Pattu of the Southern Province on the right bank of the lower Walaveganga. Cf. also note to v. 24.
In our passage the form Mahanaga sula is used. Whether the name Atthasahassaka "the province of the eight thousand (villages)" may be compared with that of the Atakalan Korale in the Ratnapura District is doubtful. At any rate, another district was meant at the time to which our passage refers. This is already proved by the fact that Uddhanadvara (note above to v. 16) was according to v. 25, made the capital of Athasahassaka. It seems that the whole of Rohana at that time was split in two. The region west of the Valaveganga was called Dvadas a sahassaka, that east of the river Atthai saha, 8 s a k a. ColDFRING ToN l. c.
We do not know where Punkhagama is situated, although according to 79. 61 Parakkamabahu I. erected a tope there 120 cubits high of which there ought still to be traces.
P. durussaha, lit. "difficult to endure".
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stubborn pride, thought thus: "How in Rajaratha of the Kings of consecrated head dare this single man hold sway without the royal consecration?" Their envy reached its highest point and with still more o followers (than the first time) they set forth united to begin the war. When Wikkamabahu learned of this matter from messengers he advanced at the head of a large army thither where they were. In Dakkhinadesa by the village of Bodhisenapabbata Wikkamabahu defeated in battle the three (brothers). With the intention to root out now all his enemies he pursued the fugitives at their heels. They withdrew into a stronghold in the province of Paicayojana, but he in order to capture them, advanced to Kalyani'. w
A warrior, lord of the Ariya country, Wiradeva by name, sole sovereign of Palandipa, a most foolhardy man, landed at that time with brave warriors in Mahatittha in the belief he would be able to bring the whole of Lanka into his power. Now when the Sovereign Wikkamabahu heard of the matter, he thought: so long as he has not yet gained a firm footing in Lanka he must be rooted out. So he marched from Kalyapi and betook himself to the village called Mannara" near Mahatittha. Wiradeva offered the King battle. Two princes, brothers, Anikanga and the other, as well as the Commanderin-chief, known by the name of Kitti, he killed by violence as well as many people, acknowledged warriors. The Senapati
I connect bhiyo with sangayha sawake. To change the MSS. reading bhiyo into bhiyo is unnecessary. The compilers of the later Mahavamsa were strongly influenced by Sanskrit.
P. tesan visayam, lit. "to their domain or district".
If Manabharana and his brothers retire as far as Paicayojana (see note to 57.71) then they must surrender the greater part of Dakkhinadesa. In the pursuit Wikkamabahu penetrates to Kalyani that is to the district on the lower Kalani-ganga (Colombo and its hinterland).
We have probably to read Ariyadesiso = Ariya-desa-iso.
The present Mannar in the district of the same name in the Northern Province.
I prefer to read tena rajind with the Col. Ed. against the rajino of the MSS.

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Rakkhaka he captured alive, and after defeating Wikkamabāhu and his army, he followed him at his heels. Fleeing in terror Wikkanabahu reached his capital, took all his movable property and betook himself in haste to Kotthasara. Wiradeva who was ever hard at his heels, reached the capital and took up his abode there for some days, then he set off in haste thither to capture Wikkamabahu. But the latter sent off his whole large army, forced Wiradeva to fight in a great swampy wilderness near the village of Antaravitthika, slew him and dwelling then with might in Pulatthinagara, without the royal consecration it is true, he held sway as monarch in Rajaratha.
The three brothers now gave up their lust for war and dwelt each in his province to which he had betaken himself. But despite their efforts, the four princes', were quite unable to unite this country under one umbrella. In their heedless way of acting they slighted people of good family and placed ambitious men of the lower classes in leading positions. The deluded ones injured the Order and the laity who had variously been furthered in the best possible way by Vijayabahu. From people of good family even in the absence of an equivalent offence, they would seize forcibly their possessions. In their insatiability and money lust they squeezed out the whole people as sugar cane in a sugar mill, by
1 This passage together with 70. 805 and 71.6 makes it certain that Kotthaa ara was situated in the east (south or north-east) of Pulatthinagara. CoDRINGTrox II. says also: “This place, therefore, probably was not far from Kantalai and was in the King's Country".
* Antara vițțihi must thus have been situated about halfway between Kotthasara and Pulatthinagara. The name occurs also in 60. 68, and again in 70.322 in an account of battles which apparently took place in the neighbourhood of Pulatithinagara.
8 The three brothers and Wikkamabahu.
4 I take sabhimata to mean the same as sabhimdina (skr. the same) "proud". The p. part. abhimata stands as so frequently, instead of the abstract substantive (cf. for ex. mata "dying, the death' = marata Therag. 194 etc.).
o Most likely we have to read te ’khīņatosā.
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levying excessive taxes. King Wikkamabahu took the maintenance villages which belonged to the Buddha and so forth and gave them to his attendants. In Pulatithinagara he gave over several vibaras distinguished by (the possession of) relics, to foreign soldiers to live in. Precious stones, pearls and the like, presented by the pious as offerings for the Relic of the Alms-bowl, and for the sacred Tooth Relic, the sandelwood, the aloes, the camphor, the many images of gold and the like which he took forcibly, he used as it pleased him. Beholding this manifold evil committed against the Order and the laity, the ascetics in the eight chief viharas, looked up to as people worthy of honour, and the Pamsukulin bhikkhus belonging to the two divisions, were wroth at the matter and thinking it were better to remove themselves from the vicinity of people who like those erring from the faith, wrought in this way so much evil against the Order, they took the sacred Tooth Relic and the Alms-bowl Relic, betook themselves to Rohana and settled themselves here and there in places where it pleased them. In the same way people of good family, scattered here and there, kept themselves hidden in places which seemed good to them and made their abode there.
The officers belonging to the retinue of the monarchs on both sides who were established on the frontiers, fought with each other continually. By setting fire to many flourishing villages and market towns, by piercing tanks filled with water, by destroying everywhere the weirs on all the canals and by hewing down all useful trees like the coconut palm and others, they in fighting each other, so devastated the kingdom that it was impossible to trace even the sites of the old villages. And even the rulers did evil to the people letting their retainers plunder the towns and commit highway rob
P. althamiaviharesu in Pulatthinagara. Later (84. 4, 18) atthdyatandini are mentioned in Jambuddoni = Dambadeniya.
We hear nothing further of this organisation of the Panpsuktilins. It is worth noting that the sect now wholly vanishes. It is never mentioned again.

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bery. The slaves too and the workmen of people of good family despised their masters without respect and void of all fear. They became mercenaries to the kings and worming themselves into their confidence, they, by means of offices conferred on them, attained ever greater power. The people dwelling in places difficult of access like the Samantakuta and so forth, no longer paid to the monarch the taxes formerly levied on them. They despised the king, became renegades o and dwelt independent, each in his own region. “What is based on wrong speedily changes,' this proverb was by no means true of the land of Lanka at that time.
Like (greedy) tenants of villages wholly and ever void of all dignity, their mind bent on destruction without end, wholly lacking in royal pride, false to their own or to others’ welfare, without any restraint in their efforts: thus lived all these rulers forsaking the path of (good and ancient) custom.
Here ends the sixty-first chapter, called "History of the Lives of the Four Kings', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
Here we meet for the first time a word frequently occurring in chapters 74-76 daimarika, in the abstract form damarikattana (suff. -ttana = skr. -tvana, cf. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar, $ 1240). I find dāmarika for the first time in Buddhaghosa, in the Samantapasadika, OLDENBERG, Vinaya III. 320. In Skr. we have damarika with cerebral initial sound, for ex. Kaut. 4. 9 (84) near the end.
Lit.: "The land Lahka never came at that time to such a condition that one could say: "What is based on wrong etc." One should compare with this iti cattabbatanga näpaijati DhCo. IV. 44. We have to do evidently with the quotation of a popular proverb equivalent to the English saying: “Ill gotten good seldom thrives”. But this proverb could not be applied to Lanka at that time, had no bearing on Lanka (the neva of the MSS. must not be altered to yeva), since the evil, the wrong was just in full bloom.
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CHAPTER LXII
THE BIRTH OF THE PRINCE
The Ruler Jayabahu and the Queen Mitta by name who had sojourned in Rohana, departed now by death. The consort of Sirivallabha, Sugalä, bore two children, a son Mãnabharana and a daughter Lilavati. The royal consort of Prince Manabharaqa also bore two daughters, Mitta and Pabhavati. When the Mahadipada Wirabahu beheld these his two daughters, he was struck by the following consideration: "We are sprung from the pure dynasty of the Moon', highly esteemed in the world, at the head of all royal houses. In outward appearance (we are) enviable, distinguished by every aptitude, experienced in the various sciences, skilful in the managing of elephants, horses and the like. And yet we three have over and over again suffered severe defeat in fight by the single Vikkamabahu and there is no prospect of the birth of a son who would be capable of wiping out this stain. Ah, how small is our merit! What avails me a royal dignity which is defiled by the evil tattle of the people? I must now give up my bent to worldly things and spend my days
The length of the reign is not given. According to Pijav. it was 13 years. Rajav. where we have the name Vijayabahu, not Jayabahu, says 8 years. In Rajaratn. a Wijayabahu is inserted after Jayabahu. Here it is evident that the name of the father of Wikkamabahu which is expressly given in the two other sources, has crept into the text as the name of a new king.
I. e. Manabharana, who according to 61. 26 had assumed this name. He bore the title Mahadipada being considered by his brothers the lawful successor of Jayabahu.
P. somavatsa, skr. somavasa. Soma is the Moon deity.
Netabba instead of the meaningless te tayo is apparently a conjectural reading by S. and B. At any rate it is so convincing that I adopt it without scruple.

89.25 Viikkanlabāhu II 233
unweariedly in pious works." He made over the whole administration of the kingdom to his ministerso and while he himself sojourned there seven or eight months, he camped one night in the temple of the King of the gods, observing the precepts of moral discipline. Now about dawn the Ruler saw in a dream a wondrous god with glittering raiment and ornaments, adorned with fragrant flower wreaths, illuminating with his sublime beauty and the glory of his presence the whole heavens' like to the sun when it has risen on the firmament and he heard him speak thus: “Be content, O greatly blessed be joyful, O King A splendid son, furnished with the tokens of power, who shall be able to carry out his designs, well instructed, of a courage whose splendour shall spread through the world, glorious in might and strength, honour and fame, a fount of excellent qualities, a furtherer of the Order and of the laity shall be attained by thee ere long, O mighty King! Now go at once to the town where dwell wife and child.' As at daybreak he awoke full of joyful excitement, the best of men betook himself to Punkhagama. Even as he had seen it so the Ruler related the beautiful dream to his ministers in the presence of the Mahesi. He then in company with the Mahesi, with the wish for a distinguished son, amassed all kinds of good deeds, such as almsgiving, the observing of the moral prescripts and the like. And one day at morn he saw himself in a dream entering the sleeping chamber of the Mahesi holding gently by the ear a beautiful, pure white elephant calf endowed with all auspicious marks. When he awoke he rose from his splendid couch and his heart merry with joy and rapture, he betook himself at this time to the sleeping chamber of the Mahesi and told her the dream, as he had seen it. 'I also
Here we must supplement "and withdrew into solitude".
* Name of Indra = Sakka,
* Alsesåså (= asesa-āsā, skr. āśā) Another excellent emendation by S. and B. instead of asesayo. Perhaps ases disdiyo would be even better in spite of the metrical irregularity. It might then be assumed that it was just this which led to the corruption of the text.
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in a dream have embraced such a young elephant. It walked round my bed its right side turned towards it, then stood still. Drawing it by the trunk to me and raising it up to my couch (I tenderly embraced it.)” Thus the Queen told him. The twain having thus made known to each other what they had seen, awaited joyfully and without slumbering, the break of day. In the morning they inquired of the house priest who had come to pay his respects, and the soothsayers. When these heard this they announced full of joy: "Within a short time, without doubt, the birth will take place of a son who shall bear on him the marks of (future) power'. When they heard that, then all of them - ministers, citizens and the Ruler of men had the feeling of a great festival of joy. From that moment onward the Prince who wished above all a happy issue, had the Paritta recited over and over again by the community of the bhikkhus. To countless beggars he distributed daily as alms costly gifts - jewels, pearls and the like. Rites like the Homa sacrifice and others held to be salutary, he had performed by the house priest and other brahmanas versed in the Veda and the Vedangas. Ruined viharas and relic shrines and destroyed tanks he ordered the royal workmen to rebuild. While the Lord of men thus spent the day in pious action there grew shortly in the womb of the Queen a splendid fruit. When the Lord of men heard this, full of joy, he had an ample pregnancy gift'
1 P. purohita. He was a Brahman. Cf. below v. 33 and specially v. 45 ff. The court life was organised according to Brahmanical rules. 3 Skr. homa (from hu “to pour into the fire") is the general term for "sacrifice". Ahuti is older. An enumeration of the different homa with a terminology differing in part from that of Sanskrit ritual literature, is given D. I. 9 (= I. 1. 21). This passage has already been alluded to by HILLEBRANDT, Ritual-Litteratur, Vedische Opfer und Zauber, p. 18. The vedaigdini, the ancillary sciences of the Veda, include siksd "phonetics", chandas "metre", nirukta "etymology", vyakaraga "grammar", kalpa "ritual" and jyotia "astronomy". A. A. MACDoNELL, Hist. of Sanskrit Literature, p. 264 ff. M. WinTERNITz, Gesch. der indischen Litteratur, I, p. 229 f.
P. gabbhaparihára. By parihara is meant every extraordinary grant

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bestowed on the Queen. When in course of time the fruit of her body grew ripe, the Queen bore a son at a moment marked by a lucky constellation. Clear at this moment were all the quarters of the heavens and cool, fragrant, gentle breezes blew. With the trumpeting of the elephants and the neighing of the horses the royal courtyard was filled with resounding din. When the Ruler Manabharana full of astonishment beheld the extraordinary signs and wonders manifested in such divers ways, and when he then heard the news of the birth of his son, he was filled with joy at the fulfilment of his wish, as if anointed with ambrosia. He set many free who lay bound in fetters in prison and gave a splendid alms to the samaņas and the brāhmaņas. And the people who dwelt in the town, with the ministers at the head, adorned the whole of the royal capital in divers ways, with arches of banana leaves and the like and trimmed and beautifully clad, they held for several days a great and joyous feast. According to the rules laid down in the Veda, the Monarch had the birth rites and the other ceremonies performed for the boy. He then summoned the house priest and the other brahmanas versed in the lore of body marks and having shown them the customary reverence and distinction, he charged
given for a special occasion. Gabaperahdra in Sinhalese means a particular ceremony to be performed when pregnancy has taken place (the Kusajataka v. 150, ed. by A. M. GunAskARA has gabapelahdira); but the verb adapayi does not agree with this meaning.
Amongst the ancient Germans the neighing of a horse was also regarded as a propitious sign. GRInn, Deutsche Mythologie, 8. 442; cf. HILEBRANDT, Ritual-Litteratur, S. 183. We are familiar with the tale of Herodotus 3. 84, 85, according to which Darius gained his crown through the neighing of his horse. The Slaves on the other hand, consider the restlessness and neighing of horses as an ill omen. Thus in the Serbian folk song of Ibrāhim Nukič, F. S.KAss, Slavische Volksforschungen, p. 397.
P. jatakamma = skr. jatakarman in which four ceremonies are to be distinguished: 1) ayuya "giving of life", 2) medhajanana "the giving of understanding' 8) stanapratidhana "the giving of the breast" and 4) namakaraga "the giving of the name". HLLEBRANDr, l. c. p. 45. SPELJER, Jātakarman, Leiden 1872.
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them with the determination of the body marks of the boy. After carefully observing all the marks on his hands and feet they announced joyfully to the King who stood amid the throng of his courtiers and to the Queen thus: "Apart from the island of Lanka he is able to unite under one umbrella and to rule even the whole of Jambudipa." The King gladdened them with gifts and asked further courteously: "Is there any unfavourable sign to be seen or not?' "The boy will have a long life but there is an unfavourable constellation for the father,' they answered the Ruler. Having regard to the heroic strength of his foe-crushing arms, he received the significant name of Parakkamabahu. Wersed in the ritual, his father had the ceremony of the piercing of the ears and the ceremony of the first rice food performed exactly according to custom. He then sent his messengers to Pulatithinagara to bring Wikkamabahu' the news of the birth of his son. When Wikkamabahu heard from them of the splendour promising qualities of his sister's son but also of the inauspicious constellation for the father he thought: "A splendid nephew, gleaming like a jewel that is the centre stone" in the chain of kings beginning with King Vijaya
The ceremony of the idmataraka is performed according to most of the Grhyasutras on the 10th day. According to others even later, after a hundred nights or after a year. HrLLEBRANDT, l.c., p. 46 f.
P. kaavedha = skr. karavedha, a ceremony mentioned only in one MS. of Paraskara's Grhyastitra, performed in the third or the fifth year. SPEIJER, l.c., p. 21; HILLEBRANDT, l.c., p. 50.
P. annapdisana = skr. annaprasana. According to the rule common to all the Grhyasutras the ceremony is performed in the 6th month. HILLEBRANDT, l.c., p. 48. There is no mention here of the ceremony of the taking out of the child for the first time that he may see the sun ādityadarśanārthang. It takes place according to Manu I. 84 caturthe тӑзі.
One may assume from this passage that after their unsuccessful wars against Wikkamabahu the princes of Rohana recognised him as king.
P., skr. ndyaka. For the meaning of "central gem" see BR. s. v., 8. The fundamental meaning is "leader, chief'.

(9,67 Иtikkanabahи II 237
hath he begotten me. That no harm may at any time befall him, the boy shall grow up here in my immediate neighbourhood. To win unachieved and to keep achieved advantage this my son Gajabahu will in no case be able. And my other son Mahinda, though gifted with heroic courage and other excellent qualities, stands lower owing to his mother's origin and is unworthy of the crown. My sister's son shall one day enjoy to his heart's desire the dominion which is prosperous through the treasures I have amassed in many ways.' He then sent messengers to fetch the boy and gave them ornaments for the boy and other valuables as gift. When the Ruler Wirabahu heard all this out of the mouth of the messengers he said to himself: "These prudent words he hath spoken in thought for my good. Nevertheless it is not meet to send away such a jewel of a son of one's own body for the warding off of evil which threatens me. Moreover, if the boy is taken thither, the party of Wikkamabahu like fire joined with the strength of the storm, will gleam with mighty, up-shooting flames, but our misfortune, alas so great, will become still worse!" So he gave not his son to the messengers who had arrived in his dominions but dismissed them after satisfying them with a gift of money.
The Lord of men who leading there with wife and child a harmonious life, was attacked by an evil disease and was forced to give up his life at the same moment with the royal dignity.
Here ends the sixty-second chapter, called “The Birth of the Prince', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The translation rests on the conjectural reading of the Col. Ed. sanjalissati in place of the samkilissati of the MSS.
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CHAPTER LXIII
THE ARRIVAL IN THE CITY OF SANKHATTHAL
When the two other brothers heard of the death of the eldest, they came hither in haste and had the last rites performed for him. Kittisirimegha hereupon took possession of the province of his elder brother. He then summoned the youngest brother (Sirivallabha), made over to him the two other provinces and ordered him to live there. The latter obeyed the orders of his elder brother, took the boy (Parakkamabahu) and the Queen Ratanaval and her two daughters' and betook himself to the town of Mahanagahula. While he dwelt there in harmony (with them) he had the ceremony of the first dressing of the hair performed on the boy and brought him up with great pomp. Thereupon he wished to marry the eldest daughter of the Queen, Mitta by name, to
- his son (Manabharana) and took counsel thereupon with his
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ministers: Princes of the dynasty of Kalinga have many times and oft attained to dominion in this island of Lanka. If now this Queen were to send her daughter away secretly to wed her to Gajabahu who is sprung from the Kalinga stock, he would in connection with the marriage become mightier, but my son here would be without any support at all. Hence it is advisable to give the princess to my son: as the matter lies this will be for our advantage." When
Mitta and Pabhavati, 62. 8.
P. sikhdimaha. This corresponds to the cadakaraga of the Grhyastiltras. According to Saikhayana this ceremony should be performed on -a Kshatriya in the fifth year, otherwise the third year is generally given. HILLEBRANDT l.c., p. 49.
He was the grandson of Vijayabahu I. and of Tilokasundari who came from the Kaliiga country.

68.92 Gajabāhu 239
the Queen who was an ornament of the Sun dynasty, heard all this, as she by no means wished the affair, she spake to the Ruler thus: "After the Prince named Vijaya had slain all the yakkhas and made this island of Lanka habitable for men, since then one has allied the family of Vijaya with ours by unions above all with scions of the Kalinga line. Union with other princes was also hitherto unknown with us save with kings of the Moon dynasty. How then, just because he is your son, could there be for us a union with that prince who has sprung from the Ariya dynasty? Although the Queen in this wise protested over and over again, he nevertheless forcing (the matter) wedded the princess to his son. This (prince) accompanied by his consort, distinguished by many virtues, winning all people for himself, dwelt with his father.
Wikkamabahu having enjoyed the royal dignity one and twenty years, death ensuing, he passed to the other world. Hereupon Gajabahu took possession of the flourishing kingdom endowed with army and train, and dwelt in Pulatithinagara. When however the Monarchs (of Rohana) Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha heard of the event, they reflected thus: "As Wikkamabahu was the elder, his dominion in the chief kingdom could in no wise be a reproach to us, but that his son
What is meant is the Aryan dynasty of the Pandya (called Pandu in the Mahavamsa) in Southern India. The mother of Sirivallabha and grandmother of the young prince Manabharana, Mitta, was according to 59. 41, married to the Panduraja. Ratanavali evidently denies to Mitta's offspring the connection with the Moon dynasty of which they boast in 62. 5.
According to Pijav. and Rajav. Wikkamabahu reigned 28 years.
It is worthy of note that of the four Sinhalese sources which I have consulted for comparison, only Nik.-S. mentions Gajabahu. Pljav. Rajav. and Rajaratn, pass from Wikkamabahu at once to Parakkamabahu, whom the two first, in addition, describe as the son of Kittisirimegha. It was mentioned above (note to 59.49) that Gajabahu is named in the Dimbulagala inscription as son of Sundari and Wikkamabahu. An inscription of Gajabähu at Kapuru-vedlu-oya (Matale District) was published by H. W. CoDRINGToN, JRAS. C. B. xxv I, Nr. 71, 1919, p. 58 ff.
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who is not of age should now rule in the main realm - it is in truth not meet for us to permit that. So long as he has not taken root in his province, we must take forcible possession of this province." The whole of the Velakkara troops they suborned by gifts of money. Save for a few retainers of his immediate retinue, all the inhabitants of the kingdom soon fell away from their ruler Gajabahu and sent messengers over and over again to the two kings: "With one accord we will seize the kingdom and give it over to you, but ye must give us support.' Thereupon the two brothers equipped in haste their army and advanced from two sides to the centre of the kingdom. They sent off envoys. The Monarch Gajabahu assembled thereupon his ministers and took counsel with them: "The whole of the Velakkara toops are in open revolt; the two kings have advanced to fight against, our realm. If we first can deal the mightier part of them a decisive blow', then it will be easy to get rid of the others." Having thus resolved, he took his whole army and marched against King Sirivallabha to fight him. King Sirivallabha fought an extraordinarily bitter action from morning till evening. But being unable to defeat the other he beat a retreat and betook himself in haste to his own province again. The Ruler Kittisirimegha also, vanquished by Gokanna", an officer of Gajabahu, returned to his province. The Ruler of men, Gajabahu, who had suffered no harm in this war, also betook himself again to the neighbourhood of his capital. After the powerful (Gajabahu) had punished many generals who
1 See note to 60. 36.
The centre of the kingdom is the capital Pulatithinagara. Kittisirimegha must have marched against it from Dakkhinadesa that is from the South-West, Sirivallabha from the South-East.
Evidently to Gajabahu, demanding that he should voluntarily surrender the kingdom.
4 P. mukhabhaiga lit. a "smashing of the face or the mouth', an expression evidently borrowed from the terminology of the prize fighter. It occurs again 75.75.
For this general who had his headquarters in Kalavapi, see further below 66. 35 f, 70. 68 ff.

88.8 Gajabáhu 241.
had offended against him, and having pacified the kingdom, he entered his town. After that the (three) Monarchs each in his province, lived in amity with one another. But the Monarch's son Parakkamabahu, the discerning one, who was well schooled in all the arts, with his intelligence, capable of distinguishing amid the multitude of things what should and what should not be done, with his soaring plans and his extraordinary greatness, cared not at heart for the comfort of a life lived together with his mother and sisters, nor for the delight of the many childish games. He thought: "Princes like myself, gifted with heroism and other such like qualities-how can they live in such a secluded district? I will betake myself now to the land of my birth which as Yuvaraja I may enjoy', and he left his place of abode, accompanied by his retinue. In course of time he came near to the village which bore the name Sankhanayakatthali. When Kittisirimegha heard of it the heartache he felt at being so alone, because he lacked a son fit to inherit the royal dignity, was assuaged and he thought: "My great, enduring merit is rewarded in that I now can behold in him who is his living image, as it were my elder brother'. Swayed by
joyful excitement, the Ruler of men had the charming town
decked out abundantly with triumphal arches and the like and on a day and under a special constellation held to be propitious, he, surrounded by his hosts, went forth to meet him. And when he beheld the Prince gifted with qualities with which those of others could not compare, and with all
1 P. mandana, here “son” like skr, mandana. Cf. v. 51, i note.
* The situation of this place, called also Sankhamáthatthailt (66. 9; 67. 78, 82) or Saikhatthali (64. 22), is unknown. According to 65. 4 f. it was about 5 gavuta (about 10 miles) distant from Badalatthali. It is clear too from 67. 81-82, that the two places were not far from each other. Badalatthalī must indeed have lain on the borders of Dakkhiņadesa. As Badalatthalī or-la (see note to 58. 43) is probably the present Batalagoda, N. E. of Kurunegala, Sahkhatthali would have to be looked for somewhere in the region of Polgahawela or Kegalla. At any rate under Kittisirimegha it was the capital of Dakkhinadesa.
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favourable marks, then full of joy he embraced him tenderly, drawing him to his breast and kissing him again and again on the head, whereby in face of the great multitude he shed continuously from his eyes floods of joyful tears. Thereupon he mounted with his son a beautiful chariot and filling the ten regions of the firmament round about with the clanging of the drums, he entered the town and showing his son all the beautiful decorations there, he entered the royal palace (with him).
When then a numerous retinue such as crowds of chamberlains, cooks and the like had been bestowed on him, he lived happily with his father whose heart was contented by his manifold excellences.
Here ends the sixty-third chapter, called "The Arrival in the City of Sankhatthali', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
The brother's son is called "son" just as on the other hand, the nephew calls the brother of his father simply "father" (v.53, cf. note to 51.24). Cousins who are sons of brothers, call each other brothers, thus 48.51, 61. Aggabodhi WI. and WII. Buddhaghosa calls Ananda the "brother of the Buddha" because he was culiapitu putto (Sumangalavilasini ed. REYs Davids and J. E. CARPENTER I. p. 49) The position of the sister's son (bhdigineyya) is thereby the more marked.
Namely the four chief regions of the heavens, the four intermediary
regions, zenith (skr. irdhvan) and nadir (skr. tiryak or adhak). Cf. skir.
daếa diếa}.

Gajabáhu 243
CHLAPTER LXIV
THE DEPARTURE FOR THE OTHER COUNTRY
After the arrival in his beloved native land, his heart's desire was fulfilled and all anxious yearning left him. And now with the help of his lightning-like intelligence he learned easily and quickly from his teachers the various accomplishments. In the numerous books of the Victor (Buddha), in the works on politics, as in that of Kotalla and others, in grammar and poetry together with the knowledge of vocabulary and ritual, in dance and song, in the art of driving the elephant and so forth, above all in the lore of the manipulation of the bow, the sword and other weapons he was past master. Admirably trained, he did everything that accorded with the King's, his father's wishes and was never lacking in reverence.
Conjectural reading for the kosala, komala or kocalla of the MSS. Cf. 70. 56. I believe that Kautalya i. e. Canakya, the famous minister of Candragupta is meant. He is alleged to be the author of a text book on politics, Artha-sastra, which has been recently discovered. What is important is that the Clavamsa seems to confirm the name Kautalya as against Kautilya. It is handed down by Heunacandra, Abhidhanacintamani 853 (see BR. s. w., HILLEBRANDT, Ueber das Kautiliyašāstra und Werwandtes, p. 1) and seems to be the reading of the best MSS. so that in GANAPATI's new edition it appears throughout. I regard it as the original form for the following simple reason. The fact that the forms Kautalya and Kautilya have been handed down together is indisputable. Now ka utilya as a variant of the original kautalya, in allusion to the content and character of the Artha-sastra (skr. kutila "crooked, cunning") is quite intelligible. On the other hand, it is not easy to explain why a word so distinct and of such definite meaning as kaufilya should be changed into kautalya. See however J. JoLLY, Zeitschr. für Indologie und Iranistik V. 216 ff.
P. sanghaidukaketubhe. See PTS. P. D. s. v.v. nighadu and ketubha.
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The Ruler (Kittisirimegha) at heart ever well pleased with the virtue (practised by the Prince) of reverent demeanour, enjoyed with him as with a good friend various pastimes, such as sport in the garden and in the water and while he was travelling here and there about the country with him, he came one day near the village called Badalatthali which served as the abode of the loyal, powerful Senapati Sankha who was entrusted with the defence of the frontier. When the Senapati heard that, he had the village at once made ready, went forth to meet the Monarch and his son and remained, after he had bowed himself, standing before them. The twain, father and son, addressed him with friendly words and being satisfied by him in various ways, they visited the village. When the Monarch had sojourned there some days he summoned the Senapati to lim. and spake the following words: “My son is now grown to manhood and is ripe for admission. To perform the ceremony of admission great preparations are necessary'. When the Senapati heard that, he made at once the best of preparations for the festival. After instituting with sweet savours, lamps, flowers and other things of the kind for three days an abundant offering for the three jewels and after he had the ceremony performed, in a manner befitting his high rank, by Brahmans versed in the ritual of the Veda, the Ruler together with the Prince Parakkama in the midst of his courtiers set about enjoying a great spring festival".
P. skr. upanayana. This is the ceremony of taking the son to the Brahman teacher. With the Kshatriya it takes place between the lith and the 22nd year. With this is associated at the same time the admission to the religious community as fully qualified member. BR. s. v.; HILLEBRANDT, Ritual-Litteratur, p.50 ff.
P. pubbakara. The expression is found also in A. v. 25, where among things harmful for the lay brother is mentioned the choosing by him outside of the Order, (ito bahiddha) of a person who seema worthy of reverence, a dakkhiteyya, tattha ca pubbakaran karoti.
* Cf. skr. vasantotsawa, wasantamahotsava or wasantasamayotsawa, as below in v. 21 vasantasamayussava.

