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- Journa
SRI LANK
of ROYAL ASIA
Ney Serier,
Edited by flie /
The purpose of the Society is to
History, Religions, Larguage
Social Conditions of the
அf the Island of செதுர
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1974
l of the
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Volume XVIII
der corary Secreta 7 ry
nstitute and promote inuiries into the is, Literature, alrls, Sciences and presen ard sormer insabilans rt, and connected cultures.
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I y APTHECARTES" C.). TTD. 3 OCIETY (SRI LANIKA IBIRANCET)
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CONTENTS
Articles
1. NANDADEVA WIJIESEKERA-Slavery in Sri Lanka (Presidential Address) . . Ad A 2. J. R. SINNATAMBY-Supplementary Comments on:
Slavery in Sri Larka 3. EDMUND PEIRIS-The Origin and Development of
Simhala Nādagam go,
4. D. E. HETTIARATCHI-History of the Sinhalese Verb
5. S. PATHMANATHAN-The Munnesvaram Tamil Inscri
ption of Parakramabahu VI 6. OVE K. NORDSTRAND—A Note on Rasmus Rask and
the Ceylonese Manuscripts at the Library of the Wesleyan Mission, Colombo in 1822
Book Reviews -The City in Early Historical India
-Maga-Salakuna
office-Bearers-1974 /75
Annual Report for 1973
Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1973
Balance Sheet and Statements of Accounts for year ending
3I-12-73
Abstract of Proceedings wk V 8 h.
Publications Received (I-To-73 to 3o-9-74)
Publications added to the Library (I-Io-73 to 3o-9-74)
Members admitted during the year 1974 Y 8 p
Notes and Queries
Publications of the Society
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23
27
41
】>重1型
iv
xi
xvi
xvii
xviii
X

1974
Journal of the
SRI LANKA BRANCH of the
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
New Series, Volume XVIII
Edited by the Honorary Secretary
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PRINTED BY THE COLOMBO APOTHECARIES CO., LTD. FOR THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (SRI LANKA BRANCH) REID AVENUE, COLOMBO 7.
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Slavery in Sri Lanka
BY PUNDIT DR. NANDADEVA WIJESEKERA B.A. HoNs. (LOND.); B.A. TRIPOS. (CANTAB.); M.A. (CANTAB.); Ph.D. (CALCUTTA).
Presidential Address delivered on 20-12-74
It is generally accepted by Anthropologists that as human society became organized and developed through stages from food gatherers to settled urban communities, treatment of fellow human beings also changed progressively. As head-hunters, men killed their enemies after they were captured in raids. As pastoralists they captured human beings only to be sold. In other societies male captives were destroyed and the young females were brought home to do menial work and also to be kept as mistresses or sold. As agriculturalists, men settled on the land and lived with the farm animals cultivating the lands as farmers. They led a sedentary life engaged in agriculture and war like pursuits. Economically man became prosperous. The labour of serfs was obtained to provide food for the master by cultivating his vast extents of land.
The two words serf and slave are used somewhat indiscriminately now but earlier these may have been applied to two types of menial workers. A serf is a person whose service is attached to the soil and is transferred with it. A slave is a person who is the legal property of another or others and is bound to absolute obedience and human control.
Among almost all ancient societies serfdom or slavery existed in some form or other. In course of time such a system became an institution maintained by strict laws and observances. In countries such as Greece, Italy, Egypt, Arabia, India and China slavery was of the domestic kind. So was it in Lanka for the most part. Slaves were often treated inhumanly and they at times sought their freedom by running away from their masters. People resorted to magic to bring back a runaway slave. An Arab resorted to immitative magic thus. A magic circle was traced on the ground. A nail was struck in the middle and to it was attached a beetle with a thread, its sex being according to the sex of the slave. As the beetle went round and
P. A. T. Gunasinha's article "Slavery in Ceylon during the period of the Anuradhapura Kingdom' in the Ceylon Historical Journal Vol. I has been very useful in preparing this paper. Encyclopaedia Britannica Vol. 2o, p. 773.
Oxford English Dictionary. Glimpses of World History p. 71, Pundit. Nehru.

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2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series,) 1974
round and the thread shortened, the slave, it was believed, was drawn
to the master.
In ancient India slavery was fully recognized. Seven classes of slaves were mentioned by Manu. They are those captured, those who voluntarily submitted, those born as slaves, those sold as slaves, those gifted as slaves, those inherited as slaves and those condemned as slaves as a punishment. Wives and slaves can have no property of their own. The Sidras are a perpetual class of slaves by caste. Later, Narada enumerated 15 classes of slaves. Even the later day adoption of persons itself may be considered a survival of an ancient institution. V. A. Smith observes that "praedal and domestic slavery of a mild form seems to have been an institution in most parts of India from ancient times'. During European times, in India. Pariahs were looked upon as slaves by other castes. In Lanka, too. the folk play (Sokari nádagama) has a pariah as a menial character.
In Vedic India "dasa' meant 'non-aryan' i.e. slave. It may be a reference to the Dasyus who were the flat faced, broad nosed, dark complexioned inhabitants found in India when the invading Aryans arrived. Daso (m) meant a foe, demon, infidel, servant, slave. Naturally some of the male and female captives were retained for domestic service. Note 'dasajana' meaning domestic slaves. Thus dasa, (dasi-f) was applied to mean a slave in Vedic times. Dasaputra meaning the son of a slave was used as a term of abuse.
During the fifth century B.C. in India two categories are mentioned in Pãli Literature. “Dãso ca kammakãra”, meaning slaves and labourers. The latter class was remunerated. The principle of remuneration determined the distinction. Gradually the word 'dasa may have acquired the fuller meaning of slave. In pali texts we come across phrases as "dasagana' (troop of slaves), 'dasagami' troop of female slaves. Four kinds of "dasaporisa'10 are also mentioned. Even fortune telling from observing the condition of a slave (dasa lakkhana) was one of the popular professions during this period. Slave-trading (dasa-dasi patigghana) was also practised. Dasiputta (son of a slave) continued to be in use as a term of abuse.
Early Buddhism had to resist strong opposition to vested interests and caste prejudices. It treated all human beings alike. It accepted
Golden Bough, p. 3r, J. G. Frazer. Laws of Manu, Translated by G. Buhler Vol. viii, p. 4I5. Dharmasāstra, Vol. V., pp. 25.
Early History of India.
Dubois, J.A. I792-1823. Pali Dictionary (P.T.S.), Rhys David and Stede. Niddesa III, Mahāniddesa. II. , Digha Nikāya I .9
Iz. Digha Nikāya. I.5

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 3
into its priesthood all persons irrespective of caste, creed colour or rank. Persons of lower castes were admitted to the order without discrimination. Punna, the daughter of a slave woman, was admitted to the order of Bhikkhunis. Two Panthas' admitted to order of monks were born out of wedlock to the daughter of a noble and a slave. But the privilege of being ordained was denied to a limited few for other valid reasons. "That is those diseased, those unable to obtain the permission of parents, a soldier and a slave'. The slave was inhibited from becoming a monk; but this was not due to the state of degradation or inferiority of his condition but as the peculium belonging to another.
No slave is thought to have the right to place himself in a situation that may for ever deprive his master of his services'. The social
status of slaves was above that of hired labourers. Male and female slaves always stood before hirelings and artisans. In a well-laid city rooms had to be made for the residence of various classes including slaves. The buying and selling of slaves was not infrequent.
It may be of interest to note that in the reign of Justinian slaves were allowed to enter convents without leave of their masters, but among the Anglo-Saxons the candidate for ordination was required to prove that he was not of spurious or servile birth. Buddhism, however, imposed no such restrictions on any one except for very special valid reasons and these, too, not because of birth or class.
The word 'vasala' and several equivalent forms have been in use from fairly early times. The word "vasala' is derived from Vedic Vrsala, (diminutive of Vrsan) literally meaning a "little man'. It also meant an outcaste, a low person according to the caste classification. At a later stage the term itself may have been used to convey a part or whole of the connotation of the word slave (dasa). However. the term was not used at any time to denote any caste. Also as an adjective the word meant mean, vile or foul.
In Sri Lanka slavery may have originated on lines similar to those obtaining in India. In fact even its structural pattern may have been borrowed from India during fifth century B.c. However a possible origin is believed to be as follows: King Panduvas of Dambadiva (India) sent a princess as dueen of Wijava........and 700 maidens of different castes for his 700 warriors. With them he sent gold, silver, pearls, male and female slaves and thence forward slavery was estab
I3. Therigāthā Ațțhakathā, p. I 57.
I4. Therigāthā I 5. Eastern Monachism, Chapter IV, p. I8, R. Spence-Hardy. I6. J.R.A.S. (Bengal) 1901, p. 862. I 7. Milindapanha, pp. I 3o, 3 Io, I 28. I8. Eastern Monachism, Chapter IV, p. 18, R. Spence Hardy. I9. Sutta Nipata-Vasala Suttanta, p. II 6-discourse on caste. 20. Vinaya II, 22I, Sutta Nipata, p. I6, I36, Jataka IV, p. 388.

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lished. So far as the present knowledge goes different types of slavery may have become crystalized to constitute two main forms of it. One class was employed as domestic servants, who worked in homes and estates in close association with their masters and families. The other attended to all menial duties such as scavenging and treatment and handling of dead bodies. So two separate words denoted these two main classes. Later the word "vahal' may have replaced, the earlier word 'dasa'. Naturally both words "dasa' and 'vahal' are used to mean slaves. But a distinction, if one did exists, was that the earlier word meant serf whilst the latter meant slave.
The ancient Sinhala legends and stories incorporated in later literary works mention only the word 'dasa'. There existed in early society of Sri Lanka both male and female dasas. They were a class of domestic servants (serfs) who worked in fields and homes. Reference is made to 'disas' (slaves) especially females gathering firewood in the forests or reaping in the paddy fields. They were heard singing at work. Others served as maids performing all the meanial chores. Such evidence establishes the prevalence of a form of slave service during the pre-Christian era (2nd to 1st century B.C.). Women served as domestic (slaves) in return for clothing, food and wealth. As wives of slaves and wives of workers they are classed among femaleslaves.' Those slaves who tilled the land (serfs) and domestics formed a slightly superior class among the slaves. A poor husband and wife worked as domestics (dasa) and after saving paddy amassed wealth. They left the service and settled down. The earliest rockinscription mentions the word disa thus “dasi anula dini dasa kala ca". It means "gave female slave Anula and male slave Kala'. This dates to about 2nd century A.D. to 9th cent. A.D. If the word dasa ever meant a subordinate being in Lanka it is clear that by the end of the 9th century A.D. it underwent a change of meaning. This use continued until the 13th century A.D. The slab inscription of Velaikkaras' mentions dāsa. At least five classes of dāsa (panca dāsa) are mentioned in the Dambadeniya period. These were artisans (Kammakaro=kami) who performed certain specified work deemed inferior but not slaves in the real sense. Among them were ironsmiths, carpenters, blaksmiths, potters, goldsmiths, brickworkers, masons, wood workers and stone workers. 28
2 I. Nitinighaņțuva, p. 7. 22. Sihalavatthu; Rasavāhini; Saddharmalankāraya. 23. Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. X, p. 52, P. A. T. Gunasinha. 24. Saddharmalankāraya, p. 6I8.
. 25. Ilukwewa rock inscription—A.S.C.A.R. I892, No. Io I.
26. Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. X, p. 56. 27. Epigraphia Zeylanica, pp. 243-4; ibid., Vol. II, p. T 4o. 28. Dambadeni Yugaya-Prathama bhagaya (I22o-I 283 A.D.) Rev. D.
Sumanajoti).

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 5
However, the word 'vasala' is not met with prior to 6th century A.D. A slab inscription mentions "pahal' believed to be an older form of vahal meaning slave.29 Thus we are lead to believe the existence of two main categories of slaves from the earliest times. These were domestic slavery and institutional slavery. The former category served persons and families of chiefs as part of their retinue. They rendered personal service and worked in fields. The latter belonged to public institutions iike the state, guilds, vihäras and monasteries. To this class belonged runaways, captives and convicted persons. It would appear that either category (dasas or vasalas) did not form a distinct caste like Chandalas, Rodiyas, kinnaras and gahalayas.
Very little information is recorded about slavery. One has to rely solely on a few Sinhala stories prior to 6th century A.D. Lithic records are available thereafter. Slavery had been divided into four main categories. These were hereditary (antojata), purchased (dhanakkita), captured in war (karamaranita) and voluntary submission (samam dasabbhyam upagatanam). Both male and female slaves have been further sub-divided into classes. One such group was flag bearer (dhaja-hata). Most probably they were female messengers employed in war to carry the white truce flag or in peace to carry secret messages. There were slaves for day time or night time (ratti dasa) or for both. A woman could borrow 60 gold pieces (kahāpanas) on agreeing to work by day and another 60 for work by night:* Such an agreement was written on an ola leaf. Such a woman was called inadasi. A husband and wife had to work together, being unable to repay a debt of 60 gold pieces. A cow in calf was purchased thereafter for 8 gold pieces.'
For all practical purposes slaves may be placed under the following categories. These are:
A-Slaves by birth-They included all the offspring of female slaves (dasiputta)' whether their fathers were bond or free. Stich an acceptance is based on the principle that the civil condition of the mother determined the status of the progeny. A free woman marrying a slave retained her freedom nor were her children born slaves. This confirms the prevalence of a matriarchal system in
29. E. Z, Vol. I, p. 3o, (Kassapa V. 929-39 A.D.).
30. Samantapasadika (Simon Hewavitarana Bequest Edition), р. 747.
Sumangalavilăsini-Rhys David Translation, p. 165. Nitiniganduva (Le Mesurier & Panabokke Translation), pp. 7-12.
3I. Săratthapakasini-F. L. Woodward Edition, Vol. II, P. 45.
32. Rasavāhini III, p. I 7-II 8.
33. Saddharmalankāraya, p. 455-9.
34. ibid.
35. Sumangalavilāsini, p. 257. •
36. Ceylon, Vol. I, pp. 223-233, Charles Pridham.

