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CONTENTS
Articles Page
I. Dr. C. E. Godakumbura-History of Archaeology in
Ceylon u o Ι
2. Dr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala-The Fossil Giant Teredo
of Ceylon Op 6 39
3. Dr. K. Indrapala-Early Tamil Settlements in Ceylon 43
4. Mr. L. A. Adithiya-Archaeological Remains at
Deiyyanne-kanda, Padawiya . . a O 64
5. Mr. D. T. Devendra-Lotus without Symbolism .. 83
Book Reviews a 8 0 48 o v 93
Mr. D. T. Devendra-A Ruined Dagaba in Delft . . • • i
Office-Bearers I968/69 A w 部 够 iv
Annual Report for I968 0 V
Honorary Treasurer's Report for Ig68 . . vii
Balance Sheet and Statement of Accounts for Ig68 se viii
Abstracts of Proceedings s a . A Xνι
Publications Received (I-Io-67 to 3o-9-68) xxiii
Donations (I-Io-07 to ვo-9-68) 0. XXV
Purchases (I-Io-67 to 3o-9-68) a a 8 хxvi
Members admitted during the year I969 and Change of Address-Life Members and Ordinary Members-Ordinary Members transferred as Life Members XXvii
Notice to Contributors e a хxix

1969
Journal of the CEYLON BRANCH
of the
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
New Series, Volume XIII
COLOMBO
13 782/
PRINTED BY THE COLOMBO APOTHECARIES CO., LTD. FOR THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (CEYLON BRANCI) REID AVENUE, COLOMBO 7.
مسلسـ9418

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History of Archaeology in Ceylon
By C. E. GoDAKUMBURA, M.A., Ph.D., D.Lit, (Lond.)
Presidential address delivered on 29th November 1968 at the New Arts Theatre, University of Ceylon, Colombo.
The title of my lecture is "The History of Archaeology in Ceylon', but I shall be covering a wider spectrum, for archaeological evidence embraces the whole gamut of human existence. Thus my attempt is not a history of the State Department of Archaeology in Ceylon. What I intend to give is a broader account of the history of antiquarian studies in our country. The study of the remains of man and his handiwork is, in a way, a new subject, and is full of human interest. It has a long history. In the modern sense, it began with our contacts with European people. Our literature, however, is replete with passages which describe ancient cities, their fortifications and moats, parks, baths, religious edifices and secular buildings, paintings, sculpture, woodcarvings and various other works of art. The word-portraits of abandoned sites, city walls, dwelling-places and the like are indeed what the poets themselves had seen. These accounts and descriptions help us at least in the study of the meaning and purpose of our archaeological remains.
Sinhalese writers have also produced a vast amount of historical Inaterial. In Ceylon, history and archaeology were almost synonymous. The Sinhalese term, borrowed from Sanskrit, to denote archaeology is puravidyi. It is derived from puravid which means "knowing the past', 'versed in ancient lore', and this word goes as far back as the Atharva-veda. Early Sanskrit uses the words puravidya and buriveda in the meanings, "things or events of the past.'
As with other literate civilizations, in Ceylon also ancient records form a very important part of the source material of our archaeology. The old Sinhalese inscriptions have not been left to oblivion, but have been read from time to time. In the twelfth century, the Abhidhamma commentator, Sumangala Thera, issaid to have read the early Sinhalese inscriptions. He is also said to have made a Compendium of Sinhalese Inscriptions. This information is gathered from the most recent epigraphical research by Professor Senarat Paranavitana, to which I will have to return later. Paranayitana has also published the information that during the reign of Sri Parākramabahu VI of
I. Srauta-sutra, see M. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary,
Oxford, J899, s.v. purā.
2. See Ceylon Today, Nov.-Dec., 1968.

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Rayigama and Kotte (A.D. I4I2-I467), Totagamuvē Šrī Rāhula Thera and his pupil Sumangala Thera read some four hundred verses of the Sigiri graffiti, and a copy of these was available at the Totagamuva vihära.*
King Parakramabahu VI interested himself in literature and epigraphy, and as Professor Paranavitana tells me this king did Some archaeological explorations as well. The emperor had heard of Sigiriya from a relative of his queen, a provincial ruler who resided at Piduragala. Parakramabahu had come across a description of Sigiriya, and he is said to have had tested the measurements of the various buildings given in the records. For this purpose he would have had to send his officers and men, and get them to make some excavations. We are awaiting the publication of Paranavitana's Sigiri-vistaraya, "the Account of Sigiri', which will no doubt give more information regarding the archaeological interests of Sinhalese kings. Parakramabahu VI got down to Kotte some sculpture from Anuradhapura and Sigiriya, examined them, and sent them back to their original find spots to have them reburied there, perhaps for the benefit of future archaeologists! Sone of them have since been re-discovered.
Now we come to records made by European writers concerning the ancient cities and buildings of Ceylon. They were quite often made for the benefit of those who had not seen them, or would not have had the opportunity of seeing them. This explains the lack of such accounts in the productions of our own historians. Father Fernač De Queyroz in his The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon has a few notices of some of our cities. Of Kandy (Candi) he says, "The metropolis has well-built houses and streets, cleaned and adorned. The buildings are of masonry, thatched with leaves of bamboo and rattan, good material for fire, though the Pagodas and the Palace of the King, they say, were covered with copper, silver and gold.' Here the last statement is only hearsay. Queyroz took the Brahmi script of the Sinhalese inscriptions to be Greek. He believed that a Tamil inscription at Trincomalee contained a prophecy. An account of this inscription, which is at Fort Frederick, is in the Riks-archief at the Hague, Netherlands.9 The Dutch have left some interesting maps of the island, and useful plans of the cities and forts.
3. Lamkddipa, June 27, 1968, p. 8.
Now locally pronounced "Piduran-gala.' 4 Read from interlinear inscriptions. 5. Translations by Father S. G. Perera, Colombo, I93o, 3 vols. 6. Op.cit. Book I, p. 6o. 7. Op.cit. 8. Op.cit. Book I, p. 66. 9. JCBRAS, Vol. XXX (No. 8o), I927, pp. 448-449.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 3
Diogo do Couto,o the Portuguese historian, records that one of their captains stationed at Mannar excavated at Mantota in 1574 or I575 remains of Roman buildings in the form of masonry work of foundations, an iron chain, medals, coins (copper and gold). The coins were identified as those of Claudius, the Roman Emperor.
The Dutch historian Frangois Valentyni refers to a report of the same discovery (in A.D. 1574-75) of Roman finds of archaeological value along the coast of Mannar. He writes "Great ruins and pieces of a Romish building of marble work to be seen from which the workmen threw down a stone on a part of the foundation, and turning over the same they found an iron chain of such a wonderful and stately fashion that in all India there is no artificer who should dare to undertake to make such another. They found also three pieces of copper coin the underside of which was entirely worn, and also one of gold which was on the underside which was entirely worn, and also one of gold which was on the underside likewise entirely worn.' These are about the earliest statements regarding such valuable antiquarian discoveries from the earth in the island. Valentyn had also worked out the lengths of reigns of the Sinhalese kings.
Phillipus Baldaeus, the Dutch predikant, who was in Ceylon from A.D. 1656, in his Description of Ceylon, chapter forty-eight, says that the pagoda at Bintenna (that is, the Mahiyangana-dagába) whose base was 130 paces, was very lofty and wide it was gilt at the top.....' He mentions also the Kustaraja figure at Welligania, Adam's Peak and another important site in the South or South-East, possibly Dondra.
The English captive, Robert Knox, 5 has made a passing reference to our lithic inscriptions. This is published in the preface to volume I of the Epigraphia Zeylanical and I do not propose to repeat the same here. Pybus, the British Ambassador to Kandy in A.D. I762, gives an account of the Town of Candia (Kandy).7 As the text is now easily
Io. Diogo do Couto (born, Lisbon I 543). *Donald Ferguson says that the date should be 1584 or 1585.
1 I. JC 13 f? AS, Vol. XX, No. 6o (II 9o8), pp. 83-84. I2. Valentyn, François, English translation, in MS in the Library of R.A.S.
(London). Mr. James T. Rutnam of Colombo has a typed copy. I 3. See also Casic Chitty S., JCB I?AS, Vol. I, No. I, 1875. Cf. Johnston at p. 6. I4. Phillipus Baldaeus, A true and exact description of the Great Island of Ceylon translated by licter Brohier, The Ceylon Histovical Journal, Vol. VIII, (I958-59), pp. 38 | -382. 15. Knox R., An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon, London I68I;
An Historical Relation of Ceylon, Glasgow, MCMXI; Colombo I958. I6. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. I, preface. I7. Raven-Hart R., The Pybus Embassy to Kandy, I 762, "National Museums
of Ceylon Historical Series,' Vol. I (I958), pp. 29-3o.

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available, I shall cite only the sentences relating to the royal palace. 'The palace stands in a manner detached from the rest of the houses at the south end of this valley (which should be north end as Raven-Hart has also pointed out), and is a large, lofty, spacious building, containing a number of apartments, and seemingly well constructed; but as I (was) never admitted there till night, I cannot be very circumstantial in my description of it. There is a large garden enclosed with a High Wall in the north front of it, and close on the other side of it, to the soutlin, are Hills and thick woods.'
Admiral Suffrein when he was at Trincomalee with the French fleet in I78I, sent a copy of a Sinhalese inscription to Mons. Anquetil du Perron then in France with an offer of a considerable reward to any person who could decipher it. He added that so far as he knew that had never been accomplished. We will hear of this inscription later when we come to Alexander Johnston.9
Ceylon had the good fortune of having here at the end of the eighteenth century, and the beginning of the nineteenth, a number of men, chiefly military officers and others accompanying them, who took a keen interest in describing our ancient monuments. This certainly was the result of the artistic inclinations of these people, and I believe, not a requirement of their profession. The journal Asiatic Researcheso has published, among other subjects, accounts of the temples of Dondra by Captain Colin Mackenzie and temples of the god of Kataragama by Captain Mahonyoo (I8o3, Vol. VIII). There are also in this journal further accounts of antiquarian value relating to Ceylon by other writers such as Joseph Joinville. Lieut. Col. Barbut, one of the commanders of the ill-fated British expedition to Kandy in I8o3, gives a vivid account of the city of Kandy, Senkadagalanuvara, as he saw it on Tuesday, March 22, 1803. His description is far more accurate than that of Pybus. Barbut must have found the palace unoccupied since the king had fled to Hanguranketa, and he would have been able to completely satisfy his antiquarian curiosities. The descriptions of the palace, its halls and rooms, their adornments, and
*Perron made a map of Ceylon.
8. See below: note 3o. This is the Vévālkātiya inscription of Mahinda IV (A.D. 956-972), which has been deciphered, translated and published by Wickremasinghe in the Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. I as Art. No. 2 I therein (see below). We shall speak of Wickremasinghe later on. - Ig. See below: note 3o. 2c. Asiatic Researches or Transactions of the Society instituted in Bengal. . . . .
Vol. I, London, 18or, later Calcutta. 2I. Op.cit., Vol. VI, p. 442. 22. Op.cit. Vol. VIII (I 8o3). 23. Op.cit., Vol. VII. 24. See Pieris, Paul E, Tri Sinhala, the Last Phase, I796-1815, (1930), Appen
dix D, pp. 169-17I.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 5
the temples, are full of details. These accounts of Kandy, though not all of them antiquities when their authors saw them, I have cited as they should be helpful to officers and workmen of the Archaeological Department who are expected to see to the conservation of the palace.
In Rev. James Cordiner's Description of Ceylon, London, I807, there are some interesting accounts of roads and fortifications.
In 1817, an officer in the British Army while travelling from Bintenna to Minneriya came across the ruins of Polonnaruwa which was called Topary (Topāvāva) at the time. He remarks on a 'stoneslab containing on both sides an inscription, apparently in Cingalese characters, its height above the ground 7 feet, breadth 2 feet 9 inches. thickness Io inches, and the lines of inscription 2 inches apart."
Lieutenant M. H. Fagan, another British Officer examined, in I820, the ruins of Topary including those in the Vatadage site, Tivankapilimage and the Galvihāra (Galle Vihari). His descriptions were published the same year." He gives a vivid account of the Circular Temple, which he begins expressing his opinion, “The circular building I think was once a temple open above.' Of the Guardstones' with the anthropomorphic Naga figures he says, “on each side of the steps which conduct to the 4 doors of the temple, stands the same female figure that guards the entrance to most of the Kandyan temples, covered nearly to the knees with rubbish. . . . " In spite of such misunderstanding Fagan's detailed description of the shrine is very informative. He describes the terra-cotta ornamentations of the Tivanka Pilimage, where the Gana figures attracted his attention.
He recognized the colossal standing statue at Galvihara to be one of the Buddha. He says, “I found it to be a figure of the Budhoo in an upright posture, of excellent proportions and in an attitude I think uncommon, his hands laid gracefully across his breast and his robe falling from his left arm.' At the excavated cave (Vijadharagaha) he saw the old wooden Door in good preservation' and the ceiling painted in red ornament." Fagan's excellent account of Polonnaruwa should be found useful to all students of Ceylon archaeology.
T. Ralph Backhouse, collector at Mannar made measured descriptions of some monuments and tank bunds at Anuradhapura, and also the bunds of Minneriya tank and the Kavuduluvava.
25. Cordiner, Rev. James, Description of Ceylon, Vols. I & II, London,
I8o7, See Vo. III pp. I 55ff. z6. Supplement of the Government Gazette, August Ist, 182o. z7. Orientalist,Vol II, p. 87.
28. Ievers, R. W., Manual of the North Central Province, Ceylon, Colombo, 1899, p. 23. A documented account of the History of the archaeology of the N. C. P. is given in chapter XV of this Manual, pp. 2II-242.

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John Davy in An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, etc.,29 London, I82I, notices various architectural styles prevalent in the districts he saw, but has failed to discern any style which he could call Sinhalese. This indeed is surprising seeing that he spent most of his time in the Kandyan provinces. These are the opening sentences of Davy's comments: 'In architecture, I am not aware that the Sinhalese can be said to have any national or any very peculiar style. In no country is much greater variety to be seen, or much stronger marks afforded to trace the progress of the art. Rock-temples, which are very numerous in the interior, may, with the exception of their embellishments, be considered rather the work of nature than art.' Davy also makes a brief note on Anuradhapura. "A large tank, numerous stone pillars, two or three immense tumuli (probably old dagobas), are its principal remains.'
Sir Alexander Johnston in a contribution to the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, made in 1824 (Vol. I, art. xxx) refers to the archaeological remains at Mantai which Valentyn had earlier noted: He writes in a note:* "The ruins of the ancient town of Mantotta, all of which consist of brick, still cover a considerable extent of country. Great numbers of Roman coins of different emperors, particularly of the Antonines, specimens of the finest pottery, and some Roman gold and silver chains, have been found in those ruins.' Johnston has also published in the same journal the Sinhalese inscription from Trincomalee a copy of which the French Admiral Suffein had sent to du Perron in I78I with a fac-simile made in 1806 under his direction. This appears to be a duplicate of the Vévälkäitiya inscription of Mahinda (A.D. 956-972). Words such as dasagam can be read clearly. A slab bearing a tenth century inscription had been utilized for the pavement of the cella of the budugē (image-house) at Velgamvihara (Periyakulam) near Trincomalee as was noticed when the Archaeological Department was engaged in conserving the remains of that building in 1953 (see ASC Report for I953, p. G. II). These probably may be fragments from the inscribed slab which Admiral Suffrein and Alexander Johnston refer to. Johnston also communicated to the same Transactions the text of a Cufic inscription from Ceylon (dated Hejira 3I7-A.D. 948) with a translation by Samuel Lee, Professor of Arabic in the University of Cambridge (art. xxxii, "A Cufic Inscription found in Ceylon, communicated by Sir A. Johnston, with
- 29. Davy, John, An account of the Interior of Ceylon, etc., London, 182 I:
p. 255; p. 302 f.n. *See also account at p. 3. fSee f.n. 18 above.
3o. Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland Vol. I (1824), art. xxx, "An account of an inscription found near Trincomalee.' 31. Ibid. art. xxxii.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 7
a translation by the Rev. Samuel Lee, A. M. Professor of Arabic in the University of Cambridge'). This inscription was at Jawattain Colombo.
In a country like Ceylon, with a long literary tradition going back to twenty-five centuries and farther in the original home lands of the people who inhabit it, a knowledge of history is the prerequisite for all archaeological work. In countries like Ceylon and India research in prehistory has also to follow history. It should be so for prehistoric archaeology as well. Very often prehistorical levels lie under several historical layers. If an archaeologist digs for prehistory, without a knowledge of history, or without the co-operation of scholars with a Sound knowledge of chronology of the historical times, he will be destroying a number of historical levels before he alights on the prehistoric strata in which he is interested. The pre-historic strata have to be reached after a careful examination of the historic ones. I shall come to pre-history in Ceylon later on. Now we turn to the study of Ceylon chronology by modern scholars, who were also interested in antiquities.
Edward Upham's translation of the Mahdivansi, the Raja-ratindicari and the Raidi-vali from the Sinhalese, published in London in I833, did not addin any manner to the knowledge of Sinhalese chronology. The news of the publication in London of a translation of the Mahavamsa only delayed George Turnour's work on the chronicle. Meanwhile, Turnour completed in 1832 his "Epitome of the History of Ceylon.'89 The author states this in his letter from Kandy, dated September I4, 1832, to the Editor of the Ceylon. Almanac. Turnour comments on the scepticism of some individuals who wrote on Ceylon History, namely Cordiner, Perceval, Bertolacci, Philalethes and Davy, stating that they "unacquainted themselves with the native languages, and misguided by the persons from whom they derived their information, have concurred in representing that there were no authentic historical records to be found in Ceylon.' Turnour made use for his Epitome, in addition to the Pali Mahāvansa and the Commentary to its first part, the Sinhalese works: Pajavaliya, Nikayasangrahaya, Rajaratnakaraya, Rajivaliya and Vilbagedara Mudiyanse's "Account of his embassy to Siam.” Turnour's Epitome of the History of Ceylon contains its chronology, the prominent events recorded therein, and the lineage of the reigning families'; and gives, in somewhat greater detail, an account of the foundation of the towns and of the construction of the many stupendous works, the remains of which still exist, to attest the authenticity of those annals. Turnour prepared his notes hastily and he was aware that this was done imperfectly, but we have to admit that the publication of this Epitome was the turning point of
32. Upham, E., The Mahdivansi, the Reija-ratndicari, and the Rajavali, London,
Ι833.
33. Ceylon Almanae, I832? Also as Appendix to Forbes's Eleven years in
Ceylon (Vol. II, pp. 27I-323).

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antiquarian studies in Ceylon. From the summary we note his bias towards archaeological remains, and he would make use of the existing monuments to test the authenticity of the historical and literary records. This was the purpose of archaeology at the time and to a very great extent even today. Did not Schliemann dig in the site of Troy to find the truth of Homer's epic?
Writers after the publication of Turnour's Epitome have made use of his essay, and have certainly benefited from the same. They have identified some of the cities and monuments mentioned in the annals. Forbes reproduced Turnour's Epitome as the Appendix to his work which we shall presently refer to. Turnour published a Revised Chronological Table of Sovereigns of Ceylon in the Ceylon Almanac of I834, and this is appended also to the introduction to his Makavamsa'95 (London, 1837). This made a further advance to the Epitome in respect of the earlier period. In 1832-33 Major Skinner, who wrote the Fifty Years in Ceylon (London, I89I), supplied Turnour notes regarding the ancient sites at Anuradhapura with a plan showing the principal ruins under the names ascribed to them by tradition. Some of the identifications may be wrong, but we notice the names sticking to the monuments to this day. Tradition has a greater sway on people than archaeology or history.
Major Forbes,87 who explored the island in the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, has given us first hand accounts of several sites such as Matara, Dondra, Mulgirigala, Kurunegala, Yapahuva, Kandy, Dambulla, Polonnaruwa, Mihintale and Anuradhapura. Forbes was at Anuradhapura between 1828-1829. (See Vol. I. Ch. X. of Eleven Years in Ceylon, Vol. I-II, London, I840.) Ievers,88 in his Manual of the North-Central Province (p. 2I4), says, "In 183I Major Forbes visited Polonnaruwa, and gives a far more reliable account of the ruins than Sir Emerson Tennent.' Forbes's description of Anuradhapura is illustrated with drawings of Lõvāmahapāya, Abhayagiri (Jetavana) and Thliparama, before restoration in about A.D. I&29, and details of a pillar with capital from the last site. In his account of Matara and Devinuvara, Forbes records a tradition that the seven tombs built in memory of Kumaradasa, Kalidasa and the five queens of the king, and the seven bo-trees planted there existed "as
34. IDurant, Will, The Life of Greece, "The Story of Civilization," Part II, New York, Ig39. pp. 33ff. Jacquetta Hawkes, The World of the Past, New York, I963, pp. 23—25.
35. Turnour, Mahdivamsa, London, I837.
36. Skinner, Major Thomas, Fifty Years in Ceylon, London, 1891.
37. Forbes, Major, Eleven Years in Ceylon, Vol. II, London, 184o.
38. Op. cit. p. 2I4.
39. Tennent, J. E., Ceylon, an account of the island, physical, historical and .
topographical, Vol. I-II, London, 4th edition I860.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 9
late as the year A.D. I?83, when a Dutch gentleman made use of the materials of which the tombs were built, and cut the venerable bo-trees.'40 Forbes also has published translations of four long inscriptions, which were supplied to him by George Turnour, namely, Tablets of King Mahinda from Mihintale, Niśśańkamalla’s Galipota inscription from Polonnaruwa, Dambulla Rock Inscription of Niššankamalla, Sahassamalla's slab-inscription from Polonnaruwa, while he himself translated an inscription from Matale District. This is Hapugastānna Inscription dated Saka. I28 (A.D. I359) of Parakramabāhu V (A.D. I344-I359) cited by Bell at JCBRAS. Vol. XXIII (No. 65), p. 295, of this Society's Journal, and the full text and translation of which is published by Simon de Silva at ibid. pp. 362-363. Of the Sinhalese inscriptions Forbes says, "the dates which they afford confirm the accuracy of the Cingalese histories, and the correctness with which Mr. Turnour had arranged its chronology in an Epitome not then published, although compiled several years before.'41
Sir Samuel Baker, in his Eight Years in Ceylon gives a vivid description of the abandoned ruins of Polonnaruwa. While speaking of 'the Architectural relics,' as he calls them, he says, "The Bricks, or rather the tiles, of which all the buildings are composed, are of such an imperishable nature, that they still adhere to each other in large masses in spots where portions of the buildings have fallen.'43 The visitor can yet see these masses of brick. It is interesting to note that Baker calls bricks also 'tiles'. The Pali term for both 'brick' and 'tile' is ithaka.
Now let us turn our attenticn again to the south.J. W. Bennet,44 in his Ceylon and its Capabilities, London, I843, gives Some accounts of the temples of Dondra Head, and sites with ruins near Ambalantota. While dwelling on the remains of the bansala and the vihare, of Wanderope's (Variduruppé), that is, the monastic residence and the dagoba, he says, 'the priest considered it a desecration of the sacred relics of the ancient viháré to part with them for a lay purpose.' They were being, however, used, Bennet says, to fill in some nook in the monastic grounds. It is interesting to note that to this day the conservative Buddhist monk regards the bricks of dagobas which have received the adoration of the devotee to be sacred. s
4o. Forbes, op. cit. Vol. II, p. 176.
4I. Op.cit. Vol. I, p. 42.
42. Baker, Sir Samuel, Eight Years in Ceylon, 2nd Edition, London, 847,
ch. iv.
43. Op. cit. p. 77.
44. Bennet, J. W., Ceylon and its Capabilities, London, 1843.
45. Op. cit. p. 314.

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Charles Pridham's Historical, Political and Statistical Account of Ceylon46 contains in addition to descriptions of Anuradhapura, Mihintale and the large tanks of the north, accounts of the ancient city of Magama, including the Tissa-vihara and Saidagiri-dagaba, and the Mulgirigala-vihāra.
Anuradhapura was the centre of archaeological interest for government in the middle of the last century, but officers continued to visit other sites and produce accounts of them. In 184o a sum of £40 was spent for jungle clearing at Anuradhapura. Ievers in his Manual of the North-Central Province says that an estimate of Ioo was not accepted by the government. Ancient edifices were, however, not left alone. Renovation began. In I841, a Buddhist bhikkhu collected a large sum of money and restored the Thuparama-dagaba, obscuring all its ancient features. Ievers says that the "chief architect' could have known nothing of the proper lines of erection of a dagoba. The "restoration' has been vehemently criticized by a writer on the history of world architecture.48 The Samantapasadika9 and the Thapavamsa' say that this dagoba was originally built in the shape of a paddyheap. The picture given by Forbes shows what it looked like in the eighteen-twenties, a padmakira dagoba. The same fate has later befallen the Lankarama-dagaba, another dagoba with a vatadage of about the same size, also at Anuradhapura. Years later, the Ruvanvalisāya was rebuilt, and many other ancient stipas, in Anuradhapura and in other places. We shall come to this later on.
In 1845 the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was founded, and archaeology was included within the orbit of its activities. An examination of the contents of the journals of the Society shows that antiquarian studies and research have been given a very important place by the Society. Numerous papers on ancient sites and monuments have been read before the Society and articles on such topics are published in the Journal. A large number of ancient records are also published in them. In fact, the sole organization which could have advised the government until the appointment of an Archaeological Commissioner with the establishment of the State Archaeological Survey was this Society.
46. Pridham Charles, A Historical, Political and Statistical Account of Ceylon
and its Dependencies, Vol. I-II, I849.
47. Op. cit. p. 2I4.
48. Fergusson, Ancient Architecture, p. 187.
49. P.T.S. ed. para 88; Sacred Books of the Buddhists, Vol. XXI, para 93.
(Translation 78, text; p. 201).
5o. P.T.S. ed. p. 5o.
5.I. See also Paranavitana, Stupa in Ceylon, "Memoirs of the Archaeological
Survey of Ceylon,' Vol. V, p. 13 nt. 3.
52. Forbes, op. cit. Vol. I p. 226.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON II
In the same year as the establishment of the Society (I845), The History of Ceylon by William Knighton, a member of the Civil Service, and a Secretary of the Society, was published in London. Reading through Knighton's pages one would easily come to the conclusion that unlike many other European writers who have undertaken the writing of histories of Asian peoples, our author was full of sympathy and love towards the ancient nation he was dealing with. The work is not devoid of accounts of archaeological interest. He describes the palace of Kandy and the "beautiful little trellised wall' by the side of the lake (p. 378). He says that it was gradually crumbling away, and adds 'probably ere long, it will be replaced by some structure of brick and stone, permanent as ponderous and ponderous as ugly'. Of the tombs of the kings of Kandy, he says, they "now afford scarcely anything worth the trouble of looking at. The hand of rapine has been busy, the carvings and sculptures have been removed, and but a few shapeless stones attest the burial places of the 'lion kings'." (Since demolished with the extension of the railway line from Kandy to Matale through Mahayiyawa.) A description of these tombs is given in the same author's Forest Life in Ceylon, In the same chapter there are accounts of the rock of Dambulla and the cave-temples of the same site. Chapter V of the volume is devoted to Anuradhapura, the buried city.
Ceylon, A General Description of the Island and its Inhabitants with an Historical Sketch of the Conquest of the Colony by the English: by Henry Marshall published in I846, a year after Knighton's History, is a distinct contrast to the latter work. To him the history of Ceylon begins with the discovery of the island by the Portuguese in A.D. I505. His sketch of the Town of Kandy and the surrounding country for about three miles taken in the year 1815 is nevertheless interesting.
I have already referred to Pridham's History which appeared in I849. Sir James Emerson Tennent who came as Colonial Secretary to Ceylon in 1845 and remained here until 185o devoted himself to the study of the history and antiquities of the island. He made full use of the opportunities he had to see the country and what remained of ancient works. His two volumes on Ceylon* show his vast amount of reading. He makes reference to numerous volumes and essays relating to Ceylon and the neighbouring countries. His descriptions of early Buddhist monuments, irrigation works, fine arts, ancient coins, etc. with the illustrations that accompany them are an invaluable source
53. Knighton W., The History of Ceylon, London, 1845. 54. Knighton W., Forest Life in Ceylon, 2nd. ed., London, 1854. 55. Op. cit, pp. 136 f. 56. Marshall, H., Ceylon, ............ , London, I846. 57. Op. cit. facing page I46.
*4th ed., 186o.

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12 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
of information to those engaged in antiquarian studies relating to Ceylon. For example, I may, refer to his account of Padaviya tank (the Great Tank of Padivil, as he calls it,) 58 is not without interest even today, both with regard to its history and construction. Tennent had described this tank earlier in his book Christianity in Ceylon.
In the very first year of its inception (1845) Simon Casie Chitty,60 the Secretary of this Society, had presented to the Society twenty-five copper coins from a hoard that was found buried in a cemetery attached to a mosque at Kalpitiya, with descriptions of two of them. In 1847 Casie Chitty read a paper "On the History of Jaffna from the earliest period to the Dutch conquest.' This paper is of considerable antiquarian value. We may not accept today some of the information which Casie Chitty has presented as history, but the essay contains valuable notices of archaeological interest. He refers here, in a note, to the discovery of Roman antiquities cited by Valentyn and Alexander Johnston to which I have made reference earlier.08
In the first part of the last century the Ceylon Almanac published papers on Sinhalese inscriptions; but from the middle of the century the journal of this Society was the chief medium for the publication of our ancient records. A.O. Brodie contributed a paper on the "Rock inscription at Gurugoda Vihare in the Magul-Korale of the Seven Korales'65 and "A Notice of various Rock Inscriptions in the NorthWestern Province.'66 Casie Chitty contributed a note on "A Royal Grant, Engraved on a Copper Plate'67 and a paper with eye copies on a "Rock Inscription at Piramankandel.'08 Rhys Davids's contributions up to 1872 are: "On Inscriptions from Dondra',09 Inscription at Weligama Vihára,'70 and "On Methods of taking Impressions of Inscriptions.'71A text and translation of a Rock Inscription at the Buddhist
58. Tennent, op. cit. Vol. II, pt. ix, ch. v.
59. Tennent, Christianity in Ceylon, London, I85o.
6o. Casie Chitty, S., "Account of Some Ancient Coins,' JCBRAS, Vol. I,
No. I, I845, pp. 7982.
6I. Ibid. No. 3, 1847-48, pp. 73-84.
62. Ibid, p. 73 f.n.
63. See notes 30-31.
64. See Forbes, op. cit. Vol. II, pp. 324-356.
65. JCBRAS, Vol. II, (No. 6), I853, pp. 59-64.
66. Ibid. No. 8, 1855, pp. I93-Ig6.
67. Ibid. Vol. I, (No. 3), 1847-48, pp. II 5-I 16.
68. Ibid. Vol. II, (No. 7), I853, p. Io2.
69. Ibid. Vol. V, (No. 16), 1870-71, pp. 25-28, No. 17, 1871-72, pp. 57-56.
7o. Ibid. Vol. V, (No. I6), 1870-71, pp. 21-24.
7i. Ibid. pp. I-3.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 3.
Temple at Kelaniya and the transcript and translation of an ancient copper-plate Sannas were published by L. V. de Zoysa.
During the governorship of Sir Hercules Robinson (1865-1872) an Archaeological Commission was appointed (1868) to consider practical measures to be taken to conserve ancient architectural structures and other works of art. The Surveyor-General, Col. A. B. Fyres was the Chairman, and J. G. Smither, the Chief Architect of the Public Works Department, was the Secretary. The Government Agents of the Provinces were circularized to report on all architectural structures. In I87I, a series of photographs of the principal monuments of Anuradhapura was taken by Mr. Svaminathan Kanakaretnam Lawton." This pioneer photographer, I am told, came from Jaffna.
Antiquarians of Ceylon were fortunate when Sir William Gregory,75 a good classical scholar who had missed prizes and scholarships and failed to sit his final examination, took up duties as Governor of Ceylon in 1872. Gregory was a cultured Irish gentleman from Galway. He had been a member of the British Parliament, and Chairman of the Committee on the British Museum which was appointed in I86o to inquire into extensions and arrangements of the various collections. He had also taken an interest in the affairs of the Royal Irish Academy. In Ceylon he was keen on improving facilities not only for the large and annually increasing number of foreign students of oriental history and of oriental philology, but to the people of the Island, many of whom had already widely distinguished themselves by antiquarian research.78 Evidently inspired by the work of this society, chiefly in the collection of inscriptions, he founded the Colombo Museum. That epigraphy was foremost in Governor Gregory's mind is evidently by a passage of his speech to the Legislative Council on the subject of the museum. "I propose, in connection with this Museum, to obtain reproduction of the inscriptions throughout the island, by means of photography, casts, and hand-copying. These inscriptions, varying in character and dialect, will be of deep interest to the philologist, and throw light on the ancient usages, religious customs, and the early history of Ceylon.'76
72. Ibid. No. I7, pp. 36-44. 73. Ibid. No. 18, 1873, pp. 75-79.
74. The Administration Report of the Surveyor-General for I868, published in
Ι869.
James T. Rutnam gave the lecturer the full name of LAwToN who is mistaken by the present generation to have been an Englishman or an American.
75. Hulugalle, H. A. J., British Governors of Ceylon, Colombo, 1963, pp. II6ff. 76. Lady Gregory, Sir William Gregory, K. C. M. G., London I:894, pp. 3I4-315.

