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Journal
CEYLON
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CONTENTS
ARTICLES
I.
PEIRIS, RT. REv. DR. EDMUND, O.M.I., D.D. A Sinhalese Hunting Poem
PARANAVITANA, S. - The Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon s 0. o P.
NICHOLAS, C. W. - Additions and Amendments to
the Historical Topography of Ancient and Medieval Ceylon e. D D
DEVENDRA, D.T. - Suggested Origin of the Chatra ..
GODAKUMBURA, C. E. - Bronzes from Polonnaruva, п9бо
PAULUSZ, J. H. O. - The Rebellion of I665 against Raja Simha-Comments on Ambanvela Rala's Statement to the Dutch
GOONEWARDENE, K. W. - Comments on “Ceylon and Malayasia in Mediaeval Times”
TAMBIMUTTU, P. - Comments on “Ceylon and Malayasia in Mediaeval Times” 0. v.
Obituary-CYRIL WACE NICHOLAS
Book Reviews
Office-Bearers
Annual Report for Ig59
Honorary Treasurer's Report. .
Balance Sheet and Statement of Accounts for I959
Abstracts of Proceedings
Publications Received
Donations
IPurchases
List of Members
PAGE
I6I
I74
225
23I.
239
254
256
257
258
26I
265
266
268
27ο
276
285
289
292
294

1961
CEYLON BRANCH of the
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
New Series, Volume VIII, Pakt 2
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கொழும்புத் தமிழ்ச் சங்கம் நூல் நிலையம்

A Sinhalese Hunting Poem
By Rt. Rev. Dr. EDMUND PEIRIS, O.M.I., B.A. (Lond.), Bishop of Chilaw
(Presidential Address - I960)
In the Hugh Nevill Collection of the British Museum, under number Or. 66II (238), there is a manuscript of 23 palm leaves, containing 189 verses of a Sinhalese poem, entitled Mala Raja Uru Danaya. In 1935, I copied this work carefully, as it dealt with a subject unfamiliar to our literature: namely, a wild boar-hunt. Nevill describes this manuscript under No. 266 of his catalogue raisonné, which our Museum authorities published in 1954. A few years ago, the late Dr. Andreas Nell gave me another palm-leaf manuscript of the same poem. It consists of I8 leaves, written over on both sides by an untrained and careless Scribe, who did not scruple to repeat, at least, 5 verses in his script. It has altogether 2I 6 verses, of which about 18o are represented in Nevil's copy. The story of this hunt forms the subject matter of three other manuscripts mentioned in Nevill's catalogue; namely, No. 34 and No. 599 (Palāväila Dāne I and 2), and No. 6oo (Divi Raja Kavi).
Describing the contents of Palaivaila Dine I, Nevill says: "This Saga also calls itself Mala Rada Upata, while No. 599 also calls itself both Sītāpati Puvata and Vali Yak Puvata. No. 6oo, Divi Raja Kavi, has the same theme as these, but is not called Palavdila Daine. The present poem begins with the coronation of Kuvéni by Vijaya, as queen, and his perjured repudiation of her for the Pandyan princess. In consequence of this, the 'divi dos' or the curse of perjury . . . attacked him and afterwards Panduvas, his successor. Sakra then saw that Mala Raja must be brought to exorcize the evil, with thrice twelve Vali Yakas, and 36 Vidi chiefs . . . By the stratagem of Rahu, disguised as a boar, Mala Raja was led to Lanka, and effected the cure. A long account is given of the Himala wilderness, its lakes and peaks. Upulvan Devi Raja lived on one of these, Vayikunta, with Sita Dávi, his wife. Then follows the legend of Rama's conquest of Ravana to recover Sita. One day Sita. Dévi painted the picture of Ravana, and was detected regarding it by Ram Raja. He then took Sita, to the forest, and gave orders to Sumana Deva to cut her in two. Sumana, however, took pity on her, as she was pregnant, and left her in the wilderness. She afterwards received shelter from a Rusi, who gave her a hut near his cell, where she fed on herbs. She brought forth a son, Sandalindu; one day the child fell under the bed, whilst the mother was away, and the Rusi in charge. Supposing it was lost and wishing to save her grief, the Rusi created a similar child from a flower (mala), and put it to sleep on the bed. Sita, found it and suckled it, but the other child awaking, she took both, thinking a god

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162 JOURNAL R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. I, II, Part 2 (New Series), 196
had given her the other. The mother doubted the Rusi's tale when he explained what had happened, and to convince her, he took some Itana (arrow grass), and created a third baby, who became known as Kitsiri Raja. The flower child was known as Mala Raja. The pedigree of Rama is given . . . One day Rama saw these princes, and annoyed at their paying him no respect, shot three arrows at them, which glanced away. Their birth was then discovered, and Sita restored as queen. This is an ancient Saga, and embodies national Sinhalese legends. In its present form it is three centuries or so old.
About Mala Raja Uru Danava itself, Nevill's catalogue says: “The first verse of this ballad states that its name is Mala Raja Cru-danaya, the boar hunt of Mala Raja... It commences with a notice of the illness of Panduwasnaja of Lanka, from the sickness consequent on perjury, and called divi dos. He saw a leopard in his dreams, and sickened in consequence. His deva residing in the royal umbrella reported this to Saekra, who ordered Isuru or Mahesuru to fetch the Mala Raja to cure the king. Mahesuru deputed this to Rahu, ordering him to lay waste the king's garden disguised as a wild boar, and when pursued to lead him to Santana gala to Cure the king. This hill is now called Hantane gala, and is close to Kandy. Rahu disguised as a boar succeeded in decoying the Mala king to Laňkā . . . Then he absolved the divi dos from king Panduwasa. This is a deeply seated myth. . . . Some such heroic boar hunt occurs as a myth amongst many nations. This poem is well composed and is probably three centuries old'. (Sinhala Verse, I, No. 266).
In fact, an account of this hunt and the occasion for it is given in the Rajavaliva. "And now it came to pass', says the chronicle, 'that the perjury of which king Vijaya had been guilty was visited on the person of king Panduvasdev, who dreamt a dream and lay unconscious, unable to rise. Then the god Purandard, to whom Lanka had been entrusted, foreseeing the evil consequences of the oath which were about to overtake Panduvasdev, who had come to illustrious Laṁkā, called the god Isvara and directed him to contrive a plan to bring king Mala to Lanka. Thereupon Rahu, instructed by Isvara, transformed himself into a boar went to the garden of Malaraja, and began to devastate all before him. Let it be noted that the said Malaraja was a prince brought up by a queen who travelled in a monarayatura (peacock machine); that a masterful hermit caused him to be born of a lotus flower. This Malaraia, beit known, resided in a city built in the Uruvel district. When Malaraja heard that his garden was being laid waste he brought his subjects to surround the garden and beat about the jungle. The boar rushed to the perch where Malaraja was standing, avoided the arrow which the king had shot, leaped over the king and ran off. The king pursued the boar; but it entered the city of Malaraja, broke down his palace and ran on.

A SINHALESE HUNTING POEM 63
Then the king’s three younger brothers, Kitsiru, Sandasiru, and Malasiru, armed with sticks, went after the boar in hot pursuit, until they came to Tuttukudiya, where it plunged into the sea. As Malaraja and his three brothers, Kitsiru, Sandasiru and Malasivu, were endowed with supernatural powers, they likewise jumped into the sea and began to swim . . . The ferry at which the boar landed on this Lanka of Ravana, after crossing the expanse of the sea was named Uratota. After Malaraia had pursued the boar throughout Lanka, Rahu created a rock and went away. Malaraia struct at the rock and stood wondering what had happened. The god-king Sakra, seeing this, ordered him to go and avert the evil consequences of the oath, and restore king Panduvas to his senses. Malaraja, thereupon, assumed the form of a Brahmin, caused the propitiatory offerings to be made, removed the evil effects, restored the king to his senses and departed'. (Rajivaliya, (English) pp. 21, 22: (Sinhalese) pp. I5, I6).
As the date of the Rajavaliya has not yet been fixed, it is difficult to say whether this is the earliest record of the legend. But, it was certainly known in the time of Parakramabahu VI of Kötte, for, the Kuveni asna, composed at this period, records it. During the Kötte period, historical themes, such as those of Vijaya, Kuvéni and Gajabahu, formed the basis of popular ballads and religious cults. These works such as the Sihaba-asna, the Kuvéni-asna, the Gajabi-kathi and the Kohumbiyakkama, are really more of sociological and religious interest than purely historical. Most of these are ballads centering round the worship of the goddess Pattini, and are interesting for that reason'. (History of Ceylon, I, i, p. 6I). The Kuveni-asna is 'a chant in blank verse probably intended to be recited by Kapurilas or lay-priests in Bali ceremonies for the purpose of removing divi-dos, 'divine evil', or any form of disease believed to result specially from the neglect of one's own vows, or from the imprecations of others'. (Catalogue, No. 33). The story of Vijaya’s repudiation of Kuvēņi, its consequences on Paņçduvasdev and the expulsion of divi-dos by Malaraja appears, with additions, in the Kohombayakkama, the most elaborate of occult performances known among the Sinhalese. (rf. Sinhalese Literature, pp. 290-293). It is also called the Kohomboi-kamkariya, and the deity or demon whom it is intended to propitiate is the Kohomba Deviyo. It is generally believed' says Hugh Nevill, among the Western Sinhalese that a race of malicious spirits, called Kohomba Yakas, live in certain high mountains of Ceylon, whence they sally forth and rob the rice fields. No tradition is preserved as to why this race have the name Kohomba, neither can I trace any account of their appearance. The kohomba tree is the well known margosa, called in Tamil venbu . . . The Tamils believe this tree to be specially haunted by a spirit or devils . . . Mountains in Taman Kaduwa, and above Sabaragama, have repeatedly been described to me as the resorts of these marauders'. (Taprobanian, February 1886, pp. 93, 94). Ceremonies to propitiate the Kohomba Yaka are performed in connection with paddy cultivation. (rf. Sinhalese Folk Play, pp. 47,

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164 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VIII, Part 2 (New Series), 96.
48; Archiv Orientalni, Vol. II, p. 4Io). Among Päl Kavi is a verse addressed to Kohomba Deviyo for protection. (rf. Folk Songs of the Sinhalese, p. 228, vs. 2I97).
කිරිබත්ගල ගලේ මීදුම පේන් 25 වේවැල් දොලේ තද ගන්වතුර එන් 2づ)3 දෙමව්පියෝ දෙන්නට දුක් දැනෙන් 2分3 කොහොඹ දෙවියනේ මා වතුරේ යන් 26
A mist appears over Kiribatgala rock; A flood rages in the Vevaldola brook; My parents are worried about me: Help! Oh, Kohomba-deviyo! I am drifting away.
The Väddas worship a deity known as Kumbé Yaka, whom they dread very much, as being a powerful and vindictive demon. Is there some connection between this individual and Kohomba Yaka? Parker says: "There is also a possibility that the name of the powerful Kohombé Yaka of the Sinhalese, and of South India, "the Demon of the Margosa (tree)' may have been contracted; or perhaps it may be derived from the Vaedi name Kumbé Yaka. There are reasons for believing that the Kohombé Yaka is an original demon of the Vaeddas; he has as subordinates three 'Vaedi Yakas', and also twelve others who are termed 'Vaedikadawarayo', and who are of inferior rank under him' (Ancient
Ceylon, pp. I40, I4I).
In the tradition expressed in the Kohomba-kankariya ceremony, Malaraja is its originator, and on his return to India, he committed the people of Lanka to the protection of twelve deities of whom Kohombayaka is one (rf. Sinhalese Folk Play', p. 48).
There is also a ritual known as Uru-yakkama, which depicts the shooting of a boar. An animal made of banana-stem is used for the purpose. After the boar is shot dead, its flesh is divided into several parts and distributed among people, who represent various professions in the village' (ib. pp. 49, 5O). The story of the boar hunt is again prominent in the ceremony of the divi-pindiva, at which an earthen vessel shaped like a leopard's head, with I2 spouts, seven ridges and seven heads of the cobra is used (rf. Dance and Magic Drama in Ceylon, p. 24; JCBRAS, Notes and Queries, Pt. V, No. 7). Verses sung in this connection set out a list of evils (dos) which are removed by the ceremony, and, incidentally, the various forms of oaths. People swore on children, grand-children and parents, on the Buddha and the gods and their places of worship; they swore by heaven, earth and trees, the sun and the moon, on rivers and the sea, on the lamp and the fire and on their eyes. The ritual was expected to remove all evils arising from

A SINHALESE EUNTING POEMI 1.65
these oaths, as well as from the evil eye, the evil mouth, the evil thought and curses.
As hunting involves killing; it is repugnant to the tenets of Buddhism. Kautilya's Arthasastra (B.C. 32I-296), though not a Buddhist work, places hunting among the fourfold vices due to desire, and, adds that 'falling into the hand of robbers, enemies and elephants, getting into wild fire, fear, inability to distinguish between the cardinal points, hunger, thirst and loss of life are evils consequent on hunting' (Arthasastra, VIII, 3). Any way, hunting seems to have been the most favourite out-door sport and amusement of the Jataka kings. The king went out hunting in a chariot, followed by a great retinue and in brave array. Well-trained hounds were taken along with the company. But this royal expedition was often a great source of disturbance to the people - villagers and townsfolk - who could not carry on their normal business, farming or trade' (Pre-Buddhist India, pp. II2-II.3).
1. දරු මුණුබුරු ගැණ 2s. On children and grand-children, මව් පියන් ගැණ දෙස On parents, oaths are taken: බුදුන් දෙවියන් ගැණ On the Buddha and the gods, අහස පොළවේ ගස Men swear by heav'n and earth.
On the sun and moon oaths are
taken On places sacred to the Buddha
and the gods, Men Swear on rivers and the sea, On the lamp and its fiery flame.
ඉරසඳ ගැන දෙස බුද්දාල කොjවිල ගඟ මුහුද ගැණ දෙස පාන ගින්දර ගැණ
ඇස් දෙකෙහි ගැණ දෙස 25 Oaths are taken on the eyes මෙවැනි මේ දිවි දොස as The evils of these and other oaths, ඇස් වහද කටවහ 25 Evil eye, and evil mouth, හෝ වහද ඇවෝල 25 Evil thought and curses:
මෙහගම සියලුම දොස as And all the ill resulting from these මෙ ආතුර දනන් G25. Also their own failings, so many, සිය වැරදි නොගන් cos Remove, we crave, from these අපත් නිති රකින් G25 patients
And protect them and us for ever.
එපස්වා මෙපස් a) The five years past, the five years දහස් කල් රකිත් a)o present දිනෙන් මතු දිනේ & Thousands of years, let protection දිනේවා දිනේ a)o be
And victory for the future, Victory for ever and ever

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In Ceylon, kings hunted before the introduction of Buddhism
(rf. Mahāvamsa, V, I 54; X, 2; XIV, II), and even after that (rf. Cūlavamsa, XX, 32ff; LXXII, 263). It seems to have been quite a normal exercise of kings. Speaking of Parakramabāhu the Great (II53-II86), the Calavamsa says, 'when he had thus made peaceful the province of the Malaya where owing to its inhabitants there has been no peace, he dwelt at ease in his town and passed the time with games in the garden and in the water, with dance and song and the like, fulfilling the duties of a king, and for the sake of the exertions for the subjugation of hostile kings and for defeat of rebels, the ruler was wont to follow the chase' (LXX, 3I, 32). Then follows a graphic account of the king's prowess as a huntsman.
Legends about wild-boar hunts are frequently found in the heroic age of many countries. The fourth labour imposed on Heracles was to capture alive the Erymanthian boar (rf. Greek Myths, II, I26). Ovid's Metamorphoses, so full of tales of the age of the gods, gives us a vivid picture of the hunting of the Calydonian wild boar by Meleager and his men. (rf. Bk. VIII, pp. 202-206). Aeneas, in his hunting expedition with Dido longs to meet a foaming wild boar', but the whole affair ends in a love tryst (Virgil’s Aeneid, IV, I 29-I72). In the mythology of the West, the boar was considered sacred to the Moon because of its crescent-shaped tusks. In the story of Ummadacitta, the spirits of Citta, the herdsman, and Kalavela, the slave, 'caused a great boar to appear at the moment', when there was danger to herson (rf. Mahavamsa, IX, 22; X, 2-5). The dark, massive figure of the wild boar, with its abysmal grunt, must have been taken for an incarnation of the devil himself by the ancients; and mystery grew around the animal.
The poem, Mala Raja Uru Danaya, opens by announcing its title, without any invocations or ascriptions. Here is the first verse:
ඉසුරුගෙ විදාන G5 of Malaraja Yid-೦೩! hunt, ගෙන පළකළ නිදාන 1 من hunt where mighty deeds were පෑ විකුමෙ දාන In the cause of the disease, famed
කියමි මල රජ උමාරු දාන C far
As ordained by the god Isvara.
The next I6 verses tell us what it is all about. King Panduvas, when reigning in Upatissapura, saw a leopard in a dream. He woke up in a fright and sickened. Then, the genie, that dwelt in the royal parasol whispered to him that, although King Vijaya had been spared the ailment by god, he could not be cured except by Malaraja. Thereupon, the god Sakra commissioned Isvara to see to it that Malaraja was brought to Lamka to cure Panduvas. Isvara, in turn, passed on the order to Rahu, who assumed the guise of a wild boar, determined to decoy Malaraja to Santana rock. It was no ordinary boar. The poet says:

A SINHALESE HUNTING POEM 167
Its dental sheath was like the shells on water's edge, Its shining tusks, like the dipping crescent moon. The hairs of its body, like the rough illuk grass, Its head, the summit, its shoulders the mountain peaks. (vs. 46).
This monster stalks into Malaraja's royal garden and begins its career of destruction. With its hoofs it tramples down the fruit trees and flowering plants, with its huge tusks it uproots the giants of the park, and upturns the soil to mounds of sand, and, with its hot breath, dries up the ponds and the lakes. By skillfully arranging his words, just the names of trees and shrubs, the poet evokes for us a picture of the Confusion, e.g.
ක ර බ ර සියඹර මහමෙගාර දෙබ , O) බුලුමෙගාර සුළුමේධාර සමදර සබ රා ක ලු හ ර ගිනිහිරි දළඟින් අඹ сбо ප ර ප ර යේ බිඳ දෙකොණින් වගු Cóa
(VS. 23)
රඹසීරඹ ඇට රඹ කටු කර ඹයා අඹ දොඹ නිල්ලඹ ලඹ රඹ පත &)3 අ ඔ ද ඹ පළොලඹ සැලඹ කොස ඹයා ඉ ඹ ඉ ඹ තොල දී වන ගල තම් 63(ס
(VS. 24).
While the keeper of the park looks on in utter consternation, the animal turns om him in full fury.
It took a deep breath and pricked up its ears, Then cast a steady look with eyes goggling wide; The ears flapped and the hairs stood on end, With a grunt it charged, spreading dismay around. (vs. 36).
The gardener reports the matter to the king, giving him a detailed description of the damage wrought, and, incidentally providing us with a fair list of plants and shrubs found in a Ceylon garden. In fact, verses 23 to 94 are good stuff for a botanist. The king arrives at the scene, and, for some time, stands aghast at the devastation all around him: the royal park which was once the pride of the city, is now a dump of broken
2. බොජ් වන් දත් කොප් ඇතිවෙන විල් තෙ об ගි එ වන් අඩසඳ දෙ දළෙහි පැහැ ස Cố ර එ වන් ඉලුබක් වැනි ඇඟ කේ ස Cố
Ó
ඔ ලු වත් ගිරි හිස් කඳු වැනි ඉස් ක (VS. 46).
3. උ ර වා සුලඟුත් කන් පොතු උ -܀ - ܀ - -- ܀ ܫ - රවා
නෙ ර වා ඇස්ගෙඩි බලමින් ත රවා
ඔ ර වා කන් ගසමින් කෙස් බු රවා
ගොර වා පන්නා යෙයි බිය ක da)) (VS. 36).

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branches, fallen tree trunks and sand-heaps and rubble. Anger and grief begin to rage in his soul, like 'salt on a fire' (vs. 97), and, brandishing his Sword, he swears he will cut the beast in twain, as he had done to many an enemy in the past. (vs. 96, 97). But, he is made to realise that he has to do with no ordinary animal. Although it had wallowed in the park, it left no footprints (vs. 3I); and, the devastation it spread was, in the opinion of the royal gardener, a man of seven years' experience of the job (vs. 40), as if the Mahamera had collapsed on earth and the mighty storm, which heralds the end of the world, had swept over the park. (vs. 29). It was a boar from the skies (vs. I4).
But, Malaraja is determined to destroy the mysterious beast. He orders that drums be beaten throughout the city for a general call to arms (vs. I24). The warriors assemble ready to do their monarch's bidding (vs. I25). The scene is described in verses I25 to I36, written in a metre, which though familiar to our folk poetry, suggests a gay troop
on the march.
දිරි පෙන් වූ සෙබළ විපත් ලෙලවා දිගු පු එලු එක තැන් වූ ලෙස මරසෙන් වෙසෙසින් රුපුන රළු සොබමන් වූ දිග’ඟන හැර කිතු මුතුහර වැ ටලූ කිමගෙන් වූ කාරණ දැන් ඇද්දැ යි හිමි තෙ පලු
.)VS. I26( ܢ
The boastful warriors waving weapons, broad and long, Assemble, an army, dealing death to savage foes around; A pearl necklace they seem in the great comely court; To them the monarch reveals his royal designs.
They receive his words with shouts of enthusiasm and bragging a-plenty. "I will break its bones to powder' says one; "I will tear it by its jaws' says a second; "I will finish it with one stab of my javelin, and drag it to your feet, my King' shouts a third. (vss. I3I, I.33, I36). Then, the hunters get their dogs and their nets ready, fasten round their waist bags of stones, and with bows, arrows and swords proceed to the chase. (vss. I37-I39). Nets are thrown round the park and the hunters beat the jungle. Malaraja, in the meantime, picks out a poisoned arrow, twirls it on his fingers and places it in position on the bow-string, ready for action. (vs. IAI). The pack of hunting dogs rush into the thickets, tearing down everything before them, while the hunters drive them to fury with shouts of 'usi, usi'. (vs. I42, I43). A black mass now emerges from the foliage and stares at the dogs and the hunters. Immediately, the scramble begins for places of safety. The men hang on to the branches of trees, exclaiming in mortal fear, 'Buddhó Bagaval What is this apparition'? (vs. I45, I46). The poet remarks: "The foul saliva of the mouths that had boasted, now dried up. The knees shuddered, while the lips were covered with an ashy sediment (alu pipenava). Those who said "there are no hunters like myself have now just one wish, to get back to his father and to his religion'. (VSS. I.47, I48.)

A SINHALESE HUNTING POEM 69
After scattering the hunters and their dogs, the boar made for the perch where the king stood. Malaraja, placing a poisoned arrow on his bowstring, pulled it taut and sent the missile thundering through the air, right on to the animal's body. But it produced no effect; the boar, with one bounce passed over the king's head, and rushed into the city. (vs. I52-155). In a short time, the royal city was a shambles: palaces, with their bejewelled towers and minarets, crumpled before the animal's fury, while the populace stood in the desolate streets dumb-founded
(vss. I 56-I59).
The king, however, was determined to pin his quarry to the ground, he chased after it, and, when it made for the sea, he left his retinue behind and continued the pursuit with his royal brothers, Kitsiri and Sandalindu (vss. 16I, I62, I64). They passed through many places in India; for instance, Doluvara, Babbara, Gujara, Telinga, Vangurata, Kalinga, Kannada, Javaka Tamalingomuva, Puradi, Kavisi, Bankala, Konkana, Kancia, Vancia, Orumūsi, Vanga, Kōsala, Sāgala, Kāveri, Madura and even. Visālā (vss. I65-I69). The Rājāvaliya speaks of Döluvara rata and Sabara rata (rf. p. 3, Sgh. Edit.). Gujara is probably Gujerat; Telinga or Telingana is east of the Deccan, Vangurața and Vanga, I think, stand for Bengal; Kalinga is Orissa, and Kannadi, Karnatha or Canara. Javaka Tamalingomuva, in spite of its Sinhalese ending, is Tamalinga in Malaya. Piradi cannot be identified, but Kavisi is the land of the Kapiri (Kaffirs). The Kustantinu Hatana mentions soldiers in Ceylon from Telinga, Kannadi, Urumusi and Kavisi (vs. 96). The Danbadeni Asma too speaks of troops from Kalinga, Karnata, Doluvara, Urumusi, Kavisi, Barbara, Gurjara and Telinga (pp. 4, 5). The same work has Mangaliya and Bangala, besides Vanga. It is possible that Mangaliya and Bangala (Bankala) are Mangalore and Bangalore. Konkana represents the South Western districts of India. Kanci and Kaveri are Conjeevaram and Kaveripattanam on the South East coast of India, and Vancia or Vanci on the West coast of Céra. Oru musi or Urumusistands for Ormuz. Kösala corresponds to Oudh and Sagala to Sialkot in Lahore. The fame of Sagala is celebrated in the Ka'sillumina (v'ss. I2-21). Visala or Vesali, near Patna, was a famous city in the past. (rf. Buddhist India, pp. I:7, 25: Mahāvaminsa, IV, 9). It would appear that our poet was not quite acquainted with the geography of India, but paraded the names of famous places by rote. When he comes to Ceylon soil his topographical knowledge is far better."
4. In identifing the place names, I have been guided generally by Mr. C. W. Nicholas' Historical Topography of Ancient and Mediaeval Ceylon, published by the Society as Volume VI, New Series. -

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From India, the boar swam across the Palk Strait, followed by the three royal hunters, and landed at Uratota in Yapa Patuna', or Uratturai in Kayts. Then it plunged into the Mipa forest (cp. Mipătota in Mannar district, p. 81). After wallowing in the mud of Topavāva, at Polonnaruva, (p. 184), it moved towards Sagiri near Mihintale (p. I62) and Sigiriya, Ritigala, Dimbulagala (modern Gunner's Quoin) in Tamanka duva (p. 4o), Suruvāmuni (cp. Suramānivāpi, p. I92), Nītuväva (cp. Nitulpatpana tank, near Trincomalee, p. 45), Tammita (cp. Tambaviti, east of Anuradhapura, p. 44), Kavdalu (cp. Kavudavulu in Kaddukkulam Pattu, p. 45) and Padipālalla (cp. Padivāpi or Padaviya tank, pp. 87, I68). Here twelve hunters (vidda) joined Malaraja (vs. I 72). The other places in the intinerary are Ballāhela, Kudamarugala, Laggala, Loggala, Kotalãgala, Yānēmurugala, Atulayagala, Ipana, Batalayagala, Gavaragiriya, and Săpâna. Some of them can more or less, be identified. Laggala and Loggala are mentioned in the Rajavaliya (pp. 13, I4) in connection with the Vijaya-Kuvéni incident; the first to the North of Badulla, the second to the South of it. (p. 47; History of Ceylon, pp. 444, 466). There was an Atula Vihara in Anuradhapura (p. I 5 II); Ipāna is for Isipatana (p. I8o); Gavaravāla and Sepannipupha or Săpâna occur in ancient writings (pp. I7I, I5I).
At Sāpana, the royal hunters took counsel when they should attack their victim (vs. I74). But, it dashed towards Devanagala, Mayadunne, Ambuluvakada and Bötale (pp. II7, 164). Thence it swam across the Mahaviliganga to Paingomuva and took refuge in Santana Adaviya, for the welfare of Lanka says the poet, and King Panduvas' (vs. I76). Kitsiri, Sandalindu and Malaraja collected 'thrice twelve hunters (wad) of this country’ (vs. 177) and looked for the boar among the hills and rocks, until they came across a beautiful garden, like Sakra's Nadun. Uyana. Here in the forest of Santana,' they saw a monstrous object, as dark as a rain cloud, which they made out to be the mysterious wild boar. Malaraja, in great joy, drew out an arrow (karal hiya) and shot at it. The animal did not stir, but became petrified, then and there (vss. I80-186). Thus, indeed', says our poet, "was Malaraja brought to cure Lankās king, Paņduvas, of the divi dos (vs. I87).
5. Forest of Santana: D'Oyly speaks of “Hantana Keyle (forest)", frequented by people seeking for firewood (D'Oyly's Diary, p. 166).
6. The occurrence of place names like Uravala Uradeniya, Crapola,
in the vicinity of Hantana rock is very significant.

. A SINHALESE HUNTING POEMI 7
The devout author concludes his work with these two wishes: පත පිරිපත නි This dire disease if expelled
For e'er, a boon it'll be; The wish by every lip expressed, Five thousand years, you'll live to
see (vs. 188).
දුරලුවොත් යහප තුඩ තුඩය සිත මෙපස්වා දහස් කල් පව
මුණි රජුගෙ මන ක රකින දහම් පොත් ගු මෙලක රජු පිළිවෙ පවත් වත් අප නිරිඳු කර ලො
Keep ye the teaching so soothing
to mind
Treasured in the books of the
saintly Sage;
Follow the laws of Lanka's kings,
So please the ruler, our earthly
lord (vs. I89).
The Iala Raja Uru Danaya is just folk poetry, without any pretensions to the diction, style and embellishments of our classical poetry. Even the grammar and spelling are very often faulty, though some of them must be ascribed to the careless copyists. But, it has this in its favour: it is a poem on a theme very rare in our literature, and it records a legend intimately connected with a folk ritual, which is, probably, pre-Aryan in Ceylon but taken over and preserved by the first Aryan settlers and their descendants. (rf. Sédaraman, pp., 7 ff).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aeneid (Virgil's), Bk. 2, edited by H.E. Butler, Oxford, IQ35. Ancient Ceylon, by H. Parker, London, IQ09.
Archiv Orientalmi: Journal of the Czechoslovak Oriental Institute,
Prague, Vol. II (IO3o): Ceremonial Dances by O. Pertold.
Arthasastra, Kautilya's: translated by R. Shamasastry, Mysore, I95I. Buddhist India by Rhys-Davids, Calcutta, IQ55. Cilavamsa, translated by W. Geiger, London, IQ29, IQ3o. Darúbadeni Asna, edited by D.D. Ranasinghe, I917. Dance and Magic Drama in Ceylon by Beryl de Zoete, London. Folk Songs of the Sinhalese (Sinhalese verses) by W.A. de Silva and
G.P. Malalasekera, I935. Greek Myths by Robert Graves, I957.
Historical Topography of Ancient and Mediaeval Ceylon by C.W. Nicholas, Royal Asiatic Society (C.B.) Journal, New Series, Vol. VI, Special Number, 1959.
History of Ceylon: edited by the University of Ceylon, Vol. I, Part I
(I959), Part 2 (I96o).

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JCBRAS: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, Notes
and Queries, Part V, No. 7, Colombo, I9I6.
Kavsilumiņa: edited by Kumaranatungu Munidas, Colombo, 2489
(B.E.). Kustantīnu Hațana: edited by Fr. S. G. Perera, S.J., and M. E. Fernando,
Colombo, IQ32. Mahavamsa, translated by W. Geiger, Colombo, IQ5o. Metamorphoses (Ovid's), translated by Mary M. Innes, I955. Pre-Buddhist India, by Ratilal Mehta, Bombay, Ig39. Rajawaliya. English edition, Igoo; Sinhalese edition, I926; by B. Guna
sekera. Sẽdaraman: Larnkãvẽ Yaksa Yugaya by J.E. Sẽdaraman I955 (Sinh...). Sinhala Verse: Vols. I, II, III (IQ54, IQ55). Government Press, Ceylon. Sinhalese Folk Play by E. R. Sarathchandra, Colombo, I953. Sinhalese Literature by C.E. Godakumbura, Colombo, I955. Taprobanian by Hugh Nevill: Vols. I, II, III (Oct. I 885 etc.), Bombay.
Note:
From a folk poem, it would appear that Kosomba or Kohomba was the name given to a three-fold deity, of whom one was Malaraja, born of a manel flower, his brother was made of an itana grass blade. Kitsiri and Sanda too are mentioned, as brothers of Malaraja. Their association with Santana rock is noted. The poem winds up by stating the three places where Kosomba deviyo is worshipped. Extracts from the poem are given below, from the printed version in Purana Sivupada Sangrahava by Rev. H. U. Praganaloka; Government Press, Colombo, 1952.
*లిబిలి అని అలె ఇ9ణEఅE లి20 **
Cటిది ఇర్తిర టైత్తిర ඹබා රුසිරු කුල නිමල 3. සිරිලකෙහි උන් ගජ බා එබීජෙසා සඳ රුබර යි මල රජුගේ සු බා ගති ගුණත් නිමල 3 පුවත කියනෙමි නමින් කොස ඖ පියස සිටි ගම නම් වැලිහෙල 3.
නිමල් 2C నిర වා රජු සමග මේ ලෙද මහතුන්ගේ සේතු වා උන් සඳ අනගි සැප විඳ උතුන් ගුණ යුතු වා මෙම තුන් බිසෝ v టరి පැතී සිරිලක ඉන්ට වේ වා නිදා සිටියෙදි දිටී පුන් සඳ
එමව් පිය සුද් දී සීන දැක ඉක්බි S වන මෙන් ලොවේ සුද් දී තුන් මස පිරී දොළ ග 2S නිමල කුල ලද් දී බත බුලත රිසි නැ 25 නමින් වී ලෝකාය බුද් දී මුවෙන් හුස්මත් හෙලනු රිසි නැ ති

A SINHALESE HUNTING POEMI
පිළිසිඳ සිටි බ ඩේ පිරි දස මසය එක ඩේ කුමරෙක් යස හැ ඩේ උපනි මේ සිරිලකෙහි නිහ ඩේ
පෙනෙන්නේ බා { ඇසල මස නැගි පොහො Շ රෙහෙණය ලත් එ { උපනි අළුයම සිකුරා {
යහපත් ගුරුන් ናù බොහෝ සිරිසැපත් දෙන් é. නපුරුයි කියන් ናô වසයි හිමයේ නමුත් මුන් d
මෙසේ මේ තුන්
කොහොඹ දෙවියෝ විල
පෙනී සිට లిటి లి
සලසවත් සෙත් දනව සැම
විදා නොවෙද පොළුවට අදපත්තු නෙලානදලු මුර මිටි බැඳගත්තු හන්තාන ගල වැඩ සිටගත්තු
වැලිහෙල කොසොඹයා දෙවි අදිපත්තු
• කුන් රැසක් අල්ල ගනිති කෙළිකෙළ නොකරන් අවමන් දනිතොත් තෙදබල කොසොඹ වනෝ පිපුනයි මානෙල්මල
කොසොඹයා දෙවිඳුගෙ බල බල හෙලි
Gಾ
සත්මස බත් ක වා කොසොඹ යයි නම් තබ වා අබරණ පළඳ a)3 දෙගුරු කුමරුන් මෙලෙස සැදු වා
සත් හැවිරිදි වි යේ මහ වනයකට වැඩි යේ වැඩ සිට අඩවි w යේ මෙසේ කොහොඹයා දෙවිඳු වූ යේ
ܢ
මහනෙල් මලක් ගෙ 2s) මෙරක් මවා ගනිමි 2
2
Հ5)
ඊතන කෙන්දකි තවත් කුමරෙක් මවා ගනිමි
දෙන සින
තැන
&23) (pp. 63, 64).
හන්තානා ගල නියම උනාදෙප් උන්තානේ අහකට වැඩියාදෙෂ් දැන් කාලේ තේජස් නැතුවාදෙප්
වැලිහෙල කොසොඹයා දෙවි වැඩියාදෙj
අළුත් කොසොඹ දෙවි මෙරගල් පායේ පරණ කොසොඹ දෙවි දොරගල් පායේ මහ කොසොඹයා සියඹල ගල් පායේ වැඩ වසනා බව දනු සිත් පිරියේ
(p. 65).

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The Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon
BY S. PARAN AVHTANA
Among the outstanding political events in Ceylon during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were the relations which certain rulers of Gampala and Kotte had with the Arya-cakravartis who exercised power in the North of the Island. The first mention of an Arya-cakravarti in a Sinhalese historical work is found in the Nikavasangraha, written in the last decade of the fourteenth century. Referring to the achievements of the great minister Alagakkönara (Alakesvara), this authority states that he Vancquished the Arya-cakravarti, who invaded the territories of the Ganpala king with a formidable military array by land as well as by sea. The Nikaya-sangraha does not give the date of this memorable campaign, but it is clear from the trend of its narrative that it took place before the purge of the Sangha, effected by Alagakkonara in I9I2 B.E., i.e. I369 A.C., the twelfth year of Vikramabāhu III.*
The Nikaya-sangraha does not give the name of the capital of the Arya-cakravarti or of the territory over which he ruled. This information is furnished by the Sailalihini-sandesa, Giri-sandesa and Kokilasandesa, Sinhalese poems composed between I 450 and I465 A.C., which contain eulogistic accounts of a contemporary event, namely the unification of the whole Island in the reign of Parakramabahu VI as a consequence of the victorious campaign of Prince Sapumal, the adopted son of that king, against the Arya-cakravarti of that day. These contemporary accounts inform us that the Arya-cakravartis were rulers of Yapapatuna, the modern Jaffna. It is in these poems that the name “Yapapatuna' is first met within the writings of Ceylon; the name was applied not only to the seat of the Arya-cakravarti, but also to the district dependent on it. As the name indicates, the place was a seaport. The earliest mention of an Arya-cakravarti as a ruler over a part of Ceylon. however, has been made by a foreign writer, namely Ibn Battita, who visited Ceylon in 1344.
1. Nikaya-sagraha, translated into English by C.M. Fernando, Ceylon Government Printer, 1908, (Ns. Tr.), p. 27. The University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon, Vol. I (UCHC, I), pp. 645-6.
2. H.W. Codrington in The Journal of the Ceylon Branch, Royal Asiatic Society (JCBRAS), Vol. XXXII (No. 86), p. 275.
3. Säļalihini-sandësa, edited by Sri Dharmarama Nayaka-sthavira, Colombo, ʻ I 925, v. 2o; Giyôi-sandèsa, edited by T. Sugatapala, Alutgama, I924, vv. I38-I 4o; Kokila-sandesa, edited by P.S. Perera, Colombo, Igo6, vv. 8, 263-264 and 284.
4. Kökilla-sandésa, op. cit, v. 284. 5. The Rehla of Ibn Batuta, Translation and Commentary by Mahdi Hussain, Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. CXXII, Baroda, I953 (Ibn B), pp. 217 ff.

THE ARYA. KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 75
The Sinhalese historical tradition, as embodied in the various versions of the Rajavali, frankly admits that for some time the Aryacakravarti of Jaffna exercised some sort of control over the territories of the Gampala king. The printed version of this Sinhalese chronicle, resuming the history of the Island after a hiatus of nearly a century from the reign of Vijayabahu IV, states that there were at that time three seats of political authority in the Island, namely Rayigama where dwelt Alakesvara, Garhpala, the capital of the nephew of Parãkramabahu, i.e. Vikramabahu III, and Yapapatuna ruled by the Aryacakravarti. Of these three rulers, the Rajavali states, the Arya-cakravarti excelled the other two in military strength as well as in economic resources. He therefore received dues from the nine seaports as well as from other sources in the up-country and in the low-country.' I have elsewhere dwelt in some detail on the probable course of events, as deducible from the contemporary sources for the history of the Island, which led to the Arya-cakravarti establishing some sort of control over the Ganpala kingdom, how this power of the northern ruler was checked . by Alakesvara, and how Prince Sapumal forced the Arya-cakravarti of his time to exile.
How and when this kingdom of the Arya-cakravartis was founded, who were its rulers, what was the Order of their succession and the course of events, are matters shrouded in a veil of darkness even thicker than that which obscures the history of Sinhalese rulers during the Garhpala period. The Sinhalese writings ignore these questions. No reliable historical account of the rise of this Northern Kingdom, written while the Arya-cakravartis were in power, or shortly after the fall of their kingdom, has come down to us. The only contemporary evidence about the Arya-cakravartis, emanating from their court, available today, consists of a few verses eulogising some rulers of the dynasty under whose patronage certain Tamil works were composed, and possibly a stray verse or two which have found their way to an anthology of Tamil verse compiled in recent times. These works, the subject of which is not history, bear no dates and, apart from referring to the family and the city of the patrons of their authors, they contain only conventional praise and obscure allusions to the achievements of some of the kings - material utterly inadequate to form the basis of a coherent account.
With the possible exception of a pond at Nallur near Jaffna, known as Jamnéri, there is no architectural monument, anywhere in Ceylon, which owes its existence to an Arya-cakravarti. No epigraph of a ruler
6. Rajavali, A Historical Narrative of Ceylon Kings from Vijaya to Иimala Dharma Suriya II, translated by B. Gunasekara, Vasala-mudali, Colombo, Government Press, Reprinted 1954 (Ru. Tr.), p. 57.
7. UCHC, I, pp. 64o-647 and 672-675. 8. See below, notes I2, I3, I8, 84 and 98.
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of this house has yet come to light within the territories which constituted their kingdom. The only inscription referring to an Arya-cakravartiso far known in Ceylon is the Tamil record from Kotagama in the Kägalla District, which comprises a stanza eulogising an Ariyan of Cinkai-nakar,' and was probably set up in the course of a successful military expedition against a Sinhalese king in the fourteenth century. Palaeography is the only means of dating this document which does not give us the personal name of the ruler eulogised in it. The historical information which it suppliesis thus very meagre, and capable of various interpretations. The Arya-cakravartis issued coins, all of copper, in large numbers and in a variety of types, but they do not bear the names of the rulers who issued them. Apart from the deductions with regard to their religion that can be drawn from the Tamil legend Cetu and the figure of the divine bull Nandi on these coins, they are not therefore of much help in recovering the lost history of the family.
The Tamil literary works dating from the time of the Ariyans of Cinkai (as the Arya-cakravartis are designated therein) do not refer to them as rulers of Yalpanam (Jaffna), which name, as pointed out by Father S. Gnanaprakasar, is a Tamilisation of the Sinhalese Yapane, a variant form of Yapapatuna. Some time after the downfall of the Northern Kingdom, this name gained universal currency, not only as the designation of the town which was the headquarters of the administration of the Portuguese as well as of the Dutch in North Ceylon, but also, following the earlier Sinhalese practice, of the entire Peninsula and the District. Folk-tales came into being, explaining the name interpreted as a Tamil word. These stories have found a place in works like Vaiyapatal and the Kailaca-malai, which narrate legends connected with the Saiva shrines at Kirimalai and Nallur. The Kailaca-malai, which gives a legendary poetic account of the first Arya king of Jaffna, must have been written some time after I604, for it mentions the Setupatis (of Ramnad), the first of whom began to rule in that year.'
The only work professing to be a chronicle of the Arya kings of Jaffna is the Yalpana-vaipava-malai which, as stated in its preface, was written by Mayilvakana-pulavar in I736, when Governor Maccara
9. H.C.P. Bell, Report on the Regalla District (RKD), p. 85; UCHC, I, p. 642, n. 29.
Io. Father S. Gnanaprakasar, O.M.I., “The Forgotten Coinage of the Kings of Jaffna' in Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Register (CALR), Vol. V, pp. I72-179; and H.W. Codrington, Ceylon Coins and Currency (CCC), pp. 88 ff.
III. CALR, VI, p. I 4 I.
I2. Kailaya-mdilai, edited with an English abstract by C.V. Jambulingam, Madras, 1939 (Kim). For the reference to the Setupatis, see p. 6 of English Abstract. Tamil proper names of literary works as well as of persons are transliterated according to the system adopted in the Tamil Leavicon of the University of Madras.