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ancient Lanka. Reminiscences of such a right enjoyed by the mother are present among the rural Sinhala folk" who refer to a child as so and so's.
B-Slaves by circumstances are those sold into slavery by their unfortunate parents or those abandoned due to circumstances beyond their control. The wife more than the husband had a control in the disposal of the children until they reached the age of discretion. During the Portuguese times seduction of children to be sold into slavery was a lucrative profession. They maintained a large band of female slaves from whose industry and the commerce of whose bodies their masters derived a considerable revenue.'The storiesin the Sihalavatthu incorporated in later works mention slaves of this class.
C-Slaves by punishment-Sinhala Society observed a very strict code of morality especially where the females were concerned. Caste distinctions were rigidly observed. Women enjoying illicit intercourse with men of lower caste were punished with death or by being handed over as slaves to the king for the remainder of their lives. Sometimes a man pledged his wife, children and himself as surety for debts incurred by him. During times of famine poor families were in the habit of selling their male and female children for money.
Once a poor farmer sold his daughter for 8 gold pieces' Parents at times pawned their daughters for slavery. A son was pawned for 8 gold pieces. Even today the custom of swearing upon the person of one's child, wife or even the mother, god, sacred object or the Buddha can be heard. Due to economic circumstances and otherdis-appointments a person may fail to pay his debts or fulfill pledges. In such an event the man his wife and children being sureties passed into slavery. In the Cakkupala story the wife pledges that she will become a slave along with her children (co8)a?seseco aess 82G2)2) a8)). In the Kukkutamitta story a †ရှို့’့်ရှိဦမ္ပိရွိ that "I, together with my wife and children dedicate myself to the dagobas (9ers e.g.o.82s, es828) scota) es2522 leas). Thieves who could not make a seven fold restitution became slaves as a punishment. Captives in war and those bought and sold as slaves fell into this group. Tamil captives (see coastadt) in Sinhala areas and Koviars (ocooécso) in Tamil areas are those who became slaves under compulsion. King Gajabahu'
37. People of Ceylon, N. D. Wijesekera. 38. Portuguese Era, Vol. II, p. 92, P. E. Pieris. 39. Sinhala vatthu, Chapter 45, V. 4. 4o. Sinhala vatthu, Chapter 56, 4 I. Rasavāhini II, verse 32. 42. Saddharmaratnāvaliya. 43. Saddharmaratnāvaliya. 44. Rājāvaliya, p. 53 Edition, Pemānanda 45. Rājāvaliya, p. 53, Edition Pemānanda

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 7
(114-138 A.D.) brought back South Indian prisoners from the Chola country to avenge the capture of Sinhalese. King Silameghavanna (618 A.D.) distributed the defeated Tamil invaders as slaves to viharas.
D-Slaves by submission-Those, who of their own accord bartered their freedom for a price became slaves. In some cases rich persons voluntarily became slaves of monasteries to be released later by others (relatives) as an act of merit accruing to both parties to the transaction." Persons who were bought for money by monasteries or were otherwise forced into slavery came to be known as goldslaves (ran vahal). Those who pledged their persons for debt to be released on repayment were called slaves in debt (ina dasa).
The slaves owned by the State were employed in hard work both laborious and menial in Public Institutions. In the royal household they performed household duties including tilling the lands in the king's villages (gabadagam). Female slaves may have been employed during very ancient times in the secret service as trustworthy emissaries. Princess Citta is recorded as having entrusted her slave woman to take young prince Pandukabhaya to safety (400 B.C.). In the monasteries the slaves cultivated temple lands (viharagam). Slaves were employed as messengers (payindakarayas) in the ordinary business of the king's establishment (Gabadava) whilst others were employed as servicemen (nilakarayo) at the pleasure of the Lord.' The slaves formed the retinue of rich land owners and officials whose status became enhanced by the ownership of salves. They tilled the fields. Collecting and conveying firewood to the Residence (Walawwa) could be performed by none other than slaves. This reminds one of the ancient Sinhala stories about servant maids (dasi) gathering firewood in the jungle.' The other important duty of a slave was the laying out of the corpse on the death of a member of the master's family. Everything of a menial and derogatory nature was assigned to slaves and no one but a slave would do such work for any price. The only other person who would accept such a job was a member of the executioner caste (cococco) and not even any one of the other lowest castes. At such a critical occasion if the family owned no slaves a relative would send slaves to perform the funeral ceremonies assigned to them. A chief could not do even that as it very seriously affected
46. Chulavarihsa, Chapter 44, V. 82. 47. Saddharmaratnāvaliya, Kukkuțamitta story. 48. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. 2 Io, note 3. 49. Saddharmaratnākaraya, p. 455. so. Conquest of Ceylon, p. I,or 3, Queyroz. 51. Vamsatthappakāsini, p. I94. 52. Sinhalese Social Organization, Ralph Pieris. 53. Ceylon, p. 226, Charles Pridham. 54. Rasavähini.

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his status in the eyes of the people and other chiefs, if recourse had to be made to hire an executioner. Slavery in the Kandyan Provinces was valued not for the labour executed but as appendage of rank and for the performance of certain services which were deemed a badge of slavery and could not be obtained for hire.
Inscriptional evidence shows that Buddhist Viharas had their own slaves from about 2nd century A.D. Their control may have been of a somewhat similar nature to those of the slave proprietors. Both male and female serfs have been given as gifts and required to be exempt from taxes” by kings and royal ministers for maintenance of temples and viharas. The temple lands, too, were cultivated by them. Hindu temples in India, Buddhist temples in Burma and Cambodia and Ieligious establishments owned slaves. King Buddhadasa assigned revenues and servants (kappiya karaka). Temple slaves are mentioned in the Culavamsa' . ماه
Slaves belonging to families were inherited (anvayagata vahal) by the heirs on the death of their master. Others were purchased and acquired by payment (ran vahal) of 100 gold pieces to the temple or vihara. Slaves are referred to in later times (14th century A.D.) as bodies of slaves (vahal ru) even as head of cattle (sarakrti). The slaves were all personal property of the owner and were not attached to the soil. They were liable to perform any services required by the owner. The slave's lot was tolerable generally during the Kandyan Kingdom. They were allowed to hold land and keep cattle on the estate for their own maintenance. They could own and possess movable and immovable property and dispose of it by will or otherwise but could not transfer immovable property nor could they earn money. Frequently, they were advanced to office on the estates at the absolute discretion of the owner who might even abandon him. Actually there was no code of law laying down any rights or obligations.
Very often the slaves improved their wealth. Anything procured by their diligence and industry will not be taken away by the masters. These persons are treated as responsible and trustworthy. When the master buys or gets a slave in other ways he is provided with a wife and is encouraged to keep house to settle down on the land in order to prevent him from running away. Slaves born of high caste parents are permitted to retain the honour of their degree. They are not allowed to wear their cloth up to the ankles nor use names of
55. Ceylon, p. 22 o, Charles Pridham. 56. Society in Mediaeval Ceylon, p. 235, M. B. Ariyapala. 57. E.Z., Vol. I, p. 13o. - − 58. Society in Mediaeval Ceylon, p. 236, M. B. Ariyapala. 59. Culavarinsa Translation, Chapter 37, p. 173, Geiger says servants. 6o. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. I o4.
6I. Ceylon, p. 224, Charles Pridham.

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 9
the masters but should use such names and suffixes as are appropriate to the lower castes' "The kings avenged those guilty of treason at will it may be he kills them altogether or gives them away for slaves'. Most of the slaves in the kingdom of Kandy were of high caste and many of those who were originally free retained their distinctive caste appellations like 'etana' (b) since a person did not lose caste by becoming a slave. "Generally, no low caste man could have a slave'. The only people of inferior caste who possess slaves were the goldsmiths. An edict of Sena IV stated that buffaloes, slaves and men from one village should not be employed in another. This was the general practice but, of course, with the king's approval they could be transported outright to another Vihara.
In the general management of slaves caste rules could not be overlooked. The owner was free to inflict any punishment short of death or mutilation, but he could not compel a female to receive the addresses of a man of an inferior caste, whether bond or free. On the whole the slaves in Lanka were treated mildly. They were seldom sold or families separated but were given as marriage portions or distributed among heirs on the death of the proprietor. Every consideration was paid to the feelings of slaves. Cruelty to a slave was hardly known and slaves were treated as adoptees rather than menials. There was no object of ill-treating them, nevertheless the owner had the right to punish slaves by torture with red hot iron, flogging, confinement in stocks or iron, cutting off the hair and even selling them."
Slaves were competent like free men to give evidence in a Court of Law and were even called upon as witnesses to transactions of their masters. If a slave died intestate his heir-at-law (master) inherited all the property and effects. "The children of a slave or of a woman of low caste or inferior rank cannot by Kandyan custom inherit their father's praveni property as a matter of course, but must have their title to such property supported either by a written deed or a formal verbal gift or bequest duly authenticated by responsible witnesses'. It could be effected also by giving a certificate and pouring water on the hands. At the time of the Malabar invasion a brisk slave
62. Ceylon, p. III, Robert Knox. 63. ibid. p. 64, Robert Knox. 64. Sinhalese Social Organization, pp. I 89-9o, Ralph Pieris. 65. E.Z., Vol. III, p. 26, lines 34-35. 66. Ceylon, p. 223, Charles Pridham.
67. ibid. p. 222,
68. ibid. p. 226. 69. Ceylon, Part r, p. 223-33, Charles Pridham. 7o. Sinhalese Social Organization, p. 202, Ralph Pieris. 71. Nitinigaņợduwa, Chapter I, Section IV.

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trade existed between South India and Northern Provinces of Lanka. But the slaves were left very much in their same condition.
The perquisites of office by a slave could be appropriated by none and these were fixed appropriate for slaves. If a free man loved a female slave of another or spent an undue time with her the owner could claim his services for the duration of that period, however long it might be. The outsider might leave as he pleased subject to the relinquishment of all the property acquired, during his period of amour. During the Kandyan times female slaves received 5 fanam and a piece of cloth 6 cubits in length at the time of each confinement. Whilst the slaves were doomed to toil from birth the masters were obliged to maintain theim in good health, to succour them in sickness and apportion their burdens according to their strength. Buddhism as stated earlier threw open its privileges to all the slaves and others alike except for ordaining them. There were special reasons for denying some the state of monkhood'. Whatever custom makes a slave he should not be admitted to the order of monks. However, Buddhaghosa in the same work (samantapasadika) refers to other sources and states that slaves born in houses and bought slaves when presented as park keepers to the community of monks should be ordained only after manumission."
It may be interesting to note that in ancient Italy during the Saturnalia festival (17-23rd December) the distinction between the slave and free was abolished. The slave was permitted to rail at his master drink and sit at table with him. On the 7th of July, the day Romulus vanished female slaves were permitted to dress as free matrons and maids and parade the streets. They railed and jeered at everyone and engaged in a fight among themselves." This is similar to the festival of "holi' in India. It is likely that in ancient Lanka, too, a similar festive occasion (nekat keli) was observed annually when slaves could act like free men and women. The nearest traditional custom to this is the wilful subjection of the members of the household to being scolded by one's own domestics after seeing the new moon during Sinhala New Year.
Early Sinhala literary records have preserved scant information about slavery in Lanka. Certain instances are mentioned as to the method of obtaining the freedom of a slave. This can be effected by the master himself by giving freedom; by one performing all the domestic chores such as drawing water and hewing wood; by payment of a
72. Ceylon Causerie, January 1953, p. 25-26. 73. Ceylon, p. 223-242, Charles Pridham. 74. Buddhism, Chapter X, p. 482, Spence Hardy. 75. Samantapāsãdikā, p. I, ooI. 76. ibid. p. I, oor. 77. Golden Bough, p. 158, 583, J. G. Frazer.

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA
specified amount in gold pieces (kahavanu) to the lawful owner. Usually the sum was 60 gold pieces. Such a practice has come down from pre-christian era. The earliest lithic inscription recording the manusmission of slaves may be dated to 2nd Century A.D. (it reads dasi anula dini dasa kala ca........ )
Masters brought slaves for admission to the Order. If they liked a religious life they would be declared free. Otherwise they would continue as slaveso During King Dala Mugalan's reign (VI century A.D.) a bricklayer Puyagonula caused his wife to be freed by giving 100 gold pieces. Another bricklayer Boya Gonula caused his children to be freed from slavery by giving 100 gold pieces. Another Pati Salala caused his child to be freed from slavery by paying the same amount. Yet another Dalameya-Vesiliniya Aba gave a hundred gold pieces to the Kasabagiri Monastery and freed themselves. A hundred gold pieces were granted to the great royal monastery called Tisarami by a bricklayer and had himself freed from slavery (raja maha vaharața siyadiyi vaharila cidivi . . . . . .). It is to be noted that the amount payable for obtaining freedom was 100 gold pieces each. All the above mentioned rock inscriptions are from Vessagiriya and inscribed during the reign of Kassapa I or Kumarakassapa (526552 A.D.). The fruits of all the acts of manusmission mentioned above were for the benefit of all beings. . . . . . to attain buddhahood as desired. Others who paid 100 gold pieces and freed themselves are mentioned by name as follows:-
ගල අරහි බුයු දෙවිය : බුයු පෙරි සබ ; හිලි සෙල ; සිවි ගොනහි : බද අබ ; • • • • • • • • දෙවි අබ ; චදි බොය ; සිවි දුබ ; බ එලි සිව
To secure the freedom of a slave is an act conducive to great merit for oneself as well as for all others. A slave's freedom can be obtained in several ways. It is also meritorious to maintain slaves by payment in kind or money to the monastery or vihara to maintain a slave. A Lambakarna, in order to emulate King Vessantara offers his wife, children and finally himself to a monk and redeems all of them by paying money. An instance of a slave who wished to be ordained a monk was freed and later if he failed to join he would revert to slavery again. A friar (Puvijayi) Sidhata earned his freedom by payment of 100 gold pieces. This could not have been a buddhist monk. King Mahadathika Mahānāga gave himself, his queen, his two sons, his state elephant and his horse to the Sangha and later, redeemed all of them by paying money. This was done purely as
78. Ilukwewa rock inscription, Anuradhapura, A.S.C.A.R. 1892, No, IoI. 79. Saman capāsādikā, p. I, oor.
8o. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. 134, et. seq.
8I. Sihalavatthu, Story 71.
82. E.Z., Vol. V., p. 34.
83. Mahavamsa, Chapteı 34, V. 86.

