கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 1936

Page 1
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Page 2

JOURNAL
CEYLON BRANCH
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, 1936.
VO LUME XXXIII
No. 89—Parts I., II., III., and W.
PAPERS: PAGE
NALLAMAPPANA VANNIYAN AND THIR: GRAINT of A
MUDALIYARSHIP a 8 - - - 4 x 40 27
THE DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE - 233
DOCUMENTS FROM THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE KO O A 254
ON ESTIMATING THE DURATION OF THE STONE-AGE IN
CEYLON as 8 was a - - 26
The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, Sciences, and Social Condition of the present and former Inhabitants of the Island of Ceylon.
COOMBO :
THE TIMEs oF CEYLoN CoMPANY, LTD., PRINTERs
1937
Prices : To Members, Re. I; to Non-members, Rs. 2

Page 3

JOURNAL
OF THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY CEYLON BRANCH.
mത്ത rത്താlm
THE ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1936
The Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in submitting their report for the year 1936 wish to take this opportunity of giving respectful expression of their loyalty and congratulation to His Most Gracious Majesty King George VI on his accession to the throne of his ances. tors. The Council further desire to express their confident hope that His Majesty's reign over a loyal Commonwealth of Nations, of which Ceylon forms a part, will be a long, prosperous and glorious one.
Deaths
We regret to announce the loss by death of the undermentioned members of our Society during the year :-
Sir Henry Lawson de Mel, C.B.E., J.P., Major D. B. Seneviratne, M.M., C.C.S., and Gate Mudaliyar Walter Dias Bandaranaike.
Sir Henry Lawson de Mel joined our Society in 1908 and was in 1912 elected a Life Member. By his death under tragic circumstances Ceylon has lost one of her most prominent sons and our Society an energetic and enthusiastic member.

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194 JourNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) VOL. XXXIII.
Major D. B. Seneviratne, C.C.S., was elected a member of the Society in 1921. By the interest he took in our work he has upheld the fine tradition of the Civil Service, members of which have contributed so much to our knowledge of the history, customs and resources of the Island.
Gate Mudaliyar Walter Dias Bandaranaike, who joined the Society in 1912, had always evinced a keen interest in our work.
Resignation
Dr. A. W. R. Joachim resigned during the year.
New Members
The following new members were elected : (i) N. Gunathunge, (ii) E. A. P. Wijeratne, (iii) Gate Mudaliyar D. C. de Silva, (iv) A. B. Coliau de Soysa, (v) A. H. Longhurst, (vi) P. A. Weerasooriya, (vii) D. L. F. Pedris, and (viii) A. P. Gomes.
Life Members
C. H. Collins, B.A., C.C.S., and K. W. de A. Wijesinghe.
Members of the Civil Service as well as those engaged in the learned professions have in the past unstintedly supported the activities of our Society. The value of the work done by the Society may be gauged by the fact that many of the present scientific departments of the Government were started as a result of the initiative and agitation of the Society. With the greater interest that is being evinced by Ceylonese as well as those outside the Island in our history, languages, institutions and customs, our Society is in a unique position to contribute substantially towards the advancement of that knowledge. The extent and usefulness of such work depends on the support we get from the

No. 89-1936) ANNUAL REPORT 195
public and it is, therefore, earnestly hoped that members of the Civil Service and of the learned professions at least would give an impetus to our work and that many would join the Society during the current year. With this end in view a circular letter, giving particulars with regard to the work of the Society, is now being addressed to over 500 members of the Government services and it is hoped that the response will be encouraging.
Revision of Rule
Rule No. 16, as revised at the Annual General Meeting held on Friday, the 3rd May, 1935, reads as follows:-
“The Council shall be elected from among the Ordinary and Honorary Members of the Society, and shall consist of a President, not more than three VicePresidents, and not more than three Honorary Secretaries, an Honorary Treasurer, and twelve Ordinary Members, provided that eac-Presidents resident in Ceylon shall also be members of the Council without being elected, and that no one shall be appointed to be a Vice-President who has not already had at least one year's service on the Council.’’
Publications
Journal, Vol. XXXIII, No. 87, the contents of which were stated in the last Annual Report, was issued during the year. The Journal, Vol. XXXIII, No. 88, now in the press, contain in addition to proceedings of meetings the following papers and notes :-
(1) “Indian Languages and their relation with the Sinhalese Language, by Rev. R. Siddhartha, M.A., Lecturer in Oriental Languages, Ceylon University College.

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196 JotuRNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) VoL. XXXIII.
(2) “Some Fossil Animals from Ceylon, by P. E. P. Deraniyagala, Esq., M.A. (Cantab), A.M. (Harvard), F. Camb. Phil. Soc., F.L.S., F.Z.S., Assistant Marine Biologist to the Government of Ceylon.
(3) “ Excerpta Máldiviána—No. 14—Máldivian Taboo of Free English Education,' by H. C. P. Bell, Esq., C.C.S. (Retired).
The Journal for the year under review is being now prepared and among its contents will probably be the following :-:-
(l) Documents from the Public Record Office kindly sent by the Historical Manuscripts Commission.
(2) “ Nallamāppāņa Vanniyan and the Grant of a Mudaliyarship,' by Rev. Father S. Gnana Prakasar, O.M.I.
(3) “ Dravidian Element in Sinhalese,' by Rev. Father
S. Gnana Prakasar, O.M.I.
(4) “Excerpta, Máldiviána,” by H. C. P. Bell, Esq.,
C.C.S. (Retired).
The Aluvihara Edition of the Pali Classics
Dr. G. P. Malalasekera has sent in the following report re the Extended (Cambodian) Mahavamsa :-
The actual text of the “Extended Mahavamsa,' has now being fully printed. It covers 327 pages.
There now remains for me to write the Introduction. It will mean about two months of concentrated work.

No. 89-1936) ANNUAL REPORT 197
At the moment I am completely engrossed in passing the proofs of a rather voluminous book in two volumes of 2,600 pages which I have prepared for the Secretary of State for India in Whitehall, a Dictionary of Pali Proper Names. He is very anxious that the book should be issued not later than April. Each entry in the Dictionary has several references, in the case of important names, sometimes as many as 100 ! This makes proof reading a very laborious and tiring task, which takes up all the time I can spare when College is in session.
I am afraid, therefore, I cannot write the Mahavamsa, Introduction till my holidays begin in April, l937.
Meetings and Papers
Six General Meetings and one meeting of the Council were held during the year. At the Annual General Meeting held on 29th May, 1936, the Annual Report was read and the President delivered a Presidential Address.
The papers read at the remaining meetings were:-
March 10 “Hindu-Javanese Art, by Dr. A. J. Bernet-Kempers, the eminent Dutch Archaeologist.
June 27 “Some Living and Fossil Vertebrate Land Links from Ceylon,' by P. E. P., Deraniyagala, Esq., M.A. (Cantab). A.M. (Harvard).
October 13 “Revelations of the Mohenjo-Daro Inscriptions,” by Rev. Father H. Heras, S.J., M.A.

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198 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) VoI. XXXIII.
October 30 “Nallamäippana, Wanniyan and the Grant of a Mudaliyarship, by Rev. Father S. Gnana Prakasar, O.M.I.
Dec. 17 “In Weddah Jungles,' illustrated with Cinema films by Dr. R. L. Spittel, M.R.C.S. (Eng.), L.R.C.P., etc.
The Council
Mudaliyar Herod Gunaratna, Mr. E. W. Perera, Dr. A. Nell and Dr. R. L. Spittel retired under Rule 20, two of them being eligible for re-election. The existing vacancies were filled by the election of Mr. E. W. Perera, Dr. A. Nell. and Messrs. E. Reimers and R. H. Bassett.
Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman was re-elected Honorary Secretary and Treasurer, and Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala was re-elected Co-Hony. Secretary.
The Library
The Library and the Journal are two powerful means of achieving the Society's ideals, and it is gratifying to note that the high standard of articles published in the Journal is being maintained, while greater interest is being displayed by members in the Ceylon Section of the Library, which is one of the largest existing collections of books on Ceylon. The cataloguing of the Ceylon books on the same plan, as has been adopted in the Museum Library, has been begun and nearly half of the Ceylon Section has now been completed.
A Card Catalogue of all the books in the Library is also being prepared. At present the want of accommodation has delayed the work of cataloguing. In order to find room for the annually increasing number of additions to the Library a large number of books and periodicals have to be stored in

No. 89-1936) ANNUAL REPORT 199
a room in the annex to the Museum, formerly occupied by the Taxidermist, this room having been kindly placed at the disposal of the Society through the courtesy of the Director, Colombo Museum.
Whilst on the subject of accommodation attention may be drawn to the want of a suitable retiring room for members and another room for those interested in research work. At present a portion of the public Reading Room attached to the Museum is being used by members of our Society and it will be agreed that this is not at all a suitable or convenient arrangement. It is to be hoped that when the proposed extensions to the Museum are completed it would be possible to have a larger floor space for the housing of the Society's Library and the provision of other amenities for the convenience of members.
The under-noted Ceylon books have been rebound, while besides other useful publications, the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1914, up to date and Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India, Vols. I-IX are now available for reference, neatly bound in half-leather:-
(i) Cordiner: History of Ceylon.
(ii) Cunningham : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.
(iii) Bennett: Ceylon and its Capabilities.
(iv) Tennent : Ceylon.
(v) Pridham : Ceylon and its Dependancies.
(vi) Legislative Council: Governors' Addresses, 1833
1860.
(vii) Legislative Council: Governors' Addresses, 1860.
1877.

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200 JOURNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) Vol. XXXIII.
(viii) Hardy : Jubilee Memorial of the Wesleyan Mission.
(ix) Dutch History : Itinerary of Johan J. Saar in
East India.
(x) Regulations and Ordinances of the Government of
Ceylon, 1833-37.
(xi) Johnston : Expedition to Candy.
(xii) Ceylon Almanac, 1844, 1846, 1848, 1849, 1854,
1865, 1868.
(xiii) Murray: Avifauna of the Island.
The additions to the Library including parts of periodicals numbered l34.
The Society is indebted to the following for valuable exchanges :-The Smithsonian Institute, Washington; The American Oriental Society, Connecticut; The American Philological Society, Baltimore; The Dutch Burgher Union of Ceylon: The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland ; l'Ecole Francaise de Extreme-Orient, Hanoi: Die Deutsche Morgenlandische Gesellschaft, Leipzig; The China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Shanghai; The Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta; The Behar and Orissa Research Society, Patna; The Asiatic Society of Japan; The Siam Society, Bangkok ; The Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch, Singapore; The Mythic Society, Bangalore; Koninklijk Instituut Voor de Taal-Land-En Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie, Batavia ; Kern Institute, Leiden ; The Indian Historical Society, Calcutta; The Burma Research Society, Burma; The Institute of Historical Research, London; The School of Oriental Studies, London; The Bataviaasch Genootschap Van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Batavia; The Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay; The Royal Society of New South Wales, Sydney; Andhara Historical Research Society, India; Royal Asiatic

No. 89-1936 ANNUAL REPORT 20
Society, Korean Branch; Anthropological Society, Bombay; Oriental Institute, Baroda ; The Karnatak Historical Research Society, Dharwar; The Indian Research Institute, Calcutta; and the Academy of Oriental Culture, Kyoto Institute, Japan, and the Orchid Circle of Ceylon.
Donations
Donations were received from the following :-The Director-General of Archaeology, India ; The Anthropological Survey, Mysore; Bangalore; The University of Calcutta; The Editor, Tamil Lexicon, Madras; The Government Epigraphist, Madras; The Government of Punjab; The Government of Ceylon; The Director, Colombo Museum, Colombo; The Archaeological Commissioner, Colombo : The Editor, “ The Ardra,” Jaffna ; The Director of Education, Colombo; Mr. A. Ramanathan, Horton Place, Colombo; Dr. Walter S. J. Peiris, “Sans Souci,’ Moratuwa ; Mr. T. W. Hockly, Colombo; Messrs. D. E. Hettiaratchi, D. C. Dissanayaka, Arnold Gurusinghe and the Registrar-General and Director of Commercial Intelligence, Colombo.
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK IN 1936
The Archaeological Commissioner has sent the following summary of the work, done by his department in the year 1936 :-
Polonnaruva
Extensive repairs were carried out to the Potgul Vehera, Thuparama, Vatadagé and Lankatilaka, which are now in an excellent state of preservation. Repairs to the Rankot Vehera are in progress. Being a large work this will take some months for completion. A motorable road, about two miles in length, is under construction from the Citadel to the Lankaitilaka. This was a long-felt want of the visitors, for much time was spent by them in walking to and from

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202 JoURNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) Vol. XXXIII.
the monuments. A public well at Galvihāra has been provided at a cost of Rs. 300. The Royal Enclosure was cleared of decayed trees and new flowering trees will be planted where necessary so that when the work is completed, the whole area will be converted into a beautiful park. A great deal of work has been done in clearing jungle, weeding, and the upkeep of departmental roads and paths throughout the ruins.
Anuradhapura
Repairs to the Peacock Palace have been executed and it is now in a good state of preservation and enclosed by a wire fence with reinforced concrete posts and an iron gate. The repairs to the northern gate way of the Ruanvalisiya have been completed. The bases of the two large Buddha images on the outer Circular have been repaired and are now in sound state of preservation. The work at the Daladage and the Mahāpāli sites is now finished. The preservation were as usual cleared off jungle and now the monuments in the locality present a pleasing appearance to the visitor.
Mihintale
The conservation work undertaken at the Kantaka Cetiya is now complete. The decayed brick work of the dome and the tops of the vahalkadas has been pointed and plastered where necessary and the stone basement of the structure put into a thorough state of repair. The two long flights of steps leading up the hill to the Dagaba are now in good order, the sides being cleared of loose stone and turfed. A new culvert was provided for the approach road to the hill in place of the old one which was found unsafe for motor traffic. The ruins in the reservations have also being repaired and new paths made where necessary.
Sīgiriya
The outer surface of the lower gallery wall was found to be decaying, the old plaster having fallen in places left the

No. 89-1936) ANNUAL REPORT 203
brick works exposed to the rains. Owing to the height of the gallery above ground, Ordinary scaffolding could not be used for this work so special platforms with strong ropes lashed to iron rings provided for the purpose have been erected and the work is in progress. It is a difficult job and will take sometime to complete. The lion-stair case has been repaired from top to bottom and the lion's right paw restored to give visitors an idea of the size of the figure when complete. The long flight of steps up the hill have been repaired and the stone retaining walls on the hill side above re-built where they had fallen. A car-park has been provided at the foot of the hill and new paths to the Audience Hall and Preaching Rock opened. A vast number of decayed and useless trees have been removed from the Western floor of the hill with a view to converting this area into a park with beautiful views of the surrounding country.
Epigraphy
The Epigraphical Assistant was granted leave out of Ceylon for ten months beginning on 2nd September, 1936, so that he was on duty for only eight months of the year. During this period he was engaged in seeing Vol. IV, part 3, of the Epigraphia Zeylanica through the press, and in the preparation of part 4 of the same publication, the material for which has already been sent to the printers. He has also undertaken to correct the proofs of this part whilst he is on leave in Europe. In addition, he also prepared the readings of 500 Brahmi Inscriptions, estampages of which were secured during the last three years and which are intended to form part of a “Corpus of Brahmi Inscriptions in Ceylon' to be published in due course. These works did not give him time to undertake an exploration circuit for the search of inscriptions yet unknown.
Epigraphia Zeylanica
Volume IV, part 3, which Press conshed during the year by the Oxford University Press contains six articles

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204 JOURNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) IVoL. XXXIII,
by the Epigraphical Assistant and dealing with inscriptions ranging in date between the 5th and the 8th centuries. These inscriptions have been selected for study not so much on account of the historical interest, in which respect the majority of them are of little importance, but as specimens of the Sinhalese Language and script of a period during which the development of either has been but imperfectly understood hitherto.
THE SINHALESE ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY
The Editor-in-Chief has forwarded the following report of the work done during the year 1936 :-
(l) The Second Part of the Sinhalese-English Dictionary consisting of 50 pages was issued in November, 1936.
(2) The Third Part is now going through the press and will be issued shortly.
(3) The printing of Prof. Geiger's Sinhalese Grammar is making good progress. It will also be issued along with the Third Part.
(4) Owing to certain technical difficulties the printing of the Sinhalese-Sinhalese Dictionary has been unavoidably delayed. But the First Part, consisting of 100 pages, is now nearing completion and is expected to be out in about a month's time.
(5) During the year under review I have begun a critical edition of the Jataka. Atuva Gätapadaya, a text belonging to the llth century, which is as important as the Dhampiya, Atuva Gitapadaya for the Dictionary work.