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I4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
Gregory in his autobiography, published by his widow, gives some of his impressions of the ancient sites. Very vivid is his narrative of the transport of the Kalinga Lion from Polonnaruwa to the Colombo Museum, although at the time he wrote he could not lay his hands on the letter of Mr. Mac Bride, the Director of Public Works, who carried. out the operation. Great strides in archaeology were made during Gregory's period of stay in Ceylon. Between 1873-75 under his directions, a complete survey of all that was known of ancient Anuradhapura was made by George Capper. This surveyor met his death at the hands of a villager whilst on this work, but an account of 'The dagobas at Anuradhapura' was published in I888 by John Capper, father of George, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London. He deals with the "Thuparama, Miris-wattiya, Ruvan-waeli, Abhayagiri, Jetawanarama and Selachaitiya dagobas.' The heights and other measurements of these seven dagobas are given, in accordance with the recommendations of Sir James Fergusson.
J. G. Smither, the Government Architect, who acted as Secretary to the Archaeological Commission of 1868, completed by 1877, detailed plans and drawings to scale of the more important ruins at Anuradhapura.79
Meanwhile there had also been published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, two articles on Sigiriya, namely, 'Sigiri, the Lion Rock, near Pulastipura, Ceylon & c., by T. W. Rhys Davids and "On the Ruins of Sigiri, in Ceylon' by B. H. Blakesley.
P. Goldschmidt was appointed Archaeological Commissioner in I875, to carry out systematic research in Sinhalese Epigraphy. For two years he worked in the North-Central, North-Western Provinces and the Hambantotal)istrict. Before he died of malaria in May I877, Goldschmidt had published two reports in the Sessional Papers for I875 and I876 and a paper entitled "Notes on Ancient Sinhalese Inscriptions' in this Society's Journal.88
In 1878, Edward Müller was appointed Archaeological Commissioner also for the same purpose as Goldschmidt. He took over the papers left by Goldschmidt, and began his explorations for more inscriptions. Muller brought out the first main publication on the epigra
77. Ibid. pp. 342-344.
78. Vol. XX, I 888, art. v. 79. Smither, J. G., Architectural Remains of Anuradhapura, London, 1894 8o. Vol. VIII, I 876, art. x.
8 I. Ibid. Vol. VIII, I 876, art. ii.
82. Reprinted in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, 1875 pp. 189-192, Vol. VI. ۔۔۔۔۔۔
I876, pp. 3I8-329. 83. Vol. VI, (No. 20), 1879, pp. I-45.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON I5
phy of the island in two volumes under the title Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon.84 Besides, he contributed two papers on Sinhalese inscriptions to our Journals and three contributions in the Sessional Paperse 1878, 188o, 188I. Among the latter, a study entitled "Contributions to Sinhalese Grammar'87 is the first attempt in the approach to the Sinhalese language on an historical basis. Muller's Grammar of the Pali Languages on similar lines was published in London in 1884. Miller relinquished his post in 1879.
The Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society continued its activities in antiquarian research under the patronage of another enlightened governor, Sir Arthur Hamilton Gordon, afterwards Baron Stanmore (1883-1890)89. Sir Hamilton presented to the Society Henry Parker's 'Report on the Archaeological Discoveries at Tissamaharama in the Southern Province of Ceylon' and this was published as No. 27 of the Society's Journal.90 This exhaustive report running to nearly Ioo pages is supported with a map, plans and illustrations. It is also accompanied by a comparative palaeographical table to help in the deciphering of inscriptions, It appears that the Irrigation Officer, Henry Parker, had carried out archaeological excavations, and, in the absence of an Archaeological Commissioner at the time, he may have been commissioned to do the work by the government. Parker's material is embodied in his Ancient Ceylon which was published in I909.
S. M. Burrows carried out some operations at Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa during the years I884-1885. His name is yet remembered in connection with an archaeological monument at Anuradhapura, namely, 'Burrow's Pavilion'. The results of Burrows's work is found in Iever's Manual.9 pp. 227ff. In 1885-86, at Polonnaruwa Burrows removed the debris from the portico and the vestibule of the Tivahkapilimage and laid bare the wall-paintings therein. He might well have left them alone.98 Burrows's report to the Government on A year's work at Polonnaruwa, where he gives the translation of twelve inscrip
84. Vol. I: Text; Vol. II: Plates, London I883.
85. "Text and Translation of the inscription of Mahinda III at Mihintale, with glosarry, JCB RAS, Vol. VI (No. 21) 188o, pp. 3, 36; "Notes on Ancient Sinhalese Inscriptions,” Vol. VIII (No. 26), I 883, pp. I8-43.
86. Ceylon Sessional Papers, 1878, 188o, 188I.
87. Ibid. 88. Müller, E., A Simplified Grammar of the Pali Language, London, I884. 89. See Hulugalle, op. cit, pp. 124 ff.
9o. Parker, H., "Report on the Archaeological Discoveries at Tissamaharama in the Southern Province of Ceylon,' Vol. VIII (No. 27), I884, pp. 95-192.
9I. Parker, H., Ansient Ceylon, London, Igo9. 92. See Note 28.
93. Bell, H. C. P., Notes and Querries "Demalamahaseya Paintings',
JCBRAS, Vol. XXVI (No. 7 I), I 9 I 8, p. 2oo.

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6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
tions at the ancient capital is published in our Journal.94 Burrows became Director of Education. He was a man of literary talents, as is seen from the little guide, The Buried Cities of Ceylon, he wrote (1905).9
In 1886, the Society had given a grant to W. J. S. Boake of the Ceylon Civil Service to conduct excavations at Tirukketisvaram or Mantai.96 The results of a few days' digging were incorporated by the excavator in a paper which was read before the Society on the 7th of November, 1887. The paper is accompanied by two plans. The pottery is compared with Parker's finds from Tissamahārama. Finds from two spots examined are listed. Of other archaeological explorations before the establishment of the Archaeological Survey, the results of which are recorded in the Society's Journal, the papers relating to Ritigala in the North Central Province should be mentioned.97
A regular vote for archaeological purposes was for the first time inserted in the Supply Bill for 1890, and introduced to the Legislative Council by Governor Gordon's Message dated November 20, 1889. Herein he says, "It is proposed to make some systematic examination of the interesting remains at Sigiri, and to commence on a modest scale, before the rapidly disappearing monuments of the past have altogether perished, a species of Archaeological Survey resembling that carried on in India.' In February 1800, the commencement of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon was entrusted to H. C. P. Bell of the Ceylon Civil Service, who was the Honorary Secretary of this Society at the time. Bell was at the time stationed at Kegalla, and he found it convenient to make that district the first scene of his work. It was an unworked field with several sites of considerable interest, stretching from the most ancient times to the latest. Bell produced his monumental Report, Historical and Antiquarian, on the Kegalla District in 1892.98
The purpose of the establishment of the Archaeological Survey appears to have been to make a descriptive list of ancient monuments and inscriptions. A commission of four persons appointed to look into the matter reported that in twenty years' time this task would be completed.99
94. JCB RAS, Vol. X., (No.34), 1887.
95. Burrows, S. M., Buried Cities of Ceylon, a guide to Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa, with chapters on Dambulla, Kalawewa, Mihintake and Sigiri, (Colombo, 1905).
96. Roake, W. J. S., "Tirukketisvaram, Mahatirtha, Matoddam, or Man
taddai,' JCB RAS, Vol. X. (No. 35), 1887 pp. Io7-II4.
97, Wickremasinghe, D. M. de Z., "Etymological and Historical notes on Ritigala.' ICBRAS, Vol. XI, (No. 39), 1899; Rideout, J.B.M., ibid, Vol. XII No. 43, 1892.
Sessional Paper XX of 1894, Colombo, I892. Sessional Paper I of I899.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON τη
Even after the Archaeological Survey began to function this Society continued its archaeological activities at least in the publication of various papers in the Journal, affording a platform for lectures and providing opportunities of discussion. Preliminary reports of the Survey's work of exploration and excavation were presented to the Society. After Bell completed his exploration of the Kegalla District, he shifted the scene of his activities to Sigiriya, (while making Anuradhapura his headquarters) the site named by Governor Gordon in his communication to the Legislative Council containing the proposal for the initiation of the Archaeological Survey. Bell's "Interim Report on the Operations of the Archaeological Survey at Sigiriya in 1895' was presented to the Society at its meeting on September Io, I895. This paper was prefaced with extracts from a short paper by A. Murray, giving a general description of Sigiriya and its history. In illustration of the report, plans, architectural drawings and views of the Rock and the surroundings, done by the Archaeological Survey, were exhibited in the room; also an album of photographs taken by the Archaeological Commissioner. The paper gives information as to how archaeological activities were carried on at the time. Personal supervision by the Commissioner had not always been possible. Bell acted as District Judge, Kalutara, whilst also directing Archaeological Survey operations, between May Ist and December 7, 1894. In August that year Bell's assistant, M. F. Maxfield, acting on written directions from Kalutara employed a number of Sinhalese villagers to fell and burn the trees on the top of the Rock, as well as close round the base of the western and southern scarps. The employment of this chena clearing method is what archaeological explorers now try to guard against. One knows the fate of inscriptions, sculpture or other works of art if they should lie unnoticed under the trees subject to burning. Even after seventy-five years of the existence of the Archaeological Survey we find this still being done. Bell's Interim Report on the second season, 1896, was submitted to the Society on January 9, 1897, while the third report (which was for I897) was presented in December 8, 1897. The last evoked some public discussion on Bell's views of the Sigiriya artists. Since the Archaeological Commissioner supervised operations only at one site during one given period, and he had no "Antiquities Ordinance' to operate (nor to attend to constant needs of members of the public including politicians as now) he could speedily finish his report. This is the ideal we must expect in all archaeological work, especially in exploration and excavation. The Society's interest in receiving the Reports also would no doubt have been an encouragement for the Archaeological Commissioner to expedite them. No one wishes to write reports and books that are not promptly read! The Archaeological Commissioner annually presented to the Council of this Society a synopsis of the work done by the Archaeological Survey during the year. Some of these summaries are published in the Journal (Igoo: Vol. XVII, No. 52; Igor; I90I: ibid. No. 53; I902: Vol. XVIII, No. 54;

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18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
I903: ibid. No. 55, I904). Archaeological summaries continued to be published in our Journal until very recent times. The last published were for I95 I and I 952 in the New Series Vol. IV (pt. I), I955. I shall not enumerate here the Reports of the Archaeological Survey, later named the Department of Archaeology; but a passing reference must be made to the Seventh Progress Report.00 of Bell, a much sought after volume, like the same author's Kegalla Report.01 Meanwhile F. E. Oertel of the Public Works Department of India reported on the restoration of monuments at Anuradhapura.0
Let us turn our attention again to epigraphy. Don Martino de Zilva Wickremasinghe, who had been Assistant Librarian of the Colombo Museum Library, joined the Archaeological survey soon after its inception as Bell's "Native Assistant'. Wickremasinghe's thoroughness and ability as a scholar, though not a graduate of any University at the time, is seen from his contribution to the Seventh Progress Report just referred to. Wickremasinghe had proceeded to Europe on studies in 1898 and there shown full evidence of his ability. It would be sufficient to refer to his Catalogue of the Sinhalese Manuscripts in the British Museum, London, I900. Wickremasinghe was appointed Epigraphist to the Ceylon Government simultaneously with his duties as Lecturer in Tamil and Telugu in the University of Oxford, and he began editing and translating lithic and other inscriptions of Ceylon for the Epigraphia Zeylanica. The progress of the first volume was reported in the archaeological summary 10 for the year IQoI. In the similar statement for the year I903, under Epigraphy we read: The first number (Vol. I, part I) of the Epigraphia Zeylanica has been issued in a neat and scholarly form, by Mr. D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe. A copy was laid on table at the Annual General Meeting held on March 2, 1904.
Of Wickremasinghe's work on Ceylon epigraphy, his successor as Epigraphist, Paranavitana, later Archaeological Commissioner, says as follows in the preface to the fourth volume of the Epigraphia Zeylanica: "In the midst of his (Wickremasinghe's) multifarious duties, first at Oxford University and later at London University, he edited and published, between I903 and I927, thirteen parts of this journal, consisting solely of his own contributions. The scholarly and able manner in which Dr. Wickremasinghe carried out this onerous task earned for him a first-class international reputation among Indianists; but it is sad to reflect on the indifference of his own countrymen towards the great service he has rendered his country by his researches into the history, language, and culture of the Sinhalese people, inciden
roo. Sessional Paper XIII of I896. Io I. Sessional Paper XIX of I892, Colombo, 1892. Io2. Sessional Paper XX of Igo3. Io3. JCBRAS, No. 52, p. 7.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON I9
tally bringing credit to Ceylon scholarship.' Wickremasinghe made his contribution to archaeology also by his research and teaching. I may here refer to his paper on "the Antiquity of Stone Architecture in India and Ceylon' published in our Journal.104 Wickremasinghe deserves to be remembered by philologists and antiquarians of Ceylon for his scholarship, if his patriotic deeds are not widely known. Not even has a street been named after him. Wickramesinghe, though blind at the time, favoured this Society with a valuable paper105 in I934. I searched through the pages of our journals for an Obituary Notice of this distinguished scholar and found none.
The first decade of this century also had among us another Ceylonese. He has not been forgotten. This is Ananda Coomaraswamy, the exponent of oriental art, chiefly Sinhalese, the author of Mediaeval Sinhalese Art.00 published in 1908, in London. Earlier he had contributed three papers to this Society of which "Some Survivals in Sinhalese Art' is of particular interest to antiquarian studies. 107
John Still is better known for his Jungle Tide108 than for his contributions towards archaeological and historical research in Ceylon. His Index to the Mahavamsa109 has not yet been superseded. He was Assistant to the Archaeological Commissioner under Bell from January I, I902 to December 3I, I907, and his contribution during this brief period is indeed noteworthy. His papers and notes on the ancient Sinhalese coins read before this Society and subsequently published in the Journal are a notable advance in the study of Ceylon Numismatics, while his paper on Tantrimalaio shows the accuracy of his archaeological observations and the trustworthiness of his deductions. He also wrote a book on the Ancient Capitals of Ceylon. Very few are aware of its existence. In the first world war he was taken captive by the Turks when he wrote the Poems in Captivity. When Still had to give up archaeology, he took to planting. He was later on appointed the Secretary of the Ceylon Planters' Association. Before Still died, he burnt all his notes.
IO4. Vol. XXIII, No. 62, I 9o 9.
Io5. "Evolution of the Language of the Pali Canon,' JCBRAS, Vol.
XXXVIII, No. 87, I934, pp. I8-33.
Io6. Second Edition, incorporating the author's corrections, Pantheon Books,
New York, 1956.
Io7. JCB RAS, Vol. XIX, No. 57, Igo6.
Io8. First printed January 193o. Reprint of popular edition, William Blackwood & Sons Ltd., Edinburgh and London, October 1955. Other works include: Poems in Captivity, A Prisoner in Turkey.
Io9. Index to the Mahavamsa, Government Printer, Colombo, Igo7.
IIo. "Tantrimalai: Some Archaeological observations and deductions',
JCBRAS, Vol. XXIII, No. 63, I9 Io. pp. I99-2I4.
III. John Still, Guide to Ancient Capitals of Ceylon, Anuradhapura, Igo7.

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Prehistory did not come within the purview of the State Survey or Department of Archaeology until the Ist of October, IQ65. Nevertheless, foreign anthropologists have done some field-work for sometime.
I have given a very brief account of their work in Ceylon Today (October
I965) and I do not propose to dwell on the subject today. I may only mention some of the early papers published in our Journal.11 A paper by Drs. Sarasin had been published as early as I886. John Pole read a paper entitled "A Few Remarks on Prehistoric Studies in Ceylon', before this Society.18 John Still has appended to his apper on Tantrimalai reproductions of a large number of cave paintings of the prehistoric type. Still had made further pre-historic findings at this site.
Bell retired from the post of Archaeological Commissioner in IOI2. Before we proceed further in this history of antiquarian research in Ceylon, we must consider the effect of this new subject on the masses, chiefly the Sinhalese speaking people who form the great majority of the population. For a number of centuries learning had been at a low ebb, and even this was confined to a few. The higher classes had begun to imitate European ways. There was little interest in the indigenous culture of the people. The studies in oriental lore or antiquarian research then undertaken were not meant to be for the benefit of the people of the country. These subjects were persued for the sake of a few selected people in the "colony' and their results published in European languages for the information and edification of their countrymenin their home countries. This Society too was founded for this class of people. The few natives admitted were those who lived apart from the majority of their countrymen. The so-called elite that were able to devote themselves for antiquarian studies had no roots in the soil; they had no contact with the common man. Thus the ordinary citizen had no idea of the meaningand purpose of archaeology. It served no purpose to lament or criticize the renovation or the destruction of ancient monuments and works of art. No one had tried to educate the masses on their usefulness and
value. A Society like this did not cater even for the less privileged of the
English educated. It was only for the very high strata of the Europeanized society. Until the third decade of this century the meetings of the Society were after dinner gatherings, to attend which members had to be in dinner-suits. One may have entered with the national dress. Thus the only body which encouraged antiquarian studies was highly exclusive. The Archaeological Survey too presented its findings
only to a limited audience. The Sinhalese press hardly reported archaeo
logical discoveries. No one knew about them. The excavation sites
were not opened to the public. I have been told that archaeological
operations were carried out within barbed wired fences, and no villager
II 2. Sarasin, Drs. B. P. and C. F., “Outline of two years Scientific Researches
in Ceylon,” JCBRAS, Vol. IX, No. 32, I886, pp. 289-3o5. III 3. JCBRAS, Vol. XIV, No. 58, Igo7, pp. 272-278.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 2
was allowed to see them. Thus fanciful stories were circulated among the ignorant folk.
The state of affairs regarding antiquarian studies was in this condition when the national awakening took place during the second half of the last century. The Sinhalese press could do nothing to spread the knowledge of our ancient culture. They were only interested in the language and a little history. Some devoted their columns to arguments on religious or caste affairs. As time went on, however, there was some interest at least on the history of the country. The Mahavamsa and its commentary were published in the Sinhalese character, and translations of the chronicle also appeared. More began to read about the ancient monuments.
Some of the ancient sites in the Southern Province had been subjected to clearing during the Dutch and early British times. This area was for the most of this time free from enemy activities, and there were Sinhalese Buddhists who had acquired wealth from trade. Their object was to renovate Buddhist edifices, particularly the dagobas. When business took these people to other places in the island, and they saw ancient monuments, their whole aim turned to restore or rebuild then. We have already seen how the smaller dagobas the Thüparama and the Lankarama had been renovated. Now the attention of the restorer was drawn to the Ruvanvalisāya. In 187I a young bhikkhu. came to Anuradhapura from some far off place and began the removal of debris to repair it. There was no Archaeological Department to advise the monk, nor was there an 'Antiquities Ordinance' to protect the edifice. Countless works of antiquarian value would have been lost or destroyed during the operations. The extent and value of the antiquities that would have come to light could be judged from their remains that still lie strewn about the pavement and grounds of the dagoba, and those that have been recently collected into an open shed.
A branch of the Mahabodhi Society was opened in Anuradhapura towards the end of the last century and Walisinha Harischandra appeared in Anuradhapura during the first years of this century. He was interested in the preservation of the national monuments. He wrote a book in English entitled The Sacred City of Anuradhapura,115 giving the history and some of the archaeological features of the edifices. He wrote separate booklets in Sinhalese on some of the more important
II4. For Thipārama as it was in 1828-1829, see Major Forbes, Eleven Years
in Ceylon, Vol. I, London I84o, pp. 226-227, with woodcut on p. 226.
II.5. Walisinha Harischandra, The Sacred City of Anuradhapura, Colombo, IgoS. See also Kalukondayave Painasekhara Thera, Sinhala Puvatpat Itihasaya.

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buildings, and also a work called the Puravidyava,116 'Archaeology'. I believe this was the first time the word was used as the Sinhalese equivalent for “archaeology.” Iam not certain whether Harischandra’s idea of the preservation of an ancient edifice was conservation or whether it was restoration.
A Sinhalese journal by the name of Siri-anurapura-puvata 117, started on the 2nd of August 1909, was first published monthly and then fortnightly. One of the objects of the journal, as stated in one of the editorials, was mainly to announce to the public the discoveries of antiquities made by the government officers engaged in examining ancient monuments. I do not know how far this purpose was achieved.
Sinhalese journals had begun the publication of ancient documents. Some of them started on publishing inscriptions also in Sinhalese borrowing their material from the English publications (e.g. Jnianadar kaya, is Vol. X).
Following the year of Bell's retirement, in 1913 Edward R. Ayrton, a young Egyptologist who had worked under Flinders Petrie was appointed Archaeological Commissioner. In addition to his work at Anuradhapura, Ayrton carried out explorations in the south, an area which had hitherto not been explored archaeologically, except for the tours by Goldschmidt and Muller in search of inscriptions, and investigations made by the irrigation engineer, Henry Parker. Ayrton's archaeological activities in the south came to an unfortunate end with his sudden death when he was accidentally drowned in I9I4, before a year had passed after his appointment." Ayrton's field-notes made in the south were published in the Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Register.1.0 A. M. Hocart, who came to Ceylon as Archaeological Commissioner in IQ2I, incorporated, in the first 'Memoir of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon,” Ayrton's field notes from Anuradhapura.
II6. See note II I 5. II 7. See note II 5. 118. Ed. Gunasekera, A. Mendis, 1896 ff. (ten volumes are published).
II9. Ayrton was joint author of Abydos III with C. T. Curell and E. P. Weigall,
London, I904. *Ceylon's officialdom did not want even to honour Ayrton's memory. The present Sri-mahabodhi-mavata was named 'Ayrton Road'. It was later changed to "Dickson Road', after the name of a Revenue Officer (Government Agent) of Anuradhapura. Such was the treatment archaeologists have received in our country even after their death. See also Harischandra, The Sacred City of Anuradhapura, p. I I7 foot note. 12o. "Antiquities in the Southern Province', Diary of the late Mr. E. R. Aryton (Archaeological Commissioner of Ceylon) with notes by John M. Senaveratne, CA and LR?, Vol. VI, pt. I (July I 92o), art. vi, pp. 39-46; ibid pt. 2; pt. 3 (January I92I) art. xvi . pp. I 5 I-II 53; pt. 4 (April I92I), art. xviii, pp. I91-197; Vol. VII, pt. I (July I92I), art. v., pp. 38-4I.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 23
Ayrton has published six contributions in the Ceylon Notes and Queries of this Society. They chiefly deal with the identification of places and monuments with the help of literary evidence. After the death of Ayrton until the appointment of an Archaeological Commissioner in I920, the Government Agent, North Central Province, was in charge (of the Department and the reserves at Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa and Sigiriya were maintained.
Although the office of Archaeological Commissioner was vacant between the years 19I4-I920 antiquarian activities continued, this Society providing the forum for discussion, and publishing the results of research. H. W. Codrington contributed papers on numismatics, and his other contributions such as those to the Ceylon Antiquary and the Literary Register122 formed no doubt the preliminary studies for his large work Ceylon Coins and Currency. Inscriptions were published, and papers on subjects of antiquarian interest continued to be read before the Society. Important archaeological operations during this period were the explorations and excavations undertaken by Paul E. Pieris in the Jaffna Peninsula, the results of which were presented to this Society.124 N
Hocart (born 1883) was a graduate in classics of the university of Oxford and had studied Philosophy and Psychology at the Berlin University. He was a member of an expedition to the Solomon Islands in the Pacific, led by the well-known ethnologist W. H. R. Rivers in I908-9, and later (I912-IQI4) Graduate Scholar Research of Exeter College and Jesus College, Oxford, when he investigated races, crafts and customs in the Pacific islands. He had acted as a Reader in Mental Philosophy at Oxford (I9I5) and served as a Captain in France during the First World War (1914-1918).
With this background Hocart took up his duties as Archaeological Commissioner in I92I. In Ceylon he must have found a close connection between cultural anthropology and archaeology. He recommended that an ethnologist be attached to the Department of Archaeology. Hocart was a prolific writer. He founded and edited The Ceylon Journal of Science, and contributed a Section on Archaeology and Anthropology namely, Section G. in the "Archaeological Summaries' of which have
I21. 'A recent find of Coins'', Vol. XXIII, No. 66, 1913, pp. 72-88, "Ceylon Numismatics”, Vol. XXIV, No. 68, pt. II, II 98, pp. I 69- I86; “The Kahápaņa of the Vinaya Párájiká Páli,” XXIX, No. 76, pt. I-IV, I923, pp. 2 I 5-22o.
I22. CA and LR.
I23. Government Press, Colombo, 1924.
I24. 'Nagadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jaffna, JCBRAS, Vol. XXVI, No. 7o, pt. I, II9 I 7, pp. I I-3o; Vol. XXVIII, No. 72, pt. I-IV, I9 I9, pp. 4o-66.

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given the results of his work in this field. He started the publication of the "Memoirs' of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, and he himself produced two of the volumes. Hocart retired in 193I due to ill-health. An account and appreciation of Hocart's work is found in the "Obituary Notice' by Paranavitana published in this Society's Journali A bibliography of Hocart's writings by Rodney Needham (of Oxford) was published by Basil Blackwell, Oxford, IQ67.
Much of Hocart's work in archaeology was devoted to the conservation of ancient monuments which were in urgent need of attention. D. T. Devendra, writing about Hocart's contribution to archaeology says,126 "In it (the Journal of Science) he tried meticulously to build up a sequence in the evolution of building styles of old. He failed to hold a permanent architect.' I think in the last Hocart was not a failure. Professional architects are very often not a help, but an obstruction in the scientific conservation of ancient monuments. The good archaeologist will only attempt to preserve and protect for posterity what remains of an historical monument. He will not attempt to add any portion to it by conjecture. Any conjectural restoration should be only on paper, or in a model for comparision. It was to deal with restoration work at monuments privately owned that the Department . later on desired an Architectural Assistant. (See Report for I933, p. 16, para 2I.) This was for providing new structures, and not for conservation. Hocart did not take upon himself such problems. Where Hocart failed was in understanding the full value of Sinhalese inscriptions in Ceylon Archaeology.
After Hocart's retirement C. F. Winzer, Chief Inspector of Art of the Education Department, was appointed Acting Archaeological Commissioner on March 24, I93I. He had already been in charge of the Department from January I5, to October 3I, I929 when Hocart was away from the Island on sick leave. Winzer retired from the Public Service of Ceylon on March 31, 1932. According to records Winzer had been in the Island only for six days during the second period he acted as Archaeological Commissioner and Dr. Joseph Pearson, the Director of the Colombo Museum, had been in charge of the Department for a year (March 23, 1931-March 24, Ig3I). An officer on furlough abroad had been acting as Archaeological Commissioner!
Winzer's undoubted artistic talents were not without benefit to archaeology. He made a collection of photographs of the sculptural remains at Anuradhapura. He arranged for public view the inscribed stones, images and other stone antiquities which were lying at Anuradhapura in a part of the Department's premises. Similarly he arranged in a room the pottery and the terra-cottas. He had copies of some paintings made from Anuradhapura and Kelaniya.
I25. “Arthur Maurice Hocart,” Vol. XXXIV. No. 98, I938, pp. 264-268. I 26. Artibus Asiae, Vol. XXII.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 25
During Hocart's time an Epigraphical Assistant was added to the staff of the Department. (Mr. Senarat Paranavitana, appointed on April 24, 1926.) Thus the collection of inscriptions and epigraphical research were carried on steadily, in spite of the vicissitudes the Department had to suffer from. The Epigraphical Assistant, S. Paranavitana, acted in the office of Archaeological Commissioner from I932 (April, I) to I935 (October 8). By this time, he had edited two volumes and two parts (Vol. II. pts. 2-3) of the third volume of the Epigraphia Zeylanica. In I932 two more parts appeared (4-5). In the first period of two and a half years Paranavitana was Acting Archaeological Commissioner, he had taken action to reserve a large number of sites for purposes of archaeology. At Anuradhapura, Paranavitana took up excavations where Ayrton had left them (publishing, in I936, Memoir III of the A.S.C. Excavations in the Citadel) and the conservation of ancient buildings exposed by earlier excavators. He explored various districts for archaeological remains. This explains the large number of sites reserved for future work.
Paranavitana's greatest contribution is the action he took for the control of the restoration of ancient monuments in private ownership. At the time the Archaeological Commissioner had no legal authority to prevent works of restoration undertaken at sites privately owned. The "Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance,' No. I9 of Ig3I, empowered the Governor-in-Council to make regulations for the preservation and protection of such Buddhist shrines, temples, inscriptions and monuments as may be considered to be of historical, archaeological or artistic interest, and for preventing the same from being defaced by inappropriate or incongruous repairs or additions. This Ordinance was administered by the Public Trustee. Such regulations as were necessary were framed and the acting Archaeological Commissioner was included in a Committee appointed to advise the Public Trustee on such restorations. When the regulations were framed restorations at the ancient shrines at Mulgirigala, a site which had been noticed by early writers and mentioned by me earlier, had advanced to such a stage that nothing could have been done with regard to the place, but the committee was able to prevent the total demolition of valuable remains at another site, namely, Avukana in the North-Western Province.
It would be of immense interest to-day to read what Paranavitana had to say on the subject of restoration of ancient monuments in private ownership. I shall cite but one paragraph from his Report'7 for I933: "The deplorable manner in which ancient religious monuments in private ownership have been restored in recent times has repeatedly been commented upon, both in reports of this Department and elsewhere. There are signs that the Buddhist themselves are beginning to
I27. See paragraphs I6-2I, also "Antiquities Outside Archaeological Reserves
in Report for I934, Paras 38-44.

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realize the harm done to their religious shrines by the pious and wellmeant but ill-planned efforts of the restorers; and letters on this subject appear in the daily press very frequently. But, unfortunately, those who actually exert themselves in these works of restoration do not seem to have realized that they are doing anything but meritorious, in completely renovating the ancient edifices according to their own standards of beauty; and on the other hand, those who make public protests against what they call acts of vandalism do not generally belong to the temple-building section of the Buddhists.' (Read the whole of section, paras 16-2I; also "Antiquities Outside Archaeological Reserves' in the Report for I954 (paras 38-44.)
By the provisions of the "Antiquities Ordinance', No. 9 of I940 the Archaeological Commissioner was vested with powers to prevent such ugly and incongruous restoration; but, as it will be pointed out at the end, in recent years the craze for restoration and re-building has spread to monuments owned and reserved by the State. The latest news is that an historical ancient stupa', in an Archaeological Reserve already conserved the Department, is in danger of being built upon. The offenders are not the temple-building section of the Buddhists, but quite another section of the public. For various reasons which I do not propose to go into, the Antiquities Ordinance for the most part is a dead letter.
An item of work Paranavitana began during the first period he acted as Archaeological Commissioner, which has earned much deserved praise not only from Archaeologists but also from all persons with an aesthetic taste, is the conservation of the Kantaka-cetiya at Milhintale. He had no architect to assist or mislead him! There is no conjectural restoration, no attempt to fill in missing portions. In 1965 at least one private owner of a dagoba, a leading Buddhist monk, requested the Archaeological Department to have the same conserved like the Kantaka-Cetiya.
Archaeological work in Ceylon took a rather different turn with A. H. Longhurst, who was recommended for the post of Archaeological Commissioner by the Director-General of Archaeology in India. Longhurst, who had been Superintendent of the Southern Circle of the Indian Archaeological Survey, took over the charge of the Archaeological Department on October 8, 1935. During the period he held the office of Archaeological Commissioner, just two months and a few days short of five years, he confined his attention to Polonnaruwa, where probably the massive structures attracted him! The only important excavation recorded in his Reports is that of the Pabalu-dagāba at
Kotavehera at Dedigama in the Kegalla District.
Safidagiri-dagāba at Tissamaharama. This was when the conservation and 1estoration of the Kirivehera at Kataragama was in progress (see below).

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 27
Polonnaruwa 28 (I938, p. 17). He carried out conservation, or rather restorations, extensively at Polonnaruwa, and a few at Anuradhapura and Sigiriya. Longhurst restored portions of buildings. He even got new Buddha statues made, and placed them in or near shrines, and these are taken today by some to be genuine antiquities. The results of his restoration of the architectural stucco work of the Lankatilaka, Thtiparama and the Tivafikapilimage at Polonnaruwa, can hardly be considered correct from either an archaeological or an aesthetic point of view. At Anuradhapura his attempts to restore the damaged nose of the Samadhi Statue in the Abhayagiri complex disfigured this unique work of Buddhist art, and earned the lament of Pandit Nehru on his last visit to Ceylon. To determine whether Longhurst's conservation methods, which are mainly seen through his works in the mediaeval capital of Polonnaruwa, are scientifically acceptable or aesthetically satisfying, you are as good judges as I am.
Longhurst plastered and colourwashed the gallery wall of the Sigiriya Rock. Restoration of the Sigiriya paintings in recent time, earned the censure of the Alchaeological Chemist of the Indian Survey, Mohd. Sana Ullah, who wrote: ‘‘A careful examination of these frescoes revealed that the old plasters had undergone extensive repairs in recent time, showing the dilapidated condition in which they were found. It is noteworthy that the missing parts of the paintings have also been restored sometimes so skilfully as it is now difficult to distinguish the original from the recent work. It is obvious that such restorations depreciate their value as specimens of ancient art and should therefore not be permitted in future.'130 The vandals of the night of I4th October, Ig67 who thoughtessly damaged the paintings of Sigiriya would have done well had they only applied the cheap paint on the figures and not used their knives on two of the ladies. Perhaps they only wanted to remove the handiwork of a modern artist.
Evidently Longhurst realized what the people of Ceylon, whose voices were heard by those in power at the time wanted, and did what would have been approved and appreciated by them. Like some other archaeologists did, he did not want to court their disfavour. He did not hesitate to build roads at Polonnaruwa cutting through the foundations of old structure to make it possible for the V.I.P's to motor up to the very foundations of some of the important edifices. And did they not exclaim: "At last we have got the man we wanted. We
I 28. ASCAR, I938, p. 7.
I29. I had one of my officers requesting my permission to have some of these removed to the Archaeological Museum. A close examination of the statues convinced him against the proposal. Foreign experts often mislead us
As to who was responsible for it one seeks in vain.
3o. Ceylon Sessional Paper, XXI, I943.