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an act of merit. The mother of Aggabodhi, at his own request, offered him as a gift to the Sangha and later redeemed himself by giving wealth, to the Order. King Nissankamalla offered his son and daughter to the Tooth relic and Bowl relic and later redeemded them. This symbolic act of the king himself becoming a slave even for a moment shows how meritorious it was to free a slave. Kings also gifted other slaves to monasteries King Sila Megha Vanna placed slaves at the disposal of monasteries." -
Another class of donors of slaves to the Bhikkhus were masters of slaves, relatives and patrons of monks. Potthalakutta, a Tamil officer granted a village together with slaves. Bhadda, a commander of troops built a pirivena endowed with slaves.' Mindal (Mahinda), who held the office of Demela Adikari gifted slaves, lands etc. to the Galapáta Vihara.' No low caste person was allowed to own slaves. However, if such a person did acquire a slave then a chief would buy that slave. By obtaining the freedom of slaves or by paying money for their maintenance one gains merit. A military officer manumitted all children for merit.' Even if the payment of money is for gaining one's own freedom it would be meritorious. The strong belief is that by such merit a person will be reborn having a large retinue. The earliest ceremony of confirming freedom of a slave was by pouring butter milk (ghee) on the head of slaves.'
The word 'vaharala and its variant readings are translated by Dr. Paranavitana as slave in all instances. He follows Geiger who derives the word from Sanskrit thus: Vrsala D pali Vasala D Sinhala Vahala D vahal. But Dr. Wijeratne derives 'vaharala' and its variants as visaralaka D Visarala D Veherala viherila meaning timber, wood. The former translation has been preferred as all the equivalents suit all the uses in all contexts. It is probable that the close association the slaves had in making wooden funeral pyres and gathering firewood may have lead at least a class of slaves to be known by such a functional apellation. For the benefit of those interested in the literary discussion the references' are given below.
84. Culavarihsa, Chapter 49, V. 63. 85. E.Z., Vol. II, p. I o7. 86. Samantapāsãdikā, p. I, ooI. 87. Culavaṁsa, Chapter 44, V. 32" 88. Samantapāsãdikā, p. I, oor. 89. Culavadhsa, Chapter 46, V. 21. 9o. Culavarinsa, Chapter 5o, V. 82. - 9I. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. 2 Io. 92. E.Z., Vol. V, p. 29. 93. Samantapāsãdikā, p. I, oor.
94. Ceylon University Review, Vol. X, No. 1, P. I03, D. J. Wijeratine E.Z. Vol. V, pp. 35-65, S. Paranavitana. 3 J Jeratne

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA I3
There were documentary titles in the case of transfers and testaentary bequests of slaves. A register defined their position. Grants ere made by kings or ministers. The earliest gifts are not found in inscriptions so far discovered but they may have existed with the or institutions concerned. The practice was to make a grant of both male and female slaves. Sometimes a single slave and sometimes whole families were donated to the Vihara or monastery. The monks were allowed to receive slaves as gifts and even require them to be exempted from taxes as they formed the property of the temple. In Burma, too, slaves were gifted to the monastery. In Cambodia an inscription of VI-VII century A.D. records a person named Pon Prajfia Candra who dedicated male and female slaves to the three Bodhisattvas Viz. Sāsta, Maitreya and Avalokitesvara.ooo This is the earliest record of its kind. In Lanka, too, there was the custom of dedicating oneself with wife and children to the dagoba (982 ago.G. 822, e3358) coa e52.2% G&S) or of becoming a slave to the dagoba (, Gotao & G & 9). Since the practice of making grants of slaves to temples and viharas and dagobas are mentioned it is very likely that the tradition of dedication as slaves to the Bodhisattvas and Bodhi tree did exist in ancient Lanka though it may have gone into disuse during later times as it may have seemed an appendage of Mahāyana worship. King Kirti Nissankamalla (1187-98 A.D.) has recorded a number of such grants. All this goes to establish the fact that slaves were the personal property which was negotiable. These grants were free of taxes for five years or so. The king relinquished the revenue for 5 years and enriched those inhabitants by gifts of “divel' lands, serfs,o7 cattle etc. (FeSOG, ĐsɔGE, e.362$. . . .) another inscription reads "King Nissankamalla removed the poverty of the poor by providing them with livings, serfs, cattle and permanent grants (දිලිඳු, ගිම්නිවා දිවෙල්, වහල්, සරක්, පමුණුගම්). Identical grants of slaves etc. are mentioned in the Kalinga forest gal asna inscription,'. Rankot dagoba pillar inscription and Pritidanaka mandaka rock inscription. The same king made a grant of slaves etc. for the custodian of the Treasury in case he required to enjoy them after taking permission from the proper authorities.
The biggest single grant so far inscribed on rock is the one at Galapata Vihara. "In order that they may function as servitors and slaves to the Vihara and to their lordships (monks) residing in
95. Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. III, p. 12o, Charles Elliot. 96. Saddharmaratnavaliya, p. 6I3, Kukkutamitta story. 97. E.Z., Vol. I, p. 53, note I2 also p. 13o, Dambulla rock inscription. 98. E.Z., Vol. II, p. IIo, II 2, Galpotta slab inscription. 99. E.Z., Vol. II, pp. I 26, I 32, I 36, also I 42. Ioo. E.Z., Vol. III, p. I 72.
Ior. E.Z., Vol. III. p. I 5 I.
o2. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. I 96-98; 2oo-2o2; 2o5-2o8, inscription lines I2-23.

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this Vihara the following (were granted) from among the slave about 90 in all who had belonged hereditarily to his family, the pur chased slaves and those acquired by paying gold from the fund of this Vihara'. This inscription is unique, for nowhere else in Lank has any similarlithic muster roll of templetenantsyet been discovered." The Vihara referred to is near Bentota. The donor was Minda (Mahinda) who held the office of Demala Adikāra and was administering the Pasyodun District. It is likely that the Tamil captives who were treated as slaves continued to be separately stationed and administered.
The presence to this day of several villages within ten miles of Galapāta Vihāra Viz: Indigastuduwa in Pasdun KoTale and Mahāvila, Galganda, Vallambagala in walallaviti Korale where Tamil captives live and five villages of berawa caste (drummer) people viz: Suddegoda, Dampalayagoda, Tunduva, Boltudava and Kendalapitiya within 9 miles of Galapata Vihara confirm such early settlements and these need to have a special organization and administration for that class of slave. Whole families, including mother, father, younger brother, younger sister, daughter, elder brother, son, and aunt comprised the gift. This happened very probably during the reign of Parākramabahu I. A later inscription of the Gampola period (1350-1 A.D.) record the grant of fields, two amunas of seed-paddy and 3 heads of slaves (පිදු කුම්බුරු බිජු දැමුණක්, වහල් රූ තුනෙක්).
Under such circumstances it is reasonable to expect the establishment of a State Department to manage the slaves in each Districts under an overall authority. The nature of the duties assigned and the procedure of maintaining the slaves with due punishment for failure to obey instruction may have been carefully worked out and specifically stated. These would have been applicable to all three categories of ownership. The slaves could not be transferred from one district to another and if freed a record of registration should be kept by the state official. The monasteries, too, observed a uniform procedure of administering slaves. The slaves under private ownership were more amenable to discipline and conducted themselves generally with understanding. Nevertheless, a legal procedure had to be followed in their management since the majority of able bodied male slaves were employed on hereditary private estates (pamunubirin ) owned by the masters. During the 6th century A.D. an officer designated Superintendent of slaves under the Pandyan King existed. In the Galapáta inscription the slaves were donated by the Tamil Superintendent (Demala-Adikara), the chief officer in charge of the Vihara. Aggabodhi I made donations to monasteries for the slave population."
o3. J.R.A.S. (C.B.), Vol. 1913-14, pp. LXIX-LXXVII, H. C. P. Bell. o4. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. Io4, Gadalādeniya inscription. o5. Sīgiriya Grafitī, V. 652, S. Paranavitana. o6. Culavarinsa, Chapter 42, V. 32.

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 5.
Several devotees had given money to maintain slaves at Abhayagiri Vihara.'" Kassapa V ordered that villages were to be taken away only after the monks and slaves (sangun, dasun) had been provided for. Mahinda IV issued rules intended for the Sangha, the employees and Slaves."% (මහබික් සහ හිමියන්, කැමියන් හා දසුන් ...................)
It is the general view confirmed to a large extent by inscribed evidence that the slaves in early Sinhala society were a recognized class of servitors to monasteries, paid and maintained by gifts of land. The total population cannot be ascertained but it is fairly obvious that every vihara and monastery which had the royal patronage maintained a retinue of slaves. It is also apparent that slaves were not outcastes but workers belonging to a recognized category.' This control over slaves was exercised by the Dutch and Portuguese as well. In fact they too had overseers to be in charge of slaves. A very interesting feature of the system of slavery was the fact that a high caste woman who had connections with low caste men were consigned as slaves of the crown to the royal village of Gampola. This has been borne out by a case in 1823 A.D. when a vellala woman (govi caste) of Gonigoda in Harispattu was banished as the King's slave to Gampola because she eloped with a painter in Sabaragamuwa.
In the earliest recorded Sinhala stories names of slaves are not mentioned. They are referred to as dasa or dasi. It may have been due to the fact that they were mainly domestic hands who worked by day or night in private households. The names of slaves, both male and female, mentioned in the earliest inscriptions and texts appear to be common ones without any indication of foreign elements or derogatory significance. These are Anula (f), Kala (m). Two other names recorded in the sixth century A.D., are those of brick layers viz: Puyagonula and Boyagonula, most probably brothers. Other names mentioned in the same inscription are Patisalala, Sahasavarala Dalameya, Sakana Kana Vesiminiya Aba. Their trades are not stated. A rock inscription of WI-VII century A.D. mentions the names of those who freed themselves by paying to the vihara 100 gold pieces (kahavanu) each. They are Gala Araki Buyu Deviya; Buyu Peri Saba; Hilisela Sivigonahi Bada Aba;...... Davi Aba; Cadi Boyi; Sividuba; Baela siva. One instance of a friar, may be of a non-buddhist sect, is recorded.
o7. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. II39.
ro8. E.Z., Vol I, p. 46, line, 53.
Io9. E.Z., ibid. p. 99, line 7-9. IIo. Ceylon. Historical Journal, Vol. X, p. 48, P. A. T. Gunasinhe. III. Portuguese Era, Vol. II p. 92. II2. Nittinighantuva, p. XXXIII; also J.R.A.S. (C.B.), Vol. XX-33o, No. 66, II3. Ilukweva rock inscription, Anuradhapura, No. IoI, A.S.C.A.R. 1892. II 4. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. I 33.
II 5. E.Z., Vol. IV, p. 295

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The ownership of slaves was restricted to three sections. The state was the first, monasteries and temples came second. The rich land owning persons was the third. The possession of slaves was a mark of honour and affluence during early times. Saddhatissa gave a hundred females and 100 males to the female devotee Honkala. King Nissankamalla thought it was a good thing to allow his subjects to own slaves.11
34-The long list of names mentioned in the Galapata rock Inscriptionil seem to be arranged in order of families, the females being given precedence over males. It provides interesting reading having meaningful significance. These together with all names mentioned in other inscriptions are arranged under males, female and unspecified as follows :-
. Names of male slaves
Sidhata-afriar Kala (zoe) Puyagonula (33603zac) Boyagonula (S@cc3SGOɔze) Patisalala (esz6escC) Sahasa varala dala meya (escoes aboc Sakana kana Vesiminiya Aba (cona)
දල මෙය) කන වෙසිමිනිය අබ) Gala araki buyu deviya (oc acias Buyu Peri saba (ag Ges8 c36)
බුයු දෙවිය) Hilisela, sivigonahi (636Gesce &38gogo3 - Bada aba (6) epaño)
නහි) Cadi Boyi (ÉO& gôa6):é3) . . . . . . Davi aba (...... දවි අබ) Konta Bogonta (325225is casgoszsza) Sivi duba (835 ga) "Ponvāni minda (Sebɔ2sfOz63 Szsfç) Ba ela siva (ad ėGe 8380) Suva (esa) Uyavania (cc38)33ç) Raya (óc3) Getkami Lokeyi (Scoszorð æCaoad8) Porana budu (eesобе6 Eg) Raku (õ2e) Karadi (zoo5) Mindal Kämiya (325) &G, zou Sc9) Poraņa salā (oeces cca) Porana maniya (Se33d64e6 SD268c33) Mandala (83&c) Dāmi deva (;ē Gcē) Sātan (e3b2s2S3) Mandaļa Satā (ēze 2) Goļu mindā (scoɔéd Szsda) Korala Devu (ozoo5G Gģ) Budu (58) Lokeyi (SGoG298) Sāvaya (338a) Bemtoța kita (esaSSebao zázad) Kalu kitu (zodg zS) Deva (s) . Suvaya (gDc3) Endera boyi (ÓcsêDd6 Badač3) Kora näthá (ozsod zood) Heļili Deva (ax)ē6 g) Lokeyi (GGɔSzadã3) Suvayā (සුවයා) Demaļa paya (SçSde esc33) Averi devi (e3 e6 c5) Maddala (3ęęc) HKoranamba (කොර නම්බා) Karadi devā (zoo5& G8) Kila (záîGe) Ambalavã (96cês) Hellelu Ilämä (@ro@ee) có992) Kitā (26232) − Kaļu rāmā (zse o539) Kudá rämä (agò2 do©)) Sĩn (rāmã) (6325} opep) Demaļi gäviya (SiçSDê couš5c3) Badal periya (68)g Gessa) Kavivä (s88))
II6. Sihalavatthu Story 33 conolusion. II 7. E.Z., Vol. II, p. I 26. III.8. E.Z., Vol. IV, lines I2-23, pp. I96.