THE ARYA KINGOOM IN NORTH CEYLON 177
was administering the Dutch possessions of the Island. But this work, as it is now, must have taken shape in the nineteenth century, for it mentions the dominion of the English (Intirecu) over Jaffna, in the course of a prophecy which, like all such prophecies, must have been made after the event. The earlier sections of the Yalpana-vaipavamalai, based on the Taksina-kailaca-purdinam, Vaiyapital and the Kailaca-malai, contain legendary and mythological matter-accounts of a princess with the face of a horse and a prince with the face of a lion, who were transformed into normal human shape by the potency of the holy water of Kirimalai. Whether some of the characters figuring in these legends were historical will be examined in the sequel." The work, however, has a connected, and seemingly sober, account of thirteen Ariyan kings, the first of whom was named Vicaya Kulankai and the last was Carikili, in whose time the Northern Kingdom was brought to an end by the Portuguese. This section is said to be based on two earlier works, the Rdicamurai and the Pararacacekaran-ula, neither of which is now available. The Yalpanavaipava-malai does not give the length of the reigns of these rulers, but furnishes dates in the Saka era for certain outstanding events. Such of these dates as are capable of being checked with other reliable evidence have been found to be quite incorrect. This circumstance, and the late date of the work, do not inspire much confidence in the Yalpana-vaipava-malai as a source for the history of North Ceylon during the three centuries before the arrival of the Portuguese, but it may have preserved confused memories of personages who actually lived and events which did, in fact, take place.
Ariyan' of the Yalpina-vaipava-malai and Tamil literary works may be taken as identical with 'Arya-cakravarti (Ariya-sakviti) of Sinhalese historical and literary works. The Yun may have preserved a genuine tradition when it records that thirteen Ariyan rulers flourished up to Cankili. Allotting an average of 25 years to each ruler, the first
13. Yalpdina-vaipava-mdilai (Yum), text edited by Mudaliyar K. Sabanathan, Colombo, Ig53; Translated into English by C. Brito, Colombo, I879 (Brito). See Author's Preface, translation.
I4. A fragmentary inscription engraved below an emblem of the Pandya double fish, on a stone now built into the gate of Fort Frederick at Trincomalee, is also interpreted as a prophecy, and sometimes quoted to support the historicity of the prophecy given in the Yum (Brito, op. cit, pp. 27-29). This inscription actually contains the word Paraiki (Portuguese); but the record is in the script of the sixteenth century, and was no doubt set up after the arrival of the Portuguese. This inscription has been interpreted as a prophecy about a hundred years after its date, for it was so explained to Constantino de Saa, who destroyed the Trincomalee temple. But, at that time, the prophecy took into account only the Portuguese. The Dutch and the English have come within the scope of the prophecy in later times, after these nations had played their part in the history of Trincomalee. For this inscription, see JCB RAS, XXX (No. 8o), pp. 448 ft.
15. For the growth of these legends, see Father S. Gnanaprakasar in CA LR, VI, pp. 135 ff.

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Ariyan could then be held to have established the dominion of his house in the middle of the thirteenth century. This was some time after the end of the Polonnaru kingdom, when the Sinhalese were forced to withdraw from the Rajarattha, wherein their kings had established their capitals and reigned during a millenium and a half. Such a conclusion about the date of the founding of the Northern Kingdom of the Arya-cakravartis would be in accordance with the Sinhalese historical tradition. But the Yum also gives legendary accounts of some rulers of Jaffna who are said to have flourished before the advent of the Ariyan kings. The Saka year 7I7 (705 A.C.) is given as the beginning of the reign of one of these kings named Ukkiracinkan, and in Saka 358 (466 A.C.) a prince named Kulakkottan is said to have come to Tirukkönamalai. The latteris not connected with the Northern Peninsula, but the king who is said to have reigned at that time in Anuradhapura is represented as having had dealings with a Saiva shrine there. These references have led certain modern writers to postulate theories of the existence of an independent Tamil kingdom in the Jaffna Peninsula and the adjoining areas from time immemorial, and before we investigate the origin of the historical Arya-cakravartis, we may examine briefly the validity of the arguments adduced in support of these theories.
First, we shall consider a date given in the Yum. After recounting the temple-building activities claimed for Vijaya, the first legendary Sinhalese king, in the north and east of the Island (which accounts need not detain us), the Yum introduces us to Kulakkottan. He is said to have been a son of Manu-niti-kanta-Colan, a mythical personage who, in South Indian traditions, is ascribed to a remote age long before the kings who are mentioned as flourishing in the Cankam times. But this Son of Manu-niti-kanta-collan is said to have come, in the course of a pilgrimage, to Tirukkönamalai in Saka. 358 (436 A.C.) He is said to have repaired the Saiva temple there, prepared large tracts of lands in the vicinity for agriculture, dedicated them to the temple, brought chieftains named Vanniyars from South India, and entrusted them with the administration of the temple and the lands granted to it. He is also represented in other late writings as having constructed the Kantalay (Garhtale) tank. These writings, e.g. Kinecar-kalvettu, deal with the legends attached to the Saiva temple at Tirukkonamalai, and appear to be later in date than the Yum, and even less reliable as sources for the historian.
But Kulakkottan is referred to in a work considerably older than either the Yvm or the Könecar-kalvettu, namely the Taksina-kailacapuranam which is a poem, mainly religious in content, written in the
I6. For the stories of Ukkiracinkan and Kulakkóttan, see Brito, op. cit., . pp. 4- I3.
I7. The text of the Konecar-kalvettu is appended to the edition of TaksinaRailcica-puranam, referred to in the next note. For a brief account of its contents, see Brito, op. cit., pp. xxxix-xiiv.

THE ARYA KINGOOM IN NORTH CEYLON 179
time of a Cekaracacekaran, one of the Ariyan (Arya-cakravarti) rulers.o This poem, after salutations to various deities and Šaiva Saints, eulogises Kulakkóttan in stanza 8, recounting briefly the various buildings in the temple which owed their existence to the liberality of the prince. What is important in this eulogistic verse is that the prince is named "Cola-kankan (Coda-ganga) who is called Kulakkóttan'.' Thus, we learn that "Kulakkóttan' was only a sobriquet or title, and that the real personal name of this prince was Coda-ganga. This name, "Coda-ganga', was borne by several princes of the Eastern Ganga family of Kalinga. Princes who bore the name are known from the Tamil country also; one of the successors of Nissanhkamalla at Polonnaru, too, bore this name. But the name is not known to have been adopted by any royal personage before the rise of the Colas to an imperial position in the eleventh century. It is therefore quite unlikely that a prince of this name lived so early as Saka. 358, the date given for Kulakkottan (Coda-ganga) in the Yum.
A personage who can be identified with Kulakköttan-Codaganga is mentioned in an inscription found at Trincomalee, the scene of that prince's activities. Military authorities, excavating within the Fort at Trincomalee in I945, brought to light some Hindu images and a fragment of a carved door-jamb bearing a Sanskrit inscription in Grantha characters. The record unfortunately is fragmentary, what is preserved states that a prince named Coda-ganga came to Ceylon in the aka year II45. The ancient name of Trincomalee, Gokarna, is also given in the inscription which, being inscribed on an architectural member, may reasonably be assumed to have recorded the building of the monument of which it formed a part.' According to the tradition given in the Yvm, Kulakkóttan came to Ceylon from a foreign country, and carried out certain works of repair at the Saiva shrine at Trincomalee. According to the Taksina-kailaca-puranam, Kulakkóttan's real personal name was Coda-ganga. The Trincomalee inscription, the purport of which undoubtedly was to record the foundation of Some building belonging to that shrine, tells us that Coda-ganga came to Ceylon from abroad. It is very unlikely that there were two Coda-gangas who both came from a foreign country, landed at Trincomalee and busied themselves effecting improvements to the Saiva shrine there. We may, therefore, confidently conclude that the Sanskrit inscription found
I8. Sri-Taksina-kailaca-purinam (Tkp), edited by P.P. Vaittiyalifika Tésikar, Kalāniti Press, Point Pedro, I 9 I 6.
I9. Cīr-tāku Kulakkōtan-eņi-Cōlakankaņai nai-cintai vaippām.
2O. History and Culture of the Indian People, (HCIP), Vol. V, pp. 205 and 244. See also Upasaka-fandilarkdra, Colombo edition of 1926, p. I57.
2I. Calavanisa, W. Geiger's translation, Reprinted by the Ceylon Government Information Department (Cv. Tr.), Parts I and II, Colombo, I953; Part II, p. I29.
22. Epigraphia Zeylanica (EZ), Vol. V, pp. I 7o-II 73.

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in the Trincomalee Fort, the site of the Saiva temple, is a record of Kulakköttan. And the date of his arrival in Ceylon is given as Saka II45, i.e. I223 A.C. This agrees with the statement of the Yum that this prince had dealings with chieftains known as Vanniyars, for it is only from the thirteenth century that Vanniyars or Vannis are mentioned in the contemporary writings. Kulakkottan of the Yum and other Tamil writings was thus a historical personage, but his activities at Trincomalee fell within the first half of the thirteenth century, when Magha was dominating North Ceylon. This instance should be a warning to those who would argue for the existence of an independent Tamil kingdom in North Ceylon from early times, relying on the early dates which the Yum gives for personages whose names are associated with Saiva shrines at Nallur, Kirimalai and Tirukkönamalai.
Certain legends in the Mahavamsa and in the Tamil poem Manimekalai have been interpreted as furnishing evidence for the existence of a Tamil kingdom in the Jaffna Peninsula from very early times. It is stated in the chronicle that the Buddha, during His second visit to the Island, pacified two Naga kings of Nagadipa who were arrayed in battle over a gem-set throne. This throne was offered by the grateful Naga kings to the Buddha who left it in Nagadipa under a rajayatana (kiripalu) tree as an object of worship. The place continued for many centuries to be venerated by the Buddhists of Ceylon as one of their holiest shrines. Subsequent references to Nagadipa in the Mahavanisa and other Pali writings, coupled with certain archaeological and epigraphical discoveries, have conclusively established that Nagadipa of the Mahavansa is the present Jaffna Peninsula.' The people of the Jaffna Peninsula today are Tamils. It is therefore assumed that this was so from earliest times, and the Nāga kings of Nagadipa, whom the Buddha converted, are concluded to have been Tamils. The argument is carried further to suggest that wherever Nagas are mentioned in ancient literature, it is the Tamil people who are in question, and that personal names of which the word 'Naga' is an element were borne by people with Tamil affinities.
23. UCHC, I, pp. 737-738.
24. Mahdivariosa, Translated into English by W. Geiger, Reprinted, 195o, pp. 5-8, chap. I, vv. 44-7O.
25. For references to Nagadipa in the Mahdiwanisa and the Pali commentaries, see G.P. Malalasekara, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, s.v., and C.W. Nicholas, Historical Topography of Ancient and Medieval Ceylon, JCB RAS, New Series, Vol. VI, pp. 83 ff. For archaeological remains in the Jaffna Peninsula and its identification with Nagadipa, see Paul Pieris, “Nagadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jaffna" in JC BRAS, XXVI (No. 7o), pp. I I-3o, XXVIII (No. 72), pp. 4o-6o, and EZ, IV, pp. 229-237.
26. Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam in JC BRAS, XXVI (No. 7o), pp. 31 ff. and Ancient Jaffna, Madras, I926, pp. 7 ff.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 8.
In the Tamil poem, the heroine Manimékalai is miraculously transported to a small island called Manipallavam, where there was a seat or footstool associated with the Buddha, which made devotees who worshipped it remember their past lives, and a pond in which appeared on certain days a miraculous Bowl containing an inexhaustible supply of food. The seat in Manipallavam is said to have been made use of by the Buddha when He preached to and reconciled two kings of the Naga world, who were about to attack each other with their followers, and was placed in Manipallavam by Indra, the king of gods.” The similarity of the legend of the holy seat given in the Mahavamsa to that in the Manimekalai has led certain scholars to identify Manipallavam with Nagadipa, and as the former refers to the two kings as having their habitat in the Nagadipa, the Nakanatu (the Naga world), wherever it is mentioned, has been taken as referring to the Jaffna Peninsula. Continuing this method of extracting history' out of legend, a Naga damsel who is said in the Manimekalai to have appeared in a garden near Pukar, remained for sometime with a legendary Cola king and disappeared after conceiving a child, is taken to have been a princess from Jaffna, and her father an ancient ruler of Jaffna.
In the Mahavansa and in the Manimékalai, as indeed in the ancient Sanskrit and Pali literature in general, the Nagas are never represented as human beings, but as a class of Superhuman beings, who inhabited a subterranean world, whose normal form was that of Serpents, but who could assume any form at will. Certain places in the world of men, such as Nagadipa and Kalyani in Ceylon, are also mentioned as their abodes, but the fact that they were not regarded as human beings is proved by the statement in the Mahavansa that, at the time of the Buddha's visit to Nagadipa and other places in Ceylon, there were no human beings in this Island. The names of some of the Naga kings in Ceylon legends, Mani-naga or Mani-akkhika and Mahodara, also find mention in Sanskrit literature among superhuman Nagas," and the cult of Mani-naga prevailed in India up to medieval times. The euhemerisation of these Nagas into human beings, though fashionable with certain scholars, is not justified; the arguments for taking Nagas as human beings would also enable the Devas to be included in the same category. Even if the Nagas be taken as human beings, there is no particular reason to treat them as identical with Dravidians. If the
27. Manimekalai, edited by V. Saminatha Aiyar, Madras, 1921, Cantos X-XII. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Manimekhalai in its Historical Setting, London,
1928, pp. I29 ff.
28. C. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jaffna, Madras, I926, pp. 26-28. 29. MahdivaníhSa, chap. xv, v. I64. - 3o. Mahdibhdrata, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Edition, Adiparva, chap. 3 I, v. I5.
3 II. See Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 324-328.

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Nagas be taken as Dravidians for the reason that the ancient Nagadipa is now inhabited by Tamils, Nagas may also be taken as Aryans because the people living in and around Nagapura of North India today are Aryan in speech. Though there is no doubt that the Jaffna Peninsula was known in ancient days as Nagadipa, there were also other regions in Ceylon which had the same name. A Nagadvipa is also given in the Puranas as one of the nine divisions of Bharatavarsa, and scholars are not agreed as to its location.'
The identity of Manipallavam with Nagadipa, and consequently with the Jaffna Peninsula, cannot be established. The distance from Pukar to Manipallavam might agree with any of the small islands near the Jaffna Peninsula as well as with the latter. And the Manimekalai definitely states that it was an uninhabited islet, whereas the Jaffna Peninsula had been an inhabited place for several centuries before the date of that poem. The Manimekalai does not state that the two Naga kings had their abode in Manipallavam, or that they were preparing for combat there. The Buddha seat is said to have been placed in Manipallavam by Indra, not by the Buddha Himself.* The reason that the poet imagined Manipallavam as possessing a Buddha seat does not prove its identity with Nagadipa, for more than one place in the ancient Buddhist world competed for the honour of possessing this sacred object. According to the belief of Talaing Buddhists, this seat was preserved at a place in the Malay Peninsula. According to references to Nakanatu in the Manimekalai, it cannot be taken as identical with . Maņipallavam. It is said in Canto VIII, l. 54, that Nākamāțu was situated below the expanse of the earth. Canto IX, ll. I 3-22, states that an earthquake which destroyed a city in Gandhāra also affected IOO yojanas of Nakanatu, which is impossible if Nakanatu was Jaffna. These references clearly prove that the Manimékalai meant the Naga world, which the ancient Indians located below the Earth, by the name Nakanatu. The Tamil word natu has the meaning of 'world' in addition to the better known meaning of 'country'. Thus the daughter of a king of Nakanatu, with whom a legendary Cola king is said to have had a love affair, was certainly not a Jaffna princess, and this legend does not prove the existence of an independent kingdom in North Ceylon in ancient times. Legends of human kings begetting sons on Naga damsels are not uncommon. Thus the legend in the Mahavanisa relating to Nagadipa and the edifying stories of the Manimekalai do not furnish evidence for the existence of an independent kingdom in North Ceylon. As a matter of fact, no historical information whatever can be extracted
32. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XXIII, pp. 132-137. 33. Canto XIV, 1. 86, Aňku vālvõr yāvarum inmaiyin. 34. Canto VIII, l. 52, Tēvar-kõn, itta māmanippīțikai.
35. Colonel G.E. Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, London, I909, p. II4.

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out of them, beyond the light they throw on the religious beliefs of the people among whom the legends and stories were in circulation. Proper names with Naga' as a component, if they signify anything, would give us an idea of the religious beliefs current among the people who favoured such names, but not their ethnic affiliations.
The Lambakannas, from whom originated the second Sinhalese IOVal dynasty, are claimed by Some writers to have had affinities with Tamil people. The main argument for this view is that Vasabha, the first Lambakanna king, according to the chronicle, had his home in the Northern Province (uttara-passa). The population of the present Northern Province being Tamil today, Vasabha, who came from the North - So the argument seems to run - must have been a Tamil. The territorial division called the Uttara-passa in ancient times comprised the whole of the area to the north of Anuradhapura, and was thus much more extensive than the present Northern Province. The people who inhabited this region in ancient times, according to numerous references in the Mahavamsa, and other Pali writings, were as much Sinhalese as the people in the other three passas. Moreover, Lambakannas in ancient days did not live only in the north, They were living in the region near Mahiyangana. A Brahmiinscription mentioning a minister with the name or title of Labakanaka (Lambakannaka) has come to light at a place in ancient Rohana.8
The Calavarhsa, in its account of the Pandya campaign of Parakramabahu I, has mentioned that South Indian chieftains who are called Lambakannas were appointed to carry out the duties of Lambakannas when the Pandya prince who was the protégé of the Sinhalese king was consecrated by the Sinhalese general.89. This has been considered evidence for the existence of a Lambakanna clan in South India, and for the conclusion that the Lambakannas of the early Christian centuries were of South Indian origin, and hence Dravidians. 40 The reference in the Calavanisa, it should be pointed out, is not to a clan called Lambakannas, but to dignitaries who had to perform the duties of Lambakannas. What these duties are cannot be gathered from the context, but in Ceylon at that time the title of Lambakanna (Lāmāni) was borne by certain high dignitaries, and the Sinhalese military leader could very well have applied the title to South Indian dignitaries who performed the same or similar functions. Among the thousands of
36. Rasanayagam, op. Cit, p. 72.
37. Mahāua minsa, chap. XXXVI, v. 58.
38. At a place named Namaluva in the Panama Pattu, Batticaloa District. I am indebted to Mr. C.W. Nicholas for information about this inscription, which is still unpublished.
39. Calavanisa, Geiger's translation. chap. 77, vv. 27-28. Cu, Tr. II, p. 94.
4o. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture, University of Calcutta, I942, pp. 86-87.

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personages who figure in South Indian Tamil inscriptions of this period, not a single who bore the title of Lambakanna or its equivalent has yet been noticed. Until the name is found in a South Indian document, the reference in the Cillavanisa cannot be taken as evidence for the existence of a Lambakanna clan in South India. Even if such a clan did exist in South India in the twelfth century, there is no justification to derive the first century Lambakannas of Ceylon from the ancestors of the members of that clan. The Lambakanna kings of Ceylon, beginning with the first, have left a large number of inscriptions. All of them are in old Sinhalese. Though we cannot be certain yet about the origin of the Lambakannas, there is no evidence to indicate that they were of Dravidian stock. Still less reason is there to connect them with a kingdom in North Ceylon.
The statement of Cosmas Indicopleustes that, when he visited Ceylon, there were two kings in the Island of Sielediba (i.e. Sinhaladvipa) who were at feud with one another has been made the base of an argument for the existence, in the seventh century, of an independent kingdom of Jaffna. What Cosmas actually says is: "This is a large oceanic island lying in the Indian Sea. By the Indians it is called Sielediba, but by the Greeks Taprobane, and therein is found the hyacinth stone . . . There are two kings in the island, and they are at feud the one with the other. The one has the hyacinth country, and the other the rest of the country where the harbour is, and the centre of trade.' The translator of Cosmas is of opinion that by hyacinth in this passage is meant the sapphire; others take it to be the amethyst. In either case, that part of the Island wherein is found the hyacinth must be Rohana, which produced and still produces precious stones, including Sapphires and amethysts. The king who had the hyacinth country was thus the ruler of Rohana, who at times was not subservient to his suzerain at Anuradhapura. The other king, who possessed that part of the country where the harbour was, must have been the king of Anuradhapura, for whose existence it is not necessary to quote evidence. It cannot be argued that the Anuradhapura king was referred to by Cosmas as the king who possessed the hyacinth, due to the fact that a temple in his kingdom was adorned with a great gem described by foreign travellers, for the words of Cosmas are quite clearly 'the hyacinth country'. A gem adorning a temple was not necessarily the possession of the king, and he could not on that account be referred to as king of the hyacinth country. In fact, Cosmas himself mentions this temple which contained the hyacinth, and in his statement there is no suggestion that the king of the region in which it was could be described as the king of the hyacinth country on that account.
4 I. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jaffna, pp. I2O-I2I. 42. The Christian Topography of Cosmas, translated by J.W. McCrindle
London, I897, pp. 363-364.
43. Cosmas, op. cit.: p. 365.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 85
Another traveller who visited Ceylon some time after Cosmas has also referred to the two kings of the Island. Vajrabodhi, who came to Ceylon from Kafici shortly after 689 A.C., spent some time at Anuradhapura, honoured by the king. He mentions Abhayaraja-vihara (Abhayagiri), definitely establishing that it was at Anuradhapura that he first sojourned. Later, he wished to go on a pilgrimage to Sripada, and for this purpose passed into the kingdom of Lou-ho-na (Rohana)'. Vajrabodhi expounded the Mahayana doctrine to the king of Rohana.' Thus, when two kings of Ceylon are mentioned with reference to the seventh century, we have to understand the paramount Sovereign at Anuradhapura and the feudatory prince of Rohana. Cosmas visited Ceylon in the first part of the seventh century, and the narrative in the Calavansa for that period contains evidence for the fact that at times the ruler of Rohana was refractory. Possibly Cosmas came at a time when the ruler of Rohana had adopted an attitude of insubordination towards the king at Anuradhapura, and his statement that the two kings of the Island were at feud one with the other can be justified from what is known of the history of the times, without postulating the existence of an independent kingdom in Jaffna, for which there is no evidence. The harbour referred to by Cosmas, it is agreed, was Mahatittha, and there is ample evidence in the chronicle that this port was under the direct rule of the Anuradhapura king from the earliest times up to the tenth century. At Mahatittha itself, now called Tirukkétisvaram or Mantai, is found a pillar edict of a Sinhalese king of about the eighth century," and the pillaredict of Kassapa IV (898-9I4), preserved till recently at the Mannar Kacceri, must have been found at a place in the neighbourhood. Inscriptions discovered in the neighbourhood of Giant's Tank, earlier in date than the eleventh century, are all in Sinhalese. It is only after the Cola conquest in the first decade of the eleventh century that Tamil inscriptions had been set up at Mahatittha or the neighbourhood.
According to the Yum, a prince named Ukkiracinkan (Ugrasimha), descended from Vijaya's brother, invaded Ceylon from North India in the Saka year 7I7 (795 A.C.) and, after a severe struggle, succeeded in making himself master of half of the Island, while the southern parts remained in possession of another king. Ukkiracinkan had the face of a lion, but he acquired human characteristics in his physiognomy by
44. JC BRAS, XXIV (No. 68), p. 88. 45. See Cülavanisa, chap. 4 I, vV. 86 ff. 46. See Cillavansa, Chap. 48, v. 5I, chap. 5I, vv. 28-45, chap. 52, v. 72. 47. Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G, Vol. I, p. I69, No. 35. 48. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. III, pp. Ioo-I I 3. 49. Parker, Ancient Ceylon, p. 249 f. 5.o. South Indian Inscriptions (SII), Vol. IV, p. 495 f.

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making a pilgrimage to Kirimalai. He is said to have married a Cola princess who also at Kirimalai exchanged her equine face for that of a human. A son and a daughter were the issue of this union. The Son inherited, it is said, the leonine features of his father, not in the face, but in another part of his anatomy. This prince, named Naracinkaracan (Narasimha-raja) was also known as Valacinka-racan (Valasinharaja) and Ceyatunka-vararaca-cinkan (Jayatunga-Vararajasimha). He was married to his sister Canpakavati and had no children.
In spite of the express statement in the Yum that this couple had no issue, some modern writers have endowed them with offspring, and built up a Jaffna dynasty of kings originating from them. As Ukkiracinkan is said to have been a scion of the dynasty founded by Vijaya's brother, and as, according to certain accounts, Vijaya came from Kalinga, his descendants are conjectured to have been of the Kalinga dynasty. And all the matrimonial and other alliances of the Sinhalese kings from Mahinda IV up to Magha are boldly proclaimed to have been with these hypothetical rulers of Jaffna. In the case of Mahinda IV, the following unanswerable argument has been put forward. What was the Kalinga Cakravarti race if it did not refer to the Kalinga dynasty ruling in Jaffna'?' We have already shown that the dates given in the Yum are thoroughly unreliable. We shall later consider whether Ukkiracinkan can be regarded as an historical personage. Here we will only point out that there are insuperable objections to taking Kalinga of the later chapters of the Calavanisa to have been Jaffna. Kalinga kings of Polonnaru, in their inscriptions, state that their homeland was in Jambudvipa, which could have denoted either the peninsula of India or Further India, but not an Island or a part thereof. Sahasamalla, in his Polonnaru inscription, states that he, on his way from Kalinga to Ceylon, tarried for sometime at a port in the Cola country. What need was there to go to the Coromandel Coast in order to arrive at Polonnaru from Jaffna? We have elsewhere given ample evidence to prove that this Kalinga in question was a region in the Malay Peninsula, and that its capital Simhapura is the modern Singora.
The existence of an independent kingdom of Jaffna in the twelfth century has also been inferred by assuming that Jaffna Peninsula was the Ariyadesa, the region from which came Viradeva who made an almost successful attempt to wrest the sovereignty from Vikramabahu I. It is assumed that, as the Jaffna Peninsula was ruled by the Aryacakravartis at one time, that region was called the Ariyadesa and, on this assumption, it is argued that this reference to the Ariyadesa
5I. Brito, op. cit, pp. 8I-3. 52. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jaffna, pp. 272 ff. 53. EZ, II, p. II, 5; Ibid, p. 228. 54. JCBRAS, New Series, Vol. VIII, p. 27.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 187
establishes the existence of the Arya-cakravartis in Jaffna in the
twelfth century. But, even in times when the Arya-cakravartis were undoubtedly exercising sovereignty over the Jaffna Peninsula, there is not a single instance where that part of the Island has been called Ariyadesa in any historical writing of the Sinhalese, or as a matter of that, in any Tamil work produced under the Arya-cakravartis. The narrative in the Calavanisa clearly indicates that Viradeva, who is described as of the Ariyadesa, was an adventurer from a country other than Ceylon, and not a ruler of a part of this Island. For, it is said in the chronicle that, when Vikramabahu heard of Viradeva's landing at Mahatittha, he resolved to uproot the invader before he gained a footing in Lanka. This statement would be inappropriate if Viradeva was the ruler of Jaffna, for he would in that case behaving more than a foothold in Ceylon already. The Jaffna Peninsula has always been regarded as a part of Lanka by Pali and Sinhalese writers, and not a region distinct from Lanka.
The anthology of Tamil verse known as Tamil-navalar-caritai contains a verse, attributed to the poet Pukalénti, in which an Ārya king's death is bemoaned. The anthology also gives anecdotes of the poet's visit to the court of an Ariyacekaran of Cinkai, and of receiving valuable presents from that ruler. On the ground that the date of Pukalenti is the second half of the twelfth century, this anthology is quoted as containing evidence for the existence of a kingdom of the Arya-cakravartis in Jaffna in the twelfth century. Anent this, it may be stated that the anthology in question is a recent compilation in which stray verses attributed by tradition to various poets, together with anecdotes about the poets, have been collected together. It is a work of the same type as the Sanskrit Bhojaprabandha, and the attributions made in such works have to be critically examined before they are accepted as correct. The verses in question do not occur in any of the works which are attested to be of Pukalenti. And the date of Pukalentialso has not yet been settled beyond doubt. Nilakanta Sastri, after referring to a tradition which makes Pukalénti a contemporary of Ottakuttan, on which is based the view that he flourished in the twelfth century, gives his opinion as follows: "This pretty story has no apparent claim to our credence' He further states; The age of Pukalenti cannot be established by any tangible evidence', and that 'modern critics place him (i.e. Pukalenti) a century later than Kittan'.
55. Cv. Tr. II, p. 228, chap. 6I, vv. 36 ff. Rasanayagam, op. cit., pp. 286-7.
56. Geiger adopts a reading Ariyadesiso (desa + iso) and translates as 'sole sovereign of Palandipa'. The reading desi so in Geiger's text, or desiyo in the edition of Sumangala and Batuvantudave, is preferable to that on which Geiger bases his translation.
57. Tamil-navalar-caritai, edited by T. Kanakasuntaram Pillai, Madras, I92I p. 5 I f.
58. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jaffna, pp. 284-6.

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The date of Pukalenti would then be the latter half of the thirteenth century. Nilakanta Sastrialso admits that works with little or no claim to literary merit have been fathered on Pukalénti. It thus follows that the verses attributed to Pukalénti are not beyond question from the hand of that poet, and that his date too is a matter of controversy, literary critics being inclined to place him in the late thirteenth century. The verses in the Tamil-navalar-caritai, referred to, do not therefore afford evidence for the existence of a kingdom of the Arya-cakravartis in the twelfth century.
The existence of a Tamil kingdom in North Ceylon has also been argued for on the authority of a verse in the Cola-namtala-catakam, a Tamil poem of recent date. This verse states that, during the time of a famine in Ceylon, a thousand boat-loads of paddy were sent by a South Indian chieftain named Catayan or Catayappa-mutali, to Pararācaciñkaņ (Pararājasimha), king of Kandy. This chieftain is believed to have flourished in the first half of the twelfth century, and as Kandy became a seat of royalty on a much later date, it has been proposed to Substitute Jaffna for Kandy. And further, as a king named Pararacacinkan is not known to have ruled in Jaffna, it has been proposed by Some to read Vararacacinkam instead, and by others to read Pararacacekaran, and thus make the recipient of this South Indian bounty a king of Jaffna. And, as a consequence of these operations, we are asked to accept the existence of a Tamil kingdom in North Ceylon in the twelfth century. There is no direct evidence for the date of Catayappa-mutali; even if he did actually flourish in the twelfth century, no reliance can be placed on a late poetical work when that makes him a contemporary of other personages.
We need not take into consideration various suggested identifications of toponyms, mentioned by classical and Arab writers, with places in the Jaffna Peninsula, and the totally invalid inferences with regard to ancient history drawn from such identifications. Some of these geographical names appropriated for the Jaffna Peninsula are in other parts of Ceylon, some in South India, and others even in the Malay Peninsula. The correct identification of these geographical names has been made by Scholars of repute. We might only draw attention to the identification of Zabak of the Arab writers with the Jaffna Peninsula, against the clear evidence which points to Zabak being Javaka, an ancient kingdom in the Malay Peninsula. This particular item of 'evidence' for the existence of a Tamil kingdom in North Ceylon before
59. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Cõlas, Second Edition, Madras, I955, p. 673. 6o. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jaffna, pp. 287-289. 61. Ibid., pp. 81 ff, 192 ff.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 89
the thirteenth century has been too much even for the late Professor Krishnaswamy Ayangar.o
Thus the arguments based on literary evidence set forth by modern writers for the existence of a Tamil kingdom in North Ceylon before the thirteenth century can be shown to be fallacious. There is no archaeological, epigraphical or numismatic evidence for such a conclusion. No inscription or coin or any other type of monument lending support to such a conclusion has ever been brought to light in the Jaffna Peninsula. In fact, the oldest Tamil inscriptions known from Ceylon have been discovered in other parts of the Island. Specimens of sculpture, architectural fragments, and coins recovered at ancient sites in the Jaffna Peninsula are of the same type as those found at ancient sites of the pre-Christian and early Christian centuries in other parts of the Island. South Indian inscriptions which contain numerous references to this Island make no mention of a Tamil kingdom in the north of Ceylon before the thirteenth century, but after we begin to obtain glimpses of such a kingdom from the Sinhalese historical writings, evidence for it is found in Pandya records, and the Vijayanagara documents make direct mention of Jaffna and its rulers. Early Tamil literature excludes Ceylon from the regions in which Tamil was the language of the people. Such references as we have in the Pali chronicles and commentaries to Nagadipa and religious sites therein indicate that the region did not differ, with regard to the religion and language of its people, from other areas of the Island. The Sammohavinodani gives us the story of a blind prince called Diparaja who was the ruler of Nagadipa, and a prince of this name is mentioned in a pre-Christian Brahmi inscription found at Mihintalé. But this Diparaja was a son of the Anuradhapura king, who is not named, and must have governed Nagadipa as a feudatory of the latter, just as feudatory princes in other parts of the Island did. The Vallipuram gold plate establishes that Nagadipa was governed in the reign of Vasabha (65-IO9 A.C.) by a minister (amatya) of that king. The Nainativu Tamil inscription proves that not only the Jaffna Peninsula but also the neighbouring islands acknowledged the authority of Parakramabāhu I. The fact that this inscription is in Tamil may indicate that the population of these islands and of the Jaffna Peninsula was then largely Tamil. On the other hand, the inscription which
62. Ibid., Foreword, pp. iv.-vi. It was in times much later than those to which the Arab geographers refer, i.e. after Magha or Candrabhanu, that the Jaffna Peninsula was known as Javagama. See below, p. 2I.
63. ICBRAS, Vol. XXVI (No. 7o), pp. I I-3o and Vol. XXVIII (No. 72), pp. 4o-6o.
64. Tolkāppiyam, Pāyiram, ll. I-2, Cilappatikāram, Canto VIII, ll. III-2 and Atiyarkkunallar's comments thereon. -
65. UCHC, II., p. 229. --- - - - - - -
66. EZ, Vol. IV, pp. 229-237.
67. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jafna, p. 208.

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Nissanhkamalla left at Ramesvaram was in Sinhalese. Scores of Sinhalese place names, slightly altered by the Tamil pronounciation, are still in use in the Jaffna Peninsula, and the final abandonment of that part of Ceylon by the Sinhalese seems to have taken place in comparatively recent times. In fact, one of the themes of the Yvan is the recurring hostility between the native Sinhalese in the Jaffna Peninsula and the Tamil colonists introduced therein by the Ariyan kings. According to this source, it was by a tyrannical order of Cankili in the sixteenth century that the last of the Sinhalese were driven out from the Jaffna Peninsula and their places of worship destroyed.
This lengthy digression establishes one fact that has a bearing on the subject under discussion, i.e. that the Arya-cakravarti rulers who came into prominence in the fourteenth century were not the scions of a royal house that had exercised dominion over North Ceylon from early times. We now take up the question of the origin of the Northern Kingdom, examining first the traditional accounts of the same given in the Yalpana-vaipava-malai and the Kailaca-malai. The legend of Ukkiracinkan has already been referred to. It can be inferred from the Yvm that tradition regarded him as a king of North Ceylon, for another king is said to have remained in possession of the southern half of the Island. Ukkiracinkan, it is said, reigned at first from a place named Katiramalai, but later moved to Cenkataka-nakari. Of these two names, the first suggests Kataragama and the second Senkadagala (i.e. Kandy)', both of which places were outside the regions that could have been within the dominions of a ruler of North Ceylon. Naracinkaracan, who is said to have been the son of Ukkiracinkan and had the tail of a lion, brought down colonists from South India and settled them in various parts of his dominions. He died without issue, and there was conflict between the native Sinhalese and the new colonists. In this period of confusion, many of the latter are said to have returned to South India. But one of these colonists, a Vellalan named Malavan, who came from Pomparriyur in the Pandya country, successfully suppressed the Sinhalese. He heard that a Cola prince was then residing in Maturai pursuing studies, and invited him to come to Jaffna and become its ruler. This prince, named Cinkai Ariyan, accepted the invitation and
68. Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G, Vol. II, pp. Io5-6; No. 9o of the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy (ARE) for Igo5.
69. B. Horsburgh, Place Names in the Jaffna Peninsula, Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Register, Vol. II, pp. 54-88.
7o. Brito, op. Cit., p. 33.
7I. Brito, op. cit., pp. 13 ff. Kim, English Abstract, pp. I-3.
72. The name "Senkadagala' for Kandy occurs for the first time in an inscription of the third year of Vikramabāhu III, i.e. I 36o A. c. (EZ, IV, p. 273). The resemblance of “Cenkataka-nakari' to "Senkadagala' may only be accidental. The word Rataka in the name indicates a military camp. It was possibly one of the places where Magha had stationed his garrisons.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 91
ད་་་་་་་་་་་ duly installed as king. He was also known as Killankai-ariyan or licaya-kulankaic-cakkaravartti, the epithet Kulashkai being explained as due to a defect in the arm. He is said to have come to Jaffna with a ministernamed Puvaneka-vaku (Bhuvanekabahu) who, at the request of his master, founded the temple at Nallur in Saka 870. This Vicayakflankai, the first Ariyan king, is said to have brought large numbers of colonists from South India and settled them in various places in his kingdom. According to the Kailaca-malai, Cinkai Ariyan was of Pandya, not Cola, extraction.
It has been suggested by Father S. Gnanaprakasar and H.W. Codrington that Ukkiracinkan was no other than Magha, who brought about the downfall of the Sinhalese kingdom in Rajarattha. Ukkiracinkan is described in the Yun as descended from the younger brother of Vijaya. Magha was a Kalinga, and the Kalinga kings Nissanhkamala and Sahasamalla claim to be scions of Vijaya's dynasty. Ukkiracinkan made himself master of the northern half of the Island, while another king ruled over the southern half. Magha also made himself master of Rajarattha, the northern part of the Island, while the southern parts were ruled by various chieftains of whom the most prominent was Vijayabahu, the founder of the Dambadeni dynasty. Ukkiracinkan's son, it is said, brought down colonists from South India, and settled them in various places within his territories. Magha, according to the Paidvali, settled Tamils in every village. Magha, during the greater part of his rule, had Polonnaru as his capital. Ukkiracinkan is said to have ruled at first from Katira-malai. It is not impossible that Katira (Kadira) is the Tamil pronounciation of Kaidavura, a name by which Polonnaru is often referred to in Sinhalese writings. Cenkataka-nakari, at which Ukkiracinkan is said to have established his capital after leaving Katira-malai, has been taken to be the same as Cinkai-nakar, the seat of the later Ariyan kings. But there is no evidence to support this conjecture.
The Konecar-kalvettu, a work of recent date which recounts legends of the Trincomalee temple, refers to a son of Kulakkottan, named Cinkakumaran (Simhakumara), who had the face of a lion, and later became king. If Cinka-kumaran, who had the face of a lion, be the same as Ukkira-cinkan, who also had the face of a lion, the latter may be ascribed to the thirteenth century, for Kulakkóttan, otherwise Codagasiga, is mentioned in the Trincomalee inscription of I223 A.C. If we can have faith in the legend given in the Konecar-kalvettu, the lion-faced king, Ukkira-cinkan or Cinka-kumaran, may be taken to have flourished about the same time as Magha, whether he was identical with the latter or not.
73. Brito, op. cit., p. xliv; The Konecar-halvettu also gives legends of a king named Gajabāhu, The Cūlavaminsa and inscriptions establish that Gajabāhu III, who flourished in the first half of the twelfth century, was connected with Kantalay (Gangatata) and Kotthasara (Kottiyar) near Trincomalee.

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the first Ariyan king, was no other than Magha, who in the Nikay Sangraha is called Kalinga-Vijayabahu. Being a scion of the Kalinga dynasty, Magha was entitled to the style of Kalinga-cakravarti, and the full name of Vijayabahu Kalinga-cakravarti might very well have given rise, when pronounced by Tamils, to the form Vicaya-kulankaiccakkaravartti. Thesettling of Tamil colonists in Ceylon is attributed to both. In this connection, it is not without significance to note that Ukkiracinkan is represented in the Yum as a great devotee and a benefactor of the Saiva shrine of Kirimalai, while Vicaya-kulankai, though he also repaired the shrines at Kirimalai, is specially lauded as the founder of the temple at Nallir. It is, therefore, not improbable that Ukkiracinkan and Vicaya-kilankai are both the names or titles of one and the same ruler, the priests of one shrine preferring one and those of the second the other. And different legends could have grown around the names among the priests of the two sanctuaries. However this conjecture may be, it may be taken as quite probable that the origin of the independent kingdom of North Ceylon was due to Magha. Parākramabahu II, or rather his son and his nephew, succeeded in dislodging Magha from Polonnaru, but the Sinhalese historical writings pertaining to the period do not specifically state that they captured the forts in North Ceylon occupied by Magha's forces. It is therefore quite probable, as Codrington has conjectured,7 that Magha, after he was driven from Polonnaru, or his heir, continued to rule the Jaffna Peninsula and the adjoining areas from one of his fortresses in the North, which may be the Cenkataka-nakari of the Yvm. The Paiavali and the Calavanisa refer to Magha as a Tamil king, though he is also said to have been of Kalinga extraction; this was possibly for the reason that his subjects and his soldiers who maintained his authority were largely Tamils.
On the other hand, it has been suggested that ဇွိုမျိုး
If Vicaya-kulankai was no other than Magha, Tamil tradition has confused memories about him with those about other personages of a later period. His chief minister, at whose advise he effected the colonisation of the Jaffna Peninsula by Tamils from South India and who was generally entrusted with the carrying out of his policies, is called Puvineyapaku, i.e. Bhuvanekabahu. According to the Kim, this Bhuvanekabahu was a learned Brahmin of high family from Madhura. It was this minister who, at the direction of the king, built the temple of Kantacuvami at Nallur. The date of the foundation of the shrine is given as 87o of the Saka era, i.e. 948 A.C. A formula called the kattiyam,
74. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jaffna, pp. 328ff. Mr. S. Natesan has taken Vicayakilankai to be the same as Jayabâhu who, according to the Calavanisa and the Pitjavali, was the sub-king of Magha, UCHC, I, pp. 691-2.
75. Ns. Tr., p. 22.
76. CCC., p. 74.