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s can see everything from our cars!' It is no wonder that efforts to save the ancient features of our historic monuments, and keep the sites in their ancient splendour are not a success. To catch the popular fancy we must clear the old and indigenous trees as much as possible
from the historic sites, and plant new flowering trees as Longhurst did.181
Longhurst does not appear to have favoured this Society with any of his research or any account of his work. He, however, mentions in the final paragraph of his last Report (I939), that his Epigraphical Assistant (Dr. S. Paranavitana) read a paper on Sigiri Graffitti before the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, in October 1939. A contribution of Longhurst here to archaeology was The Story of the Stipa.13
Longhurst retired in July 1940 and Paranavitana succeeded him. The Antiquities Ordinance had been proclaimed on June 3rd and gazetted on June 7 of I940 just before Longhurst's retirement. The enactment of this law was for a very large extent the result of Paranavitana's pleading, when he was earlier acting Head of the Archaeological Department,' for such legislation for the protection and preservation of our historic monuments. By section 4o of this Ordinance the Archaeological Commissioner was empowered to:
(a) to prepare a list of monuments;
(b) to conserve, maintain, repair and restore all ancient monuments on Crown land and such protected monuments as may from time to time bc specified by the Executive Committee (later, the Minister);
(c) to carry out excavations with the approval of the Executive
Committee (later, the Minister).
By an "amendment act' of I955 the Archaeological Commissioner was also empowered to purchase antiquities with funds provided for the purpose.
The Regulations made by the Executive Committee of Education under section 47 of the Antiquities Ordinance, which were approved by the State Council and ratified by the Officer Administering the Government, had already empowered the Archaeological Commissioner to exhibit any antiquity delivered to him under the Ordinance in an Archaeological Museum maintained by him or to transfer such antiquity to any national museum established by government to be kept and displayed therein.
31. ASCAR, 1938, p. 7, para. 23. I32. Colombo, I936. I 33. See. e.g., A SCAR, I 933, pp. J5-J6 (paras. I 6-2I).

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 29
The proclamation of the Antiquities Ordinance and the appointment of a Sinhalese scholar with experience and foresight in I940 to head the Department of Archaeology ushered in a new era for the subject, and much was achieved, but the 1esults would have been of greater magnitude if the support from the State and the co-operation of the public were what they should have been. Paranavitana held office until the end of I956, and thereafter was Professor of Archaeology in the University of Ceylon up to the beginning of 1965, and still continues his research in the subject. The present lecturer joined the Department of Archaeology in September I947 as Assistant Archaeological Commissioner but was away on public policy abroad from September 1953 to end of January I959; he has been in charge of the Department, first in an acting capacity and later confirmed as Archaeological Commissioner. He was, however, not responsible for action under the “Antiquities Ordinance” up to September 1960, which, by gazette notifications, came under the purview of various Permanent Secretaries under whom the Archaeological Department was placed. You will have occasion to note why special reference to this fantastic position is made (See page 34.)
It would not be possible here to attempt even a very brief summary of the achievements in our country and by our scholars during the last twenty-eight years after I940. D. T. Devendra, in his paper entitled "Seventy Years of Ceylon Archaeology', published in the Artibus Asiae', gives an appreciation of Paranavitana's work, including his major publications up to I960. A full list up to January I963 is included in the Paranavitana Felicitation Volume. 135 Among other articles dealing with the progress of archaeology in our country in the recent times, I may refer you to Paranavitana's 'Two Decades of Archaeological Work in Ceylon,' published in the Ceylon. Today136 for February -March-April IQ68. This briefly covers the important work up to the end of Ig67.
Since the present lecturer was also involved for the greater part of this period, he would briefly state what has been achieved, without omitting to comment on what has not been, so that others, particularly members of this Society which fosters antiquarian pursuits in Ceylon, will seek for the remedy and apply it.
I34. Vol. XXIII, 1/2. 135. Printers, M. D. Gunasena & Co. Ltd., Colombo, 1965. I36. Published by the Department of Information.

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I shall take archaeological activities as they are enumerated under the powers of the Archaeological Commissioner:
(a) The preparation of a list of monuments:
Preliminary work on this has been done. A great deal of exploration has to be undertaken for the purpose, but the lack of facilities for transport, coupled with the inadequacy of provision for travelling expenses and the shortage of qualified staff, has constantly delayed the publication of even a part of the Register. The present lecturer was attending to this duty as Assistant Archaeological Commissioner, but the authorities decided that teaching and examinations in Sinhalese and allied subjects in a foreign University were more important than archaeological activities in Ceylon. At no time had the Department the full services of even the few officers available being provided, and indeed during some years the present lecturer headed the Department he had to work without the assistance of even a single staff officer.
The shortage of accommodation both at the Head Office in Colombo and at the outstations has delayed all work of the Department, particularly that of the Monuments Register. Time and again this has been brought to the notice of the authorities, but without any result except a threat to remove the Department to Anuradhapura, and even to get the Head Office to function under tents, or in a small dilapidated building.
The Department had a sojourn of four years from I942-I946 in various places, including Anuradhapura, and was brought back to Colombo to the place where it is now, in front of the Colombo Museum. The records, including files from which material has to be gathered for the Monuments Register, the library and the photographic studio, were once more housed in premises which were totally inadequate and unsuitable to be the Headquarters of a department which was the sole custodian of the ancient culture of the land. Paranavitana's comments on the situation in the introduction to his Administration Report for I946 includes the following: "The ordinary amenities which are conducive to efficient work are lacking and the place is crowded to capacity, there being hardly any room for future additions to the departmental staff. If the department is to function satisfactorily, the first requisite is a reasonably comfortable place for its officers to work in when they return after a strenuous time in the field.'87 He goes on to say that conditions under which the officers were obliged to work were no better than what they had to submit by necessity in the field. In his Report for I950, while commenting on the expansion of the Department's activities, he wrote again: "There is, however, one serious shortcoming which stands in the way of maximum results being achieved by the exertions of the Department. This is the inadequate pro
I37. A SCAR, 1946, para. I.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 3.
vision of working accommodation for its officers both at the headquarters and at the outstations. There is, for example, no room at the headquarters for the proper storage of the thousands of estampages of ancient inscriptions which the Department has collected, no proper laboratory arrangements for the cleaning and restoration of antiques, and no space for methodical arrangement and study of objects unearthed in excavations or collected during explorations. The result is that the preparations of scientific accounts of the Department's work is much delayed.'188 He goes on to say that the "undesirable state of affairs' will soon become worse with the further addition of staff.
We could not expect a descriptive Register of Monuments under these conditions, and without satisfactory staff. The Department was, and it still is, graded in Class3, and except for rare cases under special circumstances, it could not recruit good staff or hold whom it had. What has been said concerning accommodation and staff is true not only with regard to the preparation of the Register of Monuments, but of other subjects as well.
(b) Coming to conservation, examples of all classes of buildings, inclusive of various types of each belonging to different periods, have been conserved. Of religious edifices there are new examples of stipa, vatadagé, bodhighara, asanaghara and patinaghara cleared of debris and conserved. Special attention has been paid to wooden architecture, Some with architectural numbers containing invaluable carvings. These include Buddha-image houses, temples of the gods and wayside resting-places (ambalama). Royal palaces and dwellings of the royalty are also included, but sufficient attention could not be paid to what yet remain of the dwellings of the common people, or what information could be gathered on these. One would think that this is an aspect that should not have been neglected in this era. Here again the means at the disposal of the archaeologist were limited. The conservation notes regarding various works have to be edited and published with the plans.
(c) Systematic excavations, in addition to the scientific removal of debris preliminary to the conservation of a monument, have been carried out, and their results are given in the Administration Reports. A Memoir on one of the excavations and conservation, namely, on the Kotavehera in Dedigama was with the printer last year." In I957, P. E. P. Deraniyagala, while officiating as Archaeological Commissioner, carried out some excavations at the pre-historic site of Pomparippu.189 The UNESCO nominee, P. C. Sestieri, who was in charge of the Department of Archaeology in I958, excavated at the Gedigé
138. Ibid. 195o, para I.
*Published only in November 1969, as A.S.C. Mem. VII, over two months after the Second International Conference-Seminar on Asian Archaeology held in Colombo from 23rd-26th August, 1969.
I39. Ibid. I957.
948-2

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site at Anuradhapura.140 In April 1966 systematic excavations were begun at Kantarodai, where Paul E. Pieris had made his investigations during I917-I919. A preliminary account of the work by the present lecturer was placed before this Society on the 7th of November I967. (Also Ceylon Today November Ig67. "Archaeology of the Northern Peninsula III.”)
(d) For the exhibition of antiquities a number of archaeological museums were established, in various parts of the Island. When objects of exceptional historical and antiquarian interest were discovered in the relic chambers of the Kotavehera at Dedigama the local residents desired that these antiquities should not be removed from their village. Numbers among them even expressed the fear that some misfortune would befall the district if these treasures were not left with them. The government and the Archaeological Commissioner agreed that it would be advantageous both for students of archaeology and the general public as well to exhibit the finds at a convenient place near the monument, and a site museum was built (IQ54). This museum has earned the praise of several visiting scholars. As stated earlier the collections of sculpture, pottery, etc., were inadequately housed in some part of the premises of the Archaeological Department's quarters at Anuradhapura. In I960 when the old Kachcheri building fell vacant by the removal of Government offices to the New City, advantage was taken by the Department of Archaeology to obtain the building for the purposes of an Archaeological Museum. Nissanka Parakrama Wijeratne, the Government Agent of Anuradhapura at the time, helped the Department to obtain the buildings, and co-operated in the setting of the Museum. Much renovation was unceded to make the main building and the outhouses and sheds suitable to receive the antiquities, and to have them exhibited therein. In spite of these difficulties, and the obstructions from persons in authority, the Archaeological Department has cause now to be pleased that it has a museum at least to serve part of the needs of the ever-increasing students of archaeology and culture of their country and the curious general public. At Polonnaruwa, the old Public Services Club was obtained for an Archaeolo-. gical Museum, and the old Resthouse at Ambalantota for the same use. At the latter place after the Archaeological Commissioner had obtained the building, the local Police forcibly entered the premises and occupied a part of it but the Archaeological Commissioner got them out although he was unarmed. At Amparai a house that was allotted to the Department for use as a Circuit Bungalow serves the purposes of an office, Circuit Bungalow as well as museum. A temporary building was put up at Sigiriya for a Small museum. At Panduvasnuwara a room in the
I40. Ibid. I959.
I4I. See JCBRAS, N.S., Vol. XI, 1967, and Ceylon Today, January, Sep
tember and November, I967.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 33
Circuit Bungalow is separated for display of antiquities. The Branch
Museum of the National Museums at Jaffna was handed over to the
Archaeological Department in I965 to be organized as an Archaeologi
cal Museum, and it served well to house and display the finds from the
excavations at Kantarodai and other explorations in the Peninsula. At the same time the Palace of the Kings of Kandy, at which the
Archaeological Department had earlier carried out some conservation
work, was handed back to the Department for further conservation and
for a regional Archaeological Museum.
Simultaneously with the handing over of the Royal Palace at Kandy to the Archaeological Department, the Ministry authorised the Archaeological Commissioner to take back the Kalinga lionthrone from the Colombo National Museum to Polonnaruwa and place it in Nissankamalla's Audience Hall which was being conserved. The animal's journey to his original native home was easier and more comfortable than his coming out to our capital. He had a ride in a trailer, lent by the then Director of Irrigation, Mr. A. E. de S. Gunasekera, a Head of Department who always was ready to help the poor brother Department of Archaeology, due no doubt to his own interest in the subject. Thus the Archaeological Commissioner has no beautiful incidents to relate about the return journey of the lion, as Governor Gregory had of its first coming to the present Colombo 7, the home of the elite of the country.
Research has progressed within facilities available. Besides the Memoirs of the Department, papers on topics of Ceylon Archaeology have appeared in various journals both local and foreign. Ceylon has been given a prominent position in world Archaeology, mainly due to the contribution of Paranavitana. Large numbers of inscriptions have been collected and many edited. The publication of Paranavitana's Sigiri Graffiti 14 contributed not only to the advance of epigraphical and palaeographical research, but to linguistic studies as well. The fifth volume of the Epigraphia Zeylanica, edited by Paranavitana and the present lecturer, was completed. While working on Some inscriptions for this volume Paranavitana made his astounding discoveries of the interlinear records in Sinhalese inscriptions. 148 Two volumes of the Corpus of Ceylon Inscriptions were completed by Paranavitana towards the end of the financial year I966-1967. Of these the first, containing over I,200 Brahmi inscriptions, had gone through the page proof stage with the Government Printer by October IQ67, and the second, covering inscriptions up to the fourth century A.D., that is, up to the end of reign of Mahasena (A.D. 276-303), was ready for print. The volumes are delayed, and I understand that the second has not
I42. Two volumes, Oxford, Ig56. 143. See Ceylon Today, November-December, I968.

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34 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
yet been handed over for printing. Now is this not a matter to be taken up by the Council of this Society which led a deputation to the Minister of Education and Cultural Affairs, a few years ago (in I962) regarding the delay in the editing and publications of inscriptions by the Archaeological Department?
A large number of inscriptions were collected by C. W. Nicholas, Deputy Excise Commissioner, who later became Warden of the Wild Life Department. His contributions in the field of epigraphy are published in the Journals of this Society, 14 and elsewhere. A complete volume of the New Series of our Journal has been devoted to the research of Mr. Nicholas.
Apart from academic publications, booklets of a popular nature, but with correct and precise information, such as Guide Books or accounts of ancient sites, have been published both in the official language and in English. Among these the twelve booklets of the "Art Series' may be mentioned. Here also the publication of two parts which were ready in November, I967 are unduly delayed.t The preparation and issue of these simpler works is in pursuance of the policy of bringing archaeology within the reach of the full electorate.
It is not possible here to give a full list of publications relating to or bearing on Ceylon Archaeology brought out in Ceylon or abroad. I will mention two of them as they come to my mind. One is D.T. Devendra’s Classical Sinhalese Sculpture, (Alec Tiranti, London, I958,) and the other Heinz Mode's Die buddhistische Plastik Ceylons, (Leipzig, I963). A large number of new sites have been added to the reservations for archaeological work. Among them are some sites believed to contain prehistoric remains and, while new sites are being added, it is regretted that the archaeologist has not been able to hold to a large portion of one of the most important sites, namely, the ancient site of Mantota which was mentioned several times earlier. There were encroachments, and these were legalized in I959, when a Permanent Secretary was the gazetted Archaeological Commissioner. (See comment on p. 29.)
"They were not out even at the end of December, 1969. The position remains the
sale.
144. "Text of the Brahmi Inscriptions in the Ruhuna National Park', JCBRAS,
N.S., Vol. VI, Special Volume.
I45. "Historical Topography of the Ancient and Medieval Ceylon", N.S.,
Vol. VI, Special Volume. (Also reprinted.)
I46. These guide books, after I949, were prepared by S. Paranavitana, J. M. Senaveratne, D. T. Devendra, D. S. Gumatilaka, Marcus Fernando and the present lecturer.
tNow, after a long delay, handed over by the Department to the Government
Printer only in August, 1969.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 35
The teaching of archaeology has spread to the universities. On his retirement, Paranavitana was appointed Research Professor of Archaeology at the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. After the conversion of the two main pirivenas into universities, one of them too started courses in Archaeology. The universities have not yet to an appreciable extent taken part in organized fieldwork with the co-operation of the State Department of Archaeology as it is done in other countries, although the Department had been most willing to work together, and in fact more than once made arrangements for the purpose. Provisions of the Antiquities Ordinance had to be applied against an university, when some people, using the name of an institution were alleged to be engaged in illegal diggings.
Dealing with the recent period mention must be made of the Special Committee on Antiquities appointed in I957 soon after the retirement of Paranavitana. The Committee issued an Interim Report in I958, in which the chief recommendation was to amalgamate the Department of Archaeology, the National Museums and the Government Archives. In their Final Report, however, they went back on this recommendation and supported their individual continuance. Nothing came of these Reports, perhaps due to the reason that the Committee themselves were changing their opinions so soon. The Heads of the three departments (or acting Heads) were requested to submit their opinions. The present lecturer, who had no opportunity to place his views before the Committee due to his absence from the island on State policy, had then the opportunity of having his say. He began his lengthy comments with, "The Committee of Inquiry have listed a large number of failures and shortcomings of the Department of Archaeology, and those of its staff; but have not set out the reasons for the state of affairs.' The cause must be known to apply a remedy. The Ministry of Industries, Home and Cultural Affairs under which the Archaeological Department was then placed considered the amalgamation of the newly established Department of Cultural Affairs and the three departments dealing with antiquities, and this idea was also given up; and the threats to the individual existence of the Archaeological Department ended there. Here I must point out that during the year after I959, the Archaeological Department has been driven from pillar to post since it had been placed under seven ministries and ten ministers, every time with some change of policy.
R. L. Brohier, who was the Chairman of the Special Committee on Antiquities, has made his own contribution in the field of antiquarian research in Ceylon. In his three monumental volumes the Ancient Irrigation Works in Ceylon, (part I, Colombo. I934; parts II-III, Colombo, I935,) he has collected and put together a vast amount of Archaeo
I47. Sessional Paper VII, 1959.

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ვ6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) , Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
logical and historical material. The same he has done in his Land, Maps and Surveys (1800-I950) with the collaboration of J.H.O. Paulusz, the Government Archivist for some time, Colombo, I950; Vol. II, Colombo, I95I. Brohier has read a number of papers on antiquarian topics before this Society and they are published in the Journal. His contribution brings out often the value of archaeology to the modern development of a land with a long past history. Herein I may refer to his 'Antiquarian Notes on Padaviya, '49 wherein he deals with not only the history and the repair of the tank, but also with the land irrigated by the reservoir and its supplementary sources. While commenting on the wrong selection of land for paddy fields he adduces archaeological evidence in support of his statements at pp. 245-26I (also published in his Seeing Ceylon).50
The wilful destruction of antiquities and the misguided enthulsiasm for restoration have been commented on in the Administration Reports of the Department under 'Archaeological Reserves' and "Antiquities outside Archaeological Reserves.” In 1954 a religious fanatic applied a liberal coating of cow-dung on the inscriptions and paintings at Maravidya caves in the Archaeological Reserve of Dimbulagala. The inscriptions were unharmed, but it was too late when the officers of the Archaeological Department attempted to remove the Cow-dung from the paintings. We all agree with Deraniyagala when he considers that the defacing of the lion depicted upon Dutugamunu's flag in the famous Dambulla frescoes as a national loss 5 (Report for I957, para. I). This, so far as we know, is the only ancient representation of the lion-flag of the Sinhalese. Deraniyagala says that the police were unable to bring the culprits to book although they managed to save them from the infuriated mob. What about the vandalism. On the Sigiriya frescoes in I967? The Police and other authorities have failed again. The vandals are at large. Archaeological treasures cannot be protected without public co-operation.
In spite of the provisions of the Antiquities Ordinance, and spread of archaeological knowledge among the public, the other kind of vandalism, namely, the desecration of ancient monuments by unsightly renovation and new additions that vulgarize and destroy their sanctity and dignity goes on unchecked, and is even encouraged by the very persons who should protect their ancient splendour. This enthusiasm
I48. Vol. I, Colombo, I95o; Vol. II, Colombo, Ig57. I 49. JCBRAS, N.S. Vol. VIII, pp. 245-26 I. I 5o. Colombo, I965, pp. 75-85.
I5. See e.g. ASCAR, I954, pp. G7-GIo under "Archaeological Reserves'
and 'Antiquities outside Archaeological Reserves' a.
I52. ASCAR, 1957, para I.

HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN CEYLON 37
for renovation has increased manifold in the recent years. One courts unpopularity by any attempt to tell these enthusiasts of this kind of Buddhist regeneration' that it amounts to the deliberate destruction Cf the evidence which so eloquently proclaims that in the past the Buddhist religion had inspired its devotees in this country to create great works of art of such great magnitude and so universal in appeal. Those in authority fear to take the correct steps when proposals are made for restoration of monuments in private possession. This has gradually spread to those owned by the State, and those in the very Archaeological Reserves. One hears of attempts to modernize the Kotavehera of Dedigama which has already been conserved.
At the same time several societies interested in the restoration of monuments have sought the advice of the Archaeological Department. Sometimes the reason for not being able to preserve as much of the ancient features of an old structure has been due to the reluctance of the officers of the Archaeological Department themselves to hurt or displease people in important positions. The conservation and restoration of the Kirivehera at Kataragama and the Somavati dagoba in the Polonnaruwa District must be mentioned as examples where an attempt has been made to meet both the needs of religion and those of archaeology. Better results could have been achieved if the architectural Section of the Department were also more co-operative in furthering the archaeologicalinterests. There-building of the Mahasäyaat Mihintale is not done according to plans approved by archaeologists. I shall not dwell on that work here. The custodians of devale-temples too have Sought the assistance of the Archaeological Commissioner and have fully abided by his advice. The Badulla-Kataragama-devale was Conserved in this manner, and the Sabaragamuwa Mahasaman-devale was being conserved and restored (1967). During operations at this historic edifices it has been clearly demonstrated that archaeological conservation should not be entrusted to architects, as their desire is to create, and not to conserve. We agree that the architect can be of use to us provided he can conserve for us monuments in the anastylos method which the great French archaeologists have taught us all in their handling of the Buddhist monuments of quondam Dutch East Indies (Indonesia).
This clearly indicates that at least certain intelligent sections of the public have been influenced and educated by the efforts of the antiquarians, including members of this Society, who have taken an interest in fostering archaeological research and spreading relevant knowledge in the Island. A few years ago an Archaeological Society was also established for the further encouragements and popularization of the subject. It would be useful if the Society continued their activities.

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38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Wol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
Very often the antiquarian in this country is reminded of the words of James Fergusson who wrotein 1876: "The stars in their courses have warred against archaeology in Ceylon.'58 Paranavitana repeated them in I938 when he wrote an Obituary Notice of Arthur Maurice Hocart for our Journal. One still feels that these words are true when we see how our monuments, works of art and everything that reminds us of our culture, are treated by the very people who should take care of them, and the indifference shown by the public towards the pursuit of archaeological studies, and research in the subject and those allied to it.156
A growing public enthusiam for a clear knowledge of the pastand thus essentially and unavoidably with archaeology-so that the knowledge of their rich heritage could be an inspiration for a nobler and fuller future would be sterile if it were not matched with intelligent support by the authorities. One can fervently hope that the dawn of wider horizons will fall upon so vital a part of our cultural and disperse that darkness which quite often threatens to overWhelm it.
I53. History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 185-86. 154. JCBRAS, Vol. XXXIV, No. 9I.
155. During recent years the underwater Archaeologist also has directed his interest to the coasts of Ceylon and has worked in close collaboration with the Department of Archaeology.-See ASC Report for * Fin. year 1662-1963, pp. G77-78 and plate XXIV.

The Fossil Giant Teredo of Ceylon ?
New Subspecies
By P. E. P. DERANIYAGALA with One plate and one text figure
Certain fossil mollusca with tubate tests which occur in Malta, Persia, Madagascar, India, Sumatra, Java and Amboyna have been described either as various distinct species or been assigned to Kuphus arenarius (Linné). Since they occur in deposits that are considered to be lower Miocene or upper Oligocene the discovery of this species in Ceylon is of especial importance to geologists in determining the age of the bed in which it occurs. Specimens were secured by the present writer from the base of the eastern aspect of the horst Arna kallu which is about fifteen miles to the north of Puttalam (vide the map in fig. I; of Deraniyagala I969). A sketch of a fragment of the fossil and a brief description were dispatched to Dr. Kenneth Oakley of the British Museum of Natural History who referred them to Drs. R. P. S. Jefferies and G. F. Elliott of the Mollusc section there. They both considered that it was probably the giant teredo Kuphus and Dr. Jefferies kindly presented the writer with a publication (J. A. Douglas I927) recording it from the Miocene of Persia. Since the specimens from Arnakallu are incomplete, the internal structural details such as valves could not be ascertained. However, the fossils from both countries appear to be co-generic. The Ceylon fossil is now described as follows:-
༄་་་༽རྗོད་དོ། །འོང་བ་༽དང་།─ཡལ།།ལས་དེ་ དེ་ཤོ།།)དེ་སྒོ༽དེ་སྡེ་ཉི་ NA V w NN - N W - W Α , \VA
R ," \\
?l l l l- I ಫ್ಲಿ حسح %://%'1%)1ടില്ല
سمسمجسمہ سمجسمسیح سمسسسم~~سسٹس۔
ー式冠一
Fig. I. A part of the tube of Kuphus parenarius Plankae,
Family Teredidae Tryon 1862
39

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40 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
Sub-family Kuphinae Guettard II77o.
Mem. sur les Sciences et Arts vol III. Genotype Serpula arenaria Linné п758.
Kuphus arenarius ? lankae ? SSp. nov. (Pl. I)
Whitish or pale greyish yellow tubes occurring in pairs, each about a metre and half in length and located vertically in a light bluish grey layer of loose decomposing calcareous material and sand. The tubes increase in size as they grow upward and reveal growth collars; the outer surface is finely and feebly straited. The inside surface of the tube is smooth. These tubes occurred in pairs and there were about five of them within a horizontal distance of three metres.
Only a small Ostrea sp. and a small gastropod were in association. The entire area occupied by these Kuphus fossils was about fifty metres horizontally, three metres vertically and near the base of the horst. Above it were more compacted calcareous miocene beds containing an abundance of various other fossil shells.
The Kuphus tubes varied in size. Parts of the tubes of some average sized specimens that were collected by me are of the following dimensions (in millemetres).
Fragments of one tube-The "Holotype' (Plate I. fig. I)
Fragment Length. Bottom Top Shell
Diameter Diameter Thickness
46 2O 2O 2 2 37 Ι8 I9 3 30 I7 2O 4 47 I6 I8 2 5 Ι8 I9 I5 2
Fragments of different tubes-The "Paratypes' (Pl.I., fig.2)
45 29 30 2.O 2 37 25 29 2O 3 30 28 28 I.75 4 55 25 25 O 5 8O 23 24 O 6 50 23 23 O
These figures indicate that the Ceylon subspecies is smaller than the fossils from Persia and Amboyna. A Persian specimen was 3. inches in circumference, one from Amboyna 4 inches. The shells were I to 2 mm. thick in each (Douglas I927). The Sumatran species is 6 feet long and 3 inches in diameter (Wood I395).

THE FOSSIL GIANT TEREDO OF CEYLON 4.
In Ceylon the presence of the foraminifer Taberina malabarica (Carter) in the bed above this layer containing Kuphus fossils, is regarded as indicating a late lower Miocene age for the former. The occurrence of Kuphus at a lower level indicates that this particular layer, here named the Ceylon Kuphus layer, is either of the early lower Miocene or the upper part of an Oligocene deposit that is partially exposed near the sea shore to the west of the horst. The type specimens of the above described Kuphus are in my collection.
Explanation of Plate fig. I. Sections of the Holotype. Scale in cm. attached. fig. 2. Sections of various individuals. These are the Paratypes.
fig. 4. A photograph of some of the tubes in situ, by Dr. C. R.
Panabokke. a b is the Kuphus layer.
References to Literature
Deraniyagala, P. E. P., IQ69. Some aspects of the Tertiary Period in Ceylon. J. of Royal Asiatic Soc. (C.B.) New series, vol. XII pp. 86-Io8, pls. I-III, five text figs. I969 a—A Miocene vertebrate faunule from the Malu member of Ceylon. Spolia Zeylanica vol. 3I, pt. 2, pp. 55I-57I, pls.4, text figs. 3.
Douglas, J. A., Ig27. Contributions to Persian Paleontology. Kuphus
arenarius (Lin.). Anglo-Persian Oil Co. pubn.
Wood, J. G. I895 The Illustrated Natural History vol. 3. p. 438.

Page 24
Ceylon's Kitfits Platy
 

Early Tamil Settlements in Ceylon
K. INIDIRAIFALA, Ph.D. Public Leclare delitered on 3rd May, Igog.
An historical stilly of ancient foreign settlements in any country presents a number of problems which cannot be solved purely with the help of such II laterials as chronicles and inscriptions. Archaeology, physical anthropology, historical geography and historical linguistics have all an important part to play in the solution of these problems. These problems would include among others the determining of the original home of the settlers, the causes of their Illigration, the areas of settlements a Ilil the extent of the survival of the earlier inhabitants. The study of the Anglo-Saxon Settlements in England provides a typical example in this field. We have tried to follow the methods adopted in this study and because of this We have drawn attention to some of the LLLLLLLL LLLLaLH LCLaLLSuLLGL LLLLLLaLLLL LLL LLL LLLLLL LLLLLLaS ments of Ceylon.) While the works of Bede, Gildas and Nennius and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle have for Ined the main basis of this study, these have not been very helpful in the reconstruction of the full story. Questions concerning the routes of Inigration and the areas of settleInent have becr) answered mainly with the help of archaeological evidence, Though the Anglo-Saxons have not left behind coins or inscriptions, their cemeteries ind grElve-goods have been of immense value for this stulidly. The historical linguist hals made an important contri. bution in analysing the place-na II:e evidence which has helped a good del in tille utIlllerstal. Il ding of the Sc}{cial conditions II utler which the 5ettlenelt took place find thic institutional ties which first bound the settlers together as well ils in the location of the early habitation sites. Place-names have also helped to an extent in the inquiry into the extent of the Celtic survival. The historical geographer has helped in the linderstalling of thic influence of such factors as physical features LLLLLL LLLLL LL LLL LLLLCLL0S LLL gLGLLLLLc LLL aLL LLSLLLL LLLLLaL LLLLLLLLS HGGLLLCLS LCtOCLLLgLLL LLLLLLLCTlmLmL LLcc ltLc LLLLLLLGLLLLL LL LLLLLL LLLLLL LLL LLLLLLLLS LLLLLLLCCCCLLL LL LLCLLL HLLLLLSLLLLa LLLLLL LLLLLL lLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS to use the evidence derived froll il study of Cephalic indices and tables of nigrescence, III this Inanner light generated from a variety of sources has been thrown upon the difficulties that confront the historials of the Anglo-Saxon Scttle incint.
A similar study of the early Tamil Settlements in Ceylon has been rendered difficult due to a varicity of Icasions. As in the case of all students of ancient history we are confronted in the first place with
고

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44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
the problem of inadequate sources. While the Pali and Sinhalese chronicles provide very reliable, fairly adequate and surprisingly continuous information regarding the political, and to an extent the religious, history of the Island, their contribution to our inquiry is very little. The activities of the Tamils in Ceylon find mention in the chronicles only when these affected the political or religious affairs of the Sinhalese kingdom. On the Tamil side the chronicles that are extant are those written nearly three centuries after the foundation of the Tamil kingdom in the Island in the thirteenth century. The sections of these works dealing with the period prior to the thirteenth century, i.e. the period during which the earliest Tamil settlements were established-are full of legendary material and are wholly unreliable. The Tamil works of South India have no notable allusions to the activities of the Tamils in Ceylon.
The evidence of the archaeological materials is far more encouraging in this respect but by no means adequate. Evidence similar to that used in England is sadly lacking. Excavation work in almost every region in England has brought to light cemeteries, grave goods and several other artefacts which throw a direct light upon the early settlements. But excavation is still an undeveloped branch of archaeological research in our country. As long as excavation work remains undone, much that is relevant to our study will be wanting. We cannot, of course, hope to discover cemeteries and grave goods that relate to the greater part of the period covered by our study. But at least for the period prior to the third century A.D. we may reasonably expect a few sepulchral remains to be brought to light. The only burials which could be taken to relate to Tamil settlements in the Island were discovered by chance, and today nearly forty-five years after the discovery, the site still awaits a proper scientific excavation. For the period after the third century A.D. it is Saiva and Vaisnava temples and icons as well as Tamil inscriptions that will help in our inquiry. Here too, owing to the lack of excavation work, we have to depend solely on the surface finds. Archaeologists have not helped us so far to know something of the earliest Saiva temples referred to in the literary sources, such as the Tirukétisvaram temple at Matota. No surface ruins of these exist now and only an excavation of the sites is likely to yield something of value. However, it is the archaeological material that forms the main basis of our study for the period prior to the I3th century, although the picture reconstructed with it will by no means be complete.
I. We refer to the megalithic site at Pomparippu, in the North-western Province. Ceylon Journal of Science-Section G (CJScG), I, Pt. 2, pp. 51-52; Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Report (ASCAR) for Ig57, pp. II-I7, 30-31; ASCAR for 1956, p. I5. In recent years megalithic sites were discovered at Gulsohankanatte, Kokebe, Gurugalhinna, Padiyagarnpola, Kondadeniya and the Walawe Basin but details about these still remain unpublished. V. Begley, "Archaeological Exploration in Northern Ceylon,' Expedition, IX, No. 4, I 967, pp. 28-29 (Pennsylvania).