64。30 . , Gajaibahu 245
Now King Kittisirimegha learned through meusengers who came from Rohana that his brother named Sirivallabha who dwelt in Rohaņa, was dead and that Sirivallabha’s son Mānabharana by name, had taken over the government and had made Mitta his queen'. He overcame the grief heavy to be borne caused by his brother's death through hearing the news of the birth of a son to Mitta. But he gave up the spring festival and returned, leaving - the Senapati named Sankha behind on the spot, with his son to the town of Sankhatthali. While the Monarch lived there happily with Prince Parakkama a year passed. The second queen of the Monarch Manabharana, Pabhavati, likewise bore a son, named Kittisirimegha. When Kittisirimegha heard that he thought: our line has become great, and felt still happier.
The Prince (Parakkamabahu) urged by his great, incomparable merit by whose virtue alone he was destined for the dominion over Lanka, valued not so much as grass the love shown him by his father as by a good friend, and his great tenderness, as well as the services of his many retainers performed for him from fear and devotion'. And in his zeal to (unite and thereby) make Lanka happy under one umbrella as speedily as possible, he thought to himself thus: "Since it has ever been the home of the hair, collar-bone, neck-bone, tooth and alms-bowl relics as well as of the
1. See 68. 6 ff. Deviyā Mittāya spațilābhann Sirivallabhasūnumo does not mean, as translated by W. “a birth of a son, Siri Wallabha, to the Queen Mitta'.
* See note to 63. 43. Nivattitrāna must be understood as gerund of the caus. nivatteti, one MS. even reading -ttetvdina. Parakkama's Upanayana festival had taken place in Badalatthali. There Kittisirimegha receives the various news from Rohana. He leaves the general Sahkha, who had to prepare the festival, behind in that place (tatth'eva) and betakes himself with his nephew to the capital, Sankhatthali.
3 We see from this that Sirivallabha's son had married both the sisters of Parakkamabahu, Mitta and Pabhavati.
4 Lit.: whereby fear and devotion went before, i. e. were the motive. W's translation is inexact.
The hair relic (kesadhditu) was (Mhvs. 39.49) brought to Ceylon by
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token of the footprint of the Master and of his sacred Bodhi Tree branch, further of the eighty-four thousand sections of the doctrine which give a picture of the Perfectly Enlightened one, and as it is a mine of gems, pearls and many other treasures, this island although not so large, has always counted for something special. My three fathers, the Monarchs, and also my mother's brother were not able to unite it under one umbrella. They divided it therefore and with the thought: if we only rule it to this extent we have done our duty, each in his province renouncing the desire customary in our family for the royal consecration, carried on the government like village chiefs whose one aim is their farming and the like. Of these save my father's brother, Kittisirimegha, the three remaining monarchs have passed away in accordance with their deeds. Man's longest span of life is now alas, but meagre; boy, youth, greybeard, all these living beings will one after another suffer death, so fixed a rule as this there is otherwise nowhere else in this world. Therefore must sons of kings such as I am, take no heed of this frail, worthless body which is despised by all whose eyes are fixed on what is precious, and must ever pay heed to that which is worthy of aspiration and is abiding, namely fame. (I hear) in tales as in the Ummaggajataka' and
Silakala under Moggallana I. The relic of the neck bone (givathi) was according to the legend, brought by Sarabhu to Mahiyangana immediately after the death of the Buddha (Mhvs. 1. 87), the alms-bowl (patta) by Sumana from Pataliputta (Pupphapura) to Anuradhapura in the reign of Devanampiyatissa. Sumana is also said to have fetched the relic of the (right) collar bone (akkhaka) from Indra's Heaven (Mhvs. 17. 14 f., 20). For the tooth relic (ddithadhditu) see above 37. 92 ff.
1. The three fathers are the father Manabharana and his two brothers. The brother of his mother (Ratanavall) is Wikkamabahu II.
Lit.: "to that body of fame which is worthy of aspiration" (pihaniyye yasodehe).
Verses 41-47 form one sentence. The accus. caritan in 41, viikkaman in 42 etc. up to suladdhan jivitam in 47 are all governed by suited in v. 45. The verse 46 is a parenthesis.
Mahāummaggajataka, no. 546 in FausBöll's edition of the Jatakas (VI. 829 f).

64. 52 Gajabāhu 247
others, of deeds done by the Bodhisatta in the different stages of his development, the outcome of his heroic nature and of other qualities. (I hear) in secular stories, in 懿 Ramayana, the Bharata and the like of the courage of Rama who slew Ravana and of the extraordinary deeds of heroism performed in battle by the five sons of Pandu, how they slew Duyyodhana and the other kings. (I hear) in the Itihasa' tales of the wonders worked from of old by princes like Dussanta' and others in combat with gods and demons. - (I hear) of the great wisdom of Canakka", that best of Brahmanas who uprooted the kings of the Nanda dynasty. -- All these deeds though they belong not to our time, have attained among the people up to the present day, the highest renown. - When I hear such a happy and incomparable life of those who are able on earth to accomplish extraordinary deeds, then if I, sprung of a noble stock, do not that which befits the best among noble heroes, my birth will be useless. These were aided alone by favourable conditions of the time, but were they superior to me in insight and other qualities?' After he had thus reflected he thought further: "My father, the King, is now on the last stage of life; if now this my father's kingdom comes to me, but in consequence of the enervation of my spirit under the influence of royal pleasures, I am not so successful as I wish, my harm will be the greater. But if I now staying here on the spot, send out my scouts
1 P. bhamisu. For the ten "stages" or "steps" of the Bodhisatta see SENART, Le Mahavastu I., p. 77f., 436.
Duyyodhana, skr. Duryodhana, the eldest son of Dhrtarastra, the chief of the Kurus who was vanquished and slain in the great battle on the Kuru field by the five Paņdu brothers Yudhishira etc. Duryodhana fell on the last day of the battle by the hand of Bhima.
3 Itihdisa is the collective name for all the literature of historical narrative based on tradition. Knowledge of the Itihasa is part of Brahmanical education. Cf. D. I, p. 88 (= III. 1. 3), M. II, p. 133 (= 91).
4 Skr. Dusyanta, the husband of Sakuntala, a king of the Moon dynasty.
5 Skr. Canakya. See note to 64. 3, as also LAssEN, Indische Altertumskunde* II, p. 212 ff.
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and let them find out how conditions really are in the other country, - my scouts might be in a position to discover a weakness among my enemies favourable to my plans, or not - all the people here will describe the strength of the foe to me in all possible ways. (They will say) 'For the three Monarchs, thy fathers, of whom each was lord of a province, although united they undertook war seven times, it was difficult to conquer the kingdom. How then shall a solitary youth who merely rules a small province, take possession of it? But it is easy to govern over the original province: therefore thou must give up thy baneful project'. With such words - boring glowing rods into my ears - they will describe again and again, in every possible way, the greatness of the other country. But one should really refuse to believe all this tattle of fools who speak without knowing the real state of affairs. So under some kind of pretext I shall myself go to the other country and find out its conditions. But my father the Monarch, if he hears of these plans, through fear that some evil may befall his noble son, the light of his line, if he betakes himself into the country of the foe, will, tender-hearted as he is, hinder my departure. There will then be no fulfilment of my designs. It is therefore best if I go in disguise".
When the clever Prince who knew well what (right) occasions are, one day at night-time found such an occasion, he who was certainly not lacking in resources, left the house in such wise that his father knew nought of his departure.
Here ends the sixty-fourth chapter, called "The Departure for the other Country', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
If we regard v. 58 as a parenthesis, we get rid of all difficulties of language and content. The sense is: nothing is to be gained by spying from here, for whatever the result, the people here will always exaggerate the dangers and in consequence will not join me. They must be encouraged by my lead.
The pres. kathayanti is remarkable. One expects katheasanti.

Gajabathu 249
CHAPTER LXV
THE KILLING OF THE SENAPATI
As the Prince set forth accompanied only by his weapons, there sounded at the same moment in front of him the peal of a shell trumpet. Hearing it he versed in the divers omens, knew that his plan would shortly succeed and was full of joy. Without the watchmen placed at different points noticing it, he got out of the town free from fear, lion-hearted. In haste he covered a distance of five gavutas and reached in a region not far from Badalatthalagama a village called Pilimvathu. It had been fixed as goal for the meeting together of his people, to halt here before his own arrival, awaiting him on the way. Now when he saw that of those who had received orders only some had appeared on the spot, the Prince asked why so few had come. But they answered: Why doth our Lord speak so, though he knows the whole demeanour of the people. With whom is there no fear of death? Our Lord is at an age immediately following that of boyhood, even to-day the odour of milk plays about his lips. There is no separate fortune acquired by thee, nor is there any other accumulation of resources save these present. Except for ourselves whose character has long been tested and whose devotion is firmly rooted, who otherwise would follow thee? And what thy father the Sovereign, will do with us who have come hither, no man knows. In our path there is still the Senapati Sankha by name, a great and mighty hero who has his abode on the frontier, apart from other foes,
1 A gavuta (skr. gavyat) is a quarter of a yojana (DhCo. II. 18), thus about two miles. RTS. P. D. s. v.
See note to 58.43; 64. 43.
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and we few people are made one by the other ever more terror-stricken. And the time of daybreak is now close at hand". Thus each for himself made known the fear that dwelt in their hearts. When the Prince heard their words he smiled kindly, looked them fearlessly in the face and spake: "Although all these people here who have such fear, have lived together with me a long time, yet have they not learnt to know me', and to chase away the fear that had risen in them, the lion-hearted let sound a mighty lion's roar. "Leave all men aside; when I have my weapons in my hand, what can Sakka, the King of the gods, do even if he is enraged? Because ye thought I am a boy these foolish thoughts have come to you. Have ye not heard that one looks up to splendid might, not to age? But if ye fear my father's army will pursue me, then will I - by a single deed that I have devised to carry out and in such a way that the people in my own and in the other country shall offer me fear and devotion and ye shall rid yourselves of this your terror - at once, as soon as this night is past, manifest my pre-eminent insight, determination and courage. Go forward' With these words the hero seized his weapons, left that village full of determination and like to a second image of the sun risen in the western heavens to surpass the sun disk standing on the summit of the eastern mountain, he lighted up the lotus thicket of the eyes of his attendants and came at early morn to Badalathali.
It is interesting here to note the fundamental difference between the narrative of the Cillavarpsa and that of the older Mahavamsa and between the ideas of their authors as shown particularly in the comparison of the personalities of Dutthagamani and Parakkamabahu. In the one case deeds of true heroism, culminating in the dauntless duel with Elara, in the other big, high-sounding words as prelude to an action of very doubtful courage and of still more doubtful moral justification. It is therefore significant that in Ceylon, more especially in Rohana, one meets again and again with traditions connected with Dutthagamani. He is the real national hero of the Sinhalese and his name still lives in the popular memory. Parakkamabahu is almost forgotten though he is nearer by more than a thousand years to the present than the other.

65. 41 Gajabāhu . 251
By the peal of the victorious trumpets the Senäpati (Sankha) awoke. With consternation he perceived that the Prince had come. Accompanied by a great host he went forth to meet him and full of reverence, bowed himself to the earth to offer the customary homage. When with the thought: what may not this man do to us if he remains alive? he must be slain on the spot, the soldiers looked at their leader, but he checked them with a sign, for he thought: it is unworthy of a man to kill anyone against whom no guilt can be proven, only in case of hostile demeanour is the death penalty permitted. The lion-like (Prince) took the hand of the Senapati, spake friendly words to him and entered his abode. The Senapati thought: "The Prince's departure must have taken place without the King's knowing of it. Until I learn the state of affairs these people who have come with him, must be each separately housed so that they may not remain in communication with him, the Prince however, must dwell in my house'. He did so, and in order to dupe the discerning (prince), he paid him the honours due to a guest and sent messengers to the King. Now when the Prince perceived the deception practised by Sankha he thought: “If now without doing what must be done, I remain inactive, of a truth my plan will come to nought: this man must needs now be slain'. He gave one of his attendants the order to strike down the Senapati. A great tumult arose: the Senapati is slain. A soldier of the Senapati hearing that the general had been murdered, cried: For what reason did the murder of my Lord take place? and sword in hand, risking his own life for his Lord, he rushed at the Prince standing there alone. But, when he glanced at the Prince's countenance, trembling with fear, he could not stand upright and flung himself at his feet. Before the Prince could say the words: "Seize him", one of the soldier's.com
P. sanjatasambhamo. Not translated by W.
* As it is described here, the murder of Sankha who was a loyal and devoted adherent of the royal house, is an act as brutal as it is senseless. Probably the whole episode is in this form unhistorical. See Introduction I.
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panions himself struck him down. "The deed he has done without my orders is unseemly', with these words the Prince had him punished accordingly. But the terrible excitement which had arisen at the same time, the Prince stilled by the mere wrinkling of the brows.
The hero whose greatest wealth was fame, the Prince of firm character, who well understood the rewarding of his heroes, whose most precious treasure was his famous name, left his soldiers to take all what they would of the abundant property amassed by the Senapati.
Here ends the sixty-fifth chapter, called "The Slaying of the Senapati', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

Gajabdhus 253
CHAPTER LXVI
THE SPYING OUT OF THE CONDITIONS IN THE OTHER COUNTRY
"If I were to set forth to-day to carry out my plan, these people would think: the Prince has left through fear. I will stay here and see what my father does as long as he has not heard that I am staying here after the slaying of the Senapati'. With such reflections the hero, the best of all far-seeing men, sojourned a few days on the spot. The soldiers of the Senapati and many people who dwelt in the province, who in consequence of the slaying of the Senapati, were seized with terror were not able to remain each in his place, but sought out the Prince, streaming together from all sides. "Acting in opposition to his father the Prince has slain the Senapati", thought the inhabitants of the province. "If powerful people like ourselves, whose devotion is deep-rooted, are his slaves' what then is impossible for our Lord? If the (lawful) Lord is in life, how dare thy uncle under the pretext, the prince is still a boy, hold sway in the kingdom belonging to thy father? We will join together, march on the town of Sankhatthali and fetch hither by force the king together with his treasure and his harem'. With this firm resolve and bent solely on the gaining of the dominion, they betook themselves to the place Padavarasuniakanda by name. The Prince sent some of his people thither, summoned the leaders of the soldiers to him (and spake to them): "Ye must not think that
I read with the MSS. daisesu. S 2 alone differs, for dangests in S 8, 7 is only a variant in the writing. The dakkhesu adopted by S. and B. is an unnecessary alteration.
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the slaying of the Senapati by me took place out of enmity to my father; away then with your agitation! I have in no vvise come hither in enmity to my royal father, nor ! tea to bring this part of the province into my power. For sons such as I am is there not but one thing to do - to cause little sorrow themselves to their aged fathers and to ward off the evil which may be done them by another and so ever to serve them with devotion. Why have ye such thoughts?' Therewith
the prudent one removed their 'scruples and reflecting on his
further course, came to this decision: "If I sojourn here some days, illmeaning people will try to sow discord between us twain, father and son. Without lingering here I must arise and busy myself with the carrying out of my former plans". Therewith the Prince left the village of Badalatthali to betake himself to Buddhagama near the Siridevi mountain. Before he reached the village of Siriyala the inhabitants' who had banded together, fled on every side. Accompanied alone by his own followers, the heroic prince now advanced well armed along the highway. "Now if we quietly suffer the prince to escape after his having slain the Senapati, what
W. translates "ill-will towards me'. That is, I believe, wrong. The context is rather this: the people have taken the killing of Safikha as a sign that the prince is in open rebellion against his uncle. They take his side and civil war threatens. To hinder this, Parakkamabahu explains to the people that there is no enmity between himself and his uncle, and exhorts them to keep quiet.
The topographical problems have been most satisfactorily solved by Code INgton (I. 66). Following Mr. Storey, he identifies Buddhagama (see mote 58. 48) with Menik dena, S. S. W. of Dambul, since an inscriptiop was found there in which a Budgam-vehera is mentioned (ASC. 1908 = WI. 1918, p. 14 f). Near there is a mountain Nikula which, according to FoRBEs, was formerly called “Heereedevatai”, that is, Siridevi. Before Parakkamabahu got there he passed Siriyala. That is without doubt the present Hiriyalgama in the Gantihe Korale, which gives its name to the Hiriyala district north of Kurunegala.
While the inhabitants of the Badalatthall district were not disinclined to support the Prince against his uncle, those of Siriyala and later, to a greater extent, those of Buddhagama showed themselves hostile, even inclined to capture him and give him up to the King.

8, 86 Gajabâhu 255
kind of loyalty would that be on our part to the King who gives us our daily bread?' So thought certain traitors, conceived the plan of capturing him and pursued him from behind while he was on the march. Without being in the least afraid of them, the Prince fought them sword in hand and scattered them in flight. Together with his followers among whom no falling off was noticeable, the discerning Prince, free of all danger, reached Buddhagama. When a few days of his sojourn there had passed, the inhabitants assembled together to capture the Prince. Raining a furious, uninterrupted shower of arrows, they surrounded the village full of zeal to begin the fight. “We must give up our lives if he benefits thereby' thought the soldiers who had come with him and, flurried by fear all, save the umbrella-bearer and the sword-bearer of the Prince, fled on every side before the Prince's eyes. When he saw his soldiers fleeing, he smiled a little and having now found an opportunity of showing his extraordinary courage, the Prince thought: With my weapon even will I strike terror into the foe and scatter him in flight", and cried with vehemence: "Give me my sword!' When the soldiers who had at first fled, heard along with these loud and resoundingly spoken words, the blare of the victorious trumpets penetrating the circle of the firmament, and when they saw the struck off heads of the foe, falling to the ground, they turned and fighting, scattered the troops some thousands in number in flight, surrounded the Prince and praised his courage.
While now the Prince sojourned there he desired to have the nagaragiri of King Gajabahu, Gokanna, who had the control of Kalavapi, in his presence, to find out his views.
P. adithaparihainike, quite ignored in W's translation. It must hewever be emphasised that not one of the original followers of the Prince had deserted him.
The title nagaragiri is met with here for the first time (cf. also 66. 62 and 70. 68). See Introduction III.
Gokaha is probably a clan name (see above 38. 13, note); skr. gokara, P. gokaza denotes a species of stag, an elk.
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He sent therefore, one of his henchmen to him with a letter. When the latter saw the missive he nodded consent, read it and learned from it of all that had taken place. Believing that the superiority of the Prince's forces made disobedience to his commands an impossibility and without waiting for news as to the opinion of his own Monarch, he came to Buddhagama and sought out the Prince with reverence. "Thou hast heard how I have come hither away from my father the King, how I have caused the violent death of the nighty Senapati, and how I have performed marvellous deeds of heroish against the foe following in my rear. Without even a thought that thou shouldst learn the opinion of thine own king, while before the sending of my messenger no connection (between us) existed, thou (nevertheless) settest out to see me the moment thou didst see my letter; thou. hast done well," with these words the Prince full of joy, presented him with all the ornaments he had himself worn, consisting of divers precious stones, along with an excellent elephant. To the leaders among his soldiers he gave valuable ornaments of divers kinds, such as costly earrings and the like. Hereupon he dismissed the chief (Gokauna) with his soldiers that they might rest, having shown himself friendly to them by the assigning of dwellings, food and the like.
Arrived in his quarters for the night, Gokanna beheld himself in a dream in the form of the Senapati who had been murdered at the Prince's command, surrounded on all sides by robbers with swords in their hands to kill him. In mortal terror he gave a shriek and fell from his bed to the ground, and without heed for the people who bore his sword, his umbrella and the like, he left the whole of the force which had come with him in the lurch. But as he could not even find his way by the heavens, he got into a great forest and losing the path, wandered about in it. Only at daybreak did
P. bhaca (the same in v. 42) in reality "kind, character", then "attitude towards something, conception".
Thus I explain the viya: he saw himself (attanar) as the Senapati.

8, 88 Gajabathus 257
he find the road leading to Kalavapi, followed it in haste 52
and reached his village. His men too, when they heard of
the flight of their lord, seeing no other escape, smitten with 58
the greatest terror, left each of them his weapons behind and wandered like their master bewildered about the forest, reaching Kalavapi in haste at break of day. When the Prince heard the story of the flight he smiled and remained there (in Buddhagama) a few days longer. And from that time this story was for him who appreciated humorous tales', a means in moments when he was downhearted, of chasing away his depression.
When Kittisirimegha heard of all these events he summoned his great dignitaries together and took counsel with them: "The Prince has escaped in disguise from our well protected town, looked after by officials and filled with soldiers. Thereupon together with certain villainous and undutiful people who went with him from here, he has fled, has slain the mightiest vassal in my kingdom, the Senapati, has seized the whole of the costly property accumulated by him, has then in his flight slain here and there many soldiers among the country folk who pursued him, has summoned to him the nagaragiri Gokauna of King Gajabahu' and has brought him under his influence and now sojourns in Buddhagama". This is no. time to look on inactively. If the foe in this threatening situation'
Note the free treatment of the gender in ayudhani . . . sake sake. P. nidhidbhassarasa, lit. "for the many kinds of tastes in narratives". One might read indinahassarasa: hassa = skr. hasya is the cheerful laughter-rousing fundamental character (rasa) of a literary work.
The MS. reading te tato in 59 b is disturbing. It is difficult to place te in the construction of the sentence and tato stands already at the beginning of the verse. I propose reading ter' ato: teria is comitative "with him" and ato means "from here' that is from Sahkhatthall.
The same wording as in v. 85 c b. "The present part, vasag stands here again instead of a finite verb to express a permanent state. Cf. note to 41. 89.
P. aenig chiddamhi, lit. "at this break" (as weakness, want), or possibly in the original meaning "at this moment where a division (an estrangement between me and my nephew) has taken place'.
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make a treacherous treaty with the Prince who is favoured by fortune and gifted with insight and courage, and think
to begin war, that will be for us a great misfortune. Before
he can think out other worse plans he must be seized during his stay in that village'. Thus resolved, he summoned the two Adhikarins, Sena and Mahinda by name, further Mangalana, the son of a royal servant, as well as other retainers and
sent them forth with the words: "Take with you all people
in my kingdom who live by soldiering, go forth in haste and bring the Prince hither by force'. These took each his great army and with powerful forces dividéd into ten columns they approached Siriyala. When the Prince heard thereof he thought: "I will take up my position at a spot difficult to pass, in such a way as to force the troops which are marching separately in ten columns, to join each other and then I shall immediately destroy them". The hero betook himself in haste from Buddhagama to Saraggama' in the district of Mahatila. The officers (of Kittisirimegha) thought however: if the Prince flees from Buddhagama and withdraws into an
impassible region surrounded by mountains, his capture will
be difficult, whatever means one uses', and marched united thither. When the Prince heard that he rejoiced at the success of his plan. In front he left space for the advancing army, placed his numerous men on both sides of the road, hidden, well
1 From 70.278 it is clear that adhikdirin denotes a certain office or a certain rank. See Introduction III.
W. seems here to adopt the reading mahaldman of the Col. Ed. which however has no support from the MSS. and translates "the mahiláma' - with the note "chief secretary' (?) - Devapádamila Dáraka'. The word padamtalaka or -lika with the meaning of "servant" occurs frequently in the Jatakas (PTS. P. D. s. v., also Dhco. I. 1834).
Not "at such a stronghold" as W. translates. It is a case of a narrow pass in the mountains.
4 Saraggama has certainly nothing to do with Sarogamatittha on the Mahāvālukagaṁgā (71. 18; 72. 1, 3)). CoDRINGToN identifies it, following Storey, with Selagama in the District Matale, Asgiri Pallesiya Pattuva (Census of C., 1921, II., p. 94). Instead of “from Buddhagāma” the text has simply tato “from there", the same in v. 72.

88.85 Gajabāhu 259
armed, such as were deemed especially brave. Then when the mighty one saw that the whole of the hostile force had advanced to the centre, he experienced in the art of war, had numbers of soldiers cut down. Those who remained over from the slaughter threw their weapons away as the case might be and fled, with no thought of renewing the fight, on all sides. The victorious Prince left the place thereupon and betook himself to Bodhigamavara there to await his father's decisions. Sojourning there the hero spent several days and after scattering in that same place a (further) army which came forth to fight at the command of his father the King, he retired from thence and betook himself to the village of Ranambura in the region of the Lanka mountains. To remove the footsoreness of his soldiers the intrepid one spent several days sojourning there. Then he reflected thus: "Although my foes have all been repeatedly crushed by me in battle, they will not retire out of fear of my father, giving up the hope (of success) in fight. Because their evil counsellors have wrongly thought: this Prince falls not into our power only because he is in inaccessible country, therefore I shall now betake myself to the spot where they are sojourning and drive away their evil thoughts'. He advanced
W. translates "returned to the village Bodhigama. He thus obviously considers Bodhigamavara to be the same as Buddhagama. But the text has not, paccagd "he returned", but agd "he went'. CopRing'ron (I. 69) regards Bodhigāmavara as the present Boga mbara in the Matale Pallesiya Pattuva (N. E. of Matale). The prince thus stayed near the battlefield to await the development of events.
P. pitucittanurakkhatthaig. W's translation "that he might calm the anxiety of his father" is wrong. All Parakkamabahu's actions have the character of open enmity and are opposed to the fiction of the compiler that no conflict had taken place between uncle and nephew. The Prince withdrew from Bodhigamavara further E. or N. E. There is no doubt that the name Laikapabbata or Lankagiri (thus 70. 88, mentioned again in connection with Bodhigamavara) is preserved in the present Taggala, the name of a district between Matale Pallesiya Pattuva and the Mahavelliganga. It is also advisable to read instead of the Ratambura of the Col. Ed, Ranambura in which CoDRINuroN recognises the prekent Ran am nre in Laggala Udasiya Pattuwa.
C'1 - ... ვი1
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to the village of Khiravapi occupied by their army and reached the district called Ambavana. He occupied it and having found out himself from the people there the exact route to march against the foe, he set out in the evening and reached the village at night. When his soldiers reached the enclosure consisting of terrible briers full of prickles from top to bottom, they stayed without, being unable to penetrate it. The hero placed himself at the head, broke fearlessly through the fence, and standing in the middle of the village called out his name. The enemy who had already witnessed the marvellous courage of the Prince, were seized with terror when they heard his resounding voice and all (of them) without even thinking of clothes or weapons, fled on all sides, like gazelles that have caught sight of a lion. His soldiers who had entered by the way he had forced, slew whomsoever they caught sight of, and set fire to the village. The Prince immediately marched to the village of Navagirisa and resting there awaited the dawn.
The dignitaries of his father, the King, now assembled and spoke with each other of the great energy (of the Prince) in the various battles: "With our plan of capturing the Prince quickly with our forces of so many thousand men, we have brought ruin on our own army, and since they have everywhere fled in fight, we have only caused the Prince's fame to become more widely known. But if we disregard the terrible command sent us repeatedly by the King, then the life of our kinsfolk is at stake'. It is not meet that we spend our time here without taking pains to carry out the King's command by every possible means. Even at the cost of our lives we
The name is preserved in that of the Ambanganga (CoDRINGTO)
which flows through the valley of Matale and turns eastward at Nalanda
towards the Mahavelliganga.
P. eteh refers to the inhabitants of Ambavana, tesang to the enemy;
sangcdra means the possibility of approaching the enemy.
So I understand tikkhaggapada "where the top part (agga) and the
foot end (pada) are sharp”.
They are hostages in the hands of the king.