THE ARYA KINGDOM TN NORTH CEYLON 193
hich is still recited in the worship at the Kantacuvami temple at Nallir, contains the names of Srisaringhabodhi Bhuvanaikabahu and his two queens Gajavalli and Mahavalli. This Bhuvanaikabahu was no other than Prince Sapumal who conquered Yapapatuna (Jaffna) about I45o A.C. in the reign of Parakramabahu VI, ruled there as king and later ascended the throne of Kötte. It is therefore clear that the Kantacuvami temple was built or restored by Bhuvanaikabahu VI after he ascended the throne. With this clear instance of confusion in the tradition as found in the Yum and Kim, one is justified in treating with scepticism the Pandya or Cola ancestry which these sources have given to Vicaya-kulankai. The king is said to have organised the administration of his kingdom by entrusting the four quarters to four adhikaris. In this arrangement we can recognise the continuance of the division of the kingdom into four passas, which was instituted at an early period by the kings of Anuradhapura.
The inscriptions of the Pandyas afford evidence for the existence in the thirteenth century of a kingdom in North Ceylon, distinct from that of the Sinhalese with their capital at Darinbadeni. Jatavarman Vira Pandya, whose date of accession is I253 A.C., in an inscription dated in the tenth regnal year, boasts that he was pleased to take Sónadu, Ilam (Ceylon), and Cavakan (Jāvaka), together with his crowned head. 78 In another inscription of the eleventh year, at Kudumiyamalai, he claims to have killed one of the two kings of Ceylon, captured his army and treasures, and received elephants as tribute from the other. We have elsewhere discussed the bearing that these inscriptions have on the history of the Island during this period, and given reasons for the view that Jatavarman Vira Pandya helped Parakramabāhu II to vanquish Magha. The Javaka referred to in Vira Pandya's inscription is generally identified with Candrabhanu who twice invaded Ceylon, and lost his life in the second attempt. As Candrabhānu lost his life at the hands of Vijayabahu and Virabahu, the princes who commanded the Sinhalese army, Vira Pandya would not have taken the credit for that achievement. As has been conclusively established elsewhere, Magha was a prince from the Malay Peninsula or Sumatra, and his warriors, referred to as Malalas in contemporary Sinhalese writings, were Malays, i.e. Jāvakas. Consequently, the Jāvaka referred to in Vīra Pāndyas inscriptions could very well have been Magha. It has also been pointed out that the policy of the Sinhalese rulers of Darmbadeni was a continuation of that of the Pandya faction in the later Polonnaru period, opposed to that of the Kalinga faction, championed by Magha. After
77. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jafna, p. 332 f.n. 78. ARE., No. 588 of 1916. 79. ARE., No. 356 of Igo6. Inscriptions of the Pudukottai State, No. 366. 8o. UCHC, I, p. 621-2. 81. JCBRAS, New Series, Vol. VII, Part I, pp. 6-16.

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the demise of Nissarinkamalla, the Kalinga faction in Ceylon appears t have had the support of the Cola power, while the rising Pandya pow in South India would have given its support to the Dambadeni kings. When the Cola power collapsed, the Kalinga faction, i.e. the Javakas, appear to have come to terms vith the Pāņdyas, for Vīra Pāņdya, in his inscriptions at Kudumiyamalai already referred to, has recorded that the son of the Javaka who had been recalcitrant for some time, made his submission to Vira Pandya, and was restored to the kingdom once ruled by his father. The words used in the inscription, in justification of this act of Vīra Pāņdya, that 'itis just that once ruled by the father should be obtained by the son' points to Magha, rather than to Candrabhanu, as the father of the Javaka prince restored to power by the Pandya conqueror. For Candrabhānu could hardly have been referred to as having ruled Ilam i.e. Ceylon. This kingdom of the Javaka's son', established under the protection of the Pandyas, must have been in North Ceylon, for the South, and part of the northern areas up to Anuradhapura and Polonnaru, acknowledged the authority of the Darinbadeni king. Place names still in vogue in the Jaffna Peninsula, such as Cavakaccéri (the Javaka settlement) and Cavankottai (the Javaka Fort), remind us of the dominion of the Javakas i.e. Malays. Sinhalese literature of the fifteenth century refers to Javakakotte on the route between Maintai and the Jaffna Lagoon. Thus, the earliest independent kingdom in North Ceylon, of which we have any definite information, was a Malay kingdom founded by Magha and possibly also ruled for sometime by Candrabhanu.
There is also evidence that the Jaffna Peninsula, together with the territory to the south of it at least as far as Mullaittivu, was at one time known to the Sinhalese as Javagama, i.e. Javaka, no doubt due to the reason that the region was under the rule of Javaka princes. A Kadaimpota (Boundary Book), which gives the territorial divisions in the three kingdoms of Ceylon, together with popular etymologies of place names and similar information, includes the following details in dealing with Pihitinata. Moreover, in Javagama, there are five main districts, Javariparata, Märaccirata, Balatadirata, Mudundu-malliyä-rata and Kanukkinirata. Stone pillars have been set up with writing in Tamil letters on them for the boundaries, so that this region of ten thousand is enclosed by them. This region is adorned with tanks, lakes, pools.
82. Nilakanta Sastri, "Šri Vijaya, Candrabhänu and Virà-Pandya' in Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde, LXXVII, 1937, p. 25Iff. Prof. Nilakanta Sastri, in this article (p. 264), has concluded that the Javaka prince was the ruler of a kingdom in Ceylon distinct from that of the one or the other of the two kings mentioned earlier in the record. But the inscription, it appears to me, is clear enough in stating that there were at the time only two rulers in the Island, the one (oruvanai) whom Jatavarman Vira-Pandya slew in battle, and the other king (enai vendanai) from whom he received elephants as tribute. As the Sinhalese king did not lose his life at this time, the Javaka's son, who did not at first submit to Vira-Pandya, has to be taken as the son of the first ruler mentioned in the inscription.

THE ARYA KINGOOM IN NORTH CEYLON 195
ponds, fields, gardens and the like'. 'Jaivagama' comes through Tamil from 'Javaka', just as Sinhalese ndidagama is derived from Sanskrit nataka through Tamil. Of the five main districts of Javagama, mentioned in the Kadaim pota, one, Maracci, still goes under that name, being now divided into two, North and South Maracci, i.e. Vadamaracci and Tenmaracci. These are two divisions of the Jaffna District today, Maracci which, according to the Kadaim pota, was one of the districts of Javagama, is today a territorial division in the Jaffna Peninsula which therefore was in the old Javagama. Other names given as those of districts in Javagama have not survived as such. But one, Kanukkini", in the slightly altered form of "Kanukkéni', is the name of a village near Mullaittivu. It must have been the head-quarters of a district in olden days, but has since yielded its importance to another place. Instead of “Javaripa’ in the above extract from a printed Kadaimpota, manuscripts give the form, 'Cavagaciri' or 'Cavagatcöri', in which we can clearly recognise the modern 'Cavakaccéri'. The other two names cannot be recognised in the Village List of the Northern Province, but may be in use as toponyms not important enough to find a place in official documents.
The class of literature known as Kadaim pot in Sinhalese cannot be exactly dated, but it is agreed that the topographical information which they furnish holds good for the fourteenth century. The name 'Javakam' for the northern part of Ceylon, furnished by this Kadaim pota, to be known to the Sinhalese, must have been prevalent among the Tamil people of the region which, to have acquired that name, must have been under the rule of the Javakas for a fairly long period. The people of the Malay Peninsula who left their home to establish a kingdom in North Ceylon have thus transplanted the name of their country into this Island, just as the Indian settlers in the Malay Peninsula gave to the kingdoms which they founded names famous in Indian literature, such as Kalinga. For the name Javaka to have become familiar to the Sinhalese in its Tamil form, the majority of the population of the region designated by it must have been Tamils - a conclusion also supported by the statement in the Kadaim pota that the stone pillars set up to mark the boundaries bore inscriptions in Tamil characters. This kingdom of Javaka in North Ceylon must have been maintained by the Malay (Malala) soldiers who accompanied Magha, and such South Indian troops as took service under the Javaka. The subjects would have been the newly settled and other Tamils and those of the original Sinhalese population who remained behind. The inscription of Vira Pandya,
83. Tava da Jãwagamê Javaripa-rata Mãracci-rãta Balatadi-rata. Mudundumallivā-rata Kanukkini-rața yana mē pas maha rața imața gali täm Demnala akşaravalin yukta va DaSadahas-rata imata Řoţā pihituvaanaladde va. Vāiv-vil-patas-pokunuhet-vat-ādiyen samalamivkirta vannē ya yi data yutu. Tri-Sininhalē, kadaim saha vitti, edited by A.J.W. Marambe, Kandy, Lankapradipa Press, Io26, p. 2I. I am indebted to Mr. C.W. Nicholas for variant readings in unpublished manuscripts.

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which speaks of the kingdom of the Javaka's Son in Ceylon, is thus corroborated by a Sinhalese Kadaim pota.
If we accept the proposed identity of Magha with Vicaya-ktilankai, the first Ariyan king of tradition, and give credence to the statement of Yvm that each of his twelve successors up to Cankili was the son of his predecessor, it would mean that all the Ariyans (Arya-cakravartis) were descendants of Magha. We will now proceed to consider whether such a view is consistent with the information regarding the origin and family details of the Ariyans furnished by literary works contemporary with them.
The Cekaracacekara-malai, a Tamil astrological work of which the date is not definitely established, but must have been written before the Ariyans came under Portuguese sway, has a poetical introduction which gives a mythological account of the origin of the family, and a number of verses with eulogistic references to several unnamed predecessors of the ruler under whose patronage the work was produced. The highly verbose and ornate account of the origin of the family has been summarised as follows by Father S. Gnanaprakasar. 'Rama who, having founded the temple of Ramésvaram after his own name in honour of Siva, invited 512 Pasupatas - Brahmins of the Pancakkiramam - to serve the temple. From among these, he chose two whom he made kings, “to bear the weight of the world', giving them the Tulasi garland with the title of 'Arya kings knowing the faultless scriptures' and the insignia of umbrella, Brahmanical thread and the bull standard'. From this we gather that, in the opinion of this poet, the title Ariyan was due to these rulers being descended from Brahmins who had been living at Ramésvaram, the shrine believed to have been built by the epic hero Rama, and that their standard was the figure of a bull.
This belief about the origin of the Ariyan family is quite at variance with the traditions recorded in the Yvm and the Kim, for according to the former authority, the first king of the family was of Cola origin, and according to the latter, of Pandya extraction. But this claim of a Brahmin origin for the Ariyan kings is in accord with a tradition recorded by the Portuguese historian Fernao de Queyroz. After giving a brief account of the conquest of Jaffna by Chamber-pera-mali, i.e. Cempakapperuma (Prince Sapumal), and stating that he, they say, was the first who ruled Jafanapatao asking', de Queyroz continues, “In course of time, there came some Bramanas, natives of Guzarate called Arus, who claimed royal descent; and with the favour of the Naydue of
84. Cekardcacekara-malai (Con) with commentary, edited by V. Sabapati Aiyar, Jaffna, I902. Father Gnanaprakasar assigns this work to the second half of the fifteenth century (CAI R, Vol. V, p. 175), while Mr. S. Natesan argues for a date in the fourteenth century (UCHC, I, p. 696, n. 15).
85. CALR, V, p. 176. For a full translation, see Rasanayagam's Ancient Jaffna, pp. 293-5. The verses are I-5 of the Cirappuppdyiram (Cp) of the work.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 97
Madura, they erected the pagoda of Ramancor, whence they began to have trade and friendship with the kings of Jafanapatao, and one of them married a daughter of that king; and finally her descendants became heirs to that kingdom.” De Queyroz, or rather the writer from whom he copied this account, had of course been misinformed that Prince Sapumal was the first king of Jaffna, for Sinhalese historical writings and other sources prove that there were Ariyan kings in Jaffna before his time. In fact, it was by forcing an Arya-cakravarti into exile that Prince Sapumal established himself as ruler of Jaffna. The Portuguese historian has also introduced an anachronism by bringing the Nayaks of Madhura into the account, for they became masters of that city long after the Ariyan kings had attained the zenith of their power. Perhaps to de Queyroz any ruler of Madhura would have been a Nayak prince, and we may justifiably substitute 'Pandyas' for Nayaks'. De Queyroz gives us the additional information that the Brahmins to whom the kings of Jaffna traced their origin came from Gujarat - an important point to which we will revert in the sequel. But the main fact recorded by de Queyroz is that a Brahmin from Ramesvaram became the founder of the Arya-cakravarti family by marrying into the royal family which was already exercising sovereignty when he arrived there. This royal family has been confused by later tradition with that of Prince Sapumal. But, with our knowledge that there was a kingdom ruled by a Javaka prince in the thirteenth century, we may conclude that the Ariyan from Ramesvaram espoused a princess who was a descendant of that prince. It is not impossible that Prince Sapumal has been introduced into this account due to a confusion of the Tamil form of his name, Cempaka, with Cārvaka (Jāvaka).
Such a conclusion gains support from a document which has been utilised here for the first time in a discussion of the origin of the Aryacakravartis of Jaffna. I refer to the Sinhalese inscription engraved on the terrace of the Bodhi tree at Galgané Vihara at Madavala in the Haris Pattu of the Kandy District, dated in the third year of Vikramabahu III, the king in whose reign an Arya-cakravarti invaded the Sinhalese territories, and was repulsed with heavy losses by Alakesvara. In the published references to this inscription, nothing is stated about its purport, apart from its being dated in the third year of Vikramabahu III. The record is badly weathered, and from its sixth line, only a few letters are legible here and there. Some letters in the first five lines are also indistinct, but what is legible states that, in accordance with a peace treaty made on the eighth day of the waxing moon in the month of Urduvap in the third year of Vikramabahu, a personage named
86. Fernao de Queyroz, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, translated into English by Father S.G. Perera, S.J., Government Printer, Colombo, I 93o (de Queyroz), pp. 48-49.
87. Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Annual Report (ASCAR) for 19II-I2, p. I2o, Inscription No. 18 I. JC BRAS, Vol. XXXII (No. 86), p. 276.

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Marttandam-perumalun-Vahanse placed certain Brahmins in charge of the madigaya of the districts of Singuruvana, Balavita, Matala, Dumbara and Sagama-tunrata - territories under the direct rule of the Gampala king. The madigaya, in this period, was the post at which dues to the government were collected on merchandise brought from outside. The personage who appointed certain Brahmins (whose names are mostly illegible) for the collection of these dues could not have been a functionary of the Garinpala king, for it is expressly stated that this was done in pursuance of a treaty (Sandhana). Now, this document refers precisely to that period during which, according to the Rajavali, the Arya-cakravarti of Yapapatuna had stationed tax-collectors in the territories of the Gampala king. The name Marttandam' is in Tamil garb, and the title perumalun is Tamil. In the list of Cinkai Ariyans given in the Yum, there is one named Marttainta (Marttanda)'. There is therefore no doubt that we have in this inscription the only mention by his personal name of an Arya-cakravarti of Jaffna. So far met with in a contemporary inscription.
But the most significant point in this record for our present purpose, that is the investigation of the origin of the Arva-cakravartis, is that the title of Savalu-pati is prefixed to the name Marttandam. Pati, of course, means ‘lord”, Savallu is no doubt the same as Savulu, the name of the family to which, according to Sinhalese literary and historical works, belonged the Sinhalese kings of the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries. The earliest king to whom this cognomen is attached is Vijayabahu V, who was the founder of a new line of kings supplanting the Daňbadeņi dynasty,o after Parākramabāhu IV, or his successor Bhuvanaikabāhu III. Parākramabāhu VI is eulogised as descended from the Savulu lineage, and Rajasimha I is said to have been a scion of this family. The rulers of Kandy up to Narendra-simha were also of this stock. Savulu has been variously interpreted by modern scholars as equivalent to Sanskrit Sakya-kula or as derived from the name of
88. The text of this inscription, so far as it can be deciphered, is given below:
. Šri Sirisaňgabo Šrī Vikramabāhu . cakravarti-svāmin-vahanseța tun vanu Uduvapa pura . ata (waka sa) nahanayen Singuyuvana Balawita Matala Dunbara . Sagama-turnirața Sa(va)ļu-pa (ti) Ma (r)ttãņdam-perumāļun-vahanse . тафligауа раvarä dета baтитап Тетиvara Malaтadala Nädиvalantdyи Of the other six lines, only a few letters here and there have been preserved.
Of the two significant words, Sandhdina in line 3 and Savalu-pati in line 4, some letters have not been well preserved, but what is seen of them is enough to identify them as they have been read. «ადა,
89. See University of Ceylon Review (UCR), Vol. XVIII, p. 12, n. 33.
go. In the reading Marttaindam, the repha is not seen above the tt, but it has been assumed to have been there. Mattandam is thus a possible reading. Brito, in fact, gives the form Mattanda, while the more recent editions of the Yum have the form Martidota.
9I. UCHC, Vol. I, pp. 636-7.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON − 199
a village in the Kurunagala District."? But the village itself could have derived its name from a person who bore the name, rather than vice versa. The Savulu family is said to be the same as the ancient Lambakanna (Lāmāni) family. Vijayabahu V, the first Savulu king, is referred to in a contemporary Pali poem as a scion of the family to which belonged Parakramabahu I. In the sixteenth century Rajaratnaikara, a rather silly folktale is narrated to explain the origin of the name; this traces the family to a Maurya princess who came to Ceylon
in the reign of Devanampiya Tissa."
The word Savalu is, in my opinion, the same as Javaka. Java is pronounced in Tamil as Cava or Sava, to which al., "person', has been added on the analogy of Malaiyali from Malaya + al. A Saval or Sävali would thus denote a person of Javaka race. The final vowel u suggests the influence of Telugu which is known to have been the language of the rulers of the Javaka kingdom in the Malay Peninsula. If, as we have demonstrated, Magha came from Malayasia with a following of Malay warriors, and if he founded a kingdom in the North, the ruling class of that kingdom would have been Javakas or Saval. And further, if an Ariyan from Ramasvaram became master of this kingdom as the result of a matrimonial alliance, the Javakas or Savali or Savalu people would have referred to this Ariyan and his descendants as their lord. The epithet 'Savalu-pati' applied to an Arya-cakravarti in the Madavala inscription can thus be satisfactorily explained on the hypothesis that the royal family into which the Ariyan married was that of the Jāvakas.
This hypothesis also throws light on the course of history in the Sinhalese kingdom. Contemporary writers have observed a strict silence on the circumstances in which the Dainbadeni dynastv fell, and a new family secured the dominion over the Sinhalese. If the Savalus (Savulus) were Javakas, and their kings most probably were descended from Magha who is described in the chronicle as an inveterate foe of Buddhism and the Sinhalese, the members of the Sangha would have looked upon this change of rulers with the greatest horror. The only contemporary writer who has an eulogistic reference to the founder of the Savulu family was the pupil of a thera who hailed from the Malay Peninsula. His description of Vijayabahu V as belonging to the
92. JC BRAS, Vol. XXXII (No. 86), p. 3o I. Sir D.B. Jayatilaka, Sahitya-lipi, I956, p. II 4. ܖ
93. Păramīsataka, edited by Valipatan vila Dipankara Thera, vv. Io7-Io8.
94. The Saddharmaratndikara (edited by Kosgoda Nanavimala Thera, Madampe Press, Ig48, p. 294) states that Parākramabāhu VI who was of the Savulu family also belonged to the Lāmāni (Lambakanna) clan. For the folk-etymology of Savulu, see Rajaratnaikara, edited by P.N. Tissera, Colombo, Ig29, p. 48.
95. The thera Dhammakitti, who was invited to Ceylon from Tambarattha (Ligor) by Parakramabahu II, as stated in the Calavanisa, chap. 84, vv. II-I6. Dhammakitti Sangharaja, the author of the Paranisataka, appears to have been his pupil.

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family of Parakramabāhu I can be justified if the former was a descendant of Māgha who was a Kalińga. The Kalińga kings of Polonnaru emphasised that Parakramabahu I was a Scion of that family. And Parakramabahu VI is referred to in old documents as a Kalinga. The opprobrious epithets and denunciatory words used by the writers of the Dambadeni period in referring to Magha are not found in works of the Gampala period, except when they quote earlier writers. In fact, the authors of the Nikaya-Sangraha and the Saddharmaratnaikara, who wrote under kings of Savulu lineage, absolve Magha of the responsibility for the disasters to the Sinhalese people and the Buddhist religion which took place in the first decades of the thirteenth century.9 They categorically state that these disasters befel them before the advent of Magha - a conclusion at which one may arrive on a reading of the Minipe inscription. These writers refer to Magha with respect under the style of Kalinga Vijayabahu.
If the Savulu king who ousted the Dambadeni dynasty was a scion of the Javaka family of North Ceylon, the army with which he established his power must have contained a considerable number of Tamil soldiers. That this was in fact so is attested by the inscriptions of Bhuvanekabāhu IV at Gadalādeņi and Lańkātilaka, which refer to the Sinhalese and Tamil armies.' The dedications to the Lankaitilaka temple being recorded on stone in a long Tamil inscription, side by side with the Sinhalese epigraph, also indicates that there was an important element of Tamil officers and men serving under this king who was the second ruler of the Savulu family. The Nikiva-Sangraha states that Alakesvara led Sinhalese as well as Tamil troops against the Aryacakravarti who invaded the dominions of the Gampala king. The struggle at the time was thus not one between the Sinhalese and the Tamils as such, but between the main line of the Javaka house which had migrated to Sinhalese areas, and a branch line which had secured power in the North through a matrimonial alliance.
The Cekaracacekara-malai, the Taksina-kailica-puranam, and the Tamil version of the Raghuvansa, all refer to the king under whose patronage these works were composed as the Ariyan of Kankai (Ganga)- kula or of the Kanka country. A number of chieftains who exercised authority under the first Ariya king are described in the Km as belonging to the Kenka-kula.' This claim of the Ariyan rulers to be of the Ganga lineage can be upheld if they are taken as successors of the Javaka kings of the Kalinga-varinsa. A ruler of Polonnaru who belonged
96. JCB RAS, New Series, Vol. VII, Part I. p. 16, note 72. 97. UCR, Vol. XVIII, p. 37; EZ, IV, p. Io6.
98. Con. Cp., stanza II, TR p. Cp, l. 24, Irakuvannican, edited by C. Kamecaiyar, Kokuvil, I932, Canto x, v. 223, and Canto xiii, v. I o7.
99. Kim, English Abstract, p. 3.

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to the Kalinga family bore the name of Coda-ganga; one of the two queens of Nissarinkamalla, Kalyanavati, was of the Gangavansa.00 There was a Ganga-nagara in the Malay Peninsula. It has been suggested with a great degree of plausibility that the name Kalinga was transplanted into the Malay Peninsula by princes of the early Eastern Ganga family, who were forced to leave their homeland and seek fortunes overseas due to political upheavals, for example the conquest of the Indian Kalinga by Pulakesin II.0. When these Kalingas from the Malay Peninsula founded a kingdom in North Ceylon, they must have regarded their Ganga connections with sentiment and pride, and the Ariyans who inherited the kingdom by marriage might very well have continued these traditions.
The literary works named above refer to the Northern rulers as Cinkai Ariyans, i.e. Aryas of Simha. The Kotagama inscription sings of an Arivan of Cinkai-nakar (Sinha-nagara).0. Their capital was thus called Simhanagara. No place of this name, or a name approximating to it, is found at present in the north of the Island. As the seat of a ruling family of consequence, it must have been a town of some magnitude, and, if the name was a popular one barely five hundred years ago, it is difficult to believe that it could have gone altogether out of use so soon after the Ariyan kings left the scene of their power. As Sinhalese literature contemporary with the Arya-cakravartis refers to their capital by the name of Yapapatuna, it is reasonable to presume that the name 'Cinkai' or Cinkai-nakar' was restricted in its use to court circles and literary men, as Gangasiripura for Ganpala, for instance, and that “Yapapatuna' was the popular name. Both these names are consistent with the hypothesis that the founders of the Northern Kingdom of Ceylon were Kalingas who hailed from Javaka (Malay Peninsula). The kings of Polonnaru who belonged to the Kalinga dynasty, as stated in their inscriptions, came from Sinhhapura, which is now known as Singora. In the charts of Cheng Ho (Wu-Pei-Chih charts), Singora is called Sun-ku-na, which is equivalent to Sinha-nagara. Sinihhapura. in the Malay Peninsula was itself named after Simhapura in Indian Kalinga. It is but natural that Magha the Kalingan (Vicaya-kilankai), who hailed from Malayasia, would have named the capital of his new kingdom after the city which was the home of the Kalingas.
The Sinhalese name “Yapapatuna' means the port of Yapa'. I have suggested that Yalpa is of the same origin as dipd, equivalent to Sanskrit
Ioo. Ciūlavaminsa, chap. 8o, v. 29; EZ, Vol. II, p. III 8.
IoI. Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society (JMB RAS), Vol. XVII, part I, page 77.
Io2. JM B RAS, Vol. XVII, Pt. 2, pp. 69 ff. - -
Io3. See mote 9 above.
Io4. JCB RAS, New Series, Vol. VII, Part I, pp. 26-28.

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ārya-pāda. 105 Though this is philologically possible, it is significant that the title Yapa, which seems to have been borne by royal personages of high standing, is not found in any document of the Anuradhapura or Polonnaru period. It seems to have come into vogue after the Malays or Javakas gained political influence in the Island. The word Java or Idivaka is also found in the form Yava or Yavaka. The Chinese equivalent of Java, Chö-po, indicates that the v was at one time pronounced as p, i.e. Japa. The Kulottumkam-kovai in one stanza mentions Cavakam (Javaka) as a country which acknowledged the supremacy of Kulottunga III, and in another stanza makes a similar mention of Capam.07 It is possible that Capam and Cavakam both refer to the same country, Iāva or Iāvaka. If so, the change of v to p in the name is attested in Tamil also. The change of v to b could also have developed in the course of the name being pronounced by the Sinhalese, for this phonological process is attested in that language by such words as lapa for Sanskrit lava and Sabana for Sanskrit carvana. Yapapatuna' would thus signify the port of the Javakas', and is akin to Cavakaccéri' in sound and Hambantota' in meaning. The fact that, as shown above, the Jaffna Peninsula and the adjoining areas formed a territory named Javakam lends support to this view about the origin of Yapi batuna. De Queyroz. gives the form Jafana-en-patalao and interprets it to mean 'the town of the Lord Jafana'. This suggests a Sinhalese form Yapindivan-patuna. The change of in to il noticed in patalao is well attested in Sinhalese phonology. The modern from Yalpanam must also go back to this Sinhalese name; the story of the blind lutist given in the Yvm to explain the Tamil form of the name is of recent origin, and was not known to the Portuguese. 109 That it is the popular Sinhalese form of the name which has persisted indicates that, at the time of the founding of the Javaka kingdom, the population in and around the seat of its kings was mainly Sinhalese.
There are also literary references to a place named Manavai or Manalir in connection with one of these Ariyans. This place has been sought for in South India, to the east of Madurai; but Manavai and Manalir might have been alternate names of Cinkai. Cekaracacekaran, the Ariyan of Tamil literary fame, is praised as the Ariya king
Io5. EZ, Vol. III, p. 82, Yapa-bhandaira occurs in an inscription of the fifteenth century, EZ, IV, p. I 5.
Io6. Pelliot, Deux itineyaires, pp. 264-5.
Io7. Nilakanta Sastri, The Cõļas, 2nd Edition, p. 4 Io.
Io8. De Queyroz, p. 47.
Io9. For a critical examination of this legend, see Father S. Gnanaprakasar in CALR, VI, pp. 135 ff. De Queyroz relates a story of how the Arya-cakravarti
obtained the kingdom of Jaffna from a king of Sitavaka, flattering the latter by singing verses in his praise. See de Queyroz. p. 49.
II o. Ccm, Palavinaiippațalam, v. Io; Ibid, Yãittivaippațalam, v. 3 I.

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of Kandamalai, a place not yet identified. It is unlikely that the place had anything to do with the earlier Javaka rulers of the North.
If the Ariyan rulers received their dynastic name due to a Brahmin marrying a princess of the earlier royal family of the North, and if this earlier family originated with Kalinga Magha, the last-named, who is taken to be identical with Vicaya Kulankai, could not have been in fact known as Cinkai Ariyan. The works which refer to him by that title, the Km and the Yun, were both written when the Cinkai Āriyans had ceased to exist, at a time when, after the dynastic name had been attached to rulers of Jaffna for about three centuries, the belief had gained ground that all rulers of that kingdom bore that name.
The descent from a Brahmin of Ramesvaram might explain the name Ariyan as applied to the ruling family of Jaffna, but there is evidence for the fact that not only the royal family, but also the nobility, or the greater part of it, over which the later Jaffna kings ruled, was entitled to the name. The Taksina-kailaca-puramam refers to Cekaracacekaran as Ariyar koman and the Carpacistram calls him Ariyar kon.' These expressions, Ariyar kón and Ariyar komain, on the analogy of such phrases as Vattavar koman and Tevar kón, occurring in Tamilliterature, indicate that among the subjects of the Ariyan kings, there were also those who were known as Ariyar. The Niyarhgampaya inscription, of which a copy on ola is available in the British Museum, refers in a fragmentary passage to the military prowess of Alakesvara who rolled back the forces of an Arya-cakravarti in the reign of Vikramabahu. In this passage occurs the phrase Arya-bhata-prahrti, 'attacking the Ārya soldiers’. The panegyrists of Alakeśvara therefore seem to have considered it a great feat to have vanquished the Arya warriors of the ruler of Yapapatuna. A version of the Rajavali, differing somewhat from the printed and translated version of that text, has the following in its account of the storming of Yapapatuna by Prince Sapumal. Thereafter he captured, as if in nets, the Aryas who were holding out in various places, like herds of deer captured in snares, and earned thereby the viruda title of Arya-vettayarum-perumal (the Lord who hunted the Aryas). It will thus be seen that on both occasions when the
III. Ccm, Cp, v. II.
I 12. Tkp. Cp, l. I5.
II.3. Quoted by Mudaliyar Rasanayagam in Ancient Jaffna, p. 358.
II 4. The ola manuscripts which give the fragmentary text of this inscription have the reading Aryahata prabhirti, which gives no sense. As the Sinhalese letter h can hardly be distinguished from bh, this pharse would have resulted from an erroneous reading of the stone inscription, or from the hand of a later copyist. The version of the Rajavali referred to gives the history of Ceylon from the advent of Alakesvara to the end of the reign of Rajasimha I. It has been named Alakesvarayuddhaya and published in instalments in the journal Jidindidarsaya, Vol. X, by the late Mudaliyar A.M. Gunasekara. This version of the Rajavali appears to have been known to Valentyn. The sentence translated above runs: Ikbiti e é sthānayehi däl bäňda muvam gollaka men Aryayan dälvalația alvãgana Aryavețițaуárum - perumđi kiyana virudu namakutlába gena. Jћánâdaršaya. Vol. X, 19по-II, p. 47.

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Sinhalese gained military successes against the rulers of Jaffna, it was the vanquishing of the Arya soldiers that was a matter of pride, and not victory over the Tamils. On both these occasions, Tamil soldiers fought side by side with Sinhalese and others against the Aryas, and in the case of Prince Sapumal, the discomfiture of the Aryas was celebrated by the assumption of a high-sounding Tamil title. These Arya soldiers, it appears, formed the backbone of the army of the Arya-cakravartis, in which of course there were Tamil fighters drawn from among their subjects and Muslim mercenaries from North India, who are referred to in the Rajavali as Yon-Vadakkaras.
The word Ariya (Arya) has a distinct connotation in Tamil literature. It denotes the language, literature and people of North India, as distinct from those of the Dravidian lands. Even if, as stated in the Cekaracacekara-malai, and reported by de Queyroz, the rulers of Jaffna. were called Ariyans due to descent from a Brahmin of Ramésvaram, it is not the fact of this ancestor being a Brahmin, but of his belonging to a particular class of Brahmins, namely Ariyan Brahmins, that would have conferred on them the title of Ariyan. For there are still at Ramesvaram a sect of Brahmins called Ariyappiramanar, who have special rights in the temple and who claim to be immigrants from North India. The North Indian origin of the Brahmins to whom the Ariyans of Jaffna traced their origin is admitted also by the Cekaracacekara-malai, for it says that they came with Rama. A stray verse, ascribed to Pukalenti, included in the anthology called Tamil-nivalarcaritai, seems to support the Northern origin of the Arya kings. This stanza,' which expresses the poet's grief at the death of an Arya king, refers to him by a phrase which, in the printed text, is given as vadalariyar-Roman. The compound vadalariyar can only be analysed as vadal + Ariyar. But the first of these two words, according to the Tamil Lexicon, means banyan', and gives no sense in this context. AS v can be confused with l in Tamil manuscripts, the correct reading appears to be vadavariyar-koman, the king of the Northern Aryas. De Queyroz. definitely mentions that these Brahmins of Ramesvaram came from Gujarat which, together with the adjoining regions, is called Ariaka (Aryaka) by classical geographers. De Queyroz further states that these Arya Brahmins claimed royal descent. This is rather puzzling, for the rigidity of the Hindu caste system of those days would not have permitted a Ksatriya being accepted as a Brahmin. It is possible that originally there were at Ramesvaram and its neighbourhood Brahmins as well as Ksatriyas who called themselves Aryas, and that, at a later date, when the Brahmins alone succeeded in preserving their separate identity, all Ariyans of Ramésvaram known to tradition were held to
115. Tamil-navalar-caritai, op. cit., p. 52.
II6. Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, translated and annotated by W.H. Schoff, London, I912, p. 39.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 205
be Brahmins. The fact that the Ariyan rulers of Jaffna wore the sacred thread need not necessarily prove that they were of Brahmin origin; the Ksatriyas, too, were entitled to wearing it.
The mention, in the Calavanisa, of Ariyakkhattiya (Arya-ksatriya) warriors, referring to a time about half a century earlier than that at which the Arya-cakravartis came on the scene of Ceylon history, enables us to ascertain who the Aryas were. When Vijayabahu IV (I270-1272) was assassinated at the instigation of General Mitta, and when the Sinhalese soldiers acquiesced in the usurpation of this military commander, the Arya-ksatriya soldiers who were in the service of the Dambadeni king proved loyal to their master and, exhibiting great gallantry, slew the usurper and restored the throne to the rightful prince, Bhuvanaikabahu I. The chronicle, in its narrative of this stirring episode, particularly mentions the leader of the Arya warriors by his name, Thakuraka. H.W. Codrington has rightly pointed out that Thakuraka is the same as the Hindi thakir (Tagore), the title of Rajput chiefs. It is also referring to this period that we have the famous story of Padmini, a princess from Ceylon, married to a Rajput king. It can therefore be taken as an established fact that Rajput warriors were in the service of Sinhalese kings in the thirteenth century, and that they were called Aryas. In one of his inscriptions, Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I (acc. I25I A.C.) claims to have inflicted a severe defeat on the Telugus at Mudugur, slaughtering them and their allies, the Aryas. H. Krishna Sastri, on the evidence of the mention of Aryas in the Ceylon chronicle, has suggested that these Aryas were Colas. But, as it has now been established beyond doubt that the Aryas of the Calavannsa were Rajputs, the Aryas who fought with the Telugus must also be similarly identified. In later writings, the Arya families of Jaffna are associated with a place named Madapalli, the name of which was borne as a title by the descendants of the last king of Jaffna.0 A place of this name is said to have existed in the dominion of the Kakatiyas, which is called the kingdom of Motupalli by Marco Polo. It is possible that the Aryas referred to in the inscription of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya as the allies of the Telugus lived in this place, and later, after the conquest of the Kakatiyakingdom by the Muslims, they migrated southwards and joined forces with the Arya-cakravartis of Ramésvaram, to be mentioned in the sequel, and ultimately found their way to Ceylon. It was at this time, or somewhat earlier, that the Rajput kingdoms in North India collapsed under repeated attacks by Muslim invaders, and
II 7. Cūlavamisa, chap. xc, vv. I ff. Cv. Tr., II, p. 2oI.
III 8. UCHC., I, pp. 629-3o.
II 9. ARE, 19 I4, pp. 9 I-2.
I2o. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jafna, pp. 388-39o.
I2 I. The Travels of Marco Polo, translated by R.E. Latham, Penguin Books, pp. 245-7.

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bands of warriors who survived the disasters, but were not prepared to lead a dishonourable existence under the yoke of the foreigners, might very well have come Southwards seeking new homes, and taken service under rulers of Indian faiths and culture who welcomed them and were ready to take advantage of, and pay for, their military prowess. If these Rajput exiles came as far as Ceylon, they might as well have sought their fortunes under the rulers of South India. And there is epigraphical evidence for the presence in the country near Ramesvaram of chieftains named Arya-cakravartis about the close of the thirteenth century.
An Arya-cakravarti is mentioned for the first time in Sinhalese historical writings as the leader of the Pandya invasion which, after the close of the reign of Bhuvanaikabahu I, succeeded in reducing the fortress of Yapavu and capturing the Tooth Relic. The course of events which led to this invasion is not definitely known, for there is a lacuna in the Calavansa just before its mention. But the account of this invasion in the chronicle follows the winding up of the narrative relating to the reign of Bhuvanaikabāhu I.. The Daladasirita states that Arya-cakravarti invaded Ceylon during the interregnum (raiyantara) which followed the demise of Bhuvanaikabahu. What is meant by the expression raiyantara (interregnum) is a period in which there was no king regarded as legitimate by the official historian.' AS we know that there was at the time a Jāvaka kingdom in North Ceylon which was hostile to Dambadeni, it would be justifiable to hold that this interregnum was brought about by the ruler of that kingdom. Perhaps the end of the reign of Bhuvanaikabahu I was caused by that ruler. However this may be, it seems probable that the fortress of Yapavu was captured and the Tooth Relic wrested by Arya-cakravarti from the Javaka king. We know that Bhuvanaikabāhu I was still alive in I283, for in that year he sent an embassy to Egypt. From Chinese Sources we learn that, in I287, Kublai Khan sent an 蠶 to South India in order to gain possession of the relics captured by Arya-cakravarti, whose invasion of Ceylon therefore must have occurred between those two dates. Arya-cakravarti is described in the Calavansa as a Damia general known by the name of Ariyacakkavatti, who though he was no Ariya was yet a dignitary of great power'.'
It is about this time that Arya-cakravartis find mention in South Indian inscriptions. The first is a record from the famous temple of Srirangam near Trichinopoly dated in the tenth year of Maravarman Kulasekhara whose accession took place in I268 A.C. The astronomical
I 22. Cūlavamisa, chap. xc, vv. 43-47; Cv. Tr., II, p. 2o4. I23. UCHC, 1, p. 63 I. I 24. For the interpretation of rajydntara, see UCHC, I, p. 631, n. 64. I 25. UCHIC, I, pp. 632-3.
I 26. Cv. Tr., II, p. 2o4.