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 45
V For the present we cannot hope to make use of any evidence of physical anthropology, historical geography or place-names for the simple reason that no work has been done in these fields so as to be of any help to us. A preliminary survey of the place-name material shows that much valuable information could be gleaned from it for our study. For instance, the earlier Sinhalese occupation of the Jaffna peninsula, the long survival of the Sinhalese there and the Tamil occupation of the North-Central Province before the Sinhalese resettled there are unmistakably indicated by place-names. Although a considerable amount of place-name material that will prove valuable for our purpose has been collected, we are not in a position to use it without a proper linguistic training. The establishment of soundpedigrees with the help of earlier forms and the analysis of Sound and word substitution and Sinhalese-Tamil compounds are beyond the scope of our work.
Some attempts have been made by certain physical anthropologists to analyse the physical characteristics of the people of Ceylon. Their surveys are neither exhaustive nor complete and their results are not of any help to us. Perhaps not much could be expected from the physical anthropologists even in the future owing to the complex nature of the problem. It is perhaps difficult to hold now that distinctions between human stocks are easily recognizable in differences of physical structure. In fact, it is now generally held that the laws governing the inheritance of physical characteristics are so complicated as to make distinctions based on them most unreliable in the present state of knowledge. Further, even if they were reliable, neither the Sinhalese nor the Tamils can be regarded, in view of their previous history, as a sufficiently homogeneous group to enable any superficial distinctions to be used with confidence in their differentiation.
In this study, therefore, out sources have been nearly a hundred Tamil inscriptions, the Sinhalese, Pali and Tamil chronicles and the limited archaeological materials discovered so far. Wherever possible place-name material has also been used but never as an independent evidence. In view of the limitations that were just outlined it may not be possible to set out on our inquiry with the hope of arriving at the whole truth, but at least we may be able to arrive at more than what has been known so far.
In this paper, we do not intend to deal with all aspects of the early
Tamilsettlements in Ceylon. Instead we shall take up two main questions
for discussion. By way of answering these questions we hope to deal with several aspects of our subject.
(a) When did permanent and widespread Tamil settlements begin in the Island?

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The answer to this question cannot be found easily in our sources. The absence of sufficient information on this point has led to lot of speculation among writers on this subject. A few have argued that the Tamils settled in Ceylon before the Indo-Aryans came here in the fifth century B.C. Some others have assigned dates ranging from the third century B.C. to the tenth century A.D. Most of these writings cannot, however, be taken as serious works and hence we do not propose to discuss these arguments in this paper. Instead, an examination of the meagre evidence available on this point will be attempted.
Ceylon's geographical proximity to, and close contacts with, the Tamil country and early conquests by Tamil adventurers have often been used as the basis for the assumption that Tamils were settled in the Island in the early centuries of its history. Our sources undoubtedly indicate that the Tamils had established contacts with Ceylon by about the second century B.C., if not earlier. The earliest inscriptions as well as the Pali chronicles attest to the presence of Tamil traders in or about the second century B.C. From this time onwards we get scattered and often brief references in the chronicles to Tamil traders, political adventurers and mercenaries. Between the second century B.C. and the eleventh century A.D., when the Colas annexed Ceylon to their empire, there were several Tamil invasions of the Island, most of which resulted in short periods of rule by Tamil adventurers. In the same period, at least on ten occasions Sinhalese aspirants to the throne went over to South India and took Tamil mercenaries to achieve their ends. These are recorded in the Pali chronicle. On the Tamil side there is hardly any notable reference. A long poem of the Sangam anthology, datable to about the second century A.D., contains a passing reference to the trade in food-stuffs between Ceylon and the Cola country. In the same anthology there are two poems attributed to a poet from Ceylon. From the seventh century A.D. two Siva temples
2. S. Paranavitana, "Tamil Householders' Terrace-Anuradhapura’, Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology, XIII, pp. 3-14 (Leyden); S. Paranavitana, Brahmi Inscriptions in the Vavuniya District,' Epigraphia Zeylanica (EZ), V pt. 2, I963, p. 242 (Colombo); Dīpavansa (Dv), 1 8:47 (ed. B. C. Law, Colombo I959); Mahdivamsa (Mw), 2 I: Io (ed. W. Geiger, Colombo Ig5o). Sena and Guttika, the two Tamil usurpers who ruled from Anuradhapura in the second century B.C., appear to have been connected with the horse-trade in the island, for, according to the Mu, their father was an assa-ndivika or ship's captain dealing with horses. 3. Mv, 21:Io, I3,33:39 ff.; Cülavamsa (Cv), 38:11 ff., (ed. W. Geiger, Colombo 1953). Sena, Guttika and Elara were among the early political adventurers. 4. Mv, 35:26, 27, 36:49; Со,44:7I, Io5, I25, т29, 152, 45:Т8, 47:33-36, 46-57. The armies brought by Manavamma were probably mercenary forces. 5. Pattupättu-Pattimappälai, I. I9I (ed. U. V. Caminata Aiyar, Madras
I918). 6. Carika IlakRivam-Kuruntokai, v. 343. Narrinai, v. 8o (ed. S. Vaivapuripillai, Madras 94o). That this poet, Pitantövanār, hailed from some part of Ceylon is verv doubtfull-K. Indrapala, “Tamilar Atikkattin Talaricci”,
Virakecari, 22nd June 1969 (Colombo).

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 47
and Gokarna (Trincomalee) presumably built by Tamil Saiva traders, formed the subject of hymns by some of the Tamil Šaiva revivalists of South India. Except for the reference to Sinhalese donors in the pre-Christian cave inscriptions, there is no mention of Ceylon in the Tamil inscriptions of South India till Pallava times. However, the meagre evidence just outlined reveals that commercial interests, political adventure and the prospect of military employment had led Tamils to come to Ceylon in the early centuries of the Island's history. The question is whether this led to the rise of permanent and widespread Tamil settlements in the Island.
in ဂြိုမျိုးမျို situated at the ports of Mátota (Tirukétisvaram)
Tamil traders probably established temporary settlements in the ports and the main towns. The Tamils mentioned in three of the Brahmi inscriptions at Anuradhapura and Periya-puliyankulam probably formed part of such a trading community.9 The Siva temples at Matota and Gokarna were probably built to cater for the interests of such South Indian communities. But it is not till the ninth century that we get Tamil inscriptions set up by Tamil trading communities. Perhaps Tamil traders were not very numerous in the early period. However, on the slender evidence at our disposal it would be rather far-fetche di to claim that there were permanent or widespread settlements of Tamil trading communities in the first millenium A.D.
But considering the number of Tamil invasions and the number of occasions when Tamil mercenaries were enlisted, it appears that more Tamils came to Ceylon as invaders and hiled soldiers than as traders. Since most of the invasions succeeded in ousting the Sinhalese rulers and in paving the way for rule by Tamils for short periods, the invading troops must have remained in the Island on such occasions till the Sinhalese princes Iegained the throne. Whether these armies stayed behind after they were defeated is something regarding which there is no evidence. The Pali chronicle claims that when the Sinhalese princes regained the tinrone from the South Indian usurpers they annihilated the Tamil armies in the process.10 It is rather difficult to believe that this would have been true in all the instances. At least in one place in the chronicle we are told that the soldiers of an invading army of Tamils 'who remained over from slaughter' were subjected to all kinds of humiliation and distributed here and there as slaves to the Buddhist monasteries. It is possible that generally the defeated Tamil soldiers
7. Tirundinacampuntar Téudira Tiruppatikarikal, pp. 8 Io-812, 518-52n (Madras).
8. C. Narayana Rao, "The Brāhmī Inscriptions of South India”, Neve; Indian Antiguary, I, pp. 367, 368, 375; I Mahadevan, Tamil Brahmi Inscriptions of the Sangan Age (Paper Read at the 2nd International ConferenceSeminar of Tamil Studies, Madras Jan., 1968), p.35 (Madras Ig68).
9. See note 2. го. Ми, 25:98; Си, 38:34, 58:2o. II. Cv, 44:73.

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were enslaved and distributed to the monasteries or engages in the construction of religious structures or tanks, as in the reign óf Parākramabahu I in the twelfth century. But those who escaped capture probably fled back to the mainland. Such armies which accompanied individual political adventurers could not have been responsible for any permanent or widespread settlement in the Island unless there were peaceful migrations in the wake of these invasions. There is no definite evidence of such migrations.
In the case of mercenaries who were taken to the Island from time to time, there is a strong possibility that they or most of them stayed behind permanently. The situation created by the increasing numbers of Tamil mercenaries in Ceylon is comparable with that caused by the Teutonic federates in England and on the Rhine and Danube frontiers of the Roman Empire in the fifth century A.D. According to Gildas, a British king employed Saxon mercenaries from the mainland to repel the invasions of his enemies and granted lands in the eastern part of his kingdom for their settlement. Eventually the federates created trouble over payments, plundered the country and asserted their power. Although the situation in Ceylon was not similar in magnitude, it is in the same vein that the author of the Cilavamsa laments the fate that overtook Ceylon on a number of occasions between the seventh and the tenth century. The Tamil mercenaries showed no desire of returning to South India, resisted expulsion by the Sinhalese rulers, created trouble over payments, plundered the country and at times took over power at the capital. Just as the Saxon mercenaries founded the Teutonic settlement of Kent, it appears that some of the Tamil settlements of the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries in the North-Central Province originated as mercenary settlements in and after the seventh century. Before the seventh century, only three instances of mercenaries being invited to Ceylon are recorded in the chronicles. Each occasion was separated from the other by about two centuries. But in the seventh century mercenaries from the mainland poured into the Island on an unprecedented scale. The Calavamsa records eight instances of mercenary troops landing in the Island in the seventh century. It is also in the same century that we first hear vaguely of Tamils living in Some parts of northern Ceylon, presumably between the port of Matola an Anuradhapura, and of certain prominent Tamils possessing villages, tanks and slaves and building Buddhist institutions. Although it is possible to conjecture that the Tamil mercenary elements would have founded small settlements in and around Anuradhapura and possibly in Some other strategic places,
12. Cu, 76:Io3-Io4, 78.76-77. I3. Cu, 45:II, I2, 54:66, 55:5-6, I2.
I4. See note 4. т5. Сv, 45:19: 46:19-24- Potthakuttha and Mahākanda were two such Tamils.

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 49
it is not till the tenth century that we get more definite literary or epigraphic evidence regarding any Tamil settlement. In the tenth century, for the first time there are references in the Sinhalese immunity grants to Tamil allotments (Demel-kdibdilla), lands enjoyed by Tamils (Demelat-vilademin) and Tamil villages (Demel-gambim). We also get for the first time inscriptions in Tamil. The earliest ruins of Saivaite temples are also datable to the tenth century. The Calavamsa, too, has another vague reference to Tamils living scattered here and there at this time.'
We shall, therefore, briefly analyse the evidence of these different sources and see how far they indicate the existence of Tamil settlements in the tenth century. The term "Tamil allotment’ occurs more than once in the immunity grants. It has been interpreted to mean 'an allotment of land in a village set apart for the Tamils'.7 These allotments, it has been said, seem to have been set apart for the maintenance of the Tamil soldiers in the king's service and must have been administered by the royal officers. But if one examines the different occurrences of this term in the published inscriptions, it would appear that the interpretation just mentioned does not always yield a satisfactory meaning. It is difficult to arrive at the exact meaning of this term. It appears to be an allotment of land enjoying privileges different from those of a pamunu, which is an estate possessed in perpetuity by a family in hereditary succession or by an institution. But it is not always an allotment from the royal household. Nor is there any reference to a share of the revenue from a Tamil allotment being allocated for the maintenance of Tamil soldiers. It seems probable that it stands for an allotment in a village where Tamils were living. Such allotments may have originated as lands set apart for the mercenary forces. Besides these Tamil allotments, Tamil lands & villages situated in the four directions' are referred to in another inscription.19 One inscription specifically refers to lands enjoyed by Tamils.20 Since the Calavamsa also mentions Tamils living here and there at this time, these Tamil villages and lands were in all probability places where Tamils were settled. The occurrence in the Sinhalese inscriptions of
I5a. Cv, 5o:I5. This is a reference to 'the many Damilas who dwelt (scattered)
here and there' in the middle of the ninth century.
I6. S. Paranavitana, "Colombo Museum. Pillar Inscription of Kassapa IV,' EZ, III, p. 272; “Polonnaruva Council Chamber Inscription of Abhaya Salamevarm,” IEZ, IV, p. 36.
I7. EZ, III, p. 273.
I8. Ibid.
Ig. D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe, "Anuradhapura Slab Inscription of Mahendra
IV,” EZ, I, p. II 7. m
20. S. Paranavitana, "Giritalé Pillar Inscription of Udaya III, EZ, III, p. 143.

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the term Demelé-kuli, meaning an impost collected from Tamilsé and the place-names Demelin-hetihaya' and Demel-Kinigam also points to the same direction. Demelé-kuli occurs in a few နီဖါးနှီးနီး’always in association with Hele-kuli, and the two have been rendered as types of imposts levied from Tamils and Sinhalese respectively. The two seem to appear together in those grants relating to places where Tamils and Sinhalese were living. For, in the case of most of the other records only the term kuli, meaning "impost’ occurs without the epithet Hele or Demels. It appears that the foreign settlers had to pay imposts different from those paid by the Sinhalese. The occurrence of the term Demele-kuli for the first time in the records of the tenth century may mean that by this time Tamil settlers in the Island were becoming numerous so as to necessitate the levy of a separate impost from them. For the first time there occur two place-names with the first element Demel, meaning Tamil. The element Demel in these names obviously indicates some association with Tamils. They denote Tamil settlements in those places. These names, not do of course, point to a large percentage of Tamils; they indicate rather that Tamil villages must have been an exception. These are comparable to such English place-names as Walton and Walcot, where the element wal-indicates Welsh settlement (==wealas OE) in a predominantly Anglo-Saxon arca. Finally, it should be noted that it is not a pure coincidence that Tamil inscriptions of the eleventh century have been found not far from some of the Tamil allotments, Tamil lands and the villages associated with the collection of Demele-kul which are mentioned in the tenth century Sinhalese inscriptions.
Of more significance than these is the discovery of Tamil inscriptions in Saivite ruins datable to about the tenth century. Some Saivite ruins, aptly termed the Tamil Ruins, have been unearthed in a section of the northern quarter of Anuradhapura. These ruins consist of Saiva temples and residences for priests, with some lesser buildings scattered here and there. Some of these are Sivalinga temples while some others are dedicated to Kali, the Mother Goddess. Several stone lingas, too, have been unearthed in different places in this sector. All the shrines are of one design, which is simple and reminiscent of the early Dravidian temples. The style is in marked contrast to the embellished granite temples of the Cola and later periods. Judging on the basis of the style, these temples are datable to either the ninth
2T. D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe, "Iripinniyava Pillar Inscription of Udaya II, EZ, I, p. I 7o; “Rambäva Pillar Inscription,” EZ, I, p. I 75; S. Paranavitana, "Māda Ulpota Pillar Inscription,' EZ, IV, p. 54, fn. 6; C. E. Godakumbura, 'Sigiriya Pillar Inscription of Mahapa Kassapa, EZ, V, pp. 352, 354.
22. D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe, “Ayitigeväva Inscription of Kassapa IV,”
EZ, II, p. 38.
23. D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe, "Polonnaruva: Rajamaligava Inscription of
Mahinda IV”, EZ, II, p. 56.
24. S. Paranavitana, “Mäda Ulpota Pillar Inscription,' EZ, IV, p. 54, fn. 6
25. ASCAR for 1892,p. 5; ASCAR for 1893, p. 5.

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 5I
or the tenth century. This is further confirmed by the Tamil inscriptions discovered among these ruins, which are also datable to the same period. The Saivite nature of the temples, the Dravidian character of their style and the occurrence of Tamil inscriptions clearly associate them with some Tamil settlement in that area. The internal evidence of the inscriptions also reveals the existence of a Tamil settlement. Two of these record certain donations to the temples and refer to Tamil money-lenders, members of the village assembly and the committee called Kumairakanam, which we know from South Indian inscriptions to be a board of managers or trustees of Saiva shrines. This shows the existence cf village institutions similar to those of South India among the Tamil settlers at Anuradhapura about the tenth century. A third inscription from the same ruins throws further interesting light on the Tamils who lived in that area. This epigraph records the building of a Buddhist temple by the Nanku Nattu Tamilar which, translated, would mean Tamils of the Four Countries.' We learn from some Kannada inscriptions of South India that Nanku Naitu or "Four Countries' was the name of a body, often associated with the mercantile community known as the Aifiriurruvar. They were also probably a trading community like the Nalu-Nakarattar or "Those of the Four Cities.'80 This shows that some of the Tamils who were living at Anuradhapura at this time were members of trading communities, and that, as in South India, there were Buddhists among them. The Saivite ruins and Tamil inscriptions of the pre-Cola period are confined only to Anuradhapura and, therefore, do not help us to confirm whether there were notable settlements of Tamils in areas outside the capital.
Before we draw conclusions from the discussion of these different types of evidence, we have to consider an isolated but very strong body of archaeological material relating to a probable Tamil settlement much earlier than the tenth century A.D. This is the group of megalithic burials at Pomparippu on the north-western littoral of Ceylon. These burials, which are datable to a time between the second century B.C. and the second century A.D., are the earliest and perhaps the most definite evidence regarding any Tamil settlement in the Island. Partial excavation at this site at different times during the last four
26. South Indian Inscriptions (SII), IV, Inscription Nos. I 4o3, I 4o 4 and I 4o5 (ed. HI. Krishna Sastri, Madras 1923). K. Indrapala, “Anurātapurattilulla Nāņku, Nāti ir Kalvetu, Cintanai, I, No. 4, Jan. I968, pp. 3 - 35 (Peradeniya); K. Indrapala, “Anurātapurattilulla Kumārakanattu-pērūrār Kalvețțukkal,” Cintanai, II, No. I, April 1968, pp.. T9-23. 27. K. Indrapala, “A murătapurattilulla Kuniãrakanattu-pčrūrār Kalvețukkal,”
p. 2I. 28. K. Indrapala, "Amurāta puraitiluļa Nāņku Nāgār Kalvetu, p.35. 29. Epigraphia Carmatica, VIII, p. 89 of the text.
3o. Madras Epigraphical Report for IgI6, No. 130 of Ig(6.

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decades has uncovered several urn-burials which have rightly been related to the megalithic culture-complex of South India. The megaliths of the peninsular Indian region have been generally associated with the Dravidian-speakers, who are believed to have occupied the area in the course of the first millenium B.C. This theory is held by most modern scholars though there are several points of controversy which have not been satisfactorily solved. Although the urn-burials at Pomparippu have been associated with the South Indian complex, they have not yet been systematically excavated and it will be difficult to express anything conclusive till such an excavation is completed and the finds thoroughly examined. So far more than three dozen jars have been unearthed at this site. In and around these large jars or urns there were smaller pots which contained skulls and human bones, some of which were post-cremation remains. In some there were food and personal belongings. These burials were either fractional or secondary. Of the metal artefacts found in the urns, Some were of bronze and a few of iron. Some of the artefacts are similar to those discovered at Brahmagiri in South India. Though it is generally agreed that these remains belong to a period before the second century A.D., no definite date has so far been suggested. One of the archaeologists responsible for the exacavations has compared these with the finds of the fourth quarter phase of the Bronze Age in the Deccan, datable to about 300 B.C.
If one examines the material from the site of Pomparippu one would easily find that it is not to the materials from the Kannada or Telugu regions that the Ceylonese artefacts bear the closest affinity but to those from the sites of the Tamil country such as Adichchanallur. The Pomparippu site differs in one important respect from those of Mysore, Andhra and Kerala, in that its interments belong to a class called urn-burials and have no lithic appendage either in the form of a bounding circle or dolmens and cists. Even the absence of sarcophagi is conspicuous. Such burials have bcen found in large numbers at Adichanallur in the Tinnevelly District and ale peculiar to the extreme south of the peninsula. The Pomparippu site lies closer to Adichchanalur in respect of the large contents of bronze ware than to the sites of Mysore. But it has all the common features that make it representative of the megalithic culture, namely iron implements, the wheelturned Black and Red Ware and the post-excarnation fragmentary and collective burials. The large and pyriform urns are similar to those from Adichchanallur and Brahmagiri. In all probability the people responsible for these burials were Tamils from the neighbouring Tinnevelly District, the area which is closest to Pomparippu. The common prevalence of such tirn-burials among the Tamils before about the
K. R. Srinivasan and N. R. Banerjee, 'Survey of South Indian Megaliths, Ancient India, IX, pp.II3-II4 (New Delhi). We refer to P. E. P. Deraniyagala. ASCAR for Ig57, p. 17.
3I.
32.

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 53.
second century A.D. is evidenced by the Sangam literature as well.' In the light of this evidence, the Pomparippu region could be taken as one of the earliest settlement sites of the Tamils in Ceylon. Taking into consideration the location of the site, near the mouth of the river Kala Oya and close to the pearl-banks of the western coast it is probable that this originated as a settlement of pearl-divers, fishermen and other peaceful settlers. It is very difficult to say whether the Tamils of this region continued to survive as a distinct group till later times when Pomparippu definitely becomes known to us as a Tamil area, or whether they were assimilated to the Sinhalese population before long. The proximity to as well as the continuous relations with the Tamil country may have helped them to maintain their ethnic integrity but these are all matters of speculation.
A possible megalithic site has also been discovered at Katiraveli on the eastern coast.84 But the sepulchral structures at this site belong to the class called dolmenoid cists. Such structures are either made of dressed slabs of stone and covered by a capstone or are constructed with rough unhewn boulders. In South India such cists are found in places like Tiruvalangadu in Andhra Pradesh, Ariyur in Madras State and Cochin in Kerala. Almost all the cists in the first two sites have port-holes whereas those of the Cochin region are without port-holes. The cists at Katiraveli also do not have port-holes and it is possible that they belong to the latter class. Perhaps some settlers from the Cochin region were responsible for the erection of this isolated group of cists, which are datable to a period earlier than the second century. In this instance, too, we have to await a proper excavation of the site for a definite understanding of the people associated with these cists.85
To sum up the evidence so far discussed, we have in the first place references in the Pali chronicles to the presence of Tamil traders, invaders and mercenaries from about the second century B.C. There is no reliable evidence in the chronicles to say that there were Tamil settlements either in the pre-Christian period or in the early centuries of the Christian era. On the contrary, the general impression given by the chronicles is that the Tamils were foreign to Ceylon. Their usurpations and unpleasant intrusions are dealt with unfavourably. We have also the evidence of three Brahmi cave inscriptions datable to about the second century B.C. for the presence of Tamils, presumably traders, in the Island. But here too the impression given by these
33. K. R. Srinivasan, "The Megalithic Burials and Urn-fields of South India in the light of Tamil literature and tradition," Ancient India, II, pp. 9 ft. 34. S. Paranavitana, “Archaeological Summary," CJScG, II, pp. 94-95. 35. It is, of course, possible that many of the megaliths in Ceylon were built by some non-Dravidian people whose culture was influenced by that of the megalithic-builders of South India.

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inscriptions is that these Tamils were foreigners. Although the inscriptions were set up by the Tamils whose names are mentioned in them, the language is Proto-Sinhalese as in the case of all the other inscriptions of the Island at this time. But more important than this is that the recorders have made special mention of the fact that they were Tamils, which would indicate that they considered themselves to be distinct from, if not alien to, the general population just as much as the Sinhalese doncrs in the pre-Christian cave inscriptions of the Tamil country made known the fact that they were Sinhalese. In later times, too, we get instances of Tamils who made grants to temples outside the Tamil country recording the grants in the language of the area but making mention of the fact that they were Tamils. It is only the archaeological evidence that points to the existence of a Tamil settlement probably at Pomparippu and possibly at Katiraveli, between about the second century B.C. and the second century A.D. After this there is a long gap till we reach the seventh century, when we get some flimsy evidence that points to possible Tamil settlements in the Island. According to the Pali chronicle, bands of Tamil mercenaries were taken to the Island at least on eight occasions in the seventh century, and there are vague references to Tamils living in some parts of the Island. Certain prominent Tamils in possession of villages and tanks also find mention. In the contemporary Tamil sources of South India, there are references to Siva temples at the ports of Matota and Gokarna which were venerated by Tamils. Howevel, it could not be said that there is definite evidence Ielating to Tamil settlements in this century. It is in the tenth century that we get definite evidence in the Sinhalese and Tamil inscriptions, in the archaeological Sources and to a small extent in the Pali chronicle. That by the tenth century permanent Tamil settlements had begun in the Island is fairly clearly borne out by these sources. Looking back on the whole body of evidence that is available to us, we have to conclude that there were no widespread Tamil settlements before the tenth century. The settlements at Pom. parippu and the possible settlement at Katiraveli have to be treated as isolated earlier settlements. These are comparable to the earliest Saxon settlements at places like Dorchester where the Teutonic artefacts are so early that they are not sometimes considered to belong to the period of Saxon settlement at all. The burials at Pomparippu. apart, the evidence as a whole does not warrant the assumption of so early a date as the second century A.D. for the beginning of permanent Tamil settlements. In this context it is worth noting that Ceylon is conspicuously omitted in the list of Tamil-speaking areas included in the Tamil grammar Tolkippiyam, written about the fifth century A.D. In the seventh century, it is possible that there were mercantile and mercenary settlements in the capital and in the main ports. But evidence for extensive settlement bearing the signs of a date earlier than the tenth century is lacking. On the basis of the present evidence we could say that it was only by about the tenth century that per

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 55
manent settlements of the Tamils began. Going by the available evidence, these settlements were by no means extensive but their importance lies in the fact that they formed the nucleus of the later settlements that covered the greater part of northern Ceylon. After the tenth century, Tamil settlements grew gradually but steadily until the present northern and eastern provinces were transformed into Tamilspeaking areas. The conquest of Ceylon by the Colas late in the tenth century seems to have given an impetus to the migration of Tamils into the Island. More than three dozen Tamil inscriptions and the ruins of a number of Saiva and Vaisnava establishments attest to the fairly widespread nature of the settlements in the eleventh century. (This will be discussed in the next section.) It is, therefore, reasonable to conclude that permanent Tamil settlements on a notable scale began very probably about the tenth century and these became fairly extensive early in the eleventh century.
The second question that we would like to discuss is that of the stages by which the early Tamil settlements were established in the northern and eastern parts of the Island.
The settlement of the Tamils in the northern and eastern parts of the Island is not a single event that resulted from a mass migration from the mainland, but a continuous process extending over a considerable period. However, two main stages could be seen in the course of the early settlements. The first stage begins about the tenth century and extends till the end of the twelfth century. The process of settlement during this stage may be said to have reached a fairly impressive scale in the eleventh century. The Cola conquest of the Island at this time was certainly responsible for this but, although there is evidence of several settlements in northern Ceylon, it cannot be said that there was a mass scale migration of peaceful settlers in the wake of the Cola conquest. The mercenary and mercantile bodies still appear to have been the predominant elements among the Tamils present in the Island in this period. The main areas of settlement lay outside the Jaffna district which in later centuries had the highest concentration of Tamils. In fact several of the places which yield evidence of Tamil settlement in this period are no more occupied by Tamils.
Four main areas of settlement could be seen in this period. One is in the north-eastern littoral, another is in the western region or what is now known as the North-western Province and the other two are in the region of the old capital Anuradhapura and the new capital of Polonnaruva. Tamil settlements appear to have been widespread in the western region and in the north-eastern littoral more than in the other two places. Many of the settlements in the western region seem to have originated in the period of Cola rule. According to the Pali chron

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icle the Colas had established seven strongholds in this region.36 Tamil inscriptions of the eleventh and twelfth centuries have been found in one of the strongholds and within a few miles of the others. One of them refers to a Siva temple in a place which was a Cola stronghold (Mahagalla).98 Only some portions of the Criginal temple are to be seen in that place now. The same inscription records certain gifts made to the temple by a daughter of the Cola ruler Kulottunga I. Another inscription refers to Tamil blackSmiths and washermen settled in the same place.89 A third inscription refers to the activities of the mercantile community called the Aifiritirruvar in an area close to two of the Cola strongholds.40 Archaeological evidence in the form of ruins of Saiva & Vaisnava temples is, however, lacking. This seems to be partly due to the fact that the materials from the Saiva edifices were utilised for the construction of Buddhist structures in the later period after the Saiva population ceased to exist. There is at least one instance of the materials of a Siva temple of this period being used to construct a Buddhist temple some time in the sixteenth or seventeenth century. (Budumuttāva temple). In the coastal part of this area where there are Tamils living even now, a Siva temple datable to this period, if not earlier, is still in existence. This is the well-known Munnésvaram temple. But more than the inscriptions and the archaeological materials it is the place-names of the area which preserve the memory of the Tamil settlements. But as we have already pointed out, the major difficulty in the way of using this toponymic evidence for ou purposes is one of establishing the date of their origin. Unfortunately early records of these names are not available to us. However, the occurrence of a number of Tamil place-names or Sinhalese place-names which indicate Tamil settlement in an area which is now largely occupied by Sinhalese-speakers suggests that the names could not be of recent origin. It is by no means justifiable to assign the origin of all
36. Cu, 58:42-45. These were Muhunnaru (Nuvarakitle), Badalatthala (Batalagoda), Vāpinagara (Vēnaru), Tilagula (Talagallē-äla), Mahāgala (Māgala Or Nüavarati), Maņdagala (Mahamadagala) and Buddhagāma (Māņikdeņa).
37. These inscriptions are from Mahananneriya, Budumuttava, Раћquvasnu- .
vara, Vihārēhinna, Ilakkațțu Eba and Eriyava. Some of these are unpublished.
38. S. Paranavitana, “Two Tamil Inscriptions from Budumuttäva,” EZ, III,
p. 3 II.
39. Ihid., pp. 305-306.
40. Inscriptions from Viharehinna (unpublished). A Tamil slab inscription of the Virakotiyar, a South Indian community closely associated with the Aiiiiurruvar, was discovered at Ilakkattu Eba (Chilaw District) after this public lecture was delivered. This site, too, is not very far from the Cola strongholds. K. Indrapala, "Epigraphical Discoveries in Ceylon in the last decade (1959-1969): A Brief Survey', Paper read at the IInd International ဝှိnce Seminar of Asian Archaeology (Colombo 1969), p. 8 (unpub
1SFլՅCl ].
41. S. Paranavitana, "Two Tamil Inscriptions from Budumuttava', p. 302.

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 57
these names to this period. But it may not be wrong to assume that Some of them at least originated at this time. Many of the Sinhalese place-names with the first element Demala (meaning Tamil) may have originated in this period, for they occur close to the places where Tamil inscriptions of this period have been found or where the Colas had their strongholds. Place-name evidence apart, the Tamil inscriptions provide sufficient evidence indicating Tamil settlements in this western region of the Island in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is difficult to trace the origin of these settlements with the evidence that we have. But considering the fact that the Colas had several Strongholds here and the fact that some of the Sinhalese monarchs had Tamil armies stationed in this region in the twelfth century it may not be wrong to say that some of these settlements were founded by Cola troops and Tamil mercenaries. Some may have originated as mercantile settlements. Perhaps some of them were natural extensions of possible settlements of Tamil pearl-divers and fishermen along the Western Coast.
The north-eastern littoral has yielded more Tamil inscriptions and Saiva ruins providing definite evidence of Tamil settlements in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In addition, Tamil chronicles furnish for the first time some information relating to these settlements. The transformation of the present Eastern Province into a Tamil area may well be said to have begun in the eleventh century.
The most important feature of the settlement in this area is the presence of a number of South Indian trading communities, such as the Ainfiurruvar, Nanadesis, Nagarattar and the Cettis.' This was a period during which these communities were vigorously engaged in overseas trade and besides Ceylon, their Tamil inscriptions have been found in such far-off places as Burma and Sumatra.48 Their widespread activities have long been recognised by South Indian historians. They have often been referred to as mercantile guilds and autonomous corporations of merchants. But the application of the terms 'corporation and 'guild' seems to be rather unjustified. An examination of their records shows that it is more appropriate to call them communities of merchants with common origin, interests and beliefs. They may have been loosely organised bodies because of their community of interests but Sufficient evidence is lacking to call them a corporation or a trading guild. The Aifiriurruvars were prominent among these communities. They were primarily traders in various types of merchandise as they
42. K. Indrapala, 'Some Medieval Mercantile Communities of South India. and Ceylon,' Journal of Tamil Studies, II, No. 1, April 197o (forthcoming), (Madras).
43. E. Hultzsch, "A Vaisnava Inscription from Pagan, Epigraphia Indica (FEI), VII, p. 197; K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, “A Tamil Merchant Guild in Sumatra," Tijdschrift Voor Indische Taal, Land-en Volken Kunde, LXXII, I 932. p. 3 I 8 (Batavia).

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themselves claim in their inscriptions. But apart from their function as traders they seem to have occupied a supreme position among a larger number of professional bodies in the towns and acted as their leaders, exercising much power and influence. In many of their South Indian inscriptions we get as many as forty-six such bodies associated with them. These include other prominent trading communities like the Nanadesis, Valaficiyar and the Nagarattar. Not all the communities were mercantile in character. There were several other Occupa tional groups like the Paichalas or five classes of Smiths, potters and barbers. There were also several mercenary bodies each specialising in the use of different weapons, as, for instance, the Erivirar, Muņai vīrar, Kongavalar, Ilaicinkavirar and the Mummuridanda. The Aiffirruvar as well as the other mercantile communities were conceded a share of the administrative duties of the state. We find in the inscriptions that they had a share in the collection of tolls, rates and taxes and had the power of declaring certain towns as 'erivirapattanas' and Southern Ayyavales, the exact connotation of which term it is difficult to seek. They also reserved to themselves the power to grant trading privileges in certain articles to individual traders. They were great benefactors of temples to which they sometimes granted part of the tolls and rates collected by them. It is important to know these details about these trading communities because they seem to have played an important part in the establishment of settlements in the north-eastern littoral by peaceful Tamil settlers in the twelfth century. For their activities seem to have led to the arrival in the Island cf several mercenary bodies and other professional groups mentioned earlier. In the Tamil inscriptions of the Aifirruvars in Ceylon more mercenary and mercantile bodies than others find mention as their associates. It seems very likely that in this period it was the Aiffitirruvar or the Valaficiyar who supplied mercenay troops for the Sinhalese kings. Unlike in the earlier period, the Pali chronicle does not mention any instance of Sinhalese princes or rulers enlisting mercenary forces from the mainland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Yet the chronicle refers to the presence of several South Indian mercenaries such as the Velaikkarar and Akampatiyar in the armies of the Sinhalese kings. We also get Tamil inscriptions which attest to the presence of Tamil mercenaries.' It appears that at least some of these mercenaries were supplied by the leading mercantile bodies, whose activities were not always confined to trade. The basis for this assumption is not only the association of a large number of mercenary communities with the Aifiritirruvar and the Valaiciyar but also the evidence of a Tamil record set up by the mercenaries of Vijayabahu I.45. In this record one of the bodies in the mercenary Velaikkara army, namely the Mahatantras, claim that the Valaficiyar were their leaders. The Valaficiyar
S. Paranavitana, The Polonnaruva Inscription of Vijayabahu I, EIXVIII, pp. 33o-338; SII, IV, No. I 398.
45. S. Paranavitana, "The Polonnaruva Inscription of Vijayabahu I, p. 337.