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must satisfy the Lord who gives us our living, and thereby ensure the protection of our kindred'. Therewith full of defiant courage, with large, well armed forces, they set forth like the army of Mara on a road shown them by scouts. From four sides they forced their way into the village and surrounded the Prince's house. As the hilly region was cool, the latter had donned a red woollen shawl and sat there playing a game to which he was accustomed from his childhood. From the noise he noticed that the foe was quite near, but since he saw not one of his own followers, he at once bound his topknot fast, wrapped himself tightly in the woollen shawl he had been wearing, and terrible, sword in hand, he plunged like a savage lion into the middle of the fight and in a moment chased the whole of the enemy to the world's end. Then after raising his voice and calling together his own people who had come with him and who terrorized by the clamour, had fled into the wilderness, he reflected: "The fear which must beset the King of the hostile party when he thinks what may be the cause of my leaving the King my father and coming hither - all that I have hitherto done, beginning with the slaying of the Senapati, suffices to remove it. I must now betake myself to the other country'. There with he set forth thence and at the place Porogahalikhanda' he cleansed by the pouring over with water the blood stains from sword and hand, laid aside the blood
Lit.: "he made the enemy (dise) into such as turned themselves to the end of the firmament (disánta)".
* I e Gajabahu
The train of thought is this: It is intelligible that Gajabahu should regard my coming with distrust. He may fear that I intend evil towards him. But all my actions so far have been directed not against him but against isy father. This should allay his fears so that I can now enter his country without danger.
I prefer to read 'gdhdal (instead of gdhdili) because the name seems to me to contain the word đi “canal” (Sinh. đla). Khaoảa means "district", a narrower area than ratha or magdala.
Lit. "the union with the red blood'.
Or perhaps "from the sword hand", from the hand which had wielded the sword.
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soiled mantle that he had worn and enjoyed after a change 110 of garment a comfortable rest. He then crossed the frontier of the province of his royal father and reached in the realm 111 of Gajabahu the small place called Janapada. With all kinds of sportive games, such as were customary in the country, he spent several days, sojourning there. 112 Now when Gajabahu heard from the mouth of his watchmen of the gradual approach of the Prince he was seized 113 with great alarm. He spoke with his councillors and after determining what was to. be done, he sent him a gift of 114 raiment, ornaments and the like. To his envoys he gave this message: "Since hearing of thy leaving my uncle', the King, and of the wonderful deeds of courage which thou hast 115 performed on the way and that thou instead of applying elsewhere“, hast entered my realm, my heart has become 116 narrow through expanding joy. Besides myself what kindred hast thou who would be ready to serve thee". A coronation 117 festival truly is thy visit for me. Since my uncle, the King, in his old age does not hold such a jewel of a son as his most 118 precious possession and by some imprudent attitude has let him come into my hands, that means for me the reward in 119 full for a highly meritorious action. If we twain are now for 120 ever united, what foe will dare to make war on us? My splendour will now in every respect become great, even as that of the 121 fire when it has gained the storm wind as its ally. Once we
1 Jana pada is often mentioned as borderland of Rājarațțha towards Dakkhinadesa. Cf. 67.22; 70.87. It is probably to be looked for in the neighbourhood of the present Wagapanaha, Udasiya Pattuva, east of Dambul.
* Cf. v. 122: iti vaträna etc.
Kittisirimegha was married to Lokanatha, the sister of Gajabahu's father Wikkamabahu, according to 69. 44.
With the majority of the MSS. we must read here digantvd. iiiiattha. If with the Col. Ed. we read digantva (thus only in MS. 86) afiatha remains unintelligible, for the meaning is not "somewhere or other' (W. "into a place"), but "somewhere else'.
5 P. vassabandhave. I take vassa = Skr. vaya as "tractable, obedient" W. has "kinsfolk ... on your mother's side".

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have met each other, I shall have no difficulty in conferring on the prince the royal dignity which belonged to his father. Meanwhile thou must without loss of time carry out thy visit to me'. With this message he dismissed his envoys. When the Prince whose intelligence was well capable of discrimination (between the true and the false) heard this news from the envoys, he thought: "It is ever very hard to see through the craftiness of princes; I will test him and then set off", and he sent together with the envoys, a warrior Nimmala by name, versed in all expedients. After learning (through him) the true character of the king as well as that of all his advisers, the Prince advanced further towards Pulatithinagara.
Thereupon King Gajabahu advanced to meet him at the head of a great army, showed him in joyful zeal many favours, let the Prince mount the elephant on which he himself was riding, showed him the beauty of the town and betook himself (with him) to the royal palace. The Prince made known his joy called forth by the seeing Gajabahu and after spending some days there he in order to become acquainted with those of the King's people dwelling in the outlying districts who were for him and against him, sought out such as understood all kinds of tricks and knew the dialect of the various regions and who were distinguished by devotion to their Lord. Of these he being versed in the methods to be applied, made those who understood the mixing of poisons", adopt the garb of the snake charmer. Others skilled in telling of the lines of the hand and other marks
The work of espionage now begins. That the compiler was influenced by the reading of text books on nit, as for instance, Kautalya's Arthašā stra (I. 11, 7f) is un mistakable. The sānrāgā and 8āparāgā of our passage correspond to the akrtyd and krtyd of K. I. 13-15, the faithful who cannot be influenced and the unfaithful whom one can win over to oneself. Cf. Arthasastra of Kautilya, ed. R. SHAMA SASTRI, p. 22 f; Kautilya's Arthašästra trsl. by R. SHAmAsAsTRY p. 26 ff.; Das altindische Buch vom Welt- und Staatsleben, das Arthaåstra des Kautilya, übers. von J. J. MExER, p. 24 ff.
P. visavijasu kovide corresponding to the rasada of Kautalya I. 11. Cf. also with this the rasakriyabhijia below in v. 188.
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on the body he had disguised as wandering musicians, as 188 candalas and as brahmanas. Amongst the many Damilași and others he made such as were practised in dance and song, appear as people who played with leather dolls and the like. 184 Others again after they had laid aside their own garb, he ordered to go round selling goods such as rings and bracelets of glass and 185 the like. Others again he sent forth with the command that they should go in the garb of ascetics', with the equipment of such, 136 the umbrella, the beggar's staff and the like, wandering like unto pious pilgrims from village to village and thereby 187 performing their devotions in front of the cetiyas. People versed in the art of healing he commanded to seek out villages and market towns and there to practise the healing 188 art. Such as understood the instruction of boys in the art of writing and in the handling of weapons, who were skilled in the preparation of magic potions and versed in spirit in189 cantation as well as craftsmen possessed of skill in the working of gold and the like he ordered to move from place to 140 place, practising their profession. In order to find out himself the actual conditions as these existed amongst the inhabitants of the inner district (of the town), he by showing a 141 great innocence founded on his youth, learned amongst the people who came to him under the pretext of entertainment 142 and who dwelt on the weakness of the King, to distinguish amongst the highest officials, officers and soldiers those who were ambitious, those who nursed a grudge, those who were afraid
1 According to the Kauțalīya II. 12, the knowledge of the lakşaņa and of the aigavidya belongs to the equipment of a particular kind of spy. These are the so-called sattrial sagasargavidyah.
The nata-nartaka-gayana-vadaka-vagjivana-kulava of the Kautalїуа (І. 12).
In the Kautaliya (I. 11) the vaidehakavyajana, the spy disguised as trader, Peddling with bracelets of glass and similar trinkets is common in the villages of Ceylon at the present day.
Kautaliya I. 11 deals with the tapasa as spy (mudo vd jagilo va. vritikamastapasavyaijana).
The strolling quack is missing in the Kautaliya, as well as the atrolling schoolmaster and the strolling craftsman.

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and those who were avaricious. He took care too, that 148 spies who were versed in the divers rites and ceremonies' in use in the various schools and who knew the tales from the Itihasas, Puranas and many other books, should visit the dif- 144 ferent houses in the assumed garb of samanas. As soon then as confidence in them had been established, and when they had found trust and reverence, they came forward as (spi- 145 ritual) advisers, estranged the people and brought them under their influence. Believing that if the King were made un- 146 suspicious, he could then move about as he would, and easily learn the actual conditions in the interior of the country, he 147 sent a letter to his mother who was dwelling in Rohana, fetched thence his younger sister, the charming Princess Bhaddavati, as well as abundant money, under the pretext that 148 it was her property. The money he took to himself but the 149 Princess he wedded to the Lord of men Gajabahu and so managed matters that the Ruler completely trusted him even as 150 also the royal family'. He used also under the pretence of sport, to go about the streets with a rutting elephant that
The Kaufaliya I. 14 distinguishes in exactly the same way, four groups amongst those who can be manipulated and won over for one's own schemes. The close relation of our passage to the Arthasastra and the allied literature is shown by the fact that the terms are the same in Sanskrit and in Pāli: 1) the kruddhavargah = P. sankuddhā, the group of the indignant, 2) the bhitavargah = P. bhita, the group of the fearful, 8) the tubdhavargah = P. luddha, the group of the avaricious and, 4) the mdnivargah = P. abhimdinlino, the group of the ambitious. The last group is placed first by the Cillavarpsa. For the whole subject cf. W. GEGER, Kenntnis der Indischen Nitiliteratur in Ceylon, Festschrift für H. Jacobi (Beiträge zur Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte Indiens), p. 418 ff.
P. vidhanana tatha kari yath d . . . in v. 145: "he acted in the way, arranged it so that . . ."
P. upaya-vidhana, not "folklore" as translated by W. The Kautaliya I. 9 uses paya along with atharvan in the meaning of "rite, sorcery”.
W's translation is wrong. He has not realised that tato raiakular belongs still to the preceding. The Sinhalese translators S. and B. have also overlooked it.

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151 had rut discharge, and when he was pursued by it would quickly flee under the pretext that refuge was difficult to find, into the house of people who were to be brought under his in152 fluence. He then gave them fitting money reward, costly ornaments and the like and brought them thus imperceptibly 158 under his influence. All the people down to the lowest grades, and the soldiers who dwelt in the town, thought, each for 154 himself that this courtesy was paid to him. Thereupon he ordered his skilled scribes to make an estimate of the King's revenues, of his stocks of grain, of his troops, of his various 155 war material and so on, with the charge: record these by stealing into the various departments of the administration. 156 Others he appointed to find out the inmost thoughts of the people entrusted with the guarding of the town and (of those) 157 of the leaders of the army. He himself under the pretext of youthful pastimes, roamed about everywhere and thus, avoiding every peril, explored the conditions in both spheres'. 158 When the wise man realises how all enterprises undertaken by beings equipped with a great fulness of meritorious deeds accumulated in previous existences, have a successful issue, not meeting with any hindering cause, he will certainly do good.
Here ends the sixty-sixth chapter, called "The Spying out of the Conditions in the other Country', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serone joy and emotion of the pious.
Lit. "groups of scribes (lekhaka)". * What is meant is antomagdalays the territory inside the town, and bahimadalan that outside of the town. Cf. above v. 129, 140.

Głaუქabმhtz 267
CHAPTER LXVI
THE FESTIVAL OF THE MAHADIPADA
Now one day the Prince mounted his chariot and drove, accompanied by his retainers, along the King's highway. Then a terrible buffalo broken loose, that killed everyone it saw, with rolling bloodshot eyes sprang upon him. When the charioteer and the people of the retinue saw it dashing onwards, seized with fear they fled in haste. Then the Prince thought: it is not meet for me to flee like those there, and fearless and without excitement, the hero swiftly went for him and called to him suddenly with loud resounding voice. When
the buffalo heard this, like to a lion's roar, it turned in terror
and ran away, killing or trampling down everyone it met. All who had seen the miracle with their own eyes or had heard of it broke, full of astonishment, into words of admiration: "Behold the heroism, behold the courage, behold the determination, behold his steadfastness, behold the effect of his meritorious deeds!"
When the Ruler of men Gajabahu heard how the people praised his bravery and his other qualities, he thought: that is a great man, of terrible courage whose extraordinary might cannot be compared with that of others, and he began to be afraid of him. Now when the Prince perceived the suspicious thoughts which had arisen in the King Gajabahu he reflected thus: "If I wish while sojourning here, to achieve the sovereignty, I shall without doubt succeed by the mere wrinkling of my brows. But in this case my dignity, and my extraordinary courage and the strength of my arms will have no renown in the world. And the incessant twitching in my arms will nevermore cease without the pastime of a war game.
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Therefore I will return to the land of my birth, overwhelm this king by war and capture him and his retainers alive. Then when I bring my father Kittisirimegha into this town and by the water of the royal coronation which will be poured on his head, I efface the shame of the defeat of my three fathers - then will my fame spread itself also over Jambudipa." Hereupon he found out through hunters a way of approach for the army in making an assault on the town and a way for its retirement, if there should be cause for retreat, as well as a way suitable for his own spies, well understanding how to discriminate between the different ways, while he himself under the pretext of the chase, wandered about the forest near the town, and distinguished the main roads from the bypaths by particular signs.
Mindful of the words of the Buddha: if one lets time slip away, time drinks up the best, he with the intention of betaking himself to his own country, then sent away first of all his followers having fixed the goal where one should meet, in the locality of Janapada. But as he thought, that after having stayed there so long it was not in keeping with his manliness, to leave without giving notice thereof, he paid a visit in the evening in richly decorated attire, to the King Gajabahu. Then when twilight had come when people were wont to amuse themselves with divers games, he smiling, with cheerful mien, spake thus: "I must start even to-day to betake myself to the province of the Yuvaraja, and having paid a visit to my father, then return hither in haste." When
the King heard this, thanks to his naturally defective under
standing, he thought he had said this with reference to his
Lit.: "In the passing of time time drinks away the sap (rasa) thereof." That is: a work loses its value if it is not carried out without hesitation. This is held to be a buddhavaco, like many ancient sayings of wisdom. S. and B. have changed the word evidently because it is not to be found in the Canon, into vuddhavaco "ancient saying" (thus W.) I think however, that tuddha is only used of age in respect of human life.
Thus already near the frontier of Dakkhinadesa. See note to 66. 10.

7. 1 Gajabāk 269
intention to betake himself to his house, and said to him with cheerful smile the favourable words: "May what you have in mind be swiftly fulfilled ' The chief Brahmana who stood near the King likewise at the same moment spake a favourable word of happy, augury of which it is acknowledged that it aims at the abundant accumulation (of means) for the attainment of an object, for peace and victory and for the destruction of the hostile party. When the Prince heard that, he thought with joy: the present constellation is favourable to my course, and betook himself to his home.
Thereupon the Prince great in virtue and insight, hearing and seeing favourable omens of many kinds, left the house. Running as if in fun after his elephant called Ramakula, he roamed from street to street and left the town at night. By moonlight wandering thence, he met a man resting at the foot of a tree and asked him who he was. When he heard that he was a wayfarer he spake quickly with raised voice: "Dost thou know me?' The other stood silent from fear. "Adipada Parakkamabahu, so they call me; fear not". With these words he quickly quieted him and won him for himself. He spake to him: "That I met thee here was in truth for me a great gain. Betake thee row in all haste to the camp and tell there thou hast seen Prince Parakkamabahu on the way into his own country'. With that he sent him off hurriedly. Near the Khajurakawaddhamana tank ke kept a lookout whether a force were in pursuit of him. As the Prince saw no troop pursuing him, he set out to betake himself to (the place) called Kanapaddauda. A dreadful, savage she-bear, with great sharp claws", sprang at him in the vast wilderLit.: "with reference to the going to his own house". Thus Gajabahu takes yuvardjarattha as a joking expression of Parakkamabahu's for his house, as he is of course playing the part of yuvaraja. The King does not for a moment think that Dakkhinadesa is meant. Even the words vidhaya pituidassanan he refers to himself not to Kittisirimegha.
These are words of favourable augury, vacanan magalasamhitan, which the Prince at once applies to his high-soaring plans.
The jungle bear (melursus labiatus) native to Ceylon, is distinguished by its enormous claws.
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ness with her cubs, with a fearful howl. Forcing her down with the edge of his shield, he split her with his sword in two halves, but with the back of his foot he quickly cast of the cubs. He then called together his comrades who had fled in fear into the forest. While hereupon still free from fear, he passed over rocky country, he brought down a boar terrible beyond all measure, who had attacked him as if it were a whole herd, and who gave vent to a terrible grunt. Then when marching further at the village of Demeliyagama at daybreak, he beheld the peasants who were named after it', setting forth sword in hand on some kind of enterprise, he thinking they came at the head of the (pursuing) army, smote vehemently with his sword on his shield and with a savage cry: "I will slay the villains' sprang into the midst of them like a lion among gazelles. They fled frightened into the big forest, throwing away their weapons. Thereupon the Prince looked thither on every side and when he saw a man who had fallen into a chasm, he drew him out of the abyss and asked him who they were. When he had heard out of his mouth the state of affairs in accordance with the truth, he spake full of pity: "Leave of fearing everyone and take up your weapons', and declared to them openly his own purpose. Near Mangalabegama he saw for the first time sol
P. sidkhadar. W. takes the word for a proper name.
o The Col. Ed. changes the MSS. reading yathaythabhiyanta unnecessarily into tatha y W. accordingly translates "leading a herd".
The form of the name is quite uncertain. The MSS. waver. The Col. Ed. has Deneliyanaga but it is just the in which is present in all the MSS.
4 The passage is very difficult. W. takes vopanamtke as a place name, but the locality is already given in Demeliyaganawhaye game. I think that vopanamike belongs to the immediately preceding gamike and that the word corresponds to a Skr, "aupanamika ("upandinan "surname, nickname"). Gamike topananike thus means the same as Deneliyaganaganike.
We must connect puretarar with yana (abl.); yana has the meaning of the Latin agner. Lit.: here they come in advance of the army (oratio recta).

87.58 Gajabāhu 271
diers of his retinue who had come according to the agreement, and accompanied by them, he betook himself (to the locality called Janapada and joined his retinue who had arrived there beforehand. The Prince tarried there with his people two or three days, giving himself up to the pleasures of the chase and various other entertainments.
When King Kittisirimegha now learned from a letter sent
him by his watchmen, that his son had betaken himself.
thither, he rejoiced in the thought that after the Prince had sojourned so long with the enemy, he had now without. taking any harm, happily escaped out of the power of the foe. With the command: "Ye must, my friends, without delay bring hither to me the son who chases away my grief, and before a hindrance arises, show him to me", he sent to him people from the five groups of menials, who were known to be courageous', together with an autograph letter and gifts.
1 P. bhațe sahavaddhite. Cf. with this sahavadhitanap amaccana 68. 5, sahavaddhitayodhehi 70. 189, as well as saddhinvaddhitaposesu 70. 277. The meaning of sahavaddhita is apparently the same as that of 8ahagata "come along with", and then "belonging to the immediate retinue". Is there perhaps a connection between vaddhita and the Sinh. vaại.navã ? S.
The localities, Khaijiravaddhandia, Kagapaddaiuda, Demeliyagamar and Maigalabegdima all lie on a line running from Polonnaruva to east of Dambul. See note to 66. 110. The Prince had covered the distance - about 20-25 miles as the crow flies - in a night and part of the following day, reaching Demeliyagama at daybreak. His retinue expect him according to agreement (see 67. 22) at Janapada, and from here according to orders, some people have come to Mangalabegana to meet him. Of this place CodRington says (I. 70): "Mangalaba, seems to represent some such name as Magul-ebé; a Makul-ebé is said locally to be between Konduraveva and Puvakgaha Ulpota in Matale District."
The Col. Ed. has nayaka and W. accordingly translates: "reputed heads of the five trades". But the MSS. have all n.disaka which points rather to māsaka’ (after jane = anāsaika’). Kittisirimegha entrusts with the commission people whose hearts are in the right place, bearing in mind the violent death suffered by the Senapati Sahkha. According to W. pessiya were artisans, such as carpenters, weavers, washermen, barbers and shoemakers (note to the passage). In 84. 5 in addition to
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The Prince was glad when he saw the people and the presents they had brought, and betook himself thence to Saraggama desirous of meeting again with his father. Now when Kittisirimegha heard that his son was there, he sent thither the head of the Kutharasabha as well as Abhaya, the chief of the ascetics, who dwelt in the Paficaparivenamula monastery with the order to fetch him hither without loss of time. When the Prince had learned the circumstances of his royal father as narrated by them, he spake: if the stars are : favourable, I will depart and ye must go with me, and for yet a few days he passed the time with games at waterfalls and other pleasant places.
When the Prince's companions saw the soldiers who came from every side, to seek the officials with the chief of the Sabha at their head, they remembering the wrong they had themselves formerly done" the King by their adherence to the Prince, became agitated through fear. And they spake to one another: "Many soldiers are gathering here from divers places. Hard to see through are the intentions of these officials. They are all united here, surround us on every side and taking us in the centre, have occupied the various places'. And being perturbed, they told the matter also to the King's son. He was wroth. "Never and nowhere do all these cowards look at things as they really are, and therefore they see nothing but danger where no danger is. At the sight of the village guard who have come to see the head of the Sabha they
the five, ten pessiyavagga are distinguished. They are rajakulayatta, belong to the royal household.
1 See note to 66.71.
Kuthdiradisabhdi is, as so often, nothing, but a paraphrase for Kuiharasabha (see note to 44, 6). It is a case of some kind of council chamber (sabha). The word kuthara means "axe". Instead of vas 'bhaya the Col. Ed. reads vastica; thus the name of the priest is missing here.
3 The following translation is also possible: "remembering the wanton deed which they themselves in common with the Prince, had committed against the King." The sentence would then contain an allusion to the murder of the Senapati Sahkha.

67. 87 Gajabāhu 278
talk contemptible nonsense to me' - and he spake to them words to this effect. But they melted away gradually hither and thither. When the Prince heard of it he spake: "Although they have witnessed my courage on divers occasions and their own rescue over and over again by me from evil situations, their inborn cowardice doth not forsake these cravens. What boots it me whether they stay here or run away, and what man can plot anything and what (can he plot) so long as I live?" And he spent yet some time tarrying there.
When Queen Ratanavali heard that her son was there, but that he was not coming with the (envoys) sent out by his father, she thought: "It is not meet that grief should be caused to the King by my son passing the time without coming; I will myself at once bring my son to the Monarch and present him, to him'. Thereupon she came in haste from Rohana hither, betook herself to Sankhanathatthali, sought out the Ruler, exchanged with him many friendly words and, asked by the Monarch, she informed him of the reason for her coming. Then she went thence to Saraggama, sought out her son, the Thera, the chief of the ascetics, and the head of the Sabha and took close counsel with them as to what was to
be done. And as (in her opinion) it was not at all seemly
to linger far (from the capital), she took the Prince along with her and betook herself to Badalatthali. Together with the Senapati Deva' stationed there she went to Sankhanathatthali and presented (the Prince) to his father, the King. When then Kittisirimegha beheld his son, he spake in his
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love to the highest officials thus: "To-day the arrow of 84
anxiety as to who here might look after me in my old age and show me the last honours, is taken out of my soul. But think not that it is for me only a blessing, is it not also for you a reward brought forth by former merits? From now onwards ye must all yield obedience to the Prince'. With these words the King commended to them his son. While
Deva who is here called sendidhipati, was apparently the successor of the murdered Sankha. Like the latter he lived at Badalatthali.
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the officials full of zeal, did according to his command, King Kittisirimegha departed this life.
The steadfast Prince who knew the writings of the Master (Buddha), was not mastered by the agitation called forth by the grief at his father's death. He comforted the inhabitants of the kingdom beginning with the high dignitaries, carried out the fire burial of his father in a manner worthy of him, appointed here and there in the country and on the frontiers of the realm loyally devoted officials amongst his immediate followers. Then versed in the laws valid for the nobility, at a favourable constellation, during the festival of the binding on of the frontlet denoting the rank of mahādipāda he held a solemn procession - he the ornament of Lanka, adorned with all ornaments, around the town, adorned with every ornament in every way - he the mighty round the troop-filled (town), he the most dexterous riding on his elephant -- even as the King of the gods round the city of the gods. By the rain of an abundant gift of money to the samanas and the brahmanas and others he stilled then the persistence of the glow of their poverty. To the King Gajabahu and to the King Manabharana he sent hereupon his envoys to inform them of the affair'.
P.. iidatasatthdgama. It is doubtful whether sattha contains the Skr. Sastra or gastr (P. satthar). W. seems to assume the former, since he translates: "versed in all knowledge and religion'. I think the latter and take satthagama as a synonym of buddhagama. The Buddha teaches in the sacred scriptures, absolute quiet of soul, indifference towards joy and sorrow.
W. translates "officers whom he had trained". That is in itself unobjectionable. Nijaraldhita would correspond then to skir. miacardhita = svavardhita (BR. s. v. nija, near the end). I find it difficult however, to separate autiavoiddhita from the sahavadchita so often used in the same context. See note to 67. 52.
The whole section is full of puns. Notice in v. 91 nakhatte and khatta, in v. 92 ala.kaira and aliankottct, nekel and nektola, in v. 93
: pabala and bitla, dakkhiagga and padakkhia (which I have rendered
by "solemn procession"), as well as akari and kitrip, sturindo and strälayaт.
Thus he observes diplomatic courtesy in notifying the change of

87.96 Gajabáthu 275
He (Parakkamabahu) who had won the hearts of his many officers through the fulness of his excellent qualities, who had reduced all hostility to nothing, who had won lustrous glory, whose wealth consisted in his renown which filled the whole universe, dwelt in that town doing much good.
Here ends the sixty-seventh chapter, called "The Festival of the Mahadipada", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
reign. But it is to be noted that he assumes the title of mahadipada. This looks like modesty, but it includes as against Gajabahu, for future time the claim to the crown in the whole of the kingdom.
mita, lit. 'directed, led' is to be taken in the sense of vasan mita "brought under his influence, won over for himself".
For vidhunita cf. akr. dhi with vi, in BR. 2.
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CHAPTER LXVIII
THE IMPROVEMENT OF HIS OWN KINGDOM
With his high-soaring plans and with his exact knowledge of the other country, though now in possession of the royal dignity, he did not give way to empty boasting (such as): "the reward of my royal dignity, after the subjugation of all my foes, consists (now already) in the gain of prosperity and welfare for the laity and the Order", but he thought: "It is true, I have by my extraordinary insight brought my kingdom although it is small, so far that much in it has pro
4 spered, but I will now within a short time further it so
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greatly that it will surpass the greatness of other kingdoms'. With this reflection the Prince granted to all the dignitaries amongst his followers, to each according to his merit, posts
A difficult passage. The alteration of pada o in the Col. Ed. into tattha mantanam-dpaija (W. "he took counsel with . . .") is unnecessary. I believe that katthamattam and patia which some of the MSS. have, while the writing of others suggests it, gives quite good sense. That would be the skir. 'katthdmatram ('kattha “boasting" from the root kattle). At most a quite slight alteration might be made - kathanattan : katthana (skr. the same) and suff. -tta (skr. -tva) "condition of boasting". Neyuttaka in d'I regard on account of the e in the first syllable, as a secondary derivative of niyutta (skr. niyukta) and as a substantive at that, formed like ranayaka "loveliness'. Panini's rule 5. 1. 32, it is true, allows this formation only with adjectives in -yu. Strophe 2 gives then the content of the boasting from which Parakkamabāhu refrains, being conscious of the great tasks which still await him. He is not satisfied by what he has achieved till now and by a quiet and pious life in his present realm, but he aspires after the sovereignty over whole Ceylon. M
See above notes to 67. 62 and 90. W. translates here and also in

68, 20 Gajabāhu 277
and inclined them to himself by gifts of money. From the Samantakuta mountain to the port at the sea he divided his army along the frontier of the kingdom into various camps, and reflecting that in the first place, in every possible way grain must be stored in mass, he spake thus to his henchmen: "In the realm that is subject to me there are, apart from many strips of country where the harvest flourishes mainly by rain water, but few fields which are dependent on rivers with permanent flow or on great reservoirs. Also by many mountains, by thick jungle, and by widespread swamps my kingdom is much straitened. Truly in such a country not even a little water that comes from the rain must flow into the ocean without being made useful to man. Except at the mines where there are precious stones, gold and the like, in all other places the laying out of fields must be taken in hand. For a life of enjoyment of what one possesses, without having cared for the welfare of the people, in no wise befits one like myself. And when it is the case of a difficult task, ye also all with untiring energy must not regard it as hard; without neglecting the command given by me, ye must fully carry out the work as ordered'. The highly renowned gave the order to rebuild on the river Jajara the great causeway known as Kotthabaddha which had since long been in ruins, so that the name alone remained, and which had caused the kings of former times the greatest difficulties. The officials all described in every way the difficulties of the work and its lack of permanence even if it were carried out. The King Parakkamabāhuo repudiated the word: “What is there in the world that cannot be carried out by people of energy? That
70. 189 and 277 "officers that had been brought up with him", but in 67. 52 "his fellow soldiers".
See note to 60. 64. Now the Deduru-oya. The river rises southwest of Kurunegala, flows at first in a northwesterly and northerly direction, turns west below its junction with the Kimbulvana-oya, flows at no great distance past Nikaveratiya and falls into the sea to the north of Chilav.
* Note that from now onwards Parakkamabahu has the title of King.
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even Rama had a great causeway built by the monkey hosts over the ocean - this tale lives among the people to this day. If my extraordinary power should be the cause of the furthering of the laity and the Order by the union of Lanka under one umbrella, then even at the beginning of the enterprise one sees (in anticipation) its fulfilment'. By such words the energetic one fired their energy. From the causeway as starting-point to the district called Rattakara the discerning ruler before building the causeway, laid down a large canal, in depth many times the length of a man, very broad and exceedingly solid. As in this district there was a lack of stone masons, the far-famed (King) called together in great number coppersmiths, blacksmiths and goldsmiths and made over to them the business of masonry and made them lay down a dam in which the joints of the stones were scarcely to be seen, very firm, quite massive, like to a solid rock
W. is thinking of the Ratkerauva (?) in the Atakalan Korale of Sabaragamuva; that is of course geographically quite impossible. CoDa NGTon (I. 70) refers us to Ratkaravva, about 4/2 miles N. W. of Kurunegala in the Kuda Galboda. Korale. If this is right, then the small river that flows immediately past Kurunegala and joins the Deduru-oya further north, would be included in the irrigation system. The great reservoir must then be sought not far from the spot where the road from Kurunegala to Dambul crosses the Deduru-oya. But I believe that the form of the name is Rattakara, and -avhaya the word -avha occuring so frequently at the end of names with the meaning "called so and so". The large map of Ceylon too has not the form Ratkaravva but Fatkara-veva.
* I believe that my emendation of the MSS. silākottakānam mahāpalohakdrake into 'kanani abhava loha is simpler than that of the Col. Ed. ‘kdinan nivahan loha'; bha is very easily confused with ha and va with pa. The familiar mahd led to a doubling of the m. The sense is now even more pregnant. If a number (nivaha) of stone masons had been available, one would not have needed the various smiths for the building of the reservoir and the canal. For they are only employed for silakottanakamma.
P. pittihipdisda, according to PTS. P. D. s. v. "a flat stone or rock, plateau, ridge'. The idea is: the whole causeway looks like a single immense slab of stone, like a monolith.