No. 89-1936 ANNUAL REPORT 205
THE HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
COMMISSION
The Secretary of the Ceylon Historical Manuscripts Commission has forwarded the following report of the work done during the year 1936 :-
The endeavour to bring to light every document of historical importance has been steadily continued during the period under review. A programme of travelling was mapped out and various tours were undertaken and completed. Collections in remote parts of the Island not easily accessible were examined and numerous manuscripts of value were discovered and calendared. Copies of the most important documents have already been procured, e.g., the Sri Lanka Kadaimpota and the first part of the Mandaram Pura, Puvata from the Māligātänna Vihara, Padiyapälällathey will be edited in due course and published in the Bulletins of the Commission. The following are some of the reports received during the last twelve months:-
(1) Report on the documents in the Kandy District by
Mr. E. W. Perera-April, 1936.
(2) Report of Rev. Rambukwella Siddhartha, and Mr. E. W. Perera on their tour of the VanniMay, 1936.
(3) Report of the Kotte C.M.S. Church Parish Registers,
by Mr. E. W. Perera-July, 1936.
(4) Report of Rev. Rambukwella Siddhartha on his
visit to Anuradhapura in October, 1936.
(5) Report of Dr. N. B. P. Goonetilleke on his visit to the Kurunegala and Balangoda Districts in January, l936.
(6) Report of Dr. N. B. P. Goonetilleke on his visit to the Matale and Kurunegala area in March, 1936,

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206. JoURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) VOL. XXXIII.
Bulletins Nos. 1 and 2, edited by Mr. C. H. Collins and Rev. Rambukwella Siddhartha, are now in the press and will be issued at an early date. The material for Bulletin No. 3.-Copies of correspondence in Tamil between the British and the King of Kandy arranged and edited by Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam-has just been transmitted to the printer.
The translations of the Portuguese Forals of l614 and 1618 have been completed by Rev. Father S. G. Perera who is now engaged in translating the supplementary Forals of 1622 which were purchased by Government at the instance of the Commission.
Among the Photostat copies of important documents affecting the history of Ceylon which have been obtained from the Public Record Office, London, are the following three :-
(1) Queries put to General de Meuron re fortification of Colombo and answering his li5-12-1795 (from Trichinopolly).
(2) Letter from Hobart to Dundas re permanent occupa
tion of Ceylon, Il-10-1795.
(3) Letter (Private) from Stuart to Dundas 10-10-1795 Discussions re return of Batticaloa, Jaffna Mullaitίνια.
The Commission expects to publish No. 1 as an Appendix to the third Report, while Nos. 2 and 3 have been forwarded to the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch) for publication in the Journal of that institution.
In response to a request made by the Commission, lists of all documents of historical value in outstation Kachcheries have been received from the Government Agents and

No. 89-1 936) ANNUAL REPORT 207
Assistant Government Agents. The records in the Jaffna Kachcheri have been examined and reported on by Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam.
In view of the ill-health of the Honorary Secretary, Mr. E. Reimers, M.B.E., during the year, Mr. J. H. O. Paulusz was appointed to act as Secretary.
The Commission which had been admitted to membership of the British Records Association, London, was represented at the Annual Conference in November last year by Dr. Paul E. Pieris, Ceylon Trade Commissioner in England.
An exhibition of Historical Manuscripts to be held in May, 1937, is being organised.
Arrangements are being made to secure important documents as exhibits from private owners and public institutions.
Finances
The annexed Balance Sheet discloses a balance of Rs. 3,54789 to the credit of the Society, at the close of the financial year. The receipts in 1936 amounted to . Rs. 23,75894 and the expenditure, Rs. 20,211'05.
The Balance Sheets of the Chalmers’ Oriental Text Fund and the Chinese Records Translation Fund are also annexed showing credit balances of Rs. 2,544'12 and Rs. 1,00261 respectively.
The Council desire to thank Mr. Herbert Tarrant for having kindly audited the Society's accounts for the year under review.

Page 11
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Page 12
210 JourNAL, R. A. s. (CEYLoN) (Vol. XXXIII.
GENERAL MEETING.
Colombo Museum Lecture Hall, March 10, 1936.
Present:
Hon’ble Sir Baron Jayatilaka, President, in the chair. C. H. Collins, Esqr., B.A., C.C.S., Vice-President. Dr. S. C. Paul, M.D., Vice-President.
Mr. C. T). F. Abayakoon Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, M. A., Mr. A. C. G. S. A mara sekera. Ph. D.
Dr. W "TIGA Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S. r. w. latendra Mr. T). Obeyesekere Mr. A. Ginige, M.A. - Mr. E. W. Perera
Mr. dakumbura, B.A. Mr. C. Rasanayagam, Mudaliyar Mr. Herod Gumaratna, Gate Mr. W. Samarasinghe, Atapattu
Mudaliyar Mudaliyar
IDr. R. L. Spittel
Mr. L. A. A. Hayter
Mr. K. W. de A. Wijesinghe
Mr. A. H. Malpas
Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman, Honorary Secretary.
Visitors: 50 gentlemen and 35 ladies.
Business :
I. Minutes of the last meeting held on the 29th November, 1935, were read and confirmed.
2. The Chairman introduced the lecturer, Dr. A. J. Bernet Kempers, the eminent Dutch Archaeologist, who read a paper on HinduJavanese Art,' which was illustrated with lantern slides.
3. Questions were asked by Mr. C. D. F. Abayakoon and Dr. Kempers replied.
4. A vote of thanks to the lecturer proposed by Dr. Nell brought the proceedings to a close.

No. 89–1936) PROCEEDINGS 2
COUNCIL MEETING.
Colombo Museum Lecture Hall, May 18, 1936.
Present:
Hon’ble Sir D. B. Jayatilaka, President, in the chair. C. H. Collins, Esqr., B.A., C.C.S., Vice-President.
Dr. S. C. Paul, M.D., Vice-President.
Mr. Herod Gunaratna, Gate - Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S.
Muda liyar
Mr. C. Rasanayagam, J.P., Dr. C. P. Mala lasekera, M.A.,
Mudaliyar IPh. D. .
Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.
Business :
1. The minutes of the last meeting, which had already been circulated to members, were taken as read and confirmed.
2. Letters from Professor S. A. Pakeman and Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala were read, regretting their inability to be present.
3. Progress of the Eartended Mahdi'amsa :-A letter from Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, informing the Council that the Extended (Kambodian) Mahavamsa was going through the press and that both the English and Sinhalese Editions would be out by the middle of July, was read.
4. Election of New Members :-The following new members were elected, viz., (i) Nipunasoma Gunathunga, recommended by . C. E. Godakumbura, A. E. Jaya,sinha; (ii) Edwin Aloysius Perera Wijeratna, recommended by Andreas Nell, Aubrey N. Weinman; (iii) Donald Charles de Silva, recommended by Andreas Nell, Aubrey N. Weinman ; (iv) Allanson Bright Colin de Soysa, recommended by A. E. Jayasinha, Aubrey N. Weinman; (v) Albert Henry Longhurst, recommended by Aubrey N. Weinman, S. Paranavitana; (vi) Pinchabadu Arnolis Weerasooriya, recommended by A. E. Jaya sinha, C. E. Godakumbura; (vii) Dewunge Lionel Fairlie Pedris, recommended by W. E. Bastian. H. L. de Mel; (viii) Abraham Peter Gomes, recommended by G. C. Mendis, Aubrey N. Weinman.
5. Annual Report and Accounts :-The Draft Annual Report and Audited Accounts were read and passed.
Honorarium, :-The Chairman informed the Council that it was resolved last year that as the Dictionary Managing Committee had decided to pay Mr. Weinman Rs. 30/ - per mensem for his services that the Society should reduce their honorarium from Rs. 50/- to Rs. 30/.- per mensem.

Page 13
212 JOURNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) VOL. XXXIII.
6. Nomination of Office-bearers for 1936-37:-Mudaliyar Herod Gunaratna, Mr. E. W. Perera, Dr. A. Nel I, and Dr. R. L. Spittel retired under rule 20, two of them being eligible for re-election. The Council decided to nominate Mr. E. W. Perera and Dr. A. Nell for re-election and Mr. E. Reiners and Mr. R. H. Bassett for re-election to fill the existing vacancies.
It was also resolved to nominate Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman for re-election as Honorary Secretary and Treasurer and Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala for re-election as Co-Honorary.
7. The Sinhalese Etymological Dictionary :-A copy of a letter addressed to the Hon’ble the Minister for Education, enquiring whether he and the Executive Committee would have any objection if the R.A.S. approached the Carnegie Corporation for a grant towards the compilation of the Sinhalese Etymological Dictionary, was read with the approval of the Council.
8. Sinhalese Grammar by Dr. W. Geiger:-The Chairman informed the Council that the Grammar was making good progress.
9. Programme of Meetings:-The Council resolved to have the Programme of meetings printed and circulated to members as early as possible.
10. Resolved to hold the Annual General Meeting on Friday the 29th May, 1936, at 6.15p.m. and that the business for the evening should be as follows :-
(l) Minutes.
(2) To read the Annual Report and Accounts for 1935. (3) Adoption of the Annual Report and Accounts.
(4) Election of Office-bearers for 1936-37.
- مصر (5) Presidential Address by the Hon’ble Sir Baron Jayatilaka. ll. A paper on Kalidasa-Shakespeare of the East-His age and connections with Lanka, prepared by Mr. Cyrus). F. Abayakoon, was tabled. It was resolved to refer the paper to a sub-Committee comprized of Mr. S. Paranavitana, Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, and Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam for favour of their report.
I2. The Council agreed to accept Mr. Blaze's offer of Sewell's
IDutch IDictionary to the Society's Library for Rs. 601 - and resolved to set off the amount against subscription due by him to the Society.

No. 89-1936 PROCEEDINGS 23
ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
Colombo Museum Lecture Hall, May 29, 1936.
Fresent: V
Hón’ble Sir D. B. Jayatilaka, President, in the chair. C. H. Collins, Esqr., B.A., C.C.S., Vice-President. Dr. S. C. Paul, M.D., Vice-President.
Mr. C. D. F. Abayakoon IDr. G. C. Mendis, B.A., Ph.D. Mr. A. B. Cooray Mr. J. Moonesinghe Mr. K. W. de A. Wijesinghe Dr. Andreas Nell Mr. D. C. Gammanpila Prof. S. A. Pakeman Mr. F. S. Goonetilleke Mr. P. T. Pandita, Gunawar
Mr. Herod Gunaratna, dhana
Gate Mudaliyar Mr. Edward W. Perera Mr. D. E. Hettiaratchi, B.A. Mr. J. L. C. Rodrigo, B.A. Mr. M. A. M. Ismail Mr. C. Sab. Senaratna Mr. A. E. Jayasinha, Muhan- Mr. W. Samarasinghe, Atapattu
diram Muda liyar Mr. C. P. Jayawardhana Mr. F. A. Tissavarasinghe Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, M.A., Mr. N. Wickremaratna, Mudaliyar
Ph. D. Dr. D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe
Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, M.A., Honorary Secretary.
Visitors: 8 gentlemen.
Business :
1. The minutes of the last meeting held on the 10th March, l936, were read and confirmed.
2. The Honorary Secretary then read the Annual Report which was adopted on a motion proposed by Professor S. A. Pakeman and seconded by Mr. F. A. Tissavarasinghe.
3. On a motion proposed by Mr. D. E. Hettiaratchi and seconded by Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, the following Office-bearers were appointed for the year 1936-37:-
To the Counci Dr. A. Nell, Mr. Edward W. Perera (re-elected), Mr. E. Reimers and Mr. R. H. Bassett (elected).
Co-Honorary Secretaries:--Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman and Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, M.A. (re-elected).
4. The President (Hon. Sir Baron Jayatilaka) then gave his Presidential Address.
Dr. Wickremasinghe suggested the appointment of a subCommittee to collect and store all the past printed books of Ceylon of value to students of History.
5. Mr. C. H. Collins proposed a hearty vote of thanks to Sir Baron for his instructive address.
The vote of thanks was carried with acclamation and the Chairman declared the meeting closed,

Page 14
24 JourNAL, R.A.s. (CEYION) (Vol. XXXIII.
GENERAL MEETING.
Colombo Museum Lecture Hall, June 27, 1936.
Present:
His Excellency Sir Reginald Edward Stubbs, G.C.M.G. (Patron),
in the chair.
Hon’ble Sir Baron Jayatilaka, President.
Hon' ble Mr. C. W. W. Kannangara, Vice-President.
Mr. C. H. Collins, B.A., C.C.S., Vice-President. Dr. S. C. Paul, M.D., Vice-President.
Mr. C. D. F. Abayakoon Mr. L). P. E. Hettiaratchi Mr. A. C. G. S. Amarasekera, Mr. M. A. M. Ismail
Mudaliyar Mr. D. M. N. Munasinghe Mr. W. Dias Bandaranaika, | Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S.
Gate Muda liyar Mr. J. H. O. Paulusz Mr. R. H. Hassett, C.C.S. Mr. Edward W. Perera Mr. A. M. Caldera, B.A. Mr. G. F. Perera, Gate Mudaliyar Mr. J. F. P. Deraniyagala TDr. A. Rajasingham Mr. ID. C. de Silva, Gate Muda- Mr. V. H. Rana, tunga liyar Dr. R. L. Spittel Mr. M. F. S. Goonatilaka Mr. W. Samarasinghe, Atapattu Mr. D. C. Gammanpila Mudaliyar Mr. Herod Gunaratna, Gate Mr. D. S. C. Umagiliya, Muhan
Mudaliyar diram
Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman and Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, M.A.
Co-Honorary Secretaries.
Visitors: 25 ladies and 15 gentlemen.
Business :
l. The minutes of the last meeting held on the 29th May, 1936, were duly read and confirmed.
2. The Chairman introduced the lecturer, Mr. P. Deraniyagala, M.A. (Cantab), A.M. (Harward), F.L.S., F.Z.S., who read his paper on “Some living and fossil vertebrate land-links from Ceylon (illustrated with lantern slides).
3. Dr. R. L. Spittel asked whether, the tecturer believed in the existence of the ancient Gondwanaland and Mr. Deraniyagala replied.
4. The Chairman then thanked the lecturer for his most interesting address and for the excellent pictures that he had shown on the screen.
5. Dr. Andreas Nell proposed a vote of thanks to His Excellency, the Governor for having presided at the meeting.
6. The vote of thanks was carried with acclamation, after which the proceedings terminated.