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 59
as well as other mercantile bodies were invited to attend important meetings of the Velaikkarar. The mercantile bodies themselves employed mercenaries to protect their trust properties and endowments. For this reason, too, mercenaries had been invited to the Island by the trading communities. It appears, therefore, that the mercantile bodies were responsible for the migration of Some at least of the mercenary forces as well as other professional groups.
The location of the Tamil settlements with strong mercantile elements in the north-eastern littoral is not difficult to explain. This region had two important ports, namely Gokarna and Pallavavanka, which were centres of foreign trade in this period. The Tamil settlement sites are not far from these ports where presumably the South Indian mercantile communities were very active at this time. The peaceful nature of these settlers in this region is also clearly indicated in the location of several of the sites close to some of the largest irrigation tanks. For instance, in the Kantalai region, we get Tamil inscriptions as well as Saiva temples which unmistakably point to Tamil settlements there. The Tamil chronicles, too, attest to this.6 This settlement site is located around the Kantalai and Vendarasan tanks. Similarly, there were other settlements in the region of the Vahalkada and Padaviya tanks further north. The Padaviya settlement appears to have been bigger than the Kantalai settlement because the Tamil inscriptions and temples here are more than those of Kantalai and cover a larger area. The location of these sites close to irrigation works may indicate that there was a slow infiltration of peasant settlers from the Tamil county in this period.
The other two main regions where evidence of Tamil settlement during this period is to be found are around the cities of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva. The settlements around Anuradhapura were apparently older than those around Polonnaruva. The settlements of the Polonnaruva region were established after that place became the headquarters of Cola administration in the Island. Most of the Saiva and Vaisnava temples and Tamil inscriptions found in this region are concentrated in the capital itself and relate to the mercenaries and the Cola official class. The settlement here did not last long for in the thirteenth century with the fall of Polonnaruva and the defeat of the Kalinga ruler Magha the Tamils of this region seem to have been forced to abandon Polonnaruva. No evidence of Tamil settlement here, after the middle of the thirteenth century, is availablę
46. SI, IV, No. 1397; K. D. Swaminathan, ‘An Inscription of Gajababu II at Kantalai, Cevlon Historical Journal, X, July 196c, April 1961, p. 44 (Colombo); S. Paranavitana, "A Tamil Slab Inscription from Palamóttai,' FZ, IV, p. 194; ASCAR for I933, p. 18; Takşina-kailaca-purānam, 7:28, p. 68 (ed. P. P. Vaittiyalinka Tecikar, Point Pedro I9,r6).

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Besides these main areas of settlement, the ancient port of Matotal Continued to be a place settled by Tamils. Inscriptions of the Cola. Period attest to the existence of at least two Siva temples here. In the Jaffna peninsula, only one Tamil inscription of this period, originally set up in this area, has been discovered. This refers to the port of Uratota and is an official reford set up by Parakramabahu I. That there were Tamil traders at this port during this period may not be doubted but whether the peninsula of Jaffna had already attracted many Tamil settlers is not known. The occurrence of a few Tamilised Sinhalese place-names of this region in the records of this period indicates that the Tamil settlement of this peninsula had begun by about the twelfth century. However, the majority of the settlers appear to have migrated to that region in the latter half of the thirteenth century When the first independent rulers of Jaffna adopted a policy of inviting. Settlers from the mainland.
In the first stage of the Tamil settlements, therefore, the main areas of Settlement were still outside the Jaffna district. Of the presentday Tamil areas only the upper half of the Eastern Province and parts of the western coast had Tamil settlers in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The main stage in the process of Tamil settlement which eventually led to the transformation of the present Northern Province into an exclusively Tamil-speaking area had not yet been reached in the twelfth century. This stage was reached with the conquest of Magha and it is doubtful that the Tamil settlements of the period before the thirteenth century would have resulted in a permanent division of the country into two linguistic regions. Except during the period of Cola occupation Tamil settlement scens to have been somewhat slow. The bulk of the settlers in this first stage appear to have migrated to the Island within the three-quarter-century of Cola rule. The settlements were still scattered and cannot be called very extensive, except perhaps in the north-eastern region. The predominant elements. among the settlers appear to have been mercenaries and traders. The absence in the Tamil chronicles of traditions relating to the Cola period or to the twelfth century may also indicate that the main settlements. were established in the period after the twelfth century.
The second and most important stage of the Tamil settlements. is covered by almost the whole of the thirteenth century. For the
47. . K. Indrapala, "The Nainativu Tamil Inscription of Parakramabahu I,
University of Ceylon Review, XXI, No. 1, April 1963, pp. 63-7c (Peradeniya). Recently two Cola, inscriptions were discovered at Fort Hammenheil, Kayts. These inscriptions on a limestone slab, which appears to have formed part of a door-jamb, seem to have belonged to a temple at Matota and to have been removed to Fort Hammenheil in the period of Dutch rule- K. Indra, pala, “ Yūilippān attu Kalivettukkal,” “ Cintanai, IJ, No. 4, Jan. I969, p. 4I.
48. S. Gnanapragasar, Yalppana-vaipava-vimarcann, pp. 16-18 (Accuveli.
I928).

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON 6
location of the settlements in the first stage we depended mainly on the evidence of inscriptions and archaeological material. But for the settlements of the second stage we have to depend almost entirely on the evidence of the Tamil chronicles and to some extent on the Pali and Sinhalese chronicles. No Tamil inscription of the thirteenth century has been discovered in the Northern or Eastern Province and only a few temples datable to this period have so far been identified in the Vanni districts of northern Ceylon and in the Batticaloa region. The absence of inscriptions presents a serious problem because the Tamil chronicles are not contemporary Sources and are in many Ways defective. As I mentioned earlier, the sections dealing with the period prior to the thirteenth century are wholly unreliable. These do not preserve the memory of the Cola occupation of the Island in the eleventh century. In fact, no genuine traditions of the Tamil settlement or invasions were preserved by the Tamils until they established a stable kingdom in the thirteenth century. It is only from about the time of the foundation of the Tamil kingdom that fairly reliable traditions came to be preserved. When genuine traditions failed, others based partly on later events and popular etymology were supplied to meet the needs of a later period. Thus, for instance, we find that the account of the foundation of the Tamil kingdom of Jaffma or Yalpanam by a blind minstrel is based on the popular etymology of the name Yalpanam and on the story of a blind South Indian poet who was the recipient of certain gifts from an unknown patron in Ceylon.' The value of these chronicles for our study, therefore, is much depreciated as a result of these defects. However, for the period beginning from about the reign of Magha in northern Ceylon we get more reliable traditions. By a comparison of these accounts with those of the Pali and Sinhalese chronicles it is possible to sift much of the facts from the confused data. In some instances place-name evidence helps to confirm the statements in the Tamil sources.
In this second stage of the settlement two different phases could be distinguished. The first phase covers roughly the first half of the thirteenth century and the second almost the whole of the latter half. As in the first stage, the arrival of fresh mercenary forces and a -quick succession of invasions from the Indian mainland led to the establishment of new settlements in the first phase. But the nature of the invasions and of the settlement that followed was in many ways different from the nature of earlier invasions and settlements. While the earlier invasions, including even the Cola occupation of IoI7, could be treated as episodes in the history of the Island, the invasion of Magha and of the Pandya rulers in the thirteenth century cannot be dismissed as mere episodes. The settlements of the earlier period, though not very unimpressive, did not result in the visible dislodgement of the Sinhalese population. As far as we can see, those were not the result of forcible occupation of the lands of the Sinhalese. Those early 'settlers may have become assimilated to the Sinhalese population in

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due course. But it was the events of the thirteenth century that prevented such an assimilation in the greater part of the northern and eastern districts. The invasion of Magha with the help of the Tamil and Kerala mercenaries was far more violent than the earlier invasions. Its chief importance lies in the fact that it resulted in the permanent dislodgement of Sinhalese power from northern Ceylon, the confiscation of lands and properties belonging to the Sinhalese by the Tamil and Kerala mercenaries and the consequent migration of the official class and several of the common people to the south-western regions. These factors more than any other helped the transformation of northern Ceylon into a Tamil region and directly led to the foundation of a Tamil kingdom there. In the second phase, with the foundation of an independent Tamil kingdom, a deliberate policy of settling Tamils in the Jaffna district and the Vanni regions was followed by the first rulers of the Tamil kingdom. This led to a migration of peaceful settlers from the Tamil country. It was this peaceful migration that was largely responsible for the Tamil settlement of the Jaffna district. It was a deliberate and organised process which appears to have extended till the turn of the century. The settlement of the Tamils in these northernmost regions may, therefore, be said to have been radically different in character from the process of mercenary or military settlement in parts of the present day North-Central and North-Western provinces and Vavuniya district. The evidence of the literary sources, which form the main basis of the study of these settlements, clearly brings out these distinctions. This is also amply demonstrated by the place-name evidence. Whereas in the Jaffna peninsula we come across a large percentage of place-names with Sinhalese elements, the Tamil element is predominant in the local nomenclature of the North-Central Province and the Vanni regions. The former indicate a slow and peaceful penetration of Tamils in Jaffna and the latter a violent and sudden occupation of the other areas. The survival of Sinhalese place-names, especially of Sinhalese territorial names, in Jaffna tells strongly against a wholesale extermination or displacement of the Sinhalese living there. At the same time, Tamil names of estates denoting family settlement which are found scattered across the peninsula, remarkably confirm the evidence of the Tamil chronicles regarding the settlement of prominent families from South India by the early kings of Jaffna. As mentioned at the outset, for the beginnings of the history of the Tamils of Ceylon place-names can be used with caution to illustrate a number of problems such as the progress and character of the Tamil occupation and the relations between Tamils and Sinhalese. But unfortunately, we still have to await the results of future scientific place-name research. Till then we have to abide by the cardinal principle that "it is impossible to place any satisfactory interpretations upon the history of a name until we have traced it as far back as the records will allow, and that in many cases, unless the records go a good way back, speculations upon its meaning are worse than useless."

EARLY TAMIL SETTLEMENTS IN CEYLON б3
The settlements cf the thirteenth century, therefore, mark the most important stage in the course of the early Tamil settlements in Ceylon. In the period prior to the middle of the 13th century mercenary and mercantile communities played an important part in the establishment of Tamil settlements. It is only after the middle of the thirteenth century that we get evidence of Tamils migrating to the Island with the definite aim of settlement. With this stage, the northernmost region and the eastern districts emerged as a predominantly Tamil area with all the attendant political problems.
49. For a detailed analysis of the subject of this paper, see K. Indrapala, Drawidian Settlements in Ceylon and the Beginnings of the Kingdom of Jaffna, thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of London (unpublished Ig66). This paper was originally read at a seminar under the chairmanship of Prof. A. L. Basham on June 1 1965 at the Schoo of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
53- سمسم 9418

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Archaeological Remains at Deiyyanne-kanda, Padaviya.
By L. A. ADITHIYA, A.A.Dipl., A.R.I.B.A., F.C.I.A. (Public Lecture delivered on Ist October, I968.)
I mean to deal with some unrecorded ruins at Padaviya which I searched for, to satisfy that peculiar urge in a townbred to retire to secluded nooks in the country and divert his mind from everyday obligations. I wish to share with you the resultant satisfactions I derived in this strange recreation!
Firstly I will tell you of the land and terrain of Padaviya. Next, about caves of early Buddhist hermits and early irrigation. Let us then discuss some research work on the origins of Padaviya. Discussing the topography of the ancient Padaviya complex, divided into three compartments-I. Irrigation, 2. Fields, and 3. Settlements, will bring us into three distinct areas of highlands bearing ruins. Of these three-Moragoda, Deiyyanne-kanda, and Etun-balana-kanda, all the research workers have concentrated on Moragoda. The other two have remained untouched, for no one knew of any remains there. I will confine this paper to Deiyyanne-kanda, leaving the other for another day. So before we get to this site itself we shall survey the research writings of the ruins and previous visitors' records. Having taken our bearings on the rock and site let me tell of the ruins that lay hidden for so long. They will include an image in a rock cave, of who saw it first, its identification, about a surveyor whose name is engraved on the rock, inhabited drip-ledge caves, inscriptions, ruins of a hall, other structures and two rock cut cisterns and finally a word in conclusion.
Padaviya is today a land of smiling paddy fields and receding forest, inhabited by new colonists from various districts which are congested and short of occupational opportunities. It was barely 20 years ago that surveyors and engineers cut their way through arid forbidding wilderness preparing to restore the great reservoir which lay abandoned since the Polonnaruva days, perhaps.
The north-eastern sector of the island could generally be described as a vast plain. This region is drained by three principal rivers-the Ma Oya and Mi Oya which flow into the Kokkilai Lagoon and the Yan Oya which reaches the sea at Kallarava. Padaviya tank was built across two upper tributaries of Ma Oya, called Mukunu Oya and Mora
б4

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT DEIYYANNE-KANDA 65
Oya. The soil islargely alluvial and reddish brown earth which perhaps attracted early Indo-Aryans to their rice growing industry.
Padaviya would seem to be a site of a pre-Christian settlement judging from lithic records which we shall discuss later. With the spreading of early Buddhism, it became the vogue for royalty, nobility and the affluentlaity to prepare and donate secluded rock caves suitable for habitation to the brotherhood. Padaviya had been such a monastic establishment.
Alongside their spiritual development, tank engineering progressed in technique and magnitude of works undertaken. Historical studies in tank irrigation have been authoritatively dealt with by Parker in "Ancient Ceylon' and Brohier in "Ancient Irrigation Works.' Both acknowledge that Padaviya ranked among the largest of ancient tanks and is unique in its design to suit the function of storage, rather than direct irrigation of adjoining fields. Curiously enough, though, its founding remains an unrecorded fact in any of the ancient chronicles. Could it be possible that small village tanks formed the nuclei of settlements and later kings with their hydraulic engineers designed the dam and reservoir to irrigate a vaster expanse? Thus, was the founder's name lost in obscurity?
So vast did the limits of Padaviya appear to early explorers that Some even thought this to be the Sea of Parakrama.
De Zoysal in 1856 read a paper before this Society expanding on this stream of thought. But a report by Adams, Bailey and Churchill? on the Elahera Canal dispelled those speculations and the origin of Padaviya returned to its former obscurity. The Governor, Sir Henry Ward, most enthusiastic in learning of ancient irrigation, toured the Eastern Province and came to Padaviya. He erroneously ascribed it to A.D. 66 and to Mahasen, although this King did not ascend the throne till 334 A.D.
Henry Parker, who contributed towards the scanty knowledge on the tank in 1886 says, "All that is known of Padaviya's history may be summarized in a few words. Constructed at the end of the 3rd century it remained in good order up to the beginning of the IIth century. During the succeeding I50 years it was breached, though the town which was entirely dependent on it for water did not warrant abandoning. This breach probably occurred in the 12th century and in the latter part of the century it was repaired by Parakramabahu I. The
I. De Zoysa, L.-J. R.A.S. (CB) III No. 9. 1856-8 pp. I 4o-I5o.
2. Appendix Cevlon Almanac 1857: for extract see Brohier-Ancient Irriga
tion Works Pt. I. pp. 28-33.
3. Minute on the Eastern Province 1856, p. 4.
Sess. Paper XXIIJ 1886, p. 2.

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66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
tank continued to function effectively up to the middle of the 13th century. Soon after this another breach was formed, at a different site, in the original line of the river across which the embankment was raised. All the water passed out of this breach and necessitated abandoning the town shortly afterwards.'
Geigers in translating the Mahavamsa identifies (ozo&ac2Szige) Rattamalakandaka of King Mahasena to be the same as SeodoseG) Maharatmala, one of his I6, tanks and says this is the older name for Padaviya but C.W. Nicholas discounts this view saying that this may be the tank at Maha-ratmale, South of Anuradhapura.
Nicholas, in his 'Topography of Ancient and Medieval Ceylon,' says Padivapi was the older name for Padaviya. The Pujavaliya ascribes its origin to Saddha Tissa, (77-59 B.C.) though it is doubtful that So large a tank could have been constructed at such an early period. Nissanka Malla decreed Padivapi to be a sanctuary for animals. The surrounding district was known as Padirattha and was in the (czzoceseses) Uttarapassa or Northern Province. A Ioth century inscription at Moragoda mentions the sub-district of (es&sodtz.6cs) Padinnaru-Kuliya, the locality around Moragoda and the tank. In the reign of Parakramabahu II Padirattha came under the rule of Tamil invaders but his successor Vijayabahu IV brought over to his side the Sinhalese who dwelt there.
Dr. Paranavitana says the old name of the Moragoda city, found in the Kassapa pillar inscription of the Ioth century is Padinnaru, the Paliform of which would be (&oš2)-2)coo) Pacina-nagara, the eastern city, coming within a smaller territorial division named (228c36) Dana-diyadara. A term preserved in two epigraphs at Moragoda and Buddhannehela, namely too.2g.o.) Danadakadara, ought to have been the old name for the main channel issuing from the tank by the name of (2)28t8) Dana-vāva in the oth century. The only tank by this name in that period mentioned in the Culavamsa (4I: 6I) is Dhanavapi ascribed to Moggallana II in the 6th century. Here Geiger's translation and Wijesinghe's translation of the original Pali text differ but Dr. Paranavitana says, Sumangala's and Batuvantudave's versions agree with Wijesinghe's. Geiger's version does not make sense as geographically the Kadambanadi or Malvatu-Oya does not issue from the mountains and three tanks could not have been constructed in the hills.
Brohier discusses design and constructional similarities of the Padaviya remains with those of Huruluväva (Challura-vāpi), particularly in bunds, sluices and size of bricks, besides functions.
5. Mahavansa Geiger Ed. fn. 7 to 37:48. 6. J.R.A.S. (CB) VIN.S. 1963, p. 168: see fin. 9c for ref. 7. U.C.R. XVI I 958, p. 7o. 8. J. R.A.S. (CB) VIII Pt. 2 N.S. r963, p. 246.

Page 37
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Page 38
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Page 39

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT DEIYYANNE-KANDA 67
Cautiously he promotes "the conjectural acceptance that it was constructed at the end of the 3rd century A.D.,' concurring with Parker and conflicting with Paranavitana.
Since the latter three are the only scholarly approaches to dating the origin of Padaviya and Paranavitana, basing his opinions on epigraphical evidence, is the most conclusive of them, tentative acceptance of his views may be considered.
The topographical division of the original Padaviya complex can be identified under three broad headings-The Irrigation system, Agricultural fields and the Highland settlements. The design, layout and function of theirrigation system have been analysed and evaluated by Dr. Brohier in his Presidential Address read before this Society in I963. Extracting therefrom aspects relevant to the present topic, I would start with the functional design of the tank.
During the Maha season waters of Kiul Oya were withheld and diverted through the diversion structure called Vannadi-palama, along two channels beyond the left and right banks of Ma Oya Tradition holds that the intervening area bordered by Kokkilai Lagoon on the east, was irrigated fields then. In the Yala season when Kiul Oya ran dry, waters of Mukunu Oya and Mora Oya stored in the Padaviya tank were released through the bisókotuva or valve pit to the stream below the bund. Maha rains that collected in the tank augmented the waters at Vannadi-palama flowing through the samne channels for the Yala sowing. w
As Stage I of the reclamation scheme, the Irrigation Department converted old highlands into fields fed by a new channel called the Right Bank Upper Channel, diverted through a bifurcation structure below the Head Sluice. The other channel called Right Bank Main Channel was led from the bifurcation to run more or less parallel to Ma Oya but along an eastern ridge. Advantage was taken of existing contours to irrigate commandable areas. Highest elevations were allowed as highland settlements. Stage II contemplated extensions of both channels and a branch of the Main Channel. The Left Bank Sector of Ma Oya falling in the Northern Province which, tradition says, was then irrigated through the Vannadi-Palama, would come under command of a reservoir on the Kiul Oya.
Another area of likely fields in those times, important to topographical differentiation in this paper are the few acres that lie east of Deiyyanne-kanda and west of the Ma Oya, below the bund. This was . perhaps the cultivated low ground that geographically divided two distinct settlement areas, with which we are now concerned.
9. Ibid.

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68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
Besides the highland residential areas now under paddy the more important urban settlement had been the site of the Moragoda ruins, now a declared archaeological reserve. Remains of a thick wall is evidence that this was a walled city. If more clearing is done it will enhance our interest to know whether this was a camp or fort city. Did it have the traditional four gate access as in Anuradhapura, Viji tapura or the original Polonnaruva, then called a (26)e3625)cod) Kaidavuru-nagara? Were there the traditional moats or being sited between a tributary and the bund were moats dispensed with? Why was it sited at a location vulnerable to easy destruction by flooding if enemy breached the bund? The Sanskrit inscription0 indited on a guardstone outside the city wall speaks of a dandandyaka or military commander named Lokanatha, leaving us in no doubt that this was a military station. If so, was it purely a military camp or had it the (godcoe) duiragam or four suburbs according to a traditional fortified city plan? Did ruins of an ecclesiastical character fall into one of the suburbs outside the fortifications? These are some exciting thoughts that might be provoked if archaeological authorities will oblige us with systematic clearing and excavation.
While the Moragoda site has drawn previous visitors-excavators, scholars and casual ones alike-two other sites of settlements have escaped them perhaps owing to the rugged and thickly forested nature of the terrain. These two are Deiyyanne-kanda and Etun-balana-kanda. Unwise as it might seem to be at this stage, I venture to suggest that while Moragoda would appear to have been the urban and military centre with its ancillary sites of a religious character, Deiyyanne-kanda was the older ecclesiastical precinct of i recluses, who were supported by the inhabitants of ancient
elds. -
Since the intention of this paper is to confine itself to Deiyyannekanda, we might survey research writings and early visitors' records related to Padaviya in general, but this site in particular, so as to focus a perspective on remains of interest, namely, an image in a cave, inscriptions, more caves, ruined buildings and ponds-all of which have not been recorded hitherto.
The earliest recorded visitor to Padaviya in the modern era is the indefatigable Sir Emerson Tennent. He approached the abandoned tank from the east coast, inspected the locality in the morning and left for "Koolan-colom' and Mullaitivu. Tennent had come very close to the image, for he says, “About the centre of the great embankment advantage has been taken of a rock about two hundred feet high........ we climbed to the top of this rock.' The view was something wonderful
ro. Ibid. Appendix p. 262. II. Ceylon Vol. I p. 5or.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT DEIYYANNE-KANDA б9
one of the most memorable scenes he had seen in Ceylon. He saw Anuradhapura on the west and betwixt the sea and himself nothing but 'one vast unbroken ocean of verdure.' He discusses a few ruins at Moragoda, the tank, bund and breaches. Travelling was tedious work; the path being used by only the local hunters on foot, branches, thorns and climbing plants that closed overhead so low compelled him to dismount and walk leading his horse for a greater part of the way. The tank itself was covered with tall grasses interspersed by water logged depressions, the wallows and breeding grounds of elephants, pig and sambhur.
Is it a wonder then that these ruins remained un-noticed by early visitors, when there was not even a map to guide them, who ventured into these depths?
Sir Henry Ward, the Governor in I856, says he visited Padiwel Colum' a great part of which he rode or walked over. He also describes the bund, breaches and ruins in general.
James Gunn, a Surveyor, the next visitor will be discussed later in this paper.
J.F. Dickson went up Deiyyanne-kanda in August 1873 but speaks nothing of ruins there. R.W.Ivers the G.A.N.C.P. in February 1887, also climbed the rock while on circuit but noted nothing new. Two years later J. P. Lewis, the A.G.A., Vavuniya, accompanied W. C. Twynham the G.A., N.C.P., in November 1889. His diaries discuss the Moragoda in fair detail but there is no mention of remains at Deiyyannekanda.14
In 1886, Henry Parker15 contributed comprehensively towards the little known remains of irrigation and archaeology, but failed to find these ruins. But he makes a noteworthy remark on Deiyyanne-kanda. He says, "The next record of the existence of Padaviya was possibly contained in an inscription which was cut in the rock on a high hill at the back of the embankment. Unfortunately this inscription has been completely destroyed.' Up to now this record has not been found.
Bell camped out at Padaviya for afortnight in 1891, exploring the area. Owing to sharp attacks of fever over 5 or 6 days, he left his work to his assistant de Zilwa Wickremasinghe. From notes brought back by Wickremasinghe, he wrote in his Administration Report, that besides the specially marked and described sites at Moragoda like the lingam
12. listed in Sess. Paper XIII 896 Appendix D and Brohier Ibid p. 25. 13. Speeches, Minutes and Reports of Sir Henry Ward 1856-6n p. 72. I4. See Parker in Sess. Pap XXIII 1886.
I5. Ibid.
16. Admin. Rept. 189I p. Io.

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kovil, kneeling bull, ruined dagoba, two pillar inscriptions and sluices, there were 'signs of buildings on Deiyyanne-kande and Etun-balanakanda' but made no mention of caves, inscriptions or the image. In the 1896 he even goes on to say-"these two being mere sites on the saddle back and hill-need no further notice now.'"
It was the topographical survey map which first revealed that. Deiyyanne-kanda bore ruins. A label read-"Bust of a King in a Rock Cave,' but noted nothing more of other ruins.
It was only in 1897 that the first topographical survey of the island was undertaken, though duties actually commenced in 1898, with 30 surveyors in four parties. Padaviya fell into the circuit of the Kunchuttu Korale surveyors.18
Through the kind assistance of Mr. Fitzroy Gunasekera, retired Surveyor-General, I went to the Survey Department to examine maps from the earliest times.
This area was first surveyed by J. R. Mortimer in 1891 when he mistakenly called Padaviya-the Sea of Parakrama. It was mapped by a party under A. J. Wickwar in 1898. I6 chain scale copies were in Colombo but the originals and field books were said to be in Anuradhapura. So I went there to inspect them. I saw the original sheets. Two surveyors, A. R. Savundranayagam and G. D. Daniel had worked on this hill in 1898, and Reginald Ondaatje in I899, but there was no notice other than Deiyyanne-kanda. There is also another copy of the same map prepared by J. B. M. Ridout in I899, which was supplementary to his "Report on Levels taken near Wahalkada and Padaviya Tanks.' In the report he says he was informed by a priest that Padaviya was called Maha Sagara. He says this may or may not be correct though he cannot find a tank by this name in the Mahavamsa.19
The only stone unturned now is the Field Book 12384. p. 4, which unfortunately is missing at Anuradhapura. It is doubted however that any more information would be there, other than what appears on the maps examined.
I also examined Plane Table Sheets of Padaviya from which the current I inch to the mile maps were prepared. On the original appear the names of C. W. de Niese who worked in Ig23 and N. P. Ranasinghe who surveyed this hill from February to April 1924.
I7. Sess. Papers 1896 p. 42. 18. Brohier-Land, Maps and Surveys, Vol. I, p. 63.
9. The priest probably gathered his information from Rajaratndikara which speaks of the construction of three great tanks known as Maha Samudraya, Bana Samudraya and Mati or Mani Sagara (ref. De. Zoysa, L. above note I.)

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT DEIYYANNE-KANDA 7.
In the schedule of features appears the annotation-"Bust of a King in a Rock Cave.' Thus it would appear that Ranasinghe was the first and only one prior to now who has seen and recorded this bust.
In I92I Dr. R. L. Brohier, then a surveyor stationed at Kebitigollewa, came to Padaviya on foot. In I934 Part I of his "Ancient Irrigation Works' which included Padaviya was published. On his second visit in I947 surveyors and road engineers were blazing their way through forest to restore the tank. In I956 on his third visit giant tractors were repairing the breach. It was only on his fourth visit in May I963 that he paid attention to the legend on the map which spoke of the bust, and Parker's reference to an inscription. He says, "I had this hilltop combed, but found neither cave, nor statue or inscription. If they were in evidence at all when the Topographical Survey was done, they have since been completely effaced by the more recent removal of rock during the restoration of the reservoir.'20 Apart from the topo sheet notice, Dr. Brohier is the first to have referred to the bust and caves in an account on Padaviya.
Among other contemporary visitors have becn Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, Asst. Com. of Archaeology in I953, the Commissioner Dr. Paranavitana in Ig54 and another Assistant Commissioner D. T. Devendra who carried out some excavations at the Moragoda site in the same year.21 In I962 Dr. Godakumbura, then the Acting Commissioner, again did yet another survey.22 None of them went as far as the ruins of Deiyyanne-kanda for else they would surely have recorded them.
With Dr. Brohier's "Antiquarian Notes on Padaviya' in hand as a guide, I first went to Padaviya in December 1966 to learn of the ruins of architectural and archaeological interest. His paragraph on Deiyyanne-kanda roused the insatiable urge of curiosity to search for this bust, cave and inscription.
Now let us get our bearings of the rock. Deiyyanne-kanda is held by legend to be the haunt of a God who protects the tank and its waters, in pursuance of which tale there is a modern devale on the hill side, housing an image of sorts. This high rock has been employed to add strength to the two and a quarter mile earth embankment to the east and west of it. The peak of the rock is at the Southern end, and the length runs on a north-south axis. It falls sharply on the west and South but reduces gradually to the north. At its northern tip across a saddle back dip, it rises again in an outcrop of large boulders with natural rock caves covered in jungle. Between this end of the hill and the east embankment there are sporadic formations of flat rock slabs and
2o. Brołnier 963. " 2I. Admin. Report I954, pp. 16-20. 22. Admin, Report 962.

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boulders clothed in thorny scrub jungle. Beyond this area and between the MoTagoda ruins are the ficlads earlier spoken of.
South of the embanknlent the other rocky ridge that runs into the tank is Etun-balana-kanda, which should reveal more ruins as indicatCd by Bell. And there we must go one day to look for new laterial.
Search as we might for eleven hours on three occasions within the first two days at Deiyya IIIle-kanda, hacking our way through thick thorny scrub, scimi high forest, pccring up and down steep rock faces and in all the likely rock overhangs possibly called 'caves' by previous visitors, we also came across no cave nor sculpture. The South-wester II face was of course blasted away for rubble. There were several shallow caves, crevices and fissuics but owing to thick II liitted undergrowth, closer approach and inspection proved even more difficult. Tile only obvious remnant of archacological interest was a conical earth mound surrounded by scattercd bricks indicating the ruins of a small dagoa at the norther Il peak.
IDeter Imined however to find the rock cave, bust and inscription, I spent another Wockend in July this year and a third weekend in August. On the second visit, scaling the rock on the caster Il face at IIled with katty and knife, we set about systematically moving westward to go over ground even covercd earlier. Peering down a steep drop of about 25 ft, on the south-western face, we observed so II clarge stones through foliage. Suspecting these to lead us to so incthing of interest we shinned down a tree trunk and branch to reach the lower level, Westward of our landing point we found a cave, Inside it was the waist line image of a human figure carved in bas-relicf.
It is a naturally for Incil Inonolithic cave 15 ft, deep, average 4 ft. wide and 7 ft. high. The in age is at the filt end, facing the cntrance looking due south. It overlooks the western segment of the dam and the Mukurılı Oya sector of the Teservoir,
At a height of 3 ft. above the cave floor the image extends in a niche cut into the rock. While the outline is abundantly clear for recognition, the work appears to have been unfinished particularly in the fice, which is flat and tilted downwards, Both ELIIIs are well form cd, powerful in cxpression and semi-smooth chisel-finished. The left shoulder is held slightly higher than the right and is heavier in stricture. There is just the bare indication of the right ear, The belly is very slightly rounded and partially formed. At the base of belly in line with the botton of the niclic forearms converge to the verticall plane of the Inıtılır:ll rock bcllow it. For so II. c reas(II tille left side is slightly larger than lic right in each clinension and las more strength in form. Absence of cwen an indication of the left car
betrays the stage of completion.

ARCH AEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT DEIYYANNE-RANTA 73.