THE ARYA KING-DOM IN NORTH CEYLON 207
details given in this record correspond to 6 December, I277 A.C. It records a gift of land, for supplying garlands to the deity, by a dignitary who bore the title of Ariya-cakravarti, whose personal name was Matitunkan (Matitunga) and who rejoiced in the viruda of taminimiruvenira perumal, 'the lord who stood alone and conquered'. He hailed from a place named Cakravarti-nallir in Cev virukkai-natu which was the old name of a territorial division in the modern Ramnad taluk. Two other inscriptions mentioning Arya-cakravartis are found in the Jagannatha-Svamin temple at Tiruppullani in the Ramnad taluk, a place that was in or close to the territorial division in which, according to the Srirangam inscription, was the home of the Arya-cakravarti of that record. One of the inscriptions at Tiruppullani, engraved on the second gopura of the temple, is somewhat mutilated, but enough is preserved to ascertain that its purport was to register a verbal order (tiru-mukam) of an Ariya-ccakravatti with the title Dévar', granting to the deity cowherds, whose names are given, belonging to his division or caste (vakai), together with the duties or taxes which he was entitled to receive from them. The record is dated in the 38th year of Kulasekhara, i.e. I306 A.C., and is thus twenty years later than the Srirangam record. The title Dévar' applied to this Arya-cakravarti, the fact that his order is called a tirumukam, and that there was an officer whose duty it was to write down his orders, indicate that he was a ruler; but his record being dated in the regnal years of the Pandya emperor establishes that he was a feudatory. As the personal name of this Aryacakravarti is not given in this inscription, it is not certain whether he was the same as the chieftain of that name referred to in the Srirangam inscription. The dates of the two inscriptions are not against such an identification, and these dates are close enough to the date of the Pandya invasion of Ceylon after the death of Bhuvanaikabahu I, for the identification of the leader of that invasion with either of these Arya-cakravartis. Another inscription at Tirippullani gives the names of two other dignitaries bearing this title, viz., Teyvac-cilaiyan Alagan alias Ariya-ccakkaravatti and Parakrama-pântiyan Ammān Irāman alias Va.kkai Ariya-ccakkaravatti. The inscription, however, has no indication of the exact date of either of these personages.
None of these names, apart from the element Arva, contains anything to indicate that those who bore them were of North Indian origin. At the same time, there is nothing in the names against Such a supposition. Sanskritic names were borne by people of North India as well as by the Dravidians, and in a Tamil inscription, such names are
127. A RE, 1937, p. 75, para 4o. For the identification of Cevvirukkainãtu, I am indebted to Shri K.S. Vaidyanathan of Coimbatore.
128. A RE, No. I IO of 1903. South Indian Inscriptions (SII), Vol. VII, p. 209, No. 396.
I 29. SII, Vol. VIII, No. 398.
3880-C

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given in the orthography and inflexions peculiar to that language. If these chieftains were Rajputs, they would nevertheless have borne titles and epithets that were in vogue in the Pandya empire, as they were in its service. The Calavamsa refers to the Arya-cakravarti as a Tamil chief, but this might not indicate anything more than that he commanded an army of a Tamil king, and came from the Tamil country. But the title Ariya-cakkavatti seems to have been considered unusual for a Tamil chief, hence the remark in the chronicle that he was so named even though he was not an Arya. This remark in the chronicle may also be due to the fact that the Aryas of Ceylon did not consider the Arya-cakravartis of the Pandya kingdom their peers.
It has been suggested that the Arya-cakravarti who led the Pandya. invasion which captured Yapavu was a ruler of Jaffna, and an inference has been drawn from this suggestion that the kingdom of the Arya-cakravartis of Jaffna had already been established by the second half of the thirteenth century. But the information given in the Srirangam inscription that the Arya-cakravarti of that record hailed from Cakravarti-nallir in the Cevvirukkai-natu, in which territorial division is the other place where inscriptions of Arya-cakravartis have been found, is against such a supposition. But there is one detail in the inscription at Tiruppullani. which establishes a connection between the Arya-cakravarti of that record and the later Jaffna rulers of that name. After the royal order, there occurs in that record the word Setu, written in Grantha. characters, in the manner of a benediction. In the Kotagama inscription of an unspecified Ariyan of Cinkai-nakar, the verse which comprises the record is prefaced by the same word written in Tamil characters (Cetu). The legend on the reverse of the coins of Jaffna kings is also Cetu in Tamil characters. In Tamil literary works contemporary with the Ariyan rulers, they are styled Cétu-kavalan or-kävalavan, the protector of Cetu'. Setu (T. Cetu), meaning 'causeway', is the name of Adam's Bridge; it is more particularly applied to the famous temple at Ramesvaram at one end of this Causeway. The Ariyans of Jaffna and the Aryacakravartis who are mentioned in South Indian inscriptions seem thus to have had a particular veneration for this celebrated shrine. And the place in South India which is given in inscriptions as the home of ala Arya-cakravarti is not far from Ramesvaram. Considering these facts, and the tradition recorded by de Queyroz that the forbears of the rulers. of Jaffna lived at Ramesvaram and were instrumental in building the temple there, it is reasonable to conclude that the Arya-cakravartis, before they settled in Jaffna, were living in this part of the Pandya dominions. The inscriptions of the Arya-cakravartis in South India record donations to Vaisnava shrines, but the symbol of the Ariyans of
I 3o. Rasanayagam, Ancient Jaffna, pp. 344 ff. See JCBRAS, XXVIII (No. 74), pp. 9I ff.
I3I. Cinkai-átipan-Cëtu-kávalan, Tkp. Cp. I. 23. Cëtukávalan-viiicai-viiicus. CekaräсасёRaraт, Cст., p. 4o, v. 5.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 209
Cinkai was the couchant Bull, which is Saivaite. Even if the Aryacakravartis were devoted to Visnu while they were in South India, they may have adopted Saivism, if that was the faith of the majority of their subjects in Jaffna.
In 1306, an Arya-cakravarti, as we have seen, was a feudatory ruler, under the Pandyas, of a territory in the Ramnad taluk, not far from Ramésvaram. The next contemporary reference to an Aryacakravarti is by Ibn Battita in I344. In that year, the Arab traveller was received by an Arya-cakravarti who had established himself as the ruler of North Ceylon. During the thirty-eight years between these two dates, momentous events had taken place in South India. The murder of Kulasekhara by his son Sundara Pandya in I3Io, and the struggle between Sundara and his brother Vira Pandya, gave occasion for Malik Kafur's invasion and the intervention in the affairs of the Pandya country by the Cera king. The Muslim conquerors added extensive areas of South India to their dominions, the last representative of the Pandya power being taken a prisoner to Delhi in I323. In 1334, a Muslim Sultante was established at Madhura. In these fateful years, which completely upset the political order that had existed in South India for centuries, Hindu temples were desecrated, Hindu women dishonoured, and many feudatory chieftains with their soldiers must have been deprived of the regular revenues that they enjoyed, had they succeeded in Surviving the calamities. Instead of submitting to the new masters, and living in penury and dishonour, bands of warriors who found no organised power to employ them and recompense them for their services, must have looked for new fields for their activities. This they would have done with greater alacrity if they had no traditions of long residence in the places where they lived. In such circumstances, what would have been more natural for the Arya-cakravartichiefs, and their soldiers near Ramesvaram, than to regard the Island across the narrow stretch of sea as the land of promise? If, as is deducible from the tradition recorded by de Queyroz, they had already established commercial and matrimonial alliances with the royal house then ruling in Jaffna, they could have expected a ready welcome in that quarter in their hour of distress. These refugees from the turmoil in South India would have added considerably to the military strength of the Jaffna kingdom of the Javakas, creating at the same time the necessity of securing new sources of revenue to maintain the refugees from the mainland. The rulers of Jaffna must have considered this an opportune time to renew their pressure on the territories of the Dambadeni king. Thus is explained the sudden collapse of the Dambadeni dynasty, and the end of Parakramabahu IV, in circumstances not recorded by historians, sometime after I 326 A.C. We have seen already that the dynasty which succeeded him was known by a name indicating its origin from Javaka kings of the North. Such a conclusion is also supported by the confused reference in the Kurundigala-vistara to uprisings of the people of Yapapatuna which made Anuradhapura

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desolate, and was the reason for aking named Parakramabahu to leave that city for Kurunagala, and later to shift from Kurunagala to Dambadeni, and for the death of a king named Vira Parakramabahu due to a rebellion.
The tradition, recorded in the Maidavala copper-plate of Saka I677, that the bhikkhus who were at Kurunagala were forced to leave that place on account of the war of Böda-mapananda, also accords with this conclusion,' for mappanan appears as a title attached to the names of several dignitaries who are stated in the Yum to have held high office under the first Arya king of Jaffna. The successors of the Kalinga kings of Polonnaru in North Ceylon were thus able to achieve their aim of extending their authority to South Ceylon, but at the expense of relegating the effective control of the North to the Aryacakravartis who came from Ramésvaram.
Having thus inquired into the probable origin of the Arya-cakravartis and the manner in which they gained mastery over North Ceylon, we now turn to the clear light shed on the person of an Arya-cakravarti by a traveller who has left an account of his dealings with that ruler. I refer to the famous Moorish traveller, Ibn Battita, who, travelling from the Maldives, arrived in I344 in the territories of the Arya-cakravarti of that time.84 The port at which Ibn Batuta was forced to land, and which is described as the residence of the Arya-cakravarti, is called Battala. When the ship arrived at this harbour, the sailors were loth to land there, for they said that it was not in the country of the king whose territory merchants can enter with security, but in the territory of king Ayri Shakravarti, a vicious tyrant who owns ships which carry on piracy'. Ibn Battita, however, was confident that his connection with the Sultan of Ma'bar would ensure him a friendly welcome, and went to the residence of the ruler. He had guessed rightly, and when Ibn Battita introduced himself, Arya-cakravarti received him with graciousness, extended hospitality to him, gave him presents and made all necessary arrangements for his undertaking a pilgrimage to Adam's Peak, one of the main purposes of his visit to this Island.
The captain of the ship in which Ibn Battita sailed remained as
Arya-cakravarti's guest until the traveller returned from the Peak. Arya-cakravarti is said to have understood Persian, and apparently conversed with Ibn Batuta without the help of an interpreter - a detail which might be of some significance for the probable North Indian origin of his family. At the time of Ibn Batuta's arrival, Aryacakravarti was examining the collections from a pearl-fishery, and the conversation naturally turned on this subject, with which he was well informed. Arya-cakravarti was strong at sea, and Ibn Batuta has
132. JCBRAS, XXXII (No. 86), p. 26I.
I33. Brito, op. cit., p. 15.
I34. The account which follows is based on Mahdi Hussain's translation of
The Rehla of Ibn Batuta, Gaekward's Oriental Series, No. CXXII, Baroda, 1953, pp. 217-8, and p. 224.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 2.
recorded that, on one occasion, he saw "one hundred of his ships, Small as well as big' which had arrived in Ma'bar. "And in the harbour there lay at anchor eight ships of the Sultan of Ma'bar bound for Yemen. The Sultan ordered that preparations should be made and he collected troops with a view to protecting his ships. Despaired of availing thenselves of an opportunity to waylay the ships, the Ceylonese said, 'We come here only to protect our own ships which are also bound for Yemen'. This episode indicates that the relations between the Aryacakravarti and the Muslim ruler at Madhura were anything but amicable — a state of things quite understandable if, as we have argued above, the Arya-cakravartis were forced out of their home in South India due to Muslim aggression.
Battala, the seat of the Arya-cakravarti, is described as 'a beautiful little town surrounded by wooden walls and wooden towers'. On his way to Adam's Peak from Battala, Ibn Battita passed through a place named Manar-Mandali, stated to be a beautiful city lying at the extremity of the king's dominion. Ibn Battita returned through Galle and Colombo, arriving from Colombo at Battala after three days. The translators of Ibn Battita have taken Battala to be Puttalam, and Manar-Mandali to be Mundel. But Manar is more likely to be Mannar. The two names Manar and Mandali are given by Ibn Battita as the designations of one and the same place. The Nikaya-Sangraha closes the list of Magha's fortresses with Mandali and Mannara. The association of the two names by Ibn Batuta is thus supported by a Sinhalese work of the fourteenth century. Mannar is of greater strategic importance for a fort than Mundel, and we may therefore conclude that it was this place through which Ibn Battita passed on his way from Battala to Adam's Peak before reaching Bandara-Salavata, i.e. Chilaw. Battala must therefore have been to the north of Mannar. The name Battala has been compared with "Putalam' in Jafane-en-putalam, as the name of Jaffna has been given by de Queyroz, and it has been suggested that Jaffna is the place described by Ibn Battita. This is plausible,
I35. Ns. Tr., p. 23.
I36. De Queyroz, p. 47, Pattanama becomes Pattalama in Sinhalese, witness Naga-pattalama. The form found in de Queyroz indicates that his information about Jaffna was derived from a Sinhalese source. With regard to the identity of the port at which Ibn Battita arrived, it is important to note that, sailing from the Maldive Islands, he saw Adam's Peak on approaching Ceylon. The intention of the ship's captain was to land at a port on the western or southern Coast of the Island, in the territories of the Sinhalese king, where he was certain of a friendly reception. This he could not do due to adverse winds, and the ship was carried to Battala. The sailors of the ship must have had a view of Adam's Peak off the western or southern coast of Ceylon, and if the vessel was carried by the wind northwards off the western coast, it is doubtful whether it could have safely negotiated the narrow passages through Adam's Bridge, or the passage between Mannar and Ceylon, to arrive in Jaffna from that direction. It is also very unlikely that a vessel being carried away by a monsoon gale could have entered the Puttalam Lagoon to reach Puttalam. The possibility, therefore, is that the vessel was off the southern coast of Ceylon when the mariners sighted Adam's Peak, and was carried by the wind northwards off the eastern coast, and arrived in Jaffna or some other port in the north from that direction.

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and the fact that he had to cross a river on his way from Battala to Manar-Mandali accords with such an identification. But Ibn Battita's statement that he arrived in Battala three days after leaving Colombo appears to be inconsistent with this identification.
Ibn Battita calls Arya-cakravarti'the Sultan of Ceylon.' Too much significance should not be attached to this, for Ibn Battuta has also referred to Alagakkonara as 'emperor', while in a contemporary Sinhalese inscription he is called an amatyottama. It has been suggested that the Arya-cakravartiexercised some sort of suzerainty over the southern parts of the Island as he arranged for Ibn Batuta's visit to Adam's Peak. There is, however, no force in such an argument; pilgrims from many lands came to Adam's Peak, as we are informed by Marco Polo, and the Yogis who accompanied Ibn Battita to Adam's Peak would have been as free to go on their pilgrimage as devotees from any part of the world. The king through whose territories lay the route to Adam's Peak would not have derived any benefit by molesting peaceful pilgrims.
Sixteen years after Ibn Battita met an Arya-cakravarti, however, the Madavala inscription, to which reference has already been made, provides evidence to show that a Marttandam-perumal, presumably an Arya-cakravarti, was powerful enough to impose a treaty on the 'Gampala monarch, by which he appointed his tax-collectors within the territories of that kingdom. Elsewhere, we have discussed in detail the course of events in the Sinhalese kingdom which led to an Arya-cakravarti intervening in its affairs. The find at Kotagama of an inscription of a triumphant Ariyan of Cinkai indicates that the army of the Aryacakravarti was advancing against a king who resided at Dadigama, i.e. Parakramabahu V. The Magulmahavihara inscriptions inform us that a king named Parakrama was ruling Rohana after he had vanquished Soli (Tamil) forces. Parakramabahu V was forced out of his capital and maintained himself with a semblance of authority in a restricted sphere in Rohana, and Vikramabāhu III, with Alakesvara as his Prime Minister, emerges as monarch of Gampala. According to the Garhpala (Vigulavatta) inscription, the first day of the waning moon of the month of Asala in the fourth year of Vikramabahu III was in the Sakayear I282. The eighth day of the waxing moon in Uiduvap of the third year of that monarch - the date of the Madavala inscription - must therefore have been in Saka I28I, the equivalent in the Christian era being
I37. UCHC, Vol. I, pp. 64I-5.
138. EZ, Vol. IV, p. 168. It is noteworthy that the Rajavali also states that the Arya-cakravarti invaded the territories of the Garinpala king with thousands of Tamil men from the country of Soli' (Rv. Tr., p. 57). It is possible that the Aryacakravarti employed mercenaries from the Coromandel coast. On the other hand, it is not impossible that Soli in both places is due to a confusion of that name with Savulu, as the Javakas of North Ceylon appear to have been known to the Sinhalese.

THE ARYA KINGOOM IN NORTH CEYLON 213
Thursday, 28 November, I359. On this date was ratified the treaty between Vikramabāhu III and Marttāņdam-perumāļ. But Parākrama bahu V, the last two or three years of whose reign ran concurrently with the initial years of Vikramabahu III, maintained his ground against the invader for some time after this. For the inscription of Parakramabahu V at Hapugastānna, not far from Madavala, refers to the third of the waxing moon in Uiduvap of the Saka year I28I, which was a Sunday on which the naksatra was Pusa (Pusya). These details work correctly to Sunday, 8 December, I359. Having come to an agreement with Vikramabāhu III, Martāņdam would have, without much difficulty, gained a decisive victory over Parakramabahu V, as proved by the combined evidence of the Kotagama and Magulmahavihara inscriptions.
A noteworthy point in the Mādavala inscription is that Marttandam, the Arya-cakravarti, is referred to as a perumal only, while Vikramabahu is styled cakravartti-svamin. This indicates that the Arya-cakravarti, though he was powerful enough to dictate terms to the Gampala monarch, had not assumed regal titles. The de jure right of Vikramabahu to the sovereignty over the whole Island is recognised by the treaty. If, as we have surmised, the Savulu family, to which Vikramabahu belonged, was a continuation of the Javaka family of North Ceylon, by a matrimonial alliance with which the Arya-cakravartis gained the title to their authority, the ruler of Jaffna. would have considered Vikramabahu as the head of the family. In the literary works of the Garinpala period also, the Arya-cakravarti is nowhere called a king. Perumal, it should be noted, is also the title by which an Arya-cakravarti is referred to in the Srirangam inscription. It thus appears that the Arya-cakravartis, for about two generations after they established themselves in the North, were content with the substance of power and did not hanker after its trappings. In the literature of the KÖtte period, on the other hand, the Arya-cakravarti is called a raia, and in Tamil literary works of which the precise date is not known, royal epithets like kon, komdn and vendan are applied to them.
The Kotagama and Mādavala inscriptions are thus witnesses to the utmost expansion of the power of the Arya-cakravartis of Jaffna. As I have pointed out elsewhere, it was rivalry between Gampala and Rayigama which paved the way to Marttanda Arya-cakravarti's intervention, but that intervention resolved this rivalry, and Alakesvara. of Rayigama gained a dominating position at the Ganpala court. Having gained control of affairs, Alakesvara made preparations to end the humiliating position to which the sovereign of Ganpala had been, reduced. When he felt strong enough to resist the Arya-cakravarti, the:
I 39. For the inscriptions referred to, see JCBRAS, Vol. XXIII (No. 65), pp. 362-3.

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latter's tax-collectors were driven away.' And when the Arya-cakravarti came with a formidable force to reassert his authority, he suffered a decisive defeat. This victory of Alakesvara is referred to in the Niyarngampaya inscription dated in the seventeenth year of Vikramabāhu III;
thus the period during which the Arya-cakravarti dominated the Ganpala kingdom was less than fourteen years. The Arya-cakravarti
appears to have attempted once again to establish his power, but without
Success, as indicated by the Sagama inscription and the statement in
the Saddharmaratnakara that Alakesvara chased out the Arya-cakravarti
time after time (varin vara).“ Not long after this, the Vijayanagara
Empire secured the hegemony of South India, and the Arva-cakravartis,
reduced to the position of vassals, do not appear to have been in a
position to take advantage of the internal dissensions in the Gampala
kingdom which followed the death of Alakesvara. When Prince Sapu
mal marched against the Arya-cakravarti about I450, it was necessary for him to defeat a Kannadi (Vijayanagar) garrison at Javakakötte before he could advance to Jaffna.
Having thus passed in review the references to the Arya-cakravartis in South India as well as in Ceylon, to which a definite date can be assigned, we take up for consideration those that are indefinite with regard to persons as well as dates. The references which have a bearing on the origin of the Arya-cakravartis have already been noted. According to these literary references, the standard of the Arya-cakravartis was the figure of a bull.' The king who has received most praise from the poets is named Cekaracacekaran. According to the Km, the first Ariyan king of Cinkai was known by this name which, together with that of Pararacacekaran, are taken to have been adopted alternately by the rulers of Jaffna as their throne names, in the same manner as Sirisanghabodhi' and 'Silameghavanna' were adopted by the Sinhalese kings of the later Anuradhapura period, Rajakesarivarman' and 'Parakesarivarman by the Cola kings, and 'Jatavarman and 'Maravarman' by the Pandyas. The Cekaracacékaran eulogised in the Cem, an astrological work, is called 'Varötayan, the Ariya of Manavai, the king of kings', in one verse. Another verse refers to the sacred thread worn on the
14o. The translation of the Rajaival, p. 57, has it that Alakesvara hanged the tax-collectors of the Arya-cakravarti, and this has been repeated in all the modern writings on the history of this period. This, however, is a brutality committed, not by Alakesvara, but by the copyists of the Rajavali, who wrote the last two letters of the Sinhalese word elava (having driven away) so close together that they were mistaken by the editor of that text to have been joined together, giving rise to the reading elvd having hanged'. The version of the Raijavali known as the Alakesvarayuddhaya has the reading elaviha (Jidinaidarsa, Vol. X, p. 3o).
I41. Saddharmaratndkara, op. cit. p., 293I42. Ccm. Cp., stanza 5, Tkp. Cp., 1. 22; Km., l. 60-61.
143. Mannar-тати Cekarӑсасёkaran Maтavai-y-Ariya-Иarӧtayan, Cст., р. б9, Vo... I O.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 215.
breasts of Cekaracacekaran learned in the three kinds of Tamil. Yet another verse associates with him a place named Kantamalai or Kantamatanam, the identity of which is not certain.' The king appears to have been a man of letters himself, and was a great patron of Tamil poets and scholars. But the literary works mentioning him give no clue to decide the date at which he flourished.
The Ccm, in its preface, after giving the mythological account of the origin of the Āriyans, which we have quoted above, refers in a very tantalising manner to the achievements of several of the predecessors of its author's patron, Cekaracacekaran. One stanza refers to two earlier rulers in the following words: "The king who went, fought and conquered the Karunatar (Canarese) at Antaravalli and the king who punished the PÖcalan (Hoysala) by cutting off the trunk of his enraged elephant that came against him'. It has been conjectured that the second reference is to the battle of Kannantir Koppam, in which Jatavarman Sundara. Pandva defeated the Hoysala king Somesvara. From South Indian sources, a battle fought at a place named Antaravalli against the Karnatas is not known. Even more devoid of ascertainable facts is another eulogy which reads: "And the king who presented 3,700 wild elephants to poets and the one who inscribed the bull flag and (the emblem) Cetu in profusion on the nine continents, and the king who gave the name of his dynasty to the north wind and the south wind and the ruler who presented elephants to the beggars'. It is not possible that some of the rulers eulogised were the Arya-cakravatis of South India, while others were kings of the Javaka house which preceeded the Arya-cakravartis on the throne of Jaffna.
Cekaracacékaran himself is praised in the Con as 'the king who on seeing the lotus-like hands of the Pandya joining together on his forehead (i.e. worshipping him) presented him with gold and a herd of elephants pouring streams of must'. Apart from the testimony of the poet, there is no other evidence to show that a Pandya ruler humbled himself in this manner before a Jaffna potentate for no other reason than greed for wealth. Cekaracacekaran is also praised for having presented to the chief of Omantai prancing horses, heaps of treasures, a title and right to govern the country'.' Once again, we have no means of ascertaining the historical significance of this statement. A
L00S LLLLCS0SLCLCLSCC LCCLCCCCCCCL CCCCLSSLLLCCSCCCCLCCLGLC CCCCS ttSCCCCCCS CCCCS p. 53, V. 37.
I 45. Ccm. Cp., v. II. Kantamalai-y-Ariyar kön Cekarācacēkara-man Kaňkai1zatan.
146. Coin. Cp., v. II. The translations of this verse and the others which follow are those of Mudaliyar Rasanayagam in Ancient Jaffna.
п.47. Сст. Ср., V. 7. 148. Cст. Ср., v.о.
49. Ibid.

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medical work, also going under the name of Cekaracacekaram, says: “The information as regards body, blood, bones, arteries and veins above described was, to dispel whatever little doubt that remained, obtained by repeated measurements on the bodies of the Northerners (Vatakkar), which the great sword of the victorious Cekarácacekaran of Cinkai had rolled on the battlefield'.50 Who these Northerners were, and where and in what circumstances were they slain in battle by Cekarácacekaran, to the benefit of the medical research of those days, are questions on which no information is forthcoming. The section on serpent-lore (carp pacastiram) of the same medical work informs us that "the earth is covered by the shade of the white umbrella of Cekaracacékaran, the king of the Aryas, residing at Cinkai, who wields his sceptre so that the kings of Ceylon wearing crowns resplendant with sapphires measure their tribute in gold'. This may be based more on actuality than the statement that one of the king's predecessors inscribed the embleran of the bull in profusion on the nine continents, but that actuality need not have been anything more than the homage and the tribute paid by Vanni chieftains. A stray verse in the Tamil-navalar-caritai eulogises Ariya-cekaran, assumed to be the same as Cekaracacekaran, in the following words: "He who made crowned heads to attend at the door of the poet and to beg for his elephant was Cinkai Ariya-cekaran who inscribes (his emblem) the Bull on the nine continents, on the breasts and shoulders of his enemies and on the golden Meru'.'
This is about all that the Tamil literature of Jaffna has to tell us about the rulers who flourished when this literature was produced. The modern historian derives very little assistance from this source. Let us now turn to what the Yum has to say of the successors of Vicaya-kulankai. 158
Kulacēkara (Kulaśekhara)-Cińkai-Äriyan, the son and successor of Vicaya-kulankai, was of a pacific disposition and is said to have introduced salutary reforms in the administration, thereby increasing his revenue and winning the estimation of his people. This king was succeeded by his son, Kulottunka (Kulottunga)-Cinkai-Ariyan, whose reign, too, was a peaceful one. He, it is said, assisted his subjects in bringing waste lands under cultivation. The next king was VikkiramaCinkai-Ariyan, the son of the previous ruler. In his reign, the slumbering discontent of the indigenous population flared up in a violent form, The Sinhalese, who felt that their religious liberties were interfered with
15o. Quoted by C. Rasanayagam in his Ancient Jaffna, p. 292, from a medical -work named Cekaracacekaram.
151. Quoted by C. Rasanayagam in Ancient Jaffna, p. 358, from the same medical work, as in note above.
I52. Tamil-navalay-caritai, op. Cit., p. 53. 153. The narrative which follows is based on Brito, op. cit., pp. 18-33.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 27
by the new settlers from South India, created a disturbance under the leadership of one Puffici-vanta (banda). As a result, two Tamils lost their lives and a few others were wounded. The Ariyan inquired into the matter, executed Pufici-vanta and seventeen of his followers, and condemned a number of others to imprisonment. Many Sinhalese left Jaffna after these happenings, and those who remained behind in their traditional homeland were brooding with discontent and hatred towards the ruler for his partiality towards the Tamils. After the demise of this king, his son, Varötaya (Varodaya)-Cinkai-Ariyan, succeeded to the throne, and by restraining 'all classes within their proper limits', adopted a conciliatory attitude towards those who showed signs of disaffection during the previous reign. The last expression probably meant that the ruler endeavoured to curb the overbearing attitude of the new settlers.
Varötayan bequeathed a peaceful and prosperous kingdom to his
son and successor, Marttainta (Marttanda)-Cinkai-Ariyan. His reign was disturbed by an insurrection of his subjects, presumably the Sinhalese, who were incited by the Vanni chiefs. The king, however, had no difficulty in quelling the uprising. He, it is said, ruled justly and humanely, was a patron of learning and promoted agriculture. His death was mourned by both sections of his subjects, the Sinhalese as well as the Tamils. He was succeeded by his son, Kunapticana (Gunabhisana)- Cinkai-Ariyan who followed in the footsteps of his father, lived to an extreme old age, and abdicated in favour of his son, Virotaya (Virodaya)- Cinkai-Ariyan.
Virötayan had his hands full in dealing with the Vannis who kept on inciting the Sinhalese of Jaffna into rebellion. The youthful king, however, was able to put down these risings without much difficulty, and decided to remove their cause by subduing the Vannis. He, accordingly, marched into the territories of the Vannis with a large and wellequipped army, and gained victory in a number of engagements with them. The Vanni chiefs, presumably, had not made any preparations to meet the invader in a concerted action. Virotayan gave the territories. of the Vannis to rapine and plunder, and utterly broke their spirit. The fate of the Vannis forced his Sinhalese subjects to give up their hostile attitude to the king, who henceforward adopted a policy of reconciliation towards them.
In the reign of Virótayan, it is reported, a king of Maturai, named Cantiracékara-paintiyan (Candrasekkara Pandya) who was deprived of his throne by his enemies, fled to Jaffna, and solicited the aid of its ruler to regain his lost patrimony. Virótayan is said to have crossed over to: the Pandya country, captured Maturai after many hard-fought battles. and installed his protégé on the throne. While the king was thus preoccupied abroad, the Vannis, it is said, approached the king of Kandy (i.e., the Sinhalese monarch of the time) and solicited his assistance in

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creating a diversion in the territories of the Jaffna king. The Sinhalese king, however, declined to intervene, and the Vannis had to appease the wrath of Virótayan, when he returned covered with glory, by means of costly presents. But Virotayan's enemies at home seem to have got their own back by less honourable methods, for he died suddenly while still in his youth, and it was suspected at the time that he had been poisoned, though the guilt does not seem to have been brought home to any one.
Ceyavīra (Jayavīra)-Cińkai-Äriyaŋ, the son of Vīrõtayan, was a mere stripling when he came to the throne, but he was a capable ruler, and under him the kingdom prospered exceedingly. In the year I38o of the Saka era, so it is said, he went to war with Puvanekavaku (Bhuvanaikabahu) of Kandy to settle a dispute over the pearl-fishery at Calapatti (Salavata, i.e. Chilaw), and emerged as victor, with the result that he raised the lyre flag over the whole of Lanka. At the intercession of the Pandya, however, he restored the kingdom of Kandy to Parakkirama-vaku (Parakramabahu), who undertook to pay him an annual tribute. And Kandy is said to have been tributary to Jaffna for a number of successive reigns after that.
Ceyaviran, who died after a long and glorious reign, was succeeded by his son Kunavira (Gunavira)-Cinkai-Ariyan, in whose reign the king of Kandy neglected to pay tribute. Kunaviran thereupon made war upon the king of Kandy, and wrested from him some territory in which he settled Tamil colonists. He is also said to have rendered assistance of an unspecified nature to the Nayaks of Maturai.
Kanakaciiriya (Kanakasirya)-Cinkai-Ariyan, who succeeded his father, Kunaviran, was forced to leave his kingdom by his Sinhalese subjects, who rose in arms against him with the help of the Vanni chieftains. He crossed over to South India with his consort and two sons of tender age. Leaving the boys at Tirikkövallir and making arrangements for their education there, he and his consort went on a pilgrimage to holy places as far as Káci (Benares). The leader of the Sinhalese, Vicayavaku (Vijayabahu) by name, occupied the vacant throne and ruled the country for seventeen years, oppressing the Tamil population. At last, being assured of a turn in the wheel of fortune by a divine apparition, Kanakactiriyan returned to Jaffna with his two sons, now grown to manhood, and a powerful army. Vicayavaku was taken by surprise, butput up a stiff resistance which, however, was of no avail against the valour of Pararacacekaran, the elder son of Kankaciiriyan. The Sinhalese leader lost his life, and Kankactiriyan, being restored to the throne, meted out retribution to those who forced him into exile. In this predicament, many Sinhalese left the Jaffna kingdom to the territories of the Kandy king; those who could not do so lived in terror of the Tamils who were now in the ascendant.
Not long after his restoration, Kankactiriyan died leaving the kingdom to Pararácacsékaran who was a great patron of learned men.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 29
His brother was named Cekaracacekaran. He had a number of sons from his two consorts, and one named Cankili from a concubine. Cankili contrived to get rid of the legitimate princes and capture the throne for himself. After a long reign of tyranny, he lost his kingdom to the Portuguese.
This account, summarised from the Yum, sounds impressive, and may pass muster as history, if there is no such thing as chronology and if the history of the lands neighbouring Jaffna were altogether unknown. The metamorphosis of Srisaighabodhi Bhuvanaikabahu to a Brahmin minister of the first Ariyan king, and the date assigned to him being six centuries earlier than the time in which he lived, have already been noted. This clear case of confusion makes one doubt whether the succession of kings took place in the order given in the Yvm, or whether they were in fact related to each other in the manner stated therein. The building of the Nallur temple in the reign of the first king of Cinkai is said to have taken place in Saka 870 (948 A.C.), but an event which is said to have taken place in the reign of that king's eighth successor, namely the war over the pearl-fishery, is assigned to Saka I38o (1458 A.C.) more than five hundred years later. Kanakaciiriyan, who according to the Yum was forced to flight, has reasonably been identified with the Arya-cakravarti who was defeated by Prince Sapumal and fled abroad. Prince Sapumal conquered Jaffna in I45o or the previous year, but Kanakaciiriyan, according to the Yum, was the grandson of a king who reigned for a considerable number of years after I458. And Cankili, who was dispossessed by the Portuguese in 1618, is represented as a grandson of Kanakactiriyan. In this state of confusion in the source, modern writers have not hesitated to shift Some of the rulers from the positions given to them by the eighteenth century Pulavar, to credit certain kings with achievements which the Yum has recorded to have been of others, and to assign dates in accordance with what they take the course of history would have been.
To take an example, in spite of the mention of Kandy as the capital of Bhuvanaikabahu with whom Ceyavirau is said to have gone to war, and the date Saka I 38o (I458 A.C.) given in the Yvm for the victorious termination of that war, certain writers would identify this Bhuvanaikabahu as the first Sinhalese king of that name, whose capital was at Yapavu and whose reign terminated in I284. But such an attempt to introduce order into the confusion left to us by the old Pulavar would create serious difficulties in other directions. According to the Yum, Kanakaciiriyan was the grandson of Ceyaviran, and if we credit the latter with a victory over Bhuvanaikabāhu I in or about I284, over one hundred and fifty years elapsed between him and his grandson, whose flight took place in or about 1450.
I54. See note I2O above.

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The references in the Yum to relations of the Ariyan kings of Cinkai with South Indian potentates cannot also be reconciled with what is known of the history of the region, No Pandya king named Cantiracekeran (Candrasekhara) is known, either from literature or from epigraphy, to have flourished between the ninth century and the sixteenth.And Virotayan is said to have had, as his ally, a Setupati ruler, who belonged to a family that emerged into prominence in the seventeenth century, after the Ariyans themselves had ceased to rule in North Ceylon. The Nayaks of Madhura, whom Kunaviran is said to have befriended, came on the scene of history much later than the date that should be ascribed to him if his successor, Kanakacuriyan, be taken as the ruler who was forced into exile by Prince Sapumal. Attempts have been made to solve these chronological and other difficulties by arbitrarily shifting the places given to various kings in the order of succession by the Yum, and by the substitution of other names for those which do not square with established facts. For instance, it is proposed to read Sundara Pandya in place of Cantiracekaran, and to credit Varótayan with the exploits which the Yum has recorded of Virotayan.' But these shiftings of positions and alterations of names, effected without any support from documentary or monumental evidence, can only be considered as individual expressions of undisciplined opinion, and not as established historical facts.
Of the names of rulers given in the Yum, there is only one that appears to be attested by contemporary Tamil literature. The Cem refers to Cekaracacekaran as Varötavan also;' but this in itself is of no help in deciding the date of that king. The only instance of a certain date for a ruler named in the Yum is furnished by the Miidavala inscription, from which we learn that Marttanolam imposed a treaty on the Ganpala ruler in I350 A.C. The Yvm, however, does not give credit to Marttaintacinkai-ariyan for any victories over the Sinhalese. His military exploits, in that source, are limited to the quelling of an insurrection among his subjects fomented by the Vanni chieftains. According to the Yum, this Marttaintan was the son of Varotayan, i.e. Cekaracacekaran of Tamil literature. If we can rely on the Yum for this relationship, the Cekardcacekara-malai and a number of other works composed in the reign of Varotayan can be assigned to the first half of the fourteenth century.
The only event pertaining to the relations of the Jaffna rulers with Sinhalese kings mentioned by the Yum, with names of personages and other details capable of verification, is the war said to have been waged by Ceyavira-Cinkai-Ariyan over the pearl-fishery. In this account, a king named Bhuvanaikabahu who was succeeded by a Parākramabāhu is mentioned. Disregarding the anachronism in the date, and the erroneous reference to these kings as rulers of Kandy, there are five
I 55. UCHIC, I, pp. 695-6. 156. Ccm., Palawinaippasalam, op. cit., p. 69, v. 1O.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON - 22
Bhuvanaikabahus - the first, the second, the fourth, the fifth and the sixth of that name - whose successors were Parakramabahus. With regard to Bhuvanaikabahu VI, that king was himself the ruler of Jaffna, and if the Arya-cakravarti was restored during his reign, it is doubtful whether the latter, so soon after his return from exile, was in a position to undertake an invasion of the Sinhalese dominions. There is no evidence in Sinhalese sources for such a war in the reign of Bhuvanaikabahu V, sufficiently close in time for his successor, Parakramabahu VI, to be involved. If the Naranbadda inscription is that of Parākramabahu IV, there seems to have been an invasion by the Tamils, probably the forces of the king of Jaffna, of the Maya country, but during the reign of his predecessor, the evidence for such a war is lacking. In the time of Bhuvanaikabahu IV and Parakramabahu V, who for the greater parts of their reigns, were contemporaries, such a war might have been possible. For it is just after the end of Parākramabahu V's reign that we find Marttāņdam-perumā stationing his tax-collectors in the territories of the Gampala king. But the intervention of the Pandya king was not possible in this period, for that empire had collapsed several decades before this time, and other powers had arisen in what were once their dominions.
Pandya intervention would have been possible in the reigns of Bhuvanaikabāhu II and Parākramabāhu IV, but there is no evidence for that either in Sinhalese sources or Pandya inscriptions. On the other hand, the Sinhalese chronicle refers to a Pandya intervention which was followed by the accession of Parakramabahu III, sometime after the demise of Bhuvanaikabahu I. This Pandya intervention took place as a military expedition led by an Arya-cakravarti who, as we have pointed out before, was not a ruler of Jaffna, but a South Indian feudatory of the Pandya emperor. According to the Sinhalese sources, this expedition of Arya-cakravarti took place during a time when there was no rightful king ruling in Ceylon. As we have already surmised, this interregnum was probably caused by a successful invasion of the Sinhalese kingdom by the ruler of North Ceylon, who at that time was not an Arya-cakravarti, but a Javaka, the son of Magha or of Candrabhanu. The account of the embassy sent to Egypt by Bhuvanaikabahu I indicates that he considered the pearl-banks as coming within his territories. And it is quite likely that the Northern ruler contested this position, and that in the warfare which ensued, Bhuvanaikabahu I himself lost his life.
There is also one significant detail in the Yum account of this war which points to the conclusion that it was not an Arya-cakravarti who defeated the Sinhalese king on this occasion. The Yum boasts that as the result of this war, the flag of Yalpanam, Gemini holding the lyre (nitunayalakkoti) waved over the whole of Lanka. It is well known that
157. UCHC, I, p. 634, note 74. I 58. JCBRAS, Vol. XXVIII (No. 72), pp. 83-4.

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the symbol on the flag or the banner of the Ariyans of Cinkai was not a lyre, but a bull. Literature contemporary with the Ariyans refers to the bull-banner of these rulers in numerous places'', and the author of the Yvn, the Scholar that he was, must have been conversant with these passages. He must, therefore, have mentioned the lyre-banner as the source on which he based his account gave this information. Now, an inscription of the second year of Kulottuńga III, corresponding to II So A.C. - a date falling within the reign of Parakramabahu I - refers to vinaikkoti-Cinkalar, the Sinhalese whose flag is the lyre'." This inscription also refers to other peoples mentioning their distinctive banners, and with regard to them the information is accurate. We may therefore take it as a fact that, in the reign of Parakramabahu I, the banner or the flag of the Sinhalese bore the representation of the lyre. The Kalinga kings of Polonnaru claimed in their inscriptions to be the legitimate Successors of Parākramabahu I, and it has been conclusively established that these Kalingas were really Javakas. After Magha the Kalinga, i.e. the Javaka, was dislodged from Polonnaru, he and his successors established themselves in North Ceylon, from where they made every effort to extend their power to the South held by a house which depended on Pandya support. This Northern kingdom of Javaka must have continued to use the royal insignia of the Polonnaru kings, which included the lyre-flag. Thus, this detail furnished by Mayilvakana-pulavar supports the conclusion arrived at from other evidence that the war over the pearl-fishery, which is said to have taken place in the reign of an Ariyan named Ceyaviran, was really fought by a Javaka king, most probably Sendemain or Sendernam of Marco Polo.
There is a tradition that the principal shrines at Ramesvaram were built in Saka 1336 (I4I4 A.C.), by Udaiyar Setupati, with the aid of a Ceylon prince styled Pararajasekhara, the latter having had the stones hewn at Tirikkönamalai, and numbered on the spot, ready to be put together. This is said to be supported by the architectural style of the buildings themselves, and by the inscriptions on the base of the shrines'." "Pararajasekhara', as stated above, was one of the throne names of the Jaffna rulers. But there is no reference in this tradition to the personal name of a ruler of Jaffna, and the Yilm does not mention this meritorious act in connection with any of the kings named therein. The association of a Setupati with Pararajasekhara is an anachronism in the tradition. The inscriptions referred to have not come to light; it is said that they were destroyed or removed during the suit between the priests and the Raja of Ramnad about 1866.6
п59. See above, note 132.
6o. SII, Vol. V, No. 645 (p. 269). I61. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII, p. 315. 162. Rasanayagam, Ancient. Jafna, p. 366.

THE ARYA KINGDOM IN NORTH CEYLON 223
Among the references to Ceylon in the inscriptions of Vijayanagara emperors and their military commanders and feudatories, there is no direct mention of Jaffna or its rulers until we come to I435 A.C. The claim of Virtipaksa (I385 A.C.) that he weighed himself against gold at Ramesvaram' indicates that the rulers of Jaffna must have felt the power of the Vijayanagara empire towards the close of the fourteenth century. The title of Sétukavalan borne by the Arya-cakravartis need not imply any control of Ramesvaram by them during this period; it might have been inherited from the earlier Arya-cakravartis of South India, of whom it was a reality. The title of Lord of the Eastern, Western and Southern Seas' assumed by Harihara II (1337 - - I404) probably indicates that the Vijayanagara empire had by this time checked the piratical activities and the naval power of the Arya-cakravartis, but it was necessary for the imperial general in Madhura, Lakkanna-dandanayaka, to undertake, sometime before I435, a campaign to destroy Iyalpanam (Jaffna). His title of Daksinasamudradhipati (Lord of the Southern Ocean) is evidence that he was successful in this campaign, and that the naval power of the Aryacakravartis was terminated, they themselves being brought to a state of vassalage. The inscription of Saka I357 (I435 A.C.), which mentions this achievement of Lakkanna-dandanayaka, contains the first direct mention of the kingdom of Jaffna in a Vijayanagara document, and the first reference to it by the name, Yalpanam, by which it is called today by the Tamils."
The Pandya ruler Arikesari Parākrama Pandya (1422-I46I) in Some of his inscriptions which are assignable to I449/50 and I453/54, claims victories gained at Cinkai and Anurai. Of these two places, the first was the capital of the Arya-cakravartis, and the second is Anuradhapura. These refer to a time when Jaffna had been captured by Prince Sapumal and, if Parakrama Pandya's claims are based on facts, there appears to have been fighting between his forces and those of Prince Sapumal. As Prince Sapumal continued to be in occupation of Jaffna for over two decades from its conquest in or about 450, the victories of Parakrama Pandya, if he actually gained them, do not
I63. UCHC, I, pp. 686 ff.
I64. Epigraphia India, Vol. XI, pp. 3oof.
I 65. Ibid., III, p. I 25.
I66. SI I, Vol. VII, No. 778.
167. Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam (Ancient Jaffna, p. 248) has given a stanza containing the name Yalppanayal-pattinam, as found in the Tiruppukal of Arunakiri-natar, without referring to chapter or page of the printed text. I have not been able to find this particular verse in any edition of the Tiruppukal. Even if the stanza in question is of Arunakiri-nitar, the reference is not earlier than the inscription, for this poet cannot have flourished before the middle of the fifteenth
century.
I 68. Traçlancore Archaeological Series, Vol. VI, No. II, pp. 8و-و.r:

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appear to have had any lasting results. It has been suggested that Manabhtisana, who was conquered by Narasa Nayaka in the reign of Immadi Narasimha (I49I-I505), was a ruler of Jaffna. The reason given for this assumption is that Manabharana' was a title taken by the rulers of Jaffna too, and that possibly they bore the title of Manabhusana, also. But there is no evidence whatever that the Jaffna rulers ever fancied the title of 'Manabharana' or “Manabhusana. And the reference to Manabhusana in the Narayanivilasam does not suggest that he was a personage different from the Pandya.
According to the Yum, it was during thereign of Cankili, a grandson of Kanakactiriyan, who regained his throne in the last quarter of the fifteenth century, that the Portuguese made themselves masters of Jaffna. It has been pointed out that the Yum has confused this Cankili, referred to by the Portuguese writers as Xaga Raja Pandar with Cankili-kumaran who lived much later. If the Yum is thus unreliable even for times reasonably close to the author, it is doubly unreliable for earlier periods. From this time, light is thrown on the course of eventsinthe Northern Kingdom by the writings of Portuguese historians. These references have been adequately studied by competent scholars, and it is outside the purpose of this paper to investigate them.
169. UCHC, Vol. I, pp. 689-90. I70. Ibid, p. 7oI.