No. 89-1936) PROCEEDINGs 215
GENERAL MEETING.
Colombo Museum Lecture Hall, October 13, 1936.
HPreSeገat :
Hွဲ Mr. C. H. Collins, B.A., C.C.S., Vice-President, in the
Car'.
Dr. S. C. Paul, M.D., Vice-President.
Hon”ble Mr. C. W. W. Kannangara, Vice-President.
Mr. C. T). F. Abayakoon Dr. G. C. Mendis, Ph. D. Dr. W. Balendra Mr. Jacob Moona singhe Mr. J. R. G. Bantock Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S. Mr. A. M. Caldera, B.A. Prof. S. A. TPakeman Mr. J. W. de Awis Mr. E. W. Perera Mr. J. C. I)e, M.A. Mr. G. F. Perera, Gate Mudaliyar Mr. J. F. P. Deraniyagala lDr. A. Rajasingham Mr. W. A. de Silva, C.C.S. Mr. V. H. Ranatunga k :: ;"ပုပ္ပဗု(to Mr. C. Sab... Sena ratna Mr. A. Ginge, M.A. Prof. C. Suntheralingam Mr. C. E. Goda kumbura, B.A. Mr. F. A. Tissavarasinghe Mr. A. IP. Gomes, B.Sc. Advocate عـ ,نت ." v.وسم Mr. Herod Gunaratna, Gate M к Vaithi h
Mudaliyar ľ”. Ai, ait ianathan
U r
Mr. II). E. Hettiaratchi, B.A. Mr. N. Wickremaratna . Lt.-Col. T. G. W. Jayawardhana || Dr. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe Mr. Sam J. C. Kadirgamar Mr. K. W. de A. Wijesinghe Mr. A. H. Malpas Mr. R. A. Wijayatunga
Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman and Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, M.A.,
Honorary Secretaries.
Visitors: 15 ladies and l 52 gentlemen.
Business :
l. The minutes of the last meeting held on the 27th June, 1936, were read and confirmed.
2. The Chairman introduced the lecturer, Rev. Fr. H. Heras, S.J., M.A., who delivered his lecture on 'Revelations of the MohenjoDaro Inscriptions.'
3. Remarks were offered and questions asked by Messrs. C. D. F. Abayakoon, J. C. De, J. S. A. Fernando and Mr. W. Sathasivam.
4. After the lecturer had replied to a number of questions the Chairman proposed a hearty vote of thanks to the lecturer for his most interesting lecture and declared the meeting closed.

Page 15
26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) VOL. XXXIII.
GENERAL MEETING.
Colombo Museum Lecture Hall, October 30, 1936.
Present :
Dr. S. C. Paul. M.D., Vice-President, in the chair.
Hon’ble Mr. C. H. Collins, B.A., C.C.S., Vice-President.
Mr. D. C. de Silva, Gate Muda- Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S.
liyar Dr. A. Rajasingham Mr. K. W. de A. Wijesinghe Mr. V. HI. Ramatunga, Mr. Herod Gunaratna, Gate Mr. C. Sab. Senaratna
Mudaliyar Mr. K. Vaithianathan, C.C.S. Mr. S. J. C. Kadirgamar Mr. R. A. Wijayatunga
Mr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, M.A., Honorary Secretary.
Visitors: 2 ladies and 3 gentlemen.
Business :
1. The minutes of the last meeting held on the 13th October, l936, were read and confirmed.
2. The Chairman introduced Mr. K. Vaithianathan who read a paper by Rev. Fr. S. Gnana Prakasar on “Nallamappana Vanniyan and the grant of a Mudaliyarship.'

No. 89-1936) NALLAMAPPANA VANNIYAN 217
NALLAMAPPANA WANNIYAN AND THE GRANT OF A MUDALIYARSHIP.
By
REV. FATHER. S. GNANA PRAKASAR, O.M.I.
A Tamil Ola of 178l conferring the title and privileges of Mudaliyar on a certain Alvayinar Kanta Udaiyan of Vilankulam was put into my hands some years ago, and I then took a photographic copy of it. This I had recently the honour of presenting to the Historical Manuscripts Commission. It reads as follows :-
1. 1781 ஆணடு சிகதிரை மீ அ கிகதி பனங்காமப்
பறறு அயுகா குதி வனனிபா
2. கொஞசுவாங்குல செகர நலல மாபபாணவனனியனா
அவா கள கறபிகதபடியாவது (:)
3. பனB காமபபறறுககுச சொநத கிளகருமூலைகசூச
சொ 5த விளாங்குளம
சாதி வெளளாழன ஆளவயினசகBத உடையன வநது
கிழககு மூலைகசூத தொளிலும
5 முதலியாரெனகிற படடபபெருவ கிடைககவெணு
மெனறு மிகுநத எளிதா வுடனெ மனமுடிககெட
6. டபடியால நாமுஞசமமதிகதுச சொலலபபடட கருத
உடையானுககு திசை விளங்க காயக
7. முகலியெனகிற படடமுங்கடடிக கிளகரு மூலைப பிறி
வுககுக கொளிருங் கறபிததிருககி (ற)
8. படி யால கிளகரு மூலைகசூச சொ6த உடையாா கண
காணி அயுகாநதி மொததககா

Page 16
218
10.
11.
12,
13,
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20,
JoURNAL, R.A.s. (cEYLoN) VoI. XXXIII.
பணிககமார பொதியகமககாறா மறறுங் குடியான
வாகள வாததாபொகக r
கசசவடகாறா இனிமெல வரபபடட குடியானவாக
ள தழையா படடங்கடடிமாா ச (கலரும)
இவனே தகங்கள முதலியாரெனகிறதறிருது அடுதத
சங்கைபணனி முதலியாரென (ற)
பொ சொலலி அழைககவும் () இனனமும6த ஊரு
ககுளளெ வாபபடட நீதி ஞாயEகெட (டு)
பிளைகணட இடகது அஞ்சு பொனனுககுளளெ குற
றமபொடடு வாEகவும () குறறB (கொடுக)
இடமிலலாத காளசத சாதியின மனுஷருககு மாக
திலெகடடி இருபகதஞ (சடி)
அரைககுபபணிய அடிபபிககவும () இவன சொல லபபடட யானைகதீவு முதலாக மறறுஞசகல பண டரா பணிவிடை சகலமும
இவனசொற கீளமைசசலுடனெ கெடடு நடநது கொளளவும () இனனமு மிருகத கிசைவிளங்கநாய கமுதலியுடைய நயகதுககு வேணடி இவ (?னுககு)
வெளளாணமைச செயவிககபபடட இடததிலெ கமம ஒனறுககும ஆள அஞ்சுடெருககும குசசகன புலொ ஒனறுககும அடையிறை சுவநதிா (?)
உளளியமுE) களிததுக கொடுதது உசகாரமாகவும கறபிகது இவனுககு வாடபட ட சுவசொபனங்
கழுககு விட டுககு வெளளை மெறகடடி கூசைமூடி
செருடி இருபததநாலு ட நததறகாலுசகும பகசலு ககும வெளளை மெ)கடடி இருககிற இடததுககும கலகதுககும வெளளை பலகைககு வெளளை க
திரை விலலுககுஞசம ஒடடுவிளககு பகறபகதமெ
லாபபு பாவாடை கொடி வெடி நாகசுரம காரை மெளம இபபடி இதிலெ குறிதத வரிசைகளசெய (வித துக)

No. 89-1936) NALLAMAPPANA VANNIYAN 219
21 கொளளவும . கொயிறசவை கொணடசசவை கலி யாணச சவைகளிலெ பொன இடங்கழுககு இருக கிற இடகதுககும சாபபிடுகிற இடததுககும
呜 | tọ1
22. காததிகை வருஷபபிறபட தையபபொங்கலுககு வண சூனன வ5து வெளளைகடடவும் . பறையன வருது மெளஞ செவிகவும () கொலலனகசசன அமபட (டன)
23
வணணுன பறையன எனறு சொலலபபடட அஞசு
குடிமையும அழைகத5ெரமெ அவரவா தொழிலுட னெ பொய அடுதத
24. வரிசைசள செயது உளள சுவ5கிரம பெறறுககொ ளளவும (.) கறபிகத கடடளைபபடிககு எழுதினது
பர நிருப சிங்க முதலி (.)
Translation
In the year 178l, the eighth day of the month of Cittirai, Don Cuwām Kula, cēkara, Nallamāppāņa Vanniyanār, the Ayutanti Vannipam of Panahkamam Pattu, ordered as follows :-
Whereas Alvayinar Kanta Udaiyan of the caste of Vellalas, of the village of Vilahkulam, belonging to Kilakkumulai of the Panahkamap-parru, came to us, and most humbly prayed that he be given the office and title of Mutaliyar for Kilakku-mulai; and whereas we are pleased to grant to the said Kanta Udaiyan, the title of Ticaivilanka Nayaka Mutaly and the office of Mutaliyar for the Kilakkumulai division, know ye that the Udaiyar, Kankany, Ayutanti, Möttkkar, Panikkar, respectable farmers and other landowners, emigrants, and immigrants, merchants, future landowners, Talaiyar, Paddankaddis and all others should acknowledge this man as their Mutaliyar, pay him due respect and call him by the name of Mutaliyar.

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220 JoURNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) Vol. XXXIII.
Moreover, let him adjudicate the law-suits brought before him from that division, and levy and receive from delinquents a fine not exceeding five pon. In case of low caste men, unable to pay a fine, let him have such persons tied to a tree and have twenty-five lashes administered, under the waist.
Let the aforesaid ' Elephant island ' and the rest of the government services pay heed to his words and obey him.
Moreover, as a special favour to this Ticaivilanka Nayaka Mutaly, we grant and order for him exemption from land tax on one kamam of his rice cultivation, and one pulo of kurakkan cultivation, as well as uliya service for five coolies.
Furthermore, let him have a right to the following privileges in connexion with his auspicious and joyful occasions and other days, to wit: white cloth ceiling for the house, roof cover, ceradi, white cover for the twenty-four poles of the pandal, and white ceiling for the pandal itself. So also, white cloth for the place where he sits, for kalam, palakai, and again, chair, villukkuncan, Odduvilakku, torches during day, canopy, pavddai, flag, firing of guns, naka curam, tarai and drums. Further, white cloth for the place where he sits and where he eats, whenever attending temple feasts, konda feasts and marriage feasts.
On occasions of Ädy, Kärtikai, New-year and Taiposikal let the washerman attend on him for tying white cloth, the paraiyan for beating the drum ; and let the five serfs, to wit: the blacksmith, carpenter, barber, washerman and paraiyan attend on him with their various services as soon as they are called, and fulfil their duties, receiving their fixed gratuities.
According to orders received : written by Paranirupasinka Mutaly.

No. 89-1936] NALLAMAPPANA WAN NIYAN 22
This document raises several interesting questions of which I have endeavoured to solve some in this paper.
First, about the Vanniyas in general, and those of Panahkama-parru in particular. In the earliest days of the Dutch we find the Vanni cut up into six parrus. In 1658 they were Tennamaravadi parru, Karikkaddumulai parru, Melparru, the unidentified Cluregarepattu (this is perhaps Karunavalparru 2) and Cheddikkulam parru. This vast district commenced from ' 3 or 4 miles on the sea coast northward of Mantote, continuing its circle to the point of Calmony opposite Colomboture where the bay commences which separates the Wanni from Jaffnapatam, returning eastward across the country until it reaches the sea forming there the outer or north-east coast of Ceylon, a pass separating Jaffnapatam from the Wanni ; then stretching southeastward to Trincoomaly and westward through large woody lands again to Calpentyn, Mantotte and Manaar.' About its government, Ryklof van Goens from whose Instructions to the Governor of Ceylon, 1656-1665 l am quoting, says: It was “conquered by the (heathen) kings of Jaffna and made tributary by them, a position which has been maintained by the Portuguese. This district now forms part of the district of Jaffnapatam and has been brought under our government, though not yet with entire sovereignty.' For, the rulers of the Vanni were, as Thomas van Rhee stated in a later Memoir : " standing with one foot on the Company's land and the other on the King's territory,' and were a constant menace to the Dutch, as they had been to the Portuguese. They often refused to pay their tribute and land rents, and some even would not present themselves before the Commandeurs when summoned. This was especially the case with Cayla Wannia, apparently the ruler of Panahkamam and the wealthiest of
1. Instructions from the Governor-General and Council of India to the Governor of Ceylon, p. 85 cf. Memoir of Rykloff van Goens, p. 14.
2. Memoir of Thomas van Rhee to Gerrit de Heere, p.7. 3. Instructions p.67.