Page 43
TOURNA.T., R.A.S. (CEYLON) To'o 2. XIII, ( Noorry Ferg: 5.), rrgö"}
 

SELaLLLLLLL0LLLLLLLS SLLLL LLLLLLaL LLLLLLY LLLL LEL LLLLLLLLSLLLL LLLE 75
The carved image is that of a powerful, broad and squalTC shoulidcircd masculine Iersonality. Tlie: stooping pinstul Te is III COTE CJ-il ricit Intal than one of purpose, as it would appear from the unfinished state of the had that it was the sculptor's intenti I to work deeper into the GGLLLLLLL LLLL CLLL LLL LLSLL LL LL LLLCLLLLCHLL LLLLLLLLS LLaL LLLLLLS Lt LLL it incomplete.
L LLLL LHLL LGCCLL LLLCLLL LL LLLLL LLLLtt LLLLL LLLLtLLL HELL CLCLL LLLL portray, Was it a King- Deity or Buddha, that thic sculptor stated HT LLSLLL 0LL LLLLLLaEL EEHLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLLLL LLLLtLLLLLHLLK L t LLLLLLLO types of imagcs,
The first distinguishing ficatul Tc in an image of 71 king would be: lis lı rad-dress, Alılır ıgh the sÇılptor h:d Emple material to faslıion HHGL LLtL LLtaa GGa LLLS LL LLLLLL GGL LGCLL LCaLC L LLLLc aa LLLLltLL de picting E king is without the traditional lield gear. For cxamplc LCLH CCCCLLS LLLL LLH LLL LLL ac LLLLLL LLLLL LL LLLLLLCLGmLLLLLLL LG LLLLtTS maruIva ( i r IBlı;1 diya cIn {h c* Rutyʻanwälisäya 77rara g'r? (ir (ve-In thıc2 staLnding statue popularly said to be King Mahasen but Inore likely a deity, below the cast mbankm. It at Padawiyil, all in stone, or the timber statue of Watt agama ni in the ICamlılıılla. Trock cave or thic bronze figure LL C LLLTT LLLL LLL LLLLtLLLLLLL LLLLmLLSiA aLLLL LLtttSLLLLLLLLut LHHLLLLLaLLLL to Inple frescoe's portraying kings and I utlers. In fact basic identifiLLLLLL HLLL LLLL LLCL LL LLL LLL LLLLLLL cLLLLaLLLL LL LLtcL tLL LLLltLL LGGLLLLLLLLC LG uLLLLmmLS LHHL LtLS L LLLLLLtLGLL LLL LLLLLLLLS
The Inext clu:r im F1 Tıy" analysis is ilir: Costure, Tle commonest position is a stEnding (I.C. Whe It" it is sited classical standards dictate: tlıELt thı: rúja-lilla7 {Istili TC is :: fitti Ing for al IFKiing. In this attitudo one leg must lie folded with the otlier in a half stretched position. One extended a 111 II list be on the lent knce, IFor an example we have the Horse and Man' figure at Isungmuniya. Once again the sculptor left this as a waist level image minus the legs.
Even among Bodhisattval images, the head-dress is a promincnt ficature, als for instance, tille Kusta räjä, *4 Lt Welliga una antil fluc imagcs at Budu livigala; or Sillanida (fl. Mallayinists, and Bodhisattva Avallrikitesvara who also sit in tilluc Malår ja lilla posc. "Lūkanātha sits in Elsimilar posture too, Theirhead-dresses are als decoratecl.
Was this then a God? A God or deity is represented in his parti. cular posture as for instance Ganesha, sitting with his prominent bcly or Kuvera with his hands apart-like the one at the Mädirigiriya relic chamber or Nilitarāja in his dancing position. Often Gods are
Sco J.C. H.C. Tlate L. for illustration. 0SS LslL LaC TLLaLLLLSLLLL LLLLelHHHHLLL H CLkLkLLLLDlllLltY LLLLSSS caLS aaS KKLSSTLLLLSSS
kkS LCC LtLLLLeCCCCHLuS LLLS 000SS CTTTTT TTTtLLL LLLLCClLClLLLlLLL S SL TTLLLLL LLS
xix (r:') andlxx (b},

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LLLLLLLLLSLLLLLLLS LLLLLL LL LLLLL LLLL LELcLLSLLEELLL 77
also depicted with either their respective Sakli or consort, or their tirafia or vehicle, as for instance, Ganesha with his vehicle the Tat: Skanda with his pelcock, Siva with his bull and so forth, Each God is newer portrayco Illinus his lead-dress either.
Could it be argued that a head-dress would have been added later? Probably yes-but if the sculptor outlined his figure first as he 11511:lly dots, and got thus far, thchcight of a head-dress being of utmost importance for correct assessment of proportions, he would surely LLtLEL LGLLGLLL GGC GLLLL LLLLL LLLLLL LLL LLLL LLLLLLL LCLLLL LLLLLLLLS LL LLLLLL ground is the supposition dismissed. It is neither a king nor a deity
lor a Bedlisattwil.
It now rc II lais for the Bulldalha image to be al Inalysed and testcd Elgainst this image: for similarities cor dis-sinnillarities.
The Ca1OT1 CT set of classical Illes governing the construction or drawing of images giving detailed proportions was known even in India." Siiri filtra, the original of which was obviously in Sanskrit must have reached this country quite carly, Several versions in Sinhala Were found, collated and edited by Mudaliyar E. R. Gooneratne who translated it to English, reproduced by Ananda Coomaraswamy. Regarling the traLInslation from Sanskrit, o Ille Saray'a cor gloss mentioned that Parakra Inabahu I deputed the Work to a pupil of Mahá Kasyapa. Thera of Dinubulagilla about the year II.65 A.I.
The basic types of Buddla in ages are the erect or standing ones, Tecumbent and sedent images. Sir filtra dictates the proportions of the basic illage for these types. It is specific in explaining the yagisana or sedent in ages and employing those proportions to test this image, it shows that this illage coincicles Incar enough to the broad outlines, though differences of I to I. iris, are noticeable,
Why this image was left a waist level sculpture IIlight receive more critical thoughts Inn W. Foll r aspects for analytical consideration a T-was the conical niche conceived with the figure as its final enclosure? Did the shape and proportions of the niche acquire their present confortilation through convenience and expediency? If the latter how is the relatively (note 'relatively) regular lorizontal of the base line to be explained? Wils the present base line, an architectural mea Il conceived in terms of visibility a Incl perspective in relation te tille flor level frCI In which the sculptor could cleptırt within cr:ItaliIl liIlitations?
0LLS LLLLLLLlLLLLLLLLAAS StS CTTMGGGLLLLLLL Atk TC TTTTS LLS LLLLLCL TLLtltLCS SLLLLLLLL GGGL
Cs. Blltlich 1yy; – Up. cit,
27, feriae Siriaese Art, p. 151.

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Or is it possible that the sculptor did not intend to finish it any beyond this state? Didn't a certain group of Buddhists believe, that the Buddha should not, as He could not, be depicted?
Only a conjectural opinion could be offered since no canon or rule can decide this for us. It is presumed that the artist commenced work by chalking his outline on the rock face. He then scooped out the niche as the irregular edges show. On reaching a sufficient depth to begin forming the shoulders and arms, he did so. He also formed the basic form of the chest and abdomen. He worked from top to bottom and on reaching the top of thighs on either side he scooped out the rock to fashion the rounded knees and thighs as evident by the deep ledges below the elbows. At this stage he either changed his mind on the original conception of carving a seated figure, and thus began to mould a variation to his former theme or was disturbed and abandoned it, just after he had reached the horizontal line at the base of abdomen. By the irregular formation of the horizontal base ledge the latter suggestion appears to be the more realistic conjecture. V−
He obviously postponed moulding the face and neck to the last. Even today after the general shape and size of a head is decided on and carved, there is a special ritual and ceremony to be performed, connected with the placing of the eyes, traditionally called the Netrajinkama.
No plaster of any kind was observed on the rock or niche to suspect that what we see today is but the bare skeleton and the final external features were moulded in plaster. If plaster was there at all, it would not have suffered from age since this bust is fifteen feet deep inside a very well sheltered cave. Of course it is well known, as at Buduruvagala, that stone images were finished with a coating of plaster and coloured decoration.
Nonetheless that this image was left abandoned in the same state as we see it today could be pronounced with no uncertainty.
On the evidence available, the measurements taken in the field, a sketch plotted to scale and the broad proportions of the classical canon applied, I would tentatively conclude that this is the represenstation of a Buddha, obviously left incomplete by its creator and that it was his intention to carve the entire image in relief, completely to the base of an asana (or throne) in a meditative pose.
In opposing this tentative conclusion if it is argued that Siriputra does not confine itself to Buddha images, I would agree, but disperse the argument with the rational reasoning that owing to the absence of a head-dress and the unsuited posture, which should have become an integral feature of the composition, this is nothing but a Buddha image.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT DEIYYANNE-KANDA 79
It now remains to adduce a probable dating, which by no means can be done with any certainty.
The span of time that one perhaps needs to concentrate on, may be taken as Moggallana II ending 556 A.D. and Parakramabahu II II86 A.D.
Brohier observed that most of the Moragoda ruins have split and flaked, as it were, by fire.8 This is a noteworthy remark when coupled with his two conjectured alternative reasons for the presence of the artificial wells-namely that they were built for domestic needs prior to the construction of the tank, and second that they were sunk after the tank breached, also for domestic needs. He also suggests that Parakramabahu's restorations were effected to repair damage by floods from wilful damage done by Cola invasions of Rajaraja I (A.D. 992-93) towards the final fall of Anuradhapura. The Cullavamsa' records how the invaders broke open relic chambers, carried away costly images of gold and while they violently destroyed all the monasteries, like bloodsucking yakkhas they took all the treasures for themselves. With these views must be read Parker's opinion30 that the tank functioned in good order up to the IIth century, which is not said with any definite evidence in support. Could this be the era of arson, looting and the flight of the Buddhist inhabitants of ancient Padaviya? If so, the unfinished image in the rock cave, would most likely have been executed in those days for the sculptor left the work site in haste and abandoned his art, since it would not have taken him more than three months of continuous work to have completed it.
Having taken all my sketches, measurements and made field notes of the bust and cave, I ascended the main rock in a westerly upward direction finding an easier path of approach. About I50 ft. north-west of the cave and above it, on the open rock face I came across the inscribed name of "J. GUNN-I869' in roman script carved in single line incision 6 ins. high spreading over 37 ins.
In an intriguing quest to know whose name it was that came to be etched on this remote jungle clad weather-beaten granite, as far back as that date, the following notes of added interest came to light.8
James Gunn was recruited to the Survey Department in February I868. In I869 he worked with J. Mantell under G. H. Symon on checking Temple Lands Contract Surveys. There is no evidence
28. J. R. A.S. (CB) III ”t. 2 N.S. I963 p. 257. 29. Çm.55:: 3 fol. 3o. Sess. Pa fer XXIII 886, p. 2.
3I: See- (i) Civil List 18%Q (ii) Admin. Rep. Survey Dept. 1869, p. 55 and I87o (iii) Bingham-Histoww of the P.W. D. Vol. I p. 52; III p. 2oo5, 228.

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that Gunn was at Padaviya on this assignment so his name would have been inscribed during an excursion undertaken in his leisure or vacation at Padaviya.
For the first four months of 187o Gunn was at Hevaheta as SubAsst. Surveyor of the Central Province. In April that year he was transferred to the P.W.D. Next year he was appointed Training Officer of the Pioneer Corps. After 8 years on this job he went homeon leave for two years. In 188I he was at Kalutara as Superintendent Officer P.W.D. Three years later he went to Badulla in a corresponding office. Again in 1885 he went home on leave. His death is recorded by the D.P.W., Robert Knox Mac Bride, in 1888 at the end of 20 years' service in Ceylon.
本 事
At the end of August, I paid my third visit to recheck my measurements of the bust and search for those inscriptions which Parker and Brohier said were destroyed.
From the southern peak of Deiyyanne-kanda we spread ourselves out and drifted northward. Before long mid-way up the hillside at the northern-western tip we came upon a natural cave, 43 feet wide and I4. feet deep. There were two drip ledges at 9 ft. and II ft. Brickbats and roof clay tiles lay strewn around the front compound. This cave bore no inscriptions.
South of this cave we came upon three other caves. The first of them, 26 ft. wide and I7 ft. deep, also had two drip ledges at 8 ft. and ashort one at 5 ft. Below the second I deciphered the faintest semblance of an ancient script, badly weather-beaten and partly effaced from the semi-hard limestone. I eye-copied fourteen horizontally consecutive letters, then a blank followed by three more letters. The untrained eye could decipher no more. Further south was another cave also with two dripledges. Below one were two letters and a few more which could not be deciphered.
Next we crossed the saddle back dip on the ridge and came across the ruined stone columns, four of which were large-girthed ones, yet upright. As far as discernible now, the structure would have measured 28 ft. square on plan but two more stout column stubs were observed 46ft. from the fascade. The axis is east-west. The eastern end runs on to a terrace retained by a wall of round stone.
The flat terrace beyond the retaining wall shows signs of having borne well organised groups of buildings, bounded on the east by another ridge of massive granite. Across the natural hump-back of this rock, a flight of rock cut steps led to a cistern excavated in the rock. Those of the Irrigation Department who came to restore the glory

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT DEIYYANNE-KANDA 8.
of ancient Padaviya ironically also destroyed elements of national
heritage. They not only blasted away the complete eastern flank of . this rock but threw broken rubble to fill that cistern and a huge boulder spilt from the parent mass has come to rest on the flight of steps.
One cannot be more emphatic in stressing the paramount importance of other State departments working in close collaboration with the Archaeological Department, which is there to preserve and protect vestiges of national heritage that certainly need not be destroyed in the name of progress in the modern concept.
Two inscriptions were found above the caves and collected with the assistance of the Archaeological Commissioner. Dr. Paranavitana has very kindly made a very preliminary observation for me.
The one of 4 lines, now registered as 2730, appears to belong to the 5th or 6th century A.D. The language is old Sinhalese. It speaks of the manumission of the slave, whose name appears to be Kinijitida, belonging to a monastery whose name is not recorded but one which was situated near the Danadara or main channel. This is an interesting record in support of Dr. Paranavitana's association of nomenclature for the channel coinciding with the same words occurring in the Ioth century inscriptions at Moragoda and Buddhannehela, and its connection to Dhanavapi as the original name of Padaviya, even in the 5th or 6th century.
The second and larger one of 6 lines, registered as 273I, is also in old Sinhalese belonging to the 3-4th century A.D. It is a record of lands granted to a monastery by certain private individuals. Being an unofficial document it does not mention the names of any kings.
Both need much more careful analysis and study before any definite opinion or interpretation could be expressed.
Brahmi inscriptions below the dripledges of the caves undoubtedly belong to the 3rd to Ist century B.C. Such records of donations of habitable caves are commonly found in several parts of the country and they indicate sites of pre-Christian habitation.
We then walked back towards the tank bund in a southerly direction. To the east lay low lying flat ground presumably the fields that perhaps divided Moragoda site from the Deiyyanne-kanda settlement. More evidence of buildings of stone was observed across our path. At one location there was a perfectly smooth cut door architrave and a door sill with dressed apertures for dowels of the frame. Another cistern with a flight of rock cut steps lay nearby, clearly indicating a permanent settlement presumably of a monastic nature.
This was as far as I got out of three short week-ends, though I dare say that there should be many more interesting sites if systematic work is done by trained personnel.

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... In conclusion I might state that not until now was it known that Deiyyanne-kanda harboured ruins of a magnitude as important. to archaeological studies as the Moragoda group has been held by previous visitors and scholars alike. Because this hill was covered in jungle and stood beyond a wide water-logged breach in the bund, explorers were discouraged perhaps from hunting for remains, which they most likely considered insignificant compared to the overwhelming number of objects within the walled city and the valve pit, spillandbund.
These notes of casual explorations of this hill alone save the reflection that this site is insignificant. It is a national duty to expect the Department of Archaeology to extend its boundaries to embrace Etun-balana-kanda and Deiyyanne-kanda in order that what remnants that yet lie buried or unknown will be saved from permanent destruction by the new colonists or over enthusiastic devotees. The jungle that preserved these ruins in a kindly manner for several centuries past has already been partially burnt and destroyed to satisfy the current social trend that clearing forest is symbolic of progress.
These inscriptions, caves, image and structures provide fresh ground for the serious student, for deeper academic research on Padawiya.
Acknowledgements:-
Mr. C. M. Kandappoo, Supt. of Surveys, Anuradhapura, for assistance in
examining original maps and Surveyors' Field Books, Mr. V. N. Rajaratnam, Director and Mr. H. de S. Manamperi, Dep. Director of Irrigation, for informa
tion and maps connected with the restoration of Padaviya Tank.

Lotus without Symbolism
D. T. DEVENDRA
In their art and literature the Asian peoples elevated the lotus to a pre-eminence that they never accorded to any other motif taken from the vegetal world. In that much more ancient Egyptian culture of which we have records we find the flower or plant put to uses far removed from Asian practice. For instance, the Egyptians made bread out of lotus seeds. Contrary to the Asian experience they found perfume too in the lotus flower. We have the hieroglyphic explanation of a mural from a tomb circa I400 B.C. which shows the sons of a high official offering their father flowers thus: "Enjoyment, glad exultation and participation in good food, summer lotus for the nostril, and (oil of) balsam suitable for the crown of the head, for the ka of the seigneur, Mayor of the City, and Vizier, Rekhmire and his wife Meryet.' v
In the Asian culture the flower was brought into an almost sacrosanct position because of its association with spiritual beings. Among one group there is even a sacred scripture named after the lotus. Scho. lars who have delved into the numerous writings which have ennobled the lotus in these ways have rhapsodied over the flower, seeking esoteric reasons for its presence. They cite and interpret the lyricisms of classical authors in support of their own metaphysical theories of symbology. Such ways of interpretation had special attraction for those who were prone to search for recondite meanings in gesture, motif and presentation. Thus it often happens that the most obvious is brushed aside for what is intricate.
The lotus, arising from the mud but unsmeared by it to open into a flower of irresistible beauty, its petals in an artistry of arrangement that cannot fail to draw the eyes, gradually came into association with the divine elements in Indian culture. It is certain that the evidence, at any rate from Sculpture, of the employment of the lotus in associal tion with the Buddha or Buddhist deities occurs rarely in pre-Christian graphic art. The literary references to the flower, in so far as it has been extolled into kinship with spiritual beings, are likewise known I. See, for example, Heinrich Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, vol. I;
F. D. K. Bosch, The Golden Germ. V 2. Leonard Cottrell, Life under the Pharaohs (Great Pan edn, 1957),
、Iケケ, For the date I have consulted Prof. Lionel Casson's Illustrated #ay?
ಫ್ಲಿ: and Boats (1964, Doubleday & Co. Inc. Garden City, New York,
g·耳2。
3. e.g. see Zimmer, op. sit., p. 169. But see ibid. II, fig. 32b (below), in amiconic presentation of the Buddha upon whose toes is sculptured the lotus. (Early 1st cent. B.C.).
83

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to be later. The elevation in art of the lotus has undoubtedly been a late process.
The lotus appears, on the other hand, with the figures of certain godesses in pre-Christian sculpture. Among them are the following: a winged godess shown in a terracotta plaque from Basarh; variations of Laksmi or Sri; certain coins of the Pancalas and from Ujjayni, Bharhut, Safici and Buddha Gaya; and in the Jaina monument of the Ananta Gumpha at Khandagiri cave No. 3. Thus we note that when a human figure was presented it was confined to a single entity in Brahmanical or Jain art. No Buddhist figure appears in physical contact with the flower.
It is contended that Laksmi is symbolical of wealth, prosperity, good fortune etc., and that it is because she possesses these attributes that she has been assigned a lotus seat. When the lotus seat came to be subsequently associated with the Buddha (or other spiritual beings) it cannot be for these same reasons as for Laksmi. In fact the above reasons generally adduced for her entitlement to a lotus seat are themselves open to question.
When the lotus came to be the divine seat we also see that in numerous instances it also came to be the footstool, particularly of the Bodhisattvas. The seat of honour regarded as such came also to be simultaneously degraded. It happened to be so in the case of standing Buddha figures as well. If the flower in the two positions had the same significance, then there was no distinction between seat and footstool. We know that the distinction, at least among Eastern peoples, is very meaningful and pronounced. The feet are degraded. Thus what is used for them and for the middle body must be without any inner significance. The article for resting feet or buttocks remains purely an article of utility but etherealized, in a way of speaking, because of the noble figure using it. In itself it possess no latent magic. Shall we compare it to silken cushions used by royalty? The material (silk) is selected in deference to the dignity of the person, but not for any esoteric reason. Likewise the lotus serves for the higher being. It has no need to be invested with any special quality.
The use of the lotus for seat or pedestal with the figures of the Buddha in Indian art is not attributed to a period earlier than the third post-Christian century, according to one scholar. Another would
4. Ibid. p. 163.
Ibid. plate B3 ("Early Indian images of the Goddess'), fig. b. 6. Y. Krishan, "Symbolism of the Lotus-seat in Indian Art' (Oriental Art,
vol.xii, No. I-Spring I966). 7. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 175.
5.

LOTUS WITHOUT SYMBOLISM 85
favour a century earlier. None has suggested a period beyond these limits. As we shall see later in this discussion the lotus was used for the Buddha figure in Ceylon at least two centuries later. Still, this is not without significance considering that what takes place in India is said to have repercussions on Ceylon. The spread of the lotus ornament from this time onward on the Buddha pedestal became a rule across the whole of North India, indicating that the images were used for Mahayana worship-so opined Heinrich Zimmer who also interpreted the transference of the symbol thus:
"This lotus symbol, which in its original association with the goddess Padma-Laksmi denoted divine physical life-force, the life-sustaining, transcendent yet immanent substance of the timeless waters, in Mahayana Buddhism connotes the supramundane (lokottare) character of the Buddhas and the Bodhisattvas, who are, as seen, mere phantoms, mere luminous reflexes on the several phenomenal planes of celestial and terrestial intellection.’’
In spite of the popularity of the flower it must be noted that some of the well-known Buddha figures in India did not get lotus seats. These are the fifth century Buddhas from Mathura, Sarnath, Manku vār and Katra.
Standing Buddhas from Mathura have even flowers, creepers and the lotus framing the head!0 Thus either the Mahayanist art did not touch these centres or the lotus was not considered to be of any great importance. If the flower was invested with supramundane excellences and attributes why has itsusenot been confined to representations of the Buddha, at leastin its early appearance?
In discussing the lotus it is the flower and also the constituent parts of the flower (petals, calyx etc.) that must be taken into consideration. For the central object is the flower, and the flower alone. The devices of its presentation are of little importance. Whether presented in full or part, in circular form Cr rectangular, double or single, such artistic employment is of the flower itself. That is the vital theme. Is it the flower that is meant to be portrayed or some particular view of the flower? It must be admitted as the view; the twistings or gyrations or ramifications are of no moment. What we have to investigate, therefore, is the flower and the recognition and identification of the particular object when applied in art in whatever way the author
8. Ananda Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography, pp. 21-22.
Zimmer, op. cit., p. 175.
Io. Zimmer, op. cit. vol. II, figs noo-Io2: Ananda Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, fig. I62; Benjamin Rowland, The Art and Architecture of India, fig. 46.

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felt like presenting it. The lotus petals framing the edge of a seat or pedestal are, in effect, a lotus seat or pedestal. The semi-lotus on a moonstone signifies a lotus. The lotus medallion or boss is just as much a lotus as a three-dimensional representation of the flower. Likewise the unopened or opening flower has the same claim to the fullness of an opened flower. To deny the designation Cf flower when only a constituent partis shown is to take an arbitrary line of reasoning. For instance, when only lotus petals are decoratively shown, how exactly does one designate them? And why are petals of this particular flower chosen, if the intention is not to show a connection with the lotus? Will such a connection be to the flower or to some part of a flower? It should be clear that any part of the lotus in art is valid for the whole lotus.
To apply our minds to the fact of the flower, we see that the lotus should by no means be regarded as the only flower which springs freed of the mud in which stalk and root have their being. Every water lily or other water-flower remains likewise uncontaminated. More than that. Every flower which grows on dry land should be considered no less pure than the lotus of the mud and water. The lotus has no special claims to purity over any other flower. But religious texts are freely quoted in support of the alleged singular purity of the lotus. The quotations gain currency and acceptance by extending their applicability lyrically beyond bounds. Thus one finds the often quoted passage from the Samyuutta Nikaya obliquely presented in this way, "As, O Brethren, a lotus born in the water, grown on the water, mounts to the surface and is not wetted by water, thus, O Brethren, the Tathâgata, born in the world, grown in the world, is untouched by the world'; or from the Mnjjhima Nikaya, 'When the Bodhisattva is born, he is born clean, unstained with liquid, unstained with phlegm, unstained with blood, unstained with any filth, but pure and clean'; or, again, from the Sutta Nipata, "Like water not by water Soiled.' All these give an imagery. They do not conduce to the glorification of the flower. For, as already noted, the same purity is known to grace other water-flowers. Every water-flower opens out above the water level. Thus every single flower is absolutely of the purity of the lotus. The lotus metaphor is merely handy, of no great force.
It is tempting to imagine that the thoughts in our quotations (as well as others like them) inspired the artist in representing the lotus. But to be more definite it has to be shown in evidence that he had knowledge of these texts and was inspired by them. On the other hand, it is a fact that he had already used the lotus in conjunction with human forms. To extend its use still further only time was needed; perhaps, too, a further choice of figure. Inspiration from literature was not an ingredient of his need for development.
If any one flower is to be chosen for association with a deity, the lotus surpasses all others in its attractiveness. Thus if it was felt

LOTUS WITHOUT SYMBOLISM 87
that Laksmi or other early goddesses should be raised above the Common earth, the lotus would be the most qualified among flowers to be selected as her seat. But, we notice that in the earliest examples of Buddhist art, the figure of the Buddha did not take over the lotus seat (or pedestal) which had been given to the goddesses who had been represented earlier than the Buddha figure. Instead, both in India and Ceylon, the Buddha figure was given no more than the seat in everyday use, with sometimes a cushion on it; or, the standing figures were merely stood on the ground. This was naturalistic. No involved metaphysic underlay it. If we look at this way of presenting an object we surely get a direct and commonsense vision that is close to the ancient mind. We, then, do not suffer our minds to be clouded by other thoughts in such a way that our views become complicated by the shadow rather than the object-and our direct vision has been blurred.
One is constrained to think that this is precisely what happened to II any a reputed scholar when viewing the association of god-andlotus. Their approach has overlooked the qualifications of the lotus, its pre-eminently artistic appeal, the unusual size and the varied colouring. No less important is the fact that the artist has selected a limited number of flowers although he had a wide range. His choice gives no evidence of being due to esoteric reasons. He appears to have confined himself to those flowers which, by their very composition, seem most suited to design. In his use of the champak, jasmine, waterlily, for instance, lies no deeper purpose than that the flowers fit artistically into his particular scheme.
If we study the employment of the lotus motif in some early Indian examples we would arrive at conclusions which are not those that many hold, influenced as they are by lyrical passages in literature. At Bharhut, which has been dated in the first pre-Christian century, at a conservative reckoning, there was at the northern entrance a beam-end of the gateway with a makara, its jaws a-gape. Below and above the head of the beast the sculptor has delineated lotuses. In the larger space below the open lower jaw is a full flower; in the other, a section of a flower. At Safici stipa No. 2 the lotuses are in the panel at the north entrance.1. The sculptor's purpose in both these instances is manifest, namely, to relieve the blank spaces. In these two, which are among the earliest of Buddhist buildings and erected well before the appearance of the Buddha image in India, we should see what is typical of what was happening in art--a desire to use the lotus in some form, in preference to other vegetal motifs.
Some way has yet to be traversed before it could be understood how the lotus came to be generously applied in sculpture.
Ir. Stella Kramrisch, The Art of India, fig. 19. 12. Zimmer, op. cit. vol. II, fig. 3.o.

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A compelling instance which thrusts itself on one's attention is a Buddha figure from Gandhāra, standing upon a pedestal, ascribed to the second or third century. The sculptural decoration on the pedestal is particularly informative on the discussion of the lotus. For here one sees that the lotus is wholly omitted. The upper band shows foliage, most likely the acanthus; and the lower, a broad band of five petalled flowers of no special kind. They are not lotuses by any stretch of artistic imagination.
As pointed out in a foregoing paragraph some of the fifth century Buddha figures (Mathura, Sarnath, Mathkuwar, Katra) of the fifth century had not been given the lotus for seat or pedestal. These are figures of the first rank in the estimation of all critics. Thus the omission of the lotus as seat or pedestal is not to be lightly regarded. The lotus has been used for the centre of the halo of the two standing Buddhas from Mathura. This way of applying the flower, which was later used for seat and pedestal, is wholly counter to the sentiments implicit in the extracts from the Samyutta and Majjhima Nikāyas and from the Sutta Nipata. For, if the Buddha was being described as undefiled at his birth and the lotus a symbolical representation of that physical purity, the flower has no meaning when placed behind the head of the figure. Positioned as a point of elevation from the defiling earth, it may express the sentiment. Furthermore how could one explain the process by which, as well as the reason for, the lotus of the halo was degraded to pedestal, footstool and even seat, in the ensuing centuries? If the lotus was invested with dignity, such a degradation cannot take place.
How and why did the lotus come, later on, to become so popular as an attribute of exalted figures, chiefly spiritual? The wider use of it in this way dates after the fifth century. By this time Mahāyāna, and Hinduism (as we now recognize its form through its art), came to be current and, indeed, almost the vogue, among artists. The dispersal of Buddhism through north-west India took place about this time. The two philosophies of India must have itermingled in art. We note that art motifs closely follow one another because, in fact, it was a common art and not a parochial one which seems to have taken shape, allowances being inevitable for regional variations. Current ideas came to be duly adopted and modified. The Buddhists re-used the ancient gods such as Brahma and Indra-to cite two examples-in this manner. There was no conceivable reason why the same course did not take place in the much more easily handled activity of art. "The Indian craftsmen of the early periods of Buddhist art, when no complete, properly Buddhist canon had as yet been deve
I3. Ibid. fig. 67.

LOTUS WITHOUT SYMBOLISM 89
loped, were not reluctant to adapt the existing patterns and formulae of their craft to the Buddhist requirements.' So commented Heinrich Zimmer.14
Once the artist was free with the lotus for supericr beings, before long it was put, decoratively at least, to undignified use. A good example of the lowering of the status of the flower can be cited from Konarak (13th cent.). The boss of a wheel of the sun chariot can here be seen decorated with a circle of lotus petals.15
By this time both Buddhists and Hindus used the lotus motif with no special discrimination of the figure to which it was applied. Others than the Buddha or the Bodhisattvas or the numerous gods and goddesses are now found given the lotus in its different forms. This is so haphazard as at first one is inclined to think. Haphazard or not, no set pattern seems to emerge of application of the flower in this fashion. In a recent article Krishan has painstakingly listed the categories in which the lotus has been so used. A consideration of his list Supports our contention. ln Brahmanical iconography those accorded lotus seats incluffle ganas and bhitas, also human beings. He concludes, quite within reason, that in Brahmanical art padmasama, padmapitha or padmayoni should not be taken as accorded to those representing transcendence, and this in spite of Heinrich Zimmer's suggestion to the contrary.7
Krishan has likewise noted a number of instances from Buddhist art. At Bharhut purely secular human beings and even animals are shown standing on lotuses; at Gandhara are examples of a female guard with spear and shield standing on an upright lotus, and likewise of a flutist; at Bezeklik (Turfan), a monk; at Borobudir, children, monks, layfolk; such a bewildering variety that it is quite impossible to understand how the lotus came to acquire a symbolism to cover all these cases.
We have seen that the earliest use of the lotus support was for goddesses. That its use came to be extended to Brahmanic, Buddhist and Hindu divine figures is also quite clear. The best evidence of it comes, as Zimmer has pointed out, from Buddhist iconography.' But something must have occurred for the lotus, which was associated with such transcendent personalities, to be made "to step down'. The flower was used so widely in iconography that if its association with transcendent figures had become crystallized into a canon it could
14. Zimmer, op. cit. I, p. 163. 15. Zimmer, op. cit. II, fig. 36I. I6: cited at ft. nt, 6. 17, op. cit. I, p. 168 f.
8. Ibid. p. I69.

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not but remain so for all time in art. The irna, usnisa, halo, upavita and such other features are instances where distinguishing marks remained constant with the figures to which they were originally given. If, as instanced above, the lotus was used for assorted figures like ganas and bhitas it shows that the use of it was variable. This deviation in the application of the motif could only be interpreted in one way, namely, the waning of its popularity as an association exclusive to, if not an attribute of, certain divine beings.
It is now profitable to investigate the classical art of Ceylon to discover what light (if any) it throws on this feature. In the absence of an agreed art chronology, we could justifiably begin our search at Kantaka Cetiya in Mihintale. The value of the details of sculpture therein may be gauged from the following opinion.9 "The limestone Stelae which flank the frontispieces contain the oldest specimens of the plastic art of Ceylon so far known.' The original date of this structure is yet to be known but that an enlargement was made to its present size in the second century B.C. is on record.”
Neither here nor at any other of the most ancient monuments of Ceylon is there a figure on a decoratively treated lotus as in the Indian examples of the winged goddess (Basarh), of Laksmi or of Sri. In their place, so to say, we have an example on one of the steles at Kantaka Cetiya of a male figure, seated with legs folded on a seat fringed by lotus petals. Undoubtedly it was so positioned because it was designed to represent a god. Crowning a sculpture of the familiar vase-and-stalk motif, the god shows his right hand open and almost touching the frame of the carving, whilst the left hand is bent to touch the mid-breast. Within the panel and on his right is shown a conch pointed towards a number of "balls' immediately below.'
One point that strikes the seeker after ancient works is the difference in sex between this early Ceylon example and the Indian examples we have cited. It suggests itself as more than incidental; rather, as typical of certain attitudes between the two sets of people. For one simply cannot ignore the stark fact that female figures in the nude (and more suggestively than as merely undraped), found on the Safici toranas have been thus depicted meaningfully, a trend that moved inexorably towards extravagant symbolism such as of the lotus.”
I9. S. Paranavitana in the Journal of the Royal Society of Arts (London), vol.
xcviii, No. 4822 (2 June, 195o), p. 594. 20. Ibid. in the University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, vol. I pt. I (I959), p. 259. 2I. See my Classical Sinhalese Sculpture (Alec Tiranti Ltd., London, 1958),
figs. 24, 28. 22 E. Dale Saunders, Mudra, a study of Symbolic Gestures in Japanese Boddhist
Sculptures (Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London, I96o), p. I6o.