Additions and Amendments
to the Historical Topography of Ancient and Medieval Ceylon (Journal C.B., R.A.S., New Series, Volume VI, Special Number).
BY C.W. NICHOLAS
Page 7: the Dravidians in South India. Sir Mortimer Wheeler (in "Ancient India and Pakistan', Ig60, pages 130, I53, I6I, I63, 164, I67 and I69) dates the South Indian megaliths, the characteristic monumental remains of the early period of Dravidian civilisation in that region, to the 3rd century B.C. at the earliest, and the early ironwork of South India to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. He also states that the use of iron began to spread across northern India from Persian sources at the end of the 6th century B.C., and that rice cultivation was practised in the upper Ganges and middle Narbada valleys many centuries before the 3rd century B.C. These postulations indicate that the Dravidian occupation of South India followed the Indo-Aryan colonisation of Ceylon, and that the Indo-Aryan colonists were already acquainted with the use of iron and the cultivation of rice when they arrived in Ceylon.
Page Q. Pliny's account of the Sinhalese Embassy to Rome. Pliny assigns to the reign of Claudius the fortuitous landfall at a port in Ceylon of the freedman of Annius Plocamus, and the Subsequent return of the freedman to Rome accompanied by envoys sent by the Sinhalese king. Sir Mortimer Wheeler, relying on an inscription recently discovered in the eastern desert of Egypt mentioning Annius Plocamus and dated July 5, A.C. 6, in the 35th year of an Emperor who could be no other than Augustus Caesar, proposed that the events described by Pliny should be put back to the reign of Augustus. Professor Paranavitana now adduces further support for Wheeler's hypothesis in p. 630, vv. 14 to I6, of the Vanisatthappakdisini (the Tika or Commentary to the Mahavanisa), which states that king Bhatikabhaya of Ceylon (B.c. 22-A.C. 7, contemporary with Augustus) sent to Romanukkharattha (the country of the Romans) and obtained coral, a well-known product of the Mediterranean, with which he had a net ornament made for the Mahathipa at Anuradhapura. (The Tika was compiled in the IIth century, Some 800 years after contacts between ancient Rome and Ceylon had ceased to exist: the author of the Tika must, therefore, have derived his information from an early text which was extant in the IIth century).
I. U.H.C. (University History of Ceylon), Vol. I, 225.

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Page 9. Hippalos' discovery of the Monsoons. Warmington places Hippalos in Ist B.C. and the general use of his discovery of the monsoon winds to sail direct to India to about A.C. 40. W.W. Tarn, Hourani and others date Hippalos' discovery to B.C. 8o or 90 at the latest. Wheeler says that direct sailings with the monsoon winds were in full use towards the end of the reign of Augustus (A.C. I.4): this implies that limited use must have commenced many years earlier. Warmington's dates must be put back half a century or more to bring them into accord with those of more modern scholars.
Page 29. Malavatthu-mandala. In Malvatumadulla district was the village Uturu-Karavita.
Page 53. Culangamiya pitthi. The ruined dagaba at Yudanganava is most probably the monument erected by Parakramabahu I on the spot where his mother, Ratnavali, was cremated.
Pages 28 and 57: Arittārā-vehera and Ariyākari Vihāra. Ariyākari Vihāra is also called Arikari and Aryyakara, and near Aryyakara Vihara was the hill Kumbalatissapabbata or Kumbul-tis-pav. Ariyakoti Vihara is mentioned in one of the Commentaries. It is probable that the names Ariyākari, Ariyakoți and Arittārā are synonymous.o
Page 7I: Viligama. In the reign of queen Kalyanavati, the general Ayasmanta founded the Rajakulavaddhana-vihara at V diligama."
Page 76. Mahdititha. The King's officers at Mahatittha are called Mahaputu-laddan in the 9th century Mannar inscription.
The Tevaram (Tamil Saiva) hymns of about the 7th century refer to only two Saiva shrines which then existed in Ceylon, at Mantottam (Mahātittha) and Tirukkoņamalai (Trincomalee).o
Page 95. Salagalkandura. Salagal-kandura or Salgal-kandura is also called Salagam-kandavura in some texts, and the latter seems to be preferable.
Page Io5. Danbadeniya. The Dambadeniya-asna calls Vijayabahu III, Kāliñga, Vijayabāhu of Nanbanihbara. His son, Parākramabāhu II, was born at Nambambara. The inscription of Parakramabahu II at
E.H.Warmington. The Commerce between Rome and India, 48. Sir M.Wheeler. Rome beyond the Imperial Frontiers, Caps. Io and II. Thv. 133
U.H.C. 595
E.H.B. II2I : M 45.6o : U.C.R. I, 62 : Rv. 27o
U.H.C. 57I
U.H.C. 363
U.H.C. 386
U.H.C. 617, note 22
2I
Ο

ADDITIONS AND AMENDMENTS 227
Devundara states that the king was of the lineage of Somaraja of Nembara. These three place-names stand for the same place: it was close to Danbadeniya and is identical with Sirivaddhana of the Calavanisa.
Page II 5: Bambaragala (Teldeniya). The Bambaragala inscriptions mention the places named Kalata and Citanagara in addition to Kolagama.
Page II6 : Sindhīravāna. Sindhūravāna is Lańkātilaka.*
Page II6. Ambagamuva. In Nissanka Malla's inscription at Bhagavalena on Adam's Peak, he records that the village of Ambagamu, originally granted to the Peak by Vijayabahu but confiscated by later kings, was re-granted by him.'
Page II 7: Kandy District. The frescoes at Hindagala-vihāra, on the Péradeniva-Galaha road, belong to about the same period as the Sigiri frescoes. An inscription of the 7th century at this temple records a joint grant for the purpose of building a Bodhi-Tree shrine by a Minister who was "Warden' (araka-tana-lada) of Patasala-abala (classical Sinh. palagala-abala) and by a resident of Kanamudu.
Page I2O. Hathavanagalla. The belief that the Vatadagé at Attanagalla marks the place of king Sirisaringabodhi's cremation is of comparatively recent origin. The Mahavamsa Tika, compiled in the IIth century and based on early sources, states that the Vihara built on the site of Sirisanghabodhi's cremation was to the south of Issarasamana Vihara (modern Vessagiriya) at Anuradhapura.
Page I2I. Colombo. A Kufic inscription dated 920/30 was discovered in the Muslim cemetery of Colombo.
Page I25. Adam's Peak. The Balaramayana and Anagharaghava, two Sanskrit dramas of about the 9th century, refer to a shrine of Agastya on or near the Rohana mountain (Adam's Peak).
By the oth century, Muslims had come to believe that Samanolakanda bore the footprint of Adam, and the mountain attracted pilgrims of that faith.
At Palabatgala, near Adam's Peak, Parakramabāhu II established a hermitage for forest-dwelling monks.
II. U.H.C. 6 I4, 6 I 5
I2. U.H.C. 590
13. U.H.C. 575 I4. U.H.C. 4o8 ; U.C.R. XVI, 3 ܝ - -- - - --ܫܟܚܝܗܝ -܀ܚܚܫܚ-- • ܫ - - 15. M.T. 671
I6. U.H.C. 387
7. U.H.C. 386, 387, 53o

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Page I27. Anuradhapura. The Tamil conquerors, Sena and Guttaka of the early 2nd century B.C. are said to have diverted the course of the Kadamba-nadī (Malvatu Oya) to run by the side of Anurādhapura.
In the oth and Ioth centuries, the administration of the capital city was entrusted to an officer called the Nuvara-ladda, corresponding to the Nagara-guttika of the early period, and he was held responsible for any misdemeanour which was committed in his jurisdiction.8
Page I38. Ganthākara Pariveņa. The Sanantapāsādi kā vas written by Buddhaghosa while he was residing in an edifice to the south of the Bodhi Tree: it was built by the Lord of Mahanigama ("the great markettoY). Presumably, this building was known as the Ganthakara PariᏙᎾIha.
Page I4I. Abhayagiri Vihara entourage. Three princes, discovered in a plot to murder king Khallatanaga (B.C. IIo-Io3), immolated themSelves in the flames of a funeral pyre at the sanctuary of the Jain ascetic, Giri. At the place where this tragedy occurred, a thupa, named Aggipavisaka ('entering the fire') was built.0
Page 156: Pirivatu. According to the Dalada-Pajavaliya, the recovery of the Tooth Relic from Queen Sugala was effected in the 4th year (II57) of Parakramabahu I by a dignitary named Pirivatu-gunaMahalina.
Page I66. Kalavapi Vihara. Upasena, the author of a Commentary on the Andigatavanisa, according to a Burmese source, compiled his work while residing at Kalavapi-vihara in a dwelling founded by Dhatusenal (455-473). Kalasela of the Calavanisa (45. 43-44), is the equivalent of Sinh. Kalagala, the old name of Avukana occurring in documents of the Kandyan period.
Page I 76: Dippūyana or “Promontory”. Professor Paranavitana’s opinion is that the buildings on the Promontory were the Palace of Nissanka Malla and its appurtenant structures. These buildings were not laid out on a coherant plan. The so-called Mausoleum was probably a representation of the Cosmic mountain. The bath was a poor and improvised specimen compared with that below Parakramabahu's
Palace.28
I8. U.H.C. 144, 372 Ig. U.H.C. 39o 20. U.H.C. 165: M.T. 612 2. U.H.C. 573 22. U.H.C. 39 I, 405 23. U.H.C. 6oI-3

ADITIONS AND AMENDMENTS 229
Page 177. The Citadel or Royal Enclosure. Gajabahu II sat with his *Council of Ministers in the pavilion named Citrakuta when issuing decrees and giving decisions on legal questions.'
Page 178. Lata-mandapaya. According to the N.S., the ecclesiastical Court held in the reign of Parakramabahu I to purify the Sangha assembled at the Lata-mandapaya in Polonnaruva.
Page 178. Siva Devale No. 2. This shrine carries an inscription of Rajendra Cola naming it after a queen of Rajaraja I.
Page 179: Kiri-vehera. The Kiri-vehera is the largest monument in the Aļāhana Pariveņa and is either the Subhaddā-cetiya or the Rupavati-cetiya.7
Page 179: Galvihara. Professor Paranavitana's views in the controversy whether the well-known standing Image at the Galvihara represents the Buddha or Ananda are as follows:-"The Vijadhara-guha is the excavated cave containing the Smaller sedent Image. The Nisinnapatima-lena was the shrine for the seated Buddha, and the Nipannapatima-guha that for the recumbent Image. No shrine for the standing Image is mentioned in the Chronicle, which may be due to the reason that this Image was not a work of Parakramabāhu I but was already existing at the time. The unusual attitude of the hands in the standing Buddha is known from two other local examples, a rather battered figure at Yațāla-dāgäba in Tissamahārāma, and a colossal Image, said to be of wood but now covered with plaster and paint, in the largest cave at Danbulla-vihara. It is evident that the purpose of the sculptor was to represent the Buddha as para-dukkha-dukkhita, 'He who is sorrowing for the sorrow of others'. The indubitable fact that this Image was originally inside a separate shrine disposes of the theory that it represents Ananda Sorrowing at the passing away of the Buddha. The treatment of the hair in ringlets, appropriate only for a Buddha. Image, and the lotus pedestal, conclusively establish that the Image is not of Ananda but of the Buddha. At the parinirvana of the Master, Ananda was not yet an Arhant,'.
Page 194: Selantara-samjha. The Mahāthera of Selantara-samuha represented the monks of Rohana at the Convocation of the Sangha held at Polonnaruva in the reign of Parākramabāhu I to cleanse the
24. U.H.C. 538 25. U.H.C. 568 26. U.H.C. 59o 27. U.H.C. 593 28. U.H.C. 604-5

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Order. Selantara-Samiha would be the well-known Galaturu-mula in Sinhalese.2
Page I97. Unlocated places. The author of the Sidat-sangard of the I2th or 13th century was the incumbent of Patiraja-parivena.
Pages I39, IO4, I77 and 67. Palaces. 'Substantial remains of six royal residences belonging to the IIth and 12th centuries exist at four different sites in Ceylon. The earliest in date is the royal residence of the latest phase of the city of Anuradhapura, most probably built by Vijayabahu I after he liberated the Island from Cola rule: it is off the Green Path within the ancient Citadel. Next in date is the palace at Panduvasnuvara, the residence of Parakramabahu when he was ruler of Dakkhinadesa. At Polonnaruva there are three Palaces:- (I) that of Parakramabahu I, (2) another and smaller one of Parakramabahu on an island in Parakrama-samudra, now known as Sitala-maligava, and (3) Nissanka Malla's Palace comprising all the ruins on the present Promontory. The fourth site is at Galahidda, ancient Udundora, near Momeragala, where also are to be found the remains of a royal residence'.
29. U.H.C. 43 II, mote II : 567 3o. U.H.C. 584 3 II. U.H.C. 6oo-I.

Suggested Origin of the Chatra
BY D.T. DEVENDRA
The chatra is a favourite emblem in the Buddhist and Hindu art of India as well as of what is sometimes described as Greater India. Monier-Williams in the Sanskrit Dictionary renders it in English both as 'parasol' and 'umbrella', whilst Rhys Davids and Stede, in their Pali Dictionary, prefer 'sunshade' and think that, "parasol' would be misleading'. In our article the renderings are indiscriminately used for the reason that they do no violence to the meaning in which we employ any particular one.
The chatra in Ceylon iconography is found in peculiar positions. In Anuradhapura and Mihintalé, for instance in the steles or on the pavement slabs of the great thupas, we have them used variously, with animals, nagas, Sri padas, and so forth. The finest is found in the I2th century Cave Buddha in Gal Vihara, Polonnaruva.
But in the earliest known times, the chatra was not used with such freedom and it is meet to look for the beginnings of its use as far as it affected the greater Indian iconography. In the opening chapter of his 'Story of the Stupa A.H. Longhurst has been particularly informative on the chatra in Egypt, Greece and several Asian countries commencing with Mesopotamian times. But precisely why the parasol has been used for royalty and other exalted personages is not made clear.
Sometimes the function of the chatra was literally that of a sunshade; that is to say, to ward off the rays of the sun from the body regarded as divine or a sacred object. But in remote civilizations the sun was the fons et origo of divinity. To be associated with it, rather tham to ward off its rays, is what should be expected. Thus if the use of the sunshade is interpreted as conditioned by avoidance, then it stands to reason that such an interpretation should apply to later times, not to the earliest times when the chatra appears on the cultural Scene.
In ancient Greece, during the Athenian festival called Scira, the priestess of Athena as well as the priests of Poseidon and of the Sun walked from the Acropolis under a great white umbrella. Here the use of the shade was probably for protection; but as the priest of the Sun, too, used it there may have been another reason. This reason may be understood from our discussion. More clearly evident, however, is why the Mikado and the High Priest of the Zapotecs of Mexico used the
I. J.G.Frazer, The Golden Bough-Vol. X (“Balder the Beautiful”, i), p. 2o sft. nt. I.

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umbrella; they were not permitted to expose themselves to the Sun. Whether due to traditional memories which recall the vanished times of Egypt, or to the later Greco-Roman influences, the umbrella was being used in certain parts of Africa as a symbol of honour. In Madagascar it formed one of the regalia. In their public processicns the Fatimid rulers of Egypt used a canopy or an umbrella, along with six other symbols indicative of their exalted position. With a representation of a king the chatra was used on a coin of Herod Agrippa I. In later times the device was not altogether lost to memory. Seljuk Turks continued the practice, and so Pope Alexander III (contemporaneous with our Parākramabāhu, I) had given Ziani, doge of Venice, the right to have a canopy or umbrella held over him as a symbol of sovereign power."
From this emigration of the idea we come to the Indian scene, chiefly as known from iconography, and endeavour to bridge the geographical gap. Heinrich Zimmer gives the story (from Krisna-janma. Khanda of the Brahma-vaivarta Purana) of Siva appearing with an umbrella. The god showed himself in hermit's guise, "his head was shaded by a parasol of grass'. At first sight it may appear that the parasol has been introduced on account of the divinity latently residing in the hermit, as he so appears. But to think so is to conceive of the inalienability of the divine in the hermit. If that were so then the structure of the story, as a story, is weakened. Besides, the emphasis is on the outward form; the real nature is undisclosed. Thus it would be more to the point to ignore the presence of the parascl as of no greater import than as a part of the Common belongings of a wandering ascetic
On the other hard stands the figure of Asoka who has been described as the first Indian ruler to assume the status of a Cakravarti, thus combining in himself the state of god and the position of king. Of this unique status the chatra is one emblem. The development of the idea is pointed out as being deducible from the fact that the oldest stipas (e.g., Safici) had but a single parasol. The chatra held over the Buddha in iconography markedly distinguishes him from the other monks, for the Buddha was haloed with the Cakravarti concept.
2. J.G. Frazer, op. cit.-Vol. III (Taboo and the Perils of the Soul'), p. 6 and Vol. X (as cited), pp. I 8-2 I, 3; II, etc.
3. H. J.T. Johnson in the Encyclopaediu of Religion and Ethics-Vol. X. p. 637 (9).
4. D.S. Margoliouth in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics-Vol. XII, p. I46.
5. H. J.T. Johnson, as cited. 6. H. J.T. Johnson, as cited. 7. Myths and Legends in Indian Art and Civilization, p. 7.
8. Jeannine Auboyer, The Symbolism of Sovereignty in India according to Iconography’ (Indian Art and Letters-Vol. XII, No. I, pp. 26 ff.)

SUGGESTED ORIGIN OF THE CHATRA 233
Was the chatra an invariable emblem of a Cakravartip H. Jacobi has cited instances which make it possible not to recognize in it a vital article among the regalia of a Universal King.' This suggests that the concept of the monarch had not crystallized in the earliest days to the degree which at first we are prone to imagine. If it had, the instances cited cannot be explained.
In the earliest times when the significance of the chatra became fixed, there occur instances from which it is possible to imagine that the parasol had a link with a spirit of the air. That is to say, in some manner or other the parasol was associated with a supramundane being. In the recently published Sihalavathuppakarana, which the learned editor suggests as being a work before Buddhaghosa, we are told of a spirit dwelling in the chatra of King Saddhatissa. The words used are railio chattanhi devatoi and railio chattadhiwatthdpi. In early art the subject was freely shown in different areas where Buddhism prevailed, -e.g., Amaravati (in a casing slab of the stupa), Begram, Ajanta (Cave I7 - Yasodhara, and Rahula seeing the Buddha), and in several such others. In view of situations such as these we have some justification in interpreting the presence of a sky figure as a parasol-bearer for the Buddha in more ways than as merely expressing the subordinate position of heavenly figures.
For what reasons is a sky figure shown as one feature of a parasol as mentioned in the Ceylon Pali text which we have cited? It is very probable that it is the perpetuation of a remote idealinked with the atmosphere as well as with the most brilliant of the sky, the Sun. The virtues of the Sun were so freely absorbed in the royal myths of ancient cultures that the idea deserves some examination. What, then, was the place of the Sun in the scheme of attributes particular to kingship, whether this exalted state was universal or restricted in application? Was the spirit of the parasol in acting as a protector of a deputy of the highest authority obeying that higher authority? If so, where do we have the germ of such an idea?
We have adverted to the use of the parasol in Europe and Africa, but as to its origin we have no certain information. In Asia, however, occurs its appearance in a situation from which it is possible to suggest a reason for its use. It comes from West Asia (the Near East), from the ancient city of Persepolis. The religious beliefs of the Persepolitans of the time were intimately associated with the sun and the All-God was Ahura Mazda. There are representations of the winged Ahura Mazda traversing the sky, with one hand stretched out as if in benediction and
9. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 336-7. In the Lalitavistara it is not included among the seven requisites (Rajendralal Mitra's edn. in “Bibliotheca Indica Series”, ch. 3). According to P.L. Vaidya (in the edin; of the 'Buddhist Sanskrit Series') the text is prior to 3o8 A.C.
Io. Ed. by Polwatte Buddhadatta Thera (I959), pp. 84, 96, III 7.

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the other holding an annular emblem. The emblem is obviously the expression of his status and glory. Presumably it is in the category of the discus of the solar deity Visnu. In the opinion of R. Ghirshman the city of Persepolis was not so much a political capital as we understand in the modern sense, as a capital city especially reserved for grand religious. ceremonies, for New Year's Day and at the same time a national and imperial festival.
Persépolis était une idée de Darius créer, non pas une capitale dans. le sens politique que noms donnons à ce terme, mais une capitale : réservée aux cérémonies de la plus grande fête religieuse, celle de Now Rouz’ ou Jour de l'an, qui était en même temps une fête nationale et impériale.
Here we undoubtedly come to a time later than that of the ancient Egyptians who have employed the parasol to denote royal rank. But even so, it is only from here that we have an inkling of a likely reason. for the device of the parasol, as we shall attempt to demonstrate, to symbolize high estate.
Ghrishman gives four representations of this subject from the palace at Persepolis.' In three of them the king is on the lower panel, and one (his Fig. 7) is a "close up' of the upper part of one of other scenes resembling one of the four (his Fig. 6). In one composition (our Fig. I, his Fig. 3) the king is stepping out in his majesty and an attendant is holding with one hand a parasol above his lord; in the attendant's. other hand is another of the royal insignia. Ahura Mazda floats serenely above them. The artist has not separated the two sets of figures by any device such as that of a demarcating band. Therefore it is admissible toinfer that they form one single scene wherein the figures have been displayed in their correct status.
The other representations (our Fig. ii, his Fig. 6; and his Fig. 8) show a distinct difference, although both the god and the king are present. They are each physically separated by means of a demarcating line. The king is in his throne-room, as may be understood from the indications of a tasselled curtain towards the ceiling. The god is above him, it is true, but it is not evident that the artist has so placed him as. to suggest a connection - except in the meaning God's in his heaven, and all's right with the world.
If this is acceptable then we may suggest that the one shows the god with the king, and the other the king in his own palace under the general protection of the All-God. In that event, the presence of the large ring in the god's hand and the parasol held over the king have to be understood.
II. “Notes Iraniennes’, VII (Artibus Asiae, Vol. XX, pp. 265-278). I2. His figs, 3, 6, 7 and 8.

SUGGESTED ORIGN OF THE CHATRA 235
The emblem of Ahura Mazda is circular. May not its shape suggest the extent of his authority as wielding total power over the universe? From the visible area the sky which encompasses the earth is hemispherical. The full sphere would embrace the remainder which can be expressed by visualizing the other half. If an emblem is necessary to signify the range of the god's authority it can only be by means of a circle which, seemingly, has neither beginning nor end and embraces all.
The idea may be put in words which Jacobi (op. cit.) has used in a parallel connection: "His most prominent attribute is the chakra, wheel, or discus, which precedes him through the air on his conquest of the world'. It is difficult to imagine how such an idea could be graphically given a proper form otherwise, for a god who is not formless must be accompanied by the visible attributes of his dignify. The discus of Visnu in his solar conception signifies the same power. It is immaterial to the present argument as to which of the two peoples may claim priority in time, but there is no doubt that Iranian is the earlier in graphic art as far as present knowledge goes.
On such reasoning we have to assume the two insignia for the king as circumscribing the power of a mortal vis-a-vis the god. The parasol, more or less the upper half of a curving object, suggests partial authority, that is, over the earth canopied by it. Once the idea has taken root it would naturally grow into the popular beliefs as applicable to a king of extraordinary power, who derives that power from association with the wielder of the cakra which, in itself was a divine attribute, whether in ancient Iran or India. Viewed in this manner, the chatra is not a sunshade as such, and its use is not against the sun. On the contrary it is a subsidiary power derived from association with the sun.
F.K.D. Bosch, in "The Golden Germ', suggests a close connection of the chatra with the Tree-of-Life as expressed by the lotus. He points out that J.L. Moens, too, had independently arrived at the same conclusion. The idea of a tree as a parasol was found in early Ceylon, as known from "Mahavansa' when the god Samiddhisumana took the raidiyatana tree, in which he resided, and held it over the Buddha. There is no hint here of that tree being regarded as a Tree-of-Life. Furthermore there is no evidence for a parallel idea to be understood as being applicable to the idea of the parasol in Egypt or Greece or Persepolis the examples of which are unquestionably earlier in time than those suggested by Bosch and Moens. The lotus is found in Egypt and the motif has been used in the art of that country. It cannot be cited as having evolved there into a chatra, as so suggested for Indian art. On the other hand, it is possible that the Lotus and Tree-of-Life concept occurred quite independently to the Indian mind. But if there were
13. Bosch, op. cit, pp. 16I f.

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cultural contacts between India and West Asia in early times, the need to suppose such an independent origin does not arise.
Here one might recall an epithet for the Buddha who was entitled to the use of the chatra in the conception of Cakravarti. The Buddha was described as Adiccabandhu, (Kinsman of the Sun) and Dasasatarašmisagotra (of the lineage of the Thousand-rayed One).
Our note attempts to seek, not the archetype of the chatra, as the reason for the adoption of the chatra as an emblem of the highest state among men, that of a Universal King in junior partnership with the all-God of early times, the Sun.
14. For references, etc. see Malalasekera: Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, II, p. 245.
I 5. J.J. Jones: The Mahāvastu, III, pp. 377f.

Fig. I, being R. Ghirshman's fig. 3 in A partibus Asiae, op.cit., captioned: 'Tripylon. Port Nord. Darius suivi du porte-parasol et du chasse-mouches. (D'après Persépolis I, pl. 75).'

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being fig. 6 of the same source and
Fig. II,
*Tripylon. Porte Est. Da
rius sur le trone avec Xerxès derrière.
(D'après Persépolis I, pl. 78A).’’
captioned:
 

Bronzes from Polonnaruva
Lecture arranged under the auspices of the R.A.S. (C.B.) at 5-30 p.m. on 23-6-6I at the Colombo Museum Lecture Hall
Dr. S. Paranavitana presided. A very large and representative gathering was present. The lecture was illustrated with slides.
In introducing the lecturer, Dr. C.E. Godakumbura, the Chairman said:
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are holding a special meeting today for a lecture by Dr. Godakumbura on Some recent discoveries of art objects at Polonnaruva. I do not think it is necessary for me to say very much in introducing Dr. Godakumbura as he was one of our Hony. Secretaries some years ago. He is one of the foremost scholars we have in Ceylon, with a reputation not confined to Ceylon. He is speaking today on an important subject which I think will reveal much interesting data on the history of art in Ceylon and South India.
Dr. Godakumbura then delivered his lecture on
BRONZES FROM POLONNARUVA, 1960
On the Ist of December, I9I6, Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam delivered before your learned Society an erudite lecture entitled "Polonnaruva Bronzes and Siva Worship and Symbolism'. In this lecture Sir Ponnambalam gave an account of the Nataraja and other Saiva bronzes discovered at Siva-devale No. I and Siva-dévalé No. 5 at Polonnaruva by Mr. H.C.P. Bell in I907 and I908, and which are at the Colombo Museum. This lecture is published fully in Vol. XXIV (No. 68) of the Journal of your Society.
I propose to describe and illustrate this evening further bronzes and few other objects found at the second of the above sites, that is Siva-devalé designated No. 5. This shrine stands by the Visnu dévale, designated No. 4. The vimānas of both shrines now lie fallen behind them. Architectural descriptions of both shrines are given in the Report of the Archaeological Survey for I908. One approaches these monuments turning left at the entrance to Polonnaruva on the Habarana-Manampitiya Road, and proceeding a short way on the road to Laksa-uyana colony or Anaulundawa.
Sir Ponnambalam selected only the Saiva statuettes for discussion. A figure of Visnu is also among the finds of I908 at the Sivadévalé. There is further a bas-relief of Saptamatri. It is, however, true
3880-D

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that quite in accordance with the religious history of the period, statuettes and objects belonging to the Saiva group, predominate. The position is the same with regard to the finds at the site in I960. There may be here a solitary representation of the Brahma group if our identification of the first find is correct.
The circumstances of the finds are as follows:-
On the I8th of September, I960, in the course of the clearing of debris at the site of Siva-devalé No. 5 referred to earlier, a bronze statuette of a female, 5 inches high, was found between this shrine and Visnu-dévalé No. 4. On the right wrist of the figurine rests a bird. This may be a parrot. Considering this bird and the headgear of the figurine, one may identify it as a representation of Sarasvati, the Goddess of Learning and consort of Brahma.
A month later further bronzes, this time very much larger ones, were noticed behind the same Siva-dévale, near the spot where its massive brick vindina lies fallen. On the Igth of October, the day of the Dipavali festival, the present speaker, with the help of Mr. N.H.R. Nalawangsa, of the Archaeological Department commenced excavations at the spot. There was a group of images, together with the pedestals of some of them and halos of others buried in a pit 5 feet by 3 feet and 3 feet deep from the level of the foundation of the dévalé. The pit had been dug purposely to bury the statuettes. These images were carefully arranged in the order of their precedence in the Hindu pantheon accepted at the period. Pride of place even in this earthy grave had been given to a statuette of Siva as Natarajá, 37 inches in height. Its tuft of hair was not found, but the pedestal and halo, the latter called in Sanskrit prabha or in Tamil tiruvaisi were found separately. With the pedestal and the prabha this statuette measures 56 inches. The ornaments from the ear-lobes were also missing.
There was also a seated statuette of Siva, in Somaskandhamilirti 2I inches high with the protruding leg. Its pedestal and prabha were found separately. The seated consort and the son, however, were missing.
A standing figure of Visnu in the Bhogasthana-mirti was the third find. Its pedestal was found separately. The complete height with the pedestalis 3o inches. The gadā or club in the left front hand is missing.
In an attitude of attending on the male gods were two images of goddesses. One may be that of Parvati, the consort of Siva and the other that of Laksmi, the consort of Visnu; or both may be representations of Parvati herself.
In a position of paying adoration and homage to the gods were the statuettes of two bhakta or devotees of Siva. The devotee wearing

BRONZES FROM POLONNARUVA 24.
a crown and standing on a lotus pedestal may be identified as Chandesvara. The devotee in plain headgear, not provided with a pedestal may be taken to be Sundara-milirti-Swami.
A Sudarsana-cakra, the Asura slaying discus of Visnu was also among the finds of this day. An earthen censer with charcoal in it bore silent testimony of a final ritual accompanied with burning of incense.
Within a week after the collection of the above finds, further objects were discovered at the site of the same devale. On the 26th of October, a number of Small statuettes and other objects were found in an earthen pot at a point 27 feet from the Southern plinth of the building. These statuettes, though small, display the greatest skill in workmanship. Among them are also figures which serve as peculiar examples of Hindu iconography. Following are the bronzes found buried in the clay pot:-
i. Siva in Nataraja-murti complete with tuft of hair, halo and
pedestal.
ii. Šiva as Bațuka-Bhairava with dog behind. iii. Šikhivāhana-skandha. iv. Bālakrişņa, poised on one leg and dancing. v-vi. Two goddesses, standing.
vii. Goddess seated. viii. Nandi, the bull sacred to Šiva, his vāhana.
There were also in the pot such objects of bronze as tripods, incense burners and a bowl with its lid. It also contained two Sivalingas of stone and two figurines of Ganesa, one of stone and the other of clay. There was also a small conch. Near the pot were found the three pieces of a bell, namely, the handle, the striker and the cup.
A bronze statuette depicting an emaciated female figure was discovered on the same day as the above figurines, on the same side of the building and II feet away from its founglation. This figure is identified as Karaikkal-ammaiyar, a devotee of Siva. This is the most beautifully wrought figure of this female devotee of Siva that has so far been published. It is nearly II inches in height. The character of the holy lady, as related in the Periyapuranam is very effectively portrayed in this piece of sculpture. The figure is not common. I shall show you two other examples, which have been wrongly identified. They do not come anywhere near the present example in cleverness of execution.
On the next day, namely 27th of October, a large statuette of Ganesa of exceptional beauty and manifesting special characteristics was found at a spot I8 feet west of the dévale foundation, and 2

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feet below the ground level. There are foundations of a kóvil possibly of Ganapati near this Siva-devale and evidently this belonged to it. The statuette is 23 inches high and is placed on a lotus pedestal 9 inches high. The figure carries in the left front hand a mango, true to Sinhalese tradition. The only similar example of a figure of Ganesvara, published by Miss Alice Getty of Paris, who wrote an interesting and informative monograph on the subject, is from Polonnaruva, and that may be the very bas-relief mentioned by Bell as found at this Sivadevale. Miss Getty merely says the figure is from Polonnaruva, but is not exact about its provenance. One is not able to trace it today.
On the 28th of November, the following objects were unearthed on the northern quarter of the premises of the shrine - 6 feet away from the northern entrance a statuette of Visnu in Bhogasthanamūrti, Ig inches in height vas discovered. The gadā is found, but the statuette has no pedestal. The two statuettes differ from each other in their physical characteristics, the arrangement of drapery and the display of ornaments including the Kirita-makuta.
Further away from the statuette of Visnu were found a bell and two lampstands.
(Photographs of the excavation and finds put on the screen).
See below for list of photographs shown.
Ladies and gentlemen, you have now seen the pictures of the bronzes and let us now consider their workmanship. Bell describes the bronzes he discovered in Igo7 and I908 as "doubtless cast in India'. We have had the opportunity of examining Ceylon bronzes more closely since Bell's time. The discoveries made in I960 compel one to revise Bell's opinion.
You have seen the special features and peculiar characteristics of the Polonnaruva bronzes. There are distinct features about them. The image of Ganesvara and that of Sarasvati are very clear examples. So were several other finds such as the statuette of Bhairava.
Gopinath Rao in his Elements of Hindu Iconography (Vol. II, Pt. II, I9I6, page 467) speaking on the sculptures of Chandeśvara quotes from a work called Kamikagama which cites treatises from Simhaladesa (Ceylon). Basham in his The Wonder that was India (I954, page 376) says 'An important school of bronze casting existed in Ceylon, and produced works similar in style to those of South India'. It should also be stated that examples of sculptures from Ceylon, whether Buddhist or Hindu, can be found to illustrate early development of Indian iconography. The figures of Ganapati in the friezes of the Vahalkadas of Kantaka-cetiya at Mihintale are good examples.

BRONZES FROM POLONNARUWA 243
Students of Ceylon History know that the majority of the Hindu shrines of Polonnaruva and the sculpture connected with them belong to the period of Chola occupation in Ceylon between the eleventh year of Mahinda V, that is, A.D. 993, and the conquest of the city by Vijayabahu I in A.D. I070.
The erection of Buddhist shrines, the making of Buddha images, and the execution of paintings at various religious buildings during the course of centuries, made the Sinhalese people experts in architecture, Sculpture and painting. The Cholas who brought the Sinhalese under Subjection at the end of the tenth century employed these Sinhalese craftsmen to build temples for their gods, and make sculptures of them. The hands that built viharas and dagābas and fashioned images of the Buddha were made to build shrines for Siva and Vishnu and to sculpture their images. The position would have been just the same as the employment of Sinhalese workmen for the building of Christian churches by their western conquerors after the fifteenth century, and the employment of ex-Buddhist priests for the translation of scriptures by the early nineteenth century missionaries in Ceylon.
The Sinhalese sculptors of Polonnaruva, conscientiously or not, introduced their ideas and forms to the architecture and sculpture they executed.
The Hindu priests of Polonnaruva who held the field for themselves for nearly a century would have been taken unawares by the sudden onrush of the victorious armies of Vijayabahu. These devotees as they hastened to bury the images of their gods as the circumstances warranted, most probably relieved them of the valuable jewellery such as necklaces and ear-ornaments. They evidently hoped to re-deck their gods when victory was gained. The valuables may have fallen into the hands of the victors, or may still be lying buried, awaiting the pick-axe of the archaeologist, perhaps inside the citadel, where the Cholians and their supporters held out to the last.
LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS PUT ON THE SCREEN
I. Sarasvati. (See Plate la) 2. Sarasvati, profile. (See Plate lb)
3. Find spots 4. Detail of find-spot 2 before excavation
5. do excavation in progress
6. do after partial excavation
7 do after further excavation
8 αίο after still further excavation

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244
9.
IO.
II.
2.
I3.
I4. I5. Ι6.
I7. Ι8.
I9.
2O.
2.
22.
23.
24. 25. 26.
27. 28.
29. 30.
3I.
32.
33. 34. 35.
ვ6.
37. ვ8. 39.
40. 4I.
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
Națarājā and two goddesses in situ
The crowd which gathered to view the excavation
Nataraja (See Plate 2)
Somaskhanda-murti - front view. (See Plate 3a)
do profile (See Plate 3b)
Nataraja and other statuettes from I907 finds
Visnu - front view
Visnu - back view
Parvati - front view. (See Plate 4a)
Parvati - back view. (See Plate 4b)
Goddess -front view
Goddess - back view
Chandeśvara
Sundaramūrti
Sundaramurti, profile
Bhaktas from I907 finds
Sudarsana-cakra
Gaņeśa in situ
Ganesa - front view. (See Plate 5a)
Ganesa - back view. (See Plate 5b)
Kāraikkāl-Ammaiyār in situ
Karaikkal-Ammaiyar. (See Plate 6)
Kāraikkāl-Ammaiyār — wrongly identified as Kali in Art of
Indian Asia by Heinrich Zimmar
Karaikkal-Ammaiyar - in Victoria and Albert Museum wrongly identified in The Wonder that was India by A.L. Basham
Small finds in pot in situ Group of finds from pot (See Plate 7) Further finds from pot
Details of 33 - 35 Natarājā Battuka-Bahirava - front view. do -back view. Sikhivahana Bālakrisņa
Goddess

BRONZES FROM POLONNARUWA 245
42. Goddess
43. do 44. Stone Statuette of Ganesa 45. Nandi
46. Lińga
47. Liñga
48. Bell, Liñgas, etc. 49. Incense burners and tripods 50. Bowl on tripod and lid 5II. Vişņu and lamp stand in situ 52. Visnu - front view. (See Plate 8a) 53. Visnu - back view. (See Plate 8b) 54. Lamp stands in situ 55. Bell in situ
56. Bell
DISCUSSION
OBSERVATIONS OF SIR KANTHIAH VAITHIANATHAN
Dr. Godakumbura, the Archaeological Commissioner, must be highly congratulated on describing carefully the circumstances of the discovery, the precision with which he had described the statues and the erudition with which he has brought out their salient points. As is fitting a scholar, he had raised issues about which, without being dogmatic, he has thrown various suggestions for consideration of students whose duty it will be to study these images carefully and not jump to conclusions by merely looking at photographs of them.
Dr. Godakumbura has brought before us an impressive galaxy of really wonderful sculptures, some of which are good by any standard. One could speak for many hours about each one of them, their special peculiarities and the Purana (LLTT 6007 d 5605) stories and other ideas of which they are symbols. The Antiquarian and the Artist has each his own criterion in studying them.
As to the date of the casting of these images, I think there will be no great controversy, even though the chronological order of the ruined Siva temples Nos. I to 5 at Polonnaruva has yet to be determined. For instance, the Siva temple No. 2, in the style of the imperial Cholas, is certainly anterior to Siva temple No. I, which is in Pandiyan style. There is bound to be, however, controversy about the district where these images were cast and the correct identification of Some of them. An audience such as this must bear in mind that there are hundreds of

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Siva temples in South India of which our Siva Saints of the 7th and 9th centuries have sung praises and which are anterior by several centuries to the period of these images. Those temples are still in worship and contain a tremendous variety and multitude of images, old and new, which would afford a clue to the proper antiquarian, artistic and symbolic character of any of the images which have been brought before us today and examples of whose similarities can be cited from some temple or other. I do not propose, however, to go into these learned discussions as that would take hours even to sketch briefly. A suggestion has been thrown that the images before us were the work of Sinhalese craftsmen. From my point of view today, that is of very little importance and I would not like to quarrel over the Suggestion.
I wish merely to make a few observations on some of the statues from the point of view of art and specially, symbolism peculiar to the Hindu principles of making images - particularly images deemed suitable for consecration in temples and subsequent worship. To the orthodox Hindu, the formless and attributeless God is impossible of representation by mere human art as He is impossible of description by human Speech. But nevertheless certain forms are sanctioned only as allegorical representation to enable the mind to appreciate, grasp and concentrate on certain aspects of Godhood. "Spiritual contemplation is the key note of Hindu art', says Havell. The science and art of making images is described in detail in the Kamikha-Agama which is itself a life-long study for Hindu sculptors. Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam has quoted an ancient Sanskrit writer, Sukracharya, probably of the beginning of the Christian Era, if not earlier, when he read a similar paper on the Polonnaruva Bronzes discovered in IQ07. "The Artist', the Achariya says, 'should attain to the image of the gods by means of spiritual contemplation only. The spiritual vision is the best and truest standard for him. . . . . . . . To make human figures is bad and even irreligious . . . . . . . ''. He says again in another place, "In order that the form of an image may be brought out fully and clearly upon the mind, the image-maker must meditate and his success will be in proportion to his meditation. No other way, not even seeing the object itself, will answer this purpose'.
The Greek ideal, therefore, of representing gods and goddesses in the mould of perfect human form would be irregular for the art of Hindu images. This is the first shock which Westerners and nonHindus get usually when they view the multitudinous images and scenes depicted in a temple Gopuram, if they do not take the trouble to understand the meaning behind each figure and the story which each scene depicts.
In identifying one of the female images to be probably that of Saraswathy, the lecturer mentions the parrot seated on her right hand as well as the absence of a kridam as indications. As against that possi

BRONZES FROM POLONNARUVA 247
bility, it could even be stated that the statue may be that of just an ordinary female attendant or devotee or a symbol similar to DeepaLuximi which abounds in Hindu temples. Moreover, in the Dhyana Ratnavali the devotee meditates thus, 'I meditate on Him, resplendent as a million Suns, . . . . . . - on the left the lady Siva, dark of hue, water lily, rosary, parrot, hand on hip - . . . .' Here, the parrot is mentioned as an ornament of Siva-kami and it will also be noticed that the rosary, which is always associated with Saraswathy, (goddess of knowledge, Gnana), is also mentioned as a requisite of ខ្ញុំគុំ My point is that one has to be careful and circumspect before proclaiming an identification.
Every Hindu knows the story of Karaikkal-Ammaiyar, whose miniature statue of II inches is the gem of the whole collection. She prayed to Lord Siva to take away her beauty and to grant instead the appearance of a demoness to get over the obstacle in the spiritual path caused by her beauty. What looks hideous in this image to the Superficial observer is a glorious allegory to the devotee, particularly if happiness in the eyes is truly represented, as in this specimen. This is a popular image in practically every one of the hundreds of Siva temples in South India, in various poses and forms. This identical form and pose may be seen in many places. I have seen similar illustrations before. So, this cannot be said to be peculiar to Polonnaruva art.
Take again the learned lecturer's remark about Lord Ganesaholding the mango as if it were also something peculiar to Ceylon. The story of the reward of a mango to Ganesa, in preference to Lord Siva's other son, Muruga (Karatagama Devio), is known to every Hindu school boy. There are I6 forms of Ganesa authorised by Shastras and permitted to be consecrated for worship in temples. This particular figure, though impressive to the eye, does not conform to the Shastric definitions; nor, from an artistic point of View, are the three-fold characteristics of the Arakha in the lower limbs and belly, Deva in the chest and arms, and the King of the animal kingdom in the face and head, clearly and distinctly brought out. Such a symbol, however, is not unknown to art or worship elsewhere.
Again in the statue of the Lord of Dance, centainly a majestic and magnificent figure of Nadaraja, the Smile of grace (Go) SIT6i. 60)Gid: G3) gr Giu6JnT uŭ ĝi (eg LÉ76öö7 ĝfoiĥoŭ Ld) and the pleasing natural lift (g)6of7535 (up GO L-u u GTGj35 GOLUIT fiðL UIT 35 Lb) of the left foot and the pointing finger of the way to salvation, are imperfectly drawn. There are other important omissions too. I need say little about the make-shift of a Thiru-vasai for Lord Nataraja, much in the same style as for Somaskanda or as indicated by the remaints of it for Lord Ganesa. This only shows that there are sculptors in all countries who do not rise to the high spiritual standards set for them by the Shastras.