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222 JourNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XXXIII.
them all-who had not presented himself for twelve or fourteen years in Jaffna when Van Goens wrote, that is to say in 1658. This man died in 1678 when, the Dag Register notes: “ Affairs in Jaffna as regards the Wannias had improved ; for, the obstinate Cayla Wannia was dead and his grand-nephew Claysianaer had succeeded him and sworn allegiance to the Company. After the submission of Candianaer, the chief of the Wannias, the rest have followed suit, even the old scoundrel Punnipillai having as security brought in two tuskers.'
They seem to have exercised rights of capital punishment too. The chief of Panafikamam, at any rate, did this in the case of a lascoreen in his service, and the Dutch dared not take him to task for it. Their fear that the Vannias might revolt and pass over to the King's side was so great, that a rule was made to the effect that one of the Vannias should always stay at the castle of Jaffna as hostage, each taking his turn for three months. The term of detention was afterwards changed into one month. We learn from the Memoir of Piela at that these hostages were “ lodged in one of the gardens of the Company and have a native guard consisting of one Arachchy and a few Lascoreens which serves more as a watch over them than as a guard of honour, although it passes under this latter title.' The reference to the alleged guard of honour is noteworthy. The Vannias always bore themselves with royal dignity even in the cidade of Jaffna. John Christopher Wolf, Principal Secretary of State in Jaffna (mentioned in a list of 765), makes reference to the Vannias as Princes under the Dutch. They seem to have been then seven in number and had to appear before
bid.
C.B.R.A.S. Journal, No. 71, p. 182. Memoir of Hendrick Zwaardecroon, p. 98. Ibid, p. 7.
bid, p. 28.
Ibid., p. 52.

No. 89-1936) NALLAMAPPANA VANNIYAN 223
the commandeur annually. When summoning them to their presence, the commandeurs had always to send their Tablinheros or tom-tom beaters to meet and accompany them with the music. The Vannias were so fastidious on this point that, when, in 1697, Gerrit de Heere, Governor of Ceylon, visited Jaffna and remained at the Company's garden at Nallur,' they refused to attend his durbar because the Governor's tom-tom beaters had not gone to meet and accompany them as usual.'
Such were the Vannias under the Dutch. But the view the latter took of the position of the former was different, as appears from the following passage in the Memoir of Hendrick Zwaardecroon written in 1697. These Vannias, it says, “ by birth subjects of the Company and by descent no more than ordinary caste Bellales, have in the course of time become very conceited, and imagine that the title of Vannia is one invested with awe and so important, that, although they have received it from the Company, they do not need to respect the Company or those placed in authority here, and they seem to be in doubt whether they ought to shew their due obedience by appearing before its officers.'
To come now to the Vannias of Panahkamam, we find this parru, in 697, holding the first place in the list of the six usual parrus under slightly different names, as follows :- (l) Panahkamam, (with Pelleallacoelan and Poedicoeri-irpoe), (2) Karikka ddu-mulai with (3) Mel-parru, (4) Karuna val parru, (5) Tennamaravadi, and (6) Mulliyavalai parru. Their chiefs respectively were: (1) Don Philip Nellamāpane and Don Gaspar Illenganarenne his son-in-law ; (2,3) Don Diogo Poevenelle (or Poedunella) Mapane, (4) Don Amblewannar, (5) Don Chedoegawele Mapane, and (6) Don Peria, Meynaar.o
3. Wolf: Life and Adventures, &c. Trans, p. 100. 2. Gerrit de Heere's Diary, p. 9.
3. Ibid, p. 20
4. p. 7.
5.
Ibid, p. 97.

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224 JoURNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) VoL. XXXIII.
The division of Panahkamam was the largest, and, Don Philip Nallamäppanan the most formidable of all the chiefs. We find mention of the old man already in 1675 as holding the rice fields of Careiche or Parrendanwelly and working them for his own profit, paying only two young elephants annually to the Company as a gratuity. His son, Don Gaspar Nitchen Chena.delayen, had succeeded his brotherin-law Don Gaspar Ilenganarenne Mudaliyar, as master of the hunt in Pooneryn, but the Dutch did not get all the elephants they wanted, and had subsequently to appoint their own officer called Adigar in order to urge the Wannias to get the work done for them.
There is a characteristic story, in one of the Dutch Memoirs, about a younger son of Nallamappanan. His entire family was, of course, nominally Christian, and Nallamäppänan had prayed the Governor van Mydregt that one of his sons might be admitted into the Seminary, with a view to getting into his good graces. But no sooner had the Governor left, than the boy was withdrawn under some pretext. The Memoir adds: “ In 1696, when the boy was in Negapatam with the Dissave De Bilter, he was caught making offerings in the temples, wearing disguise at the time. It could not be expected that such a boy of no more than 10 or 12 years old should do this, if he had not been taught or ordered by his parents to do so, or had seen them doing the same, especially as he was being taught another religion in the Seminary. I could relate many such instances but this is not the place to do so.'
In connection with the feigned Christianity of the Vannias, it will be interesting to read a passage from Wolf giving a humorous account of the origin of their title of
Memoir of Ryclof van Goens Jun., pp. 25,31. Hendr. Zw..., p. 7.
Gerrit de Heere, p. 18
Hendr. Zw.., p. 52.

No. 89-1936) NALLAMAPPANA vANNIYAN 225
Don. The word, of course, is Portuguese, coming from the Latin Dominus, Lord. Here is what he says: “The Malabar Nobility first originated under the dominion of the Portuguese, having been idly invented by these latter in order to squeeze a little money out of them: the Portuguese having suggested to them that it was not fitting for one Malabar to be set over others as head or overseer without some peculiar distinction ; that, therefore, every head or bailiff of a village ought to be ennobled. This took with the simple Malabar who asked: how much the letters patent of nobility would cost 2 He was informed : a few hundred dollars only. Such as had the money by them pressed forward immediately to receive the honour first, which was accordingly conferred in the following manner: The Governor took a thin silver plate on which the name of the Malabar, who wished to be ennobled, was written, with the title of Don prefixed to it. This he bound with his hand on the forehead of the Malabar (who was all the while in a kneeling posture) and, laying his hand on his shoulder, said: Don thou art, Don thou shalt live and Don thou shalt die. Thoroughly satisfied with this, the new created nobleman would walk off, coming again another time when he wished to be appointed head of the village, for which purpose he must take care to bring another purse. By this contrivance the Portuguese got an enormous heap of money from the Malabars; for everyone that could scrape together the sum fixed upon, got himself ennobled. The Dutch afterwards made still sorrier work of it and sold the title of Don for fifty, five and twenty and at last even so low as ten dollars.'
The title of Mudaliyar too was an article of sale, and we may well believe that the purse of Alvaiyinar Kanta Udaiyan had been well unstrung before he obtained the Ola, we are considering. But who was the grantor of the Ola ? and how did he come by the right of granting it 2 The following is the geneological tree I have been able to construct with
1. Wolf op. cit, pp. 253-5.

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226
JourNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLoN) VoL. XXXIII.
the help of information received from some well-known descendants of the Panankamam Vannias residing at Vannar
ponne and Navundil:-
Don Philip Nallamappana (born c. 1645)
Don Gaspar Niccinka Arumāttai Katirai Nāccan or Kulantai Cēnātirāyan. (See Periya Ponnār Vanni- Nāccan Zwaardecroon, p. 98. cci. (See Memoir of An unnamed younger Anthony Mooyart, p 5 son is mentioned on p. 52)
+ Ayilãnti Vannyan (Don Gaspar Ilankai Nārāyaņa Mutaliyār ? See Zwaardecroon, p. 7) Paņdāra
Vanniyan
Ellaikāvata Nalla Kunci Nac- Arumāttai Valli Nāc- Kantaiyã Nāccan (c. 1730) can or Periya, Näccan C8 Vanniyan + Nallamapрӑman Vannicci + Katiritam- + Tiyāka
py Vanniyan Vanniyan
Mãppillai Vanniyan Ankayarkahùi Teivãnai daughter (or Irumarapum Näccan -- Katirkāma, tuyya Putu Nalla + Santirase- Vanniyan Mãppãụan ?) (c. 1777) kára See Pavalar Carit- Vanniyan tira Teepakam, p.236 -
Saihmuka Vanniyan Sivakuru- Kulantai + Katirit- Vandã, nãtar Nãccan tampy Vayira
Vanniyan muttu
c. 1813
Katirai Nāccan III (c. 1845) (Navundil)
Sinnattampar (c. 1850)
(Vannarponnai)
This traditional geneology may possibly be correct, although to have only six generations between l645 or thereabouts, the suggested date of Don Philip Nallamappanan's birth, and 1845 the probable date of the birth of Katirai Nāccan III of Navuņdil—that is 200 years, looks a little extraordinary. One thing is remarkable: Katirai Naccan I is said by tradition to have married Ayilanti Wanniyan. Ayilãnti is, of course, ajudante, a Portuguese word meaning
assistant.
It was a title which, according to the Waiya

No. 89-1936) NALLAMAPPANA VANNIYAN 227
pādal the husbands of reigning Wanniccis had. It may be that this Ayilanti Wanniyan, the husband of Katirai Naccan I, was Don Gaspar Ilankai Narayanan, as suggested in the above genealogy. It was probably after his death that Katirai Nâccan I or Wannitje Marie Kaderi Naatje, to give her full name as the Dutch wrote it, was sole ruler in Panahkamam and was on very friendly relations with the Dutch. In 1766 they speak of her in commendatory terms for “obliging the Company by the delivery of thick planks for the manufacture of gun carriages.' It may also be that our Nallamappanan of the Ola was a son of Don Anthony Collesegra who was appointed by the Dutch to be Wanniyan of a province in about 1716. He is commended as “a faithful diligent subject of the Company. It is possible that Don Joan Kulasēkara Nallamāppāņa Vanniyan of our Ola was the husband of the successor of Marie Kaderi Naatje and probably a son of Don Anthony Collesegra. As such, he would have had the patronimic Kulasekara, ; and since the succession among the Vanni rulers seems to have been in the female line, teste Waiyapadal, add that line was Nallamappanan's, I fancy Don Joan added this name to his own and called himself Kulasekara Nallamappanan.
And the year of the grant, 1781, was a time when the Vanniyas were in open revolt-this accounts for the fact of our Wanniyan's presuming to create a Mudaliyar in his own name. Tennent says that in 1782 these continued conflicts were brought to an apparent issue by a combined and vigorous effort of the Dutch who routed the forces of the Wanniyas at all points and reduced the country to at . least the outward senablance of submission. It is characteristic of the spirit of this people that the Dutch met nowhere a more determined resistance than from one of the
1. 63-64. Vaiya pādal is an uncritical work but containing soihe old traditions. There is also a prose work on the same subject-matter called Vaiya. This was quoted by the late Mr. Lewis in his Manual of the Vanni under the name of Kalveddu, pp.11-15.
2. Memoir of Anthony Mooyart, p. 10.
3. Memoir of Hendrick Becker, p. 15.
4. Ibid, p. 17.

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228 JoURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. XXXIII.
native princesses, the Wannichchee Marie Sembatte, whom they were obliged to carry away prisoner and to detain in captivity in the Fort of Colombo.' Tradition has it that the Vannicci in question was Ellaikavata Nalla Naccan and it affirms that she was the wife of Don Joan Kulasekara Nallamappanan. It was Waitilinka Cheddiar, a friend of the Dutch Governor (says the same tradition), who redeemed her from prison. Another tradition in the Sandrasegra family of Jaffna states that it was one of their ancestors called Poodan Arachy who was instrumental in capturing the Vannicci. What facts lie hidden behind these traditions I am not able to say just now. Perhaps the publication of more Dutch records will throw light on these interesting details.
It is now time we come to the document itself. Kanta Udaiyan was created Ticaivilanka Nayaka Mutaly and appo. inted to be a sort of president of village tribunal for Kilakku. mtilai in Panahkama parru. The enumeration of the different categories of persons subjected to his authority is interesting, but I am unable to identify them all. Udaiyar (1.2-8) were perhaps the same officers as we have now. What was Kahkany 2 Ayutanti, coming next, was perhaps the assistant to Kaňkāņy. Mõttakkar are called “Moete Carres or Masters of the Hunt in Zwaardecroon's Memoir. Panikkamir (1.9) were evidently elephant catchers. Pötia Kamakkarar were landlords; the other inhabitants, etc.- these we know. Lastly there are the Talaiyar and Paddahkaddimair. The first designation refers evidently to elephant catchers, who were assistants and coolies who are learning the art and who carry spare ropes' or talai. The second
I. Ceylon III, 509. 2. See Ceylon Antiquary, Vol. III, p. 191.
3. p. 9. It appears that the chief among the fishers of Mannar was known as a Mottocara. See Collected Papers on the History of the Maritime Provinces of Ceylon, p.94.
4. "The title Panikkan is properly applied only to those men who have succeeded in putting the first noose on an elephant.’ Jl. R.A.S.C.B. No. 26, p. 13.
5, Ibid.

No. 89-1936) NALLAMAPPANA VANNIYAN 229
Paddahkaddimar were probably chiefs of fisher caste people. Compare Patabendi among the Sinhalese. One of their duties was the collection of fishmarket rents. Certain persons in authority at the pearl fisheries were also known as Paddaikaddi.
As president of village tribunal, Ticaivianka Nayaka Mutaly had the right of levying a fine not exceeding five pon on those who could pay it, and on low castes unable to pay the fine, he was allowed to inflict twenty-five lashes under the waist, tying the victim to a tree (ll, 13-14). The value of a pon in those days is worth inquiring into. According to Codrington * the pom (Canarese honnu, Sinhalese huma) was a money of account of ten fanams. In 1.15 ' Elephant island ' (yanait-tivu) refers to the enclosure of a kraal for catching elephants and all those concerned with it. Lines 16-18 refer to exemption from tithes (which are collected in favour of government) for one rice kamam and one kurakkan pulo and also exemption from poll-tax and state labour for five men working in the above kamam and pulo.*
Then come the Mudaliyar's distinctive marks of honour as varicai or privileges. White cloth ceiling is clear. Not so kirai midi ' roof cover.' Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam says in a letter to me that there is question here of “covering the roof with white cloth. You find that custom still, though rarely, among the Kandyan Sinhalese.” Ceradi is a poser. Winslow defines ceradi as “the wings of a carriage to defend from mud, dust, etc.” How does this apply as a Mudaliyar's varicai. Perhaps wooden slippers are meant. Line 19: “white cover for the twenty-four poles of the pandal and white ceiling for the pandal itself is clear ; ' White cloth for the place where he sits, for kalam and palakai. These two words probably mean an eating brass vessel (vaddil) on a tripod, and the low bench on which our ancestors
1. Gerrit de Heere, p. 35. -
2. Ceylon Coins and Currency, pp. 8,52.
3. Cf. Memoirs of Ryklof van Goens, Jun, p. 25 kamam & pulo are Sinhalese words in Tamil use,

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230 JourNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) WoL. XXXIII.
used to sit for meals. Other items of varicai (1.20) are katirai, (chair) villukkun cam, Odduvilakku, torches during day, canopy, pavadai, flag, firing of guns, nakacuram, tarai and drums. Katirai, of course, is an article of Portuguese introduction. Willukkuncan is a sort of fan made of a pucker of cloth and carried on either side of a distinguished personage in the manner of chamara. Adigar A. Naganatar, himself a descendant of the Vanniyas, tells me that he had seen in his boyhood a Vannicciaccompanied by two of her maids carrying this sort of fan. I do not know what kind of lamp is meant by Oddu-vilakku. Does it stand for orraivilakku, single lamp (kai-vilakku) as distinguished from iraddai-vilakku, double lamp,-a varicai' for Kings, savants and heads of Mutts' The other items are to be seen to the present day except tarai which is said to be a trumpet. Was it perhaps a sort of bass-pipe emitting a continuous tonic note
In line 21 "konda feast is difficult to identify. Adigar Naganatar informs me that in olden times the first ceremonial hair (kondai) cutting of children was accompanied by festive rejoicings. “Konda feast would, therefore, mean hair-cutting feast. If kondal was meant, it refers to a play among women.
Finally (ll.22-24) we have the services of the feudatories: blacksmith, carpenter, barber, washerman and tomtom beater. These are the chief servants among the eighteen usually enumerated. It is remarkable that the paraian comes here as a serf rendering services to his chief for a portion of the latter's produce of land and for perquisites on different occasions-and not as a slave. The despised paraian, then, is not lower than certain other castes. In his case he has been degraded by his own fault, says a Tamil proverb.
Together with the Ola, thus far commented upon, there is another of 1801 which was also included in the
l. See Arumuka Navalar's works, p. 167.