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 17
35. Names of female slaves
Anula (ge) Uba (ca) Mindi (ozo) Godäli deva (go& ego) Sa tiya (e326a) Selliya (SeeG&c3) Godaliya (Gosgop&Oć303) Keliraka (G2d&cốzad) Maniyā (SD268a3») Suvagoqdaliya (gaéôg5G)o&)65èc3) Senen kontiya (sesez.dzsd szdɔzsd6c3) Kontiya (SzDɔ2S36a3) Raka (dózis) Mindi (ozo) 0 0 Nantu (. . . . . .1e2S2) Li deva (Ĝeĝ8O) Sătiya (cooz6.3) Raka (dózad) Supaniya (gaas25a3) Nambiya (SSD53) - Adittiya (qözsiz58c3)
36. Names where sex cannot be determined
Godali (есорЕО8) Helili (eseo&EG. . Raka hāla (62d Bouce) Sigiliya (83ó36èfd?
9 « » «» un wo « Si (. . . . . . . . . . . . (3) Gangã (coccoэ. - Gangiya (g)25f@3c3) Naiviya (25569; . . . . . ) Demala (3ç8'e) Sundā (gs. . . . . . ) Jayavandā (ešas)2) Sele (සෙලෙ. . . . . . )
37-It is extremely unwise to attempt to infer social status or racial affinity by a study of proper names. Nevertheless, since names can provide, in some cases, an index to the influences and the reasons for naming individuals some names are adopted by usage in families, whilst others may be characteristic of physical deformities, racial origin or low caste monenclature. I venture to make certain observations that may help to suggest a few ideas. The total number of names recorded on the rock inscription is about ninety one. Out of this number 59 belong to males and 22 to females and 12 remain uncertain owing to obliteration of the text.
At least some significant elements seem to be crystalized in the structure of all names. These may be assigned to four periods. The earliest names appear very similar to those mentioned in the early inscriptions and graffiti. During the 13th century, too the earlier elements continue. The names commonly used among lower castes having derogatory suffixes according to social grades begin to appear. At a still later stage a mixture of several ethnic elements manifest themselves. In the final stage the names signify south Indian elements.
Certain names recorded in the rock inscriptions mention the professions or trades of the bearers. These are Puyagonula, the bricklayer; Lokeyi, the tailor; Periya, the potter; and smith. There are number of descriptive names usually appended to persons of a lower class; some describing physical abnormalities whilst others indicating racial or functional characteristics. They are scaly (korala) Devli, lame (kora) nambä, dumb (golu) Minda, fair (helalu) Rämá; dark (kaļu) Rāmā; small (kuda) Rāmā; slim (sin) Rāmā; ancient (porana) Salā: cowherd (endera) boyi; Tamil (Demala) paya. There are a few names suggestive of animals such as fox (sigiliya) bear (karadi), parrot (suva), river (ganga). One person bears the name of the place as

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Bentota kita. The presence of the Buddhist and Hindu elements cannot be left out but identification is not possible in the earlier names. The names of the 13th century savour of a South Indian flavour. This is naturally to be expected since from the earliest times craftsmen and captives in war came from South India. During a later period South Indian invaders were captured and made slaves. Most of them bear names ending in a derogatory suffix.
Buddhism forbade trafficking in human beings and was even averse to the retention of fellow men in bondage. Nevertheless, it was in the spirit of Buddhism not to interfere with tradition and custom and the existing social orders. This spirit of tolerance helped maintain the system of slavery in Lanka without the rigours of punishment and cruelty of treatment. Of course religion could not eliminate altogether the accepted social practices adopted for the Continuation of slavery. Although the owner had the absolute right over the person of slaves the trading in slaves was not common. Captives in war were bought and sold as slaves during a later day. The slaves coming under the 3 categories mentioned earlier suffered no change of ownership. Hereditary slaves were seldom or never sold. Hence very little trafficking in slaves existed in early Lanka and even within the Kandyan Provinces later. This does not mean that a slave trade did not altogether exist during early times. There was a regular traffic in slaves in the Tamil speaking districts especially during the European times. The slaves were deemed to belong to the 'wallu" (vahal) caste. This was subdivided into three as 'Kovias' Nallus and Pallas. Slaves who were converted to Christianity by the Portuguese used to claim their liberty without anv compensation to the owner. It was therefore decided by the Portuguese authorities that their masters could sell such slaves to Christians.'
When the Portuguese arrived in Lanka there was a trade in slaves between South India and the Tamil speaking districts of Lanka especially the Northern Province. The Portuguese maintained a large number of slaves both male and female for their industry as well as for commercialising their person. For this and other purposes African slaves were imported in large numbers and were distributed throughout the areas under Portuguese control i.e. along the coastal belt from Jaffna to Matara. The Sinhala kings had no trade in slaves with the Portuguese nor did they send slaves as gifts to them. But the kings were anxious to get rid of the Portuguese. So they began to favour the Dutch. In 1602 Sinhala king received the Dutch Admiral de Weert warmly and presented slaves and other gifts in order to win the favour of the Dutch Admiral. There was tension between the foreign powers in Lanka and a Portuguese slave woman carried
II.g. Society in Mediaeval Ceylon, p. 234-6, M. B. Ariyapala. 12o. The Portuguese Era, Vol. I, p. 89, P. E. Pieris. 12. The Portuguese Era, Vol. I, p. 37o, 37, P. E. Pieris.

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 19
a reply to de Weert. According to the information so far available one fact is clear and that is the implicit trust and confidence reposed on female slaves. They were employed in later times, too to carry a flag of peace or message to the hostile forces (dhajahata-flag-bearer). During the Kandyan period such a messenger service (payinglakaraya) existed. In 1611 A.D. King Senerat fled to the Vedda Country (Bintenna) taking with him his family treasures and his slaves. In 1614 a Sinhala fleet captured several Portuguese vessels off Negombo and Chilaw and all the Portugese captives were thrown into the sea. However, their women were sent as slaves to the capital. These facts indicate that there was a movement of slaves throughout the island. More interesting is the added feature of African (black) and Portuguese (white) ethnic elements infiltrating into the main stream of slaves and thereby the Sinhala population itself.
In the Pepiliyana copper sannasa of A.B. 1973 the tenants are described as "parivarajanayan' (s386 &2)c52) and they were slaves (8).JG) p. 18, 24. The gardens of the gabadagam were cultivated by slaves (p. 38) according to the Protuguese Tombo III p. 31 at Negombo on each garden or plot of land bought in the port there was paid one larin to the king as a due called meluari (melvaritamil). It was a tax on trade and never exceeded one larin (p. 49). Other castes including pandara pillais described as slaves rendered service as messengers to the Disavas (p. 57).
The Dutch maintained good relations with the king. There was regular intercourse and trade with the Dutch and letters used to be carried by female slaves. The king also sent presents to de Weert. These included 3 female slaves. At the siege of Colombo the Portuguese with their wives, children and slaves were taken prisoner. During this time the Dutch East India Company asked permission from King Rājasinha to trade freely in “sapu wood, gum lac, areca, rice provisions and slaves'. In times of acute famine and distress in South India slaves were brought and made to work on the government plantations." When the Portuguese were holding fast at Mutwal the king sent 130 slaves to build a wall againt them at Kelaniya. The slaves were under a Superintendent of slaves. At times the slaves tried to escape. If an overseer allowed a slave to escape by carelessness he was condemned and shot. It was during this time in the maritime province soldiers were sent to seize the refractory and sell them as slaves. Such slaves could not be sent away to other districts but could be ransomed at any time.
I22. ibid. Vol. I, p. 395 P E. Pieris. I23. ibid. Vol. I, p. 417, P. E. Pieris. 124. ibid. Vol. I. p. 422, P. E. Pieris. I25. Ancient Land Tenure and Revenue in Ceylon, p. 18, 24, 38, 49, 57. i26. Ceylon, p. 142, S. Alasaratnam.

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At the capitulation of the Portuguese in 1656 two generals and Coutinho's son were allowed to remove all property, Portuguese servants and slaves; but in other circumstances slaves were confiscated except in a few exceptional cases. All married soldiers with their families were allowed to be conveyed to Goa but were forbidden to carry any of their property and slaves. It was accepted by the Portuguese and Dutch that slaves constituted a part of the property of the owner27.
The humanitarian ideas regarding slaves were introduced by the Dutch about a hundred years prior to the British. In fact in Batavia they had a code for dealing with slaves. The same principles formed the basis of their dealings with slaves in Lanka. In 1660 the Dutch issued an order interdicting the selling or mortgaging of free born Sinhalese. By 1771 Dutch had greatly reduced the number of slaves in Colombo, and by 1787 transfers of slaves were made difficult. Traffic in Christian slaves was forbidden. Before the arrival of the British the Dutch had a law to reduce and abolish slavery. This was confirmed in 1802. A fine of 100 rix dollars was imposed on anyone trying to enslave free born persons.'
In spite of the enlightened view of the Dutch government those in control of their possessions in Lanka did not interfere with the system of slavery to change it radically. When the Dutch handed power to the British in 1795 slaves were still in the same position. They were subject to different treatment in three district areas. In the Northern Provinces slaves continued to be sold to South India. In the maritime areas slaves were treated as chattel and personal property used more for pleasurable purposes and other domestic work. In the Kandyan Provinces slaves still enjoyed the kindly treatment as retainers adding to the dignity, prestige and respect of their proprietors. Although registers of slaves had been maintained at no time were their numbers known definitely. Accorindg to a census taken in 1829 there were 2113 male and female slaves in the Kandyan Provinces. The total slave population in the Kandyan areas could not have exceeded 10,000 at any time.
When the Dutch capitulated a male slave without reference to age was valued at 50 ridis i.e. (E1-13s-4d) and a female 100 ridis i.e. (£3-6s-8d). Each female child was worth 3 rix dollars i.e. (£ 0-4 S-6 d). A serious dispute arose at the time of capitulation in 1795 as to whether slaves should be treated as property in spite of the fact that it was the custom from ancient times to treat slaves as private property. There also arose the question of redeeming or transferring slaves. So the procedure adopted in the statute of Batavia and
127. The Dutch Power in Ceylon, p. 29, 43, 53, P. E. Pieris. 128. New Lanka, Vol. I, January 195o, No. 2, p. 7o, L. E. Blaze. I29. Doyly 1835, p. 8o.

SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 2
the Koran was followed. The Commander of the British Expeditionary Force extended the meaning of property to include slaves. And the slaves were all restored to their owners. The slave was allowed to give testimony on oath before tribunals and all slaves had to be registered. Governor North did not delay measures for relief of slaves. A sum was offered for their maintenance. Although slave bonds existed not more than 6% produced them. The Kandyan Chiefs objected to registration and asked for a postponement of registration and eventual abolition without adequate compensation. The Chiefs protested on the ground that if slaves were emancipated the performance of duties to dead bodies will not be carried out after that. Any others doing these would tentamount to an insult. Therefore they entreated the government by a petition'80 in 1843 to postpone abolition for 60 years. They deemed such a measure not only a loss but also an affront so fatal to their dignity. If there were to be no slaves "no religion, no respect became the outcry. How could such a position be endured'. The objectors' mind worked thus. The government attempted to extinguish slavery in the Isle of France but the inhabitants resisted it with success. But the modernising process once set in motion gathered momentum. New enlightened thinking in Europe influenced Britain and eventually the colony of Ceylon.
During the Governorship of Edward Barnes slavery was abolished in the Maritime Provinces on 12th August 1816 on the birthday of the Prince Regent (Later George IV). This order was voluntarily carried out by a group of slave owners in Galle and Jaffna by delivering free all children born of their slaves. Wolvendaal church allotted special pews and welcomed their presence at divine service Sunday after Sunday. 'Slaves could for the most part obtain their liberty on account of insufficiency of proofs of their slavery'. Those who established the right of possession were asked to bear full responsibility.18 Thus the slaves who wished to be free found no difficulty to do so. All these actions and regulations did not satisfy the majority of slave owners in the Kandyan Provinces. Of course the government itself did not enforce the regulations or registration. These went to sleep. But a new awakening was generated and an enlightened public opinion was created. Certain action was taken. Interesting enough a sort of census of the slave populatin was prepared in 1832 or there about. In 1837 the slaves in the Kandyan Provinces were registered. The total figures exclusive of the seven Korales were as follows:-
I3o. Ceylon Causerie, January I953, p. 25-26, T. M. G. Samat. I3I. ibid. January I953, p. 25-26, T. M. G. Samat. I32. New Lanka, January 195o, No. 2, L. E. Blaze. I33. British Occupation, p. 257, Colvin R. de Silva. I34. Ceylon, p. 230-I, Charles Pridham.

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Area. Male Female Total Male Female Total
Western Province . . 373 332 705 - - WW Southern 参多 & 43 342 773 Kamama vaali Central 夕影 ∞ m፡ 687 б94 I,38 І. ar ~ − Eastern ᎨᎦ - wo- wMk49 工2 23 Northern *默 صسته ar para- I 2,6o5 II,94 o 24,545
Total II, 49I III,368 2,859 I 2,6 I 7 I J,95 I 24,568
The total number of slaves in the Tamil speaking areas was given as 27,397 by some in 1837. During this period the world movement demanding the abolition of slavery gained full strength. No European government could ignore the humane appeal for their liberation. The British government had to take action to abolish slavery in her colonies. Such action could not be postponed indefinitely. It was long overdue. There was also an anti-slavery society. It put the figure of slaves at 37,000. However, the British Commissioners in Ceylon felt that "slavery was of the mildest possible character', the number of slaves being extremely small. But the Chiefs would also ask for pecuniary recompense. In 1841 an ordinance was passed to abolish "all vestiges of slavery'. First abolition was notified in the Northern and Maritime Provinces. In 1845 Lord Stanley carried out the final act of extinction of slavery in Sri Lanka. Nothing in the shape of compensation was paid to the owners of slaves. Nothing was actually demanded by the owners themselves. Thus ended an ancient social order which had no chance of survival in a world of fast changing human values where equality of man and dignity of humanity was beginning to be realised.
135. Ceylon Causerie, September 1938, p. 21, J. A. Will Perera.
36. Ceylon, p. 230-3r, Charles Pridham.