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A number of smaller statues found together in the pot are of little artistic or Dhyana merits, though they are nevertheless extremely interesting specimens.
Finally, the thought I wish to leave with you is that even to consider these sculptures as art, we must bear in mind the Hindu principle that it is not the eye which has to be pleased first, but rather the inner being so that as in the case of the Lord of Thiru Veeli-Milalai, "the eye is pleased because of the contemplative satisfaction of the mind': ** திருவீழி மிழலை வீற்றிருக்குங் கொற்றவன்றன்னைக் கண்டு கண்டு உள்ளங் குளிர என் கண் குளிர்ந்தனவே . The Ordinary critic reverses the process; to him what pleases the eye pleases the mind. One must, therefore, first appreciate the tradition, feeling and symbolism of a people, before one can comment on their art, particularly their religious art.
OBSERVATIONS OF DIR. W. BALENDRA
I must congratulate Dr. Godakumbura, Acting Archaeological Commissioner, for the excellent lecture he delivered today on the bronzes recently discovered. At an earlier meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society we had the opportunity of hearing much about the Trincomalee bronzes. I must thank the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society for giving me that opportunity.
The bronzes we saw today or more precisely the Godakumbura bronzes are the best I have yet seen. The excavations undertaken by the Archaeological Department at Polonnaruva have unravelled valuable information and facts about our ancient Ceylon heritage than history has afforded us. Historians have told us that history and archaeology go together. Archaeology I can well say gives us facts more than history. This is quite true in the light of Dr. Godakumbura's lecture today on the excavations at Polonnaruva. History it may be said states facts in the light of race, political predilection or religious bias of the historian, while archaeology corrects history, for excavation shows the material of history.
The bronzes that have emerged from the excavations by the Department at Polonnaruva are some of the best in the world. Almost all the bronzes reveal the exquisite art of the times. Their brilliant execution cannot be gainsaid. Who did these bronzes? Dr. Godakumbura has answered us the question. I have seen many similar images in many parts of India, Ceylon and Java. The Siva Nataraja image at Madras can be easily compared with the best I have seen. But by whom they have been cast has not been definitely established. Probably the Javanese bronze workers of the Chola period in Java, the Javanese being master craftsmen must have cast them. But who did them is immaterial as Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam Said.

BRONZES FROM POLONNARUWA 249
I suggest that these bronzes be placed at a Museum at Polonna11Va.
DR. GODAKUMBURA'S REPLY
Dr. Godakumbura thanked Sir Kandiah for supplementing his talk. He added that he did not repeat what had been already published on the subject of Hindu iconography as the publications were easily available to any one interested. The same applied to symbolism and other philosophical expositions.
The lecturer had looked for a representation of Ganesa holding a mango in several leading works on Hindu iconography, and could not find an Indian example. (Sir Kandiah showed him one on the front cover of a magazine, but that was a journal printed in Colombo).
Dr. Godakumbura repeated that he was eager to learn more about the subject. He thanked also Dr. W. Balendra for help in his study of these bronzes, and stated that Dr. Balendra's paper on the 'Trincomalee Bronzes' was of great help to him for purposes of comparison. He wished that these bronzes also were published in the Society's Journal. Dr. Godakumbura thanked also the Office Assistant of the Archaeological Department, Mr. V. Sri Ranganathan, for directing him to references in Tamil literature, particularly regarding the Hindu Saints, and expressed his gratitude for the valuable co-operation of all members of his staff who helped him during the excavation and the pursuit of research on the finds, and the preparation of the talk for that evening.
IN CONCLUSION DR. S. PARANAVITANA SAD
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am sure that you will all agree with me that we have listened to a lecture of absorbing interest illustrated by superb lantern slides. The bronzes, mainly Saiva in character, of which we have seen the slides are of great artistic value and their study gives rise to various questions of historical, aesthetic and iconographic import. Dr. Godakumbura, in his lecture, has touched upon many of these questions and as he has himself stated, there is room for difference of opinion on some of them. If I may comment on one or two of these points, while the artistic value of these bronzes is very great, the figures of Natarajás in this collection do not approach the excellence of the famous Nataraja bronze in the Madras Museum and that found previously at Polonnaruva and now in the Colombo Museum. Some of these bronzes have peculiar iconographic characteristics. Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam has suggested that some of the bronzes discovered earlier at Polonnaruva have certain Ceylonese traits, but in
*Dr. Balendra's article could not be published in the Journal of the Society as it had already been published by JDr. Balendra separately and was available for sale - Ed.

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the main all these bronzes follow South Indian traditions and are representative of South Indian art. To many, the interest of these images will be mainly religious and we are indebted to Sir Kanthiah Vaithianathan for an illuminating discourse on that aspect of the subject. Finally, I hope that these bronzes will form the subject of a publication in which all these matters will be adequately dealt with, so that they will receive the attention of scholars interested in Indian art all over the world. I am glad to learn that Dr. Godakumbura is now engaged on this work and I hope that Mr. S.C. Fernando, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry in charge of the Archaeological Department, whose presence at this meeting is a great encouragement, will give him all the necessary facilities for the purpose.
Mr. R.L. Brohier proposed the Vote of Thanks to the Lecturer and the Chair. In doing so he said:
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We have this evening been initiated into a subject in an important field. This has been done by a lecturer who to the best of my knowledge has not addressed our meetings before.
Dr. Godakumbura is presently acting in the capacity of Archaeological Commissioner. His lecture today gives promise that the invaluable work in the field of research, begun in his period of office as Archaeological Commissioner, by the eminent Archaeologist and Epigraphist who is presiding at our meeting, will not go by default.
There have been a good many discussions following lectures under the auspices of the R.A.S. in this hall, but I have seldom heard such an interesting one as this evening, and I think that is perhaps the best compliment our speaker can have of the appreciation of his lecture. Ladies and Gentlemen, I trust that with these few words, you will pass a Vote of Thanks to the lecturer for his very interesting talk and the manner he has presented it; and also to Dr. Paranavitana, for presiding at our meeting today in the absence of our President.

盗
A few additional notes on the statuettes are given below:
These are divided into the three groups, Saiva, Vaisnava, and
Brahmā.
SAIWAITE GROUP
1. Nataraja
(i) This statuette, although devoid of the tuft of hair and the ear-ornaments, is one of the finest ever discovered. It is the largest bronze Nataraja So far known. Coomaraswamy in his Dance of Shiva, Bombay, I948, page 86, says "The images are of all sizes, rarely if ever exceeding four feet in total height'. Our bronze exceeds nearly seven inches over four feet. One special feature of this statuette is the shape of its prabha. Similar ones are, however, very rarely found elsewhere (see Gopinath Rao: Plate LXVI). The other feature is the group of musicians in the frieze on the front side of the lotus pedestal. Originally there has been here a frieze of pilasters and lions. The frieze of musicians has been superimposed on it. The musicians from right to left are: a woman beating a pair of cymbals, a conch-blower, a reed-flute player, a woman beating a kettle drum (kumba), a cymbalist. No Siva-Nataraja bronze with a similar frieze of musicians is known. There are a few South Indian examples of Siva Nataraja in stone with his dance supported by musicians (Gopinath Rao; Plate LXIX). The faces of the musicians admit comparison with similar sculpture found elsewhere in Ceylon, while the face of the deformed dwarf (Sanskrit: A pasmarapurusa; Tamil: Musalakan) on which the dancing Siva stands resembles very closely the faces of the dwarfs at the vatadage, Polonnaruva.
(ii) The small statuette of Siva-Nataraja found in the clay pot, complete with the tuft of hair, halo and pedestal, total height 53 inches, is an excellent piece of art.
Šiva in Somaskandha-mürti
There is a striking peculiarity when compared with other representations of Siva in this mirti. All other examples so far examined including those illustrated in publications on Indian Iconography, have their left leg on pedestal. The present one has the right leg in this position.
Siva as Batuka-Bhairava
Among finds in the pot was also a statuette of Siva as youthful Bhairava, with dog behind. Complete height of the statuette with pedestal is 53 inches. The characteristics of this representation

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of Bhairava are described in the History and Culture of the Indian people, Vol. IV (I955), page 3o7, as follows: “Bațuka - Bhairava (Youthful Bhairava) is usually shown as a nude figure, terrifying in appearance, with fangs protruding from the corners of the mouth parted with a weird smile, with eyes round and rolling, and hands holding such objects as a sword, a khatvanga or sula, and a kapala, he wears wooden Sandals and is accompanied by a dog'.
The features of the present find are not completely in agreement with above; yet we may be fairly certain about our identification.
4. Parvati as Sivakamasundari
The complete height of this statuette with the pedestal is 38 inches. The proportions of the various parts of the body are very well maintained. It has a long neck and breasts of natural size.
5. Pārvatī
The statuette of a goddess, 32 inches in height with pedestal, also may be one of Parvati. This however, differs from the previous in proportions of limbs and features of both face and body. Its face is bloated, neck short and breasts huge. The drapery is also different in style of execution. Perhaps the consort of Visnu, namely Laksmi, did not find a place in a temple of Siva.
6. Sikhivahana (-Skandha)
The figure riding on a peacock which is 4, inches with pedestal, also found in the clay pot, is taken to be a representation of Sikhivahana-Skandha, Son of Siva. Here we find one head and four hands as against the six heads and twelve hands of Mahasena.
7-8. Goddesses Standing
The two seated statuettes of goddesses, one complete height 4 inches, and the other 5 inches, may be representations of Parvati. Or one of them may be a consort of Sikhivahana. Since these are a stray collection, identification is difficult.
9. Goddess Seated
The seated figure in Lalitasana, the complete height of which is 2 inches does also present difficulties of identification. It is really difficult to identify Saktis of Gods, as their individual characteristics are not shown separately when they accompany their male consorts.

SAIVAITE GROUP 253
10. Gaņapati
Speaking of the statuette of Ganapati, one may add from Heinrich Zimmer's the Art of Indian Asia, (p. 17).' The Indian Civilizations, both Buddhist and Hindu, of Ceylon, Cambodia, Siam and Java possessed superb art geniuses of their own'.
11. Caņdešvara
The statuette of Siva-bhakta Chandesvara, 26 inches high, stands on a lotus pedestal 3 inches in height.
12. Sundara mūrti- Svāmi
The statuette of this bhakta, I9 inches high is provided with a very low pedestal inches high.
13. Kairaikkal-Ammaiyar
This statuette is of a class by itself. Writers on Hindu Art and Iconography are wont to identify this figure as an aspect of Kali. (See Heinrich Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, Vol. II, Plate 422: "Kali, worshipping Siva, XIVth century A.D.; A.L. Basham: Wonder that was India, Plate LXX: Kali as demoness playing cymbals, Bronze. Cola).
VAIS NAVA GROUP
1-2. Visņu
There are two statuettes of Visnu, both in Bhogasthana-murti. The larger one, 24 inches high, stands on a pedestal of 6 inches. The other statuette is provided with only a low pedestal of inches.
3. Bālakrsņa
The statuette of Balakrsna is 4 inches high with the pedestal. With its Jatamakuta and muktapatta, it shows excellent workmanship.
BRAHMA GROUP
Sararasvatī
The first find which has been identified as Sarasvati is the only figure that can be taken as belonging to the group of Brahma.

Page 50
The Rebellion of 1665 against Raja Simha.
Comments on Ambanvela Rala's Statement to the Dutch
By J.H.O. PAUIUSZ
The spirited tale of the Nilambé rebellion, spoken by the mouth of the ringleader himself, carries a special weight of authority; and, in its fullness of vivid detail, gives life and colour to the scenes already sketched in the Sober pages of Knox. N. I
The story rings true; and has the merit that it freely lays bare the weaknesses of the plotters and the reasons why they failed. Amban vela Rala, for example, could be so carried away by his own eloquence that he fed his men on vague declamatory assurances instead of issuing crisp, forthright orders. His confederates were mostly bunglers who, as often, as not, killed friends in mistake for foes. It is true there was no lack of courage; but equally no clear cut plan, with a methodical sequence of steps leading to a single fixed aim, - to lay the king by the heels and then kill him with their own hands, to make sure. Instead, everything was hypothetical, conditional; because even when the victim was entrapped, they refused to strike the mortal blow. "If the king comes out, we will fight'. (But only to hold him prisoner). If he flees we will let him go. Desperate enterprises are not carried to success by whimsical half measures. The instant the king took to flight their aggression lost its momentum, just when it should have gone driving forward with fresh vigour. At that turning-point they opened a barren academic debate as to their own fitness to govern. After the Prince had given them fair words and kept them in play, they showed a trustful alacrity in accepting his offer, without thought of safeguards or guarantees, although they knew that the old lion was alive and assuredly roaring defiance. They might have been ignorant of the precise nature of his coming counterstroke, but not ignorant of his character.
Valentyn's account is borrowed largely from Knox; but he adds a fanciful illustration of Raja Simha in full flight with an elephant bulldozing a passage ahead through the thick jungle. N2
Ambanvela Rala was sent in chains to Colombo as a convicted traitor with a request that Governor Rijckloft van Goens the Elder would give him fitting punishment. According to Pieter van Dam (who seldom lets slip an opportunity to criticise van Goens) the king made this gesture 'as a token of the great confidence he reposed in us' N 3 Valentyn on the other hand says that the king's action was due to a
NI. “Historical Relation”: Pt. 2 Ch. 7 and Pt. 4 Ch.5. N2. "Ceylon': pp. I98-9. N3. Dr. F.W. Stapel’s edition: Chapter on Ceylon. Bk. 2 Vol. 2 p. 3 I I.

THE REBELLION OF 665 AGAINST RAJA SIMHA 255
belief that the Dutch were far more accomplished than himself in the arts of butchery; and that their unrivalled skill and experience should be brought to bear to prolong the agonies of Ambanvela's death by ingenious and lingering tortures. In the sequel the Dutch kept him in confinement for over a year, but were under no temptation to put him to death. In 1666 they sent him away to Batavia; still later, moved by a new surge of resentment against Raja Simha, they set him free, honoured him with a title (Don Rijckloff) and granted him a pension. N 4
The dates given by Ambanvela Rala seem confused. As reported by Knox, the rebellion broke out at midnight on the 21st of December I664 and lasted five days. N5 But Ambanvela places it in March I665 and then brings in a fresh complication with the statement that, by the Sinhalese mode of reckoning, (presumably according to the Saka era), the year was 1583. The error might, by possibility, be explained on the ground that nearly ten years had passed since the events took place, and that Amban vela's memory was at fault. His delay to make a statement can be readily understood. Although he seems to have been by nature talkative he would in this case not allow a babbling tongue to trumpet to the four winds an account of the plot, even though he might himself have got clear away to safety. There were lesser partisans who had been accessories either before or after the fact and whose lives would be put in jeopardy by disclosures made too soon. However, as to the dates, the Dutch records confirm Knox. The following translated extract from the Minutes of Council of the 23rd July, I666 shows conclusively that Ambanvela Rala was sent to Colombo in January I665. N 6
"Next, His Excellency brought to the notice of Council that Ambanbilea the Sinhalese (who had been sent down a prisoner to usby Raja Sinha in January of last year, having been convicted of raising the rebellion against him) was still sitting here in custody; and that Raja had caused inquiries to be made about him through the latest delegation of envoys that he had sent down; and had allowed this much to be known, that he would gladly see him put to death by us. But, although it would not be proper for us to comply with his wishes in this respect, His Excellency invited Council to consider whether it might not be necessary to send this same Ambanbilea from the country and out of sight; and the sooner the better; in order thereby to remove all evil suspicion that the king might entertain in case Ambanbilea should continue longer to be held secured by us. After ripe deliberation all the members unanimously took the view that His Excellency's proposal was founded on sound reasons and was in the highest degree necessary. Accordingly it was decreed that the afore-noticed Ambanbilea should be sent at the first opportunity in secret to Batavia.
N4. Valentyn: "Ceylon' p. 249/2. N5. See Note (I) on first page. N6. Codex I2; Ceylon Government Archives.

Page 51
Comments on “Ceylon and Malayasia in Mediaeval
Times
DR. K.W. GOONEWARDENE
I. Professor Paranavitana (p. 7) has drawn attention to a reference to a Malala king in the Kāvyaśekhara of Sri Rahula. The poet imagines that the kings of different lands were paying homage to the Bodhisatta in Benares in ancient times by bringing with them as presents certain 'characteristic products of their countries'. The Malala king is said to have brought with him cardamoms, betel-leaves of Malaya, pepper, nutmeg, cubeb and precious stones. Now, most of these products were common to both the Malay Peninsula and Malabar, to which also the name "Malaya' is applicable. But Professor Paranavitana points out that the cubeb according to ancient Tamil literature was a commodity "brought in ships to South India from regions in the Malay Peninsula'. He concludes that it is justifiable to take the Malalas as people of the Malay Peninsula . . . .
I wish to point out that there is yet another item in the list of presents which can be accepted as a product peculiar to the Malay Peninsula. The Portuguese and Dutch writings of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries leave us in no doubt about the fact that nutmegs were to be found only in Malayasia - and that too, in a very restricted area, the Banda Islands. Thus the argument of Professor Paranavitana is strengthened.
2. That Kalinga, the home of Nissankamala could not be identical with the Kalinga in India, is, I believe, very strongly suggested - if not conclusively proved - by certain evidence which Professor Paranavitana has himself given, though he has not drawn pointed attention to it. He refers to the inscriptions in which Nissankamalla speaks with pride and affection of his birthplace of Sirhhapura in Kalinga. (See pp. 27, 28, 33). The king specifically refers to his having built alms-halls in Vijayapura in Kalinga (p. 33). On the other hand, he also refers to a Kalinga towards which he did not have such friendly or affectionate feelings. And this Kalinga, according to the context in which it appears, was the kingdom in India (p. 34). The first, therefore, was outside India and - in the light of other evidence - it was in Malayasia.
3. There is evidence to indicate that the Sinhalese maintained friendly relations with the people of the Malay Peninsula even in the early seventeenth century. The Dutch documents dealing with the expedition of Sebald de Weert (I603-04) contain references to diplomatic exchanges between Vimaladharmasuriya I and the powerful Malay state of Acheh, which was situated quite close to the region of Kalinga as identified by Professor Paranavitana.
4. Finally, I feel that it is worth noting that a number of Sinhalese family names suggests a Malay connection, e.g. Malalage, Malalasekhara and Malalgoda. And the fact that many people bearing such names have remarkably Malayan features may not be altogether accidental.

Comments on “Ceylon and Malayasia in Mediaeval Times'
By PAULINUS TAMBIMUTTU
Dr. Paranavitana's conclusion that the people of Ceylon and Malaya would have come in contact with each other from ancient days due to geographical considerations, etc. is supported by other evidence. Dr. N.D. Wijesekera states that there is a faint trace of Mongoloid features in the modern Sinhalese population, and an alveolar prognathism. He also states that the Polynesian word for canoe is 'oru-u' which is 'oruwa’ in Sinhalese, and that there are similarities in the masks, mode of wearing the lower garment, etc. of the Sinhalese and the people of the Indonesian islands.
Professor Sylvain Levi has stated that about IOoo B.C. the seafaring Rroto-Malay gave India a pre-Dravidian civilisation still to be traced in place-names and outrigger boats. Therefore the Proto-Malay would have reached Ceylon long before recorded history, and Dr. Paranavitana is correct when he states that the name 'Hambantota', and other names of places beginning or ending with "Malala' do not appear to be of recent origin.
Dr. R.O. Winstedt in his “History of Malaya” states that some thousand years before Christ the Proto-Malay knew enough of seamanship, and stars to find his way to India in outrigger boats. The people of . Malaya influenced Ceylon history not only during the times beginning from Mahinda IV and ending with Magha, but from the dawn of history and as Dr. Paranavitana says Chandrabanu's attempt to invade Ceylon was the result of a long historical process in which the people of Malayasia had played a very important part in the history of the Island. I hope that in his next paper Dr. Paranavitana will deal with all the evidence there is to connect the people of Malaya and Ceylon from rooo B.C.".

Page 52
ebituarp -
Cyril Wace Nicholas
By the death of Cyril Wace Nicholas, which occurred on I4 August, I96I, the Society has lost one of its most valued members- one who has not only served as a Member of the Council and a Vice-President for a number of years, but also has made an outstanding contribution to the achievement of its aims.
C.W. Nicholas was born on 5 August, 1898 and received his early education at the Royal College. He proceeded for higher studies to the Cambridge University, but enlisted for service in the First World War before he could complete his course. His military career, though brief, was distinguished. From subaltern he was promoted as a Captain in the King's Royal Rifles, but at the end of two years was wounded and invalided out, being awarded the Military Cross. At the age of 22 he returned to Ceylon and took up the Special Civil Service Examination for War Service personnel. He passed this examination and was placed first on the list, but failed to secure an appointment to the Civil Service on medical grounds. He was, however, appointed an Assistant Superintendent of Excise, his first station being Batticaloa. He served meritoriously in the Excise Department and rose to be its Deputy Commissioner from which post he was seconded for service in 1950 as Warden of the Wild Life Department. C.W. Nicholas organised this newly created Department and remained as its head until he retired from Government Service in I957. As Warden of the Wild Life Department, he was instrumental in establishing the National Parks and Strict Natural Reserves designed for the preservation of the Fauna and Flora of the Island.
Apart from such studies as were necessary for his official duties, C.W. Nicholas had been interested in the history and antiquities of the Island from his youth, and had made himself familiar with what had been written on these subjects. Ancient inscriptions of Ceylon particularly engaged his attention and in the course of his frequent visits, official as well as unofficial, to remote areas of the Island, he never missed an opportunity of visiting ancient sites and making eye-copies of rockinscriptions in which, in course of time, he developed a remarkable aptitude. In this manner, Nicholas brought to light a number of cave and rock inscriptions which are of great significance for the study of the early history of Ceylon. Particular mention may be made of the cave inscription at Vala-elugoda-kanda in the Badulla District, which mentions the General Phussadeva (a paladin of Dutthagamani), and his daughter Naga, married to a general named Agidata who flourished in the reign of Saddhatissa and a cave inscription at Situlpavuva, which

OBITUARY 259
contains the name of Velusumana, another of Dutthagamanis paladins. He had, in this manner, been of much assistance to the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon in its exploration work.
C.W. Nicholas made his debut as a writer on the history and antiquities of Ceylon rather late in life, much persuasion by his friends being necessary to overcome his innate modesty, but his contributions to the University of Ceylon Review, the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society and other publications impressed scholars by their systematic presentation of facts, and the critical acumen and rare historical sense exhibited by them. Among the more important of his papers may be mentioned:-"Epigraphical Map of Ceylon' in the University of Ceylon Review (U.C.R.), Vol. VII, pp. II6-I28, 'Territorial Divisions of Ceylon from Early Times to the I2th century' (U.C.R., VII, pp. 20-50), 'Some Offices and Titles in the Early Sinhalese Kingdom’ (U.C.R., VIII, pp. II6-I28), “Brāhmaņas in the Early Sinhalese Kingdom' (U.C.R., Vol. VIII, pp. 259 ff.), “Sinhalese Naval Power” (U.C.R., XVI, pp. 78-92), “Paleographical Development of the Brahmi Script in Ceylon' (U.C.R., VII, pp. 60-64), "Texts of the Cave Inscriptions in Ruhuna National Park' in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, New Series (J. R.A.S., C.B., N.S.), Vol. II, pp. I26-I40, 'Professions and Occupations in the Early Sinhalese Kingdom” (J. R.A.S., C. B., N.S.), Vol. II, pp. 35-7III, “Some Lesser Known pre-Christian Ruins' (J.R.A.S., C.B., N.S., V, pp. I38-I59), "Texts of the Cave Inscriptions at Hindagala' in Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. II, pp. 22 I-224 and “Brāhmī Inscriptions in the Yala East Wild Reserve' in Sir Paul Pieris Felicitation Volume, pp. 58-68. In these papers, Nicholas had published the texts and translations of about 4oo Brahmi inscriptions, mostly pre-Christian cave records. Of outstanding value is 'A Short Account of the History of Irrigation Works up to the IIth century” (J. R.A.S., C.B., N.S., VIII, pp. 43-7o) in which the development of irrigation in the Island has been treated for the first time in its proper historical perspective.
But the field of research in which Nicholas concentrated more particularly was historical topography. In this he continued the work of Codrington, and the results of his labours in this branch of study are given in his “Historical Topography of Ancient and Mediaeval Ceylon', published as Volume VI, New Series, of the J. R.A.S., C.B. This monograph, in which toponyms found in the chronicles, published and unpublished inscriptions up to the eighth century, and other sources, are classified according to districts, giving their modern equivalents wherever possible, will no doubt remain the standard work on the subject for many years to come.
When the University of Ceylon planned the preparation and publication of an up-to-date History of Ceylon on comprehensive lines, Nicholas was invited to contribute a number of chapters to Volume I and to be a member of the Editorial Board. His contributions to this

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260 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
Volume are the Sections on the Geographical Background and Fauna, respectively, of Chapters I and II of Book I, Chapter II, Liberation from the Cola Yoke' Chapter III, The Reign of Vijayabahu I' Chapter IV, “Civil Wars and the Emergence of Parakramabahu the Great' and Chapter V The Reign of Parakramabahu I' of Book V (The Polonnaruva Period) and the sections on Irrigation in the chapters devoted to the Civilisation of the different periods. In the chapters dealing with the Polonnaruva Period, the military campaigns of Vijayabahu I, Vikramabahu and Parakramabahu I have been dealt with for the first time in a coherent manner, Nicholas' early military training, his familiarity with the terrain and his topographical knowledge having enabled him to grasp the tactical and strategical significance of the long catalogue of actions at various places given in the Calavamsa.
Nicholas performed his functions as a member of the Editorial Board of the University History of Ceylon very conscientiously and expeditiously, and it was in no small measure due to his enthusiasm for the undertaking that the publication of Volume I was possible within a comparatively short time after the initiation of the project. Nicholas was joint-author of the Concise History of Ceylon which is mainly based on the more comprehensive work already referred to.
Nicholas was planning a number of learned papers when the sickness which carried him away overtook him. Having collaborated with him during the last five years in several literary undertakings, the present writer is in a position to say that great indeed has been the loss suffered by scholarship in Ceylon by his demise.
In recognition of his outstanding contribution to historical research, the Society had decided to award its Medal for I960 to C.W. Nicholas, but Fate did not spare him for its formal presentation at the Annual
General Meeting fixed for I September, I96I.
S.P.

Book Reviews
VOLUME OF SPECIMIEN ARTICLES
ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF BUDDHISM
The volume of specimen articles, the precursor of the Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, is a happy augury to the ultimate success of the Magnum Opus. It is obvious to the reader that it is in itself a miniature encyclopaedia though the Editor-in-chief, Dr. G.P. Malalasekera, with his characteristic modesty states that "it represents only a cross-section of the information included in the encyclopaedia”.
The wide range of references and the bibliography consulted by the Editors in the preparation of the book indicate that no pains have been spared by the Editors in the compilation of a book so indispensable to a student of Buddhism.
Much that was hitherto a closed chapter regarding Zen Buddhism and its peculiarities distinguishing it from other Buddhist sects has been brought to light in such a way as not to widen the gulf among them but to show their fundamental similarities. Biographical details of Bodhidharma and the part he played in the propagation of Zen Buddhism have been dealt with comprehensively in a spirit of understanding.
Writing about Buddhist architecture in Ceylon Dr. S. Paranavitana leaves nothing that is really worth knowing and sums up in picturesque language how the religion affected architecture. The account runs into several pages describing each appendage of ancient monastic architecture and the purpose it served, with his direct first-hand knowledge of the subject. "Above all", says the learned doctor 'the architects who designed the more notable monuments did not forget that works were intended to take the minds of the spectator from the material to the spiritual plane and within the resources of their art they strove steadfastly for the realisation of this end.
The photographic illustrations of the Buddhist architecture in Ceylon - the twin ponds, sannipatasala - lend an added interest to the articles on Architecture in Ceylon.
It is a matter of pride that all the subjects have been dealt with from the angle of Buddhism which is always kept in the foreground to the exclusion of other extraneous matters.
Perspective and a sense of proportion appear to have been brought into play in the preparation of the articles. It is a credit to the compilers of the encyclopaedia that they have observed the principle of “Multum in Parvo”.
In the article on Asoka, History and Religion are blended so skilfully as to bring out the religious strand into prominence over the historical. In the summingup of Asoka's contribution to Buddhism, H.G.A. Van Zvert says, "He occupies a unique place amongst the rulers of the world. In the Buddhist history he ranks in importance only next to the Sakyamuni himself. How the Dhamma influenced the great emperor is stated in the message he left to his successors'. But should conquest be the result of war forced upon them they should find their delight in forbearance and light punishment, keeping in mind that the only victory is the victory of the Dhamma'.
The article on the Pacceka Buddhas brings out a vast array of facts hitherto unknown. That the encyclopaedia has broken new ground by research in the process of compilation is a conclusion that one cannot help forming.

Page 54
262 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
Dealing with Positivism. K.N. Jayatileka demonstrates its close affinity with Buddhism. He quotes many authors, such as Comte and Radhakrishnan to prove his case.
The article on Buddhism in Siam is both elaborate and comprehensive. It deals with the origin, the history and the major trends of Buddhism in the Buddhist country.
It is most fitting that a skeleton map indicating the cultural connections between India and Ceylon has been included in the book. The writer makes out a good case that Siam was a part and parcel of the Svarnabhūmi to which missionaries were sent after the conclusion of the Third Convocation. However the writer does not dogmatically state that his view is beyond all manner of doubt. That Ceylon and Siam had religious and cultural ties has been historically established.
The volume of specimen articles is proof that the editorial staff had undergone much travail in an attempt to meet a vital requirement which had been overdue for nearly a century. Scattered knowledge and hitherto unknown data have been systematically and laboriously collected, analysed, and compiled for the benefit of the readers.
To the student of Buddhism the Encyclopaedia will be a veritable boon and a treasure house of information regarding all aspects of Buddhism.
It will indeed, serve as the best monument erected in commemoration of the 25ooth anniversary of the Parinibbāna of the peerless world teacher whose message of peace and goodwill is more needed now than ever before in a world torn by
stress and strife.
MIRISSE GUNASIRI (THERO).
' A Philosophy for NEFA' by Verrier Elwin, Second Edition, I959, pages
296, Rs. 5/-.
The author, in his usual inimitable style, presents a picture of the tribal people of the North-Eastern Frontier Province, which is now being administered as a special area. He brings to bear in this book all the knowledge of anthropological theory and its application as gathered in India, Africa and elsewhere. The book is intended for the administrator. It is written very sympathetically, but it does not lack the scientific precision of anthropological presentation. It is also a source book on a variety of subjects relating to the tribal people of this area.
The monograph furnishes a wealth of information culled by the author from personal experience and observation. He has presented this in very simple language without any technical elaboration. It is really a handbook and a guide book, not only to the administrator but also to the anthropologist. The hints he gives will certainly help the field worker, be he a collector of knowledge or a collector of revenue for the administration. His approach is essential and Verrier Elwin records it most charmingly from the point of view of the people of NEFA. It is a whole philosophy of the way of life. It is a scientific approach to the tribal problem.
The population of this area is nearly 25 million, and the people vary in their religious beliefs, cultural attainments, and physical and mental make up. Still most of them are in the pre-literate stage as regards their cultural level and live in a world of their own. The modern civilization of India must necessarily have a serious impact on these tribal people. This can lead to the general degeneration and final extinction or progressive development and final enrichment of India. The transition is delicate, difficult and dangerous. Hence Elwin shows the way with his encyclopaedic knowledge about men and matters of tribal India. This policy is determined by applied anthropology. Adopted for dealing with problematic human groups, fortunately his philosophy is in accord with the policy of the Indian Government, more so the policy of its Prime Minister, Mr. Nehru.

BOOK REVIEW 263
The book contains 8 Chapters. In these he presents the case for NEFA in all its aspects. The problem is highlighted, and the aims are set out nicely and artistically. He also goes into detail about the material considerations that affect this group of humanity. He deals with some of them under separate chapters. He believes them to be very important. These are dress, psychological aims religious aims, social aims, and cultural aims. To all these he suggests solutions and these are practical, simple and beneficial. In his modest manner he calls it a book of practical problems and not of anthropology, but there is more anthropology of a very entertaining nature for the keen student of that subject. The policy which is reiterated is "determined to help the tribal people to grow according to their own genius and tradition; it is not the intention to impose anything on them'. (Page 56). He reminds the people, particularly the administrators that "history will judge us primarily on two things; how we solve the problems of tribal culture and how we deal with the problem of tribal land'. (Page 72). He believes that all progress and development in these areas should be guided and determined by the good and the good only of the people of this area. He cites the Buddha 'colourful and rich is India, lovable and charming is the life of man'. (Page I46).
It is a book worth reading by any average reader. It is a book that must be read by every lover of tribal peoples. It is a book which no administrator, whether in India or in any part of the world, should neglect. "NEFA' offers a unique opportunity to every member of the Administration for it is attempting an exciting and unusual experiment which, if successful, will write a significant page in the history of civilization's dealings with primitive people. Elsewhere in the world, colonists have often gone into tribal areas for what they can get; the Government of India has gone into NEFA for what it can give. Whenever a new project is considered or policy proposed, the one criterion is whether it will be for the benefit of the tribal people. The keynote of the administration's policy indeed is this: 'the tribesmen first, the tribesmen last, the tribesmen all the time. (Page 286).
May the administrator read this and apply the knowledge in the Field for it is indeed an inspiring document which embodies the right attitudes and the right intentions of man towards man, be he in India or elsewhere.
N.D. WIJESEKERA.
The Personality of India by Bendapudi Subbarao. III X 8, pp. xii—I 35, 3o Figures. Published by the author for the Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Baroda, Iq56. Rs. I5/-.
Stone Age Industries of the Bombay and Satara District, by S.C. Malik. IIx8, pp. x-68, 8 Plates and 29 Figures. Published by Prof. B. Subbarao for the Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Baroda, I959. Rs. Io/5o.
These two publications, Nos. 3 and 4, respectively, of the M.S. University Archaeology Series, furnish evidence of the sustained interest that has been taken by archaeologists in India during recent years in prehistoric research. In spite of its rather unfortunate title, which might make one dismiss it as a quest of an illusive entity, the work by Prof. B. Subbarao has given a very valuable summary of the results so far achieved in this field of research. Sir Mortimer Wheeler, who has contributed a Foreword, characterises the work as a brave and constructive attempt to set prehistoric and protohistoric India upon the map. In Sir Mortimer's words, a dozen years ago, it could not have been written; a dozen hence, it will have to be re-written, probably by Dr. Subbarao himself, Prof. Subbarao has

Page 55
264 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
himself made a very valuable contribution to the advancement of knowledge in these studies by the field work that he has undertaken, and this systematic analysis and classification of the prehistoric and protohistoric cultures brought to light up to the time of the writing of this monograph will not only supply a book of ready reference to the interested student, but will stimulate further research in this direction.
The work of Mr. S.C. Malik contains a systematic account of the artefacts brought to light in exploring a number of prehistoric sites in the Bombay and Satara Districts. It shows that, in one direction, the prophecy made by Sir Mortimer while introducing Prof. Subbarao's work is being fulfilled. For among the artefacts discovered at one of the sites was "a well-worked beer-bottle glasscore'. The bottle, the base of which supplied to the tool-maker the necessary raw material for his industry, is said to have been of a type which was first manufactured in Europe about the I7-18th century A.D. at the earliest. Mr. Malik does not flinch from arriving at the only possible conclusion from this find. He says: “This evidence clearly points out, therefore, to the late survival of the Microlithic industry. The villagers and the local people in Mahabaleshwar confirm this by recalling that these microlithic sites were at one time the camping sites of tribal people'.
Both publications are profusely illustrated with drawings and maps.
S. PARANAVITANA.

Office Bearers-1959
Patwom
His Excellency Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, G.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., K.B.E.
Pyesident
Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D., B.A., Bishop's House, Chilaw.
Vice-Presidents
. Dr. G.C. Mendis, D.Litt., No. 492, Havelock Road, Colombo 6.
2. Mr. C.W. Nicholas, No. 4I, Castle Lane, Bambalapitiya.
. Sir Nicholas Attygalle, L.M.S. (Cey.), D.L.O. (Lond.), M.R.C.S. (Eng.),
L.R.C.P. (Lond.), F.R.C.S. (Eng.), F.R.C.O.G., III 8, Horton Place, Colombo 7.
Ea-Presidents
... Mr. P.E.P. Deraniyagala, M.A., A.M., F.C.P.S., F.Z.S., Director, National
Museums, Colombo.
... Dr. S. Paranavitana, C.B.E., Ph.D., D.Litt., Professor of Archaeology,
Mahakande, Peradeniya.
Joint Honorary Secretaries
... Mr. A.R. Tampoe, 27/2, De Fonseka Place, Colombo 5.
2. Mr. K.O. Koelmeyer, B.Sc. (Cey. and Lond.), A.I.F.C. Dip. for (Oxon.),
29I/4o, Maya Avenue, Colombo 6.
Honorary Treasurer
Al-Hajj A.H.M. Ismail, M.A., LL.B., J.P.U.M., I 39/I4T, Kynsey Road, Colombo.
Соитсil
. Mr. R.L. Brohier, O.B.E., F.R.I.C.S., F.R.G.S., 43, Asoka Gardens, Colombo. . Professor D.E. Hettiarachchi, M.A., Ph.D., University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. . Dr. H.W. Tambiah, Q.C., B.Sc., L.L.B. (Lond.), Ph.D. (Lond.), 52 - 5th
Lane, Colombo 3.
. Dr. N.D. Wijesekera, Deputy Commissioner, Official Language Department,
22, Reid Avenue, Colombo 7.
. Dr. A.W.P. Guruge, B.A., Ph.D., C.C.S., 37, Hampden Lane, Wellawatte.
Mr. C.B.P. Perera, O.B.E., B.Sc., C.C.S., 69, Green Path, Colombo 7. Mr. W.J.F. LaBrooy, B.A., High School Bungalow, Kandy. Ven. Mirisse Gunasiri Theor, B.A., II, 4, McCarthy Road, Colombo 7. Rev. Fr. Xavier Thani Nayagam, S.J., University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. Mr. G.B. Jackson, M.A. (Cantab.), P.O. Box, No. 18, Colombo.
... Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, 29/2, Sri Dharmapala Road, Mt. Lavinia. . Mr. S.J. Kadirgamar, 'Lalitha', No. I7, Queen's Road, Colombo 3.

Page 56
Annual Report for 1959
Meetings and Papers
One General Meeting and 4 Council Meetings were held during the year. The Annual General Meeting was held on I 4th August, Ig59, when the President, Dr. S. Paranavitana, presided. The Annual Report and the Hony. Treasurer's Report were read. A paper entitled "Ceylon and Malayasia in Medieval Times' was read by the outgoing President, Dr. S. Paranavitana. At a General Meeting held on I6th January, I96o, a paper entitled "Mahadanamutta Stories' was read by Rt. Rev. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D.
Members
The Society has now on its Roll 477 members of whom 6 are Hony Members, Io5 Life Members, 35I Ordinary Resident Members and 15 Ordinary Non-Resident Members.
The above figures include -
53 new members admitted during the year,
I resignation in I959, 6 members removed from the Roll of Members for non-payment of
subscription for 4 years and over.
Council
Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D., was elected President in place of Dr. S. Paranavitana, who retired under Rule I7.
Sir Nicholas Attygalle was elected Vice-President and Rev. Mirisse Gunasiri Thero, Mr. W.J.F. LaBrooy, Rev. Fr. Thani Nayagam, Mr. S.J. Kadirgamar and Dr. A.W.P. Guruge were elected to fill other vacancies on the Council. Mr. A.R. Tampoe was re-elected Hony. Secretary and Mr. K.O. Koelmeyer elected as coHony. Secretary. Al-Hajj A.H.M. Ismail was re-elected to the office of Hony. Treasurer.
Grant
A sum of Rs. 6,ooo/- was received from the Government by way of grant for the Financial Year I959/6O.
Library
The additions to the Library numbered I4o. This figure does not include periodicals received by way of exchange or donations. A list of all such periodicals and donations are published annually in the Society's Journal.
Publications
Journal Vol. VI (Special Number) containing exclusively Mr. C.W. Nicholas' paper on "The Historical Topography of Ancient and Medieval Ceylon' was issued during the year. Vol. VII Part I was issued in March, this year. In view of high printing costs, it was decided to raise the price of Vol. VI (Special No.) from Rs. 5/- to Rs. 7/5o. Even at this price the entire stock has been sold out.
Missions Abroad
Indian History Congress - 22nd Session.--The Congress was held at Gauhati, Assam, from 27th to 29th December, 1959. In response to the invitation sent by the Hony. General Secretary, the Council elected Mr. B.J. Perera and Dr. Laksh

ANNUAL REPORT FOR, 1959 267
man Perera of the University to represent the Society at the Congress. Dr. Perera was unfortunately not able to go and Mr. B.J. Perera represented the Society.
Representation on Local Committees
National Co-ordinating Committee, UNESCO.-Mr. K.O. Koelmeyer was elected to represent the Society on the Co-ordinating Committee of UNESCO whose aim is to promote Mutual Appreciation of Eastern and Western Cultural Values.
Sri Lanka Sahitya Mandalaya.-Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D.,
was appointed to serve on the above Mandalaya in terms of Section 7(2)(c) of the Sri Lanka Sahitya Mandalaya Act No. I 3 of I958.
Ceylon National Commission for UNESCO.-Mr. R.L. Brohier, O.B.E., was elected to serve on the above Commission for the Three Year Period, 1959-1962.