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and provided with a complete coating of stucco. As a believer he placed on the height of the causeway a bodhi tre,
an image house and a relic shrine'. And expert as he was,
he so arranged matters that the whole quantity of water was borne through the canal to the sea. On both sides of the canal he had the great wildernesses cleared and many thousands of day's work fields laid out, and because the land was thickly studded with granaries full of untrussed rice he caused it to be called by the fitting name of Kotthabaddha.
Hereupon at the place of union of the two rivers Sankhavaddhamanaka and Kumbhilavana' the Sovereign had the place Sukaranihara dammed up in the aforesaid way and likewise a canal laid down. He had the water from there carried to the Mahagallaka tank" and after he had dammed up everything there that was decayed and ruined, having first cleared out the drainage canals, he built a weir' of larger proportions than before. From this place as far as Sukaranihara he had fields made and collected in this way stocks of grain. In the middle of the Jajara river at the place Doradattika he built a dam and a large canal and also from there as far as Sukaranihara he had fields made and brought together a
1 P. dhatugabbhan. Here, as already in 60.56 and below in 79. 14, the word appears with the meaning of the Sinhalese dagaba or dagoba, not as originally for the relic chamber built into the stipa, but for the stupa itself (dhātugabbha = thapa).
P. vaha, a land measure, as much ground as one can cultivate with a "load' of seed corn.
The reading abaddhavthi of the MSS. which has been arbitrarily altered in the Col. Ed. into akhadatihi, is necessary, in order to explain the second part of the name Kotthabaddha.
These are the rivers Hakvaunu-oya and Kimbulvana-oya (CodRINGTON 1.70). The former joins the latter from the right about 4 miles above its junction with the Deduru-oya. Cf. above note to v. 16.
o As the Mahāgallakavāpi is in all probability the Magalle-veva reservoir in the Magul Otota Korale near Nikaveratiya, the canal must have followed the right bank of the Deduru-oya for a length of about 16 miles. Cf. note to 44. 8.
P. varipata, lit. "waterfall". Cf. 48, 148 and 79, 66, 67 with the αοίθ8.
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large quantity of corn. The Pandavapi tank which was formerly quite small he provided with a solid dam whose height, length and breadth were enlarged (as compared with former dimensions), and (also) with an immense, high weir and with overflow canals and gave it the name Parakkamasamudda. On the island in the pmiddle of the tank he built on the summit of a rock a cetiya... that showed forth the beauty of the Kelasa mountain'. In its centre he built a royal pleasure house three storeys high and very beautiful, which was a habitation for a fulness of worldly joys. The reservois Mahagalla, Sețițhivāpi and Chattunnata, Tabbāvāpi, as well as Ambavāsāvāpi, Giribāvāpi, Pāțala, Maụdika, Moravāpi, Sādiyaggamavapi and also Tilagullaka; Malavalli and Kali as well as Kittakaņdaka, Kaņņikāragalavāpi and Buddhagāmakanijhara; Sūkaraggāmavāpi and Mahākirāļavāpi, Giriyāvāpi, Rakkhamāna, Ambala and Katunnaru; Jallibava, Uttarala and Tintinigama, Dhavallavițțhikagāma, Kirāvāpi, Nalannaru; Karavițțhavilatta, as well as Udumbaragāma, Munaru and Kasālla and Kalalahallika; Mūlavārikavāpi and Girisigāmuka, Polonnarutala and also Visiratthala' - these many tanks and sixteen others in
1 The statement maijhe Jajaranaijaya is too vague, to allow of fixing the position of Doradattika with certainty. I think, however, that it must be looked for ab o ve the mouth of the Kumbhīlayāna-nadī. If it were below, the canal described in vv. 82 ff. would stand in the way of a diversion from the right bank. With a diversion from the left bank however the junction with Sukaranijihara would cross the Deduru-oya itself.
* See mote to 60. 50.
8 P. abbhunnata. It is difficult to say what the special meaning of
the word is here.
By the brilliant white of the coating which reminds one of the summit of the Kailāsa wrapped in eternal snow. This is a mountain group of over 20000 ft. in height, belonging to the trans-Himalayan system. The Tibetans call the mountain Kang-rinpotsche and, like the Hindus, they hold it sacred. Cf. Sven HEDIN, Transhimalaya II. 91 ff, 164 fif, III. 170 ff.
Mr. CodRING-Ton had the kindness to send me by letter (19. 10, 1926) a series of identifications established by him for vv. 48-49: 1. Mahagalla = Magalleveva (see notes to 44, 8 and 68. 84); 2. Vas a vapi =

88, 57 Gajabāhu 28
which the weirs were destroyed he whose heart was chained to pity, had restored in his realm. In the Paricayojana District where there were great swamp ponds, he took the water from there and conducted it to rivers, laid out fields and collected a large quantity of grain. In the wildernesses there and at very many other places he determined everywhere what was to remain as wilderness, and assembling all the village chiefs, he entrusted the inhabitants with the cultivation (of the remaining country). The discerning (Prince) thereby brought it about that the new fields yielded a tax which was greater than the old taxes produced in the kingdom, and at the same time brought it to pass that the inhabitants of the country never more knew fear of famine. Versed in administration he thought: in my kingdom wherever it may be, there shall not be even a small courtyard without its roofing of leafage, and had therefore here and there charm
Wasiyava in the Magul Otota Korale (near Nikaveratiya); 3. Giribavapi = Giribava in Mi-oyen Egoda Korale (on the left bank of the Kala-oya); 4. Maņ ɖii ka = Mediyava in the Pahala Wisideke Korale (north of Maho); 5. Tilagullaka = Talagalle Ela (see note to 58. 48), in the Katuvana Korale (east of Magul Ototal K.); 6. Kali? = Kaliyavadana, a large irrigation work in Pitigal Korale (at Chilav); 7. Buddhagām akanijj hara ? = Butgomu-oya, Yatikaha Korale (20 miles vest of Kurunegala); 8. Sūkaraggāma vā pi? - Urapotta, Kiniyama Korale (left bank of the lower Deduru-oya); 9. Mahakiral a vapi = Mahagirilla, Magul Medagandahaye Korale East (north of the Magul Otota K.); 10. Giriyavapi = Galgiriyava, Nikavagampahe Korale (north-east of Maho); 11. Amb āla = Ambale, Magul Medagandahaye Korale East (see under 9); 12. Tintinigamaka = Siyambalangomuva, Hatalispaha Korale (between Nikavagampahe K. and Mi-oyen Egoda K., a large now abandoned tank north-east of Galgamuva); 18. Kiravapi = Kiraveva, Yagam Pattu Korale (10 miles E. of Chilav); 14. Karavițțh a vil atta = Karavita and Willattava, Pitigal Korale North (at Chilav), and Yagam Pattu Korale (see under 18). - For Moravdpi see notes to 69. 9, 70. 67. -
I think we must read matthaniharavapiyo instead of nattha nik'. * Pun on dayabaddhamano and bandhdpesi.
Lit.: "determining the wilderness places"; vavattha is a gerund and stands for -tthaya with a causative meaning." Thus he separated the cultivable land from that which was incapable of cultivation.
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ing parks laid out, filled full with numerous species of creepers and trees which bore fruits and which bore blossoms, and which offered many delights and which were beautified by all kinds of garden beds.
Aware of the right method, the Prince so acted that in consequence of his extraordinary insight his own kingdom though small, (now) brought to such prosperity, surpassed another, even a great kingdom.
Here ends the sixty-eighth chapter, called "The Improvement of his own Kingdom', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 IP. cineka-anubhava-didhare "the foundations of many delights'. For the meaning of a nubhava cf. those of the kindred verb, an u-bhi.
* Р. нdпӑпиуyäта8итdare, which I split up into тӑтӑ апиууӑпа 8°; атиуyaпa corresponds to uyyana as aтиdhaтта to dhaтa and i8 used of the smaller secondary garden-like beds in the dramdi.

Gajabāhu, 283
CHAPTER LXIX
THE COLLECTION OF MILITARY FORCES AND MONEY
When Parakkamabahu had thus set his whole kingdom in order in the best possible way, he pondered over what was now to be done: "Former foolish kings to whom good direction of affairs of state was unknown, for long injured at their pleasure people and Order. The ascetics made the Order abandon the teaching and discipline of the Master; they neglected religious duties and lived according to their own pleasure. If now I soon unite Lanka under one umbrella, I shall perchance be able to raise up again Order and people.' After these reflections he gave orders to officers and district chiefs to put troops and war material in readiness. First of all the Prince summoned to him the official with the title of King of Malaya who was leader of the Damia army in the district called Rattakara, and after he had placed in readiness many thousands of men, as well as armaments and weapons, he sent him away to take up his abode there. From the Tabba district, from the Giriba district, from Moravapi, from the Mahipala district, and from the Pilavitthika district; from the Buddhagama district and from the district called Ambavana, from the Bodhigamavara district and from the Katakapetaka’ district he summoned the officials of the
See note to 68. 23.
Of the names mentioned here the following are already known: 1) Tabbā, in Tabbāvāpi 68. 48; 2) Giribā, in Giribāvāpi, cf. note to 68. 49, nr. 8; 3) Mora, v api 68. 44; 4) Bu d dh a ga, m a,, cf. note to 58. 48; 5) A m ba van a, cf. note to 66. 85; 6) Bodhi gāma vara, cf. note to 66. 78. It is clear that here we have the enumeration of the frontier districts of Dakkhinadesa towards Rajaratha from N.W. to S.E.

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frontier guard singly, placed at their disposal many thousands of men, strong mails ard divers weapons, such as swords, javelins, lances and the like and sent each of them to his place to dwell there. At that time Lankamahalana, Sikhanayaka, Jayamahālāna, Sețițhināyaka and Mahinda by name — these five highly respected men belonging to the Lambakannas dwelt in the Moriya' district. He made each one of them supply a thousand warriors and ordered them to get ready the (necessary) war equipment. In the interior of the country the King set up twelve district chiefs and allotted to each of them two thousand men. Further he appointed eighty four officers, men tested by victory, and entrusted to each of them a force of a thousand men. He also raised several thousand soldiers armed with clubs, tall men and strong, and the (needful) war appliances. Of the foreign soldiers, such as the Keralas and others, who were in his service, he raised several thousand. Of one thousand he made moonlight archers, versed in night-fighting, and gave them leathern doublets and the like. Many thousand Wyadhas too he brought together, (men) who understood their task and gave then what was fitting for them: spears, drums' and the like. Of the many work people
The Tabba district accordingly lies in the extreme northwest on the left bank of the lower Kala-oya probably in Rajavanni-Pattuva. I find a Mahatabbova marked on the 12-sheet-map. Moravapi, Mahipala and Pilavitthika must be looked for in this order between Giriba and Menikdena. It is clear from 72. 163, 170 that Pila vițț hi or Pilla vi țiți hi (the two are certainly identical) lay not far from Kalavapi. Possibly Kaņta kapetaka lay east or northeast of Matale.
1 Cf. note to 39. 44.
Moriya is otherwise (88. 18, 41.69) a clan name. * That vyãdha here is a rendering of the Sinh. rāddã seems to me certain, though this does not prove that the etymological derivation of the latter from the former is correct.
W. separates sattikalambara into satti-kala-ambara and translates
"swords, black clothes'. That is certainly wrong. We must separate
into sattika-alambara. Sattika is the deminutive of satti "spear' = skr. $akti. One might also derive it from 8atti "knife" = skr. sastri, but I consider that less likely. Alambara is the skr. adambara "drum".

89, 80 Gajabāhu 285
the King then ordered each thousand to perform the work appropriate to them. With the wish that people skilled in the art of riding elephants or horses and of handling the sword, in the use of foreign tongues, in dance and song, in court service should increase in number, the Sovereign brought up many of the sons, brothers and grandchildren of distinguished families in his own palace. Of the many groups such as the Churikaggahaka, the Kappuravaddhaka, the Khuddasevaka, the Sīhalagandhabba, the Santikāvacara and so on * he supported several thousand of each of them at the royal court. To the young people among the chamberlains, barbers and the like he gave weapons and commanded them always to acknowledge the eldest among them as their leaders. Having established through the people who had been the treasurers of his father the King, the state of the finances, he came to the decision, that with such means it would be impossible to establish a universal dominion in Lanka, and collected without oppressing the people (further) money in the following way: The monarch separated finance administration and the army from each other and made them over to two officials who were the chief officials. The whole realm ruled by him the King divided equally (into two halves) and appointed a couple of auditors who came in regular ad
Parakkama thus supplies the demand for workers for the army by recruiting from the castes.
It is not possible to determine what various groups (vaggabheda), castes or guilds are meant. Taken in order the names singly denote: 1) knife bearers, dagger bearers, 2) camphor producers (cf. cicaravaddhaka "makers of clothing"), 8) little servants, 4) Sihala musicians, 5) comrades of the immediate entourage. -
Parakkama must thus have created two chief ministries, a ministry of War and one for the internal administration, each with a highest official at the head. For simplification the latter was locally divided into two parts (v. 80) to which a third was added which embraced in particular the administration of the mines (? sciratthdina, v. 32). It is clear that the compiler is here describing the system of administration set up in certain works of the Niti literature. It is of course possible that Parakkama himself adopted this system.
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vancement (to the office). From the district on the sea coast, from the district Ratanākara*, from the great Malaya country and from other districts the Ruler separated all land of extraordinary value and placed it under an official for whom he created the so-called "Office of the Interior'. By ship he sent off many precious stones, traded with these and so increased the money resources. In charge of the two chief officials he caused to supply war material and troops of many thousand men, and in that of the three (other) officials also, him of the office of the Interior and the two heads of provinces, he raised very many troops. To test the military fitness of the soldiers' he arranged fights on the street, sifted out the most skilled and granted them high distinction. Those unfitted for fight he dismissed out of pity: they were to till the fields and perform other work and live in peace.
Thus versed in right method, he placed in readiness mails and weapons and skilled troops and without oppressing the people, he collected with ease large resources in money.
Here ends the sixty-ninth chapter, called "The Collection of military Forces and Money', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
P. kandgate. I believe that what is meant is that these officials, in order to have the necessary expert knowledge, had to work their way up through the various grades of service.
Here it is probably a case of the strips of coast where pearl fishing was carried on.
I have no doubt that the district meant is that in which the present Ratnapura lies (cf. W., note to the passage), and which was ever and again the "mine of precious stones" (ratanakara).
4 P. antarangadhura. See skr. antaraňga.
By bhata are meant all people of an age to bear arms.

Gajabāhu, 287
CHAPTER LXX
THE SURRENDER OF THE ROYAL DIGNITY
Hereupon, after Parakkamabahu had surveyed his great army and the abundant stocks in money and corn and his whole war material, he thought: quite apart from the island of Sihala it would not be difficult to conquer even Jambudipa, and he set about getting the royal dominion into his power. Into the great Malaya country which was difficult to penetrate owing to the inaccessibility of the many mountains and on account of the danger from wild animals, shut off from intercourse with other men, passable only on footpaths, offering all kinds of perils and dangerous by reason of deep waters with man-eating crocodiles, in Yatthikanda and Dumbara, he summoned Rakkha the dandadhinayaka of King Gajabahu, and graciously showed him great distinction. He then gave him the order to take possession of the Malaya country
and make it over to him. When the inhabitants heard of the
affair, they agreed that they would kill the general when he came to them. At these tidings the general came hither in haste, fought, scattered the enemy in flight and occupied the district of Dumbara. Thereupon he continued the fight in
Parakkamabahu goes to work with great deliberation. Before undertaking the attack on Rajarattha, he secures his right flank by occupying the mountain country of Malaya. This is called, as in 69. 81, Mahdiтalayadesа.
Probably the province of Dumbara (Pata D. and Uda D.) which stretches N. E. of Kandy, though possibly its scope was more restricted in ancient times than now. See below note to v. 14.
The title occurs in different forms; also dadanatha (so v. 7, 8), dadanayaka (70. 279 etc.). It seems to be of a military character; dada is probably to be understood as "army'.
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Yatthikanda and seized the head of the chief there, after he had beaten the foe. At the village of Talakkhetta he twice offered battle and he likewise fought two combats at Nagapabbata'. Also at the village Suvannadoni by name, at Ramucchuvallika and at Demathapadatthall he delivered at each in turn an action, and after all the enemy inhabiting the different places were subjugated he took possession of the Yatthikanda district with strong forces. After leaving there his younger brother behind with the army, he betook himself to the King to consider what was to be done. The soldiers at the head of whom was his brother, now marched forth and after a fight with the enemy, seized the district called Nilagallaka. The general returned and after he had successively delivered battle at Sayakhettaka, at Rattabeduma and at Dhanuvillika and had slain the foe, he made the , conquered district Nilagallaka into a safe possession. Hereupon he twice offered action against the powerful Otturamallaka the chief of Dhanumandala, and after conquering the Nissenikkhettaka district and clearing it of the briers (of the foe), he brought Otturamalaka and his people into his power. Thereupon the King summoned the general Rakkha to him and conferred on him the dignity of a Kesadhatu and great distinction.
1 The place mentioned here has nothing to do with the Nakapa wat a vihara mentioned in the Tammanakanda inscription (E. McLLER AIC, No. 55).
Corresponds probably to a modern Randeniya. The Census of 1921 mentions five localities of this name; but the position of none of them fits our Suvanna do ni.
A Nilgala lies in Udasiya Pattu North in Dumbara (thus CodringToN), that is in the mountains north of Teldeniya. If the indentification is right, then the engagements described in vv. 8 f. must have taken place in a comparatively restricted area in the region N. E. of Kandy. The names in vv. 8 and 9 do not occur again. Ramucchuvallika (v. 1 l) might be meant for Rambukvela in Gampaha Korale West, 7 miles east of Teldeniya (cf. W. note to passage).
* A Dunu vila, lies about five miles S. E. of Teldeniya, only just over two miles south of the spot where the last king of Ceylon was captured. Thus also CodRINGTon.
Cf. the note to 57. 65. The Order of the Kesadhatu was not founded for the first time now, as one might assume from the note in W's translation. It existed already at the time of Wijayabahu I.

70. 81 Gajabathu 289
The King sent him forth to take the district of Majjhimavagga. He betook himself to Nilagiri and after he had armed his troops there, the mighty one fought in the province Wapivataka by name and in Majjhimavagga and won the victory. When the Lord of men Gajabahu heard of these events, he sent out a great army to fight him. At news of this the Kesadhatu, who had with him a correspondingly strong army and train, scattered the enemy forces and occupied Majjhimavagga. Lokajitvana by name and the Lankadhinayaka Rakkha, the lion-hearted ones, armed a division, marched forth and fought the Lankanatha Hukitti; they defeated him and brought the district called Rerupallika into their power. In Kosavagga the King brought Samantamalla by name by amicable means under his influence and showed him great honour; he then sent him war material and a big army and charged him to seize Kosavagga. Samantamallaka by name, Otturamalaka and his people fought with the hostile army and slew many in the battle. After they had fought a great battle at the place called Sisacchinnakabodhi, the mighty ones got hold of the Kosavagga district'.
When he had thus made peaceful the province of Malaya where owing to its inhabitants there had been no peace, he dwelt at ease in his town and passed the time with games
1 Contrary to all the MSS. the Col. Ed. reads rajarathan instead of raid rathan. Accordingly W. translates "sent him to the king's country to take the district of Majjhima-vaggaka'. That is wrong. The scene is not yet Rajaratha, but Malaya. Majjhimavagga is identified by CooRING ToN with Medivaka in Gampaha Korale, Dumbara.
* Nilagiri is probably identical with the Nilagallaka mentioned above. It is now the base for further operations.
8 Laikadhindiyaka (variants laikanditha, ex. 70.25, or laikadhinatha, ex. 70. 232) is again a title which occurs frequently in just this pariccheda. The Lankadhinayaka Rakkha is of course different from the Dandadhinayaka ("general') Rakkha, now Kesadhatu Rakkha. The two are mentioned together 70. 282, 283. Cf. also note to 70. 278.
We must very likely assume that the military engagements described from v. 20 onwards, took place north of the Dumbara district, so that Parakkama's troops worked their way gradually to the frontier of Rājarațțha.
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in the garden and in the water, with dance and song and the like, fulfilling the duties of a king, and for the sake of the exertions for the subjugation of hostile kings and for defeat of rebels, the Ruler was wont to follow the chase. Now one day the King together with the chief Mahesi, with ministers and retainers went hunting. When then the Sovereign beheld a big forest that had signs of being inhabited by game, he made the Mahesi take her stand on the one side and then had the whole forest surrounded by hunters with spears in their hands and nets and caused them to make a noise here and there. Now when an elk bull large as an elephant calf, heard the frightful noise, he broke out of the forest thicket. Glancing in all sides, he roused by fear came running thence, plunging down the mountain slopes, leaping mountain gorges, cracking the tree branches, dragging creepers after it like a net, trampling down the brushwood in the forest, tearing asunder the outspread net, killing everyone he met or putting them to flight - thus he dashed straight at the Mahesi with the fury and the swiftness of the storm. Everybody who beheld him rushing onwards fied on all sides, overcome by fright, and left the Mahesi and the King in the lurch. When the King beheld the fearful stag approaching he ran towards him with terrible courage and hit him with hurled spear. Wounded by him, the stag lowered its head to slay the King, but shedding both its antlers, flung itself at his feet. The ministers, the hunters, the chamberlains, the barbers and the others hearing the cry that the animal gave forth after receiving its severe wound, turning back, came
In order to be capable of those exertions. I do not think that vdiyamatthan is in a parallel position to the two nisedhathan as W. assumes, but that these latter are dependent on the former.
* P. gokaņņamigo, Sinh. gõnā, Rusa Aristotelis, the Sambar, living in India and Ceylon.
8 Lit.: When by him (the stag), that had received the (spear) wound the head was lowered to kill him (the King), he fell . . ."
4 The MSS. have laddhd paharan karaang. I have changed only the last word into karuņam “plaintive, pitiful”. The gerund is subject to the part, ravato. The Col. Ed. has laddha paharakarated, which gives neither clear construction nor clear sense.

70.58 Gajabahu. 291
together from all sides. When they beheld the two antlers and the lion-hearted Ruler they were full of astonishment and overjoyed and happy, they filled the whole forest with the clamour of their loud praises. Ever and anon praising the extraordinary bravery of the King, his great good fortune, his heroism and his manly courage, they took the antlers and surrounding the King, entered the town which was adorned like the city of the gods, told the great dignitaries of the astonishing events and showed all of them the two antlers. When the high officials heard of the miracle, they came together and spake with one another with astonishment about the extraordinary occurrence: "Were this man with his majesty born in Jambudipa, he would become without doubt a world-ruling king". With these and words of like praise they lauded his inflexible oourage hard to surpass, and placed the two antlers, having had an inscription put on them, in the treasure house where they are to this day.
When hereupon the Lord of men (Parakkamabahu) heard that the Ruler Gajabahu had fetched nobles of heretical faith from abroad and had thus filled Rajaratha with the briers (of heresy), wrath seized his soul and he thought: though people of my kind are there, possessing insight, virtue, miraculous power and extraordinary courage, he has nevertheless acted thus - and he commanded his generals to take possession also of Rajaratha'. With careful consideration of the works profitable for the carrying on of war, such as the text book of Kotalla, the Yuddhannava and others he, versed in the procedure of war, worked out with ingenuity in a way according with the locality and the time, the plan of campaign, wrote it down, had it handed out to the officers and gave the order: "Doubt not that ye do a thing of great moment, if ye do but swerve
In the same way as they had already conquered Malaya. * For Koțalla = skr. Kauțalya see note to 64. 8.
I do not know a work with this title. Chapters 128-125 of the Agnipuräna are however called Yuddhajayáryava. AuFRecHT, Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 219.
* P. yuddhopåyang. For upāya cf. note to 58. 8.
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by a hair's breadth from this my instruction'. Tಣ್ಣ all received the words of the King with bowed head and went forth with large forces to open the campaign.
The Lord of men Gajabahu had as chief of the umbrella bearers Komba, equipped with an army and experienced in war. The latter had built a very strong fortress at the village of Mallavaana for defence against the foe and had long had his dwelling there. The Malayarayara who held the stronghold Walikakhetta', fought with him, put him to flight and took his fortress. Then the hero marched thence at the head of a strong force and came by ship on the water to Muttakara'. The mighty one fought a great battle in the middle of the sea against the general there, in which the enemy troops were scattered. He then fought even a second bitter action at the selfsame spot and sent many thousands (of the foe) to (the god of death) Yama. The forces also of the Chief of the Kesadhatus, called Tamba, and other troops destroyed the foe at (the place) Malavalliya by name, and the officer in Moravapi, Nilagallaka by name, came to Katiyagama and slew great numbers of the enemy'.
In the village of Kalavapi Gajabahu had the general known by the name of Nagaragiri Gokauna stationed. He was
The operations begin on the extreme left wing of Parakkamabahu who evidently intends to cut of Rajaratha from the sea. Mallavalana should therefore be looked for not far from the coast, somewhere about the mouth bf the Kala-oya.
* Malayarāyara is a variant of Malayarāja (cf. note to 41. 85). Wālikāk hetta is identified by CoDRINGTox (I. 71) vith "Vellavela in Anaivillundan Pattuva near Battulu Oya”. There is no Wellavela in the list of places in the Census of 1921.
"Pearl mine". What is meant are probably the pearl banks stretching from the south of Mannar to near Portugal Bay.
These fights take place, since Kalavapi is mentioned in the sequel, west of this lake, about the Mi Oyen Egoda Korale. But the Moragas veva situated here can scarcely be identified with the Mora vapi named in v. 67. Moravapi is also mentioned in 69.8 and 70. 67, 72.177 (see the note).
For Gokanna see above note to 66. 35.

70, 88 Gajabāhu, 293
gifted with high heroic virtues, in possession of a fitting army and train, skilled in war, a loyal and devoted adviser of his Lord. The general Rakkhadivana of the Lord of men Parakkama vanquished him in battle at the place Gonagamuka. The officer Gokanna grown lax through his defeat, after equipying an army again suffered defeats at the fortress of Pilavitthike, and at the fortress called Kasallaka, at Tatavapika, at Jambukola, at Vajiravapi, at Nandiwapi, at Pallikawapi and at Kalalahallika, after he had on each occasion offered battle. Then he thought: "My army that was formerly victorious even in battle with the King, has now when it is double as strong, fighting with two or three officers of Parakkamabahu at the border of the kingdom, each time suffered defeat, and the leaders
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of the troops have fallen: now it is no longer capable of 76
fighting", and he sent a report of all that had happened to Gajabahu. When the Ruler Gajabahu heard all this, he took counsel with his ministers and spake as follows: "Never formerly have we heard that we were defeated; now we have suffered a defeat and that was a great injury for us. Even he who among my dignitaries was of special power and courage, has been vanquished several times in battle. Were another misfortune to overtake him that would not be good for me'. Having thus taken counsel with his ministers, he made ready abundant money, troops and troop leaders, as also divers weapons and impenetrable armour and sent these off to Gokanna. The general Gokanna now made the army sent by the king, his own former army as well as the army of the inhabitants of the country in all haste ready for
1 The localities named in 70 to 73 must all be situated southwest or south of the Kalaveva, Gona gamuka probably farthest away (? Gonagama in the Gantihe Korale south of Galgamuva). For Pilavitthika see note to 69. 10). J amb ukola is probably Dambul, though CoDRINGTON inclines to identify it with Dambagolla in Gangala Palesiya Pattuva, west of Elahera. The manes Kasālla and Kalalahallika are met vith also in 68.48 amongst the tanks restored by Parakkamabahu in Dakkhinadesa.
Cf. the defeat of Kittisirimegha by Gokanna in 63. 34.
The militia in contrast to the regular, standing army.
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battle, advanced again to Nilagala and fought a great battle with the general Mayageha. In this action many of his people fell or flung away their weapons and fled into the wilderness. It went so far that one was forced to say that nobody had escaped. He himself also left chariot and umbrella in the lurch and fled into the forest. From now he gave up the idea of fighting and stayed in Kalavapi after building a strong fortification there.
Thereupon the officers stationed in the Suraambavana district pressed forward to Janapada and cut down the hostile army. The troop leaders who had been sent to the province of Bodhigamavara entered Lankagiri and destroyed the foe there.
The troop leaders at the head of whom stood the Nagaragiri Mahinda, were sent again by Parakkama to the district of Mallavaana to fight'. He marched thither, drove back the mighty enemy, penetrated the province, conquered
This is very probably the Nila gallaka mentioned earlier (70.14 with note) or Nilagiri (70. 20) in Dumbara. Thus Gokanga, successful perhaps at the outset, had penetrated far to the south into the districts of Malaya which Parakkama's soldiers had already occupied (hence puna), before he suffered his decisive defeat.
Lit.: "there were none of such (n'athi) who had gone after they had freed themselves". Muccitvana gata is a periphrastic formation akin to analogous Sinhalese expressions. Cf. Sinh. pala-yatava, prt. palägiyӑ.
Straambavana is manifestly a part of Ambavana, name of the region of the Ambanganga (see above note to 66.85). Parakkama's officers thus press forward, pursuing the beaten enemy northwards through Ambavana Korale to Wagapanaha Udasiya Pattuva (= Janapada, note to 66. 110).
For Bodhig amavara see note to 66.78, for Lankagiri now Laggala, east of Wagapanaha, note to 66.80, CopRINGTON, I. 71.
According to 70. 60 f. Mallavaana had already been taken earlier by the Malayarayara. There must have been a reverse in the interval in which the territory gained was again lost. As to this failure the chronicle is silent. Now after the victorious advance of the right wing the operations on the extreme left wing are begun again in the former way (see note to 70. 61).