No. 89-1936) NALLAMAPPANA VANNIYAN 23).
photograph I presented to the Historical Manuscripts Commission. This Ola contains a Permit issued under his seal by Drieberg President of “Ci Meritalanti' and Fiscal of Mullaitivu in favour of Tiyakar son (or grand
son ?) of Ticaiviļanka, Nāyaka Mutali for using the privileges (varicai) of the latter in connexion with the marriage of the former before the Padre. This Ola is not translated here as it contains no other points of interest than those herein mentioned.
Dr. A. Nell said that old 'ola' MSS. in the British Museum Oriental Library called “Vanni Upata explained how Vanniyar headmen were superseded by sub-kings. Six Indian princes with bands of warriors arriving on the N. E. coast, their advent was reported to Bhuvanaika Bahu viz at Kotte. He sent for them; they attended and presented gifts. The King installed them as rulers of 6 districts and invested them with insignia. These Vanniyars ruled as princes owing fealty to the King at Kotte; their successors were not always loyal, but these principalities proved useful buffer-states preventing further inroads of the warlike and aggressive Tamils occupying Jaffna peninsula and the adjacent part of the Northern area of Ceylon. The Portuguese as allies and again as successors to the later kings of Ceylon at Kotte could not always get obedience from the Vanniyar princes and the Dutch had similar trouble with them.
Dr. A. Rajasingham said that Mr. Vaithianathan referred to a Petty Officer who was styled “Pannangkaddiar, this ought to be 'Paddangkaddiar' tul Litija L'ilguni who was known, even in the early British Period. It would be interesting to know the exact duties, status and the salary of this officer in olden times, and I shall thank any member for further information. Cheroddy Mana ddychu Gator (9 Dairacotty did, Father Gnana Pragassar gives the meaning as throwing sand on mudguard. It is doubtful whether mudguards existed in those early days and what useful purpose would be served by such a step. This may refer to the custom, which even știll exists, in spreading sand, after damping the ground *Chutha velalla சுத்த Qadar aTi7 øTøör. The word “Chutha” means pure, unmixed by marriage or descent, i.e. Vellalla of Vellallas similar to the English expression king of kings.
Fr. S. The Chairman having proposed a vote of thanks to Rev. Fr. $ Gnana Prakasar for his paper, and Mr. K. Vaithianathan for reading it declared the meeting closed.

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232 JourNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON) Vol. XXXIII.
GENERAL MEETING.
Colombo Museum Lecture Hall, December 17, 1936.
Present:
His Excellency Sir Reginald Edward Stubbs, G.C.M.G. (Patron),
in the chair.
C. H. Collins, Esqr., B.A., C.C.S., Vice-President.
Dr. S. C. Paul, M. D., Vice-President.
Dr. F. R. Alles Mr. M. F. S. Goonatilaka Dr. W. Balendra, Mr. D. P. E. Hettiaratchi Mr. S. C. Blok, B.A. Col. T. G. W. Jayawardhana Mr. Hema H. Basnayaka, Crown || Dr. A. Rajasingham
Counsel Mr. W. Chas. de Silva, LL.B. ¥င့y့်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးဝှိပ္8* Mr. D. C. de Silva, Gate Muda- r. I. I. Rodrigo
liyar Mr. S. T. P. Rodrigo Mr. H. I. Hussain Hilmy IDidi Mr. W. A. Samarasinghe, Mr. J. W. de Alwis Atapattu Mudaliyar Mr. Herod Gunaratna, Gate Mr. C. Sab... Sena ratma
Mudaliyar Mr. F. A. Tissavarasinghe
Dr.
D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe
Mr. Aubrey N. Weinman,
. R. A. Wijayatunga
Honorary Secretary.
Visitors: 19 ladies and 45 gentlemen.
Business :
1. The minutes of the last meeting held on the 30th October, 1936, were read and confirmed.
2. His Excellency called upon Dr. R. L. Spittel to deliver his address on “In Veddah Jungles,' illustrated with Cinema films.
3. After Dr. Spittel had delivered his address comments were offered by Dr. D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe and Dr. A. Rajasingham.
4. Dr. Spittel replied.
5. The Governor then proposed a vote of thanks to the lecturer and said that the lecture and the films had been most fascinating and that the Society could congratulate itself on having heard such an interesting account of the Veddahs.
6. The vote of thanks was carried with acclamation, after which Mr. C. H. Collins proposed a vote of thanks to the Governor and the proceedings ended.

No. 89-1936 DRAWIDIAN ELEMENT 233
THE DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN
SINHALESE *
By REv. FATHER. S. GNANA PRAKASAR, O.M.I.
After a "thorough scientific examination of the Sinhalese language in its vocabulary and grammar,' Professor E. Kuhn concluded as follows: 'The standard elements of the Sinhalese vocabulary, that is, those ideas which constitute the indispensable stock of words of the large mass of the people, are decidedly entirely of Aryan origin, but in their sounds, as contrasted with the other Aryan languages, so thoroughly altered, that this peculiar transformation requires a special explanation. In like manner, the grammar reveals, beside more or less obscured fragments of Aryan declension . and conjugation, wholly unknown formations, and a construction of sentences throughout independent and peculiar. The extraordinary character of the language is explained in a perfectly satisfactory manner, if we consider it as a result of the influence which the language of the original inhabitants exercised on the language of the Aryan immigrants. The language owes to the Aryan immigrants its vocabulary, which, however, adapted itself to the phonetic peculiarities of the native idiom and gave up those sounds and combinations of sounds which were unknown to the latter, in favour of those most like them in the foreign phonetic system. The construction of forms is a similar compromise of both elements, while, in the formation of sentences, the inner form of speech of the native idiom, that is, its character and manner of expressing the logical elements of the sen tence, prevailed to its fullest extent.
*Paper read at a General Meeting of the Society on December l4, 1934. Vide page 39 of Vol. XXXIII, No. 87-1934.-Ed. Sec.
l. A paper read at the Extraordinary Sitting of the Anthros pological Society of Munich on 2 May, 1883. Translation published in the Ceylon Literary Register, 3rd Series, Vol. I, pp. 145 & seq.

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234 JoURNAL, R.A.S. (OEYLoN) [VoL. XXXIII.
Dravidian Grammar and Syntax in Sinhalese.
Now, the language of the original inhabitants of Ceylon, as far as can be traced from the “unknown formations' of declension and conjugatiom and the construction of sentences in Sinhalese was, without doubt, an ancient form of Dravidian. This we shall point out in the sequel. James de Alwis had noted this long ago. In the Introduction to his learned translation of the Sidath Sangara he wrote: “The Singhalese is unquestionably an Indian dialect ; and looking merely to the geographical position of Ceylon, it is but natural to conclude that the Singhalese owe their origin to the inhabitants of Southern India, and that their language belongs to the Southern family of languages. To trace, therefore, Singhalese to one of the Northern family of languages and to call it a dialect of Sanscrit, is apparently* far more difficult than to assign it an origin common with the Telingu, Tamil and Malayalim, the Southern family.'
That the grammar and construction of Sinhalese have always remained Dravidian in the main, is admitted by all serious students of the present day. In a lecture delivered at Ananda College, Colombo, "before the Director of Education and a gathering of learned men' on 28 September, 1918, the late Mudaliyar W. F. Gunawardhana gave a succinct account of the whole argument. After alluding to the traditional story of Vijaya, and his seven hundred followers invading Ceylon from a country where a certain form of Prakrit was spoken, and of their taking wives, with a large retinue, from the Tamil country in South India, the Mudaliyar said :-
"Language, it may be premised, is the medium for the communication of our thoughts, and thoughts are communicated not by isolated words, but by means of sentences. Language taken essentially is, therefore, the sentence, and grammar is that science which analyses and explains the construction of the sentence. Scientifically, therefore, the
1. Sidath Sangarã p. xlvi.

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determining factor of a language is not its vocabulary, but its structure, viz., that aspect of it which is concerned with the arrangement and mutual adjustment of words in the expression of thought; and in this respect, it must be said, that Sinhalese is essentially a Dravidian language. This is not all. Its evolution too seems to have been on a Tamil basis. And so we seem safe in saying that, while, in regard to its word-equipment, Sinhalese is the child of Pali and Sanskrit, it is, with regard to its physical features and physical structure, essentially the daughter of Tamil.'
Then he institutes a detailed comparison between Pali, fairly representing the dialect introduced from North India, and Sinhalese, on the one hand, and Tamil on the other: (l) In Pali aspirated consonants are present, while they are absent in pure Sinhalese and Tamil; (2) In Pali there are eight vibhaktis or tenses and moods of the verb, whereas Sinhalese follows Tamil, only with the three ordinary tenses: present, past and future; (3) Pali has a distinct optative mood. Tamil makes use of the ordinary verb for this, with an addition of the suffix diha. Sinhalese follows this device with the suffix via ; (4) The two conjugational forms named attano-pada and parassa-pada in Pali are absent in Sinhalese, as they are in Tamil; (5) In Pali, the verb is conjugated for the passive voice as for the active, by means of suffixes. In Tamil, the place of suffixes is supplied by conjugated forms of the root padu to suffer. In Sinhalese the device is the same, the place of the suffixes being supplied by the conjugated forms of the root laba, to receive. (6) In Pali, the adjective is declined for gender, number and case. In Tamil it is not. Sinhalese follows the Tamil; (7). In Pali the relative clause is sometimes a necessity. In Tamil the necessity is absent, and the place of the relative clause is supplied by a verbal adjective, as it is in Sinhalese ; (8) In Pali, the verb-stem of the past tense is developed from the root either (a) by placing before it the vowel a or (b) doubling the initial consonant of the root. This is unknown to Tamil as well as to Sinhalese ; (9) In Tamil, the past tense is formed from the stem of the past participal adjective,

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by adding the personal suffixes for the two numbers. In Sinhalese it is the same: (0) In Pali, there is no junction of words by means of the epenthesis y or v, in a concursus of two vowels, the first of which may happen to be i or u. In Tamil when i or ut forms the first of a concursus of two vowels, their junction by means of the epenthesis y or v, as the case may be, is compulsory. So in Sinhalese ; (11) In Tamil, there are two verbs pödu, “to put,” and vidu, “to leave off, which are affixed to other verbs just for the sake of vivid expression, the substantive verb, in this case, being put in the perfect participle. There is no such idiom in any known Aryan language. But the idiom obtains in Sinhalese ; (12) In Tamil, after the Nominative and the Accusative cases have been given, the stem of the Accusative case is the guide to the rest of the declension. In Sinhalese it is the same. A great deal more of affinities between these two languages, all on the inner side, can be given.
“With regard to the laws governing the relation of words in a sentence, viz., the laws of syntax including idioms, we find,' he continues, 'great many laws which cannot be explained except on the principles of Tamil grammar. Elsewhere we have also seen that, in Orthography and Accidence, the underlying principles are, to a considerable extent, the same. These are our justification for the statement already
made that, in regard to structure, Sinhalese is the daughter of the Tamil Language.”
Mudaliyar Gunawardhana made further studies in the history of the Sinhalese and their language and states his more matured views in his Siddhanta Parikshanaya thus: “With regard to the language of the Sinhalese, my conclusions have not only received confirmation, but have been
1. The origin of the Sinhalese Language, pp. 13-18. See also De Alwis op. cit. pp. xxxix-xliii. Cf. Gustave Oppert : “A language can adopt and create as many words as it pleases without changing its character, but it cannot alter its grammar, its syntax, without becoming another; for grammar represents the innate mode of thought over which the individual person or nation has no real controlOn the classification of Languages, p.17.

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a great deal amplified as to details. It now appears to me that the original contributors to the evolution of the language, viz., the Yaksas and Nagas (the aborigines), Vijaya and his party, and the contingent from Madura, were all Dravidian. By natural presumption the two most numerous of these three sections, viz., the home population and the Tamils from Madura, spoke Dravidian, while the third and smallest section, viz., the Wijaya contingent, speaking Prakrit, could in no way have adversely affected the formation of the new language on the general idiom of the country at large. In England, the speech of the Normans could not adversely affect the formation of the English language on the idiom of the Anglo-Saxons.'
EVOLUTION OF THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE.
The grammar and syntax of Sinhalese are mainly Dravidian, but the vocabulary constituting the stock of words indispensable for the large mass of the people is mainly Aryan, not so “decidedly entirely' as Kuhn would have it. How did this happen 2 And what became of its own vocabulary which Sinhalese, as a Dravidian dialect, originally possessed ? We shall consider these two questions, the second in the first place. -
Ancient writers thought that the Dravidian dialects were all derived from Sanskrit. It is modern philology that has dispelled this error and demonstrated that Tamil, Telugu, Kanarese, &c., are offshoots of a different family of languages, named, for sake of convenience, Dravidian or Tamilian. How a language, which was one in the beginning,
I. Siddhanta Parikshanaya, Introd., pp. 14-15. Others had come to the same conclusion by independent research: e.g. Rask assign ed to Sinhalese a place in the Dravidian Family (Singalesisk Skriftloere, Pref., p.l) F. Miller indicated its basis as Dravidian (Allgemeine Ethnographie, p. 446). Haas maintained a Tamil influence on its linguistic development (Z.M.G. 30, p. 688). See the Ceylon Lit. Regist. loc. cit. w --
2. See, for instance, Manu X, 43-4, Ändhraśabda Cintāmaņi I, 4-8.