Page 57
Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1959
The Society's finances for the year under review showed an excess of Income
over Expenditure of Rs. 3,559/og cts.
The Bank balances were
I. State Bank of India. . . a Rs.
2. Reserve a/c. Ceylon Savings Bank y 3. Chalmers Oriental Text Fund . . p 4. Society Medal Fund . . - a u
5. Chinese Records Translation Fun o
Income
Our receipts for the year mainly comprised of members'
I. Subscriptions for Ig59 . . a . . . Rs.
2. Arrears of Subscriptions 3. Entrance Fees K do to a p 4. Fees paid in Advance . . -
7,305.74 2,755.32 2, 22.02 2, I25.75 3,864.95
subscriptions.
3,586'II 7o5°оо 26o'oo I95 "oo
Five (5) members were removed from the Roll of Members for non-payment
of subscription and, in consequence, a sum of Rs. 225/- was
written off as irre
coverable. A sum of Rs. I,46I/5o due as subscriptions for I959 remained unpaid at the end of the year. It would be greatly appreciated if members would pay in their subscriptions regularly and promptly as this would save much clerical labour and also postage incurred on account of frequent reminders. A sum of Rs. 2,530/79
was collected by the sale of the Society's Journals.

Page 58
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Balance Sheet as at
LIABILITIES Rs. Cts. Rs. Cts.
Accumulated Fund :
As at 3Ist December, 1958 . . ... I5,952 46 Add. Excess of Income over
Expenditure for the year ... 3,559 O9 I9,5II 55 Current Liabilities :
Pope & Co. a 250 || OO Subscriptions paid in Advance 226 34 B. F. Stevens & Brown . . III || 22 477 56
Sundry Funds-per Contra:
Society Medal Fund
As at 3Ist December, 1958 Rs. 2,074'00 Add: Interest for the year, 5 175 2,I25 75
Chalmer's Oriental Text Fund:
As at 3Ist December, I958 Rs. 2,04I'02 Add. Interest and deposits of
Extended Mahavansa, 8I'oo' 2,I22 | o2
Chinese Records Translation
Fund : As at 3Ist December, 1958 Rs. 3,77o'7o Add Interest for the year, 94'25, 3,864 95 8,II2 72
Rs. 28,IoI 83
* EDMUND PEIRIS, O.M..I., A. H. M. ISMAIL,
President. Honorary Treasurer.

(cEYLON BRANCH)
31st December, 1959
ASSETS Rs. Cts. Rs. Cts.
Fixed Assets :
As at 3Ist December, 1958 ... || 7,3O8 | 63 Less. Depreciation о я» 294 42
7,оІ4 | 2І || Add. Additions during the year . . 20 || OO || 7,034 || 2
Current Assets :
Sundry Debtors m
Subscription u . . || II, 46 I || 5O
Subscription due in 1958 and earlier 976 32 J. R. Maxwell & Co., Ltd. o I i II Baily Bros. & Swinfer Ltd. 3 76 Maruzan & Co. . . a III || 48 Kegan Paul Trench Trubner & Co. 35 2,454 52 Cash and Bank Balances . . . . -
State Bank of India ... 7,3O5 74 Cash in Hand . . a ვ8 | 58 Stamps in Hand .. 8 w 8 24
Ceylon Savings Bank:
Asat 3Ist December, 1958 Rs. 2,68820 Add. Interest for the year , 67-12|| 2,755 | 32 | Io,Ӏо7 88
Loans
s I22 5O To Staff * 270 ܫ OO 392 50
Sundry Funds-per Contra
Society Medal Fund . . . 2, I25 75 Chalmer's Oriental Text Fund . . . 2,I22 O2 Chinese Records Translation Fund .. 3,864 95 8,II2 72
Rs... 28, Io 83
REPORT OF THE AUDITORS
We have examined the above Balance Sheet as at 31st December, Ig59. We have obtained all the information and explanations we have required. We have not seen confirmations from Members for subscriptions in arrear. Subject to this and to our Report of even date, in our opinion the above Balance Sheet correctly exhibits the position as at 31st December, I959, according to the information and explanations given to us and as shown by the financial books.
POPE & CO.
> Auditors. Chartered Accountants.J Colombo, 7th July, I960.
3880-E

Page 59
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Income and Expenditure Account for
EXPENDITURE Rs. Cts. Rs. Cts.
To General Account :
Audit Expenses I7 | 8o Salaries 3,980 || იo Arrears Written off 225 OO Bank Charges UN O I9 94 Maintenance of Typewriter 24 00 Lectures and Meetings 23 5O Cycle Allowance 6o || oo Printings & Stationery 505 20 Travelling I9 8o Sundries . . I24 3O Bonus 40 OO Debit Tax I7 32 Income Tax O 6I oo Commission on Sale of Journals 496 Io Audit Fees 25O || Oo Postage 333 55 6, I97 5 I
, Government Grant Account :
Printing of Journals 4,200 || OO Purchase of Books . . 4,924 89 Binding ab 2O9 || Oo 9,333 89 ... Depreciation 294 42 , Excess of Income over Expenditure
for the year is a 3,559 O9
Rs. 19,384 9I

(CEYLON BRANCH)
the Year Ended 31st December, 1959
INCOME Rs. Cts. Rs. Cts.
By General Account :
Annual Subscriptions . . | 5,362 | 5o Entrance Fees • 26o || oo Donations O. O. - Io 5o Savings Bank Interest a 67 I2 Life Membership Fees y a 654 || oo Sale of Literature . . . . . 2,530 79 8,884 9I
, Government Grant IO,5OO 00
Rs. I9,384 | 9I

Page 60
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Receipts and Payments Account for
RECEIPTS Rs. Cts. Rs. Cts.
To Balance on 1st January, 1959:
State Bank of India .. ... 3,077 72 Ceylon Savings Bank . . . 2,688 20 Cash in Hand s 29 || 89 Stamps in Hand .. 22 56 5,81837 ,, General Account:
Life Members Fees wo s 654 || oo Arrears of Subscription a 7O5 || oo Subscriptions for Ig59 - || 3,586 || III Entrance Fees 26o || oo Fees paid in Advance as s I95 || Oo Sale of Journals 哈 蜂 ... 2,53O 79 Donations - IO 50 Ceylon Savings Bank Interest .. 67 I2 8,008 52
Chalmer's Oriental Text Fund: Deposits of Sale of Extended
Mahavansa d : 30 OO
, Government Grant 8 8 I 2,000 || OO
Rs. 25856 89

(CEYLON BRANCH)
the Year Ended 31st December, 1959
PAYMENTS
99
By General Account :
Loans :
Salaries ..
Audit Fees 0 is
Printing and Stationery
Postage ..
Lectures and Meetings
Travelling
Bank Charges
Bonus to Peon - O
Audit Expenses 4 b
Cycle Allowance O 8
Maintenance of Typewriter
Income Tax Paid .. e -
Sundries . .
Debit Tax o O.
Commission on Sale of Journals..
Deposit of Sale of Extended
Mahavansa in Chalmer's Oriental Text Fund
To Staff .. O Y {
Government Grant Account:
Purchase of Books Binding . . O. O. Printing of Journals Purchase of Furniture
Bank Balance as at 31st
December, 1959 : State Bank of India . . Ceylon Savings Bank Cash in Hand Stamps in Hand
Rs. Cts. Rs. Cts.
3,862 | 5o
250 OO
505 20
333 55
23 50
I9 8o
2O O5
40 OO
I7 8o
6o || oo
24 || OO
6I || oo
I24 3O
I7 32
496 Ιο
30 || OO 5,885 I2
300 || OO
2IO || OO 5 Io || Oo
4,924 | 89
209 || Oo
4,200 || OO
2O | OO | 9,353 || 89
7,305 74
27స్ట్ 畿 ,
3 5
8 24 Ιο, Ιο7 88 Rs. 25,856 || 89

Page 61
Abstract of Proceedings
Minutes of the Annual General Meeting of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held on the 25th July, 1958, in King George V Hall, University of Ceylon, Thurstan Road, Colombo 3.
Present.--Dr. S. Paranavitana, President, in the Chair, and 6O members and visitors.
1. Minutes.-The Minutes of the General Meeting of II-4-58 were read and confirmed.
2. Business arising from the Minutes.-Nil.
3. Annual Report.--Dr. G.C. Mendis moved the adoption of the Reportcarried.
4. Audited Statement of Accounts.-The President moved the adoption of the Report. Adopted and carried nem. con.
5. Donations.-A list of donations received since the General Meeting of
II-4-58, was tabled.
6. Acquisitions.--A list of books acquired since the General Meeting of II-4-58, was tabled.
7. New Members.-The names of 4 members elected since the General Meeting of II-4-58 were announced.
8. Election of Office-Bearers.
The following office-bearers were elected:-
Соитсil Метbers
I. Dr. Nanda Deva Wijesekera
Mr. G.B. Jackson Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty Mr. R.L. Brohier (re-elected) Dr. H.W. Tambiah (re-elected)
:
Honorary Secretaries
I. Mr. A.R. Tampoe (re-elected) 2. Mrs. Esmee Rankine (re-elected)
Honorary Treasurey
„Al-Hajj A.H.M. Ismail (re-elected).
9. Presidential Address.--Dr. S. Paranavitana delivered a lecture on "Bodhigharas and Asanagharas', which was illustrated with slides.
10. Vote of Thanks.--Dr. Balendra proposed a cordial Vote of Thanks to the President for his excellent lecture which was thoroughly enjoyed by all. He expressed the hope that the President would in the near future publish in book form all his works and experiences so that it would be available to posterity fifty or hundred years later.
Sir Edwin Wijeyeratne seconded the Vote of Thanks which brought the proceedings to a close.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEIDINGS 277
Minutes of the Meeting of the Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held at 5-15 p.m. on 21-11-58 at the Society's Library, University Buildings, Thurstan Road, Colombo 3.
Present.--Dr. S. Paranavitana, President, in the Chair, and 9 members.
1. Minutes.-The Minutes of the Meeting of 22-6-58, which had previously been circulated, were confirmed.
2. Election of New Members.--The following candidates were elected Ordinary Resident Members of the Society:
Mr. D.L. Welikala
J. Mr. D.A. de Costa 2.
3. Mr. J. Padmanabha 4. Dr. Heinz Bechert 5. Mr. L. Lokuliyana 6. Mr. W.F. Abeyakoon 7. Mr. M.D. Amarasinghe 8. Mr. C.S. Ranasooriya 9. Mr. G.M. de S. Wijeysekera Io. Mr. R.G.J. Ranatunge II. Rev. Kahaduwe Chandajoti I2. Rev. B. Wimalabuddhi. Thero I 3. Mr. G.A. Gnanamuttu I4. Mr. M. Idaikkadar
I5. Rev. Fr. J. Alexander Fernando.
In the case of Mr. R. de S. Thenabadu, Council decided to inform him that as his name was removed from the Roll of Members under Rule 33 for non-payment of subscription for the years I954 and I955, he should pay up all his arrears before he could be enrolled again.
In the case of Mr. K.G. Gunatilaka, Council directed that his sponsors be written to inquiring whether they were personally acquainted with the candidate and could vouch for his observance of the Rules of the Society. This inquiry was being made as Council had observed that in recent years a large number of candidates who had been elected failed to pay their subscriptions, and Council felt that a certain amount of discrimination must be used in selecting new members.
3. Books purchased.
A list of books purchased since the Council Meeting of 22-6-58 was tabled.
4. Donations.-A list of donations received since the Council Meeting of 22-6-58 was tabled.
5. Resignations.-
I. Mr. E. V. R. Samera wick rena. Council accepted his resignation with much regret and directed that the thanks of the Council be conveyed to him for the services he had rendered to the Society. 2. Mr. Morgan Davies. Council accepted his resignation with much regret, and directed that its thanks be conveyed to him for his message of good wishes.
6. Members in arrears of subscription.-Council authorised the removal of 3 names from the Roll of Members for non-payment of Entrance Fees and subscriptions and the write-off of the amounts due from each of them.
7. Resignation of Mr. D.C.R. Gunewardene from Council.-Read letter from Mr. D.C.R. Gunewardena intimating his resignation from Council on his appointment as Ambassador for Ceylon in Malaya. Council resolved that its thanks be conveyed to Mr. Gunewardena for his advice and encouragement during his tenure of office and also that his services to the Society are greatly appreciated.

Page 62
278 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
8. Presidential Lecture.-Read letter from Mr. L.P.N. Perera regarding the publication of President's lecture delivered at the last Annual General Meeting.
9. Exchange of Publications.—Read letter from Indologisches Institut der Universitat Wien requesting information and literature on Ceylon. Council directed that the University be placed on the Society's free exchange list.
10. D'Oyly's Constitution of the Kandyan Kingdom.-Council directed that a letter be addressed to the Historical Manuscripts Commission asking whether they could take photostats of the above manuscript.
11. Book Reviews.-
(I) Suttasamgaha by Sri R.P. Chaudhuri and Sri D. Guha. Dr. Nanda Deva Wijesekera undertook to review the above publication. -
(2) "The Catholic Church in Ceylon under Dutch Rule' by Rev. Fr. R. Boudens, O.M.I. (Life Member): The book was originally referred to Mr. W.J.F. LaBrooy for review but in view of his sudden departure from the island, Dr. G.C. Mendis undertook to furnish a review.
12. Non-return of Library Books.-The position was reported. Council considered that an amendment of the Rules was necessary as there was no provision in the existing Rules for punishment of habitual defaulters. Decided to appoint a sub-Committee at the next meeting to revise the Rules for submission at the Annual General Meeting
13. Payment of outstanding balance to M/s. Colombo Apothecaries. Council authorised the payment of the balance, viz. Rs. 95o/-, in respect of the reprinting of Journal No. 14.
14. Journal Vol. V(1).-Covering sanction was granted by Council for the free issue of the above Journal to Mr. Mode at the instance of President.
15. The Decline of the Medieval Sinhalese Kingdom'.-Council authorised the publication of the above paper which formed the subject of a lecture delivered by the late Mr. H.W. Codrington before the Royal Society of Great Britain and Ireland on IIth March, 1937, in the next issue of the Society's Journal for which permission had been obtained from the Parent Society.
16. Mr. J.B. Sanders, ex-Librarian.-Council regretted that it could not accede to the request of Mr. Sanders.
17. Papers for publication in the Society's Journal.--Laid on the table(1) Mr. D.T. Devendra's paper entitled 'The Palace on a Single Column'. Council resolved to accept the paper for publication in the Journal.
(2) Mr. Paulinus Tambimuttu's paper entitled 'Roads in Ancient Ceylon' - Council directed that the paper be referred to Mr. C.W. Nicholas for his opinion as to its suitability for publication in the Society's Journal.
18. Director-General of Broadcasting.-Council directed that the Brief on the activities of the Society as prepared by the Secretary be referred to Dr. G.C. Mendis for "vetting'.
19. Any other business.-
I. Resignation of Major R. Raven-Hart. Council accepted with regret the
resignation of Major R. Raven-Hart.
2. Laid on the table the following papers:
(a) 'A Short Account of the History of Irrigation Works up to the
IIth century' by Mr. C.W. Nicholas.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEEDINGS 279
Council resolved to accept and publish the above paper as Dr. Mendis to whom it was referred had reported on the excellence of the paper.
(b) Mahadannamutta Stories by Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I. Resolved to accept it as one to be read at a General Meeting to be convened early.
'Sinhalese Roads in the 16th Century' by Major R. Raven-Hart. Resolved to accept the paper for publication as it had already been read at a General Meeting.
(c
)
3. Book Review. Resolved to accept and publish the review of Myths of the North-East Frontier of India' submitted by Dr. Nandadeva Wijesekera.
4. Indian History Congress. Read letter from the General Secretary inviting delegates from the Society to attend the 2 Ist Session of the Indian History Congress to be held at Trivandrum. Council directed that a circular letter be addressed to all members of Council and other members of the Society as to whether they are willing to participate in the Congress and to select two members from those willing to represent the Society.
5. Members in arrears of subscription. Council directed that 6 names be removed from the List of Members and that the amounts due from them be written off.
In the case of 6 other members personal letters be written to them and if they failed to evoke any response, Council would consider removing their names also from the Roll of Members at the next meeting.
6. Election of Honorary Members. Deferred for next meeting.
7. Reprinting of 'The Sinhalese Grammar' by Geiger. Council directed that quotations be called for from Messrs. Colombo Apothecaries' and Saman Press.
8. Supply of folding canvas chairs to the Library. Read letter from Mr. B.D. Fernando suggesting that a few folding canvas chairs be purchased for the Library for the use of members doing reference work. Council regretted that it could not accede to this request as this type of seating accommodation is not usually found in Libraries.
9. Resignation of Honorary Secretary, Mrs. Esmee Rankine. Council accep
ted with much reluctance the resignation of Mrs. Esmee Rankine, Honorary Secretary.
Minutes of the Meeting of the Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held at 5-15 p.m. on 27-2-59 at the Society's Library, University Buildings, Thurstan Road, Colombo 3.
Present.--Dr. S. Paranavitana, President, in the Chair, and 7 Members.
1. Minutes.--The Minutes of the Meeting of 22-II-58 were confirmed.

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28O JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VIII, Part 2 (New Series), 1962
2. Election of New Members.--The following candidates were elected Ordinary Resident Members of the Society:
I. U.B. Dissanayake, Ratemahatmaya 2. Mr. C. Silva 3. Mr. T.G. Punchi Appuhamy 4. Mr. K.K. Poornananda 5. Mr. A.D. Baptist 6. Mr. Walter Silva 7. Mr. K.S. Fernando 8. Rev. G.W.W. Sri Dheerananda
Thero
9. Mr. E.A. Wijeratne Io. Mr. E. Muttukumaru II. Dr. J.G.R. Thambyahpillay I2. Rev. G. Visuddhananda 13. Mr. N. Mudiyanse I4. Mr. K.S. Perera I5. Miss. H.D.S. Hettige I6. Miss. C. de L. Kariyawasam I 7. Mr. Hugh Fernando I8. The Librarian, Vidyalankara
Pirivena University.
3. Books Purchased. of 2 I-II-58 was tabled.
A list of books purchased since the Council Meeting
4. Donations.-A list of donations received since the Council Meeting of 2I-II-58 was tabled.
5. Resignations.-Council accepted with regret the resignation of Mr. A.E. Christoffelsz, C.M.G.
6. Election of Council Members. --Mr. S.J. Kadirgamar was elected to the Council vice Mr. C. Nagalingam (Q.C.) deceased.
7. Election of Honorary Members.-Deferred.
8. Book Review.-Council directed that the book entitled 'Classical Sinhalese Sculpture' by D.T. Devendra be referred to Dr. N. D. Wijesekera for favour of review.
9. Sri Lanka Sahitya Mandalaya.--Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Bishop of Chilaw, was elected to serve on the above Mandalaya.
10. Subscription to the International Journal of Indian Art “Rupam'. Council considered that subscribing to the above Journal was completely out of the question as the rate of subscription was too high.
11. Any other business.
I. Revision of Rules of Society. Deferred.
2. Eavchange of Publications. Council regretted that the publication entitled "The Universal Mother' was not worthy of exchange or review in the Society's Journal.
3. Election of Mr. Hugh Fernando, M. P. for Nattandiya. Vide item 2 of
page I.
4. Laid on the table the following:
(a) A letter from the Librarian of the University of Ceylon, Pera
deniya regarding the issue of the following publications:
Ceylon - Papers relating to the Affairs of Ceylon; and
Report of the Select Committee on Ceylon I85o-I with
Appendix to Mr. K.M. de Silva, Asst. Lecturer in History of the University. Council decided that it was not correct to issue to Mr. Silva the above volumes in his personal capacity as the books concerned are of extreme rarity and value. Mr. Silva should, however, be informed that if the Librarian of the University made a personal application, Council would be obliged to lend the volumes to him, provided he arranged for their removal and safe return.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEDINGS 28
(b) Letter from Mr. R.L. Brohierre Mr. P. Tambimuttu's Paper on.
"Roads in Ancient Ceylon'.
Council directed that it should await the issue of the Special Number of the Journal which contains exclusively an article by Mr. C.W. Nicholas in which the same subject has been dealt with, and refer back papers to Mr. Brohier for further comment.
Minutes of the General Meeting of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held at 5-30 p.m. on 16th January, 1959, at the Colombo. Museum Lecture Hall.
Present.--Dr. G.C. Mendis, Vice-President, presided in the absences of the President. There were present over 5o members and visitors.
1. Minutes.-The Minutes of the Annual General Meeting of 25th July, I958, were read and confirmed.
2. Business arising from the Minutes.--Nil.
3. Donations. A list of donations received since the Annual General Meeting of 25-7-58, was tabled.
4. Acquisitions.-A list of books purchased since the Annual General Meeting of 25-7-58, was tabled.
5. New Members.-The names of 15 members elected since the Annual General Meeting of 25-7-58, were announced.
6. Lecture.--Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D., senior Vice-Pre-- sident, read a paper on "Mahadanamutta Stories'. A discussion followed in which several members and visitors participated.
7. Vote of Thanks.-Mr. R.I. Brohier proposed a cordial Vote of Thanks. to the learned lecturer which brought the proceedings to a close.
Minutes of the Meeting of the Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held at 5-15 p.m. on 10th July 1959 at the Society's. Library, University Buildings, Thurstan Road, Colombo 3.
Present.--Dr. S. Paranavitana in the Chair and 9 Members.
1. Minutes.--The Minutes of the Meeting of 27-2-59, which had previously been circulated, were confirmed.
2. Election of New Members.-The following candidates were elected Ordinary Resident Members of the Society.
I. Mr. P.H. Wilson Peiris 2. Mr. S. Aryasinghe 3. Mr. Dayawansa Lekamge 4. Rev. Kahangama Medhankara 5. Rev. Y. Gunananda Thero 6. Mr. D.P.H.P. Abeysekera

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282 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VIII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
7. Dr. K. Rajasuriya 8. Rev. Fr. Don Benedict Haturu
singhe, O.M.I.
9. Mrs. Sucilla Jayakoddy Io. Mr. K. Amaratunga
II. Mr. Jayananda Ratnaike I2. Mr. ಙ್ಗin Rasheed (Non-Resi.
dent.
3. Books purchased.-A list of books purchased since the Council Meeting of 27-2-59, was tabled.
4. Donations.-A list of donations received since the Council Meeting of 27-2-59, was tabled.
5. Resignations.-Nil.
6. Nomination of Office-bearers.--The following were recommended for election to vacancies on the Council:
President - Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., vice Dr. S.
Paranavitana who retired under Rule I7. Vice-President:- Sir Nicholas Attygalle vice Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund
Peiris who is nominated as President.
Council Members :- I. Rev. Fr. Thani Nayagam
2. Mr. W.J.F. LaBrooy 3. Rev. Mirisse Gunasiri Thero
4. Dr. A.W.P. Guruge.
Honorary Secretaries:-The re-election of
I. Mr. A.R. Tampoe who retired under Rule 9
and the election of
2. Mr. K.O. Koelmeyer by vacancy caused by
the resignation of Mrs. Esmee Rankine.
Honorary Treasurer - The re-election of
Al-Hajj A.H.M. Ismail who retired under Rule Ig.
7. Audited Statement of Accounts.-The Honorary Treasurer presented 3the audited statement of accounts which was accepted for submission to the Annual General Meeting.
8. Draft Annual Reports.-The draft Annual Report was read by the Honorary Secretary and adopted subject to amendments.
The Honorary Treasurer's Report also was accepted subject to certain -deletions.
9. Annual General Meeting-The Council resolved that the Annual General Meeting should be held at 5-3o p.m. on 3 Ist July 1959 at the Colombo Museum Lecture Hall. The President announced that he would read a paper on "Ceylon and Malayasia in Mediaeval Times'. It was decided that printed copies of the paper be made available to those members who desire to participate in the discussion on the paper.
10. Messrs. Pope & Co., Auditors.--Council approved the payment of the sum of Rs. 267-8o to Messrs. Pope & Co. for auditing the Society's Accounts and for preparing the Balance Sheet.
11. Dearness Allowance.-Council authorised the payment of Dearness Allowance at Government rates to the peon with effect from Ist May, Ig59, the -date of his marriage.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEDINGS 283:
12. Life Members.-Council was informed that Mr. Leo L. Baggerly has expressed a desire that he be transferred to the List of Non-Resident Life Members. as from I-I-I96O.
13. Printing of Special Number of Journal-Tabled bill from Messrs. Apothecaries', Printers, for Rs. 4,2Oo/- being the printing costs of Journal Vol. VI (Special Number). Council directed that Messrs. Apothecaries' be written to. expressing disappointment at the manner in which the Journal had been printed. It was also decided that in view of the high cost of printing the Journal in question, the price should be increased from Rs. 5/- to Rs. 7.5o per copy. Council also. directed that a correction be made on the cover of each Journal in respect of thechange of price. It was further resolved to call for an estimate from Messrs. Apothecaries for printing the next issue of the Journal, viz. Vol. VII Part I which is now in hand.
14. Advance of Salary to Staff.-Council considered the request of the staff in regard to the payment of an advance of salary in deserving cases and authorised the Honorary Treasurer to grant loans up to 3 months' salary to those employees with a minimum of 2 years' service. The recovery of the loan in monthly instalments was to be left to the discretion of the Honorary Secretaries.
15. UNESCO Major Project to Promote Mutual Appreciation of Eastern and Western Cultural Values.-Mr. K.O. Koelmeyer, Honorary Secretary, was elected to serve on the co-ordinating Committee of the aboveproject.
16. “Roads in Ancient Ceylon by P. Tambimuttu.-The Honorary Secretary read a letter from Mr. R.L. Brohier to whom the above paper was sent for comment. Council directed that Mr. Tambimuttu be informed that it is regretted that his article could not be published in the Journal as the subject has, been dealt with by Mr. C.W. Nicholas in his article entitled 'Historical Topography of Ancient and Medieval Ceylon'.
17. Obituary Notice.-Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., undertook to. prepare an Appreciation of Sir Paul Pieris for publication in the next issue of the: Society's Journal.
18. Exchange of Publications.-Resolved to place on the Society's FreeExchange List the Korean Branch of the R.A.S.
19. Members in arrears of subscription.-Resolved to remove from the Roll of Members, 3 members who are in arrears of subscription for 4 years and to whom repeated appeals for settlement had not evoked any response, and to write-off the amounts due from each of them.
20. Council authorised the write-off of the sum of Rs. 5/- due as subscription for the current year from the late Ven. K. Gunaratana Nayake Thero who died in January this year.
21. Mr. S.J. Gunesagaram.-Read letter from Mr. S.J. Gunesagaram forwarding comments on:
I. Historical Topography of Ancient and Medieval Ceylon by Mr. C. W.
Nicholas. Council directed that no action was necessary as these comments have already been published in the Press. A.
2. Mahabharata Legends in the Mahavanisa by Dr. G.C. Mendis. Council directed that the comments be referred to a sub-Committee consisting of Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Mr. R.L. Brohier and Dr. G.C. Mendis, for report.

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284 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VIII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
22. Book Reviews.-Council directed that Dr. N.D. Wijesekera and Rev. Fr. Perniola be written to asking whether they would undertake to review the following publications:
I. A Philosophy for NEFA by Verrier Elwin to Dr. Wijesekera.
2. Laksmi-Tantra (Sanskrit) by Pandit B. Krishnamacharya to Rev. Fr... "
Perniola.

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
285
PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED IN EXCHANGE - PERIOD 1-10-58 TO
America Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia d 8
John Hopkins University 8
Library of Congress . .
American Oriental Society KO
Smithsonian Institute «AO X
California Academy of Sciences . .
Australia Royal Geographical Society of Australia. a Royal Asiatic Society of New
South Wales as
Burma Archaeological Survey . . ed
Ceylon Archaeological Commissioner . .
Ceylon Forrester O e &
Department of Census . .
3O-9-59
(I) Proceedings - Vol. CX, 1958. (2) Notulae Naturea, NoS. 3o4 — 3 I2.
American Journal of Philology — Vols. 79 (4), 8o (II), 8o (2). Bibliography of Periodical Literature on the Near and Middle East, Nos. 48 and 49.
Journal — Vol. 78, Nos. 3 and 4, Vol. 79,
Nos. I and 2.
Miscellaneous Collections:-Vol. II9, No. 3, Vol. I 35, Nos. III and 9, Vol. I 36, No. 2, Vol. I 37 (whole volume), Vol. I 38, Nos. I—4, Vol. I 39, Nos. I, 2 and 4 and Annual Report I957.
Buveau of American Ethnology : ---- Bulletin Nos. I 68, I 69, I 7o and II7III and 75th Annual Report, I957 - 1958.
Smithsonian contributions to Astrophysics :- Vol. 2, Nos. II, I2 — I3, Vol. 3, Nos. I, 3, 4 and 5.
Freer Gallery of Art - Occasional Papers :- Vol. 3, No. I.
United States Geological Survey, 5th Edition.
Proceedings, 4th Series-Vol. 27 and Index. Vol. 28, Nos. I4, I5 and I6, Vol. 29, Nos.
- 2
Proceedings - Vol. 59.
Journal and Proceedings - Vol. 92, Parts I to 3.
Report for year ending 30-9-56.
Administration Report, I958.
Vol. 3, Nos. 3 and 4 (New Series), Vol. I, Nos. I - 4, Vol. 2, Nos. I — 4, Vol. 3, Nos. І — 4. Census of Ceylon, 1953, Vol. 2, Parts I, 2 and 3; Census of Ceylon, I953 - Tamil. Ceylon YearBook, 1958: Statistical Abstract of Ceylon, Ig58. Quarterly Bulletin of Statistics, Vol. 9, Nos. I - 4.

Page 66
286
Department of Commerce
Department of Wild Life Dutch Burgher Union of Ceylon ..
Engineering Association of Ceylon GOvernment Archivist . . Information Department
National Museums of Ceylon
University of Ceylon . . as
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia. Oriental Institute
Denmark Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selokat
England
Eastern World, London Imperial Chemical Industries
India Office Library . .
Institute of Historical, Research . .
John Rylands Library, Manchester
Royal Anthropological Institute . .
Royal Asiatic Society (Great Britain and Ireland) o
Royal Empire Society . . A
Royal Geographical Society
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
France Societe Asiatique, Paris A
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON)
Vol VII, Part 2 (New Series), 196
Ceylon Trade Journal - Vol. 23, Nos. 8-12 Vol. 24, Nos. I — 7. Administration Report for I958. Journal — Vol. 48, Nos. 2, 3 and 4; Vol. 49, Nos. I — 4. Transactions for I958. Administration Report for I958. (I) Ceylon. Today - Vol. 7, Nos. 8 - I2,
Vol. 8, No. 1. (2) Sri Lanka (Sinh.) Vol. Io, Nos. 8 - I2. Sri Lanka (Tamil) Vol. Io, Nos. 6 — Ios Spolia. Zeylanica - Vol. 28, Part 2. The Pleistocene of Ceylon. (I) Review — Vol. I, 6, Nos. 3 and 4. (2) Ceylon Journal of Science, Biological Sciences - Vol. I, No. 2.
Archiv Orientalni – Vol. 26, Nos. 3 – 4. Vol. 27, No. I.
Historisk Filologiske Meddeletser — Bind
37, No. 4. Filosofiske Meddelelser – Bind 4, No. 1.
Vol. I 2, Nos. 9 —- I2, Vol. I 3, Nos. I - 8. Endeavour — Vol. I 7, No. 68; Vol. I 8, Nos. 69 - 7I. Catalogue - Vol. 2, Part I. Report for the year ended 3 I-3-I957. Bulletim - Vol. 3, Nos. 83 and 84. Bulletin - Vol. 32, No. 85. Annual Reports, 36th and 37th. Theses Supplement, No. 20. Bulletin -- Vol. 4 I, Nos. I and 2. Bulletin - Vol. 42, No. I. Man — Vol. LVIII Arts: I 87 - 275. Woll. LIX, Arts: I - I 76.
Journal, I958, Parts 3 and 4. Journal, I 959, Parts I and 2. United Empire -- Vol. I, Nos. 3 and 4. Vol. 2, Nos. 2 and 3 (N.S.). Journal - Vol. CXXIV, Part 3. Vol. CXXV, Part I.
Bulletin — Vol. 2r, Part 3; Vol. 22, Parts II and 2.
Journal — CCXLV -- Nos. 2, 3 and 4. Journal-CCXLVI-Nos. I, 2 and 3.

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
Germany Baessler-Archiv Beitrage Zur Volkerkunde, Berlin
Holland
Koninkligke Instituut Voor Tarl, Land-En Volkenkunde . .
Koninklijke Nederlandse Akadeneii Van Welenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde − «−
Rijksterbarium, Leiden
Verslagen, Omtrent 5 Rijks Onde Archieven
Hungary Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Acta Orientalia -
India Academy of Tamil Culture P.
Adyar Library and Research Centre
Bihar Research Society a Director-General of Archaeology
Geological Survey of India 0.
Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras
Indian Historical Quarterly
Indo-Asian Culture Maha Bodhi Society, Calcutta
• Oriental Institute, Baroda
Soil and Water Conservation of India.
Italy Instituto Italiano Per Il Medio E Extreme Oriente
Japan Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Societies
3880-F
287
Neue Folge Band VI (xxxl) Heft I and 2, Band VIII, Heft II.
Bijdragen - Deel 114, Nos. 3 and 4.
Deel II, 5, Nos. I and 2.
Mededelingen - Deel 2I, Nos, 6 - 12. Deel 22, Nos. I-4.
Blumea - Vol. 9, No. 2, Jubilee Vol. Ig58.
Tweede - Serie XXX.
Tomus VII — Fasc. 2 — 3. Tomus VIII — Fasc. II — 3. Tomus IX -- Fasc. II — 2.
Vol. VII, Nos. 2, 3 and 4. Vol. VIII, No. I.
Vol. 22, Parts 3 and 4: Vol. 23, Parts I and 2.
Journal - Vol. XLIII, Parts I and 2. (I) Ancient India, No. 14. (2) Indian Archaeology, I957 - I958.
Indian Minerals — Vol. I 2, Nos. I — 4.
Bulletin — Vol. XI, No. 2, Vol. XII, No. 1.
Journal — Vol. 34, Nos. 2 — 4. Vol. 25, No. I.
Vol. VII, Nos. I — 4.
Maha Bodhi — Vol. 66, Nos. 9 — I 2. Vol. 67, Nos. I, 6, 7, 8.
Journal — Vol. VIII, Nos. I — 4.
Journal — Vol. VI, Nos. 3 and 4. Vol. VIII, No. I.
East and West — Vol. 9, Nos. 3 and 4. Vol. Io, Nos. I and 2 (N.S.).
Journal Vol. VII, Nos. I and 2.

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288 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
Malaya R.A.S. (Malayan Branch) ... Journal Vol. XXX, Part 2.
Sarawak Sarawak Museum P 0 . . Journal - Vol. VIII, No. III.
UNESCO ... (I) Courier - September 1958, No. 9.
February IQ59, No. 2, March 1959, No. 3. (2) Bibliography of Scientific Publications - Vol. 4, Nos. Io — I 2, Vol. 5, Nos. I — 9. (3) Arid Zone - Vol. I, Nos. I and 4.
Viet-Nann La Societe Des Etudes Indo-Chinoises Φ ό ... Bulletin — Tome XXXIII, Nos. 3 and 4.
Bulletim - Tome XXXIV, Nos. I and 2. L'Ecole Francaise D'Extreme
Orient P Bulletin — Vol. XLII, XLIV, Vol. XLIX,
Fasc. II.

PUBLICATIONS AIDDED TO THE LIBRARY 289
PUBLICATIONS AODED TO THE LIBRARY - DONATIONS 1-1-58
Adyar Library and Research Centre
Alec Tiranti Ltd. to
Asiatic Society, Calcutta
Bechert, Dr. Heinz s
Muller, E. •
Navaratnam, C.S. to
North-East Frontier Agency
Tampoe, A.R. v
TO 30- 9-59
Rgvarnakramalaksana of Harasimhasuri. Samgitaratnakara - Vol. Lakshmi-Tantra.
Classical Sinhalese Sculpture. Suttasamgaha.
The History of Buddhist Sects in India and Ceylon. Contributions to History of the Sinhalese Language. Studies on the History of Language of Ceylon.
Final Report of the Special Committee on Antiquities. 、
Tamils and Ceylon.
A Philosophy for NEFA.
The Planters' Book of Caste and Custom.
On the Truth of Decorative Art. The Religions of India.
The Light of Asia. -
Quatrains of Omar Kñayyam. Ceylon - Hans, Hastrig Seedorff Pederson. Report on Archaeological Work — Anuradhapura and Polonnaruya -- Annual Rea ports I886 - 1899. , The Pilgrim - Vol.I.No. I and Vol. II, Nos. I and 2. ܠܼܧܵ܌ Young Ceylon, May 1937 - Sept. I938. Pastor Chiniquy. t Anal and Oral Frustration in Relation to Sinhalese Personality — Vol. XX, No. I. Early Tamil Cultural Influences in S.E. Asia. The Prologues of Kingswood College, Kandy. The Play and the Players - Vol. I, No. I. Progress Reports, Biological and Technological, Nos. I and 2. Ceylon's Beach Seine Fishery. Chemical Analysis of Some Ceylon Fishes Bulletin, No. 5. General Features and Productivity of the Wadge Bank Trawl Fishery - Bulletin No. 6. Mechanization of Fishing Craft and the use of Improved Fishing Gear - Bulletin No. 7. A Guide to the Fisheries of Ceylon - Bulletin 8.
Indian Antiquary. R.A.S. (C.B.) Journal No. 42. Uduvil, 1824 - 1924. History of One of the Oldest Girls' Schools in Asia.

Page 68
290 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 1961
Ceylon Today - Vol. VII, Nos. Io, I I and I 2 Mahabharata. The Landhesi Kalaya or the Dutch Times. Round the World via India. Old Diary Leaves - Series I - 6. Albert Schweitzer - The Man and his Mind. The Court Painters of the Grand Moguls. A Digit of the Moon.
History of Ceylon. The Story of Kingswood, Kandy. Religious Education; Report of the Christian Conference. An Asian Prime Minister's Story, The Integration of Sinhalese Society - Vol. XXIII.
Monsoon. A Journey on Foot Through Ceylon. The Government of the Island of Ceylon. A History of the Ceylon Police - Vol. I. ILanka's Log.
Leaves from my Life. Remembered Yesterdays.
Indian Wisdom. East and West - Toward Mutual Understanding,
Hymns and Hymn Writers. Astrapani - A Romance of Sigiriya. Fruit Cultivation in Ceylon and S. India. Further Impressions. A Tragedy of a Mystery. Journal of the Proceedings of the Trincomalee Detachment. Letchimey — A Tale of Old Ceylon. Ceylon - Report of Lieut.-Col. Colebrooke. Sketch of the History of Ceylon (Typewritten). Report on the Dutch Records in the Government Archives -- Sessional Paper IX, I929. Administration Report of the Warden, Dept. of Wild Life for I953. The Law Reporters of Ceylon. De Wolvendaalsche Kirk.
Indische Plastik. Ceylon Fortnightly Review — Vol. IX, I 4
Parts, 1956. Ceylon Fortnightly Review - January to July 1956. Ceylon Fortnightly Review - January to April, I956.
Ceylon Fortnightly Review - February, July, October, December, 1954. Ceylon Fortnightly Review. - February to May, 1957. Ceylon Fortnightly Review - June to Sept. 1957. Ceylon Fortnightly Review - August, 1956 to January Ig57.
Buddhagosa.

PUBLICATIONS ADDED TO THE LIBRARY 29
Life and Letters of Edward Byles Cowell. Outlines of Buddhism. Early History of Ceylon.
Dhammapada.
A Geography of Ceylon. Ruddhist Philosophy in India and Ceylon. E.W. Perera. Selections from Dutch Records of the Ceylon Government, No. 3.

Page 69
292
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON)
Vol. VII, Part 2 (New Series), 196
PURCHASES -- 1 - O-58 TO 30-9-59
Albert Grey and Bell . .
Andrews, F.H. a Anthonisz, R.G. Arasaratnam, Dr. S. Artibus Asiae Baldaeus in Dutch Banerjee
Bell, H.C.P.
Bigandet, P. Birmingham, P.M.
Brohier, R.L. e 4
Buhler, George
Cave, H.W. Ceylon Daily News Ceylon Literary Registe Cooray, G.L. a y
Coomaraswamy, A.
Cordier and Yule Cordiner Crowe, Philip K. Cumming, Sir John Danvers, F.C. Dahlke, Paul Davids, Rhys Davy, John
Day, Francis De Silva, Colvin R. 8
De Silva, W.A. De Souza, A. & 8
Eggermont, Dr. P.H.L.
Eliot, Sir Charles Epigraphia Zeylanica Gogerlly, D.J. Goonetilleke, H.A.J.
Goonetilleke, Williamı . . Goonewardena, Dr. K.W.
Gunasena, M.D.
Haffner, J. «O XO
Harmer, H.
Heber, Reginald
Horner, I.B. w d is
Voyage of Pyrard De Laval - Vols. I and 2, Parts I and 2. The Influences of Indian Art. The Dutch in Ceylon - Vol. I. Dutch Power in Ceylon – I658 - I687. Vol. XX, No. 4, Vol. XXI, Nos. I and 2. Original Edition.
Sarvastivada Literature. Archaeological Survey of Ceylon - Report on the Kegalle District. The Legend of Gaudama - Vols. I and 2. History of the P.W.D. Ceylon - Vols. I, 2 and 3. The Golden Age of Military Adventure in Ceylon. Grundiso Der Indo-Aricshen Philologie and
I7 Plates. Picturesque Ceylon - Vols. I, 2 and 3. Vesak Number, Ig59. Vols. I and 2 (3rd Series). The New Lanka - Quarterly Review - Vol. 5, Nos. I, 2 and 4, Vol. 7, Nos. I — 4. The Mirror of Gesture. The Dance of Siva - I4 Indian Essays. Cathay and The Way Thither-Vols. I - 4.
Description of Ceylon. Diversions of a Diplomat in Ceylon. Revealing India's Past. The Portuguese in India - Vols. I and 2. Buddhism. Book of Gradual Sayings - Vols. I - 5. An Account of the Interior of Ceylon and of its inhabitants. Text -- . Vol. I and Plates - Vol. II. Ceylon Under the British Occupation - Wols. I and 2.
Folk Songs of the Sinhalese. Hundred Days in Ceylon under Martial Law,
I9I5. The Chronology of the Reign of Asoka Moriya. Hinduism and Buddhism - Vols. I, 2 and 3. Vol. IV. Ceylon Buddhism — Wols. I and 2. Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies - Vol. 2, No. I. The Orientalist. The Foundation of Dutch Powers in Ceylon, п б38 — пб58. Vesak Number. Travels on Foot Through the Island of Ceylon. Old Sinhalese Nursery Rhymes and Folk Songs.
Narrative of a Journey Thro. The Upper Provinces of India - Vols. I, 2 and 3. Middle Length. Sayings (Majjima Nikaya), Vol. .