0.100 Gajabāhu 295
it and brought it into safe possession. From there they all 91 started off, gave battle at sea with many hundreds of ships and after seizing the general stationed there and (the Nor-92 thern Province) Uttararatha, they sent the pearls found there to their Lord. Thereupon the Monarch had a fortress 93 built at the place called Pilavasu and made the troops take up their abode there.
When the Lord of men Gajabahu heard of these events, 94 he took counsel with his ministers and set about sending out troops. When Parakkamabahu who well understood the (right) 95 method, learned thereof, he sent the Lankanatha (Rakkha) to the district called Janapada. At the tidings of this action 96 the Lord of men Gajabahu gathered his army together, divided his forces and sent in two directions an army equipp-97 'ed with armour and weapons - to the locality Janapada and to the fortress called Pilavasu. The Lankadhinatha Rakkha 98 advanced thereupon at the head of a strong force for the destruction of the hostile army, to Ambavana' and after cut- 99 ting up in battle many foes at the village called Bubbula', he put the army of the enemy to flight, The inhabitants of 100 the country now made the roads difficult of access by hewn
The MSS. are without doubt corrupt. But I cannot accept the reading of the Col. Ed. tatrattihan daņdanāthan tam muttă rattihann balam pi ca. It is too violent and arbitrary. . I would far rather read with slight alteration, tatraffhat dadanathan ca (-thaica, which differs slightly from the -thuba- of the MSS.) rathan tarn Uttaran pi ca. Parakkama wants above all to get hold of Uttararatha, the province north of Anuradhapura, in order to cut of Rajaratha completely. Still better perhaps would be the emendation ratthan Muttākaran pi ca especially in consideration of 70. 68. The translation would then run: "and after they had seized the general stationed there and the province of Muttakara'.
See 70. 24 with the note.
As according to 70, 87 Ambavana lies further south than Janapada, it must be assumed that Parakkama's troops who had already advanced to Janapada, had at first retired southwards, till Rakkha restored the balance.
4 Evidently Bibila in Wagapanaha Udasiya Pattuva, Matale North (Census of C. 1921, II, p. 102; H. W. CoDRmxGTox L. 71).

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down and felled trees and by thorny creepers and posted in ambush on the road, continued the fight. The Lankanatha determined to annihilate the foe, pursued them in every direction, broke even through the stockades and pushed forward delivering big engagements at divers places, to Janapada. After taking Janapada he following instructions of Parakkamabahu, built an entrenchment and took up his abode there. Thereupon King Gajabahu sent the Lankadhinayaka Deva and Dahabhara by name to withstand him. The Lankadhinatha (Rakkha) thereupon delivered a great battle, defeated them and took Yagalla. The Lord of men Gajabahu sent to the Alisara district the so-called four companies to renew the combat. The Lankanatha (Rakkha) likewise marched forth, fought with them, captured several alive and occupied Taatthala. King Gajabahu sought now by a kindly gift to bring him under his influence and sent him abundant presents, such as costly ornaments of jewels and divers garments of linen, silk and other stuffs as an offering. The general accepted the gifts, mutilated the envoys and sent presents and messengers to his Lord. When the King (Parakkama) saw that, he rejoiced greatly and sent him back the whole treasure and costly gifts (in addition). The general now left the fortress of Talatthala and took up a position in the stronghold of Aligama' at the side of the river. Thereupon Gajabahu sent the general Sika and other skilful warriors with great forces to fight once more with him. They all set forth equipped with troops and train, surrounded the fortress
The name is preserved in the modern Elahera on the left bank of the Ambanganga in Gangala Pallesiya Pattuva (Census of C. 1921, III. 102). P. catasso parisdi, evidently the name of a particular troop which perhaps had its headquarters in the Ailisara district or was recruited from the able-bodied inhabitants of this district.
Now Talagoda (CoDRINGTox), somewhat above Elahera and also situated on the left bank of the Ambanganga.
H. W. CodeInGrox compares this with the modern Elagamuva which lies slightly above Talagoda but on the right bank of the Ambanganga. The Census of 1921 names both villages together in Gangala Pallesiya Pattuva.

70. 127 Gajabāhu 297
(Aligama) and rained down a hail of arrows. Several warriors 115 of the Lankadhinatha well armed, took up their position at the gate and began a terrific fight. The archers and other 116 combatants standing on the turrets of the gate, slew numbers of the foe with arrows, spears and javelins. In this way they 117 all carried on without interruption for three days a violent combat with great endurance and great strength. The troops 118 of King Gajabahu determined above everything on the destruction of the foe, set about blowing up the main gates of the fortress. Thereupon the Lankadhinatha and his warriors 119 burst forth and cut down the enemy in combat as far as the opposite bank of the river. They made the water of 120 the river muddy with the blood of the foe and captured many troop leaders alive. After gaining the victory in the 121 battle, the Lankadhinatha Rakkha celebrated a great festival of victory in the castle, but the heads of the hostile officers, 122 the umbrellas, chariots and weapons and the captives caught alive he sent to his Lord.
Hereupon the Sovereign (Parakkamabahu) summoned to 123 him the Senapati Deva, told him all that the Lankadhinatha
Rakkha had accomplished, and with the reflection that Ga- 124
jabahu at the tidings of the defeat of his troops, would certainly send forth a great force to seize the general (Rakkha), he sent the far-famed army leader to the Giriba district to 125 cut off the great force of the Lord of men Gajabahu. The 126 shrewd (Deva) set out, having put his whole army into fighting trim and while occupying an entrenchment which he had raised on the bank of the Kalavapi river', he at the 127
The Ambanganga flows at Elagamuva from S.W. to N. E. It must be assumed that Rakkha had abandoned Talatthali and that the enemy are advancing by Talatthall = Talagoda to their new position at Elagamuva. To do this they must cross the river and are now driven back over it. Cf, below vv. 178ff.
Cf. note to 68. 49 (nr. 8) and 69. 8. Thus the expected pressure on the right wing is to be relieved by an attack on the left flank.
This is the Kala-oya, since the Kalavapi tank is formed by the damming up of this river.

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instruction of the King, threw a long, very fine, and very solid bridge across the river of the Kalavapi tank, passable 128 by files of elephants, horses and chariots, held together with iron bands and nails, made of beams of timber and twenty 129 cubits' broad. After leaving certain officers there, the Senapati marched off and while delivering here and there heavy 130 engagements in which he remained victorious, he reached a place named Angamu', built an entrenchment for fighting 181 with the hostile army, and took up a position there. At the tidings thereof the opposing army erected an impregnable fortification at Senagama to ward of the Senapati and took up 132 a position there. The illustrious Senāpati now marched thither, fought with the hostile army and captured the fortification 133 in Senagama. After the enemy had fought twice over and suffered defeat, they built a fortification in Manyagama and 184 took up a position there. Thereupon the Senapati marched thither and took the fortress of Manya; likewise a stronghold 135 in Mita and the fortress Sukaragama. He had new earthworks laid down in all these fortifications and leaving none 186 of them unoccupied, he placed commanders (in them). The Senapati having built a stronghold at Terigama, made officers known as capable warriors take up their position there 187 with troops. King Gajabahu now sent his officer, the Nilagiri
1 The Col. Ed. has hathaasarathapattihi and W. translates therefore: "by elephants, and horses and chariots, and footmen". According to my MSS. I have felt obliged to read panthi.
The MSS. have in pada b c dairahi ayatay visatihathavitthatag. Thus three syllables are missing. I have added a karitary to dairah, for kdres seemed to me too far away to be joined with the instr. The Col. Ed. puts diyatan in pada b and gives as length divisatay in c. Here again one would have to supplement a hatha from the following compound. Twenty cubits are nearly = 80 feet.
The name is preserved in that of the Ambagomuva tank which lies a little over 2's miles to the north of the Kala-oya, The distance of Giriba from the southern bank is the same. The river is particularly narrow at the part between the two places and therefore probably easy to cross.

70. 148 Gajaხმdhuz 299
Rama and numerous troop leaders to destroy him. They set forth all well armed with army and train and occupied an armed camp not far from Terigama. From early morning the two armies began the battle with vehemence and continued it until evening. Now when the Nilagiri and his warriors, who were acknowledged to be brave, saw their troops yielding, they armed with their weapons, striking down the best soldiers, spreading panic amongst the foe, flung themselves into the midst of the army like lions amid a herd of elephants. But the warriors of the Senapati (Deva) did not flinch in fight, but surrounding the Nilagiri Rama and the many troop leaders on all sides, they slew them on the battlefield and captured the chief warrior Kadakkuda and other fighters alive. The Senapati who had gained the victory in this battle, sent those captured alive to his Lord.
Parakkamabahu who was staying quietly in the neighbourhood of the scene of heroic deeds now summoned in his shrewd way, the Nagaragiri Mahinda who was in his vicinity and told him of the extraordinary courage of those dignitaries'. When the latter heard that, his ambition awoke within him and with the words: I will set forth and take it, he pledged himself to take Anuradhapura shortly. With strong forces the foe-crusher set forth and delivered a great battle
1 BHere we must probably take nilagiri as a title similar to nagaragiri (see note to 66. 86), laikāgiri (see note to 72. 27) and lokagalla (see note to 72. 222). The word hewever, occurs only in connection with Rama and specially noticeable is the Roimandmo Nilagiritthito in 72. 12. Cf. the note to this passage.
* P. balapāmokkhe. These åre the yodhā of v. 140 and 148 c d, the balanatha of v. 148 a. It seems to me that the leaders of the local militia troops are meant.
The Col. Ed. quite unnecessarily alters nivasanto into nivasattham. Then 145 a b would have to be joined to the preceding, and W. translates accordingly "sent the man whom he had taken alive to live in comfort with his master (Parakkama)". Now that is as regards content in the highest degree unlikely. S. and B. have not recognised that parakkaimmanikața mihi. in a b contains a pun on parakkamabhukjo in c.
4 Of Rakkha and Deva.
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at the place called Badaribhatikamana. Then when the illlustrious one had fought a great action at the villages of the name of Siyamahantakuddala and near the Tissavapi reservoir not far from Anuradhapura, he surrounded by the multitude of his troops, entered Anuradhapura. When the Lord of men Gajabahu heard of these events, he sent off several troop leaders accompanied by the highest dignitaries. They all armed for combat, raised a barricade round the town and cut of access to the road. Now when the Senapati Deva heard of these events, in order to relieve the general besieged in the town, he set off in haste, delivered battle again at the village of Siyamahantakuddala and fought on the way three terrible battles. The Malayarayara at the tidings thereof left his stronghold and came hither after twice fighting a battle on the way. At the instruction of the Senapati, he marched in the same direction and fought with the hostile army not far from Anuradhapura. The Senapati also fought here and there a sharp action, pressed forward to the vicinity of Anuradhapura and opened the combat here. At news of this the general Mahinda with strong forces suddenly made a sortie out of glorious Anuradhapura and overthrowing the foe and storming many barricades on the way, he quickly reached the Senapati. United the army of the Senapati and the army of -Mahinda fought with the hostile army and once more put it to flight. The Senapati returned to Siyamahantakuddala, set up a strong, entrenched camp and took up a position here'.
Anuradhapura was probably also the objective of Deva's advance from the S.W. As Parakkamabahu's headquarters must have been nearer to the centre of the whole theatre of operations it may be assumed that Mahinda was advancing on the town from the south, more or less on the line Galgamuva-Talava.
He was stationed according to 70. 62-65, in the north-west, in Muttakara, at the extreme left wing.
8 P. ekamukhena (for the meaning of Intha in such a connection see 70. 217), i. e. with the same goal as the Senapati.
For judging the military situation it is of importance that though Gajabahu has won back Anuradhapura, the threat to this town and therefore to his right fank from the Senāpati Deva continues.

70, 172 Gajabáhu SO
Parakkamabahu now summoned the chief Mayageha to him and ordered him to carry on the war in Alisara. Full of joy the latter marched, accompanied by skilled warriors, built a fortification in Kalalahallika and took up a position there. At the stronghold of Nandamulakagama he fought three actions and brought this castle into his power. Marching on Alisara, he captured the entrenchment at Kadduragama and after fighting once again, he then took also the fortification at the place called Kirati. The army of the Lord of men Gajabahu came hither to fight, and after throwing up an entrenchment at a place named Wilana, it halted here. Now when Parakkamabahu of valour hard to overcome, after occupying an entrenched camp at Nalanda, during his sojourn there, heard of this, he sent off secretly two or three hundred thieves practised in house-breaking and directed them to steal up to the entrenchment with sharp antelope horns in the middle of the night and to undermine it and so to take it. The chief Mayageha following this instruction, had the egtrenchment broken into and the enemy there seized. At the village of Mattikavapi he again captured an entrenchment, and at Uddhakuramgama and Adhokuramgama he likewise captured two fortifications. After breaking through and taking an entrenchment at the village called Nasinna, he brought the district of Alisara into his power.
As the situation of Kalalah allika cannot be exactly determined, it can only be said generally of Mayageha's advance against Alisara = Elahera, that it apparently took place from the west, while Rakkha, threatened it from the south. The mention of Nalanda in v. 167 agrees with this. H. W. CopRING-Ton (, 72) is inclined to see in Kirati a slip of the pen for Sirati = Hirati, the name of a small river that flows from the left into the Ambanganga at Maluveyaya below Talagoda. The place Sirati would then probably have to be looked for far up that river.
Halfway between Matale and Dambul.
P. sandhibheda. The phrase sandhin chindati means "to carry out a burglary”. D. I. 521**; M. I. 5166, II. 887; sandhicchedana DhCo. IV. 845. Likewise in Pkr., JAcoBI, Erzählungen in Mâhârâshtrî, p. 679 **, 7435f、 w
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178 Now about this time the King (Parakkama), acquainted with the right method, gave his officers the order to take 174 Pulatithinagara at once. The Lankadhinatha Rakkha and the
Jivitapotthakin' Sukha marched in haste from the Talakatthali 175 entrenchment, fought actions at several places on the way with the hostile army and fought a battle at the place Ra176 jakamatasarpbadha. Then after fighting in the region of Milanakkhetta and setting forth from there, fighting in the 177 open field and slaying many of the enemy, they in pursuit of the foe, reached Daraaga, delivered there also an action 178 in which they remained victorious, advanced then thence to Mangalabegama, broke through the entrenchment here by force and after annihilating the enemy, halted at this entrenchment. 179 The ruler of Rohana, the Prince Manabharana', who had on several occasions. fought with the officers of the Lord of 180 men Gajabahu and suffered defeats and losses, had at that time given up the idea of war and discouraged in heart, kept 181 quiet. He had appeared in company with the bhikkhu order which dwelt in the three fraternities', and entered into 182 an alliance with Gajabahu. But now when he heard that the officers of the Monarch Parakkama had waged war
1 The title occurs again 70, 818 and 72. 161 (Mandin) and 74. 90 (Kitti). In our passage all MSS. (and alsn Col. Ed.) have putthiki, likewise 70. 318.
Rakkha had evidently after his victory at Aligama (see above vv. 112 ff.) again occupied Talatthali (= Talagoda) and had halted here to await the operations of Mayageha. Their successful issue has safeguarded Rakkha's left flank and made possible the main thrust against , Pulatthinagara.
For this place which is mentioned as the first station in the description of Parakkamabahu's withdrawal from Pulatithinagara see note to 67. 58. Rakkha is now only about 10 or 15 miles from the capital.
4 Son of Sirivallabha and cousin of Parakkamabāhu.
See note to 60. 56. P. was karitasargidhano, lit.: "he lived with G. as one who had concluded a friendly treaty with him".

70. 199 Gajabaths 803
with great forces against the Lord of men Gajabahu and had 188 in every battle cut dows the enemy and carried off the victory, the Prince Manabharana reflected thus: "Assuredly King 184 Parakkamabahu who has vast resources at his disposal, will shortly take Rajaratha; but once Rajaratha is taken possession 185 of by the Monarch, it will be impossible to remain in the province of Rohana." He therefore gave up his treaty with 186 King Gajabahu and joined Parakkamabahu with whom he concluded an alliance. The mighty one armed the able-bodied men 187 amongst the inhabitants of his two provinces and occupied an entrenched camp at the village called Sobara.
At this time the King Parakkamabahu, who wished to 188 perform a deed of exceeding prowess, thought thus: "Without 189 my officers who are stationed at divers places, learning of it, I shall betake myself with warriors of my immediate retinue, to Pulatithinagara, storm in combat gateway, turrets and bas- 190 tions, force my way into the town and - hurrah - capture Gajabahu.' The clever one summoned to him the chief Maya- 191 geha who was stationed in Ambavana and told him what he had planned. Now in order to come to Ambavana under the 192 pretext of another object and to reach Pulatthinagara from there, he spake secretly to him thus: “Send me a message to 198 this effect: I intend celebrating a specially splendid festival for the Buddha. For making offerings unto the Buddha let Their Lordships send me the sacrificial objects, the shells, 194 the five loud-sounding musical instruments, the fly whisks, the white umbrella and the flag streamers, and come thither. 195 and behold my festival.” Mayageha betook himself to Amba- 196 vana and after he had prepared for the festival, sent back the message in obedience to these words. When the glorious 197 King beheld it, he rejoiced and after having had the message read aloud to the circle of his dignitaries, he sent of the 198 sacrificial implements with all speed to Mayageha and gave his dignitaries to understand in every way that he himself meant to go. The highest (of the officials) who saw through the 199
1 For sahavaddhita see note to 67. 52.

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King's intention, sent word to his brother, the Nagaragiri (Mahinda). When the latter heard of the affair, he left Moravapi and appeared in haste with his troops before the Ruler. To the question why he had come, he made reply that he had come because he had seen through the intention of his Lord, and he spake further: "For slaves such as I am, if they are in existence, the aim is solely the conquest of the hostile king. Therefore have I arisen and shall capture Gajabahu with army and train and deliver him up to the Lord." With these words the King's officer craved permission to depart. When the ambitious chief Mayageha, the Lankadhinatha Kitti and many other powerful officers saw this they (likewise) besought leave and cried: I first, I first. Thereupon the Monarch who was skilled in plans of war, explained his plan of action and sent off his officers to begin the campaign. They all began to march with adequate army and train and occupied an entrenched camp not far from Nalanda. Heavy clouds* formed and began to rain, cleaving the earth, as it were, on every side with the floods of water. When the Sovereign saw the clouds, he who loved the power of truth, fearing the army might become wet through, made the solemn declaration with this determination: "If the winning of the royal dominion is to serve only for the welfare of the people and of the Order, then shall the god not let it rain.' And even so it happened there. Thereupon he sent food prepared in vinegar, bananas, crushed rice and the like and all kinds of cakes in great quantities (to the troops). In order that many people could
Mahinda had thus taken up his position here after being relieved by Deva. For the situation of the lake see notes to 70. 67, 72. 177.
* I take yogga to be the adjective "fitting, corresponding'. W. on the other hand, regards it as substantive with the meaning 'conveyance, carriage", since he translates "with their chariots and men and waggons'. But in this case it seems to me that yogga and vahana would form a barely tolerable tautology. See also above v. 23, 69 &c.
In my edition I have kept more closely to the MSS. Now I should prefer to adopt the emendation of the Col. Ed. mahāmegho, as otherwise there is no suitable subject to vasitum drabhi.
P. saccakiriyd. For this term see Mhvs. trsl. p. 125, n. 8.

70.222 Gajabdikt 305
drink water at the same time, he sent several thousand bamboo staves in which holes had been made, which were hollow throughout and in which one, after filling them with water, had closed the holes'. The dignitary Mahinda now marched
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with strong forces and took the stronghold at the place called
Lahulla, after slaying the enemy. At the news of this the Lankanatha (Kitti') also started in haste, took the fort at the place called Hattanna and cut down the foe. When the chief Mayageha heard that he marched in haste with large forces and pushed forward as far as Khandigama. The four-membered army of the Lord of men Gajabahu was hemmed in on three sides in the narrow pass of Khandigama. The son of the Laikadhinatha (Kitti), Laikapura" by name, a great war hero, came to the Khandigama pass". He brought the whole of the forces which had come from three directions into one direction and pursued them, the great war hero, as a lion a herd of elephants. Thereupon the troop leaders with the Lankadhinatha (Kitti) at the head, after killing a great mass of troops of the Lord of men Gajabahu, advanced to the place called Koddhangulikakedara. The troops of Gajabahu reached Pulatthinagara in disorder.
When the Lord of men Gajabahu saw his great army enter, he thought, since pride had awakened mightily in him,
P. ekarandhan. For the meaning cf. kr. randhravanéa "hollow bamboo." (BR. s. v.)
Not only the openings above and below, but for the transport of the water, also the holes bored lengthwise for drinking.
It is clear from v. 205, that the Lankadhinatha mentioned here is Kitti.
The four members (aigdini) or elements of the army are: elephants, cavalry, chariot warriors and infantry.
* This must be the Dandanatha Lahkapura mentioned so often later, (76.82 f). But otherwise laikapura is a title. Thus Kadakkuda 1., 72.39, Rakkha 1., 75. 70, Deva 1., 75. 130.
A Kandegama lies in the Negampaha Korale, northwest of DambulJambukolla. If this is our Khan di gāma, it must be assumed that Gajabahu in order to hold up the advance of Kitti and the other generals, undertook an attack on the left flank. The assault is parried by Kitti’s son.
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thus: "When my father, the Monarch, entered into the company of the gods and when as yet no stability had been attained in my father's realm, then came Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha, advancing from two sides with the intention of making war on me, but they were unable to behold my victorious banner and fled, since then they have their whole life long given up the idea of war. Now I have achieved stability in Rajaratha and I possess a complete, four-membered army. If now, equipping army and train, I advance to fight, what king will be able to hearken to my war drum?' Thus swollen with pride, King Gajabahu ordered the dignitaries of his immediate retinue to put the army in battle trim. After they had placed in readiness well armoured elephants and horses proved in battle and large masses of troops of capable warriors, armed with the five weapons, further , also the mercenaries of the Keralas, Kannatas, Damilas, and the like, the dignitaries at once informed the King. With a strong force the latter left glorious Pulatthinagara and reached the place called Sikaviyala. The troop leaders with the Lankadhinatha Rakkha at the head offered battle there to the Lord of men Gajabahu. The great heroes broke through the (ranks of the) elephants and horses, unhorsed their riders and put to flight the Ruler of men together with his army. The King
withdrew in haste to his town, had the gates locked and hid
himself in a sewer. In pursuit of the King the soldiers (of Rakkha) arrived, surrounded Pulatthinagara on all sides and began to break through walls, turrets and bastions, and the spies who were stationed in the town opened the gate. They entered with ease, captured the Monarch Gajabahu alive and brought him to the palace. The Princes Colagangakumara and Wikkantabahu they fettered and threw into prison.
According to v. 177-8 of our pariccheda, Rakkha was stationed at Mangalabegama.
The translation is only guess-work. The idea seems to be to express something derogatory to Gajabahu. The word manurd is otherwise unknown. W. has Anura, but this is no doubt wrong. It might of course have also been dimantird.

70,258 Gajabahu i 307
Thereupon the dignitaries informed their master of what had 239 taken place. When the Monarch (Parakkamabahu) heard that, with the insight which grasps the right method, he sent with 240 the message: until we see one another under an auspicious star thou shalt live free of all fear of me - costly garments 241 and perfumes and ornaments, articles of his own use, to Gajabahu. The officers and the heads of districts hereupon took 242 counsel together and sent the following message to the Momarch (Parakkamabahu): "So long as the King (Gajabahu) is 248 alive, the people dwelling in the kingdom will not submit to thy sovereignty: he must therefore be put to death." When 244 the Monarch heard that, his heart was moved with pity, and he thought: the king must in no case be put to death. He 245 fetched the clever Senapati Deva who was stationed in Senagama, and spake to him as follows: "If the heads of districts 246 and the officers, grown insolent by their victory in fight, slay the King (Gajabahu) whom they have captured, that is not right. And if they plunder the town and ill-treat the people 247 and become unbridled, that is likewise not right. The gaining 248 of the royal dignity takes place for the welfare of the Order and the people alone, but not for the purpose of slaying the Monarch does it happen. Therefore thou must go there, hold 249 the unbridled in check, take the King under thy protection and make the town secure.'. Thus with this charge the King 250 sent away the Senapati; the latter marched with the army and betook himself to Pulatthinagara.
Meanwhile already before the departure of the Senapati, 251 unbridled, low-minded people disregarding the commands of the Lord of men, had broken open the house doors in 252 Pulatithinagara, plundered goods and stolen raiment and ornaments of the people. Splendid Pulatithinagara afflicted 253
The place is mentioned above in v. 131 and 132 in connection with the operations of Deva. But according to v. 161 Deva had finally taken up a position at Siyamahantakuddala. Thus he must in the meantime have altered his position.
P. rajindo senindary with pun: "the lord among kings (sends) the lord over the army."
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by the soldiers was at that time (in wild agitation) like the sea, when at the end of a world age it is lashed by the storm. Enraged at such action, all the people who dwelt in the town, the officials and the councillors, the townsmen and the troops gathered together, betook themselves to Manabharana, told him of the events and spake as follows: "Ye must come with us, we shall take to ourselves the royal dominion and make it over to you. Only help must be brought so us." Also the officer Gokanna, who was stationed in Kalavapi, sent a messenger to him (with the request) to come speedily. When the Monarch Manabharana heard the whole tale the imprudent one took counsel with his foolish ministers. He thought: under the pretext of setting free the King, I will arise, slay the enemy and get hold of the whole of Rajaratha. He equipped in haste the able-bodied men among the inhabitants of his two provinces and marched together with the officials and the forces hailing from Rajaratha, to the town, delivered there a bitter action and cut down the whole army large as it was, without remnant. Then the Monarch went up to the palace and visited the Ruler of men Gajabahu, showing him the
customary reverence. Hereupon in order to remove the fears of
this Lord of men and of the dwellers in his realm, he let some days pass, then he slew the whole of the officers of the Monarch Gajabahu, took the King captive and threw him into a dungeon. Then when he had seized everything, all the elephants and horses and the wealth in the treasure house, in the belief that his dominion was now assured, he fetched the sacred Tooth Relic, the Relic of the Alms-bowl, his mother and all his wives from Rohana, and himself void of all pity, the foolish Prince, took counsel secretly with his mother and his officers thus: "The troops in Rajaratha, so long as this King is in life, will never submit; therefore he must be slain. If we were to kill him openly, there would be a great tumult,
Sugala, the granddaughter of Wijayabahu I. who also later, on plays a leading part in the wars between Rohana and Parakkamabahu. The tooth relic (daithddhatu) and the alms-bowl relic (pattadhatu) have already become the palladium of the kingdom.