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became differentiated into various dialects will be easily recognised when we reflect on the difficulties people encounter in catching and pronouncing articulate sounds. Defects in the sense of hearing, imperfect training of the organs of speech, and, especially man's natural tendency to minimise effort-are some of the chief causes of the variations which words undergo in their form. Vowel sounds of a common origin are gradually interchanged, kindred consonants take the place of one another, and when such changes are perpetuated among sections of the people living, for a considerable time, apart from one another, there appear as many dialects as the dispersed sections themselves. In dialects, the grammar and syntax of a mother tongue undergo little change; for these belong to the genius of the language. The transformation is mainly in sounds and also sometimes, by a natural development of ideas, in the semantic contents of words. Dialects, again, tend, by continual corruption CT development, to be divided and subdivided into new dialects during the course of ages, unless and until a written literature fixes the sounds to a certain degree and arrests further deterioration.
This is what happened to the Dravidian family of languages. The first of the many dialects of the original Dravidian stock to be fixed by a written literature was that local patois of the tract of land in South India which lay between Karuvūr on the East, Maru vür on the West, the River Vaikai on the South and the river Marutam on the North. As Tamil was fortunate in possessing an early and copious literature written in what is called Cen-tamil, as distinguished from Kodun-tamil spoken by the vulgar, it was able to resist the onrush of the Aryan speeches southwards, in which, the other dialects were, as it were, submerged. Telugu and Kanarese adopted much of the vocabulary of Sanskrit and the Prakrits, and modelled their grammar after Sanskrit grammars to such an extent that they came to be regarded by the ignorant as Aryan speeches. On the other hand, spoken Tamil has undergone great change since the days of Cen-tamil, with the result

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that many words found in the latter are no more understood by the uneducated. But, by a strange irony of circumstances, many Cen-tamil words are still retained by the other dialects in common parlance, in spite of the fact that they have,
in other respects, so far drifted away from the original Dravidian speech.
That the language of the early inhabitants of Ceylon too was a dialect of Dravidian is proved by the entirely Dravidian basis on which Sinhalese, the language of Ceylon in later times, stands built up. As in the other cases, the Dravidian dialect of Ceylon too had undergone great lexical transformations, guarding at the same time its own morphological and syntactical character. The original words of the language went through a process of phonetic change, as a result of the lack of a written literature to hold the process in restraint. The subsequent admixtule of North Indian words brought further change in the pronunciation of Dravidian words, while the former themselves were transformed to a great extent in the mouths of a foreign people. Yet the influence of the invaders from Lala on the language of Ceylon would not have been great, if not for the Buddhist faith which was introduced into the Island in their wake. Magadhi found its way into Ceylon chiefly in connexion with the preaching of Buddhism. And it is the teachers from the North of India, who laid the foundations for a written literature in Ceylon. Their Prakrits were imperfectly caught by Ceylonese ears and pronounced in a peculiar manner. And when, after the course of a few centuries, the Buddhist scriptures came to be written in a North Indian dialect, that language took the colouring of a Ceylon dialect and began to be known as Pali. And, if, on the one hand, the language of the foreigners became fixed as Pali in Ceylon, the native dialect itself had become Elu, or Sinhalese as we now call it, comprising original native words whose form had considerably changed by the impact of northern dialects, and a large number of words from these dialects transformed according to native phonetics. Foreign admixture did not end here. When new arts and

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sciences began to be cultivated in the Island, Sanskrit, the language in which these branches of knowledge were best developed, also began to be introduced among the learned. More knowledge of it was spread through the new teachings of the Vaitulian or Mahayanist school of Buddhism, whose literature was in a form of mixed Sanskrit. This was as early as in the third century A.D. From those days, the introduction of Sanskrit into Sinhalese may be said to have become quite a fashion, especially through the activity of commentators on Buddhist scriptures and other ancient works.
ORIGINAL SINHALESE WORDS.
In speaking of the proportion of original Sinhalese words to Pali and Sanskrit in modern Sinhalese, De Alwis remarks: "The Singhalese language, as we find it at the present day, contains three primary elements, one bearing a relation to Pali, another to Sanscrit and a third, in all probability, to that tongue from whence Pali and Sanscrit are themselves derived. To the first belong terms connected with the national religion of the Singhalese ; to the second, terms of arts and sciences; and to the third, native terms expressive of the common wants of mankind before the refined organization of society. And no person can study Singhalese with anything like attention, without perceiving that nearly three-fourths of the same may be now traced to the first two sources, leaving but a quarter which is the basis of Singhalese.' In what sense the Original language of the Sinhalese might be called “that tongue from whence Pali and Sanscrit are themselves derived' we shall see presently. De Alwis' estimate of Dravidian words in Sinhalese is very modest. It will be seen that many words, Once supposed to be derived from Sanskrit or Pali, are based on pure Dravidian roots. Other writers, like the author of 'A Comprehensive Grammar of the Sinhalese Language, directed their attention to Dravidian words borrowed in the tatsana way,
1. cf Sidath Sangarā, Introd., p. l. 2. ibid, p. xlviii.

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i.e. taken over as they stood, at a very late period of Sinhalese history. Mudaliyar A. M. Gunasekara gives only a small list of some four hundred Dravidian words as having been embodied into Sinhalese. Quite apart from these palpable "loan' words, hundreds of original Sinhalese words are Dravidian tatbhavas, i.e. forms derived from TDravidian words. And a remarkable fact with them is, that, in most cases, they represent an early evolution parallel to those of Centamil. Here are a few examples:-
The word el in Cen-tamil, (from the rout el-u, to rise) originally signified the 'sun, i.e. “the riser-the oriens' and subsequently, through slightly differentiated forms and by gradual extension of meaning, light'; 'day' representing the duration of light; limit distinguishing light from darkness; 'whiteness' from its brilliancy; the white 'lamb,' etc. Later Tamil has prefixed a to most of these forms either euphonically or for sake of emphasis. For instance, the form ell-e, meaning in the light, i.e. openly, outside, became vel-iye. We shall present below some of the derivatives of el in Cen-tamil, Later Tamil and Sinhalese :
Cen-tamil Later Tamil Sinhalese el, light Vel-icca.m. el-iya el-lé, in the light, openly el-iye el-i, el-iyata ell-u, day light, day ovel-i-kkiratt, 'id-i- el-i-vепаиd
kiratu, to dawn
él-a, at day dawn, early 'ell-ena, cel-aikku al-и, al-и-уата
well-d-pasa.
и"el-a-сї (іп time) soon.
el, brightness, whiteness vel-lai - hel, hèl-a,
al-ut (fresh, new) all-u (white)
ashes
el-ai, day, limit el-ai. el- иёl-a
(boundary) vel-ai (time limit, opportunity) иёl-äиva eli, el-akam, sheep ēd-u (Tulu), ädu ela (white, goat)
el-u (goat)
1. A Comprehensive Grammar of the Sinhalese Language, pp. 356-368.

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It will be seen that the Sinhalese words above are nearer to Cen-tamil than the Later Tamil words. Those forms probably belong to the original Dravidian dialect of Ceylon. I am aware that others have endeavoured to derive the Sinhalese el-iya from the Sanskrit d-loka. Now, di-lóka is a derivative of lok, loc, (=luc or ruc to shine), which forms themselves have to be referred to el for a rational explanation. El, the sun, is hélios in Greek, solin Latin, etc. o In Sumerian, el stands for 'shining', 'brightness. In Old German helle is "bright, clear. All these forms are evidently interrelated and point back to the el, the el-uvain (another Tamil derivative, meaning “ the riser,” the sun, the oriens). On the other hand, the Sanskrit, ruc (for luc), etc., are forms parallel to the Tatin luar, Old High German lioht, Greek leukos, etc., and represent (e-)liya and v-elicc-am) (originally v-ilakk-am), with the elision of the initial vowel- a common phenomenon in Aryan phonetics. We must emphatically say, then, that el-iya as well as a-loka are derived from the common source, the Dravidian primitive el, from the root el-u to rise. Sinhalese possessed el-iya as an inheritance from the native dialect, but it has also borrowed the derivative a-loka developed independently by Sanskrit. On the introduction of one and the same word into modern Sinhalese from two sources we shall have to speak again in another place.
The last word in the list, i.e. el-u, is usually, but erroneously, derived from the Sanskrit edaka or the Prakrit elaka. The latter cannot be accounted for except through the original el, “ white.” El-, from el “ white (colour)” and i (for il) possessing, was the name given originally to the white kind of sheep, and later extended to other kinds. We have this appellation in classical Tamil. In later Tamil
l. So Kuhn, after Childers: On the oldest Aryan Element of the Sinhalese Vocabulary, in Ceylon Lit. Register, Third Series, Vol. I, p. 473. So also W. Geiger: Etymologie des Singhalesischen, s.v.
2. For other equations see E. Boisacq: Dict, Etymol. de la Langue Grecque ; A. Walde : Lateinisches Etymol. Wörterbuch.
3. cf. Cīvaka-Cintāmaņi, 1874, 2471, 2680, 2684; Perunkatai I, 47, l79, &c.

No. 89-1936) DERAVIDIAN ELEMENT 243
too vellai (= eli) is the name for a particular kind of sheep. On the other hand, another creature, the rat, also was known by the designation of eli, (Telugu el-ika) from a particular kind of the species having whiteness as its outstanding feature. It was therefore found necessary to differentiate eli the sheep from eli the rat; and this was effected by changing the original elli into ela or ela-ka--a device for which there are hundreds of analogies in the language. Sinhalese, which had another word for the rat, kept the original eli almost unchanged, as ela, or elu. The Tamil forms eli, ela, ela-ka are found transformed in other dialects as eri (Kurukh), yēdu (Tulu), õda (Kui), ädru (Toduva), ädu (Malayalam). The modern Tamil form of eli is also aidu or yadu. It may now be seen how the Pali claka and Sanskrit fola, daka, are related to the Tamil eli, ela and elaka. A comparison of these forms with the names for sheep, &c., in other languages may be interesting. See, for instance, the Sumerian elim, a ram ; Egyptian ail, a stag '; Greek eriphos 'a kid,' ellos “a young deer, alke “an elk o; Old High German, elho, elaho, German, elke, 'an elk.”
To return from a digression, we see, by the examples cited above, the sense in which the original dialect of Ceylon could be said to have been from the “same source whence Pali and Sanskrit were themselves derived.' By the present writer's researches it now seems most probable that the Aryan and Dravidian languages are radically related. In a very remote past, the two families seem to have sprung from the same stock of original words or roots, designating very elementary ideas. These were once used without grammatical inflexions, without what we now call syntax, or sentenceconstruction.
Hundreds of Sinhalese words-those usually recognised as nishpannas, as well as many others commonly put down as Pali or Sanskrit derivatives,-are built up with Dravidian
1. See a discussion on this subject by the present writer in the Ceyl. Lit. Register, 3rd Series, III, 106 & seq.

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word-materials and it is very likely that they belonged to the original dialect on which the present Sinhalese language is based. For example: the Sinhalese lala-navi, “to beat, flog, with its cluster of kindred words, might by some be considered as derived from the Sanskrit tad ' to strike.' In examining some of the Dravidisms found in Sanskrit, as noted by Kittel in the Preface to his Kannada Dictionary, Jules Bloch remarks as follows: “A verbal root tad quoted in the Nirukta, is also found in Pali toileti, meaning to strike; A.V. has tada, a 'stroke. Probably tala, P. lala 'musical time' is a derivative of this root rather than connected with karatala palm of the hand as some would have it. Lastly, tandulah "husked rice, threshed grains, which is found already in A.V., may be a derivative of the same root, just as the Gond kurmi "the harder part of rice, kodon, etc., which remains after grinding is connected with kurum-to grind or puund grain in a mortar.' Now of this Skt. tad-there is no good Aryan etymology; compare, on the contrary, Ka., Ta., Te, tatu, “to tap, strike, Ka. tatu, “strike against, Tatalumbu “wound.' Now, the Tamil tatt-u or laddu is regularly derived from tail, (root dil, to go down,') and originally meant to push down, then 'strike against, beat,' etc. From the same secondary tail are such verbal forms as tal-ttu, "lower down, tall-u, push down, tal-uvu, fall down, embrace, tad-i, tand-i 'strike, punish, etc., and nominal forms such as tal-am, beating,' tal-ippu, 'crushing, tal-umpu, wound,' tand-am, “stick, fine, tand-anai, punishment.' We may therefore, see, that the Sinhalese tal-anaud, tal-ima, talumbuwa, dand-uwama, dand-a, etc., might very well belong to the original dialect. Tallu-kara-and tattu-kara-are possibly later introductions, to judge by their combination with karanawa. The Sinhalese tal-anawa, again, points back to the Cen-tamil form tad-i (to strike down), a wurd no more used in present day Tamil. (The interchange of the cerebrals d and l is of course a well-known fact in Dravidian phonology). As we observed in another place, Sinhalese,
1. Some problems of Indo-Aryan Philology, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. V, Part IV, 1930, p. 737.