LOTUS WITHOUT SYMBOLISM 9.
"Tantrism makes of it the emblem of the feminine principle. This evolution ends logically in Saktism, where the lotus has the rple of symbolizing the female sexual organ; in support of this, the Satapatha Brahmana affirms that the "Lotus leaf is the matrix.' The vajra becomes then the symbol of the male sexual member, and the representation of the vajra on the lotus, which is often encountered, symbolizes the union of masculine and feminine, of Knowledge and Principle the expression of fulminatory identification with the godhead.'
The lotus used as medallion or boss is quite freely seen on the vahalkadas of Kantaka Cetiya, agreeing in this respect with the use of the flower, likewise decoratively, at Bharhut. At Kantaka Cetiya too, we see the Auspicious Vase stood on a lotus base.
None of the Ceylon Buddha images stylistically attributed to the earliest period, is known to have had a lotus seat or pedestal. Those found with the lotus base are definitely known to be the later ones. Two marble slabs found in the excavation of an ancient stipa in Piduragala, near Sigiriya, furnish us most probably with the earliest datable examples in which the lotus for the Buddha or Bodhisattva appears. Though the material on which the figures are carved is from Anaravati, the carvings are considered distinctive enough to be accepted as indigenous. "On grounds of style,' commented Dr. S. Paranavitana, Archaeological Commissioner and writer of the account, "these reliefs may be ascribed to the fourth or fifth century.' The earliest use of the lotus base for the Buddha figure in India, both in the NorthWest in Gandhāra and in Amaravati in the South-East, was not considered prior to the second century-even so on grounds no more solid than inferential from a comparative study. The wider use of the lotus cane to be the vogue from the fifth century or even later. Thus these two slabs under our discussion fall into a proper chronological position with the Indian examples in the application of the lotus as a base for the Buddha figure.
As in India, beyond its frontiers, the lotus base thus came to be almost an inevitable feature with figures of the Buddha and the Bodhisattvas, especially in Malhāyānist art, prominently in the seventh and eighth centuries. TheforemostMahayana figuresin Ceylon, on the other hand, disclose something which has deviated from the practice. These figures are well-known colossal rock-cut groups at Buduruvegala and of Kustaraja, both of about the eighth and the ninth centuries when, in India and beyond, the lotus base for deities was practically a sine qua mon. The non-alignment of these, the most staggering of the Mahāyana sculptures of Ceylon, with the countless Mahayana figures in India as well as north, east and west of that sub-continent, is some
23. Classical Sinhalese Sculpture, op. cit., fig. 31.
24. Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon for 195I, paragraph
io9 and plate VII.

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thing which has to be explained. Does the omission suggest that in Ceylon iconography the lotus was not regarded with that dignity accorded to it elsewhere? For we see the representation of the flower in unaccountable places. On that stepping-way to stairs, known as the moonstone, it is sometimes shown full blown and sometimes in Section. On a rectangular lotus pedestal rest the legs of the makara of the balustrade. It is a decorative detail of the plinth (where the bodhi tree had once stood) seen at the Bodhighara of Nilakgama. It figures on some of the urinal stones at ancient monastic sites. These date about the eighth century.
During the cultural efflorescence in the eighteenth century, particularly under King Kirti Sri Rajasinha, the lotus motif came to be very widely used by the artist. The painter of the murals of Degaldoruwa Vihara employed the device to relieve blank spaces. Today it is freely used on even trade marks, not to speak of club crests.
In this progression of ideas we see that, in Ceylon at any rate, the lotus seems to have shed a symbolism which, if any, it may have once gathered to itself. Such a view is unaffected by the fact that the representation of the flower continues to be used with the figure of the Buddha. Sometimes other devices must have been employedif the use of the vajra-panelled seats for the Buddha figure at Galvihara in Polonnaruva and at the Kota Vehera in Dedigama (both mediaeval) are acceptable as illustrations of a trend. As in the case of the former, sometimes the figure was made to sit immediately on a lotus seat. The plinth itself had other ornamentations (lion and vajra alternating). If they were experimentally employed as tests of popular appeal, they do not seem to have succeeded appreciably. This, at least, is what one is led to infer from the meagreness of such examples. And thus the lotus continues to be popular because of its tradition in history, though any meaning it may have once had has ceased to occupy the mind of artist or patron. . . .
25. Classical Sinhalese Sculpture, op. cit., fig. 44. 26. Ibid. fig. 69.
27. Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon for Igor, plate IV (plan). See also JCBRAS. (N.S.), vol. xi (I967), figs. I and 4 of my article "Privy Stone Ornamentation.'
28. Ceylon Journal of Science (sec. G.), vol. I, plate LXXII. 29. Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon for 1951, platexI (b).

Book Reviews
Mahayana Monuments in Ceylon
- NANDASENA MUDIYANSE, M.A., Ph.D. (Ceylon). (M. D. Gunasena & Co. Ltd., pp XVI + I35, Demy 8vo and 39 plate
德 figs. I967: Rs. Io/-).
This book is Dr. Mudiyanse's thesis for the Ph.D. degree of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya, adapted to suit the requirements of the publishers' and deals with most of the material falling under the subject (architectural monuments excluded) known at the time the book was written.
The short account of the history of Mahayanism in Ceylon dealt with in the introductory chapter serves the reader to understand in true perspective the monuments of the Mahayanists in Ceylon. Local literary references to Mahayanist beliefs and practices are brought together in Chapter TI. w
Chapter III which deals with the monuments themselves makes a comprehensive survey of most of the known material. Apart from the Buddha statues ascribable to Mahayanists, figures such as those of Avalokitešvara, Vajrapāņi, Vajrasattva, Mafijušrī, Jambhala, Tārā Cunda, etc. are discussed. Each item is dealt with separately and in the case of the Buduruvegala group the central Buddha figure is discussed by itself and the Bodhisattva figure on each side is dealt with together with its attendant figures. Reference is made to the researches and conclusions of earlier Scholars and where the author is not in agreement reasons are adduced.
Chapter IV deals with the inscriptions which either contain Mahayanist ideas or refer to them.
Of the three appendixes to the book, appendixes A and B are attempts by the author to disprove the theses in two previously published papers, viz. :-—Dr. P. E. E. Fernando’s “Tantric Influence on the Sculptures at Gal Vihara, Polonnaruva', in University of Ceylon Revieto (Vol. XVIII. Nos. I and 2 Jan.-Apr. 196o) and Prof. P. C. Sestieri's 'The Lovers of Isurumuniya and their possible identification" in East and West (New Series, Vol. Io Nos. I-2 March-June 1959).
Appendix C lists the architectural monuments of Ceylon with relevant references.
93

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Dr. Mudiyanse is particular in describing the mudras of the hands of the statues dealt with and is cautious in identifying the less known mudras. His description of the mudra of the left hand of the Tará. figure from Ceylon in the British Museum, London (Fig. Ig) as the vitarka mudra (P53), therefore, is obviously a slip. The author also mixes up the two hands of the central Buddha statue at Buduruvegala (P 29). A better title could have been found for Chap. III. “Sculpture”, since a sub-section on Mahayanist paintings has been included. The caption "Metal Images' at page 45 which in fact serves to effect a division between the metal and non-metal images of Avalokistesvara, being made more conspicuous than its situation warrants, tends to confuse the reader.
. . Despite these minor blemishes this is a well documented and useful book, the product of diligent and painstaking research. It is a definite addition to the few writings on Mahayanism in Ceylon.
MARCUs FERNAND o
(1) Problems of Ceylon History, (2) Ceylon. Today and Yesterday by Dr. G. C. MENDIs, B.A., Ph.D., D.Lit. (London)
Dr. Mendis, as a student of the Ceylon University College, Colombo, followed the new History Honours Course of the University of London in Oriental History with special reference to India, graduating in Ig25. He continued his studies and research work in London and in Munich, under Prof. W. Geiger, from I927 to I930, and was awarded a Doctorate on his thesis "An Historical Criticism of the Mahavamsa.' He served on the History Staff of the Ceylon University College and of the University of Ceylon as lecturer and Reader until he retired in IQ54. In I957 the University of London conferred on him the Degree of Doctor of Literature for his work especially in Ceylon history. It was Prof. S. A. Pakeman's opinion that Dr. Mendis was the first Ceylonese to undertake a scientifically-minded study of Ceylon history. Besides the two books under review, he has written the Early History of Ceylon, Ceylon. Under the British, the Colebrooke-Cameron Papers and several learned articles to well-known periodicals.
In Problems of Ceylon History, Dr. Mendis "examines the problems met with when reading or studying Ceylon History' and sets out to show how far they can be solved. "Problems,' he says, "arise primarily from an ignorance of the definition of history as accepted by modern historians.' Prof Arnold Toynbee once wrote: "How do I see History? Above all I see it as an indivisible whole, not as a scrap-heap of mutually unrelated episodes. I see it as having some meaning, and not as a 'tale told by an idiot, signifying nothing.' 'History, generally

BOOK REVIEWS . . . 95
speaking, deals with change and the causes that lead to change in the political, economic and social life of a people living within a certain geographical area. 'History as a science came to be based on authentic facts. It ceased to include myths and legends or to trace events to supernatural, unnatural or imaginary causes. It dealt with truth in the concrete, with conditions that actually existed, with events that actually took place, and with natural causes that actually led to them. In short, it dealt with the past as it really was' (p. I2).
After laying down the norms for a correct appreciation of history, which, after all, are shared by modern historians, Dr. Mendisproceeds to examine four recent books on Ceylon history, namely, (I) A Concise History of Ceylon by Prof. Paranavitana and C. W. Nicholas, (2) The Story of Ceylon by Prof. Ludowyk, (3) Ceylon by Prof. Pakeman and (4) Ceylon by Dr. Arasaratnam. Dr. Mendis' evaluation of these four works from a historical stand-point is briefly this: the first “is not So much a history as a collection and examination of the main raw materials from which a historian may select his facts to write a history of Ceylon." The chief weakness of the second is that "the angle of approach is in many respects literary and the canons of judgement are often literary.' The third and the fourth are histories, but Prof. Pakeman seems to conclude that "what is happening even today, is due mainly to changes that took place under British rule,” and Dr. Arasaratnam "probably was more influenced by current controversies than by basic historical facts.'
Chapters two to four are devoted to a critical examination of the historical value of the early chapters of the Mahavamsa, especially in respect of the myths, legends and pious beliefs they contain. Through a process known to modern historians as de-mythologizing, he sifts historical facts from legend and myth. In this task, Dr. Mendis has been helped very much by his knowledge of Indian history. “The construction of a modern history," says Dr. Mendis, “has to be started anew from the beginning with the collection of facts on a new basis. The valuable historical evidence, direct and indirect, in the Mahavamsa will be first collected. To this other evidence from other works like the Dipavamsa will be added. Then other evidence from inscriptions and auxiliary sciences like geography, archeology, ethnology and philology will be included. From all this evidence happenings which led to changes or which explained the causes for changes in the political, the economic and the social system will be selected and the course of history reconstructed.' (pp. 79,8o).
Ceylon Today and Yesterday
"This book,” says the author in his Preface, "is essentially an historical account, though it does not start from the past and come to the present but starts from the present and explains it through the
4مسيس 9418

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96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII. (New Series), 1969
past. It is an attempt to draw attention to the main historical factors that have made Ceylon what it is today.' He examines these historical facts by taking them up in four divisions. The first is the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva period, when Ceylon was on the whole united under a single ruler. It was the period when Buddhism was introduced to Ceylon and exerted its dominant influence on the thoughts and habits of its people. It was also the period when the cultural and political links between S.E. Asia were considerable. The second is the period from I235 to I8I5, when Ceylon was disunited and more than one ruler governed at a time. Dr. Mendis does not consider the period of Portuguese rule in Ceylon as a turning-point in its history but only as "a continuation of the developments that took place after the abandonment of Polonnaruva as tine capital of Ceylon and the consequent disappearance of the old divisions' (p. 5o). Although "the Dutch, encouraged the cultivation of commercial crops and developed communications by the construction of canals ... improved the standard of buildings and spread elementary education,' these things "made little difference in the life of the people of the Island when taken as a whole' (p. 64). The third would be roughly the British Period when Ceylon was united once more under a single government. It was the period of the Colebrooke reforms and the economic, administrative and constitutional developments, which ushered in a modern system of government, a modern economy based on commerce and great progress in communications. All these helped to unify Ceylon both economically and politically. The fourth, the period when, with the gradual "removal of British control, the forces of disintegration began to rear their heads once more, failing so far to break up or to modify to any considerable extent the framework of the powerful unified system of government, established by the British and handed over to the people of Ceylon' (Introduction).
"The Donoughmore Reforms,' says Dr. Mendis, 'constitute a turning-point in the British Period ... They led to the establishment of a parliamentary form of Government and of welfare State; to a positive decision and action to weld the various communities into a Ceylonese nation; to the grant of adult franchise which enabled the whole community to partake in the government of the country. These in turn led to independence and finally to the indigenization of Ceylonese Society, as adult franchise placed the ultimate control of the government in the hands of those who had their roots in the tradition and history of the country” (p. 114).

BOOK REVIEWS g7
But this period is not without its woes and worries. There are forces at work which tend to destroy national unity, for instance, communalism, based on race, caste and religion. There are also problems which seem to evade an immediate solution, like the language problem and the Ceylon Tamil problem. Dr. Mendis examines critically and in detail all these forces and problems in the light of the past, in their origins, their developments and their results. One is forced to admit that the author has a masterly grasp of the historical facts, which he collates, compares, analyses and places in relation of cause and effect.
The Problems of Ceylon. History has 87 pages, and Ceylon Today and Yesterday 228 pages. Their value must depend on their suggestiveness rather than on their completeness: but it must not be forgotten that they are but a mere summary of a vast subject: each sentence could be expanded into a chapter, each chapter to a monograph.
E.P.

Page 55

Notes and Queries
A Ruined Dagaba in Delft
Vedi-arasan köttai is the name by which a mound in Delft (Neduntivu, "Long Island'), the north-westernmost of Ceylon's islands off the Jaffna Peninsula, is known to the local folk. It used to lie in the north-west, 6 miles off the landing jetty at the time of my visit on July 15, I949. (Whether the landing place has since been moved elsewhere, I do not know.) I went to the Peninsula on duty as an officer of the Archaeological Survey, having just completed a year's service therein.
Vedi-arasan köttai was then only about 8 ft. high. There was also a circular mound close by which seemed to be subsidiary to it. Fields of red onions were flourishing around the site and spelt the danger of encroachment on this bit of Crown property-at the time. Among the bits and pieces I saw in the debris were dressed coral stone, terracotta tiles, bricks, lamps and, much more astonishing, the fragment of a dagaba-spire (kot kirilla). I saw that I was standing upon a ruined dagaba. When my conclusion received the support of Mr. S. Sundaram, the Archaeological Overseer attending me, from his independent study, I was very gratified. This officer, although of inferior standing, had vastly greater personal experience than I of such ancient remains in different parts of the country.
At Anuradhapura where I broke my return journey I met the Archaeological Commissioner, Dr. S. Paranavitana, with whom I discussed the ruin, showing him the fragmentary spire. He confirmed my identification of Vedi-arasan köttai as a dagaba in ruin. He also informed me that he had himself not seen it, neither has it been recorded as such in the department to the best of his recollection. But, he added, when on duty (as Epigraphical Assistant) with Mr. A. M. Hocart (Archaeological Commissioner) in the Jaffna Peninsula and in Delft, he had received information of the existence of the remains of a dagaba which, however, they had not the time then to inspect. IDr. Paranavitana handed over the piece (kot kairilla) for labelling and storing, to Mr. H. D. F. A. Sarath, the Modeller of the Department.
The note I supplied for inclusion in the Annual Report of the
Archaeological Survey (I949), incorporated in paragraph I45, appeared
under the name of Dr. C. E. Godakumbura who had charge of the subject of exploration.
i

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让 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
I am not aware that any knowledgeable party had recognized Vedi-arasan köttai as a ruined dagāba before I made my own conclusion. I have not been able to find any writer, or writing, which would change this conviction of mine. But in an article in our Society's journal of 60 years ago I sensed a hint dropped by an anonymous writer. "Notes on Delft' was the subject of a paper in Vol. xxi, No. 62-I909from the Hon. Mr. J. P. Lewis, C.C.S., who had in October of that year, visited "the ruins of the other fort, which is known as Vedi Arasan's Fort....... The building of which they are the remains, was apparently originally a square fort and about 3 or 4 yards square, but is now merely a mound of coral stones grown over with prickly pear and erukkalai (Calotropis gigantea). It is probably like the first fort, Portuguese, but they are both attributed to the traditional native kings, Vedi Arasan the Mukkuvar king and Mikamam the Karayar King'' (p. 35of). Lewis incorporated certain extracts of a more enlightening nature from "Penn' who had written in the Colombo Journal of 1832.
"It is 60 yards in circumference, and about 20 feet high, having such parts of the outer surface as still remain coated with chunam with mouldings of different devices. Two flights of steps to the east and west are still visible leading into the building, which has been floored about 12 feet above the level of the ground and is so far different in style from any erection of the kind I ever saw, which were all solid as are, I believe, the dagobasin the Kandyan territory. The foundations of four small temples are to be seen close to the larger one, and these have formerly been six, two at the sides of each flight of steps one at the north, and one at the south fronts, all circular and bell-shaped with chumam ornaments and mouldings.'
The reference to dagäbas in Kandyan territory is intriguing. Apparently "Penn' was not familiar with them--at any rate, the territory had passed into the British Crown only 17 years before the publication of the article. One cannot get a picture as to where exactly the chunam coating was, or the mouldings with different devicesunless one supposes that he did, in actual fact, see the lower part of a dagaba (though he was not precise in his description of it), nor could one understand how the writer could have made out the shape (bell or circular) of the temples (described as having had chunam ornaments and mouldings) when all he has mentioned was foundations. Perhaps he had seen more details than he chose to put down.
One cannot understand how Lewis, who was favourably placed to make a useful investigation of the site and also had sufficient know. ledge of our antiquities, did not see that "Penn' had dropped him some fascinating clues. Three years after him Dr. Joseph Pearson, Director of the Colombo Museum, visited Delft (IoI2). Having paid a second visit in I920, he contributed a paper entitled "Notes on the

A RUNED DAGABA N DELFT iii
Forts of the Jaffna Islands' to our Society's Journal, Vol. xxix, No. 76 Pts. I-IV, 1923, pp. 186 ff. He was a Vice-President of the Society and though he was more conversant with Buddhist antiquities than Lewis in both his official and honorary positions he has, most unaccountably, ignored Vedi-arasan köttai which he well could have seen during his later visit. By then he had seen Lewis's account. Had he bestirred himself to do so and passed on his knowledge to the Archaeological Survey, perhaps it may not have been a forlorn mound which I would have seen.
There is good reason to expect some fruitful evidence of our cultural history being revealed in an excavation of this dagaba in the remotest, outpost of Ceylon in the Indian Ocean. A fifth of a century has passed since my visit but it is a mere moment in Archaeological proceedings. May one hope that something will be done about Vedi-arasan köttai beforeitfalls to the mamotty of the encroacher?
D. T. DEVENDRA

Page 57
Office-Bearers 1968/69
Pastropo
His Excellency Mr. William Gopallawa, M.B.E., Governor-General.
President
Dr. C. E. Godakumbnra, M.A., Ph.D., D.Lit. (London).
Ex-Presidents
సీ Dr. P. E. P. Deranivagala, D.Sc., M.A., A.M., F.C.P.S., F.Z.S. Dr. S. Paranavitana, C.B.E., Litt.D., Ph.D. . His Lordship the Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D., B.A., Bishop
of Chilaw.
Dr. R. L. Brohier, O.B.E., F.R.I.C.S., F.R.G.S., D.Litt. Dr. G. C. Mendis, D.Lit., B.A., Ph.D. (London).
Vice-Presidents
. Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., Ph.D., B.Sc., LL.B. ... Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, B.A. ... Mr. D. T. Devendra, B.A.
Members of the Council
. Sir Nicholas Attygalle, F.R.C.S., F.R.C.O.G., D.Sc.
Mr. S. C. Fernando, M. B.E., M.A. (Oxon.) Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, O.B.E., D.Lit., M.A., Ph.D., (London). Mr. S. A. Wijayatilake, B.A. Prof. K. W. Goonewardena, B.A., Ph.D. . Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, J.P.U.M. ... Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke.
Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya, M.A., Ph.D. (London). Mr.W. B. Marcus Fernando, M.A., (London). ... Mr. D. G. Dayaratne, B.A. (Hons.), (London).
Jt. Hon v. Secretaries
I. Mr. P. R. Sittampalam. 2. Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu.
Hony. Treasurer I. Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail, J. P. U.M., M.A. (Cantab), B.A., LL.B. (London.
iv

Annual Report for 1968
Meetings and Papers:-One emergency Council Meeting and 3 Council Meetings were held during the year 1968. The Annual General Meeting was held on 29th November Ig68. At its conclusion the presidential lecture was delivered by Dr. C. E. Godakumbura on "The History of Archaeology in Ceylon.'
Lectures:-Six more lectures were delivered under the auspices of the Society during the year under review:
The First Lecture was by Dr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala on "Some Aspects of the Tertiary Period in Ceylon' on 23rd February 1968. The Second was by Dr. Alexander Von Hase on "The Impact of Asian Culture on Germany' on 22nd April 1968. The Third was by Professor T. Nadaraja on "The Administration of Justice in Ceylon under the Dutch Regime' on Ist September 1968. The Fourth was by Mr. L. A. Adithiya on "Archaeological Remains at Deiyyanne-Kanda, Padawiya” on I st October 1968. The Fifth was by Dr. Friedrich Wilhelm om 'The Capitals in the History of India and Ceylon' on Ioth October 1968. The Sixth was by Professor K. Kularatnam on "Ceylon and the Drift of Continents' on 9th November 1968.
... We thank the University authorities for allowing us the use of their New Arts Theatre, free of charge, for our Lectures and Meetings.
Membership:-33 New Members were admitted during the year under review. The Society now has on its roll 545 members, of whom 6 are Honorary Members, 8o Life Members (Resident and Non-Resident), 339 Ordinary Resident Members, and 20 Ordinary Non-Resident Members.
It is with sorrow that we record the deaths of the Ven’ble Mirisse Gunasiri Maha Thero and Mr. C. B. P. Perera, who, as Members of the Council for many years, rendered invaluable service to the Society.
Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, and Mr. S. C. Fernando were elected Members of the Council in place of Messrs. D. C. R. Gunawardena and A. R. Tampoe.
Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu were re-elected Joint Honorary Secretaries, and Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail was re-elected Honorary Treasurer.
Messrs. Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants, were elected Auditors.
The Office-Bearers of the Society for the ensuing year were the following:-
Patyop: His Excellency Mr. William Gopallawa, Governor
General.
Presideні: Dr. C. E. Godakumbura
Ea-Presidents: Drs. P. E. P. Deraniyagala and S. Paranawitana, His
Lordship the Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Dr. R. L. Brohier and Dr. G. C. Mendis.
Vice-Presidents: Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., Mr. W. J. F. LaBrooy and
Mr. D. T. Devendra.

Page 58
νι ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1968
Members of the Council. Sir Nicholas Attygalle, Mr. S. C. Fernando, Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, Mr. S. A. Wijayatilake, Professor K. W. Goonewardene, Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke, Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya, Mr. W. B. Marcus Fernando, Mr. D. G. Dayaratne.
Jt. Honorary Secretaries: Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu. Honorary Treasurer: Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail.
Govt. Grant-A sum of Rs. 6,ooo/- was received from the Government by way of grant for the financial year Ig68/69.
Land for Library and Hall:-A deputation consisting of Dr. C. E. Goda. kumbura, the President of the Society, Dr. S. Paranavitana, Dr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala and the Joint Honorary Secretaries interviewed the Land Commissioner on I8th June 1969 and explained to him the Society's urgent need of a piece of land in the vicinity of the University of Ceylon, Colombo, for the construction of a building to accommodate the Society's Library and Hall for the Society's Public Meetings. The Land Commissioner appreciated the difficult situation in which the Society was placed, and stated that, as land was available in the Mac Carthy Road area, he would place the request of the Society before his Minister and the Cabinet Sub-Committee and advise us of their decision in due course. The grant of the land has not yet been made.
The Society's Library was shifted in May 1969 to the First Floor of the Grand Stand Building, Race Course, Reid Avenue, Colombo 7, from the University Building, Thurstan Road, as the University authorities required the room for their own purposes.
Library:-During the year under review 39 books were added to the Library by purchase, 25 Miscellaneous Journals and Periodicals were received as donations from local and foreign Institutions and individuals and 202 Journals and Periodicals were received in exchange for the Society's Journal. List of all such purchases and donations are published annually in the Society's Journal.
Publications:-Journal Vol. XII (New Series) for 1968 was published in May 1969 and released to the members. Journal Vol. XIII (New Series) I969 is now with the printers and will be issued to the members very shortly.
Library Books:- It has been found that members who borrow books from the Society's Library do not all return the books within the time specified in Rules 43-48, and this has caused inconvenience to other members. Therefore members are kindly requested that they should note to return the books within the time allowed.
P. R. Sittampalam
K. M. W. Kuruppu
Jt. Hony. Secretaries. Colombo, 3oth October, 1969.

Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1968
The Balance Sheet for the year ended 31st December 1968 discloses an Excess of Income over Expenditure of Rs. 6,697. 46.
The Bank Balances were:
I. State Bank of India . . . . Rs. 3,98I .6I i 2. Ceylon Savings Bank ... Rs. 3,576.9 I 3. Chalmers' Oriental Text Fund . . ... Rs. 3,379.35 4. Society Medal Fund ... Rθ. 2,759.4 5. Chinese Records Translation Fund . . Rs. 5,o 7.52
Receipts last year by way of Annual Subscription amounted to Rs. 3, 134.37.
Arrears of Subscription recovered amounted to Rs. 1,582.05
Entrance Fees a ... Rs. 32O.oo Life Membership Fees s A . . Rs. 675.oo Sale of Journals on to p ... Rs. 2,588.89
A sum of Rs. 2, 38.5o was expended on the purchase and binding of books. A sum of Rs. 9,9II. 20 is due as alrears of subscriptions for 1963 and earlier
Attention must be invited to the remissness of a large number of members in delaying the payment of their subscriptions.
Action has been taken by writing to the defaulting members on several occasions requesting payment of the arrears.
Efforts to recover the arrears of subscriptions are being continued. Defaulting membels are not allowed the use of the Library, and Journals of the Society are also not made available to them until they have paid their subscriptions.
Members are reminded that from 1967 the annual subscription of the Society has been increased from Rs. 5/- to Rs. 2 of- for Resident Members, and from Rs. 7/5o to Rs. Io/- for Non-Resident members.
The Society would be greatly obliged if members would pay their annual subscriptions regularly and promptly, and thus avoid the need for unnecessary expenditure on postage for reminders. ィ
A. H. M. Ismail,
Hony. Treasurer. Colombo, 28th October, Ig69.
wii

Page 59
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Balance Sheet as at
Accumulated Fund: Rs... cts. Rs... cts. As at 31st December, 1967 8 16,385.21 Add Excess of Income over
Expenditure for the year .. 6,697.46
23,082.67 Less Income Tax paid during
the year . . P. O. 90.00
22,992.67 Specific Funds:
Society Medal Fund ... 2,759.41 Chinese Records Translation Fund 5,017.52
Chalmers's Oriental Text Fund .. 3,379.35 11156.28.
34, 148.95

(CEYLON BRANCH)
31st December, 1968
Fixed Assets: Rs... cts. Rs... cts. Rs... cts.
As at 31st December, 1967 5,360.75 Less Depreciation for
the year 。。264.06 Amount written off to tally
the book value ... 143.40 407.46 4,953.29
Current Assets:
As per Schedule I 19,407.98
Less Provisions & Current Liabilities
As per Schedule II 1,368.60 18,039.38
Assets Representing Specific Funds
As per Schedule III 0 & 11,156.28
34,148.95
REPORT OF THE AUDITORS
We have examined the above Balance Sheet as at 31st December, 1968. We have obtained all the information and explanations we have required. In our opinion, subject to our report of even date, the above Balance Sheet correctly exhibits the position as at 31st December, 1968, according to the information and explanation given to us and as shown by the financial books.
C. E. Godakumbura A. H. M. Ismail Pope & Co.,
President. Honorary Treasurer. Chartered Accountants
Auditors.
Colombo, 12th October, 1969.

Page 60
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Ceylon Branch)
CURRENT ASSETS
scHEDULE 1
Rs... cts. Rs... cts.
Subscription for 1968 and earlier 9,911.20
Department of Cultural Affairs .. 1,500.00
Staff Loan s . 400.00
Cash and Bank Balances
State Bank of India 8 ... 3,981.61 Ceylon Savings Bank . . .. 3,576.91 Cash in hand . . as 34.61
Stamps 曼 端 3.65 7,596.78
Total as shown in Balance Sheet . . 19,407.98
PROVISIONS & CURRENT LIABILITIES
SCHEIDULE °2'
Rs. cts. Rs. cts.
Provisions
Messrs. Pope & Co. 8 300.00
Current Liabilities
B. Stevens & Brown as 8 122
Subscription Paid in Advance . . 2023
Sale of Journals-Vol. VI Sp. No. 1,047.15 1,068.60
Total as shown in Balance Sheet . . 1,368.60
ASSETS REPRESENTING SPECIFIC FUNDS
SCHEDULE 3
Rs... cts.
Ceylon Savings Bank Account No: 133495
Balance as at 31.12.1968
(Chalmers's Oriental Text Fund) 3,379.35 Ceylon Savings Bank Account No.: 141850
Balance as at 31.12.1968
(Chinese Records Translation Fund) 5,017.52
Ceylon Savings Bank Account No.: 226282
Balance as at 3.12.1968
(Society Medal Fund) 4 2,759.4
Total as shown in Balance Sheet . . 11,156.28

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Ceylon
GENERAL, EXPENSES
SCHEDULE 4'
Salaries 8 o s Maintenance of Typewriter Bicycle Allowance Printing & Stationery Bonus to Peon Audit Fees and Expenses
Postages s or 0. Sundry Expenses Lectures & Meetings
Travelling
Bank Charges Arrears of Increments Commission on Sale of Journals Arrears of Subscription Written Off
Total as shown in Income and Expenditure Account..
سمي
GOVERNMENT ACCOUNT
Rs... cts. Purchases el po 389.00 Balance Brought
Forward
Binding ... 1,749.50 Government Printing of Journals .. 4,500.00 Grant
Excess of Income
over Expenditure .. 3,861.50
10,500.00
Branch)
Rs... cts.
5,550.00 69.50 60.00 266.93 15.00 324.20 373.75 14200 787.00 .30 12.44 150.00 240.77 40.00
8,031.89
Rs... cts.
4,500.00
6,000.00
10,500.00

Page 61
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Income and Expenditure Account for
General Expenses Rs... cts.
As per Schedule “4”
Other Expenses
Depreciation .. 264.06 Amount written off s v s & 143.40
Excess of Income over Expenditure
Rs... cts. 8,031.89
407. 46
6,697.46
15,136.81

(CEYLON BRANCH)
the Year ended 31st December, 1968
Rs... cts. Annual Subscription a ... 7,560.00 Entrance Fees ... 320.00 Life Membership Subscription .. 675 00 .
Other Income
Sale of Journal . . 2,588.89 Interest on Savings Bank - 120.92 Donations v « - 10.50 Government Account .. ... 3,861.50
xiii
948-4
8,555.00
6,581.81
15,136.81

Page 62
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Receipts and Payments Account for the
Rs... cts. Rs... cts.
Balance on 1st January, 1968:
State Bank of India ... 4,368.31
Ceylon Savings Bank ... ... 3,455.99
Cash in hand . . w 35.01
Stamps in hand as 1.00 7,860.31
General Account:
Life Members . . at « 675.00
Arrears of Subscription . . ... 1,582.05
Current Subscription .. ... 3,134.37
Entrance Fees .. a 320.00
Fees paid in Advance .. 20.23
Sale of Journals - . . 2,588.89
Interest on Ceylon Savings Bank . . 120.92
Sale of Extended Mahawansa w 0 153.00
Sale of Journals Vol. VI Sp. No. . . 224.90
Government Grant a ... 6,000.00
Donations 8 10.50
Repayment of Staff Loan 900.00
Postage Received o o 2.60 15,732.46
Rs... 23,592.77
xiv

(CEYLON BRANCH)
year ended 31st December, 1968
General Accounts:
Salaries v w Audit Fees & Expenses Printing & Stationery Lectures & Meeting
Postage -- Bank Charges • • " Travelling Bonus to Peon · · Bicycle Allowance - Maintenance of Typewrite Commission on Sale of Journals Sundry Expenses income Tax .. Arrears of Increment Sale of Journals Deposits
Government Account:
Purchase of Books Binding Printing of Journals
Refund of Subscription:
Current Subscription Staff Loan
Cash & Bank Balances:
State Rank of India Ceylon Savings Bank Cash in hand
Stamps
Rs... cts.
5,550.00 324.20 266.93 787 00 376.35 12.44 30 15.00 60.00 69.50 240.77 142 ()0 90.00 15() ()0 153 ()()
38900 1,749.50 4,500.00
2O). OO 1, 100.00
3,981.61 3,576.91 34.61 3.65
Rs... cts.
8,237.49
6,638.50
1, 120.00
7,596.78
Rs... 23,592.77

Page 63
Abstract of Proceedings
Minutes of the 123rd Annual General Meeting of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held at 5.15 p.m. on Friday 29th November 1968, at the New Arts Theatre, University of Colombo.
Present.--Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, the President of the Society, presided. A large gathering of members and visitors were present.
Absent. -Letters received from Mr. A. R. Tampoe and Venerable Kalutara Jinawansa. Thero, regretting their inability to attend the meeting were tabled.
Vote of Condolence.--The President proposed a vote of condolence on the death of the following members of the Society during the years Ig67 and I968: Dr. W. Balendra, Messrs. M. Swaminathan, A. P. Gomes, A. Mamujee, Sir James Obeyesekere, Muhandiram Don S. C. Umagiliya, Major A. N. Weinman, Sir Edwin Wijeratne, and Mr. K. S. Seneviratne. The vote of condolence was passed in the usual manner.
BUSINESS
Minutes. --The President called upon Mr. P. R. Sittampalam, the Honorary Secretary, to read the Minutes of the last Annual General Meeting, held on 18th December 967, and the Annual Report of the Society for 1967, which had been printed and circulated among the members.
Mr. S. C. Fernando proposed the adoption of the Minutes which was seconded by Mr. M. St. S. Cassie Chetty. The Minutes were adopted unanimously.
Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke proposed the adoption of the Annual Report of the Society for Ig67, which was seconded by Mr. D. R. Wickremaratne. The Annual Report was adopted unanimously.
Audited Statement of Accounts and the Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1969.--Mr. A. E. H. Sanderatne proposed and Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke seconded the adoption of the Statement of Accounts and the Honorary Treasurer's Report, which had been printed and circulated among the members. The Statement of Accounts and the Honorary Treasurer's Report were adopted unanimously.
Donations. --The Honorary Secretary announced the names of the clunors from whom donation of books have been received since the last Annual General Meeting up to the end of December 1967.
Acquisitions.--The Flonorary Secretary tabled a list of books which had been purchased during the year ended 31st December 1967, and announced that the list of books donated to the Society and acquired by the Society were available at the Society's Library for perusal by the members.
Announcement of New Members.--The Honorary Secretary announced the names of 27 new members who had been admitted since the last Annual (eneral Meeting up to 3 Ist December 1967.
Election of Office'. Bearers. --The President then read out the names ef the Office-Bearers who had been nominated by the Council for the ensuing year 968/1969.
хvi

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEOINGS xvii
The following nominations by the Council were unanimously accepted by the members.
Ordinary Melbers of the Council:
Dr.G.P. Malalasekera and Mr. S. C. Fernando were elected ordinary members of the Council in place of Mr. A. R. Tampoe and Mr. D. C. R. Gunawardene who had retired. Proposed by Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke and seconded by Rev. K. Chandajoti Thero.
Honorary Secretaries:
Mr. P. R. Sittampalam and Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu were re-elected Joint Honorary Secretaries of the Society. Proposed by Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke and seconded by Rev. K. Chandajoti Thero.
Honorary Treasurer:
Al-Hajj A. H. M. lsmail was re-elected Honorary Treasurer of the Society. Proposed by Mr. A. E. H. Sanderatne and seconded by Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty.
Auditors:
Messrs. Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants, were re-appointed auditors for the ensuing year. Proposed by Mr. A. E. H. Sanderatne and seconded by Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty. After the election of the above office-bearers. at the request of the President, the Honorary Secretary read out the full list of office-bearers of the Society for the year 1968/1969.
The President expressed the Society's thanks for the services rendered to the Society by the Joint Honorary Secretaries who had arranged five lectures for the year, which were very useful to the public.
Lecture.--Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, the President of the Society, then delivered his Presidential address on "The History of Archaeology in Ceylon.' Mr. S. C. Fernando proposed a vote of thanks to the President. The President in winding up the proceedings thanked the members for their presence. The Meeting was then declared closed.