- Supplementary Comments on Slavery in
Sri Lanka
BY MR. J. R. SINNÁTAMBY
I would like to make the following observations on matters arising from the paper "Slavery in Sri Lanka' by Dr. N. D. Wijesekera.
1. Are there or were there slaves among muslim people in Ceylon ?
Un Muslim rule there were slaves in India. I do not think individuals had slaves.
I am making this inquiry as Tonybee in an article touching on various civilisations has pointed out, among other observations, which I cannot remember, that, only in the Muslim society you find true equality between man and man. I personally agree with this. He has also said it will be the next dominant civilisation.
This is probably so amongst individuals for as pointed out by Tennent-Theoretical Buddhism threw open to all castes all the privileges of priesthood, the slave alone was repulsed on the ground that owner would be deprived of his services.
2. The following observations by two historians pertaining to slaves are of interest.
Pridham has pointed out, origin of slavery in Ceylon may be traced to a source common to all Eastern countries.
There are four classes (a) By birth (b) Sold into slavery (c) Sentenced to slavery (d) Those who voluntarily bartered it away for a fixed price.
Those in the first class included all the offspring of female slaves whether their fathers were bond or free, and vice-versa, the offspring of free women were equally entitled to freedom so that the civil condition of the mother commonly determined that of the progeny.
I now quote another historian in respect of the Greeks. “Whether the Greeks borrowed from the Egyptians their notions about trade, like so many others I cannot say for certain. I have remarked that the Thracians, Scyths, the Persians, Lydians, and almost all other
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barbarians hold the citizens who practice trades and their children in less repute than the rest, while they esteem as noble as those who kept aloof from handicrafts and especially honour such as are given wholly to war. These ideas prevail throughout the whole of Greece'.
And in respect of a people called Lycians or Termilae he says "They have however, one singular custom in which they differ from every other nation in the world. They take the mother's and not the father's name. Ask a Lycian who he is and he answers by giving his own name, that of his mother, and so on in the female line. Moreover, if a free woman marry a man who is a slave, their children are full citizens, but if a free man marry a foreigner or live with a concubine, even though he be the first person in the state, the children forfeit all the rights of citizenship'.
The author concerned is Herodotus the father of history2500 years ago. His recordis in essence same as Pridham's observations of only about 100 years ago.
From above the following interesting conclusions can be drawn
(a) That the civil status of a child depended on the civil condition
of the mother.
(b) Slavery that obtained 2500 years ago in the Eastern mediterranean obtained in an almost identical form till about 100 years ago in India and Ceylon.
(c) That a people existed in the Eastern Mediterranean who had social customs, similar to the customs of the Dravidians today and also a matriarchal form of government which also prevailed among the Dravidians and which I believe still obtains in some form or other among some Dravidians today.
3. That this has been so, ethnologically, anthropologically and philologically in Eastern Mediterranean areas, at an ancient period of time, and even prior to the Indo-Aryan era, has been accepted by recognised scholars.
I have dealt with some aspects of this matter in my work 'Ceylon in Retrospect'.
I would like to know if there is any evidence of slaves being branded in Ceylon in ancient times. As far as I am aware this has obtained in Egypt at least in the time of the Pharoahs and in Mesopotamia and during the period slaves were employed by the Dutch government in Ceylon.

SUPPLEMENTARY COMMENTS ON SLAVERY IN SRI LANKA 25
Reference may be made in this context to the "memoirs of Dutch Governers,' Instructions to Dutch Command in Ceylon from Dutch Governor General India (1655-1665), for details of how slaves were deployed on state plantations by the Dutch which extended from Chilaw to Tangalla and the map in "Lands, Maps and Surveys," Vol. 2, p. 43, referred to as of unusual value for the study of this community.
4. It would also appear to me that a decitizenised person ceases to have civic rights and ceases to be a free man as much as a slave, as according to the Oxford Dictionary a citizen is a freeman and has civic rights, so that, when he is deciizenised he ceases to be a free man. And in a way he is more unfortunate as being stateless he cannot expect any succour from any country unlike in the case of a slave where the master has, as observed by Tennent, "to maintain them in health, succour them in sickness, apportion their burdens
to their strength'.
5. Regarding the subject of the abolition slavery it would appear that it was Sir Alexander Johnston who was the first to take meaningful steps to abolish slavery in Ceylon. The state plantations employed slaves during the Dutch period and even the private Dutch citizens would appear to have employed slaves in their household.
There is a picture of the Supreme Court sessions which is a representation of the sitting of the Supreme Court in 1816 on the occasion of a murder trial under the jury system introduced in 1811. This would appear to have some hearing on this subject as it is to the jury men that Sir Alexander first appealed to free the children of the slaves. This slave community took this occasion to thank Sir Alexander Johnston for this magnificent endeavour on his part. Representatives from various parts of the country would appear to have been present in what can unhesitatingly be described as an epoch making event. Three dancing girls who had walked all the way from Jaffna have also been represented in the picture of this great historical event. I am indebted to Mr. J. T. Rutnam, a member of this society, for the data referred to above.
Reference may be made in this context to the article on "Slavery in Ceylon' appearing in the Asiatic Journal, (1822, Vol. 14, p. 570), where the Directors of the African Institution who were interested in the subject of eradicating slavery in the Eastern Islands have gratefully acknowledged the service rendered by Sir Alexander Johnston in this cause in the following words "The Directors are persuaded that they express the cordial feelings of the Institution at large, in offering the tribute of their grateful acknowledgement to Sir Alexander Johnston, for his successful exertions in promoting, and to the special and other Jurymen of the island, for their general

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adoption of this important change in the condition of their country, and for the bright example which they have taken and lead in exhibiting to the world, of fixing a period forthe extinction of the state of domestic slavery: an example which the Directors trust will speedily be followed, wherever it may be done with safety. But whether this hope shall be realized or not, it will never be forgotten that the inhabitants of Colombo were the first of the British colonists to act upon this grand, noble, liberal, and disinterested principle, and they will for ever deserve the best thanks of every individual who has at heart the advancement of the happiness of mankind, and the improvement of human nature'.

The Origin and Development of Simhala Nādagam
Public Lecture delivered by the Right Revd. Dr. Edmund Peiris O.M.I., Bishop Emeritus of Chilaw before the Society on 27-6-74.
Speech, song, dance and acting or personation are innate human qualities. They manifest themselves in individual behaviour and, in an organized form, in group behaviour. With progress in literacy, in economic conditions, and in social relations, either within the group or with other ethnic groups, the organised form develops into folk plays and even dramas of literary and cultural value. Drama, in the generally accepted sense, is a composition in prose or poetry, usually intended to be acted upon a stage, presenting a story by means of characters, speaking and acting in situations contrived to develop a plot, and with such accessories of scenery, stage machinery, costumes etc., as are fitted to produce an impression of reality. (rf. New Dictionary s.v.) Simhala drama, in the above sense, is a product of the last two decades of the nineteenth century (rf. Folk Play, p, ll6. JCBRAS, No. 54, pp. 90, 139).
This does not mean that for nineteen centuries or more the people of Sri Lanka led a dull, drab life without song, dance, music and theatricals. They were fond of every kind of music, dancing, and singing, and were very clever at inventing various forms of pastimes and entertainments. Royal functions, national and religious festivities and ritualistic observances provided the occasion for pancangatiriya nida (sound of the five-fold musical instruments), nitiya (dance) and gita (song). There were water sports (rf. Mahav. 26.7), mimic dances and concerts (rf. 34, 60, 77), wandering musicians and many Damilas and others practised in dance, song and puppetry (rf. ib., 66.131-3), and many hundreds of dancing girls (rf. ib. 74.215 ff). and even stages for the music-makers and dancers (rf. ib. 31.82; 85.43). Although we may treat some of the grandiose descriptions of festivities as merely formal, surely there must be some core of truth in them. (rf. Culture of Ceylon, pp. 62-64).
But, in all this, "there is nothing to indicate that any spoken drama was acted either in the court or in the circles of the educated laity. The fact that writers did not produce anything in this genre, and did not even translate the Sanskrit plays that were known to them, would naturally have stood in the way of drama becoming a form of royal entertainment. Later contacts with South India
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brought about no change in the situation, doubtless because of the language difficulty that importations would cause, as well as because the South Indian drama was at a folk level and hardly a fit entertainment for the educated'. (Folk Play, p. 16).
Simhala writers were not unaware of the existence of drama or mitiya. Siyabas Lakara, said to have been written by King Salamevan (A.D. 617-626) and modelled on Kavyadarsa, has this:
පෙදෙන් බුදු සිරිපැ-බසින්වත් සිරිත් ඈ පද යුතු බසින් නළු ඈ-අනතුරු ලකුණු දක්වමි. (vs. 20)
The words pada yutu basin malu suggest that drama is a composition in prose and poetry. Dr. Godakumbura remarks that this particular verse is not a translation from the Kavyadarsa (rf. Sinhalese Literature, p. 304). Probably, Salamevan had his information from something known in the country at the time. Among the Sivu-Sita kali or the sixty four Arts, bharata Cr drama was one, and it was reckoned among the accomplishments which a prince should possess. (rf. Ariyapala, p. 276; Kavyasekharaya, 1, 86). One of the rites enjoined by the Dala-di sirita (cir. A.D. 1325) in connection with the sacred Tooth Relic at Kurunegala was that "those skilled in drama (bharatayehi), dressed in colourful garments and bedecked with bright ornaments' should perform before the Relic (rf. p. 49). The Gira-sarvdesaya (cir. A.D. 1450-1460) explicitly mentions that the pupils of Totagamu pirivena of Sri Rahula studied, besides Sanskrit Pali, Sinhala and Tamil, also the art of poetry and drama (nalu). (rf. vs. 227).
Although we have no way of determining the sort of the dramatic art practised in this country in the past, we have plenty of information about the folk plays prevalent here, thanks to the comprehensive research work done by Dr. Sarathchandra. In the first place, there were the ritualistic dances and plays performed by the people from ancient times to ward off disease and evil spirits, and to invoke the help of gods in crises of life. (rf. Folk Drama, ch. 2). Puppetry is mentioned as early as the 12th century A.D. (rf. Mahav. 66, 133), and there is an elaborate description of how puppet shows were used to enhance a religious procession in the time of Parakramabahu II (A.D. 1234-1269). (rf. ib. 85, 15ff). But, puppet plays or rikada initima is a thing of very recent origin. (rf. Folk Play, ch. 6). Puppetry as a dramatic art is said to have been stimulated by the folk play or folk opera, known as nidagam (rf. The Puppet Theatre of Asia, ch. 2, p. 30). There was also the form of folk play, known as kólam initima or masked play. It presented an array of masked dancers, representing characters drawn from various sources and not connected with any particular story, and ended with the enactment of a story or two in the form of a play, through the medium of song and spoken language, the latter being for the most part, impromptu. (rf. Folk

THE ORIGIN AND DEVEILOPMENT OF SIMHAILA NÃIPAGAM 29
Play, ch. 3, p. 51; Kólam Nataka, ch. 3). The dancers did not themselves sing; they merely depicted the movements while the singing was done by different people. (Folk Play, p. 52). At a much later stage, probably under the influence of the madaga m, some characters in the play seem to have spoken or sung their parts, putting aside their masks. (rf. ib. p. 54). Another variety of folk play was the Kavi ndidagama. It is a natural culmination of Kolam. The masks being found to be an unnecessary encumbrance and a hindrance to the development of the dialogue, came to be dropped entirely. It emerged as a kind of folk play only in recent times, that is, within the last hundred years, and the influence of the Nadagam. On its growth cannot be entirely discounted. (rf. ib. p. 69). Sokari is a form of dramatic entertainment confined to the Kandyan peasantry, with its several incidents strung together to yield a play of intense rustic appeal. It bears the stamp of being one of the earliest folk plays. Its humour, which is always produced by the deliberate misunderstanding of words, and by the repetition of the same action, the long-drawn out miming, and its innocence of any kind of dramatic unity, give it an unmistakable rustic character. (rf. Folk Play, ch. 4, Sinhala Nâtum, pp. 158 ff.)
"It certainly strikes one as strange that Singhalese literature, fairly full in other respects should be entirely lacking in works of dramatic character' (JCB RAS, No. 54, p. 139). One reason for this deficiency is said to be "the religious view that regarded all kinds of dramatic shows and performances as vain and even spiritually harmful' (ib). As you know, there are two forms of Buddhism: Mahayana and Theravada. Mahayana was not averse to absorbing all the local cults and making all sorts of concessions to the customs of the people. Whereas, Theravāda was very slow to make such alliances and preferred to keep its doctrines uncontaminated, even if that would limit the range of its appeal and popularity. In India Buddhist drama flourished for a while under the patronage of Buddhism. Even in the two Theravada countries, Burma and Siam, well developed drama was in vogue in the royal courts. (rf. Folk Drama, pp. 8, 18, 19). But not in Lanka, where poetry and drania were relegated to the class of 'despicable arts' even in a public document, like the Dambaden i Katikãvata of Parakrama Bahu II (A.D. 1234—1269). It says that Buddhist monks should not study such despicable arts, like poetry and dama, nor teach them to others. (rf. Dambadent Katikavata, p. 15). Of course, this was an injunction on the monks, and inspired by ascetical rigidity; but it served also as a damper on the literati, who might have ventured on poetic and dramatic compositions, with the result that for two centuries or more after the Kausillumina of Parakramabahu II no poetical works of note appeared. (rf. Sinhala Sahitya Nagima, p. 72). Any way, dancing, drumming, feasting and public demonstrations went on at court and religious functions, without let or hindrance, even in the time of this king.

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(rf. Mahav. ch. 85). Whatever the obstacles may have been, the fact is that folk play did not develop into drama, in the accepted sense, in spite of the rich dramatic material found in the Jataka stories, in the history of the country and in poems like Saidakiiduruda-kava. (rf. Sinhala Natakaya ha Saidakii duruva).
But, towards the last quarter of the eighteenth century there appeared a form of dramatic entertainment in Simhala, which had the unself-consciousness, the sponteneity and the boisterous naivety of the folk play together with some of the graces of the stylized drama. The Sinhala Nadagana is a direct descendant of the South Indian Terukittu (téru =street, kuttu = play or dance), but in tha local setting. "Life in India is in the street. Shops, stalls, rituals, bathrooms are exposed to the sun and to the gaze of the people. So is the folk theater. The idea of the closed theater is almost foreign to the Indian Masses. In the nineteenth century, when the British introduced their educational system, they also brought in the concept of the picture-frame stage. In big cities where the amateur movement developed, a few theater halls were built in mid-Victorian style with plush curtains, gilded chairs, and chandeliers. But in seven hundred thousand villages of India the traditional dance-draima, pageants, operatic ballads, and folk plays continue to entertain audiences in open air'. (Folk Theatre of India, p. 6). →こ
Terukuttu, which had existed in South India for centuries and was known as madagan, did not find favour among the elite and the literati. That was the fate of most folk plays, and, at times, even of dramatic poetry. Speaking of South Indian drama, Fr. C. J. Beschi S. J. says: "Dramatic poetry is so completely disregarded, that the ancient writers have left us neither models of it, nor rules for its composition; the natives are, nevertheless, extremely fond of dramatic representations. Short comedies are termed kittu (3,557), while tragedies and tragi-comedies are called n.dagam (15Tld, b) and, on the sea coast vāsakappă (aurr F 35' uT). These are all written in various kinds of verse, among which, the cindu (Sigi) is constantly introduced. In represetation, they are always accompanied with singing and dancing, but they display no higher degree of skill or contrivance than is sufficient to please the vulgar and to excite mirth; to search for art in them, would, therefore, be a useless attempt' (A Grammar of High Tamil, p. 149).
Jaffna is given the credit of taking the lead in the production of Tamil drama in madagaim style (rf. Tamil Literature, pp. 363 ff.) One such, the Gn-a-nap-pallas (spiritual pastoral) was written about the middle of the seventeenth century, on a Christian theme, under the guidance of a Jesuit Father, who lived in Jaffna between 1644 and 1650. According to the late Fr. S. Gnana Prakasar O.M.I.: "The doein is brimful of interest to the lover of Tamil, as it is couched in