Ievers, R.V. Islamic Culture Jayatilleke, D.B. Knighton, W.
Knox, Captain Robert ..
Kramrish, Stella Kumarage, J.P. Law, B.C.
Iaw, N. Lushington, Cicely Marshall, H.
Marshall, Niceville
Modder, Frank Nava Yugaya Neil, William Pallio, Marco Percival, Robert Perera, L.H. Horace Perniola, Rev. Fr. V. Raffel, D. Ramanathan, P. Ranasinghe, R. Rasavahini Raven-Hart
Ryan, Bryce Sastri, Nilakantha Seligmann Soertsz, Francis
Stevens, R.H. Tennent, Emerson
Thurstan, Edgar
Times of Ceylon Trimen, H. Wittachi, T. Wait, W.E. Wall, Frank Wijesekera, Dr. N.D. Waorthington, T.B.
PURCHASES 293
Manual of the North Central Province. Vol. 32, No. 4, Vol. 33, Nos. I, 2 and 3. The Credentials of Christianity. Forest Life in Ceylon - 2nd Edition-Vols. I and 2. An Account of the Captivity of Capt. Robert Knox.
A Survey of Painting in the Deccan. Sanskruti - Vol. 7, Nos. I, 2 and 3. The Dipavamsa Translation, Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. VIII. Abhidharmakosa — Parts II – 4. Bird Life in Ceylon. Ceylon - A General Description of the Island and Its Inhabitants. The Butterflies of India, Burma and Ceylon, Vols. I, 2 and 3. Manual of the Puttalam District. Vol. 3, Nos. 5 — 24, Vol. 4, NoS. I — 5. The Cleghorn Papers.
Peaks and Lamas. An Account of the Island of Ceylon. Ceylon Under Western Rule. A Grammar of the Pali Language. In Ruhunu Jungles. Riots and Martial Law in Ceylon, I915. Sanskruti - Vol. 6, No. 4. Vol. 3, Nos. 5 — I 2; Vol. 4, Nos. I - 3. Translation of the Pybus Embassy to Kandy.
Sinhalese Village. A Comprehensive History of India - Vol. 2. The Veddhas. The New Lanka Quarterly Review-Vols. I, 2, 3, 4 and 6.
Tukani. Ceylon - An Account of the Island-Vols.
I and 2. Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vols.
II — 7.
Annual, I 958.
Flora of Ceylon - Plates.
Emergency '53. Birds of Ceylon - 2nd Edition. Snakes of Ceylon. Early Sinhalese Painting.
Ceylon Trees.

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Madras 4, India.
Smith, Professor Helmer, Kummelnas Batvarv Saltsjo-Bo, Sweden.
Turner, Professor Sir Ralph, M.C., M.A., Litt.D., F.B.A., Haverbrach
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worth, Texas, U.S.A. Bechert, Dr. Heinz, Institut Fur Sprachwissenschaft, Universitat,
Saarbrucken, 15, West Germany. Bett, Dr. W.R., M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P., Eaton Laboratories, Norwich,
New York, U.S.A. Boudens, Professor R., O.M.I., Ph.D., Scholastikaart, Gizegam, Aalst,
Belgium. Caffoor, M.F.A., M.M.C., M.B.E., P. O. Box I, Colombo. Collins, Sir Charles, C.M.G., White House, Wix Hill, West Horsley,
Leatherhead, Surrey, England. Crowe, Philip K., Racquet and Tennis Club, 37o, Park Avenue, New
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Colombo 7. De Saram, Mrs. F.R., St. Ives, Ward Place, Colombo 7. De Saram, Leslie, J.P., 5o, National Circuit, Canberra, Australia. De Silva, R., Bogaha Villa, Pannipitiya. De Silva, W.A., B.Sc., Charles Way, Colombo 3. De Silva, W.M.W., B.A., Principal, Govt. Training College, Mirigama. De Singhe, H.D., 36, Nelson Place, Colombo 6. De Zoysa, A.H.P., Sea View, Akurala, Ambalangoda. De Zoysa, B.H., B.A., C.C.S., Landing Surveyor, Customs, Colombo. De Zoysa, W.D., 3, Abeywickrema Avenue, Mt. Lavinia.

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deniya. Hettiarachchi, Muhandiram, D.P.E. 24o, Kuda Buthgamuwa, Angoda. Ismail, Al Hajj, A.H.M., M.A., L.L.B., J.P., U.M., I 39/ I4 I , Kynsey
Road, Colombo 8. Jayasena, P.M., Pamunuwa Group, Peradeniya. Jayasinghe, D. S.J., Minuwangoda. Jayasundara, L., M.A., B.Sc., F.S.S., 6, Sravasti Place, Colombo 7. Jayasundera, Sir Ukwatta, K.B.E., Q.C., J.P., T 26, Havelock Road,
Colombo 5. Jayawardena, Col. C.P., C. V.O., O.B.E. C.M.G., E. D. M.A., ‘Silver
Gates”, Madliwela, Kotte. Jnanadasa, M.D., Cumaragiri, Gangodawila, Nugegoda. Kannangara, Dr. C.W.W., 17, Murugan Place, Off Havelock Road,
Colombo 6. Kannangara, E.W., C.B.E., B.A., Gregory's Road, Colombo 7. Kularatne, P. de S., B.A., L.L.B., B.Sc., Orient Club, Colombo 7. La Brooy, W.J. F., B.A., High School Bungalow, Kandy. La Sha, J.P.S., 2, Augusta Link Road, University of Ceylon, Pera
deniva. Lolimbawansa, K., I 35A, Kolonnawa, Wellampitiya. Mahendran, S., B.A., 91, I, 5th Lane, Palaly Road, Kandermadam,
Jaffna. Malalasekera, Dr. G.P., O. B.E., M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt., Longden Ter
race, Colombo 7. Mamujee, A., 27, Vaverset Place, Wella watta South, Colombo 6. Marasinghe, Muh. C.A., Walahapitiya, Nattandiya. Mendis, Dr. G.C., B.A., Ph.D., D.Litt., 492, Havelock Road, Colombo 6. Natesan, S., B.A., B.L., F.R.E.S., Ramanathan College, Chunnakam. Navaratnam, Mrs. R. R., I6, Mary's Road, Colombo 4. Obeysekera, D.G., M.A., F.R.E.S., 24, Guildford Crescent, Colombo 7. Obeyesekera, Sir James, M.A., F.R.C.I., J.P., Batadola, Veyangoda. O’Connell, Captain, D.B., Eire. Pakeman, S.A., C. B. E., O.B.E., M.C., E. D., M.A. F.R. His. S., Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, Houses of Parliament, London, S.W. I, England. Pannalankara Thero, Rev. M. Mirandaramaya, Vine Street, Colombo I5. Parker, Laurence, K., U.S. Govt., Int'l Co-operation, A.D.M., IPD/
OIR, 8I 5, Connecticut Ave, Washington 25, D.C., U.S.A. Paulusz, J.H.O., B.A., Legation of Ceylon, 42, Benoordenhoutseweg,
The Hague, Holland. Pedris, D.L.F., J.P., 8, Alfred Place, Colombo 3. Peiris, C.H. A., 24, Barnes Place, Colombo 7. Peiris, Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund, O.M.I., D.D., B.A., Bishop's House,
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Peiris, Harold, Siriyakanda', Lake Road, Boralesgomuwa. Perera, C.B.P., O.B.E., B.Sc., C.C.S., 69, Green Path, Colombo 7. Perera, Dr. K.C.D., L.M.S., D.P.H., 266, Trincomalee Street, Kandy. Perera, M.S. Gonahena Estate, Udugampola, Gampaha, W.P. Perera, W.H., The Walauwa, Kotte. Perniola, Rev. Father V., S.J., “Nirmala”, 3 I, Clifford Place, Colombo 4. Phillips, W.W.A., Storth, Manor Way, Aldisick Bay, Bognor Regis,
Sussex, England. Pieris, Lady Hilda, Nugedola, Pasyala. Pieris, Dr. Ralph, B.A., B.Sc., 4, Pedris Road, Colombo 3. Pinto-Jayawardena, W.D., M.A. (Lond.) B.A. (Hons.) c/o Hobby
Supplies, 2, De Saram Road, Mt. Lavinia. Rajakariar, A., B.A., 4o, Janaki Lane, Colombo 4. Rajapakse, Sir Lalita A., Q.C., L.L.D. B.A., "Lumbini', 53, Horton
Place, Colombo 7. Rammandala, M. Sri, M.A., Savanti, Hindagala. Ranasekera, G.W., CAO Gamini Munasinghe, 4, Kirilapone Road,
Nugegođa. Rasheed, Ibrahim, “Karankage” Male, Maldive Islands. Ratwatte, A.C.L., M.B.E., J.P., I5o, Katugastota Road, Kandy. Reimers, E., M.B.E., 6, Kandewatta Lane, Nugegoda. Rodrigo, Prof. J.L.C., 23/3, Guildford Crescent, Colombo 7. Rodrigo, Sir, S.T.P., O.B.E. J.P., Wasala Walauwa, Rodrigo Place,
Colombo E5. Sabanathan, Mudaliyar, K., 3/2, Ramakrishna Terrace, Colombo 6. Samaranayake, D.S.A., Horana. Sellamuttu, S., O.B.E., M.M.C., 2I, Fairfield Gardens, Colombo 8. Selliah, K., Jaffna College Library, Vaddukoddai. Thambiah, Dr. H.W., Q.C., B.Sc., L.L.B., 52, 5th Lane, Colombo 3. Tambimuttu, P. HI, Govt. Flats, Bambalapitiya. Tennekoon, H.E. Ministry of Commerce, Trade, Food and Shipping,
Colombo 3. Thani Nayagam, Rev. Fr. Xavier S.J., University of Malaya, Kuala
Lampur. Thiagalingam, C., O.C., Tiru Vyar, Milagiriya Avenue, Colombo 4. Tyagaraja, J., I8, Ward Place, Colombo 7. Van Geyzel, L.C., Garston Estate, Lunuwila. Victoria, Sir Donatus, C.B.E., J.P., Skelton Road, Colombo 5. Visuddhananda Maha Thero, Rev. G., Sri Visuddharamaya, Lunawa,
Moratuwa. Wagiswara, W.T.D.C., Matugama. Weinman, Major, A.N., M.B.E., O.B.E., Director, Zoological Gardens,
Allan Avenue, Dehiwela. Wijavanayaka, F.B. de S. A.J., I2, Claessen Place, Colombo 5. Wijesinghe, D.L.S., Pamunugama, Alubomulla, Panadura.
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dana, Colombo Io. Abeyakoon, M.W.F., 84, Barnes Place, Colombo 7. Abeyakoon, W.F., 5, Police Park Place, Colombo. Abeyasekera, R., Nandana, Asgiriya, Kandy.

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Abeyasekera, S.C.P., 92, Stratford Avenue, Colombo 6. Abeysundera, W., Io3/I, Wijeratne Town, Mart Place, Baseline Road,
Colombo. Abeyewardena, A.C.G., Mahamega, Maharagama. Abayaweera, E.L.M., Teacher, Ioo, Station Road, Udahamulla,
Nugegoda. Abeywickrama, B.A., B.Sc., Ph.D., University of Ceylon, Colombo. Abeywickrema, D.C.G., B.A., Pepiliyana, Boralesgomuwa. Abeywickrema, F.A., Green Bank, II5, Campbell Place, Colombo Io. Abraham, V.B.S., Proctor & N.P., 8, Skelton Road, Havelock Town. Aluwihare, Sir Richard, K.C.M.G., C.B.E., High Commissioner for
Ceylon in India, New Delhi. Alwis, A.W. William, D.I.M.S., M.A.M.S., 32 I, Kollupitiya Road,
Colombo 3. Alwis, L. Premawardhana, “Subha Niwasa”, Morontuduwa, Wadduwa. Amarasekera, Gate Mudaliyar, A.C.G.S., O.B.E., I3, Dawson Road,
Colombo 5. Amerasekera, D., “Amaragiri”, Depanama, Pannipitiya. Amarasinghe, D.C.I., B.A., C.C.S., 59, Bambalapitiya Road, Colombo 4. Amarasinghe, M.D., Assistant Commissioner, Agrarian Services,
Edinburgh Crescent, Colombo 7. Amarasuriya, H.W., P.O. Box 696, Colombo. Amaratunga, J.E., 2I, Gower Street, Colombo 5. Amaratunga, K., Proctor, S.C., Kurunegala. Ariyapala, M.B., Ph.D., University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. Ariyaratne, U.N., 54, Dhammarama Road, Wellawatte. Ariyasinghe, S., “Sigiri”, Bemmulla. Arumugam, J.N., C. B.E., B.Sc., 1 15, MacCarthy Road, Colombo 7. Arumugam, S., B.Sc., A.M.I.C.E., M.I.W.E., 4, 22nd Lane, Colombo 3. Aryaratne, M.M., 53, Magazine Road, Colombo 8. Attygalle, Sir Nicholas, F.R.C.S., F.R.C.O.G., Io8, Horton Place,
Colombo 7. Atukorala, S.W., 445, Havelock Road, Colombo 5. Balendra, Dr. W., F.D.S., L.M.S., M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P., Ward Place,
Colombo 7. Baptist, A.D., B.A., F.R.G.S., "Alfenell' Io, Vivekananda Road,
Colombo 6. Barnet, S., J.P., Mahatenna Estate, Elkaduwa. Basnayake, Hon. Justice, H.H., Q. C., Chief Justice’s House, Buller’s Road
Colombo. tBassett, R.H., C.M.G., C.B.E., Glentworth, Coombe, Wotton-Under
Edge, Gloucestershire, England. Beling, C.L., F.I.B.D., F.R.S.A., 6, Regent Buildings, Parson's Road,
Colombo I. Benares Hindu University, Benares, India. Beneragama, D.C.P., M.A., Ph.D., 20, Dawson Road, Havelock Town,
Colombo 5. Bhatt, C.V., 54, Haig Road, Colombo 4. Biddell, W. H., B.Sc., M.I.C.E., F. R.N.S., F. R.G.S., “Dorrington”,
Watawandana Para, Anuradhapura. Brohier, R.L., O.B.E., F.R.I.C.S., F.R.G.S., 43, Asoka Gardens,
Colombo 4. Buultjens, E.R., c/o Investments and Securities Ltd., 288, Union Place,
Colombo 2. Caldera, A.M., B.A., Station Road, Bambalapitiya, Colombo 4. Caldera, H. L., "Anoma", Nawala Road, Nugegoda. Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, England.

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Canaganayagam, Gate-Mudaliyar, N., O.B.E., J.P., A.I.B. F. R.E.S.
46, Hill Street, Kandy. Casie Chetty, M. St. S., 2912, Sri Dharmapala Road, Mt. Lavinia. Chandrasena, J.P., B.A., (Hons.) Lond, Survey Office, Kirula Road,
Colombo 5. Chandajoti Thero, Rev. Kahaduwe, Teacher, Royal College, Colombo. Chandrapala, K.T., Govt. Senior School, Maputugala, Poru wedanda. Cooray, G.L., 5 I, Turret Road, Colombo 7. Cooray, The Most Rev. Dr. Thomas, O.M.I., Ph.D., D.D., Archbishop's
House, Colombo 8. Cumaranasinghe, N. Sri., B.A., Principal, Sedawatte Maha Vidyalaya,
Wellampitiya. Dadabhoy, J., L.M.S., (Cey.), D.O.M.S., (Lond.), L.R.C.P. & S. (Edin.),
L. R. F. P. & S. (Glas..), 7 I / , Green Path, Colpetity. Dandeniya, Peter, 865, Wattala Road, Kelaniya. Da Silva, D.G. St. E., 9, Mary's Road, Colombo 4. da Silva, O.M.L.H., B.A. (Hons...), 38, Castle Street, Colombo. Dassenaike, Gate-Mudaliyar A.L., J. P., 3o, Asoka Gardens, Colombo 4. Davidson, E.E., Nawalamulla, Migoda. Dayaratne, D.G., B.A., C. C. S., Igo, Havelock Road, Colombo 5. De Alwis, H.K.D.D., Ariyawasa, Habakkala, Induruwa. De Fonseka, Lyn, National Museum Lirbary, Colombo 7. De Lanerolle, J.D., I 7, Fairfield Garden, Borella. De Lanerolle, S.D., 183, Bambalapitiya Road, Colombo 4. De Mel, F.B., 23, Horton Place, Colombo 7. De Mel, R. J.G., C.C.S., I6, Pedris Road, Colombo 3. De Mel, W. L.P., C.C.S., 17, Chelsea Gardens, Kollupitiya, Colombo 3. Dep, A.C., Superintendent of Police, Police Head Quarters Colombo. De Silva, A, 92, Wackwella Road, Galle. De Silva, D.A., B.A., I 25, Manning Place, Colombo 6. De Silva, K.M., Assistant Lecturer, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. De Silva, Mudaliyar, K.S., Aramba, Wallauwa, Waskaduwa. De Silva, N.J., Dam Street, Colombo 12. De Silva, Miss M. A.R.I.B.A., St. George's, Kandy. De Silva, MC, , 58, Sri Sumangala Road South, Kalutara North. De Silva, S.F., B.A., 33, Training School Road, Colombo 5. De Silva Manukulasuriya, R.C., D.R.O., Alfred House, Pattalagedera,
Veyangoda. De Silva, Vincent, Gate-Mudaliyar, The Wallauwa, Mattakuliya,
Colombo II 5 De Soysa, A.B.C., J.P., U.M., I2, Dambula Road, Kurunegala. De Soysa, G., C.M.G., O.B.E., B.A., C.C.S., New Buller’s Road,
Colombo 4. Devendra D.T., 5o8, Timbirigasyaya Road, Colombo 5. Dever Surya Sena, M.A., L.L.B., A.R.C.M., O. B.E., Io, Alwis Place,
Colombo 3. Dewaraia, A., B.A. Government Archives, Nuwara Eliya. De Zoysa, H.J.S., University of Ceylon, Colombo 3. De Zoysa, A. Dickson, P.H.I., 8 I, Mihindumawata, Colombo I2. †Dhammananda, Bhikku H., Bahu Jana Vihare, Buddhist Temple
Street, Parel, Bombay 12, India. Dharmaratne, M., "Ratnasree', Makola North, Kadawata. Dharmasena, J.D., Mt. Mary's, Colombo 9. Dharmasena, U.D.D., I5, Jayasinghe Road, Kirilapone Colombo 6. Dick wella Piyananda, Rev., Maliyadeva College, Negombo Road,
Kurunegala. Dirckze, G.E.S., Accountant, Messrs. Mackwoods Ltd., P.O. Box g II,
Colombo. Dissanayake, Rev. Fr. P., O.M.I., General Manager, R.C. Schools,
Archbishop's House, Colombo 8.

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Dissanayake, P., I87, Kuliyapitiya. Dissanayake Rate Mahatmaya U.B., Watinapaha Walauwa, Gampaha. Don Juan Appuhamy, R.A., Ranatunga Nivasa, Kakkapalliya. Don Peter, Rev. Fr. W.L.A., Rector, St. Aloysius Seminary, Borella,
Colombo 8. fDurairajasingham, S., P.O. Box No. I6, Kuantan, Malaya.
Edirisinghe, L., (B. Mus.), 5, Nugagahawatte Housing Scheme, Colombo 5. Ekanayake, S.W., “Saman Paya”, Kakkapalliya. Ekanayake, Miss T.K., Dugganna Walauwa, Udurawana, Wattegama. Fareed, Sir Razik, O.B.E., M.P., Fareed Place, Colombo 4. Farmer, B.H., St. John's College, Cambridge, England. Fernando, Rev. Fr. Andrew P., II, Borella, Cross Road, Colombo 8. Fernando, A.B.J.L., B.A., Dip. in Edu. Vice Principal, Thurstan College,
Colombo. Fernando, B.D, M.A., Io69, 3rd Division, Maradana. Fernando, C.M., J.P., U.M., I6, Main Street, Negombo. Fernando, C.S.G., Silverene, I44, Mahawatte Road, Grandpass. Fernando, Cedric, “Knowsley”, 26, Bagatalle Road, Colpetty. Fernando, J.L.M., B.A. (Lond.), Inspector of Schools, No. 6, Jayasuriya
Place, Dehiwala. Fernando, S.C., M. B.E., B. A., C.C.S., “El-Retiro', 6I, Greenlands Road,
Colombo 5. Fernando, W.N.H., “Semani”, Bope, Padukka. Fernando, Miss Y.H.S., 87, Wasala Road, Colombo I3. Fernando, Miss Chitra, 28, Galle Road, Kalutara South. Fernando, Rev. Fr. J. Alexander, B.A., Rector, St. Sebastian's College,
Madampe. Fernando, Hugh, M.P., Nainamadama. Fernando, W. B. Marcus, M.A., I6, Lake Road, Maharagama. Fernando, K.S., Teacher, Ulhitiyawa, Wennappuwa. Ganesh, K., Talatuoya or 8I & 83, Main Street, Colombo II. Gardiner, Sir Chittampalam, 'Westheath', 61, Gregory's Road,
Colombo 7. Gnanamuttu, G.A., B.A., No. 8, Chelsea Gardens, Colombo 3. iGoethal's Indian Library, St. Xavier's College, 3o, Park Street,
Calcutta I6. Goonesekera, S.S.J., Hill House, Fort, Galle. Goonetilleke, His Excellency Sir Oliver, G.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., K.B.E.,
Queen's House, Colombo. Government Archivist, Nuwara Eliya. Grenier, Douglas, Excise Inspector, No. 2 o, Sakviti Lane, Timbiri
gasyaya. 4. Grenier, J.A.R., 177, Union Place, Colombo 2. Gunasegaram, S.J., Kopay. Gunasekera, P.A.D.S., B.A., “Jayaniketha”, Wadduwa. Gunasekera, R.G.G.O., C.C.S., 5oof 46, Timbirigasyaya Road, Colombo 5. Gunasekera, S., Dharmapala Vidyalaya, Pannipitiya. Gunasekara, Wilfred M., I4, Turnour Road, Colombo 8. Gunasiri Thero, Ven. Mirisse, B.A., II, 4, MacCarthy Road, Colombo 7. Gunathunga, N.G., 37, Nuwara Eliya Street, Gampola. Gunananda Thero, Rev. Y., Sirinivasa Ramaya, Yagirala. Gunawardena, A.A.P., B.A., Office of the Commissioner of Swabasha,
Buller's Road, Colombo. Gunawardena, D.C., B.A., M.Sc., Widyaneketan, Kirilapona Road,
Nugegoda. Gunawardena. His Excellency Mr. D.C.R., B.A., High Commissioner for Ceylon in Malaya, 24, Golf View Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaya. Gunawardena, H.D.J., M.A., Training College, Maharagama. Gunawardena, Mrs. Theja, 242, Temple Road, Colombo Io.

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Goonewardena, Dr. K.W., Lecturer, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. Gunawardena, R.A.L.H., c/o V.G. Sirisena, Esqr., Ruwanwella. Guruge, Ananda W.P., B.A., Ph.D., C.C.S., Nagahawatte, Off Siebel’s
Avenue, Kirillapone. Gunawardena, V.N.D., Palancotta Estate, Rakwana. Haturusinghe, Rev. Fr. Don Benedict, O.M.I., 2o, Green Path, Nugegoda. Hevawasam, P.B.J., I4I, Richmond Hill Road, Galle. Hettige, Miss H.D.S., Teacher, Senior School, Padukka. Hulugalle, H.A.J., M.V.O., 4, Mayfair Flats, Racecourse Avenue,
Colombo 7. Idaikkadar, N.M., C.C.S., 29, 42nd Lane, Colombo 6. India Office Library, Commonwealth Relations Office, King Charles
Street, London S.W. I, England. Jackson, G.B., M.A. (Cantab.), P.O. Box No. 18, Colombo. Jayakoddy, Mrs. Sucilla, 113/1, Sunethra Devi Road, Nugegoda. Jansz, Sir Eric, C.M.G., Sunethra, Lane, Timbirigasyaya Road,
Colombo 5. Jayasekera, Mrs. S.W., B.A., Seth Siri, Homagama. Jayasuriya, D.L.P., 89/I, Campbell Place, Colombo Io. Jayasuriya, Peter, Govt. Senior School, Getamanna via Beliatta. Jayasuriya, S.E.W., I47, Kynsey Road, Colombo 8. Jayatilleke, Mrs. Joyce, 'Shanti, No. I, Havelock Place, Colombo 5, Jayawardena, J.R., M.P., 66, Ward Place, Colombo 7. Jayawardhane, P.W.R., B. A., Government Central College, Henegama. Jayawardena, Major T.F., Turret Road, Colombo 7. Jayawardena, W.A., M.A., University Park, Peradeniya. Jayaweera, Mrs. S., B.A. (Hons.), 3, University Bungalow, Mahakanda,
Peradeniya. Jayaweera, I.G.P. de S., Official, Language Dept., Reid Avenue,
Colombo 7. Joseph, Arthur, Teacher, St. Aloysius College, Galle. Kadirgamar, S.J., 'Lalita', I 7, Queen's Road, Colombo 3. Kanapathipillai, Professor K., B.A., Ph.D., University of Ceylon,
Peradeniya. Kantawala, M.H., M.A., B.L., Kuantam, Pochkhanawala Road, Worli,
Bombay, India. Kandy Oriental Library, Kandy. Kariawasam, Miss C. de L., Teacher, St. Anthony's Convent, Mutwal. Kathiravelu, S., Drainage and Irrigation Department, Krian Bagan
Serai, Malaya. Karunatilleke, K.G., 27, Wanatha Road, Gangodawila, Nugegoda. . Keuneman, A.H. Scott, No. I, Welikadawatta, Rajagiriya.
Kirimetiyawa, H.B., Dissawa, Panwilatenna Walauwa, Gampola. Koelmeyer, K.O., B.Sc., A.I.F.C., Dip. For. (Oxon.), 29I/4o, Maya
Avenue, Colombo 6. Kularatne, E.D.T., Public Library, Edinburgh Crescent, Colombo 7. Kulasuriya, A.S., Ph.D., University Park, Peradeniya. Kuruppu, K.J.R., B.A., Kande Walauwa, Panadura. Kuruppu, K.M.W., M.A., Dip. in Edu. (Cey.), 5o, Dharmarama Road,
Wellawatta. Kurukularatchi, D.H.J., Paper Corporation, Edinburgh Crescent,
Colombo 7. Leach, E.R., M.A., Ph.D., 52, Storey's Way, Cambridge, England. Lekamge, Dayawansa, Teacher, Revata Vidyalaya, Nugegoda. Lewis, K.D, Puspawana, Moragoda, Gampaha. Light, J., Rural Societies Club, Piccadilly, London W.I. Liyanage A., B.A., No. 4, Old Station Road, Mt. Lavinia. Lokuliyana, Lionel, Manager, Publishing Dept., M/s. M.D. Gunasena
& Co. Ltd., Colombo. Loos, A.L., No. 7, Fredrica Road, Colombo 6.

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ORDINARY MEMBERS 30.
MacNeil, Wilson, Mrs., M.A., Wycherley, Buller's Road, Colombo 7. Mahadeva, Sir Arunachalam, B.A., Bagatelle Road, Colombo 3. Mahindadasa, K.T., B.A., “Sravanti”, Yatipahuwa, Karandana. Manjusri, L.T.P., I 55/II, 5, Mirihana, Nugegoda. Marthos, R.A., B.A., 33, Dias Place, Panadura. Mathupala, M.M.C., Administrative Officer, Department of Agriculture,
Peradeniya. McVicker Smyth, B., P.O. Box 220, Colombo. Medhankara Thero, Rev. Kahangama, 33, Sumangalarama Road,
Colombo Io. Meegama, Mrs. Somie, 54, Vajira Road, Colombo 5. Meegoda, D.G., B.A., No. I5, Right Circular Road, Jayantipura,
Battaramulla. Mendis, Miss Hilda, Principal, Government Training College, Polgolla,
Katugastota. Mendis, H. Dharmasena, Pavana, Wellabodde, Balapitiya. Menon, E.S., B.A., M.Sc., St. Patrick's College, P.O. Box 13, Jaffna. Moharanjithan, V.C., Expenditure Branch, G.P.O., Colombo. Mohotti, E.S., Sinhalese Translation Branch, Legal Draftman's Depart
ment, Colombo II 2. Moonesinghe, S.L., Proctor, S.C. and Notary Public, I3I, Kalubowila
Road, Dehiwela. Mudiyanse, N., 25, Hill Street, Gampola. Muller, Miss E., Block 'K’, 2, Government Flats, Bambalapitiya. Muthukumaru, E., Proctor, 28, Queen Street, Colombo I. Muthumale, Charles, M.A. (Lond.), Chief Translator, Education Depart
ment, Colombo 2. Nadarajah, F.X.C., Official Languages Office, Reid Avenue, Colombo 7. Nanayakkara, D.J., Inspector of Schools, G/3, Government Flats,
Bambalapitiya. Navaratnam, C.S., Navaly North, Manipay. Nanavasa Thero, Rev. H., Principal, R/Sri Sumana Vidyalaya,
Ratnapura. Nicholas, C.W., 4 I, Castle Lane, Colombo 4. Obeyesekera, J.P., M.A., I9, Race Course Avenue, Colombo 7. Official Languages Bureau, Special Commissioner, P.O. Box 598,
Colombo I. Padmanabha, G.J., Editorial Department, Lake House, Colombo. Panabokke, Sir Tikiri Banda, J.P., Elpitiya Estate, Gampola. Panagoda, D.F.E., B.A., Musaeus Cottage', Barnes Place, Colombo 7. Pannasara, Ven. Dr. D., B.A., Vidyodaya Universitiy, Maligakande,
Colombo Io. L’aranavitana, Dr. S., C. B.E., Ph.D., D.Litt., Mahakanda, Peradeniya. Path Beriya, Miss ID. K, Kusuma”, Aturugiriya, Homagama. Pathmanathan, N., Gitanjali, Nallur Cross Road, Jaffna. Peiris, P.H. Wilson, 'Suramya', Uyana Lane, No. 1, Uyana, Moratuwa. Peiris, H.C., Flower Road, Colombo 7. Perera, His Excellency A.B., B.A., M.Sc., High Commissioner for Ceylon
in Peking, China. Perera, A.C.R., B.A., Gonawala, Kelaniya. Perera, B.J., B.A., “Kusumanjali”, Nagoda, Kalutara South. Perera, C.S., Chief Public Health Engineer's Office, Torrington Square,
Colombo 7. Perera, J.M., 42, Barnes Place, Colombo 7. Perera, K.S., Principal, Senior School, Padukka. Perera, L.H. Horace, B.A., 56, College Street, Colombo I3. Perera, Lakshman S., B. A., Ph.D., University Park, Peradeniya. Ferera, L.P.N., Lecturer, Vidyodaya University, Colombo. Perera, M.D., 72, Templer's Road, Mt. Lavinia. Perera, Mrs. M.D.M., 26I/I, Nawala Road, Rajagiriya.

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Perera, M.J., B.A., C.C.S., 7I, Dickman's Road, Colombo 5. Perera, Rev. Fr. Quintus, Principal, St. Andrew’s College, Puttalam. Pillai, Very Rev. Fr. Peter, O.M.I., M.A., M.Sc., Ph.D., D.D., St.
Joseph's College, Colombo Io. Piyadasa, T.G., Vidyalankara University, Kelaniya. Piyaratne, C.H., Public Health Department, Town Hall, Colombo. Poornananda, K.K., Chief Tamil Translator, Legal D'mans’ Depart
ment, Hultsdorf, Colombo II 2. Pope, H.L., A.C.A., Australia Buildings, Colombo I. Premaratne, H.R., B.Sc., A.M.I.C.E., I 2, MacCarthy Road, Colombo 7. Prematilleke, L., Kande Walauwa, Malabar Street, Kandy. Punchi Appuhamy, T.G., Assistant Secretary, Central Bank of Ceylon,
Colombo. Rajaguru, Herath Bandara, Principal, Ku/Wariya pola Maha Vidya
laya, Wariyapola. Rajapakse, E. de Z. S., Post Office, Matara. Rajapakse, R.P.D.P., Yongammulla, Yakkala. Rajasuriya, Dr. K., 59, Ward Place, Colombo 7. Ranasinghe, S.V., The Bungalow Estate, Gampaha, W.P. Ranasooriya, C.S., Asst. Food Controller, Chalmers Granaries, Colombo. Rankine, Mrs. Esmee, 5o/4, Siripa Road, Colombo 5. Ratanajoti Thero, Rev. A., Sri Dharmarama College, Ratmalana. Ratnakaram, S., J.P.U.M., 97, Kynsey Road, Colombo 8. Ratnanather, S., 9o/3, Rosmead Place, Colombo 7. Ratnasara, Bhikkhu M., Vidyalankara, Pirivena, Kelaniya. Ratnatunga, P.D., Mudaliyar, J.P., 32, Chapel Lane, Colombo 6. Ratnayake, H.A., B.A., 5, Nugagahawatte Housing Scheme, Colombo 5. Ratnayake, T.B., Tissa Central College, Kalutara. Ratnayake, Mrs. R.S., M.A. (Dip. in Edu.), Buddhist Women's College,
Dalugama, Kelaniya. Ratnaike, Jayananda, Inspector of Schools, I7, Fareed Place, Colombo 4. Rodrigo, Mrs. E., 4, Flower Terrace, Flower Road, Colombo 7. Rodrigo, K.M.S., Bandarawatta, Gampaha, W.P. Royal Netherlands Legation, 29, Gregory's Road, Colombo 7. tRussell, M.B., 29, Brompton Square, London S.W.I. Rutnam, J.T., 35, Guildford Crescent, Colombo 7. Samarasinghe, M.A.P., B.A., 34, Janaki Lane, Colombo 4. Samarasinghe, W.A.F., Headmaster, Govt. School, Aluthwewa, Tangalle. Samaratunga, Miss L.D.D., 58, Castle Street, Borella. Samarawickreme, P.H.E., 36, Camp Road, Dalugama, Kelaniya. Sanderatne, A.E.H., B.A., I 2, Kawdana Road, Dehiwela. Sannasgala, P.B., Pandit, M.A., No. 3, Lake Crescent, Colombo 2. Saparamadu, S.D., B.A., C.C.S., Government Agent, Kachcheri, Monera
gala. Schrader, F.R.C., Kimbulapitiya Estate, Negombo. Senadeera, N.T.K.G., 88/2, Galle Road, Dehiwela. Seneviratne, C.S. de S., II, Siripala Road, Mt. Lavinia. Seneviratne, K.S., Galborella, Kelaniya. Seneviratne, L.C., 97, Rosmead Place, Colombo 7. Seneviratne, L.J. de S., C.C.S., g7, Rosmead Place, Colombo 7. Seneviratne, Y.P., Govt. Central School, Maradana. Shastri, Dr. S.B., Vidyalankara University, Kelaniya.. Silva, B.L.S., B.Sc., Govt. Central School, Henegama, W.P. (via Gam
paha). Silva, M.H.P., M.A., Batapola, (S.P.O.), Ambalangoda. Silva, M.S., Galtude, Panadura. Silva, P.A., B.A., C.C.S., No. 4, Inner Bagatalle Road, Colombo 3. Silva, Christie, 475, Pilapitiya, Kelaniya. Silva, Walter, Teacher, Tissa Central College, Kalutara.

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ORDINARY MEMBERS 303
Sinnathamby, J.R., B.Sc., S.G.O., Kirula Road, Narahenpita,
Colombo 5. Sirisena, R. Don, B.A. (Lond.), 48, Quarry Road, Ratmalana,
Mt. Lavinia. Siriwardena, C.D.S., B.A. (Lond.), I9 I/3, Timbirigasyaya Road,
Colombo 5. Sittampalam, C., B.A., 22, Pereira Lane, Colombo 6. Sittampalam, P.R., 22, Deal Place, Colombo 3. Sivasubramaniam, S., Io3/2, Hulftsdorf, Colombo I2. , Somapala, B.K., Asst. Director, Land Development Dept., Colombo I. Somasundaram, S., 26, Police Park Avenue, Colombo 5. Spittel, R.L., F.R.C.S. (Eng.), L.R.C.P., C.M.G., C. B.E., Buller’s Road,
Colombo 7. St. George, Joseph, 20, Mayfield Lane, Kotahena, Colombo 13. Straus, M.A., B.A., M.Sc., Department of Rural Sociology, University of
Wisconsin, Madison 6, Wisconsin, U.S.A. Subramaniam, S., Advocate, 32 /2-I/I Glen-aber Place, Kollupitiya. Sumanasuriya, K.T.W., M.A., Ph.D. (Lond.), Examinations Dept.,
Malay Street, Colombo 2. Tampoe, A.R., 27/2, De Fonseka Place, Colombo 5. Thambyahpillay, Dr. G.G.R., C.I. Bungalow, University Park,
Peradeniya. The Librarian, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. The Librarian, Vidyalankara University, Kelaniya. Thommanupillai, S., 19, MacLeod Place, Colombo 4. Tunstall, G.F.L., The Colombo Commercial Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 33,
Colombo. Umagiliya, Don S.C., Muhandiram, The Walauwa, Sedawatte,
Wellampitiya. Unamboowe, C.L., A.M.I.M.E., A.M.I.S.E., Unamboowe Walauwa,
Gampola. Vaithianathan, Sir Kanthiah, C.B.E., B.Sc., 'Sentil, Pedris Road,
Colombo 3. Vajirapani, D.G.O., M.A., “Carlvy”, Waragoda Road, Kelaniya. Vimalananda, Dr. T., Lecturer, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. Wanigasekera, P.U., 565, Kanatta Road, Talapathpitiya, Udahamulla,
Nugegoda. Wanigatunga, H.P., B.A., 43, Beach Road, Mount Lavinia. Warnasuriya, W.M.A., B.A., I65, Maya Avenue, Colombo 6. Weerakoon, A.C.J., B.Sc., Ph.D., Ig/2, Ernest Place, Lunawa. Weerakone, T.B., D.R.O., 369, Peradeniya Road, Kandy. Weerakoon, Miss D.R., Udawattagoda, Dodangoda. Weeraman, P.E., 85/3, Jawatta Road, Colombo 5. Weerasinghe, Dhanapala, 27, Minuwanpitiya, Panadura. Weerasinghe, W.P., B.A., 3 I9, Peradeniya Road, Kandy. Weerasooria, N.E., Q.C., L.L.B., Talawatu goda Road, Kotte. Weerasuriya, J., Official Language Department, 22, Reid Avenue,
Colombo 7. Weerasinghe, Piyadasa, Govt. Training College, Maharagama. Welgama, D.F., Polgolla. Welagedera, L.B., Greenlands College, Colombo 5. Welikala, D.L., J.P., U.M., Proctor, 56, Maya Avenue, Colombo 6. Wickramanayake, E.B., Q.C., 37/I, Beach Road, Mt. Lavinia. Wickramaratne, Miss L.E., 494, Galle Road, Kollupitiya, Colombo 3. Wickramasekera, G. K.F., 'Sriyani”, Talpe. Wickramesinghe, C.E.L., B.A., II5, Fifth Lane, Colombo 3. Wickramasinghe, J., B.A., 39, Thimbirigasyaya Road, Colombo 5. Wijayatilaka, S.A., I5, Arbuthnot Street, Borella, Colombo. Wijayatunge, R.A., Eheliyagoda. Wijayawardane, H.D.J., Headmaster, Madurawala, Anguruwatota.

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I959 Wijeratine, E.A., Kachcheri, Colombo. I957 Wijesekera, Dr. N.D., Commissioner, Official Languages Affairs, 22,
Reid Avenue, Colombo 7. - 1944 Wijesinghe, H.C., J.P., 245/II, Amrita, Galle Road, Dehiwela.
Wijesinghe, P., B.A., 312, Puttalam Road, Kurunegala. I953 Wijesinghe, Peter, 73, Epitamulla Lane, Kotte. I95I Wijewardene, L.M.H., 32, Ward Place, Colombo 7. I956 Wijewardena, Mrs. P.A.K., Dispensary, Hiripitiya, Pannipitiya. I937 Wijeyeratne, Sir Edwin, Buddenipola Walauwa, Kegalle. I948 Wijeyeratne, N.P., C.C.S., Kachcheri, Anuradhapura. I959 Wijeysekera, G.M. de S., No. 65o, Galle Road, Wadduwa. 1959 Wimalabuddhi Thero, Rev. Balagalle, Subhadraramaya, Nugegoda. I95O Wimalachandra, W.W., B.A., 8IA, First Lane, Ratmalana. I958 Wimalasuriya, H.L., Asst. Commissioner of Examinations, Dept. of
Examinations, Colombo 2. Wimaladharma, R.L., I27, Kirillapone Road, Nugegoda. Wimalawansa. Thero, Rev. P., B.A., Pandit, Gunawardanaramaya,
Kew Road, Colombo 2.
N.B.-Members changing address are earnestly requested to inform the office promptly.

NOTICE TO CONTRIBUTORS
Contributions from members are invited. Papers submitted for reading or publication should be legibly typed on foolscap sheets on one side only. Typing should be double spaced. There should be a margin of I inches wide at the left hand side of each page. Pages should be clearly numbered and fastened together in their proper sequence. Authors are advised to keep a duplicate copy of their
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Papers must be submitted in absolutely final form for printing. Numerous additions, amendments, and corrections in the press add considerably to the Editor's duties and also to the cost of production. If corrections in proof are too heavy, an author may be asked to defray a portion of the
cost thereof.
All references to literature must be checked by the author and volume and page number quoted. References should also be given to every important
earlier publication on the same subject.
Acceptance of papers whether for reading or publication in the Society's Journal is subject to
the approval of the Council.

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Page 82

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(b) Non-Resident Members
Entra Ilce Fee
(c) Life Members—the follo lieu of the Annual Sul bers and non-Resident shallentitle to Member
Upon election ... After two annual payments After four annual payment After six annual payments. After tenis or more
Members receive the Society's Library and admission to Lectures
Application for Membership Secretary,
 
 
 
 

TIC SOCIETY
BRANCH
d, Colombo 3
lal Subscriptions
Rs.
sident) 圈-函 I5 00
. . . .
? 5ዐ 750
owing compositions are allowed in Jscriptions - due by-Resident Mem
Members, and payment thereof ship for Life:-
MorReside Rese: ... Members. Members
Rs. Cis. Rs. Cls.
率 I50 00 75 00
I:Ii JԱ OOO
S IC500 52 50 88 5o 4425 725. 0о 35 = OO
Journal, and enjoy the use of its and Meetings.
should be serut to tief" | FT