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like the other old Dravidian dialects, has retained in common use many an old Dravidian form now become obsolete in their earliest cultivated sister dialect.
It is also likely that some forms of a Sinhalese word were inherited from the Ceylon dialect, while, other forms of the same word, taken from the same original source and evolved in Pali or Sanskrit, were borrowed from these speeches at a later stage. I may instance mad-uwa which is probably a native word. It is regularly derived from mad-i or madahku "to bend or 'turn round, to encircle, Mad-u. (Tam. Mal.) is an enclosure for water, from the fact of a bund running round it. Telugu has mad-ugu. Mad-am (Tam. Mal.) is a walled enclosure, a caravansary, monastery. Mad-ai is a dike or floodgate for turning the course of water. Mat-aku. (Tel. mad-ava or mad-uva) is an opening out of a channel. Mal-ikai is likewise an enclosure used as a shop, etc. Mad-am is again differentiated into manr-am to mean another sort of enclosure, 'a place of assembly, a 'courtyard. The Sinhalese mad-uwa has a like significance. It means 'a shed, temporary building, bungalow' (Clough's Dictionary). The differentiated form mal-uwa signifies “court (applied to the outer part of an ancient building) yard, fold, enclosure, shed, tent.' (ibid.) All these forms are, without doubt, Dravidian. But the Sinhalese has also introduced a set of words derived from the same root mad-i or mad-ahku, but adopted into and developed by Sanskrit. Such is mandapa meaning the same thing as mad-uuva. The Sanskrit is a counterpart of the Tamil many-am. Mand-ira, a dwelling, is another Sanskrit word from the same source. Compare also maạậ-ala (Sinh. (maạ-ạilla), “ a circle,” which is from the same Dravidian root mad-i. Again, instead of malikai we have the Sinhalese māl-igaya or māļ-igāwa, also mālikdi meaning 'palace, probably by analogy with the Sanskrit mali-kai which, however, does not seem to mean the same thing. Monier Williams' Skt. Dictionary has only the sense of a row or 'collection of things arranged in a line approaching the sense in Sinhalese. The Sanskrit form is from mala, “a garland' which itself is probably from the

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Dravidian mal-ar, “flower,” (root: al-ar to expand, blossom.') We may remark here that the Sinhalese mala, in the sense of flower, is a Dravidian word and should be considered as belonging to the early dialect and not brought from an Aryan source.
PRONOUNS AND PARTICLES.
In the passage quoted at the beginning of this paper, Kuhn observes that Sinhalese grammar reveals “more or less obscured fragments of Aryan declension and conjugation. Now, nouns and verbs are declined or conjugated with the help of certain particles which are no other than corrupted forms of primitive words. Pronouns too are to be included in this class of the original linguistic stock. But the latter need not be considered, except in the position of final particals in conjugation, as a deciding factor in ascertaining the group or family to which a language belongs. Thus, Sinhalese might still be essentially a Dravidian speech, even if all its pronouns were proved to be loan words from the Aryan, as is the case with most of its numerals. The particles, including corrupted forms of the native pronouns, belong, however, to its construction and should, consequently be, at least in great part, traceable to a Dravidian source. We shall briefly examine here some of the pronouns and particles which indicate Dravidian origin.
To begin with the third personal pronoun, oba was the ancient Sinhalese for he or 'she.' See examples in Siddhat Sangara Sanmaya, c.VII, 42. Its original meaning was yonder and is doubtless connected with the Dravidian upari and unpar, 'beyond, ummai, “the other world, inku, beyond, away, etc. In Dravidian, the demonstrative u had, at the original word-building stage, the sense of 'away or 'hiden from view, as may be seen by every Tamil word with initial u and it or o and 6, the latter being modifications of the former. Uva-n, the equivalent of the Sinhalese oba
1. De Alwis, op. cit., p. 154,

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referred, in ancient Tamil use, to one away from the person spoken to. So in the classical line "pindira nokki...... piritain uvan : “he gazed at the jewels. Uva-n came, by degrees, later, to denote a person near the one spoken to. So too the Sinhalese oba, originally denoting a person beyond the one spoken to, came, in course of time, to indicate the person nearest to the speaker, i.e. the second person. It is likely that when the original third personal pronoun had become the second, other forms of the same word took its place as ohu or it which latter was later differentiated into Ö and di to denote the female. In Tamil, the place of the original uva-n for the third person was taken by ava-in, the demonstrative a having itself undergone a change of sense from ' proximity to remoteness. For, it is known that except in the case of the third personal pronouns, radical a has always the sense of proximity in Dravidian wordbuilding.
We now return to the second personal pronoun and find that oba is also transformed into the classical nuba, and later umba. The forms tamumvahansē, tam unmānsē and tamusē are derived from tam “ his own.”* Tam is the Cen-tamil form of tam-att his own. In respectful address the Tamils use tam, tām, in the very same way for the second person. I fancy that the adjuncts tema and tom6 combined with some pronominal forms, and perhaps tamā “ thou,” are also variations of the Tamil tan in the sense of 'one's self.' Hence it is “that in classics when the particles teme, tomo, and tumi are used as pronouns, the reflexive pronoun tama is often used after them.' Again, the use of the particle tama for emphasis as in the example: e mama tamayi it is myself, points to the origin of the emphasising particle ma of which we have to speak presently.
Coming to the first personal pronoun, De Alwis says: “There is but one pronoun ma, “ I, for the first person....
Paripãda, XII, 55. - See De Alwis, op. cit, p. 162.
... ibid., p. 157. V 4. A Comprehensive Grammar of the Sinh. Lang, p. 158.
s

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248 JoURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) (VoL. XXXIII.
It is devoid of gender. Its influence on verbs in the formation of the personal terminations is well-known. Both in the singular and in the plural, and in its several moods and tenses, the verb takes ma with different modifications... And ma in its primary signification, seems to be the distinguishing of the person speaking. Hence, after mama became the recognised pronoun of the first person, it seems to have reduplicated to convey its original meaning as mama-mat, an addition which is likewise made to the other pronouns, with the same object of laying stress, or emphasis upon or of singling out a particular person....' It is possible that the first personal pronoun ma was evolved from tama by way of emphasising the speaker, as suggested by the learned author, Or may it not be from the Dravidian igin which has become gndin in Malayalam, an in Kanarese, nsin in Tamil, and ënu, nënat, në in Telugu ? The transition might have been from noin, and the change of n into m is not impossible, as we see the Tamil second personal pronoun originally yi and in Tamil nir (plural) transformed into miru in Telugu. Note also the Sanskrit aham, I, becoming mdim, etc., in the oblique cases. The long vowel becoming short need not be considered unlikely, as Sinhalese is remarkable for its partiality for short vowels. The derivation of mama from the obscure Sanskrit plural as mad does not seem to be congruous. . ܫ
Regarding the pronominal adjectives, TDe Alwis writes: “Mē, “ this,” and oya, ara, ē, “ that,” are demonstratives, having nice distinctions in their application. Mr. Lambrick says, “As me with its derivatives, is appropriated to represent a person or thing near (opposite) to the person spoken to ; and ara, with its derivatives, is appropriated to represent a person or thing at a distance from both the persons in conversation. The fourth e, with its derivatives, is appropriated to represent a person or thing spoken of before. Upon a comparison of a great majority of the pronominal adjectives in Sanskrit with those in Sinhalese of the like signification,
1. De Alwis, op, cit, p. 153-4. 2. See Kuhn, loco cit. I. 234-5. 3. See Gunasekara's Compreh. Gram., p. 350.

No. 89-1936) DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT 249
we find a resemblance, which clearly establishes the relationship, which in reference to the former we have elsewhere assigned to the latter language.' No doubt there is much similarity between these pronominal adjectives and those of Sanskrit. Thus E. Müller pointed out the connection between mé and the Sanskrit ima, a, form of idam, which seems to be supported by inscriptions where a nominative ima is found.* But the Dravidian itu, corresponds as well with the Sanskrit idan and other forms such as itah, iti, ittham, idänim, etc. So too the Sinhalese ara seems to be nearer to the Tamil at than to the Sanskrit adas and tad. On the other hand, oya, the person or thing near (opposite) to the person spoken to, has no parallel in Sanskrit and Prakrits. The Hindi it, Panjabi iiha, Bengali 6 denote a person or thing distant or away from the person spoken to, illustrating the original import of u in Cen-tamil, which was referred to above. It is in Later Tamil alone that we have it as a demonstrative applying to the person or thing near (opposite) the one spoken to ; and we would, therefore, trace the Sinhalese oya to this source.
We shall conclude with a few words on some particles employed in Sinhalese declension. The sign of the accusative a, as well as the colloquial sign va, is supposed by some to be a corruption of ek or ak as in ho’ā gomāuva aragena giyā the thief took away the ox, where gondwa is supposed to stand for gonsi(v)ak. This va (= a combined with euphonic v) may be also an equivalent of the Tamil accusative sign ai, originally a from the emphatic ē (tērrēkāram) as in pominē pól porruvar they would esteem it as gold which becomes ротпаip-pӧl, etc.
The preposition visin, used commonly to denote the instrumental case, is probably the Cen-tamil word vayin, vulgarly pronounced asin, used as a preposition for the
1. ibid., pp. 166-7.
2. Report on Inscriptions, 1879, quoted in Ceylon Lit. Register, Third Series I, 477. ዖ›
3. See J. Beames, A Comp. Gram. of the modern Aryan Lang. of India III, 366.
4. Nanniūl 302.

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250 JoURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLoN) [VoL. XXXIII.
seventh case in Tamil. This word originally meant ' through being derived from 'ali way or means,' (root ul). It is to be suspected that katuwa, with, another preposition employed in Sinhalese for the instrumental case, also goes back to the Tamil kitta 'near.'
The signs of the auxiliary case in, ini, and en, are also demonstrably Dravidian. Tamil has developed a sign all from ayal, near, for expressing this case which indeed denotes some sort of adjacency. But it often prefixes this all with an in, a wrrd originally meaning place. Thus, for the Sinhalese mama pihiyen, gaha kapimi I cut the tree with a knife Tamils would say man kattiyinal marattai vettinen. Here we have in-all instead of al. It is extremely probable that the Sinhalese has retained the in which euphonically becomes en, to the exclusion of the final dil.
The origin of the dative case-sign is clear. The Sinhalese ta is no doubt corrupted from the Tamil itam. Instead of avan itam kotutter: " I gave him, the unlettered would say avan iftai kodutten. The Sinhalese has ohu-ta dumimi. The meaning of ițam is ‘ place.” How the dative sense may he developed from the idea of place is obvious. To derive ta from the Sanskrit arthaiya is certainly far-fetched. The more ordinary dative sign in Tamil is ku from kai, 'hand. Thus awar-ku, or avan-uk-ku, to him. Sinhalese has a similar locution with the same idea. Ohu karā giyēmi, * I went to him, literally to his hand.’
The ablative signs in, ini, en, eni are identical with the Tamil sign in, from il meaning 'place, with the sense of
from.’
The genitive sign gē is, again, probably from the Tamil kai, “ hand.” Alvam, kai puttakam would mean “ his (in his hand) book.” The Sinhalese ohu-gē pota is the same. Gunasekara Mudaliyar 1 equates it with the Hindī kē, but the origin of the latter is not stated.
1. op. cit, p. 350.

No. 89-1936) DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT 25.
The locative signs ehi, hi, e, are also referable to the Tamil il meaning in.'
The modern Sinhalese plural signs lä and varu are clearly from Tamil, as also noted by the author of the Comprehensive Grammar. The Tamil kall (originally ell-ā, the source from which the Sanskrit sakala and Sinhalese siyala are most probably derived) becomes galu in Kanarese and lot in Telugu, which has also sometimes kulu, gulu and alu. The Sinhalese form lā is also found as golla, as in devi-golla, “ gods,” which is nearer to kal. The Tamil plural sign war is a contraction of the pronoun of the same number a. (v)ar, composed of the demonstrative a and ar, the plural form of at-u that.' Telugu has avaru and viru.
One might go on with scores of other Sinhalese particles, adverbs, conjunctions, prefixes and affixes--which are, on close examination, reducible to the Dravidian. Their resemblance to those in the Aryan languages too will not be denied. But this fact only supports the contention that the same source is to be sought for the Aryan and Dravidian languages in a hoay past, or, in other words, that we have to lecognise a radical connection between these two ancient families of languages.
When the subject was thrown open for discussion, Dr. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe said he was reminded of the saying "Fools rush in where angels fear to tread. He suggested that Father Gnana Prakasar would do well to take a course in Philology before attempting such a difficult task as the subject of the paper. He agreed that his paper was full of ideas, some of which were, however, very difficult to agree with, while others were distinctly wrong. He felt he could have replied to most of the explanations but, not having been provided with a copy of the paper earlier, he could not do so eac tempore.
Mr. Julius de Lanerolle expressed the view that Father Gnana Prakasar's conclusions could not stand scientific analysis. He did not however, propose to enter into details, firstly as he could not study the paper beforehand, and secondly as the manner in which the author had approached the subject hardly called for a detailed examination of the paper. The following is a summary of Mr. de Lanerolle's further remarks: .
I. p. 350. 2. See Caldwell: Comp. Grammar of Dravid, lang, 3rd Edition. pp. 239 &t seq.

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252 JourNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) (Vol. XXXIII.
“In that monumental work, the 'Linguistic Survey of India, Sir George Grierson has acknowledged without any reservation that Sinhalese is one of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars; all other eminent linguists who are competent to express an opinion on the subject have done likewise. It is remarkable, however, that a casual observer cannot but be struck by the large number of Dravidian words found in the modern language, and also by the fact that in most places where Sinhalese differs from Pali and Sanskrit, in respect of certain grammatical forms, etc., it generally agrees with Tamil. These phenomena have led many a student to imagine that Sinhalese is of Dravidian origin, particularly when their knowledge of Sinhalese is limited to the modern language. On the other hand, I have not yet come across nor heard of any linguist who has made a systematic study of Old Sinhalese suggesting such a possibility.
“We all agree that when Aryans first came to Ceylon, several centuries before Christ, this Island was inhabited by aboriginal tribes whose language perished in course of time. It is the language of the Aryan invaders, as a scientific study of Old Sinhalese proves beyond a shadow of doubt, that eventually shaped itself into what latterly came to be called Sinhalese. Every stage of this development is reflected in the numerous lithic and other records extending over a period of two thousand years. In the face of this indisputable evidence, it is impossible to hold that the basis of Sinhalese is anything but Aryan. This fact has been proved by Professor Wilhelm Geiger in his Litteratur und Sprache der Singhalesen (Strassburg, 1900) to the satisfaction of the best authorities on Comparative Philology. I am surprised to find that Father Gnana Prakasar has chosen to ignore all this.
“It is true that non-Aryan influences-not necessarily IDravidian only, but pre-Dravidian as well-have been at work in the development of the Sinhalese language. The chief result of these influences is the loss of the aspirate. Except for this change, no great non-Aryan influence is found in the Sinhalese language for over thousand years from the first known Aryan settlement in this country. Even in respect of this important point, which directly affects the phonology of the language, the most notable fact to be observed is that, in spite of it, the whole phonetic system of Sinhalese preserves its Aryan character all throughout. In morphology too its Aryan character is not altogether lost, even today. The expression of case relations by means of appended particles instead of by regular inflection and a number of other similar developments are found in the modern language, and these developments are undoubtedly against Old and Middle Indo-Aryan speech habits. It is true that they agree with the Dravidian, but in this respect Sinhalese does not stand alone: it stands in the company of other Indian Vernaculars which have been acknowledged as Aryan. It has already been pointed out by competent authorities that these differences between Old and Modern IndoAryan Wernaculars are quite similar to certain peculiarities observed in European languages, such as the use of the auxiliary, which in course of time seems to have developed as a simple necessity of speech. In any case, in so far as Sinhalese is concerned, they speak only for the Dravidian influence upon it—not for a Dravidian origin of it.
"It must not be forgotten, however, that the Sinhalese are a mixed race and that, in consequence, their language is a composite one. They owe much of their culture, a considerable part of their vocabulary,

No. 89–1936) 1DRAVIIDIAN EÈLEMEN'İ 253
many a mode of expression, and a host of other things, to Tamils. The two races have been in close contact, both politically and socially, during a long succession of centuries. But the fact still remains that the essential characteristics of one race have at no time been identical with those of the other. In these respects they have always stood distinctly apart.'
The Chairman in moving a vote of thanks to the Rev. Father Gnana Prakasar for his paper, and to Gate Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam for reading it, said that to those who have had to study the two languages there is a remarkable similarity between them, particularly in such matters as the structure and form of the sentence. This might lead one to think that there is some connection between them. The theory of the paper to explain this connection is that the Sinhalese on landing in Ceylon found a Dravidian people here, and adopted their language in principle while retaining to a very large extent their own vocabulary. This tendency was assisted further by the fact that the Sinhalese invaders to a large extent married Dravidian speaking WVes
The Chairman stated that he felt doubt as to the accurancy of this theory, which did not accord with the experience of other countries. For instance, the experience of the Anglo-Saxon tongue has not been this. He was not inclined to believe that Sinhalese had a TDravidian basis and was essentially Dravidian. The relationship between the two languages, however, was interesting. Possibly the likeness between the two goes back to an earlier language than the Indo-Germanic Group. The case was one not for hasty words but for further studies.