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SIM HALA NADAGAM. 3r
elegant classical language and abounds in poetical fancies' (Tamil Culture, Vol. II, Nos. 3 & 4, p. 234). The Puthaththampi Nādakam, has for its theme the murder of Puthaththambi by the Dutch on a false charge. Since King Kirti Sri Rajasimha (A.D. 1747-1781) is mentioned, it must have been written in the latterpart of the eighteenth century. (rf. Yalpana-Vaipava-Malai, pp. xxxiv-xxxv). There were several other nadagams and vilasan, composed by well-known poets of Jaffna, during the last two centuries, some of them on Christian themes. (rf. Tamil Literature, pp. 363, 369 ff.)
Christianity was not averse to dramatic perfomances as long as they did not infringe Christian morals and beliefs. "The primary constituents of drama are dialogue and representation. Both are present in the happenings which the liturgy records. The Mass is a minesis and the elaboration of its ritual was the first step towards a Christian theatrical art. The sanctuary, however primitive, was a stage, and the faithful, however few, were audience as well as actor. The play was at once a ceremony in which they took part and a spectacle at which they assisted. From these germs the Christian theatre, almost inevitably, was born. The central events in the Christian economy of redemption were both narrative and act; and the sacred ministers, day by day, retold from Scripture and, where necessary, underlined in homily the things that they were representing. Just as in the Mass itself narrative and petition become fused into pure act and strict imitation, so Christian drama developed as a commentary before it discovered its native form'. (The Christian. Theatre, p. 9). From the liturgy grew the Mystery, the Miracle and the Morality Plays of England and they passed on to modern drama, though the imitation of the ancient classical drama coloured, shaped and chiselled it. (rf. History of English Literature, pp. 219, 220).
In Lanka, the early Christian missionaries encouraged and even composed Christian drama in Sinhala and in Tamil. The Jesuit Fathers who, at that time, had a reputation in Europe for the encouragement they gave to Christian drama, put on the boards several religious plays, in their College in Colombo and in their parishes of Kammala and Chilaw. (rf. C.A.L.R., Vol. II, pp. 80, 90; Jesuits in Ceylon, p. 48). Friar Antonio de Peixoto, a Franciscan monk, who was in charge of Matara, and had a reputation for his knowledge of Simhala, is credited with the authorship of several Simhala dramas and poems. (rf. Early Christianity in Ceylon, pp. 127, 128, 152). Since their literary works are not in existence now, we cannot say anything about their value, except that they created a taste for drama among the people. Baldaeus says: 'There are stages attached to almost all their churches, there being a spacious theatre for the church of Telipole built by the Portugesche Padres, Jesuiten, where some scriptural dramas are wont to be represented to the people on their holy days'. (Ceylon, p. 320). The Portuguese missionaries, in their dramatic
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compositions, must have followed the autos, an Iberian variety of Mystery and Miracle plays, which were popular in their country.
In 1658, the Dutch conquered the Portuguese possessions in Ceylon. They were much exercised over the suppression of, what they called, "Popery'; they drove out of the country all Catholic priests, confiscated all Catholic churches and institutions; they harried and proscribed the Catholics. Though persecuted and deprived of the ministry of their priests and all forms of public worship, the Catholics stuck fast to their Faith. In 1687, the Venerable Fr. Joseph Vaz came to Lanka from Goa and revived the drooping spirits of the down-trodden Catholics. He was a Brahmin fron Goa, and so were the other priests, who joined him subsequently. Their combined efforts not only saved the Church from extinction, but gave it a place in the cultural life of the country.
Although the puppet play is a thing of very recent origin in the South of our Island, it seems to have been popular in Jaffna from ancient times, owing to the close cultural contacts with South India, where this variety of entertainment had been well known for centuries of years. (rf. The Puppet Theatre of Asia, pp. 28ff). The missionaries from Goa had seen during their student days in St. Paul's College, Goa, how their teachers, the Jesuit Fathers, had used the technique of the puppet play to instruct and edify the masses, especially during Lent. They were acquainted with the local variety, improved it, obtained the necessary apparel from Goa, and had Passion Plays, with images of the sacred personages in the churches of Kandy and the Vanny, during the Lent of 1706, and later in Trincomalee and in several other places. (rf. Oratorian Mission, pp. 54, 167, 185). Fr. Jacome Gonsalvez wrote the Sermons on the Passion of Christ and the Pasafi or Sorrowful chants in Simhala and Tamil to be read and sung during the shows. (rf. ib. 242). ۔۔۔۔
Mid-eighteenth century, the Dutch relaxed their hostility towards the Catholics of Lanka, for, they saw that Catholic resistence especially in Negombo and Kalutara, was getting tough and that it would be an impediment to a joint effort against the King of Kandy, with whom war was imminent. In the wake of dawning freedom Catholics felt the urge to manifest their religious beliefs in song and drama as well. Pilgrim songs were written and sung, and the sacred chants composed by Fr. Jacome Gonsalvez and embodied in the Mangala Gitiya of 1730, were revived. The musical tradition followed in all these was South Indian and, to a small extent, local. But, in the absence of models of Simhala drama, the Catholics of the Western coastal districts turned to the Tamil madagam. Christmas season is the season of joy and festivity among the Christians, and its central theme is the birth of Christ and the incidents connected with it. There is excellent dramatic material in them. Another favourite theme was

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SIMHALA NADAGAM. 33
the lives of the early Christian martyrs, which celebrate the victory of Faith and provide a pretext for controversy. These themes had proved to be source of inspiration also to the early English dramatists.
As far as I know, the earliest Simhala nadagama is the Raja Tuns Kattuva, its theme is the worship of the new born Christ by the three Kings, as narrated in the gospel according to St. Matthew, chapter 2. It is modelled on the Tamil madagam, Muvirasakkal Nadagam, generally attributed to Lorenzo Pulaver, born "at Pasikulam, in Mantotte, and brought up in the Catholic religion, which his family professed from the time of its introduction. He lived in the middle of the last century (18th century), and though he did not write any large poems yet his abilities are manifest from the many excellent hymns which he composed in honour of our SAVIOUR, and the BLESSED VIRGIN'. (Tamil Plutarch, p. 57). He is supposed to be the grand father of Kittampillai, the author of Endirikku Emparador Nadagam. Lorenzo Pulaver's work is "one of the oldest and one of the best folk dramas of the Mannar district'. (rf. Muvirasakkal Nadagam, pp. vii, x). The presence of the word polisu (= police) on pages 66, 67 of this mūądagam does not postulate a date posterior to the British occupation of Lanka, for, one finds the Portuguese word “policia” for the English word “police”, evenin the English-Portuguese
dictionary by Antonio Vieyra, printed in 1773, 25th July, in London.
The author of the above-mentioned Raja Tun Kațțuva is one M. S. Gabriel Fernando, a Catholic of Chilaw. This is stated in the Prologue or vivarana viriduva of the drama, and repeated in its amended version of 1882. When did he write his drama? Most probably towards the latter half of the eighteenth century. His grand-son's son (great-grand-son) died on the 6th of May 1953 at the age of 89 years. Gabriel Fernando's father was Manuel Fernando, who, in addition to his clan name of Mihindukula Suriya, had the title of Liyanage, and was an aracci (a superior headman in charge of a few minor headmen) as well as an annivi (a church leader of minor rank). These titles and offices are explicitly mentioned in an official document, dated the 13th of January 1805, by which Carel Loduyk Vienekan, Registrar of Lands of the Chilaw district, recognized and confirmed Manuel Fernando's titled to certain lands granted to him by the Dutch Government on the 10th September 1793. (rf. Catholic Chilaw, pp. 30, 31). The said grant must have been made in recognition of services he had already rendered to the Government. One of his ancestors Philip Fernando, probably his grand-father, had been appointed Muhandiram of Chilaw, on the 25th August 1766. (rf. Report on the Dutch Records, p. 57; G.A. 2556,402). It may be mentioned here that no-where in the Raja Tun Kattuva is it said that Gabriel Fernando was annivi probably because he was appointed to that post only after his father's death: later on he became the muhuppu, the chief lay officer of the church. In fact, the amended version of

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1882 calls him muhuppu. From these details, it can be safely concluded that Gabriel Fernando was an influential person in his home town, Chilaw, that he had a good education, according to the local standards, and that he was born about mid-eighteenth century.
In the vivarana viriduva, the opening song or prologue, the author states that he drew his material from the Sansepaya of Fr. Gonsalvez, this is the Deva Veda Puranaya, a compendium of the Bible. In fact, the shepherds' song in this drama is taken bodily from Fr. Gonsalvez' Mangala Gitiya. Although no reference is made to a Tamil version, it is clear that the Raja Tun Kattuva took that as a model, and followed it. The dramatic characters are the same in both: the three Kings, each with his drummer, herald, captain, Minister and retinue. Herod has, in addition, his guards with their commander. Then, there are the shepherds, the angel, the sailors, the learned seer and the women of Jerusalem. Two additional characters are found in the Simhala version : Caesar Augustus and Lucifer. The clown, ksaangiva or kolandana is given a place in the Simhala verson, but not in the Tamil, probaly because he is taken for granted and left to his own devices. In the Tamil version, the presenter, who introduces the theme of the play, is called pullasant-r, perhaps, a corruption of the Portuguese apresentador; in the Simhala version, he is desanã vãdiyã. The epilogue in the Tamil version is the lament of the women of Jerusalem over their slaughtered babes: in the Simhala version, the maigalam, an invocation for divine blessings on the audience and the author of the drama. The Simhala version also uses some of the Tamil metrical indications, like venpa kalippi, tilisai and innisai. At most, the Simhala version is only an adaptation of the Tamil model and not a translation of it.
Gabriel Fernando wrote another ndidagama, known as the Marigidi, Nadagama, about the life of St. Margarita, who died a martyr at Antioch about the year A.D. 275. It repeats, word for word, the introductory viriduva of the Raja Tun Kattuva about the author. As it generally happens, such laudatory passages are introduced at a later date, when the play is actually put on the boards. Its pattern is the same as in his previuos play. I am not aware of any Tamil model from which he could have borrowed. Copies of both nidagam
are extant.
The Raja Tun Kattuva was recast and put into better form in 1882 by Pandit M. S. Weerasimha Bras Juan Pinto, Divisional Officer of Chilaw. He had a good knowledge of English, Simhala and Tamil as well as some acquaintance with Sanskrit and Prakrit. From 1853 to 1858 he was engaged in translating into Simhala prose and verse the famous poem of Fr. Beschi S.J., the Tembavani, which consists of 3615 strophes of four verses each, in 36 cantos, a work highly valued by all Tamil scholars. The entire prose translation is extant,

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SIMHALA NÁIDAGAM 35
but only a small part of the verses has so far been found. Besides the new version of the Raja Tun Kattuva, Pinto composed the Jnanasavundara Nadagama and Alesu Nadagama and according to some, the Katarina Nadagama. Of these, the first two are extant, and occasionally read or acted; but the third has mysteriously disappeared. There is a Jnansavundari Nadagam written in Tamil by Soosaipillai Marisarpillai, born in 1862 at Nanattan, Jaffna; and another of the same name, by Kittampillai of Matoddam, the author of Endirikku. Emparadõr Nādagam (rf. Jiniānasavundari Nādagam, pp. ix, x). Pinto may have followed this model. So far, I have not found any Tamil model for his Alesu Nadagama, except that he had taken the story of St. Aexis or Alensu or Alesu from Fr, Gonsalvez’ Dharmñdyânaya (pp. 161 ff). Besides these literary works, Pinto has to his credit several pilgrim songs, pasai and a long poem celebrating the visit of Prince Albert, Duke of Edinburgh, to Kurunegala in 1870 and the elephant kraal held at Ebbavalapitiya on that occasion.
Towards the latter part of that century, another variety of madagam made its appearance in Chilaw, namely the visaippu or visagappi;. It is written partly in prose and partly in poetry, and action is in the form of a dialogue between two parties; one asks questions about the subject in hand, and the other replies. Each party is accommodated on a platform, the platforms being ranged one facing the other. Some parts are spoken, the others sung. Josuvage Yuddhaya by M. S. Livanage Joseph Fernando, and Devamaniyangé Waisappuva about the Mother of GOD by M. S. Juse Diego Fernando, were composed in this form. Even this variety of madagan was imported from South India. The infatuation for nadagam spread southwards to the areas of the Western seaboard, where Catholics predominate. In Pamunugama, the leading dramatist was J. D. Hendrick, Muhuppu, born in 1888. He is said to be the author of about fifteen dramas, mostly in the madagam style; but one cannot be too sure whether they were all his compositions or partly adaptations of works written by others, because previous writers have written madagain, which bear the same titles as some of the works attributed to him, e.g. Bilasanta, Alensus, Jnanasavundari, Helena. Only a comparative study of these dramas can reveal the truth.
It is often said that the earliest madagam were written by one Pilippu. Siffio, of whom very little is known, and that too through some oral traditions recorded by D. P. D. Alwis in his preface to the Ahdilepola or Simhale Nadagama, printed in 1870. According to this tradition Pilippu. Sifirio was born about the year 1770, was a blacksmith by profession, a good singer and a prolific versifier. The plays traditionally attributed to him are the following: Ahilipola, Sénagappu, Siņhavali, Jusēpat, Sūsevu, Helēna, Visvakarma, Varthagam, San Nikulā, Raja Tun Kațțuva, Sulambāvati, Humukoțuvē and Estākki. “We