70. 28S Gajabdáhu 809
therefore this Monarch must be slain in secret.' He had the King ill-treated with bad food and a bad couch and set about putting him to death by poison. King Gajabahu could not stand the ill-treatment he received from the Prince Manabharana. He sent secretly to Parakkamabahu and let him know: "I see no other help for me save through thee. Therefore without delay revive thou me who am tortured with the fiery torment of pain, by the rain shower of pity." When the King (Parakkamabahu) had rightly heard all these words of the King (Gajabahu) he who was a fount of pity, was filled with the greatest distress. He thought: it is fitting that I, since he has suffered on my account this great wrong through Manabharana, should free him from his misfortune, and although his forces and his implements of war had been lost, he being of the breed of great men, let not his courage sink, but chose from among the people of his retinue capable men, granted them offices and showed them great distinction. To the chief Mayageha he granted the office of adhikarin and that of a lankadhikarin' to the Sankhanayaka Kitti. Of the two brothers, the generals', the prudent Monarch conferred on the elder the
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rank of a chief of the Kesadhatus', on the younger that of 280
a nagaragalla. He granted to both great distinction and numerous troops and thus won them for himself.
After the prudent (Prince) had in this way, in a short time equipped a large and strong force he sent it in divers directions. To the place with the name of Vacavataka in the Merukandara district he sent Rakkha, the Chief of the Kesadhatus with his troops, to Mangalabegana the Lankadhikarin Rakkha,
The title lakkadhikarin seems to denote a higher rank than laikadhindyaka etc. (see note to 70. 24); for Kitti on whom the former title has just been conferred as a distinction, was up till now (cf. 70.205) Laňkädhinatha.
* The title sakkhandiyaka (here saikhaka) occurs again in conjunction with Natha (72. 31, 75.75) and Rakkha (72.41).
The dapdanayakabhataro who are mentioned several times, are called according to 72. 162, Kitti and Saikhadhatu.
See note to 57. 65. The same as nagaragiri. See note to 66.35.
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the Lankadhikarin Kitti to the locality called Kyanagama, but the two brothers, the generals, the Ruler sent with large forces to the village of Tīņimakkula. To the Senāpati Deva shut up in Pulatthinagara, the Monarch then sent his house-breakers, fetched him hither, gave him a great army, like to the army of the gods, and sent him, aware of the right method, to Gangatataka. All of them as they were appointed for the various districts, marched forth with their troops, plundered here and there on the road leading to the town, struck off the heads of the foe, spread great panic, cut off the grain supplies and thus harassed the people in the town. Within and without Pulatthinagara the soldiers' stationed for that (purpose) slew (the enemy) and put him to flight. No people now left the town for wood or leaves through fear of the wholesale pillage. By blocking at various points the road leading from Rohana, they also stopped the traffic for the people dwelling there. All the people shut up in the town with King Manabharana were like weakened birds in a cage. The two brothers, the generals, hereupon
Of the localities here named besides Mahgala begama (see above notes to 67. 53 and 70. 178) Merukandara (41. 19, 44. 28 etc.) occurs as a safe refuge in Malaya for the pursued and Kyanagama (72. 207, 264) in another connection. They all lay probably at no great distance southwest and south of Pulatithinagara.
But cf. the note below to v. 289. As to the "burglars" (cord) see 70. 168.
3 The modern Kantaai, the name of a big reservoir on the road from Dambul to Trincomalee (cf. W. note to the passage). Deva had thus the task of attacking the capital from the north.
From this verse it must be assumed that Deva's whole force had not left the town, but that at least a part had remained behind, perhaps in the citadel, in order to work with the troops coming from outside. How W's translation can be brought into harmony with the traditional text I fail to see.
The acc. sabban is governed by the first part - vilumpana - of the following compound, a construction not rare in the Cillavamsa.
6 The Col. Ed. reads khitta pakkhino viya paijare; the MSS. all have as far as I can see, khinndi or khirdi. Cf. 72. 209.

70, 307 Gαλαόάhι 311
engaged in action with the chief Kontadisavijaya and after fighting with the force under the command of the Lankadhinatha Bodhi, they pursued (the foe) to Pulatithinagara. The Chief of the Kesadhatus (Rakkha) who was stationed at the village of Vacavataka, fought an action with the general called Uttama; he gained the victory, advanced to the village called Nala, fought here with the general of the name of Buddhanayaka and was victorious. The Adhikarin Rakkha who was stationed at Mangalabegana, then fought with the enemy and took the place called Hattanna'. The same fought at Khandigama full of bitterness, with the Adhikarin Natha and put him and his army gloriously to flight. When the Sovereign Manabharana heard that, he marched with his warriors to Masiviyala to fight with him. At the same time the Adhikarin Kitti who stood in Kyanagama, and the Senapati Deva in Gangatataka, and the two brothers, the generals, who stood in the village of Tinimakkula, also went forth to fight with large forces. Slaying or routing all the foes who faced them, they pressed forward in a short time from various sides to Pulatthinagara, drove away the soldiers who were stationed round the town to protect it, set free the Ruler Gajabahu and brought the wives, the children and the mother, as well as the whole fortune of King Manabharana into their power. The Lord of men Gajabahu set free from these, fled at once and betook himself in haste to Kotthasara'. When the Monarch Manabharana who was fighting with the Lankadhikarin Rakkha, heard of all these events, he was struck
1. It is possible that the name is Konta and disā vijaya, nãyaka a titl3. The man is not otherwise mentioned.
* I assume that here nayaka or natha is not the title "chief" or "general", but belongs to the name. Cf. 72,266 Buddhandiyakananena. See also 72. 171, 270.
An abbreviation of lahkhadhikarin; See 70. 283, 72. 37 etc.
4 Cf. 70. 215.
Cf. 70. 216-218. Thus all the places formerly taken which had been lost in the interval, are now recaptured.
See note to 6l. 43.
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812 Gajabahи 70, 808
by the arrow of pain which comes from the separation from the loved ones, and no longer caring for his life, he came 808 again equipped with armour and weapons with large forces at night into the town and fought a great battle, thinking 809 of naught else but the destruction of the foe. But when the Lankadhinatha Bodhi fell fighting in the battle, he was 810 unable to hold out longer in Pulatthinagara. He took the sacred Tooth Relic and the Alms-bowl Relic, his mother and his wives and betook himself to Rohana. 311 Now at this time Parakkamabahu left Buddhagama, to set free the King, came to the neighbourhood of the town 312 and after having a fine two-storeyed palace built, he sojourned 318 with his army and train in the village of Giritataka. Now at that time some warriors of the Monarch (Parakkamabahu) had betaken themselves, to recover from the hardships of the 814 war, to the village of the name of Tannaru. Treacherous officers of the Ruler Gajabahu without troubling themselves 815 about the King, began suddenly a squabble with them. When King Parakkamabahu heard that, he was wroth and sent his 816 own officers to take Gajabahu', captive. The Lankadhikarin Kitti and the Senapati Deva hereupon marched with large forces to 317 the village of Tannaru. Fighting three times with the officers of the Monarch Gajabāhu a great battle, they destroyed nu818 merous foes. The Nagaragiri Natha and the Jivitapothakin
See above v. 294.
Thus his headquarters were here between Nalanda and Dambul. See note to 58. 43.
Now Girit ala beside the road leading from the Minneri lake (Manihira) to Polonnaruva, distant from the latter about six miles as the crow flies. Cf. BELL, ASC. 1905 (= SP. XX, 1909) p. 20.
4 P. rājanan pittihito katvā. Cf. for the meaning skr. prşțhatah kir "to leave someone or something unnoticed, disregarded". BR. s. v. pretha. The King is Parakkamabāhu : His nearness does not disturb their pugnacity. Or the King may be Gajabahu: The officers are "treacherous', because they attack the soldiers of Parakkamabahu who at that time was Gajabahu's ally and tried to rescue him. Parakkama considered, of course, Gajabahu the culprit and held him responsible for the treachery of his officers.

70, 882 Gajabahu 313
Mandin', put the hostile army to flight at the village of Walukapatta. And also at the village of Tannaru the officers with their large force destroyed a hostile army that faced them, then marched farther, fought an action once more at Kohombagama and after slaying many, they broke down the fortification and captured it. Numerous well-armed foes stationed at Ambagama they put to flight and brought the fortress into their power. Thence they set off and after again winning a victory at Tannitittha, they marched to Antaravitthi and beat the enemy here. At this time some officers of Parakkamabahu were in Pulatthinagara at the head of a large force. To fight with them there came officers of Gajabahu under the command of the Adhikarin Deva, but (they) suffered a defeat. In the same way they defeated numerous foes at the place named Kalapilla and after cutting down the enemy, took up their position at Madhukavanaganthi. They all started in haste and marched further dispersing themselves in different directions with the intention of seizing the King. When the Ruler (Gajabahu) heard that the enemy widespread on all sides, was approaching, he saw no other step that he could take; so the King sent to the congregation of bhikkhus belonging to the three fraternities, settled in Pulatthinagara, the message: "I see for myself no protection save with the venerable brethren; let them out of pity free me from my sorrow'. When the bhikkhus heard these words, they started off, their hearts moved with pity, for Giritataka, sought out the Ruler (Parakkamabahu), and after exchanging greetings, they asked by the King the reason for their coming, spake the following conciliatory words: "The Exalted One to whom pity was the highest, expounded many times in many discourses the misery of discord and the blessings of concord.
1 These two officers have so far not been mentioned. For the titles see notes to 66. 35 and 70. 174.
* The gerund sangunayhitvā is subordinate to the part. past thite, as in v. 327 avattharitudna to the part. pres. diyantiq.
I.e. the troops of Parakkamabahu.
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Now the Ruler of men (Gajabahu) has neither a son nor brothers, but he himself, being old, is near death. Thy pledged word that the gaining of the royal dominion has as object only the furtherance of the laity and of the Order will thus shortly be fulfilled. Therefore shalt thou give up the strife and return to thine own province, hearkening to the word of the bhikkhu congregation”.
Thus the King (Parakkamabahu), hearkening to the words of the Order, gave up the kingdom gained with great trouble to King (Gajabahu) and betook himself to his own province. Ha, how great was his mercy !
Here ends the seventieth chapter, called "The Surrender of the Royal Dignity', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

Gajabathu, Parakkamabāhu I 315
CHAPTER LXXI
-'
The Ruler Gajabahu betook himself to Gangatataka, made it
his residence and dwelt there happily. But the Monarch Manabharana sent gifts to him in order to remain allied with him after the conclusion of a treaty. But the Ruler of men Gajabahu who desired no treaty with him, betook himself to the vihara by name Mandaligiri. Here he had the words: "I have made over Rájaratha to the King Parakkama” graven on a stone tablet, returned then to Gangatataka and died during his sojourn there, visited by a disease after reigning two and twenty years. Thereupon the foolish ministers of Gajabahu met together, betook themselves to Kotthasara, whither they had the body brought, and after sending messengers to Manabharana to come hither in all haste, they took up their abode there. When the Lord of men Parakkama heard the news of the King's death he equipped his army and came to Pulatthinagara.
The Monarch Manabharana in the province of Rohana listened to the words of evil-minded people who had come with large forces from Rajaratha and thought: "If I make these people my allies', I shall certainly get possession of Rajarattha." With a host of troops he left Rohana and came to Kotthasara swayed by wishes impossible of fulfilment. When
Cf. below note to v. 82.
* See mote to 46. 29.
* The pronoun ime shows that these words are still part of the oratio recta. W. includes them erroneously in the principal sentence.
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the mighty Parakkamabahu whose valour transcending the limits of thought was scarcely to be surpassed, heard of these events, he thought: "The gossip of worthless people from Rajaratha who have forsaken the Lord of men Gajabahu, the dispenser of great favours, and his officers, and have given up the desire to fight, and not even master of the clothes they wear, fleeing from fear have come to him, the Ruler Manabharana has believed as if it were pure truth and has come forth to fight'. My dignitaries will give him a defeat twofold as heavy even as that which the Lord of men Gajabahu had to suffer. I shall not permit him to come to this bank of the Mahavalukaganga.' And versed in preparations for war, the prudent one made his four-membered army with the officers take up their position at the different fords from Sarogāmatittha as far as Golkaņņao.
Now the great dignitaries who were of great wisdom, came together and with clasped hands begged of the Monarch the (holding of the) king's consecration. "Former kings, O Great King, have when they were victorious, in order to increase
1 W. has neither understood the construction of the sentence nor its
meaning. Werses 13-15 belong together. The subject is Mandibharaa
bhūpati. The principal verb is āgañchi. Subordinate to this is the gerund saddahitvā palāpann. The gen. duijananan pavitthānanu is governed by palapan. Subordinate to this participle again are the gerunds cajitva, patva, palayitva. The four missing syllables in 13 c I have supplied in a similar way to the Col. Ed.
The Mahavelliganga is evidently regarded here in its whole course from the mountains up to its mouth as the frontier between Rohana and Rajarattha. A happy discovery of H. W. CooBINGTon's I. 68 was the indentification of Sarogāma, with the modern Vilgamuva (Sinh. vil “pond, lake” = P. saro) in Laggala Pallesiya Pattuva (Census II, p. 100) at a short distance from the left bank of the stream. Here evidéntly the Hembarave crossing was to be safeguarded. It seems to me curious that the Veragantota crossing at Alut-nuvara is not mentioned. It lies 13 miles higher up and is much used now. The bed of the Mahaveliganga is however subject to great changes. Gokaņa II regard as the Bay of Trincomalee (Koddiyar Bay), or the spot where the Mahaveliganga flows into it. This explains the mention in 41.79 of a Gokayakamahagava. -

7.32 Parakkamabahu I 817
by every means the fear and affection of their subjects and to show forth everywhere their own abundance of glory/performed the king's consecration, even while they were still at the seat of war. A ruler fully equipped with political wisdom and self-discipline must ever pay heed to the keeping up of good ancient custom. Thine age, your majesty, is youthful, but thy glory is irresistible and scarce to be surpassed the fulness of the courage of thine arms. Thy blossoming fortune would be capable of wielding sovereign power over the whole of Jambudipa, let alone the island of Lanka. From the first age of the world to the present day thy line was pure as milk poured into a white shell: hence on a favourable day must be performed the king's consecration which must of necessity bring happiness to the whole world.' King Parakkamabahu who overcame evil by the wrinkling of his brows, granted the request, he the best of the wise", and on a day proved auspicious by a favourable constellation he placed the crown on his head, arrayed in all his jewels. And, though he received the tidings that the Ruler Manabharana had come to this bank of the stream, he heeded that as little as grass, and laid his armour and his weapons near at hand in a jewel mandapa which he himself ascended. Then in gorgeous procession he left his palace, marched round the town with his right side towards it, like a fearless lion, stunned with amazement by his splendour the thronging people, and returned to the royal palace which was an abode of bliss'.
So I translate kusalodaya. It is very nearly the same as the favourite puiiiodaya. See 87. 189.
* P. vibhutta = skr. vibhutva.
P. pavivekin from paviveka, a term suggestive of the Sankhya System, in which viveka is the expression for the discerning knowledge through which delivrance is attained. GARBE, - die Sânpkhya-Philosophie, p. 187.
4 S. and B. have assumed that here we have the end of pariccheda 71 and at the same time a gap of unknown extent. The signature at the close of the whole chapter describes it as the 72nd, thus number 71
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818, Parakkamabāhu I 71.82
is missing completely. In my edition I have adopted this view and have begun the verses of the new section with the number 1. I must point out however, that as far as the contents go, a gap is scarcely to be noticed. The coronation festival is evidently at an end with the return to the palace. Perhaps it was hastened by Manabharana's advance. On the other hand Parakkamabahu had already made preparations for the war according to v. 17-18, by occupying the various fords, and now the attack begins at the first of these places, at Sarogama. W. thinks that all that is missing is the artificial strophe (together with the signature) which is customary at the close of a pariccheda.

Parakkamabāhu I 319
CHAPTER LXXII
DESCRIPTION OF THE FESTIVAL OF THE CONSECRATION
Now the Mahalekha Mahinda approached with a great army and fought a great battle with the mighty Kesadhatu Rakkha who was stationed at Sarogamatittha. The Kesadhatu Rakkha by name, the mighty one, slew like a lion that has broken into an elephant herd, many of his men in combat and drove the Mahalekha before him as a fierce storm wind blows cotton, he the mighty him together with his army and train. When then the latter crossing by the ford of Talanigama, was fain to renew the fight, the Kesadhatu Rakkha put him again to flight after a sharp encounter with him.
In like manner the Kesadhatu named Buddha, having fought with the (enemy's) many officers a terrible battle and having slain many warriors, defeated and put to flight the Ruler
Manabharana who offering battle had crossed the river at the
Punagama ford. He also took care that he (Manabharana) gave up the idea of ever approaching this ford again.
The chief Mayageha who was appointed to guard the ford called Samirukkha' alone at the head of his officers in the same way crushed Gajabhuja who with his army had crossed that ford with the object of fighting.
With the Maragiri Mattatala by name, who with his
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See note to 52. 33. This officer of Parakkamabahu's is not otherwise mentioned. In 70.88, 162 etc. described as Maydgehddhinatha or adhindiyaka here simply Maydigehandiyaka. -
Name of a tree = skr. śami, acacia suma. Corresponds to 8äna-gas in modern Sinh.
The title mairagiri occurs again 72. 164, 174 (Nigrodha m)

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ford, Rama by name who was stationed in Nilagiri which was his own district, in his extraordinary courage, fought a bitter engagement and after capturing the best soldiers whom he could get alive, he put the rest of the army to flight so that it no longer dared to go into action.
Another officer who guarded the Nalikeravatthu ford fought then a battle against a hostile army who had approached to fight, cut down many soldiers and scattered the rest of the army without remnant on all sides.
Another distinguished officer who was appointed to the ford called Anantarabhandaka for the guarding of it, drove with a large force a strong army of the hostile king that had advanced to fight, together with its officers to the last man, to the four winds of heaven, whereby the hero turned the battlefield into a mass of flesh, just as the storm wind (scatters) a mountain of cloud so that its violence is scattered flutteringly on all sides'.
Again another high officer appointed to guard the Kauatalavana ford, saw to it that the hostile army that had come forward to battle, gave up all thought of resuming (the enterprise) after he had fought a great battle with his whole army and train.
The Adhikarin, Kitti by name, who was stationed at the
"Ford of the great tree" or "ford of the euphorbia" (skr. mahdivirkga, as borrowed word in Sinh. with the same meaning). The corresponding Sinh. word măruk means however, coco-nut palm. W. H. CopRINGToN recognises the locality in Marake situated five miles below Hembarave on the left bank of the Mahavelliganga.
Cf. note to 70. 137 where intlagiri seems to be used as a title. When in our passage Rama is described as sarathavasiko that seems to point to the fact that the ford protected by Rama was situated in the district which was controlled by him or which was his birth-place, and that the name of this district was Nilagiri. The title which is applied exclusively to Rama would then in this case be borrowed from
the name of his home (nilagirithita).
f : "Coco-nut palm plantation."
4 P. samanta-abaddha-samrambham. For sanirambha "violence" cf.
PTS, P). s. v. * "Palmyra palm wood of the blind."
See 70. 278, where the advancement of Kitti to the rank of lafi
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72.28 - Parakkamabāh I 321
Yakkhasukara ford after destroying many soldiers in a bitter fight, defeated there a hostile body of troops that had approached for combat. Now while he stood at the same ford he had in consequence of a scarcely to be evaded command of the Great King Parakkama, to betake himself to him while he entrusted (another) high dignitary there with the guarding of the ford. This man also three times crushed a hostile force that came hither and took care that it lost all courage
to fight once more.
The Jitagirio Santa svationed at the Wihāravejasāla ford, completely annihilated a great army that was about to cross, the army, namely, of the hostile king, fighting with him a terrific battle with mighty army and train.
The Adipotthakin' by name Kitti, stationed at the Assamandala" ford with a large force, the Lankagiri Mahi by name, with a strong army, and yet another large army cut up a hostile army that had approached, and returned then with speed each to his appointed place'.
H. W. CopRING-Tox is certainly right in identifying this name with the present Yakkure (Census 1921, II, p. 438). It lies on the right bank of the river and at the entrance of the Sahassatittha crossing mentioned so frequently later, now Dastota, south of Polonnaruva.
P. katrā kathāsese, lit.: "after making them so that only the tidings (of them) remained."
The title, if it is such, which I think probable, only occurs in this place.
4 The title which is only borne by Kitti (also 72, 160, 207) alternates 72. 182 with bhandarapotthakin. It therefore designates the superintendent of the royal store-rooms.
If the name preserves the memory of the legend related Mhvs. 10. 53 ff., then we must look for Assamaņdalatittha at Kacchakatittha now Mahagantotal, east of Polonnaruva.
W. takes Mahinama for the name of the officer, which is quite possible. The title laikagiri occurs again 72. 124 f, and 76. 250 in conjunction with the names Nātha and Sora.
"The verse is incomplete in the MSS. Nine syllables are missing in cd. The Col. Ed, supplies these rather differently to what I do, so that to translate with W. it would be 'and returned to the king". The meaning seems to me to be that the three divisions of the troops were
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(Other) warriors crossed the bridge of the Sakkharalayaganga, at once penetrated the grove called Sakkunda, and having there in fight deprived numerous warriors of life, they took from the foe the desire to attack once more from this quarter. \
Hereupon the Sankhanayaka by name Natha, stationed at the Sarogama ford, after he had shattered an army of the hostile king come hither for battle, crossed the stream himself at the village of Vatiyamandapa, cut up a strong hostile force and returned again to his post.
In the same way a large army stationed at the Sami ford cut up a strong hostile force which had marched for battle in this direction and chased away its desire to come again. A strong royal army that had its stand at the ford called Cullanaga annihilated in like manner the whole large force of the hostile king, that equipped with armour and weapons, marched in this direction. At Burudatthali the two brothers, the generals, scattered a hostile army that had advanced in this direction.
The Adhikarin Rakkha by name, who guarded the ford Nigundivaluka, the great hero, free from all fear, destroyed a strong hostile force fain to cross, by carrying on the ever renewed war for two months. In the same way the Lankapura' known by the name of Kadakkuda, a great hero, fight
posted at different places on the river, and that they only united in order to carry out the attack on the advancing hostile army, which was probably superior to the single divisions. Cf. v. 32.
D. JAYARATNA has compared Sakkharalaya with the present A kura la on the S.W. coast of Ceylon, midway between Ambalangoda and Hikkaduva. If this is correct then the above passage gives us a very different theatre of war. Manabharana would nờt merely have attacked along the Mahavelliganga, but also in the extreme southwest. This does not seem to be very probable.
* According to v. 1 and v. 9 fighting had already taken place at the
: two crossings mentioned in v. 31 and 38. The generals of Parakkama
bahu now seem to take the offensive at these two fords.
8 As above in v. 21 adhikarin stands here for laikadhikari. 4 See note to 70. 218.

ገ2. 62 Parakkamabâhu I 323
ing a severe action at Yacitagama, scattered the raging army of the foe, destroying it root and branch, the courageous (scattered) the discouraged (army), the mighty the hostile might.
The Sankhanayaka Rakkhaka stationed at Hillapatakakhanda crushed a hostile army that came to fight there. Another great dignitary entrusted with the care of Titthagama, after undertaking a great battle' and fighting a bitter action, put to flight with his great army a royal army that had advanced to fight, so that it lost the courage to renew the fight. Another powerful (officer), stationed at Nandigama, fought a great battle and scattered the raging army that had advanced thither.
At the place Hedillakhandagama the Senapati Deva when Prince, Mahinda came on with strong forces in order to fight, delivered battle against him four times with army and train in fighting trim. He covered the battlefield with the skeletons of the hostile warriors and robbed the Prince of his troops without loss to his (own) army and train, followed him at his heels as he took flight with his army and pushed on at once as far as the ford called Billagama. There for two months 'terrible combats were waged. Even in his position there the
Senapati put the army of the enemy to flight.
A high officer stationed at the ford called Malagama', undertaking five times the festival of a great battle, scattered a mighty hostile army that had come there to cross over, as the rising sun (disperses) the mass of the darkness. Another high officer appointed to watch the Golabaha ford, a man of
P. sandraddhanahayuddhakaccho. The translation is very difficult. W. translates thus "began the strife with the enemy with great vigour when he essayed to make his way through is". But I think one must judge the passage in connection with v. 50 araddhanahahavasamussavo. Possibly kaccha here is not skr. kaksa, but kathya.
A Malagomuva-veva lies midway between Ambanganga and Mahaveligasiga, 12 miles N. E. of Elahera. A ford named after it would have to be looked for not far from Yakkhastikara.
P. dasaddhavara, thus not "ten times" as W. translates.
... -2.
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great strength and courage, routed in action a hostile force with its officers who advanced to fight, as a lion a herd of gazelles. Another officer stationed at the ford called Dipala, dispersed with his troops in combat the forces which had advanced there.
The course of the war being such, the Great King Parakkamabahu who in his terrible courage was like King Dutthagamaul thought: "Not even in Rohana will I permit King Manabharana who is here crushed in war, so find a hold." And the energetic (Prince) ordered the two Kesadhatus, Devila and Loka, who were stationed in the district of Mahaniyyama and in Pañcayojana, the Kammanatha Arakkha' and the Kaficukinayaka", utterly warlike men, to enter Rohana. And at his command these doughty men fared forth thence even as the four great kings at the (command) of the King Sakka. Hereupon having reached the district called Navayojana" and having celebrated with the strong hostile army there twenty times the main festival of a main battle and having cut up the great army, they captured Navayojana. They then marched
By the successful combats at the fords along the Mahavelliganga the defence seemed safeguarded. Parakkamabahu now on his side takes the offensive in the southwest, from Dakkhinadesa, thus with the clear intention of outflanking the enemy's left wing. The success is at once seen in the relief of the pressure on the line of the Mahavéliganga. Manabharana is forced to withdraw a part of his troops from there. It is true, a reverse soon takes place, on the one hand through the revolt of Narayana in Anuradhapura and on the other by the enemy succeeding in crossing the river at an unguarded spot.
* Only mentioned here. A Maniyangama lies in the Panaval Korale not far from Avisavella. So also CoDRINGToN (III).
Now Pasdun Korale, the territory to the east of Kalutara. 4 A. Kammanayaka Aijana is mentioned 72. 206, 74. 168. I think therefore that the first part of drakkhakammanditha contains the name. 5 "Chief of the chamberlains". The Kaicukinayaka mentioned here is the Rakkha named so often 75. 20 f.
The four maharajas are the four protectors of the world, the lokapālā: Yama, Varuņa, Indra, Kubera.
Now Navadun Korale, the territory S. and S. E. of Ratnapura.

72.79 Parakkamabâhu I 325
thence and came to Kalagiribhanda. After fighting with the army there twenty battles, they brought it likewise into their power, advanced thence farther and took likewise Dighalikamahakhetta. When the Ruler Manabharana received tidings of these events he divided his own army and sent a part thither.
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Now at one time a great dignitary who had the care of 65
Anuradhapura, the general Narayana, in his delusion reflected thus: "I will bring this province into my power, build a fortress and remain there independent of the kings.' When the Lord of men Parakkama heard of the matter he thought: "I will destroy him without letting him take root." In all haste the hero sent forth the Chief of the umbrella bearers. As a lion of incomparable courage (falls) upon small gazelles or even on elephants, so the great dignitary set forth, gave battle to Narayana, slew him along with his army and set the province free from the briers (of the rebels).
As the known fords at that time were everywhere guarded by the high dignitaries of the great King, as if they were - under the dominion of rakkhasas, Manabharapa was not able to cross them, but he passed over at an unknown ford which was made known to him by dwellers in Rajaratha who had come under his influence. Now when King Parakkama
Identified by CodRINGron (Il) with the Kalugalboda-rata of the Kadaimpota by which is understood the mountain country of the present Korales Kukulu, Atakalan, Kolonna and Moravak.
As in 75. 60 and 75. 50 Diyhali and Mahdikhetta are mentioned separately we have to do in this passage with the coalescence of the names of two apparently adjoining localities, just as with Stikaralibheripāsāņa in 75. 98, 146. CoDRINGToN (II) looks for Mahākh ett a at Paraduva, 11 miles N. N.W. of Matara, since here there are extensive rice fields on the right bank of the Nilvalaganga. Mahakhetta means "large field". On the opposite or left bank there is said to be a long canal. This might be the Dighãli = Sinh. dik-ảla. I should however expect both these localities to be farther east. AYRToN has in fact compared Dighali with Dikvela, east of Matara situated on the coast.
W's translation gatehi vasan attano "who were faithful to him' is inexact.
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bahu heard of this event he thought to destroy him along with his whole army at the crossing of the river, occupied a stronghold at the place Mayurapasana and sent of the Adhikarin Rakkha, surrounded by many soldiers, a man of extraordinary bravery, with a strong army and train. But this man in his great envy could not bear the great favour which the pleased and grateful King Parakkama showed to his enemy, the Senapati Deva, after the great battle fought by him. He bore resentment to the great King and was not zealous in the war. Groaning in the fever of his jealousy he was careless and developed no energy. Now an officer of the Lord of men Gajabahu, a crafty man who had obtained from the Monarch Parakkamabahu freedom from punishment, had gone with Rakkha. He rightly guessed his mood and as he had formerly given counsel to King Manabharana, so now he sent quickly to King Manabharana the message to come in all haste before the fortifications were begun. When the Monarch Manabharana heard these tidings, he entrusted his army with warlike enterprises at different places. The Prince Mahinda marched to Wallitittha and fought with the officers of the Senapati Deva. These killed there many warriors in bitter fight and vanquished in one moment the Prince, the powerful the powerless. The King himself fought a great battle with the Adhikarin Rakkha in which sparks flew from the clash of swords. Many doughty warriors perished there on both sides, finally the followers of the Adhikarin Rakkha were scattered. Thereupon this man with his own hand alone
All MSS. have sasanan twice over, first in pada, a then in c. The Col. Ed. has altered the second into disannan. I could not adopt this emendation. It is not impossible that it is a case of carelessness on the part of the compiler. But if there is to be an alteration, I should suggest reading instead of 8disanan in c sanpatan "now" = skr. sampratam (in contrast to pageva in 79 d). The unusual form - one says generally sanpati = skr. samprati - in conjunction with the preceding peses may have occasioned the erroneous sasanam. -
Ble wants in this way to conceal his action against Rakkha and make it impossible for Parakkamabahu's other generals to come to his aid.