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254 Jour NAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) WoL. XXXIII.
DOCUMENTS FROM THE PUBLIC
RECORD OFFICE
The Historical Manuscripts Commission have obtained photostat copies of a number of documents concerning Ceylon from the Public Record Office. The two documents which follow were among those so obtained. They have been sent to the Society by the Commission with an invitation to publish them in the Journal. Both letters are interesting and important. The first is from Lord Hobart, Governor of Madras to Dundas, and the second from Colonel Stuart to Dundas.
Fort St. George,
Private. October IIth, I795.
My Dear Sir,
Having written to you at length upon various subjects by Major Stevenson who sails from Tranquebar in a Danish ship on the 20th and by the Mary Packet which we detain here in the hope of hearing in the course of a few days from Major Agnew, I should scarcely trouble you with this letter, which, going by an American ship bound to New York, has but little chance of reaching you sooner than any other dispatches, but that I am desirous of your knowing the actual state of our military operations as soon as possible, and therefore take every means of communicating it.
Fort Ostenburgh, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Maladiva, and Jaffnapatam, are in our possession and as two expeditions have been sent against Mannar, one by Colonel Stuart from Jaffnapatam and the other from Tuticorin, I have no doubt that place has also been subdued. If therefore the proposition contained in our letter of the 22nd of September be acceded to by the Government of Columbo, the forts and

No. 89-1936) DOCUMENTS s 255
adjacent districts above-mentioned are ours by conquest, the remainder of the Dutch settlements on the Island will be in our hands conditionally to be restored on the re-establishment of the Constitution of 1787.
Nome of the Dutch governments on the coast of Coormandel have acknowledged the authority of the Prince of Orange. Their possessions have, therefore, been taken in the name of his Britannick Majesty. I am now to acquaint you that about the middle of last month I received a letter from Mr. Cleghorn dated Tellichery, September 6th, informing me of his and the Comte de Meuron's arrival, and of the business which brought them to India. As, however, the object of their visit to this country had unavoidably been made public at the instant of their arrival, it became necessary to take immediate steps with a view to avail ourselves of the very wise measure adopted by the British Government, but the operation of which had been considerably varied from what at the time might have been expected, by subsequent events. Since, when the intelligence of the Capitulation reached us, two Companies of that Corps were actually Prisoners at Madras, and we were engaged in decided Hostility with the Dutch in Ceylon.
The first impression made upon my mind by the receipt of this information, was its depriving the Government of Columbo of a great proportion of its means of defence, and consequently encouraging an expectation that a further proposition from us for the surrender of the settlements in possession of the Dutch upon the Island would probably be attended with success, but as I conceived Jaffnapatam and Mannar, would be easy conquests and valuable acquisitions, I judged it advisable to secure them unconditionally in our hands-and accordingly wrote to Colonel Stuart at all hazards to attack them and I have great pleasure in being able to tell you that Jaffnapatam is represented to me as one of the strongest and most respectable forts in India, and with the exception of wanting Draw Bridges in perfect repair. The settlement indeed exceeds our most sanguine expectations ;

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256 JourNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLoN) Vol. XXXIII.
the Revenue of it Colonel Stuart conceives to be worth a Lac of Pagodas, and you may be assured it is a possession of great value. The enclosed letter to the Government of Columbo with the instructions to Major Agnew, will shew you the further steps which we deemed it expedient to take, and I have only to add, that the communication of the transfer of the Regiment de Meuron was made under a positive conviction from the length of time it had been public, that it must have been known at Columbo long before Major Agnew could arrive there-and therefore it was deemed more prudent to attempt nothing in a clandestine way, which would have been likely to have involved the Corps in unpleasant consequences, whilst the open and direct road, which is certainly preferable, was as well, if not more calculated to produce the desired effect. Notwithstanding such were my sentiments I considered the Comte de Meuron a party so much interested in the result of the negotiation, that I appointed a meeting between him and Major Agnew at Cuddalore, directing the latter not to proceed, unless he could procure the Comte's perfect acquiescence which he obtained without the least difficulty.
The Comte and Mr. Cleghorn are now here, but as the transfer cannot possibly take effect for some time, I shall direct such an allowance to be paid to the former as Mr. Cleghorn shall deem consonant to the spirit of the capitulation. A Battallion of Bengal Sepoys which having volunteered the service, had been ordered to embark for Malacca, and thanked by the Government in the Newspapers, refused to proceed, and have been countermanded accordingly.
To-morrow two Companies of Europeans, half a Company of Artillery and a Battallion of Sepoys are to embark for the Eastward from whence we have not heard since the 13th of August, when the troops sent against Malacca were within a day's sail of it. Their first object is to reinforce and if necessary to strengthen that expedition, and then to

No. 89-1936 DOCUMENTS 257
proceed to some of the Malacca Islands under the Commodore our principal point being Amboyna-but everything must depend on the intelligence procurable at Malacca.
The Co-operation of the Navy, in the various services which have occurred, has been beyond all example; indeed notwithstanding many circumstances which might have occasioned serious differences, you would imagine, the Navy, the Army and the Company's Government constituted but One service.
I cannot forgo expressing the satisfaction I feel at having prevailed on Colonel Stuart to remain in India, and earnestly impressing upon you the justice of having his services liberally rewarded.
I have the honor to be, My Dear Sir,
Most faithfully Yours, (Sgd.) HOBAIRT.
Private.
Dear Sir,
My public letter, which accompanies this will inform you of our operations and success on this Island, since my last dispatches, by the Royal Admiral, dated the 31st of August; duplicates of which, with copies of the papers referred to, I send by the present Conveyance, the Mary
Packet. ヘ
I most sincerely and heartily congratulate you on the late success of His Majesty's Arms, which has added such important possessions to the British power in this Country.

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258 JoURNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) Vol. XXXIII.
Batacaloe is a most fertile district producing large quantities of Grain and numbers of Cattle, besides which, the valuable salt works are situated here, from which the Dutch Company furnished the King of Candia, and his people, with salt from which they drew a considerable Revenue. Jaffnapatnam is one of the richest and most fertile Provinces on this Island, and produced an Annual Revenue of Upwards of a Lack of Pagodas to the Dutch Company besides considerable supplies of Grain, etc. Moelletivoe, though a Settlement of a few years standing, and the Country not yet much improved, produces a large quantity of Grain and is pretty well stocked with Cattle. The Districts depending upon this place and Fort Ostenburgh are worse off in point of Population and Soil than any others I have seen on the Island. The Country is consequently worse cultivated, and the people poorer. We have however drawn a tolerable good supply of Cattle from it, of which article, we stood in most want. Yet although the Inhabitants have come forward with seeming alacrity to assist us in this point, our demands both for the Navy, and Army have been hitherto but sparingly answered, for we have not yet derived any manner of assistance from our Good Friend and Ally the King of Candia, notwithstanding our Ambassador has been more than a fortnight at his Court, who writes me on the 26th ultimo that a due observance of the forms held sacred in that quarter had even till that time prevented his being honored with an Audience.
We are going on with such Temporary Repairs and improvements upon this plan, and Ostenburgh, as our means will admit of but hitherto we have neither had time nor materials to enable us to Construct permanent works.
Our late fortunate successes have put in our possession a larger (though not so rich) an extent of this Island than the Dutch now have, and in the event of Major Agnews Embassy to Columbo not producing the desired effect I do not despair of having the honor of subjecting the Provinces

No. 89-1936 DocUMENîs 259
of Columbo, Point De Gaul and Negombo to the British Authority, which I believe are all the Dutch are now masters of on the Island.
You may perhaps be surprised at my having taken with me so many people without Arms (as are mentioned in my public letter) on the expedition against Jaffnapatnam; as this detail more than doubled the number of soldiers I had with me. I therefore think it necessary to observe to you that in case the Temper of the Garrison had induced them to make Resistance, my sole dependence must have been upon the exertions of those men for Transporting our heavy Guns, Stores and Provisions for a distance of 24 miles, as no Cattle fit for draught or carriage are to be had in this Country. And this was a strong inducement for my proceeding myself on the service, as I was convinced that, had there been a necessity for this Laborious Exertion, difficulties would have occurred, which I trust my presence would have been useful in removing, for I have not only acquired some experience in the way of managing the Native Troops, from the frequent Opportunities I have had in serving with them. But I flatter myself the confidence they repose in me, would have enabled me to produce exertions on their part more lively and efficient. My son Captain Stuart who will have the Honor to deliver you the present dispatch has been serving his country abroad from his earliest years. He is of course little conversant in what has been going on at home, or in the Great world. Your Goodness however I assure myself will make every allowance for his want of experience in this way, and I request your further indulgence in pointing out the etiquette necessary for him to observe after he has delivered you his dispatches. I wish him to have the Honor of being introduced to the King for should my conduct during the service I have been employed upon here, fortunately meet my Sovereign’s approbation, it may induce his Majesty to be graciously pleased to show some mark of his Royal favour to my son who has been constantly employed for the last fifteen years in this country with his Regiment, which has been engaged in all the various services

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260 JourNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLoN) Vol. XXXIII.
that have occurred during that period. Captain Stuart has my directions to remain in England until such time as he receives such commands as you may be pleased to honor me with, and then to return, and join me' in this country, with all possible expedition.
have the Honor to Remain with the Greatest Respect and Regard,
Dear Sir, Your most Faithful Obliged and
- Devoted Servant, TRINCOMALE, (Signed) -- STUART,
Ioth October, 1795.
P.S.-I am hopeful that the Business of our Embassy to the King of Candia is going on well. As I have just now received a present of ten parcells of Sweet Meats sent me by His Candian Majesty-a present of this kind sent by a Native Prince is a strong indication of his wishes to be upon the most friendly footing with us.
The Right Hon'ble
Henry Dundas, &c., &c., &c., London.

REPRODUCTION OF PART OF FIRST DOCUMENT
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Plate I

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REPRODUCTION OF PART OF SECOND DOCUMENT
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刁 چھپتے ستمبر --محیص سے تعیخصحعمریکہ۔۔۔ رحمے ,2A aശ, അല്പ-ൾ-മt محمد عمحصسےمعصمصاسمبر
ہے کی تختتخصص ޝަޝަހޝަ/ ހ24 سکم سمسم سترھومتی
خبر سم؟ صعصعہ سمحصنع
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Zരമല്ലേr Z് /” 2
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'2 سترجمے سکے۔ سیم Z2 ހއ4 ޗިހި
Plate II
 

No. 89-1936) STONE A.G.E. N. CEYTON 26
ON ESTIMATING THE DURATION OF THE
STONE-AGE IN CEYLON.
By
P. E. P. DERANIYAGAILA, M.A. (Cantab), –
A.M. (Harvard), F.C.P.S., F.L.S., F.Z.S.
Although the stone implements of Ceylon have attracted considerable attention, estimates regarding the duration of the stone-age in the Island have been widely divergent. Parsons (1907) considered the implements to be Eolithic, the Sarasins (1907) held them to be Upper Palaeolithic and the Seligmanns (1911) were convinced that they were Neolithic, while others considered them to be recent. Pole (1913) sums up the confusion of ideas as follows: - 'So little has been discovered about our (Ceylon) stone-age that it is difficult to believe that there must lie ' something beyond our surface finds waiting to be brought to light; especially so, as we had been taught that Ceylon possessed none; nevertheless, Mr. C. Hartley, a brother enthusiast, is pinning his faith to the Ratnapura gem pits for further developments.' To a casual observer it would appear that these varying opinions indicate that the stone-age of Ceylon comprises some phases of the Eolithic, Palaeolithic, and Neolithic, but hitherto there has
been no method of ascertaining when man first inhabited the Island.
This question can apparently be answered by attention to Hartley's line of investigation which, although viewed with misgiving by Pole, promises to yield the solution. Human remains or artifacts can be dated from the animal remains found in association and such fossils are now known (Deraniyagala, 1936, b). Hartley was not the only collector in this field, for a small collection of stone implements from the Ratnapura gem pits, was presented to the Colombo

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262 Jot RNAL, R.A.s. (CEYLON) WoL. XXXII.
Museum many years ago by Mr. J. A. Daniel, late of the Mineralogical Department of Ceylon. Unfortunately his collection now appears to be mixed with others donated to the Colombo Museum and is consequently of very little value for purposes of study.
In 1936 while searching for fossils at Kuruvita in Sabaragamuva Province obtained a few stone implements from alluvial deposits about thirty feet below the surface, at levels characterized by remains of the extinct elephant Palaeoloacodon namadicus (Falconer et Cautley), for which the subspecific name of sinhaleyus has been suggested by me (1936, a). The forma typica from the Narbadda valley is generally regarded as having persisted up to the basal part of the upper Pleistocene and the depth and stratigraphy at which these fossils occur in Ceylon suggest that the local subspecies was of similar age. w
It is, therefore, not unreasonable to suppose that some of the stone implements from these gem pits belong to this epoch, but a more complete series is necessary before they can be correlated with any well-known European culture phase.
They differ considerably from the more recent pigmy ones which are so common on the tops of the majority of the mountains of Ceylon in that the former implements are characterized by their larger size, the paucity of types, bolder chipping, more solid structure and deeper patination." They are generally fashioned from cores and the material is usually quartz, either clear or smoky, and occasionally topaz.
1. A certain proportion of chert implements of core, blade and flake origin are present in Daniel's collection but it is possible that they belong to other collections kept in the same show case.

No. 89-1936) STONE-AGE IN CEYLON 263
REFERENO ES TO LITERATURB
Deraniyagala, P.E.P. 1936 (a).--Some fossil Animals from Ceylon. J. Roy. As. Soc. (Ceylon), Vol. XXXIII., No. 88 (1935), pp. 165-168.
Deraniyagala, P. E. P. 1936 (b).- Some Miocene and Upper Siwalik fossils from Ceylon. Ceylon J. of Sci., XX, pp. 19l-198, pls. 2, text figs. 4.
Parsons, J. 1907.-Further notes on Wedda, Implements,
Spolia Zeylanica, IV. p. 190.
Pole, J., 1913-Ceylon Stone Implements, p. 13, Thacker
Spink & Co., Calcutta.
Sarasin, P. et. F. 1907.-Stone Implements in Wedda
Caves, Spolia. Zeylanica, Vol. IV., p. 189.
Seligmann, C. G. et B.Z. 191l.-The Veddas, p. 24.

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