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cannot, however', says Dr. Sarathchandra, "be sure of the authen
ticity of this list. . . . . . On account of the legendary halo that gathered round the name of Philippu. Siñño as the father of the Sinhalese madagam, there was a tendency to attribute to him almost any nãJagaon, whose author was unknown or whose author did not become a faimous personage. . . . . . In the absence of several of the texts referred to above, therefore, we are unable to verify the authenticity of the list'. (Folk Play, p. 84).
Pilippu Sifirio was a Catholic. His Catholic mind comes out in the invocatory stanzas of even Ahile pola Nadagasna and Sulambavati Nadagasna, which are not on Christian themes. Of the plays attributed to him, six are on Christian themes. Jusépat is probably based on the Barlaam and Jusēpat story found in Fr. Gonsalvez” Dharsiniõdyānmaya (pp. 147 ff). This is a Christian romance, found in the works of St. John Damascene (cir. 675), and gained such popularity in the West, as to get a place even in an early English play, entitled Castell of Perseverance (rf. Chambers' Cyclopaedia, Vol. 1, p. 151). Since St. John Damascene was the son of the Khalifat's grand vizier, he may have borrowed the story from a Persian writer, who, in turn, got it from a Jataka story. (rf. Buddhist Birth-Stories, pp. xxxiv. ff.). Sisev4 is Joseph, the Patriarch, of the Old Testament; San Nikula is St.Nicholas of Santa Claus fame; Estakki is St. Eustachius, a Romanofficer, martyred in 118 A.D. Helena is based on the story of a certain Princess Helena, the daughter of Antonius, the King of Constantinople. In the Hugh Nevill Collection of Simhala Kavi, there is a long poem of 1084 verses, called Helena Katava (rf. Sinhala Verses or Kavi, No. 130). My ola copy of the same poem has 1383 verses.
According to the British Museum Catalogue, Ahilepola Nadagams was printed in 1870, Matalam in 1875 Estikki in 1881 and Sulambāvati in 1874 (rf. Wickremesinghe, pp. 158, 159). Ahälēpola N° and Estãkki No had for their predecessors the Tamil Kandi Rajã No and Estakkiyar N, an edition of which was printed by S. J. Tambimuttupillai of Jaffna, towards the latter part of the last century. (rf. Folk Drama, p. 89; XXV Years' Catholic Progress, p. 228). If the list of plays attributed to Pilippu Siffio is authentic, then to him goes the credit of having taken the Simhala Nadagam from the religious to the secular sphere.
Following his example, several other writers produced nadagam, during the last century. Three of these, namely, Iyujin, Balasanta and Bram bird are attributed to V. Christian Perera; but according to the B. M. Catalogue, Balasanta and Bramp6rd are said to have been written by W. C. Perera, one in 1888, the other in 1887 (rf. p. 153). In 1892, the same writer published a poem of 251 stanzas on the life of Archbishop Bonjean. (rf. ib.), Bilasanta N is based on a novel written under the name of Orison and Palenten in Ceylon Portuguese,

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SIM HALA NÄIp AGAM 37
and later translated into Tamil prose as Uson Palantai Katai (rf. XXV Years’ Catholic Progress, p. 228). I have an olla manuscript of a Simhala poem of 1176 stanzas, which contains the story of Orison and Palenten or Balasanta. The first two lines of the last stanza are: −
පිටපත් කළෙමි පළමුව පොතකින් මෙ ලේ සිය ' අත් මුදුන් දී වඳිමින් දෙවි සතො
"With hands uplifted, worshipping GOD gladly, I have made this translation from a book, which already existed'. -
The Dinatara. Nãqagama and Albârtu. No attributed to Lindamulage Stephen Silva Wickremesinghe Jayawardene of Moratuwa, Põrsiyā (Merchant of Venice) and Harischandra, by an unknown author, Selestina Nadagama by Charles de Abrew, Vesaturu Nadagama, based on the Vessantara Jatakaya by Hendrik de Abrew Rājapaksha Vaithyanātha (1873) and Protias Valentain Nadagama (Two Gentlemen of Verona) by an unknown author (1883), are some of the dramas written during the last century. The story of Harischandra is in the Harischandrapurinam by Virak-Kaviroyar of Nallur, Tinnevelly District. (rf. Folk Play, pp. 84, 85; Wickremesinghe, pp. 42, 181; Tamil Literature, p. 289).
There are certain features common to all indidagam. They are performed on a platform, almost circular in shape, and covered with a cadjan roof, tapering at the top like the Kandyan roof. The back side of the stage is reserved for the musicians, while the audience sits on the bare ground or on mats around the other three sides. Painted scenes were a later introduction. Each actor entered the stage from a side closest to the place reserved for the musicians. A curtain was held before him, while the pote gurd, the leader of the chant, introduces him in florid verses. The language of the madagam is misra Sinhala, a mixture of Sanskrit and Simhala words, with greater. attention to rhythmic embelishment than to accuracy of language. Tamil metrical devices, like innisai, tailisai, ven-pa, kalippus, Roccakam, todayam and kalitturai, were generally used. In the earlier stages, only the drum, known as the demala beré, and attalam or kaitialam accompanied the singing; the violin, horandi and harmonium of the variety locally known as seraphina, came later. The music was, as a rules South Indian in character.
The Kömdli or Konangiya or Kólama is a stock character in madagam. He is the darling of the spectators. His business is to keep the audience awake and in good humour. He knows the gossip of the place; he can make fun of everybody and parody even the king who comes on the stage. He is free, gay and uninhibited. He wears a conical cap, like the head-dress of the clown on the cover of the "Punch', multi-coloured bellows-shaped trousers, and a long beard, made out

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of flax (hana). He is generally described as a pot-bellied glutton and dunkard. Any way, he can poke fun at life and even mock at death. S.
He is followed by the desana vadi, two boys dressed in long white robes, who describe briefly the theme of the play. Every king is announced by drummers, in the traditional dress of berakirayó or gan itay5; after them come the handa ditay5 (criers) or heralds, in garbs fitting their status in the royal court. Finally, the king makes his appearance, parades round the stage, then sings his song and seats himself on the throne. The Minister is sent for, and he gives a report on the state of the kingdom. When there are five kings, as in the Raja Tun Kattuva, action becomes tediously long. In the Colombo cycle of niidagain, a stock character is Sellam Lama or Sellanpillai, which means a playboy, he is described as a learned man, fond of fun and frolic. One would think he has been cast in the same mould as the famous Court jester, Andare.
In most ni dagain the tendency is to give a local setting to the dramatic action, even when the theme is foreign. For instance, in the Raja Tun Kattuva, the shepherds wear a guise familiar to the people of the locality; "the wise men' consulted by Herod do not appear in gaberdines but as Brahmin gurus, complete with sacred ashes on their foreheads and the sacred thread across their shoulders. The kings return to their countries in a ship, just a ship-shaped structure mounted on a double bullock cart and the sailors sing the local boatmen's songs. In this setting, the audience can grasp better the significance of the dramatic characters.
Balwant Gargi wrote this of the Indian folk drama: "Folk drama is unself-conscious, spontaneous, boisterously naive. The classical theater is rigid, complex, sophisticated. The folk is unhewn, the classical is chiselled. The folk sprawls, the classical demands mathematical exactness. One is rural, the other is regal. Folk theater can make a whole community take part; the classical is for the chosen few. The folk play has mass appeal and caters to the lowest common denominator, the ordinary man; the classical is for the elite and demands previous knowledge from the spectators. The folk theater has a universality which the classical lacks. Folk art (singing, dancing, acting) crosses the borders of class, religion and country. The classical often imposes these barriers because of its esoteric nature'. (Folk Theater of India, ch. 1, p. 3).
- What has been said above about folk play, applies equally well to our nã đagam, though we never had classical drama in our language. Towards the last two decades of the nineteenth century, Parsee theatricals came here from Northen India, and amateur English theatricals. The modern stage, with its painted scenes, curtains,

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SIMHALA NÃIPAGAM 39
lighting, make-up and other devices appealed to the imagination of the elite and the rich, especially those who had a flare for Western culture. They looked down upon nagagam, as a rigid Brahmin would upon a pariah. The new drama, known as nirti (nrtya), with its new music, well developed orchestras, better stage craft mixed acting, new themes, often borrowed from the West and sometimes erotic, and the veneer of high society, gradually pushed the adagam into the shades of the past. But, there are features in the mádagam, which are worth preserving, for instance, its universal appeal, its superior motivation, some, at least, of its songs, and its local setting. The Manamē nāɖagama, as chiselled and polished by Dr. Sarathchandra, has shown that this can be done. Let us not throw away the baby with the bath. V
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A Grammar of High Tamil by Fr. C. Beschi S. J., translated by
B. G. Babington, 1917.
Ahalebola Nadagama by S. D. S. R.: preface by D. P. D. Alwis, 1870 Ariyapala: Society in Mediaeval Ceylon by M. B. Ariyapala, 1956.
Buddhist Birth Stories by T. W. Rhys Davids, 1878 (edited by
Mrs. Rhys Davids).
Catholic Chilaw by E. A. Fernando, 1932. Հ Ceylon by Phillipus Baldaeus, translated by Pieter Brohier, 1960 C.A.L.R., Ceylon Antiquary & Literary Register, Chambers Cyclopaedia of English Literature, 1901. The Christian Theatre by Robert Speaight, 1960. Culture of Ceylon in Mediaeval Times by W. Geiger 1960. Dalada Sirita, edited by W. Sorata, 1961.
Dambadeni Katikavata in Katikavatsaigara, edited by D. B.Jayatilaka,
1922.
Dhaಣ್ಣೀàHaya by Fr. Jacome Gonsalvez, edited by Fr. C. E. Fonseka,
Early Christianity in Ceylon by Rt. Rev. E. Peiris, O.M.I., & Fr. A.
Meersman O. F.M. 1972.
Folk Play: The Sinhalese Folk Play by E. R. Sarathchandra, 1953,
1972.
Folk Theater of India by Balwant Gargi, 1966.
Gira Sandésaya, edited by Munidasa Kumaranatunge, B. E. 2477,
(A.D. 1934).
History of English Literature: A Short History of English Literature
by G. Saintsbury, 1922.

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Jesuits in Ceylon by Fr. S. G. Perera, S.J., 1941. Jnanasavundari Natakan, edited by S. Withiyānandan, 1967. JCBRAS: Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Kavyasekharaya edited by H. Sumangala & Batuvantudava, 1931. Kõlam Nātāka Sāhitiya by M. H. Goonetileke, 1968.
Mahavamsa (and Culavamsa), translated by W. Geiger, 1950, 1929,
1930.
Miivirasakkal Natakan edited by S. Withiyanandan, 1965. New Dictionary : New Standard Dictionary. Qratorian Mission by Fr. S. G. Perera, S. J., 1936. Puppet Theatre of Asia by J. Tilakasiri, 1968.
Sinhala Nātakaya saha Sandakinduruva by Martin Wickremasinghe,
1970.
Sinhalese Literature by C. E. Godakumbura, 1955. Simhala Nāțum by D. Raghavan, 1967.
Simhala Sahitiya Niigina, by Martin Wickremesinghe, 1945. Siyabas Lakara, edited by D. S. Amerasinghe, 1927. Tamil Culture, Vol. II, Nos. 3 & 4, Sept. 1953. Tamil Literature by M. S. Purnalingampillai, 1929. The Tamil Plutarch by Simon Casie Chitty, 1859, reprinted 1946. XXV Years’ Catholic Progress by Fr. Gnana Prakasar O.M.I., 1925.
Wickremesinghe: Catalogue of the Sinhalese Printed Books in the Library of the British Museum by D. M. de Zilva Wickremesinghe, 1901. -
Yãlpana Vãipava Mãlai by C. Brito, 1879.

History of the Sinhalese Werb
Public Lecture delivered By PROFESSOR. D. E. HeTTIARATCH Before the Society on 28-2-75
Professor S. K. Chatterji, in his Origin and Development of the Bengali Language (S 614 ff.), makes a historical classification of Verb-roots from Old Indo-Aryan through Middle Indo-Aryan up to New Indo-Aryan, and describes the vicissitudes roots have gone through during the course of their development.
Coming more particularly to Middle Indo-Aryan, Sir George Grierson points out, in his Introduction to the Prakrit Dhātvadesas (p. 82) that there was never an uniform school of Prakrit grammarians for the whole of India. There were certainly at least one Eastern and one Western School, which had marked variations in their teachings. Each school had its own distinct line of descent, and each school developed independently of the other, so that after the lapse of centuries the divergences became very wide. Among the leading exponents of the Eastern School, Grierson mentions Vararuci (PrakrtaPrakāša), Kramadīšvara (Samksiptasāra), Rāmašarma Tarkavāgīša (Prakrta-kalpataru) and Mirkandeya (Prakrta-Sarvasva). The followers of the Western School mentioned are Trivikrama (Sabdanusasana), Lakşmīdhara (Šadbhāṣā-candrikā), Simharāja (Prākrta-Rūpāvatāra) and Hemacandra. Thus the two lines of Prakrit teachers are said to have been entirely distinct. The one link between them is said to be the Kasmiri Bhimaha. The divergences in the different schools of Grammar as reflected in the Prakrit verbs and the Dhatvadesas of different schools must have been projected on the verbal forms of modern Indo-Aryan. It has been noticed that while certain verbs are common to many North Indian Languages, verbs in one set of languages are traceable to one Prakrit verb while others go back to still others. Sanskrit Vtaks conjugated as taksati or takstoti is represented in Prakrit by takkhai, tacchai, cacchai or camchai and ramphai. Sindhi tachau, Gujarati tachvi, Marathitise, Punjabi tacchia correspond to Prakrit tacchai. Panjabi has takhir and Hindi takhan 'carpenter' corresponding to Prakrit takhana, takkhai and Sinhalese has sasi, sahi corresponding to Prakrit camchai. In this sense, Oriya has rampiba 'to scratch, peel off' corresponding to the dhatvādesa rampai.
4.