Page 64
Minutes of the Emergency Meeting of the Council, held at 5 p.m. on Tuesday, 18th February 1969 at the Society's Library, University Building, Thurstan Road, Colombo 3.
Present.——Dr. C. E. Goda kumbura, the President in the Chair, and the following members: Dr. S. Paranavitana, Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Dr. G. C. Mendis, Ven. Mirisse Gunasiri Maha Thero, Dr. K. W. Goonewardena, Mr. C. B. P. Perera, Mr. S. C. Fernando, Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer), Mr. P. R. Sittampalam and Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu (Jt. Hony. Secretaries). The President and Members of the Council present inspected the alternative accommodation offered by the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ceylon, Colombo, on the First Floor of the Grand Stand Building on the Race Course, Reid Avenue, for the Society's Library, and thereafter met at the Library at 5.3 p.m.
The President explained the contents of the notice dated IIth February 1969 (which had been sent to the Members of the Council) and stated that the purpose for summoning the Council was to take a decision with regard to the request made by the Vice-Chancellor of the University that the Library should be shifted by the end of the current month as the room is urgently needed by the University for its own purposes.
All aspects of the mattef were fully considered and as no other suitable alternative accommodation was immediately available, it was unanimously decided to accept the offer and shift the library to the Room at the Grand Stand as soon as it was made ready for occupation. The Hony. Secretaries were directed to write to the Secretary to the Vice-Chancellor thanking the Vice-Chancellor, accepting the alternative accommodation offered, and the offer of assistance with labour and transport for shifting the Library.
The resolution was formally proposed by Dr. G. C. Mendis and seconded by His Iordship Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, C.M.I.
The 28th International Congress of Orientalists will be held at the Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., from 6th to I2th January, IQ7I. All scholars of the languages, history, literature and culture of Asia are welcome.
Enquiries should be addressed to:
The Secretary-General, 28th International Congress of Orientalists, Australian National University Post Office, via CANBERRA CITY. A.C.T. 26or. Australia.
хviіі

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEIDINGS ΧiΧ.
COUNCL MIEETINGS Summary of the Princeedings
Date & Venue.-24th March 1969, at 5.15 p.m. at the University Building Thurstan Road, Colombo 3.
Present.--Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, the President, in the Chair and the following members:-Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, Dr. R. L. Brohier, Dr. G. C. Mendis, Mr. S. A. Wijayatilake, Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke, Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya, Mr. D. G. Dayaratne, Mr. S. C. Fernando, Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) and Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu (Hony. Secretary).
Minutes.-The Minutes of the Meeting of 26th October 1968 and the Minutes of the Emergency Meeting held on I Sth February 1969 were confirmed.
Election of New Members.-14 new members were elected.
Books (a) Donations.--Veer Savarkar (Mr. Dhananjay Keer); Ceylon in Ptolemy's geography (Mr. J. R. Sinnatamby) and Konneswaram (Mr. C. S. Navaratnam).
(b) Purchases.--Sanskruti Vol. 13, Nos. 2-4, Vol. I4, Nos. I-4 and Vol. I5, Nos. T-3; Artibus Asiae—Vol. 29, No. 4 and Vol. 3o, Nos. 2-3; History of Sinhalese Literature (P. B. Sannasgala); Parani Lankava saha Silalipi (Ancient Ceylon and Inscriptions: by Tennakoon Vimalananda); The Decline of Polonnaruwa and the Rise of Dambadeniya (A. Liyanagamage); Udarata Mahakerella-Rebellion of 1818, Its Secret Documents and Despatches (T. Vimalananda) and Mulamadhyamika Karikawa (Ven. M. Sasanaratana Thero).
Arrears of Subscription.--Deferred for the next Council Meeting.
Authority was granted to write-off a sum of Rs. 55/- due by the late Mudaliyar K. S. de Silva. Mrs. T. F. Jayawardena to pay Rs. 4o/- being membership subscription due from the late Major T. F. Jayawardena.
Mr. D. T. Devendra's article entitled "Lotus without Symbolism' was referred to the Committee dealing with publication.
Dr. S. Paranavitana's reply to the review of his book "Ceylon and Malaysia' was discussed and the following resolution was passed. 'Comments on Reviews will not be accepted for publication except where correction is required of a purely factual error.'
Council was informed that a sum of Rs. 6, oor /- was received as grant from the Department of Cultural Affairs. Council suggested that a letter be written requesting an enhanced grant as books and all other items have gone up in price.
Permission was granted to make six Society Medals.
With regard to the letter from the Malacological Society, the Council agreed to allow the publications of articles appearing in our Journals under the usual conditions.
The Secretary was requested to write to Dr. L. S. Perera of the University of Colombo and Prof. H. Ellawala of the Vidyodaya University with regard to Government Agents' Diaries. While discussing this subject the Council also suggested that the Secretary may negotiate with the Government Printer for reprinting our old Journals. The invitation to Prof. Codrington to deliver a public lecture was not pursued as Prof. Codrington had left Ceylon.
Exchange of Publications with the Librarian Archivist of the American Academy of Benares was accepted.
Council could not accept Mr. N. Illeperuma's suggestion to rejoin the Society. as a new member as he is already in arrears of subscription for 6 years.
(a) Council appointed Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya, Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu and requested the President to incorporate any other member from the Society to deal with the subject on 'Sammatha Sinhala.'

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文X JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), Ig69
(b) The request from the Director of Messrs. H. W. Cave & Co., Ltd., for permission to reprint Prof. T. Nadaraja's article on "The Administration of Justice in Ceylon under the Dutch Government,' was refused.
(c) Mr. V. Benjamin's request for the supply of 75 extra copies of Prof. Nadaraja's paper was disallowed; Prof. Nadaraja's request for the supply of 3o extra copies was allowed at Rs. 2/- for each extra copy.
Date & Venue. - 8th August, I969 at 5.5 p.m. at the Society's Library on the First Floor of the Race Course Grandstand Building, Reid Avenue, Colombo 7 (new location).
Present.--Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, the President, in the Chair, and the following Members:--Dr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Dr. G. C. Mendis, Dr. H. W. Tambiah, O.C., Messrs. W. J. F. LaBrooy, D. T. Devendra, Prof. K. W. Goonewardena, Messrs. W. B. Marcus Fernando, S. C. Fernando, Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) and Mr. P. R. Sittampalam (Hony Secretary).
Minutes.-The Minutes of the Meeting of 24th March, 1969, were confirmed. Business arising out of the Minutes.-Re Item. I3 of the Minutes of the Meeting of 24th March, 1969, Mr. S. C. Fernando raised the question of Govt. Agents' Diaries.
As a competent Editor was needed the Council authorised Mr. Fernando to meet the Govt. Archivist to obtain his advice as to how the work should be proceeded with and ascertain whether arrangements could be made for his staff to assist.
The Hony. Secretary was directed not to write the letters referred to in the same item.
life and New Members. -(a) Messrs. S. C. Fernando and H. W. Amarasuriya were added to the List of Life Members of the Society, under Rule 36. (b) 8 New Members were elected. −
Books (a) Donations.--A Dictionary of the Sinhalese Language, Vol. I part 2. (Editor-in-Chief, Sinhalese Dictionary); A Proposed Decipherment of the Indus Script (Dr. S. Paranavitana); India 1968 (Reference Annual) and 29 books relating to the Mahatma Gandhi Centenary Celebrations I969 (The Information Service of the High Commission of India in Ceylon); 'Vidyodaya'-- Journal of Arts, Sciences and Letters Vol. I, Nos. I and 2 (Librarian, Vidyodaya University); Sinhala Laws and Customs and Pre-Aryan Customary LawsProceedings of the First International Conference of Tamil Studies,Kuala Lumpur I966. (Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C.).
(b) Purchases.--Artibus Asiae, Vol. 3o, Nos. 2, 3 and 4 and Sanskruti (Sinhalese), Vol. 16 No. I.
(c) Subsequent Purchases.-—Artibus Asiae, Vol. 3 I No. I: Education in Ceylon-A Centenary Volume, Parts I-3 (The Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs); Sir Oliver E. Goonetilleke-A Biography, and Ferguson's Ceylon Directory, 1969.
Arrears of Subscription.-The names of 56 members were removed from the roll and the arrears outstanding against them were written-off. The Council also directed that if these former members wanted to re-join the Society, they should be asked to first settle all the arrears due. The resignations of Ven. M. Piyaratana Maha Thero and Miss M. D. L. Goonetilleke were accepted. The amounts due from them were to be written-off.
The payment of Rs. 5092/o3 made to the Colombo Apothecaries Co., Ltd. for printing and supplying 8oo copies of R.A.S. Journal Vol. I2 (1968) was approved.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEDINGS xxi
The appointment of Miss S. Z. Amath as an Asst. Librarian from Ist June I969 was approved.
As regards obtaining the grant of a piece of land for the construction of the Library building and Hall, the President explained that Dr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, Dr. S. Paranavitana, Dr. G. C. Mendis, the Honorary Secretary and himself had interviewed the Land Commissioner and explained to him the Society's urgent need of a piece of land in the vicinity of the University of Colombo for a building to accommodate the Society's Library and a Hall for the Society's Public Meetings. The Land Commissioner stated that as Land was available in the MacCarthy Road area, he would place the request before the Cabinet SubCommittee and convey their decision. The Council appointed a Committee consisting of the President, the Honorary Treasurer and the Honorary Secretaries to take all the necessary steps in this respect and to consult an Architect as regards plans for the construction of a suitable building.
Tabled Mr. D. T. Devendra's letter dated 8.7.69 offering to continue the Index to Journals compiled for the first hundred years, by Mr. Lyn de Fonseka. It was understood that Mr. Devendra would prepare a Card Index on lines similar to Mr. de Fonseka's, fill any omissions and provide matter for an Index covering 125 years. The Council thanked Mr. Devendra for his offer and requested him to undertake the work. It was suggested that the Index should if possible improve on the lines of indexing adopted by Mr. de Fonseka.
Dr. M. W. Sugathapala de Silva's letter in place of W. Geiger's Maldivian Linguistic Studies (JRASCB Vol. XXVIII, Extra Number, I o I 9) on an independent work on the Maldivian Language was disciissed. It was decided to request, Dr. de Silva to submit his manuscript to enable the Council to consider his suggestion.
The Manuscript translation of Journal New Series Vol. VI (Special Number), translated into Sinhala by Mr. Somapala Jayawardhana was referred to Mr. W. B. Marcus Fernando for checking, and thereafter it was to be submitted to lor. Godakumbura for approval. Correspondence regarding Second International Conference Seminar on Asian Archaeology to be held in Colombo from 23rd to 26th August 1969 was discussed. Council directed the iIonorary Secretary to thank the Conference Secretary Dr. Sadhamangala Karunaratne for the kind invitation.
Book Review.--"A Critical Pali Dictionary'', Vol. 2, Fasc. 5 was referred to Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu for review.
Permission was granted to Mr. W. P. A. Lionel to translate and publish Dr. S. Paranavitana's article on "Sigiri the Abode of a God-King' in J.R.A.S. (CB) Vol. I, New Series, in compliance with Society's terms and conditions.
The President and the Honorary Secretary were requested to go through
the old journals to revise the prices. The revised prices were to be notified in the future journals.
Tabled Journal Vol. XII (1968). The Council resolved that the paper used
was of an inferior quality and quotations for the subsequent journals were to be called for from the Vidyalankara Press. w
Council directed the President and the Hony. Secretary to deal with the following-(a) Sale of journals with particular reference to the old journals of which the Library has only a few copies. (b) Reprinting of some selected old
journals. (c) Obtain the missing journals in order to complete the full set of journals for the Library.
Tabled correspondence of Messrs. Swets & Zeitlenger's, Amsterdam, regarding the re-printing of past journals. Council accepted the suggestion on condition that the printers should supply the Society with 15% of the total print of 20o copies i.e. 3o copies of each reprinted Volume.

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xxii JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol, XIII, (New Series), 1969
(a) The Council regretted its inability to accept for publication in the Society's Journal, Mr. V. Perumal's paper on "The Tamil Society of the Sangam Age.' (b) Dr. H.W. Tambiah's request for permission to reprint his article on "Buddhist Ecclesiastical Law,' as printed in Society's Annual Journal, New Series, Vol. 8 part I, was allowed subject to the usual acknowledgment.
Date and Venue-Thursday 3oth October, 1969 at 5.15p.m. at the Society's Library, Reid Avenue, Colombo 7.
Present. -Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, the President, in the Chair, and the following members: Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Dr. G. C. Mendis, Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, Prof. K. W. Goonewardene, Mr. M. F. S. Goonetilleke, Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya, Mr. W. B. Marcus Fernando, Mr. S. C. Fernando, Al-Hajj A.H.M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer), and Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu (Jt. Hony. Secretaries).
Minutes and Business arising therefrom.-The Minutes of the Meeting of 18th August 1969, were confirmed. (Item 2 of the Minutes of the Council Meeting held on 18th August 1969) Mr. S. C. Fernando raised the question of employing a suitable person to edit the Govt. Agents' Diaries. The Council suggested that Mr. S. C. Fernando, the President, and the two Honorary Secretaries should discuss this matter with the Minister of State for early action to be taken to get some suitable persons to obtain extracts of historical and cultural information from these Diaries to edit them, and accordingly solicit the Minister's assistance.
New Members.-2 new members were elected.
Books: (a) Donations.-28 books on Mahatma Gandhi were received from the Information Service of the Indian High Commission in Ceylon. (b) Purchases.-Artibus Asiae, Vol. 3 I No. 1; Education in Ceylon (A Centenary Volume, Parts I-3); Sir Oliver E. Goonetileke-A biography by Sir Charles Jeffries and Ferguson's Ceylon Directory, Ig69. -
The Annual General Meeting was fixed for 28th November 1969. The President announced that the subject of his address would be on 'Sinhalese Festivals'.
Nomination of Office-Bearers.-Mr. S. C. Fernando (Vice-President); Prof. B. A. Abeyawickrema, Vice-Chancellor, University of Ceylon, Colombo; Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi, Vice-Chancellor, Vidyodaya University; Messrs. N. P. Wijeyeratne, J. T. Rutnam, T. W. Hoffman, D. G. Dayaratne and M. St. S. Casie Chetty (Council Members); Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu (Joint Hony. Secretaries); Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) and Messrs. Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants (Auditors).
Business Matters.-The Hony. Secretaries' Annual Report, the Audited
Statement of Accounts and the Hony. Treasurer's Report were accepted (as amended) for submission at the Annual General Meeting.
The Council was informed that a sum of Rs. 32I/6o being audit fees was paid to Messrs. Pope & Co.
Authority was granted to write-off the sum of Rs 4o/- membership fees due from (the late) Major T. F. Jayawardena.
The resignation of Mr. J. P. Chandrasena was accepted. Other Matters: Dr. M. W. Sugathapala de Silva's paper on 'Some Affinities Between Sinhalese and Maldivian' was referred to the President for report and Book Review: 'The Kotavehera at Dedigama' by Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, being Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Memoir VII was referred to Dr. G. C. Mendis for review.
Mr. C. Suntheralingam's "Essay on Early Geographical History of Ceylon' was referred to His Lordship Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I. for report.

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
xxiii
PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED IN EXCHANGE PERIOD 1.10.67 TO 309.68
America American Oriental Society
California Academy of Sciences 4 ao
Smithsonian Institute
Johns Hopkins University ..
Australia Royal Society of New South Wales . .
Royal Geographical Society of Australia, y «
Ceylon Ceylon Forester . . . o Department of Commerce . .
Department of Census and Statistics..
Engineering Association of Ceylon Grovernment Archivist
University of Ceylon
Dutch Burgher Union Director National Museums
Czechoslovakia Czechoslovakia Oriental Institute ..
Denmark - Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Op 40 " o «a o 8 a
England
Eastern World Imperial Chemical Industries
و م
'a í!
Journal-Vol. 86 No. 4 and Vol. 87 Nos. I-3.
Occasional Papers-No. 64-66. Proceedings-4th Series-Vol. 29, Vol. 30. No. I, 7; Vol. 32 Nos. I 7-II 8 Vol. 35 Nos. 2- I 8.
Miscellaneous Collections-Vol. I 52 Nos. I and 4; Nos. 2, 6, 8; Vol. I 53 No. I. Smithsonian Contributions to Astrophysics-Vol. 4 and 5; Vol. II, Vol. Io Nos. I, 3, 4, Bureau of American Ethnology-Bulletin I98. Year Book 1967.
American Journal of Philology --Vol. 88 Nos. 3-4 and Vol. 89 Nos. I-2.
Journal and Proceedings-Vol. Loo parts 3-4; Vol. Io II part I.
Proceedings I965-1966, Vol. 67.
(New Series) Vol. 8 Nos. I-2.
Ceylon Trade Journal-Vol. 32 Nos.
Io-I2; Vol. 33 Nos. I-5. Ceylon Year Book I966 (Tamil) 1967 English and Sinhalese; Census of Population, Ceylon I963; Ceylon Census of Agriculture Ig62. Transactions for Ig67 Vol. I-2. Catalogue of books part 5; II, 964 (English and Sinhalese) I965 (Sinhalese and English). Review Vol. 22 Nos. Ir-2: Vol. 23 No.
-2.
Journal Vol. LVIII Nos. I-4.
. . . Spolia Zeylanica -Vol. 3 I part II Index
toVol. 3n part 1 and 2.
Vol. 35/3.
Historik Filologiske Meddelelser Bind 42 No. 2 and Critical Pali Dictionary Vol. 2 fasc 4.
vol. 21 Noš. 7-12; Vol. 22 Nos. 1-6.
Endeavour-Vol. 26 No. 99, Vol. 27 Nos. Ioo and Io II.

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xxiv. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON)
India Office Library .. o Institute of Historical Research ..
John Rylands Libyrary . .
Royal Asiatic Society (Great Britain and Ireland) a 0. P
Royal Anthropological Institute .. Royal Commonwealth Society -
Royal Geographical Society o -
School of Oriental and African Studies e 4
France Societe Asiatique, Paris ..
Germany
Baessler-Archiv Beitrage Zur Volkerkunde, Berlin -
Holland
Koninklijke Instituut Voor Taal Land-En Volkenkunde
Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademic Van Wetenschappen, Afd Letterkunde Kern Institute .
Rijksherbarium Leiden .. O
Hungary Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia
India Adyar Library and Research Centre Asiatic Society, Bengal to
Indo-Asian Culture vo
Mysore Economic Review . . a Oriental Institute, Baroda us Soil and Water Conservation of India a a s
Italy Instituto Italiano Per II Medio Ed. Extreme Oriente és 8
Vol. XIII, (New Series), Ig69
A Guide to the India Office Library.
Bulletin-Vol. 4o No. Io2; Special supplement. No. 6; 46th Annual Report.
Bulletin.---Vol. 5o Nos. I and 2.
Journal-I967 parts I-4. Proceedings for 1967.
Journal Vol. I o Nos. 4-6; Vol. II. Nos. 1-3 Centenary Vol. I868 to 1968.
Journal-Vol. 133 parts 3 and 4; Vol. I34 parts I and 2.
Bulletin-Vol. 3o part 3; Vol. 31 parts
-2.
Journal-Tome CCLIV Fasc 2-4.
Neue Folge Band Heft 2.
Bijdragen-Deel 123 Nos. 3-4 and Deel I24. No. I.
Mededelingen-Deel 3o Nos. Io-I2 and Deel 31. Nos. I-4.
Blumea-Vol. I 5 No. 2.
Acta Orientalia-Tomus 2o Fasc. 2 and 3 Tomus 2I Fasc, I.
Vol. 31-32. Journal—Vol. 6 Nos. 3-4 and Vol. 7 Nos. I-4.
Vol. I 6 Nos. 3 and 4; Vol. I 7 Nos. I-2. Maha Bodhi Society-Vol. 75 Nos. Io-I 2; Vol. 76 Nos. I-9.
Vol. 52 Nos. 9-I 2. Vol. 53 Nos. 2-8. Journal-Vol. I6 No. 4; Vol. I7 I-4.
Journal-Vol. I 5 Nos. I-4.
East and West-Vol. I 6 Nos. 3-4 Vol. 7. Nos. I-2.

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
Historical Institute, S.J., Archivus Historicum Societates O p
Japan Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies • • A
Rumania Studia Universitatum Victor Babes Et. Bolyai a
Sarawak
Sarawak Museum e ao s
UNESCO O • » pe
Vietnam
L'Ecole Francaise D'Extreme Orient
KW
ASIno -36 Fasc., and 72.
JNrnal-vol. 16్యs. I and 2.
Series 1967ad *్క8.
Journal Vol. 14 Nos. 28-29.
Indian Science Abstracts Vol. II Nos. g-I, 2; Vol. III Nos. I-9.
Bulletin—Tome 53 Fasc. 2. Publications -Vols. 6, 62 and 68.
PUBLICATIONs ADDED TO THE LIBRARY
DONATIONS 1-10-67 To 30-9-68
I. Department of Cultural Affairs . .
2. Editor-in-Chief, Sinhalese
Dictionary .. 8
3. Embassy of the Federal
Republic of Germany . . is a 4. Fernando, M. R. or 5. Fiser, Dr. Ivo a p 6. Godakumbura, Dr. C. E. O.
7. High Commission for Canada 8. Hulugalle, H. A. J. . . us 9. Jayasuriya, Fʼrof. J. E. a Io. Jayatilake, P. e.
II. Lake House Investments Ltd. . .
I2. Obeyesekera, G. 9 I 3. Pannasekera Thero, Ven. K P R
I 4. Sri Lanka Sahitya Mandalaya . .
Encyclopaedia of Buddhism. Vol. 2 Fasc. 2 and 3. Sahitya Mandalaya Lipi Mala No. ILanka Ithihasaya.
Dictionary of the Sinhalese I language part I7. . A Dictionary of the Sinhalese language, Vol. I parts I o and II.
People in Germany. The Papanca sudant. Indian Erotics of the Oldest Feriod.
Relations between Burma and Ceylonof print J. 13. R.S. Vol. XLIX, part 2.
Canada. One undred-. 1807-1967. Ceylon of the Early Travellers. Some Issues in Ceylon Education I964. Gupta India.
Generat et Species Plantarum Zeylaniae; The Flowering I’lants in CeylonAn Etymological and Historical Study. Land Tenure in Village Ceylon. History of Sinhalese Newspapers and Magazines; parts 1-4.
Sahitya Mandalaya Articles Series No. I "History of Ceylon.'

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XXνi
5.
16. State Engineering Corporation . I 7. Tampoe, A. R. a
I. Artibus Asiae e
2. Bhargawa, P. N. is p 3. De Zilwa, Dr. Lucian . .
4. Ferguson's Ceylon Directory 5. Kodikara, S. N. 8 B
6. Pieris, Ralph va
7. Pillay, K. K. 8. Prince Ilanjo Adigal 9. Ray, K. «y v
Io. Rowland, Benjamin . . II. Tambiah, H. W. 8 12. Vimalakirti Thero, Pandit M.
Sivaramakrishna, Sarma B.
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON)
Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
The Historyof Sri Munneswaram Temple. The State Engineer Vol. I No. I.
Ceylon Sessional lapers, 1965 Report of the Bandaranaike Assassination Commission. Administration Report of
the Archaeological Commissioner I958
I96o and I962-1963.
PURCHASES-1-10-67 TO 30-9-68
Vol. 28, No. 2, 3 and 4 and Vol. 29, No. 1-4 and Vol. 3o No. I.
Anglo-Hindi Dictionary.
Scenes of a Life Time-The Autobiography of Dr. Lucian De Zilwa.
1967 and 1968.
Indo-Ceylon Relations pendence.
Sinhala Samaja Sanwidhanaya-Kandyan Period.
South India and Ceylon. Shilappadikaram (The Ankle Bracelet).
Kiratarjuniyam. Parts I-4. Hindi-Sanskrit Dictionary.
The Evolution of the Buddha Image. Sinhala Laws and Customs.
Shilalekhana Sangrahaya Parts i II, 4 and 5.
Since Inde

N. R.
N R.
Members Admitted during the year 1969
Life Member
Griswold, A.B., Writer on Asian History & Archaeology, Breezewood Foundation, Monkton Maryland, 2 r r, U.S.A. The Librarian, Vidyodaya University of Ceylon, Gangodawila, Nugegoda.
Ordinary Members
Carter, J. R., 24-28th Lane, Off Flower Road, Colombo 7. Cooray, M. G. H., 24, 'Sagara,' Wijesekera Lane, Koralawella, Moratuwa. Cooray, R. G., B.Sc., (Cey.) Smithsonian Ecology Project, Department of Botany, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. David, K. A., B.A., M.A., 41, De Fonseka Place, Colombo 4. De Alwis, S. G., Police Headquarters, Colombo I.
De Silva, M. W. Sugathapala, M.A., Ph.D., Reader in Linguistics,
University of York, Heslington, York YOI.5 DD., England.
Dissanayake, A. F., B.A. (Hons.) Ceylon. University of Ceyon, Colombo.
ဦ:aS. O. P., “Sudarsana,” Dhammasara Mawatha, Metaramba,
ae.
Gair, J.W., B.A., M.A., Ph.D., Associate Professor of Linguistics, Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, U4, U.S.A. Gamburd, Samuel, Marion, New York, I 45o5, U.S.A. Goomatilleke, M. M., J.P., Basnayaka Nilame, 2o6, Galle Road, Wellawatta, Colombo 6.
Goonewardene, J. S., 7, Boyd Place, Colombo 3. Karunasiri, P.G., Research Assistant, No. 8, Riverdale Road, Aniwatte, Kandy.
Kitsudo, M., M.A., 125, Sendo-Cho, Sakai-Shi, Osaka, Japan. McGilvray, Dennis B., cfo Mr. P. Peebles, 3, Cambridge Terrace, Colombo 7.
Peebles, P.A., 3, Cambridge Terrace, Colombo 7. Piyasekera, M.A., Ceylon Administrative Service, Dept. of Immigration and Emigration, Colombo. Ranasinghe, D. D., I 4-8, Galpotta Road, Nawala, Raiagiriya. Senanayake, Y. D. A., 59-15, Byrde Place, Colombo 6. Seneviratne, Anuradha, B.A. (Hons.) Ceylon, D.Phil (Halle), University of Ceylon, Colombo. Thambawita, D.P., Asst. Lecturer, Dept. of History, Vidyodaya University, Nugegoda. Wickremesinghe, P.C. Medical Practitioner, 3, Ascot Avenue, Colombo 5. Wickremasinghe, R. L. Biochemist, T.R.I. Low Country Station, St. Joachim, Ratnapura. Wijayawardhana, Gamarge, B.A., Ph.D., Horaketiya, Kuda du wa
Horana.
Wijeyewardene, Gehan, Senior Research Fellow, Australian National University, Canberra A.C.T., Australia.
XXνiι

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xxviii JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XIII, (New Series), 1969
Change of Address-Life Members.
Ganesh, K., Katandagolla Estate, Talatuoya. Hettiaratchi, Prof. D. E., Vice-Chancellor, Vidyodaya University of
Ceylon, Gangodawila, Nugegoda. Jayasena, K. L. A. D., B.A. (Hons.) (London), “Senani,” Medemulla, Minuwangoda. Jayasuriya, Peter, Lumbini Maha Vidyalaya, Colombo 5. Jayawardena, Somapala, Walagayawatta, Elgiriya, Telijjawila. Jayawardena, Brigadier C. P., C.V.O., O.B.E., C.M.G., E.D., M.A., I 2, Sukhastan Gardens, Ward Place, Colombo 7. Sellamuttu, S., O.B.E., 14, Alfred House Gardens, Colombo 3. Wijeratne, E.A., Assistant Superintendent of Examinations, Malay Street, Colombo 2.
Change of Address--Ordinary Members
David, Kenneth Andrew, B.A., M.A., 447, Point Pedro Road, Myliddy Coast.
De Kretser, S. A., Ceylon Tobacco Co., Ltd., HBibile. Devendra, D. T., No. 2oo (Annexe), High Level Road, Colombo 6. Dissanayake, Rev. Fr. Philip. C., Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya Kandy.
Fernando, A. B. J. L., 32, Clifford Place, Colombo 4. Goonewardene, E. G., 73, Harnes Place, Colombo 7. Leach, E. R., M.A., Ph.D., Provost's Lodge, King's College, England. Marasinghe, N. G. L., 748, Maradana Road, Colombo Io. Mudiyanse, N., M.A. (Cey.) Ph.D. (Cey.), 28/I, Kirula Road, Colombo 5.
The following Ordinary Members were transferred as Life Members.
Mr. H. W. Amarasuriya Mr. S. C. Fernando Mr. K. J. A. D. Jayasena Mr. K. J. R. Kuruppu Mr. H. R. Premaratae

Notice to Contributors
Contributions from members are invited. Papers submitted for reading or publication should be legibly typed on foolscap sheets on one side only. Typing should be double spaced. There should be a margin of 1 inches wide at the left hand side of each page. Pages should be clearly numbered and fastened together in their proper sequence. Authors are advised to keep a duplicate copy of their contributions.
Papers must be submitted in absolutely final form of printing. Numerous additions, amendments and corrections in the press add considerably to the Editor's duties and also to the cost of production. If corrections in proof are too heavy, an author may be asked to defray a portion of the cost thereof.
All references to literature must be checked by the author and volume and page number quoted. References should also be given to every important earlier publication on the same subject.
Acceptance of papers, whether for reading or publication in the Society's Journal, is subject to the approval of the Council.
Notes and Queries
The Council has decided to revive NOTES AND QUERIES as part of the Journal. This section will generally comprise short papers; illustrations accompanying them, too, will be duly considered.
The Editor welcomes papers from Members for consideration in this feature.
Xxix

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Page 71

Nos.
PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY List of Journals, etc.,
13 (Reprint)-Demono
Rs. Cts.
logy and Witchcraft
in Ceylon by Dandris de Silva Gooneratne 4.oo
I4 8 4.Oo
5 I (each) 3. oo 52
бо . . 8 0. 5.00 66 3 . Oo 7o Part 3
7O 4 (each) I.oo ل4 & 3 وو 7I
73
(each) 2.Oo 笼川
84
85
87 88 (each) 3. oo so
91)
Io2 по4 - a (each) 5.00 Io5
Notes and Queries . . Proceedings
These publications are available at the Society's Thrary,
(each) .5o (each) I.oo
Rs. Cts, New Series: Vol. II-Part Vol. II—Part 2 V. ii oft í - (each) 4.00 Vol. III-Part 2)
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Vol. X O. O. 75O
Woll. X 8 8.oo
Vol. XII IIO , (GC)
The uses of n, and l, in Sinhalese orthography by Julius de Lanerolle - 8
Extended Mahavalnisa-text in Roman Characters, editcd by Dr. G. P. Malalasekera
Centenary Volunic (1845-1945) Vol. I 0 s
lostage extra
Grand Stand Building (1st Floor), Race Course, Reid Avenue, Colombo 7 (Ceylon).
•,5O
7 „5O
7.5o

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