7. 94 Parakkamabahu II 827
continued the combat and fell himself after slaying many a good soldier. When King Parakkamabahu, that man of terrible courage, heard of this event he thought with smiling lotus face: "As long as I am there what matters it whether they are alive or dead? The lion seeks not allies when he tears elephants in pieces. Even to-day I shall fulfil in combat the long awakened wish of my two arms which are filled with lust of battle. This earth ravished by intercourse with many kings who plotted only evil, will I bathe in the water of the blood of the limbs of my foes and then make her at once my spouse purchased by combat. For heroes such as I am she forms in her whole expanse but a hall'. How can any other power aid me, perhaps as a firebrand the sun in extinguishing the mass of hostile darkness?" After reflecting thus he came to the battlefield comparable to the fifth sun in the great ocean that was for him the army of the hostile king. Arrived he tarried there hearkening to the singing given forth by numerous songstresses, feeling out the underlying motif, as one who is first among those versed in the knowledge of moods.
1 There is no need to depart from the reading of the MSS. papikatan. The word belongs to skr. pana "trade, purchase", pagi "trader". The allusion is to the old custom of purchasing the bride.
The meaning seems to be this: It is to me a matter of indifference at what place I celebrate my marriage with the earth - this is of course a symbol for its dominion. In what place so ever I begin the combat there is a fitting chamber (sala) for the festival. He then goes on to show why he can at once perform the ceremony. He needs not to wait for outside aid, for in comparison to him it would be as a firebrand to the sun.
W: "alluding to the seven suns that are said to rise in succession at the destruction of the world, the fifth drying up the waters of the deep" (note).
4 The compiler shows here his knowledge of the Indian Rasa doctrine. Every work of art, poetry like music, must have its special rasa, its underlying motif. Theory distinguishes eight, nine or ten of these. The most important are: irrigara "love", vira "heroic mood", bhayanaka "horror engendering" and hasya "merriment arousing motif".
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828 Parakkamabāhu I 72.95
Against the hostile army with which was the Monarch (Manabharaua) approaching in pursuit of the scattered great army, the great dignitaries of the Great King Parakkama hastened forth and fought with it a terrible battle near the village Badaravalli. Although the victorious army (Manabharana's) was scattered, they nevertheless after themselves fighting the great battle and suffering heavy losses in combat, but having also slain many soldiers - beat a retreat exhausted, and wended their way to their own country. Now the great army of the foe displayed redoubled energy. Parakkamabahu left those who had received wounds, to the care of physicians. He gazed smiling merrily at the fleeing army. The dignitaries who had bidden their bearers' turn, he forced with stern glance and wrinkled brow to go back. The bearers he sent himself against the hostile army, and in order to hold high festival for the meeting with Lakkhi i. e. the foe, and to send a clever maiden herald, his sword liane', to the field of battle, he, wishing to begin the feast of war, called to the bearer of his hand weapons: Give me the Sihala sword! Now when this man out of ignorance brought as Sihala sword the weapon
1 W. has not rightly understood the context. The gerund an ubandhiya does not belong to the subj. mahdinacca but is subordinate to the part. past agataya in 95 c. Manabharana is pursuing the defeated troops of the Adhikārin Rakkha. His army is therefore called jaya sená in 97. Then he is met by Parakkamabahu's generals. On account of the great losses they suffer, they have to retire. Parakkama tries to prevent an absolute collapse. His generáls Rakkha Ke sa dhātu and Natha (v. 107) restore the balance for the time being. There follows finally however, the general retreat to Pulatthinagara.
Their palanquin bearers. For the high officers the palanquin was the method of transport also in the field.
o The alteration of verio into virao in the Col. Ed. is wrong. The image is again borrowed from a wedding (cf. v. 90-91). As in wedlock the man becomes master of the woman, in this case Lakkhi, the goddess of fortune and victory, so in battle the victor of the foe. The picture here is quite different to that of 72. 112 according to which the corrections of S. and B. have evidently been made.
In Skr. literature also the sword or the blade is compared with a liane. The combination khadgalatd (as here P. khaggalata) occurs frequently in the Kathasaritsagara (BR. s. v. lata 1 c). .

72. 09 Parakkamabāhu I 329
called the Jambudipa blade, he spake: “That is not the Sihala blade. Leave this (sword) that could put an end to all the lines of hostile kings in Jambudipa and bring me quickly the Sihala blade". Now when, after these words, they handed him the terrible Sihala blade the King thought again, full of pride, he who was an elephant for the binding of elephants, namely the foe: In Sibaladipa I am unable to grasp the weapon with my arm, and looked significantly at the face of the Kesadhatu named Rakkha standing near him and in that of the Nagaragiri Natha. And these twain carried out the hint of the King and flung themselves with the courage of lions into the midst of the great (hostile) army. The twain seemed in consequence of their incomparable bra
P. Jambudipapditava. We may take for patava without scruple the meaning "sharpness, edge, blade". Skr. patu means "sharp, cutting" and patava is the abstract noun, derived from pau.
We have here in the MSS. a sloka of 6 padas and what follows becomes badly confused if we do not accept it. In the present case it is certainly possible that it arose through a later interpolation of the line Jambudipanhi nissesaverirājakulantakann.
What is thought of here is the capture of wild elephants. When the herd has been surrounded and enclosed in the corral tame elephants are brought in with whose aid the wild elephants are chained.
I have interpreted the passage wrongly in my edition where I have tried to put 8ávadhāraņang in the oratio recta with the meaning "with the exception (of my arm)". That is too forced. W's translation "that there was not a man who could even place in his hand a (proper) weapon' is also quite impossible. The text has literally: "in Sihaladipa with my arm unable to take the weapon, so thinking . . .' Thus the subject to asannattho is missing. It can only be aha nn “I”. With the oratio indirecta this can be clearly seen: he thought he was incapable etc. The idea is this: At sight of the sword the King has scruples whether he should use the Sihala sword on the island of Sihala, that is in civil war against Sihalas. He looks therefore savadhdragan at his ablest generals, handing over the task to them. With undoubted skill Dham makitti manages the transition from the heroic pose which he has ascribed to the King, to the real state of affairs and the later conditions in which the King is mó longer the first among his soldiers, the leader of the army, as in the heroic age of Dutthagamani, but makes his generals carry out warlike enterprises according to his instructions.
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very like thousands in number appearing in the midst of the battlefield. From morning until far into the night they fought a great battle terrible by reason of the bodies of hostile soldiers hewn in pieces by sword strokes. With folded hands the great dignitaries then informed the King: "Shattered is the whole great army, we few people alone are left. But even in our small number, O Lord of men, fighting a great battle, we have not let the luck of heroes (away from us) turn to the other side. As if from fear of the sight of the combat the sun has hidden himself behind the western mount. We will return to Pulatithinagara and take up to-morrow the destruction of the foe. Now is not the right time." When the King heard that, such action found no favour in his sight, as he desired to spend the night on the spot and renew the combat in the morning. Now the King void of all fear, gave himself up to slumber for a moment during which the dignitaries brought him to Pulatthinagara. Now when at midnight they came to Paricavihara, the King awoke and asked what name the place had. When the Lord of men heard from the people that it was Pancavihara, he flew into a rage: "That ye brought me hither while I slept was wrong of you'. But as he wished to take every single one of his retinue without exception with him, he remained there. He
filled the village with the din of the five loud clanging shell
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trumpets" and after he had himself (awaited) his retinue that had not yet appeared, (and) surveyed (them), he sent his train on in front, kept behind them himself and came when morning time was near to Pulatithinagara.
When then the sun, the ancestor of his race, had risen, Parakkamabahu who by his singular courage had the whole
Important, as we see from this, as also from what follows, that the scene of these fights lay in the immediate vicinity of the capital.
Again a sloka with 6 padas in all the MSS. Here also there is the possibility of a later interpolation of the line rapadassanabhito va limo atthacale ravi.
These are the five musical instruments, of which one, the shell trumpet, is named as the most warlike.

9, 29 Parakkamabãihu I 881
world in his power', heard that at the ford called Billa-122
(gāma) the Senāpati Deva and the Adhikārim, named Kitti, at the head of a great army had poured an uninterrupted rain of arrows on the Adhikarin of the name of Natha, on the Prince Mahinda, the Senāpati Sukha, the Laṁkāgiri Natha and on others who had approached in that direction and who came with their army to fight; that they had robbed of life the Senapati Sukha and the Lankagiri Natha along with many warriors and had pursued the Adhikarin Natha and the Prince Mahinda who had fled with their troop divisions; that when they had penetrated far into the province, the whole army of the foe together with the troops belonging to the country had made the road impassable and hiding themselves on all sides had captured them'. At these tidings the foe-tamer (Parakkamabahu) who took ever the greatest pleasure in doughty deeds, marched forth to relieve the generals. But here in order to persuade the Monarch in
Verses 122 up to the beginning of 128 irokatva gahesi form one sentence (cf. however, note on 128), the content of the news which Parakkamabahu receives next day and which must lead to an alteration of his decisions. W. has understood that. In my edition this is not made sufficiently clear (but cf. the emendations in vol. II). Because of the new tidings the King determines in the first place to relieve his surrounded generals. The action planned against Manabharana is deferred.
There had been fighting before at this ford (see 72.48) under the Senapati Deva who had pushed forward there from Hedillabhandagama in pursuit of the defeated Mahinda.
Mentioned above in 70. 298.
4 The construction of the' whole sentence' is not correct in the original. The subject is changed as happens in the latest parts of the Colavs, chiefly in sentences with many gerunds: in the first place Devasenädhinägako Kittinämädhikari ca is the subject, then sakala arativahini. The construction would be right if it ran: Devasenadhindyake Kittiināmādhikărini ca . . . vattetvā . . . pāpetvā . . . anubandiya . . . pavilkes, sakalā arāti vāli. . . gaesi. Here the gerunds attetvā &c. would be subordinate to the past part, pavitthesis. The word gahes refers only to the encirclement by which Deva and Kitti have lost their freedom of action.
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whom had awakened the resolve for combat, to return, the great dignitaries with folded hands spake to him: "Save thy exceeding great ability, scarce to be surpassed, O Lord of men, we have no further might left; and the inhabitants of the country are all under hostile influence. We must betake ourselves from here to Nandamula and from there begin the fight'. With these and like representations they induced the Lord of men to turn back; they started from there and set out with the King on their way. When the retainers native to the country stationed in Nandamula, beheld the Monarch approaching with few followers they began to rain from all sides a hail of arrows. The Riler who had halted at the place called Karavalagiri sent thence certain dignitaries acknowledged to be excellent warriors and brought it to pass that that division of the army gave up its desire to fight. While thus the great hero, the Ruler, sent on his retinue in advance and followed after on the march, he came to Jambukola. Starting thence to relieve the Senapati Deva, he came on the march to a place named Navagamapura.
At that time the Senapati Deva and the Adhikarin Kitti, because they had not obeyed the instructions given them by the Great King, lay exhausted there with their army. They had given up the fight and had fallen into the power of the enemy at the village named Surulla. In order to persuade the Ruler (Parakkama) - who was advancing with the
The Census 1921 (II. 296) has a Karavalagala in the Tittaveligandahe Korale, thus in the mountains east of Hiripitiya, 18 miles north of Kurunegala. But there are difficulties about identifying the two names. We expect rather a position between Polonnaruva and Dambuł. Cf. note to 72. 147.
They are probably still surrounded by the enemy but have not yet capitulated. All we learn further is that Parakkama had to give up the plan of relieving them, as apparently their capitulation could ngd longer be prevented. Of their later fate we hear nothing. It seems however that they were freed or ransomed. The Adhikarin Kitti appears again 74. 90 f. and the Lankapura Deva mentioned 75. 180, 76. 250 f, might be identical with the Senāpati Deva.
8 P. vibhajited nijarakkhaya. The verb vibhajati seems to be used

2, 147 Parakkamabâhu II 838
strong intention of rescuing his generals - to turn back, they sent him the following message: "We have fallen here in the midst of Maharatha into the power of the enemy; but our Lord has no other means of power than his extraordinary courage. Even the country folk have turned away from us and are on the side of the foe. But if there are Lords of exceeding ability, then there is no doubt that by uniting the ocean-girt earth under one umbrella they are heedful of the furtherance of the laity and of the Order. We to whom this boon belongs, in consequence of which we shall have the comfort of again beholding the lotus flowers of thy feet, shall be set free by the protector of the castes and of the hermitages'. But (now) thou must give up thy resolve to come hither." When the Great King heard that, the far-seeing one perceived that even before his march thither ruin would ensue. Entreated by all his dignitaries with folded hands the discerning one turned and betook himself to Wikkamapura.
here in a quite peculiar meaning "to be intent upon something". The literal translation of v. 140 would be "they, wishing to cause to return the Ruler who advanced, being intent upon their own protection, sent the message . ." The meaning of the message in this: Give up the plan of rescuing us now. We know that a great king like you will finally gain the victory, and then we will be set free and again join your retinue.
1 Cf. note to 72. 147.
P. tayana assandinary ca is here synonymous with the usual lokaвӑвата.
The actions described vv. 121-147 are not easy to understand. The reason probably lies in the fact that the narrator gives as short an account as possible of a series of catastrophes which overtook Parakkamabahu and which led to complete reversal of the situation. As regards the encirclement of Deva and Kitti in the first place, one would have expected it from the account to have taken place somewhere in hostile territory, in Rohana. What does not agree with this is that the starting-point of the relief should be Jambu kola, whether we understand by this Dambul, which I think the more likely, or Dambagolla (note to 70, 72) west of Elahera. The generals themselves вреак in v. 141 of Maharat tha. But that is according to v. 163, a district bordering (eastwards) on the Kalavapi, if indeed the maharathamaihe in v. 141 altogether contains a proper name, and not an appella
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Now when the high dignitaries learned that the Monarch Manabharana had come with his whole army to Pulatthinagara and again marching thence had reached the place called Giritataka and other matters, they informed the King truthfully according to the facts, as they had heard them, and also that the army had been here and there destroyed in fight. They reported further it would be best to march to Parakkamapura or even to the village called Kalyani to gather together the army there and then begin the war again. But when the lion-king heard that he answered in the fire of his wrath, discernible in the fume of his wrinkled brow: "For the fearful I have no use, they may go where they like. Men like myself possess a great army in the courage of their arms. From the King of the gods downwards I know none in the three worlds capable so long as I am in life, of crossing the frontier of my realm. A hostile
tive "in the midst of the great province' (i. e. Rohapa). The final result of all the military events is clear. Parakkamabahu is forced to give up Pulatthinagara and Rajarattha and to retire to Dakkhinadesa. The first halt is at Wikkamapura. The position of the town can be pretty well fixed. It is mentioned v. 263 in connection with Kyanagama which in its turn occurs next to Mangalabegana, thus not far distant from Pulatthinagara. Vilkkamapura must thus have been situa" ed in Janapada. Is it perhaps the name for the town belonging to Sihagiri
1. As Giritataka (now Giritala), lies about 7 miles W. N. W. of Pulatthinagara, Manabharana has thus occupied the capital advancing from E. or S. and now advances without delay against the hostile front at Wikkamapura.
The building of Parakkamapura is first described later 74. 15. lt was probably a case of rebuilding on an older site. Should the town be looked for at the Parakkamasamudda, the reservoir Pandavapi? See 68. 40 and note to 60. 50.
8 Now Kelaniya at the mouth of the Kelaniganga not far from Colombo. The officers thus advise giving up the fight entirely for the
time being and retiring to Dakkhinadesa.
4 The reading of the MSS. gives no sense. In my edition I have followed the Col. Ed. But I should like now to suggest: the reading bhabhaigadhinavieyyakopaggipaccabhas' ato. This keeps more closely to the text of the MSS., assumes merely the change of a single letter (o into 8) and gives the expected sense.

72, 188 Parakkamabahu I 385
prince can force his way into the realm ruled by me as little as a king of elephants into a lion-guarded den. Who would not become a hero when my glance falls on him? If I so will, boys who still drink milk will fight. In two or three months I shall no longer permit the Ruler Manabharana to establish himself in his own province, let alone in Rajaratha. It is just for such an occasion which is quite hopeless that the worth of the courage of the arms of heroes of my breed holds good." In this way he made the discouraged courageous by speaking a self-confident word filled with heroic spirit. Then experienced in warcraft, he sent the Adhikarin Rakkha and the officer (Kitti) the Adipotthakin', forth to take up a position at the village of Mangalabegana. Hereupon after distributing dignities to people who deserved dignities, the illustrious one, versed in the right expedients, entrusted the Mahalekha called Rakkha and the Jivitapotthakin Mandin, as well as the two brothers, the generals, Sankhadhatu and Kitti, with a great army and he, the mighty one, sent it to Pillavitthi in Maharatha which borders on the Kalavapi tank to take possession of it'. Likewise the exceeding brave (Prince) placed the Maragiri Nigrodha in Uddhavapi with an army. In order to carry on the war in this way in different directions he placed a strong army with officers at various places.
Now the troops stationed in Janapada, skilled in the game of war, offered battle and put to flight at the locality called Janapada, the Mahalekha called Mahinda who had come hither to fight at the command of Manabharana, so that his courage for a renewal of the conflict was broken. To the Lord of men, Parakkama, who while ever bringing forth all kinds of
P. virarasa, see note to 72.94.
Cf. 72.27 together with note.
* The theatre of the war is very much the same as in the operations against Gajabahu described 70. 281 ff.
For Maharattha see note to 72. 147. The district is mentioned again twice (v. 190, 199). Pilla vitthi is certainly identical with the Pilavitthika mentioned 69.8 (see note to the passage).
See note to 72. 11.
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meritorious works in profusion and, like to the King of the gods, enjoying diversion in divers games, sojourned in Nalanda, the army sent a report of the events in accord with the truth.
Thereupon the officers stationed in Pillavitthi with the Mahalekha Rakkha at the head fought for eight days an embittered battle with Buddhanayaka and the general Mahamaladeva stationed at Kalavapi, slew many warriors, put the enemy to flight, brought Kalavapi into their power and freed it shortly from the briers (of the foe). Then carrying out the instructions of the Lord of men Parakkama, they threw up an entrenchment and remained with the army on the spot. The Maragiri Nigrodha stationed at Uddhavapi, fought three times, scattered the hostile army and having fortified the monastery grove at the village called Tannaru; he took up a position there at the command of the Great King.
The Monarch Manabharaua now granted to the Prince Mahinda a post of honour and a province of considerable extent and spake to him: "Take up, marching in the direction of Moravapi, in order to conquer Dakkhinadesa, thy position with strong forces in Anuradhapura'. I will betake myself to Pallavavala, to march in the direction of Buddhagama.' Thus having sent him in advance with a strong army to fair Anuradhapura, he himself took up a position again at the same place in Rajarattha.
When the great councillors of the Great King who were stationed in Kalavapi, learned that Prince Mahinda had betaken
Naland a was thus again Parakkama's headquarters as in the campaigns against Gajabahu (see 70. 167, 207).
2 See above v. 161 ff. See note to 70. 296.
4 For Moravapi see notes to 69.9, 70. 67. From all the passages in which it is mentioned it is clear that it was situated south of Anuradhapura and west of Kalavapi. Manabharana's plan is evidently to turn Parakkamabahu's left flank in order to force him to withdraw his front which threatened Pulatthinagara.
5 See notes to 58.43 and 66. 19.
It is only later that Manabharana goes to Pallavavala (see v. 220); thus tatth” elva here probably means Giritațiāke (s. v. 149).

72, 194 Parakkamabâhu II 887
himself with large forces to Anuradhapura, they at once, in order to destroy him before he had taken root, entrusted the Mahalekha Rakkha and the Bhandarapotthakin Kitti with the charge there and marched themselves with army and train to the locality called Kanamula, threw up an entrenchment here and took up their position here after they themselves had left Kalavapi. When the Great King Parakkama who was skilled in expedients not to be thwarted, heard of this undertaking and had as expert examined it, (he told the officers): "As people who do not know the country, ye should not without my order, penetrate into the innermost part of the district to take up the fight. Such a command he whose commands were like those of Pakasasana, far-seeing and discerning, issued repeatedly (to the officers). But they hastened thither, neglecting the command of the King and believed in their folly that they would immediately seize Anuradhapura. The unhappy ones who themselves discovered not the object and left thé King's command unheeded, came to the locality named Katuvandu, ignorant of the localities and without the right precautions, as if desirous of tasting the effects of their disobedience to the King's command. When they, carrying out their ill-starred undertaking, had penetrated there, their followers dispersed themselves over the various places in Maharatha. When the Prince Mahinda heard of the affair, he held a council, surrounded them and began the combat, and owing to the faulty concentration of the army, the Prince Mahinda scattered the whole of the forces on the battlefield. Completely beaten in this battle, the officers returned to Kalavapi remembering the neglected royal command. But the
See note to 72. 27, as well as to 72. 196.
* P. pākas āsana == skr. pakaśāsana is an epithet of the god Indra. The meaning attached to the word here is probably "whose commands become ripe, i. e. are fulfilled or carried out".
Werse 188 is mutilated in the MSS. as four syllables are missing. The text of the Col. Ed. differs from mine. W. translates thus: "and those among them who were not fortunate would not be advised by the king's message'.
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Prince (Mahinda) returned to Anuradhapura, collected in haste the division of the army belonging to his province and sent it off, as he intended taking Kalavapi with large forces. When the discerning Ruler (Parakkama) received tidings of this, he sent in haste the Bhandarapotthakin Bhuta thither to whom he gave a considerable army consisting only of skilled warriors. They all met there together and three months long the valiant heroes fought bitter battles day by day. Not neglecting the royal instructions the doughty ones fought a hard fight and (finally) shattered the four-membered army of Mahinda. They took Maharatha which bordered on Kalavapi and remained at the spot awaiting the command of the King. The Prince (Mahinda) made exultant by his afore mentioned crafty fight with the people who had transgressed the King's command, came on himself in full armour. An officer who was stationed at Moravapi not neglecting the instructions of the far-seeing King, distributed his followers on both sides of the road and as soon as the hostile army were completely inside (the ambush) he surrounded it on all sides, slew while delivering a terrific action, numerous high officers, vanquished the Prince and sent many heads of enemies slain on the battlefield to the King.
Hereupon King Parakkamabahu, a man of terrible courage, gathered together his army which was distributed in divers places, and in order to drive the Ruler Manabharana out of Rajaratha, he placed the Mahalekha called Rakkha, the Kammanayaka Anjana' and the Adipotthakin Kitti at Kyanagama and sent the Adhikarin Rakkha to Mangalabegama.
1 The title bhandarapotthakin is also borne by Kitti. See 72. 182 together with the note to 72. 27.
As the mention of Moravapi shows, we have to do here with Mahinda's main thrust against Dakkhigadesa announced in v. 177.
By the victory at Moravapi Parakkamabahu has done away with the pressure on his left wing (cf. note to v. 177) and can now undertake his action against Pulatthinagara. As to the localities see 70. 281 f。
See note to 72, 58.

72. 22. Parakkamabāhu I S89
Then he sent his train of hunters, robbers and the like who were skilled in wandering by night in the wildernesses of forest and mountain, and had many people in divers places slain by them by night and day. Like birds shut up in a cage the dwellers in Pulatithinagara for long dared not even by day leave their houses and go outside of the gate when they wanted supplies of water and wood. For the work for which they needed wood each robbed his house completely of its roof' and so destroyed it. In the shops here and there on the outskirts of the town the various businesses were completely given up. As circulation in all the approaches to the town had been stopped by the King, the whole town trembled with excitement. Great harassment he caused to the King Manabharaua in that he vexed the town even to the royal castle. In his great distress the Ruler Manabharana whose heart was sore weighted with cares, reflected thus: "If I would betake myself to my province of Rohana the inhabitants of Rajaratha who are there would not permit me to go thither, to show their affection for the Sovereign Parakkama, if by my taking flight they discover my weakness. But if I think it is right for me to stay here, that too for me is hard, since day and night I must suffer such hardships. The best thing for me is to fight a decisive battle with the foe and to suffer the fortune or misfortune that issues from it." After putting his large four-membered army in fighting trim, he betook himself, his loins girt for combat, to Pallavavala'. When thereupon King Parakkamabahu, who possessed
These were probably Waddas who were in the king's retinue. Kirata "hunter" is also used in Skr. to describe savage mountain tribes. Verses 205-214 form a single sentence which I have split up in the translation into its component parts. The principal verb is akas pian in 214 which governs directly three "that" sentences with yathd 1) v. 209 c-211, 2) v. 212, 8) v. 218. Then to akasi belongs ghatayanto in v. 209 a and subordinate are the various gerunds in vv. 205-208.
* The same simile in 70. 292.
Lit.: "they made it grassless", i. e. they turned the grass which served as roof into fuel and so ruined the whole house.
See above v. 178.
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the courage of a lion, and (yet) was wont to act with reflection, heard of all these events, he sent off the Lankapura, the two brothers, the generals, and the Lokagalla, after
3 instructing them in divers plans of war, in three directions,
as he, the prudent one, intended to separate the hostile army that was marching hither from that direction. They betook themselves with large forces thither and spent a month delivering day by day a sharp action. In his double distress the Ruler Manabharana reflected thus: "I have left my entrenched camp and have come hither, desirous of fighting. There is no breathing freely for me; my misfortune is deeprooted and grows at its pleasure day and night. Since I have come hither without tasting the good and the evil that were my lot in that wilderness, I deserve this misfortune hard to be borne. And an attempt to come thither again? That is also hard to carry out, since hostile forces are posted at different places on the main road. Here in this place where we are so confined, I may not tarry, since the hostile army is marching from every side towards the centre. I will inquire of people well acquainted with this part and will march forth by some little known way which they tell me of." Thus having asked the inhabitants be betook himself by a way told him by them to the village of Konduruva". Thereupon the Adhikarin Rakkha who, carrying out the command of the Great King, had taken up a position at the village named Mihiranabibbila, had stakes made like spearpoints and had them bound together driven into the ground in such a way that they were not even to be shaken by elephants. Then
1 The Laṁkāpura is Kadak ku ɖa (72. 39). Who is meant by the Lokagalla we do not know, but the word occurs also as title in 75. 138.
P. vimukhan katukamo. I take timukha here in the meaning of "turned in different directions'.
By the "wilderness' (vana) he means his former country, Rohana with which he ought to have been satisfied.
Namely to Rohana.
There is a Konduruveva S.W. of Giritale, W. S.W. of Pulatthi
nagara.

72.245 Parakkamabāhu I 341
outside (of these) he had strong stakes of still greater size driven in, so that there was no gap and had them interwoven with wattle-work of branches. Then in the middle (between the two rows of stakes) he had a trench dug twenty to thirty cubits broad for a distance of a hundred lengths of a man'. There he placed sharpened stakes and thorns and also in the ground lying outside he had sharpened sticks driven in and a hedge of thorns put up, tightly closed and unbroken and between these a trench dug as before. There also he placed sharpened sticks and thorns and outside of the hedge he had a trench dug which reached to the underground water. There also he again placed pointed stakes and thorns and outside of the trench he had the big forest felled at a blow over a tract two or three bowshots in extent, as well as great pits dug beyond this tract on the robber paths". Here again he placed everywhere sharp thorns, had them covered on all sides with sand and withered leaves, and prepared (everything) in such a way that at first glance it looked like a passable road. Then in order to destroy without remnant the hostile army when it approached this way, he had robber paths made in every direction and posted sharp shooting archers on them. In the middle of the stockade he built a structure of four storeys and distributed archers about it at divers places. But in order to entice hither the hostile army (from where it was marching), he sent out two or three thousand archers who understood shooting by the flash of
The "cubit" (ratana) equals 17. 82 inches. Thus the breadth was about 80 to 45 ft. a "man's length' (porisa) is about five cubits, that is 89. 10 in. So the length of the trench measured 740 to 745 ft.
* I should now prefer the reading ca instead of va. Also in what follows the stakes always appear along with the thorns. It often happens in the Cillavs. that ca is not enclitic, but stands between the objects which it connects. Cf. v. 238 b.
Thus I interpret Odakantika. We must assume that it is derived from a skr. udakanta, audakantika. W's view is probably the same.
What is meant are the footpaths leading through the wilderness. P. paisdida. The passage is characteristic of the general meaning of "structure' given to the word pasdda.
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lightning'. Now when amid a rain of arrows pouring from all sides the irresistible, terrible hostile army approached, they cunningly feigned as if they had been routed by it and turned back. When then the others approached in pursuit of them, then suddenly skilled warriors, doughty soldiers, experienced in the war game, a thousand in number like singly marching elephants, made a dash at them and fought an action, appearing in front of the hostile forces like the army of King Yama'. A hail of arrows began to rain on all sides and the people who stood on the structure began to shoot at those who were on the ground. There followed a hail of stones which hurled from engines, flew here and there vast in size. From the burning, sharp-pointed' bamboo
1 P. akkhanavedhino. Cf. also JāCo. III. 822**, V. 129 17. I accept the explanation in JäCo. II. 9111. H. KERN, Toevoegselen op't Woordenboek van Childers I. 69, compares skr. ākhaya “target”. This seems to me too colourless. Moreover Mhvs. 23. 86 distinguishes the saddaredhi, "who shoots according to the sound" (without seeing the mark), the valavedhi "who hits a hair" and the vijuved hit "who shoots by the gleam of the lightning'. To these three categories JaCo. W. 1291 adds that of the saravedhino who can shoot a second arrow on to the first one already sticking in the target. The art is still practised in India. I know a young Indian who claims to be both a
dilavedhi and a saddawedl.
I read paccekahatthino. What is meant are the solitary or rogue elephants who are known for attacking furiously and are therefore much dreaded. The word is formed on the paccekabuddha model.
The god of death. In the whole section from v. 232 to v. 249 vattesun (samaran) in 249 is the first and only finite verb. We have thus to do with a single sentence. The construction meanwhile is not correct. The subject changes Rakkhadhikari in 232 and vird subhata in 248. An alteration of pesetwd (246) into pesesi would get over the difficulty. I dare not suggest it however, as I believe that irregular sentences with accumulated gerunds are typical of the compiler's style. Cf. note to 72. 128.
Lit. "a spreading out" (a broad throwing).
P. pharantanan. The verb phar is a favourite one for expressing the flashing of the lightning.
Indian dictionaries give tikiga "sharp", "pointed" as the meaning of cada.

79.266 Parakkamabăht II 343
rods which cut into single pieces were hurled down there spread an unbearable heat. With many glowing iron rods which were tied to strings and which they drew up again, they performed seven days long their terrible deeds. Thus the discerning great dignitaries of the Great King carried on the combat in accordance with the instruction of their King. Seized by fear the army of the foe dispersed at once like the wave-crowned flood when it breaks on the ocean's shore. Thus the army with the Monarch were wiped out on the battlefield as the stars with the moon at the rising of the dawn. Then at Rajatakedara day by day for six months in bitter fight they weakened the forces of the foe. The Monarch Manabharapa set about building a stronghold for his sojourn by making a stockade of thorns. When King Parakkamabahu, the energetic, the exceeding wise, the lotus-eyed, in his vigilance heard of this proceeding, he thought in his heart: "This plan is clever. If he now sets about building a stronghold he must, methinks, as his army is weakened, be about to retire. Now is the right moment to get Manabharana entirely into one's power. I also must march thither and it is well if I march, to march in such manner that he notices nothing, else he will take flight." With this resolve he left Wikkamapura' and while feigning that he was going to the chase, he betook himself to Kyanagama accompanied by many skilful musicians, who made music on the lute and the flute. While now the wise Ruler versed in moods, sojourned like Vasava" in that village, he sent a message to the Adhikarin Rakkha to put his division of the army with all speed in fighting trim and to hold a war festival with the officer of
* P. pawita; cf. skr. prawita.
To supplement kalolandlini "bearing waves as wreaths" one must take vahini as a substantive of more general meaning "flood". Walkini it should be remembered, generally denotes "river".
* I take sa in sasananivesan as equivalent to the skr. sya. W. translates "with an encampment".
4 The headquarters of Parakkamabahu, see 72. 147 and note.
A name of the god Indra.
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King Manabharapa, Buddhanayaka by name. When the discerning Adhikarin had hearkened carefully to all of the message sent, he at once carrying out the order of the Great King, put his army in readiness, and sent the war-practised (host) forth, which was like to a whirlwind wher; it scatters cotton, namely the enemy. The four-membered army marched to Rajatakedara, delivered there till sunset a bitter action, slew Buddhanayaka and the other officers, put the rest of the army to flight and stayed the night on the spot. When the Sovereign Parakkamabahu heard of this event the prudent
272 one betook himself to the village called Mihiranabibbila'. He
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had fetched the Lankapura Kadakkuda who was endowed with extraordinary courage, and the two brothers, the generals: "King Manabharana will certainly to-day in the night take flight, his heart swayed by great fear; betake yourselves to him on his way and cut of his flight", such was the order given them by the discerning (king). While the heavens without ceasing drizzled and rained, while thickest darkness held sway, these marched in black night, but were not able to overtake the Monarch Manabharana on the way who was fleeing tortured by dread.
The Monarch Manabharana had at that time thought thus: "In the stronghold occupied to-day by the hostile army, a terrible noise can be heard like the raging of the vast ocean. The hostile king has, methinks, entered the fort. If instead of fleeing, I remain here during the night, to-morrow I shall certainly be delivered helplessly into his hands. Without letting any single one of all my companions know it, I must leave this place." Racked by fear, with such thoughts he left his own children in the lurch and while heavy rain streamed down and thick darkness reigned, he hastened hither and thither, every now and again falling into a deep pit, stumbling amid the undergrowth of the forest, ever and anon starting with fear his heart filled with terror, to the Maha
See note to 70. 296, as well as below. v. 270. * Cf. above v. 232.

72, 296 Parakkamabãihu I 345
valukaganga. But fearing that if he fled by a well known ford, the foe pursuing might take him alive, he crossed the river with difficulty at some unknown ford and regained courage for a momert. But as he had exceeding fear of the able-bodied inhabitants of the country, he wandered in disguise full of terror from village to village and so fleeing Ce to his own province stripped of everything.
When the warriors of the Great King Parakkamabahu who were posted at divers places, noticed that King Manabharana had departed, then thousands of them joyfully waved their garments, they lit around hundreds of thousands of torches, and while taking the lives of many thousands of warriors, they clapped their hands, shouted with joy, jumped about, and broke at one swoop from all sides into the great entrenchment which King Manabharana had occupied, captured alive the Prince called Sirivallabha who had been left behind and other great dignitaries, seized the rich treasures scattered here and there of the hostile king, elephants and horses, equipment and an array of weapons. Having made the necessary arrangements for their custody, they all set off in pursuit of the Ruler Manabharana, reached in the shortest (possible) time the Mahavalukaganga, cut to pieces there also a hostile army down to the last man, and having seen to it that the whole river carried along with it naught but flesh and blood, they were fain to press on farther, resolved not to turn back before they had captured the Ruler Manabharana even if they had to march to the ocean'. But Parakkamabahu of the strength
1 P. gativivajito. For the meaning of skr. gati “resource' s. BR. S. V. mr. 6. W's translation "undisguised" (in contrast to aiicitavesena in pada a) is certainly wrong.
Lit. "they instituted thousands of wavings of garments". Celukkhepc. signifies expression of approval. See JaCo. II. 90; III. 292; Mhvs. 15, App. Β, 7.
P. aparicchina, lit. unlimited, unrestricted, complete.
Pun on vaihin with threefold meaning 1) army (294 d), 2) river (295 a), 8) adj. for “carrying with it” (295 b).
The past part, nikklanta takes the place of a finite verb.
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defying arms, whose commands were scarce to be evaded, gave them the order not to cross to the other bank of the stream, and thus made them turn back. Thereupon King Parakkamabahu, the unvanquished sovereign, put on all his ornaments and surrounded by his army, with Prince Sirivallabha in front, he filling the heavens with great rejoicings of victory, entered the fair city of Pulatthinagara, even as the King of the gods (entered) the city of the gods after his victory in the battle with the asuras.
Now the Monarch Manabharana by reason of a disease caused by his fear of Prince Parakkama had come to the end of his life force. As he lay there on his bed, near to death, enmeshed in misery amongst his wives who wailed with outspread arms, he had Prince Kittisirimegha and yet other high dignitaries fetched and spake these words: "Rich treasures, that sacrificed to the venerable Tooth Relic and to the sacred Alms-bowl by believing sons of good family, and besides these divers villages belonging to the bhikkhu order have I seized and destroyed, swayed by the lust for kingly power. Now I lie on that bed from which there is no rising. Whence shall I find salvation from hell, if by death I unwillingly quit this world. Go thou, without ruining thyself as I (have ruined) myself, to the Sovereign Parakkama, do that which he orders thee and live devoted to him as he shall direct thee." After these words he wept more distressfully and entered the dwelling of god Yama difficult of approach, as if he wished to betake himself to a territory which lay not in the realm of the good soldiers of the Great King Parakkama.
1 In the Devanagala inscription, line 13/14 Parakkamabāhu mentions his war with Gajabahu. After this name an illegible space of about seven akkharas is following, and then we read dedeha (instead of dedend hai) yuddha kota “having made war with the two princes) Gajabāhu and . . . ." It is very probable that we have to supply after Gajabahu the name of Manabharaja. See H. C. P. Bell, Report on the Kégalla District (1892), p. 74-5.
There are four apaya or possibilities of rebirth for the sinner - 1) in hell, 2) as animal, 3) in the world of ghosts, 4) in the world of demons. S.

72.82. Parakkamabăhu I 847
When King Parakkamabahu who had captivated all those of good disposition without exception, heard that King Manabharana was dead, he had the Prince Kittisirimegha fetched thence. Then the great dignitaries met together and with clasped hands prayed the Ruler to celebrate the festival of the king's consecration. At a favourable moment and under a lucky star the Ruler (now) without rivals held the happy festival of the coronation. The loud noise of the divers kinds of drums was then terrible as the raging of the ocean when lashed by the storm wind of the destruction of the world. Elephants equipped with gilded armour made the royal road look as if it were traversed by lightning-flashing cloud mountains. The whole town in which the colours of the horses' gave rise, as it were to waves, was in agitation like the ocean. By the variegated umbrellas and wreaths and the rows of golden flags the heavens were hid as it were, on all sides. Garments were shaken and fingers snapped, the inhabitants of the town sent forth the cry: Live (o King) live Covered with arches of bananas and thickly studded with jars and wreaths the whole universe consisted of a mass of festivals'.
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singers and the smoke of (kindled) aloe wood filled the firmament. Clad in many-coloured garments, adorned with divers ornaments and bearing sundry weapons in their hands, practised warriors strutted around here and there with wellrounded limbs goodly to look at with their heroic forms, like
Cf, above 71. 19, in which the first consecration as king is described, the effect of which seems to have disappeared, since Parakkamabahu had for a time to evacuate Rajaratha and Pulatthinagara.--
o Pun on turaiga, raižiga, taranga. The dark-coloured horses are like the waves, the light-coloured ones their crowns of foam.
* Lit.: "The shaking of clothes took place (see note to 72.288) and finger-snapping took place'.
P. mekamaigalaņi (āsi). If the reading sakala-t-eka maigalapa could be reconciled with the MSS. the sense, undoubtedly good, would be: the universe was a single, vast festival. Y
The abharatani "ornaments" were bestowed on them by the king for their bravery, corresponding to our medals.
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322 rutting elephants. The many thousands of archers with their
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bows in their hand made it look as if the army of the gods trod the earth. Filled with hundreds of state chariots of gold, jewels and pearls the town looked like the starry firmament. While the mighty King whose eye was large as a lotus flower, thus performed a long series of marvellous things, he ascended himself, adorned with a wealth of ornament, to the golden baldachin that rested on a couple of elephants covered with golden cloths, wearing on his head a diadem sparkling with the brilliance of its jewels, like to the eastern mountain when it bears the rising sun, vanquishing the fairness of the spring by the power of his own fairness and making moist the eyes of the women in the town by the water of their tears of joy. Thus beamed on by auspicious signs, after he had encircled the town with his right side turned towards it, he entered like unto the thousand-eyed (Indra) into the beautiful royal palace.
While, thus as ruler of the middle world', he filled the chief and the intermediary regions of the heavens with festive glory, King Parakkamabahu, the excellent ruler of the universe, carried out the second consecration as king in the second year (of his reign).
Here ends the seventy-second chapter, called "The Description of the festival of the Royal Consecration', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.
1 P. vindina. I do not think that the word means "palace" here, but rather that it is equivalent to ratha (cf. PTS. P. D. s. v. vindina with detailed explanation of the term). What is meant are the chariots taking part in the processions with their sparkling ornaments of gold and precious stones.
The King is here made an equal of the four (or eight) lokapala, the rulers of the heavenly regions of whom he appears as the central figure.

349
Additions and Corrections
(Ed. = edition, Tr.= translation)
87.79 Ed. Put the whole verse between marks of suspension. It is a
parenthesis. 87.103 Ed. Put: after ratanamandapam. 87. 114 Ed. Read: »nago rogiti nicchayap«. 87. 202 Ed. We have probably to read: catuddasin paircadasirp yi ca.
pakkhassa ațțilhamī. 87. 206 Ed. Read : coran rattiyam, uggate &c. 88.3 Ed. Read: chattagahakajantuno. 88.29 Ed. Read: cuto, putto Parindo pi tatiye, tassa bhatuko &c. 88. 65 Ed. I propose to read: Akāsi palțimāgehe Bahumaňgalacetiye |
bodbisatte ca, tatthāpi Kālaselassa satthuno &c. 88.68 Tr. Add in the note: It is however probable that in the Mahavimsa not the Buddhist yojana but the common Indian yojana is meant which has the double length (a little more than 9 miles). See PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 255 f. 88.79 Ed. Expunge the ? after nidassitam and put it after samattho. 38.88 Ed. Read: kule instead of kille. 41.33 Ed. Read: Puratthimam instead of pur'. 41. 82 Ed. Read: gahetvā khipi; tīh’ evam aňgulīhi sa tanqn chupi. 41.96 Ed. Read: Uttare instead of utto. 42. 67 Tr. Add in the note: The Giritata is the present Giri tal aveva, and the Gangatata the present Kantalai lake. Cf. the notes to 70 286, 312. 44.56 Ed. Read: Janapadam instead of jan 44.71 Ed. Read: Uttaram inst. of utt. 44.90 Ed. Read: sakkā hantum ti dārakam«. 47. 66 Ed. Read on p. 89”: tatth’ eva instead of tath’ eva. 48.66 Tr. Add in note 4, line 8 after gehani: (Cf. Ceylon Journal of
Science I, p. 145 f). 49. 17 f. Ed. Read: patimayo ca karayi Il pasade cetiye c'eva vihare ca
anappake. 49.78 Ed. Expunge the full stop after avalokiya.

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850
49.81 Ed. Expunge, the comma after sadhukam. 50. 34 Ed. Read: Pasade Ratane sabbasovappam &c. 50. 48 Ed. Read: "samo instead of samo. 51.88 Ed. Read: Kutthaka instead of Tutthaka'. 54.57 Ed. Read: rajam instead of raja. 59. 2 Ed. Read: »Abhisekamañgalattham pasädadim anekakarp
kiccam &c. 59.49 Ed. Read: Sundarivham instead of Sunarivhan. 61. 4. Ed. Read: ’khila instead of khila. 61.36 Ed. We have probably to read Ariyadesiso, 61. 40 Ed. Read: sampgāmam tena rājinā. 61. 53 Ed. Read : te ’’khīņatosā instead of te khīņao.
6 Ed. Read: Patiladdha instead of Patiladdha'. 26 Ed. Read: kumaram instead of kurparanp. . 59 Ed. I propose reading ten' ato instead of te tato. 66.80 Ed. Read: Ranamburam instead of Ratamb'. 66. 148 Ed. Read: opaya? instead of opaya'. 70.54 Ed. Read: Rajarattham instead of raja. 70.98 Ed. Read: Ambavanam instead of Ambuv'. 70. 103 Ed. Read: Janapadam instead of jana'. 70. 112 and 120 Ed. Read: gaiga' instead of Gaiga'. 70, 181 Ed. Read: vasi karita instead of vasikarita. 72.58 Ed. Read: Arakkha instead of arakkha. 73. 106 Ed. Expunge the c before and after savadhiranarp. 72. 121-2 Ed. Put: at the end of v. 121 and w at the beginning of
w. 122. 72.127 Ed. Expunge » before sakalarativahini. 72. 170 Ed. Read Kalavapiyam instead of Kala'.

851
Genealogical Tables
(See J. STILL, Index to the Mahawansa, p. 79 ff.; WrcKREMAsINGHE, EZ. I, p. 184, II, p. 58)
From Sirimeghavanna to the Chattaggahaka
Mahãsena 1. Sirimeg havanna brother?
87.58 87. 100
2. Jet that is sa II
87. 100
3. Buddhadasa
37. 105
4. Upatis è a I 5. Mahanama 87.79 87.209
6. Sot thisena Sanghã
38. 1, 2 married to the
7. Chattaggiãha ka
88.8
LSLSSSSSSSSSLSLSLSS
8. Mitta sena to 14. Pithiya
88. 4-84

Page 202
II
From Dhātusena to Kittisirimegha
· |- |-Dhātusena (a Moriya)
༦༽14 Dāķhāpabhuti , —恒作— (a Lambakaņņa)16. Dhātus en aSilātisśabodhi |-|88. 86 》』(7-』----------『***『***,『*『나-나----> 22. Silākāla >< Princess16. Kassa pa I 17. Mogg allāna IPrincess >< 21. U patissa II 89. 64 f., 41. 2638. 80,8688.80, 89. 20 (a Lambakaņņa) 子1(, 41.6 BodhiUppalavaņņa||- |-||- |-|- |-Kassapa 41. 8, 24 》』』, ?』----------『****『*********,鲁松龛_感 *&= 24. Moggallāna II23. Dāţ hāpabhuti I Upatissa18. Kumāra'dhātusena (his wife's brother; 20.Sīva) |-*64く ( 4ı. 42 41.42|-*1 41. ő 25. kiviisirimesha 19. K;ၾen a
41. 64
852

858
IIIa
From Mahanaga to Aggabodhi li
Bhayasiva Sister of Bhayasiva Aggabodhi 26. Mahānāga Sister of M. Brother of M.
41. 70, 93 41.70, 91 4. 74 42. 6
Uparaja Uparāja of Mahanaga. Aggabodhi's I Prince 27. Ag gabodhi I Princess Prince 4. 98 42. 42. 6
Yανατεύa Dãhã 42.. O
28. Agga bodhi II 42.6, 88,40
Ib
Samghatissa and his successor
29. Sapighatis sa assiggaha 44. 1 Prince 88. Jet that is sa II Prince
4. 18, 85 44.28, 95 44. 24

Page 203
3
5.
4.
IV
From Silāmeghavanna to Udaya |
Senäpati of (29) Sarpghatissa
Mahatissa 81. Silām e g h a v aņņa A sig gāh a 1 of Rohana
44. 8, 65 4ಕ್ಕ 88 32. Aggabodhi III SSB.? Māna 85. Kassap a II Princess >< 36. Dappula
44.88, 118 44. 128 44, 124, 187,144 45.86, 80
em"wamama Mānaka ? = 41. Māna vamma -ل-
45. 6 47. 1, 62 Mãnavamma, ? = Mana
45. 52 45.8, 11,79
42. Aggabodhi у 8. Kassapa III 44. Mahin da I ādipāda
48. l. 48. 20 48. 26
Princess 45. Aggabodhi VI SM.
48. 42 an mesmert's mar sin 47. Mahin da II Samghã (2) 46. Aggabodhi VII
48. 76 48.54 48.89, 68 Dappula (2)
48. 90, 117 4s. Udaya I . Mahinda 49. 1 69,76 .48 ی
His predecessor was 80. Moggal 1āna III., Senāpati of Aggabodhi II (44.2, 22). * His successors were 88. Je țițh a tissa II and 34. Dāțh opatissa I (s. IIIIo, V).
W Collateral Line
Dáthäsiva Sister of D. = 84. Dat hopatis sa I
44.88, 128 A
Hatthadäțha 88. Agga bodhi IV SSB.1 = 87. Dat hopatis sa II 46.
44. 154; 45. 22
1 His successors were 89. Datta (46.41) and 40. Hatthadatha (46.45). Then 41. Man a vamma (see lW) ascends the throne.

Q09-69 °09
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Page 204
356
VII From Sena li to Wikkamabahu |
(Sena I)Kassapą(6)
õ4. Sen a II SSB.Mahinda (11)öð. U daya lI66. Kassa pa IV 50. 48, 51. 150. 59, 51. 7, 68>< Tissā (2)>< Tissā (8) >< Samghā (4)>< a) Tissā (1), b) Kitti (1)51. 94| 52, 1 |60. 60, ől. 1ð õ0.60, 51, 16
67. Kassa pa. W SMW. (von a) 58. Dappula III 69. Dappula 1WメA)))^=* >< a) Samghã (6), b) Senā (2)68. 1(von b)Senā (2)Tissā (2)
61. 1861. 9868, 4く51. 9861. 98 ) ,
· c) Devā (8), d) Rājinā 62. 6462. 67
~))=======*
Saņghā (5) (von a) Kittaggabodhi (von b) 60. Udaya III61. Sena III62. U day a IV (?) öl. 1861.9468. 18 68. 18, 28· 68. 28, 89
Mahinda (12) (von a)?) 68. Sen a IV (von a)?) Tissā (8) Siddhattha (von d) Sakkasenāpati (von c) 64. Mahiņda TV
6 s. 9968. 39, 64. 162. 252. 6852. 52(von e) >< Wajirā 52.6264. i, 7 >< Kitti (2) 64. 60 66. Sena vUdaya66. Mahin da. W 64. 6754. 5856. i
67. Wikka mabāhu I (Kassapa 66. 10) 66, 1

857
VIII From Vikkamabahu I to Vijayabahu
Brother of Kitti Kitti >< Mahinda IV
Mahinda. W
Devala Lokita >< Kassapa = 67. Vik kam ab āhu I
57.27 57, 97 57.28 (55. 10) 56.
Bodhi >< Buddha aus dem Geschlecht des Děhopatissa
auwWNwyrainga mamponima Lokita >< . >< Moggallana Loka 57. A 57. 29, 4, 42 57. 29 Kitti Mitta Rakkhita
Mahinda s 74. Wijayabihu Il
Kings between Wikkamabahu I and Vijayabahu I were 68. Kitti, 69. Mahālānakiti, 70. Vikkamapaņu, 7. Jagatīpāla, 72. Parakkamapaņqļu I, 78. Loka (58. 7-57. 2).
X Vijayabahu's Family
74. Wijayabāhu I
>< a) 1. Llavatī
59.25
Y. hara >< Wiravanna
59, 97
2. Līlāvatī Sugalā
59, 98 59.28 >K Vikdkamabahu II >K 1. Sirivallabha
59, 50 59.45
X a Sundari
>K b) Tilokasundarī
59. 29
a) Subhadda
>< Wirabahu 59.43 b) Sumitta
>K Jayabāhu 59. 48 c) Lokanātha
>< Kittisirimegha 59. 44 d) Ratanāvatī
X 1. Mänabharaa 59.44 e) Rಖ್ಖಟ್ಟ
ied 59.45 f) Vilkkamabahu II
>< b. Lilavati 59. A9 59.50

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358
X
Descent of Parakkamabāhu |
4. Moggallāna >< 2. Lokitā 57.29,41 · 74. Vijayabầhu I SSB."Wīrabāhu76. Jayabāhu I1. Mittā 59, 11; 60.8660.87; 61. 6; 62. 1>< Paņļurāja 69. 41;,62. 1 76. Wikkam abāhu II· 61.8, 62, 11. Mānābharaņa2. Kittisirimegha1. Sirivallabha
•- — ^-(Wīrabāhu)59. 42; 67. 8769 42; 64, 18 77. GajabāhuAnīkańga16. Mahinda,59.42; 61.26; 62. 67>< Lokanāthā>< Sugalā 69.46 60.88; 68. 1961. 4062.59; 72.46 ff.>< Ratanāwalī 69.4469. 44| - —~)**2. Mānābhara qa8. Līlāwatī 2. MittāPabhāwatī|Bhaddawatī78. Parakkamabāhu, I盘9 7———**''<시아·1,>< Gajabāhu>< Mistē 68, 16 >< 2. Mānābharaņa66. 147>< Rūpavatī 78. 142>< Pabhāvatī 64.24 68, 16; 64. 24谢>< 8. Līlāwatī 80.81
1. See Table IX
3. Kittisirimegha (von 2.) 64.24; 72.808
2. Sirivallabha (von 1.) 72.291

359
Supplementary Notes
1) Introduction, p. XXII. Mr. A. M. HocART, C. J. Sc. G. II, p. 84 refers to the part played by the sister's son in Ancient Germany, according to Tacitus, Germania 20: Sororum filiis idem apud avunculum qui apud patrem honor. Quidam sanctiorem artioremque hunc nexum sanguinis arbitrantur. “The sister’s son is in as great honour with the uncle as with the father. Some consider this tie of blood more sacred and closer."
2) Introduction, p. XXV ff. I wish to direct the reader's attention to the inscriptions on the pillars of King Nissanka Malla's "Council Chamber" in Polonnaruva. They supply us with useful information as to the highest officials and the constituent members of the royal council at the time of that king. At the king's right hand there sat 1) the mahddipada, 2) the aidipdidas, 3) the sendipati, 4) the adhikaras (principle chiefs), 5) the Chief Secretary (mahalekha); - and on his left side 1) the mandalikas (governors of the provinces), 2) the eighty four (chiefs of smaller districts), 3) the heads of the merchants. - The number 84 exactly corresponds to the 84 sainanta appointed by Parakkamabahu in Dakkhinadesa, Mhvs. 69. 16. - See H.W. CopRINGroN, JRAS. C. Br. XXIX, Nr. 77, 1924, p. 804 f; the same, HC. p. 68.
8) 87.218 (p. 22, n. 4) The Dhumarakkha is situated on the right bank - not left bank - of the Mahavelliganga. It is, no doubt, identical with the Dimbulagala-kanda, the so-called "Gunner's Quoin", near Mahagantota (ancient Kacchakatittha), E. of Polonnaruva. In my Transl. of the Mahavarpea, p. 72, n. 1 and p. 289-90 must be corrected accordingly. H. Storey, C. A. L. R. III. 8, p. 229.
'4) 58. 80. For the daily ritual in the Dalada-Maligava, Kandy, see
Arthur A. PERERA, C. A. L. R. VI. 2, p. 67 f.
5) For the identification of the topographical names in ch. 66 &c. I refer also to H. StoREY, Parākrama Báhu the Great, C. A. L. R. VII. 1, p. 17f.

Page 206

861
List of Abbreviations
A. = Anguttara Nikāya (ed. PTS.). Abhp. = Abhidhanappadipika. AIC. = Ed. MOLLER, Ancient Inscrip
tions of Ceylon, 1888. Ann. Rep. = Annual Report. ASC. Archaeological Survey of
Ceylon. BR. = BöHrlInak und RoTH, Sanskrit
Wörterbuch. C. A. L. R. = Ceylon Antiquary and
Literary Register. C. J. Sc. G. Ceylon Journal of
Science, Sect. G. Col. Ed. = Colombo Edition of the "Mahawansa from the thirty-seventh Chapter", 1877. D. = Digha Nikaya (ed. PTS) Dh. = Dhammapada (ed. PTS.) DһСо. = Dhammapada Commentary
(ed. PTS.) EI. = Epigraphia Indica. EZ. = Epigraphia Zeylanica (ed.
Wiскв.кмлвианк). HC. = B. W. Conang Tox, A Short History of Ceylon, 1926. غ۔ Jā. = Jātaka. JaCo. = The Jataka together with its Commentary, ed. FAUSBöLL, 1877岱 JAs. = Journal Asiatique. JPTS. = Journal of the Pali Text
Society. JRAS. = Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society
JRAS. C. Br. = Journ. Roy. As. Soc.,
Ceylon Branch. Kh. = Khuddaka Patha, together with ita Commentary, ed. BELMER SITH (PTS), 1915. LSI. = Linguistic Survey of India.
(Sir GEORGE GRIERson). M. = Maijhima Nikaya (ed. PTS.) Mem. = Memoirs (of the ASC.) Mhbh. = Mahabharrata. Mihvs. = Mahāvamsa. Milp. = Milindapafiha ed.TRExcKER,
1880. Nett. = Nettipakaraņa (ed. PTS.) Nik.-s. = Nikāyasaṁgraha (ed.WICKRF
MABINGHe). P. = Pāli, PERs 1 = Ceylon, the Portuguese Era, by P. E. PERIs, 2 Bde. 1918一4。 PERus 2 = Ceylon and the Portuguese 1505 - 1658, by IP. E. PEIRIs, 1920. PIERs 3 = Ceylon and the Hollanders 1658-1796 by P. E. PIERIs, 1924. PTS. = Pali Text Society. PTS.P. D. = The PTS.'s Pali Dictionary by Rars DAvIDs and STEDE. Pūjāv. = A Contribution to the History of Ceylon, extracted from the "Pujavaliya", 1898. Pv. s= Petavatthu (ed. PTS.)

Page 207
862
Rajaratn. = Rájaratná karaya or History of Ceylon, ed. Saddhananda,
1887. Rajav. = The Rájávaliya, ed. by B. Guņasékara, 1899; - transl. by the same, 1900. Räm. = Ramäyaџа. S. = Samyutta Nikaya (ed. PTS.) s. and B. = SUMANGALA and BATUwANTUDAwa, editors of Mhvs, Col. Ed. - The same, Mhvs. transl. (into Sinhalese), 1917. Sn. s= Suttanipáta (ed. PTS.)
SMW. = Siliameghavanna. S. P. = Sessional Papers. SSB. = Sirisalpighabodhi. Thag. = Theragatha (ed. PTS) Thig. = Therigatha (ed. PTS.) Win. = Vinaya Pițaka, ed. OLDEN
BERG Wv. = Wimanavatthu (ed. PTS) W. = The Mahávaņsa, part II, containing Chapters XXXIX to C, by L. С. Wланд, ZII. = Zeitschrift für Indologie und
Iramistik.

Page 208