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42 JourNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974
Besides the roots mentioned by Pāinini and other Sanskrit Grammarians, Westergaard published in 1841 his roots of the Sanskrit Language, and since then they have been the subject of close study among scholars of Indo-Aryan. Dr. S. M. Katre points out in 'Some Problems of Historical Linguistics in Indo-Aryan, Bombay, 1944 (Lecture II page 37) how Delius published in 1839 his Prakrit Roots (Radices Pracriticae) as a supplement to Lassen's Institiones Linguae Pracriticae, 1837. Sir George Grierson has made a large collection of Dhātvādeśasin hisMonograph" “The Prakrit Dhātvādeśasaccordingtothe Western and Eastern Schools of Prakrit Grammarians', Calcutta, 1924. Sir George had based his work on numerous Dhatvadesas mentioned by Prakrit Grammarians. The Dhatupathas, the Dhatumafijusã and the Dhatumala of Saddaniti enumerating the roots in Pali enable us to form a fuller picture of Middle Indo-Aryan. Some of the Dhatvadesas mentioned by the Prakrit Grammarians and as listed by Grierson seem to have been used to indicate a special sense or aspect of the verb rather than a generalised sense e.g. certain verbs meaning 'to go' 'to look” etc.
The gradual simplification of the Old Indo-Aryan verbal system has been discussed at some length in L'Indo-Aryen of Professor Jules Bloch (pp. 207-236) and in the Oigin and Development of the Bengali Language (vol. III Ch. V. $ 611 ff.) of Professor S. K. Chatterji. Other works such as those mentioned below throw further light on the problem.
A Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Language, 1880 (338ff.)
by A. F. Rudolph Hoernle La Formation de la Langue Marathi, by Jules Bloch Comparative Grammar of Middle Indo-Aryan, 1951 by Sukumar
Sen Some Problems of Historical Linguistics in Indo-Aryan by
S. M. Katre, 1944 Prakrit Languages and their contribution to Indian Culture,
S. M. Katre, 1964 Historical Grammar of Apabhramsa, by G. W. Tagare, 1948 Verbal Composition in Indo-Aryan by P. N. Vale Assamese, its formation and development by B. Kakati, 1941 Historical Linguistics and Indo-Aryan Languages by A. M.
Ghatge, 1962.
Regarding NIAProf. S. K. Chatterji observes: "Roots in Bengali as in other cognate IA speeches can be classified on the lines indicated below taking into consideration their origin and partly also their functions:

HISTORY OF THE SINHALESE VERB 43
i. Primary Roots
1. Primary Roots inherited from OIA
(a) Simple Roots without a prefix (b) Prefixed Roots 2. Primary Roots from Causatives in OIA 3. Primary Roots re-introduced from Sanskrit 4. Primary Roots of doubtful origin
II. Secondary Roots
1. Causatives in -a. 2. Denominatives 3. Compounded and suffixed 4. Onomatopoetic 5. Doubtful
Professor Chatterji's classification has been slightly modified here to suit the special requirements of Sinhalese.
He gives copious examples for each category, and adds further (S 619): "Apart from phonetic modifications and decay, and the analogical tendency which brought about a general uniformity in the stem seeking to marshal the roots under one head, primary roots underwent certain modifications in MIA which could appear erratic and inexplicable. The analogical tendency levelling down the diversities in the forms of roots is plain enough. The striking thing is that in MIA, the bases of active roots are frequently derived not from the active form in OIA, but rather the passive one, and in some cases apparently from the future base rather than of the present. Causative bases of OIA also supplied the simple root forms of MIA and NIA. The deponent forms in MIA can be explained as taking up a reflexive character, from which the active sense easily evolved, and this was sometimes accompanied by slight semantic changes, e.g. abhiyaiyate is anointed, anoints oneself'; bhije "gets wet'; tapyate, MIA tappai, is heated, heats oneself > tape "gets hot', brilyate is said >
*buryati > bollai, > bole “says';
A number of derivations from passive participles are similarly used actively . . . . . . . . . . After Bengali emerged from Magadhi Apabhramsa, as a distinct speech literature began to be produced in it, the habit of borrowing from Sanskrit obtained a great impetus. This use of Sanskrit forms, even when their tadbhava counterparts were in actual use is not peculiar to Bengali........ It was the inevitable effect of a revival of classical studies.
The causatives are the most characteristic of the Secondary or Derivative roots. Denominatives are made up from nouns and participial adjectives, those nouns and participles being treated exactly like roots. There are over 125 roots which are derivatives

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44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974
being made up of either two roots combined, or a root preceded by a noun or adverb, or in the majority of the cases, of a tool primary or derivative) modified by a suffix. Onomatopoetics also fall under denominatives. These can be classed under two heads-Onomatopoetic proper, and roots reduplicated or repeated, which produce a jingle'.
These remarks of Professor Chatterji, made with special reference to Bengali, apply with equal force to all NLA languages as they all share similar features. In connection with the sources of the verbal bases in Apabhramsa, Dr. B. Kakati, in his "Assamese, its Formation and Development" (1941) (pages 715-747) follows the above classification of roots made by Dr. Chatterji, and gives under each category copious examples of Assamese roots. Dr. A. F. R. Hoernle in his Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Language (1880) has also mentioned several types of verb-formation in NIA and has given
examples of each.
I. Primary Roots Inherited from OIA, (a) without a prefix:
The vast majority of the verbs or verbal bases in Sinhalese have been inherited from OIA through MIA, with or without a prefix. Such verbs as the following belong to the first category without a prefixal element.
аgї 'is worth' (Sk. arghati)
idi. "increases, flourishes (P. iijhati, Sk. rdhyati)
has patience, bears, agrees to' (P. adhivaseti)
ivaSayi sī, hisī sprinkles” (P. Sk. silicati)
ovë "deposits' (P. opeti)
kati 'spins' (*krntati, kratti)
kadayi "breaks' (P. khagati, Sk. khandate, khadayati)
Rатї “digs” (P. khayati, Sk. khanati) kabayi "cuts, trims' (Sk. kalpayati, P. kappeti)
kapї ''trembles' (kampati) kanayi 'endures, forgives' (Sk kşanati, kşamate) karayi “does” (Pk. karai, Sk. karoti)
kayi 'eats (Pk. khai, Sk. khadati)
kiyayi 'says' (Sk. kathayati, P. katheti)
ki be "is angry' (Sk. k.upyati)
keli "plays' (P. kilati, Sk. kridati) kotayi "beats, pounds' (P. kotteti)
koba- “agitates’, (Sk. kșobhayati)
gaja- "roars, thunders' (Sk gariati)
gani 'counts' (Sk. garavati)
gata- 'strikes, knocks against' (P. ghatteti, Sk. ghattayati) gат? "takes' (P. gaphati, gahditi, Sk. grhati)
gayayi 'sings' (P. gavati) garahay “reproaches” (P. garahati, Sk. garhati)
galayi “swallows” (galati)

HISTORY OF THE SINHALESE VERB 45
gaha ta- 'strikes” (P. ghatteti) gahay, gãyi “rubs” (P. ghaiņsati, Sk.. ghargat)
gevayi 'rubs off, passes time' (P. khepeth Sk. k.sepayati) gohayi 'shouts, proclaims' (P. ghoséti, Sk. ghosati, ghosayati)
dasii "bites' (P. dam sati)
tavay 'shines, parches' (P. Sk. tapati) tara- 'crosses' (P. SK. tarati)
talayi 'strikes, beats' (P. taleti, Sk. tadayati)
thusii "is pleased, rejoices' (P. tussati, Sk. Agar) temayi “wets” (P. temeti, Sk. * temayati)
dani “knows’ (јӑнäti)
dapayi “mutters, recives’ (japati) darayi "bears, supports' (P. Sk. dharati)
dala- “burns, shines” (P. jalati, Sk. jwalati) dahay "gives up, abandons” (P. jahati, jahāti) dinayi 'wins, conquers' (P. jiniti)
dirayi "grows old, decays' (P. jirati) duivayi “runs” (P. dhāvati) ..
deyi 'gives” (P. deti)
desayi otoints out, teaches (P. deseti, Sk. dešayati) dovi 'washes' (P. dhovati)
naňgť "jumps over, mounts' (P. langhati)
navati "turns back' (P. nivattati)
ፃኔaSõ operishes" (P. massati Sk. nastyati) nahayi, nâyi “bathes’ (Sk. snâti)
rahasi 'rubs on the touchstone' (Pk. pihasai P. nikasati.
Sk. nikașa- )
miňdayi, midayi “sleeps” (P. niddãyati, Sk. nidrāyati)
"extinguishes' (P. nibba peti, Sk. nirvapayati)
patayi 'wishes for, longs for' (b. patheti, Sk. prarthayati) paturayi 'spreads' (P. pattharati) padi . 'drives, paddles” (P. pājēti)
palayi "runs away, flees' (P. paharayi 'strikes' (P. paharati; Sk. praharati)
päseyi is cooked' (Sk. pacyate) pinayi 'pleases, rejoices' (P. pineti, Sk. prinati) pisayi 'cooks' (P. pacati) pudayi "respects, worships' (P. pijeti, Sk. pujayati) purayi "fills' (P. bireti) pulusayi, pulussavi, “burns” (Sk. plusyati) puvasay "makes known' (P. pakiseti)
pusī “questions” (P. pucchati)
pelayi ‘’molestis, troubles” (P. pīļeti Sk. pīdayati) povavi "flogs, beats, (P. potheti)
baia- "associates with P. Sk. bhajati)
“speaks” (P. Sk. bhanati) badi, “fries, roasts” (P. bhaijati, Sk. bhrijati)
baňdi “binds” (P. bandhati, Sk. badhnāti)

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46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) . Vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974
bamayi basi biidi budi bedayi тафії тааї татї . тиdayi ፳ነፀ4ፊS? уаiayi yadi, raki raтayi labayi vadayi . vandi vanayi vasayi valad pikштауі vidi υιήαι velayi sadayi sapayi Samaray sarayı Sasi sāhayi siţi sitayi sňdi simbī sorayi SOS hivayi hobi hoუშ
whirls, roams about" (P. bhamati, Sk. bhramati) descends (P. bhassati, Sk. bhransate, bhrasyati) "breaks' (P. bhindati, Sk. bhinatti) "eats' (P. bhuijati, Sk. bhuijate) "divides, distributes' (P. bhajeti) “tramples” (Pk. maddai, Sk. mardati, mardayati)
polishes” (P. majjati } 'measures' (P. minati, 'releases' (P. moceti) 'releases' (P. Sk, municati) 'exerts, strives” (P. yatati) “begs” (P. yācati) protects” (P. rakkhati, Sk. raksati) 'delights in' (P. ramati) 'gets', obtains' (P. labhati, Sk. labhate) "gives birth to, brings forth' (P. vijayati) 'salutes" (P. vandati)
praises' (P. varieti, Sk. variayati) “lives” (P. Sk. vasati) "eats, enjoys' (B. valaijeti) “sells’ (Sk. vikrīnāti) "pierces" (P. vijhati, Sk. vidhyati) 'feels, experiences' (P. vindati) 'wraps round' (P. vetheti, Sk. vestate) 'prepares, adorns' (P. saijéti. Sk. Saijayat) 'chews” (P. cabbai, Sk. carvati) "remembers' (Sk. smarati) "moves about' (P. Sk. carati) “pares, chops’ (Pk. camchai, Sk. takṣati) "accomplishes' (Sk. Sadhayati) 'stands' (Pk. citthai, Sk. tis thati) “thınks” (P. cinteti) "cuts' (P. chindati) "kisses' (P. Sk. cumbati) 'steals' (Sk. corayati) “mourns, regrets" (Sk. álocati) “sews” (Sk. sīvyati) "looks beautiful' (P. sobhati, Sk. éobhate) 'sleeps' (P. supati).
Primary Roots inherited from OIA, (b) with prefix:
Some examples of verbs inherited from OIA verbs with prefixes are noted below.
atavayi
atarayi атитоv?
"places in position, sets a trap, settles, adjusts'
(P. sanțhapēti, Sk. sannsthāpayati)
“spreads” (P. attharati, Sk. ā + v/ str)
"expresses thanks' P. anumodati)

HISTORY OF THE SINHALESE veRB 47
apolayi "claps the hands (P. apphotel abibavayi "overcomes' (P. Sk. abhibhavati) amatayi “speaks, addresses” (P. āmanteti, āmantrayate) amadi, hamadi “sweeps” (P. sammajjati)
ayadi “requests, begs” (P. (āyācati) . arabayi begins, undertakes' (P. arabhati, Sk. arabhate) alaļay 'agitates" (P. āluļat)
avaji "reflects upon' (b. avaijati, Sk. avariayati) avadi 'gets into, commits' (P. a paijati, Sk.apadyate) avurayi 'strings together' (P. divu?citi).
avusi "takes leave of (P. apucchati)
asiйdї 'snatches' (P. acchindati) ikmey goes beyond" (P. atikkamati, Sk. ati + V kram) itayi "makes up one's mind, resolves' (P. adhitthaiti) иgant 'learns' (P. uggahditi)
ugulayi "unfastens, pulls out' (P. ugghateti BSk. udghatayati) udahayi "gets irritated' (P. uihyati) udu rayi "lifts up, remov es” (P. uddharati)
4fbadii ‘is born” P. uppatijati, Sk. ut paayate)
ефseyi 'steps down', sets' (Sk. a'a + V stp)
kasi “coughs” (Sk. kãsate, Pk. kãsai) nahamayi 'attends to, observes' (P. nisameti) nikmeyi "goes out, goes forth' (P. nikkhamati) nigani 'rebukes'' (P. nigganhäti) пipadї is produced' (P. nippaijati, nipphalijati,
Sk. nispadyate)
pakulu- 'to stumble' (P. pakkhalati) pamadi “is negligent” (P. pamajjati) palaid 'wears ornaments' (P. pilandhati) painineyi "reaches' (P. papurati) paradi "is defeated’ (P. paraiyati)
pavati "exists' (P. pavattati, Sk. pravartate) pavasayi 'says, declares' (P. pakaseti, Sk. prakasayati) pasasayi "praises' (P. pasamsati) pasvatayi "waits upon, attends to' (P. paccupatthaiti) pasvikayi "contemplates' (P. paccavekkhati) piyoda- "to engage in, employ' (P. payoieti) pirihudi 'enjoys' (P. paribhuijati) piirimadi “strokes, rubs” (P. parimajijati) piriramba- "embraces' (Sk, parirabhate) privaray 'surrounds” (P. par vāreti) piriheyi deteriorates (P. parihăyati) piligan "receives, accepts' P. patigarhiti) pilidagi "nourishes, takes care of" (l. patijaggati) pilipadi 'follows, practises' P. patibaijati) pilividi , "penetrates, comprehends' (P. pativiijhati) pilivus "duestions, asks' (P. patipucchati) pobayayi "enlightens, arouses' (P. pabodheti)
泰

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48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Wol. XVIII, (New Series), I 74
polaňbayi “allures, entices” (P. palobheti, Sk. pralobhayat) pohoyi "is adequate, is able' (P. pahoti, Sk. prabhavati)
bisesi ‘anoints” (Sk. abhişiñcati) vatayi "waits upon' (P. upatthiti) valapi ‘weeps” (P. vila pati) vimasayi 'investigates' l?. vimansati) viramayi ‘refrains from’ P. viramati)
visalvayi "washes off' (P. viikkhaleti, Sk. viiksilayati) visinayi ‘investigates, discriminates” (P. vicinati, vicināti) vuluihi "robs, steals' (P. vilumpati) saigavayi "kees in safety, conceals' (P. Sangopeti) satabayi 'satisfies’ (P. santab beti) samavadi “attains” (P. samāpajjati)
hati 'stands, arises' (P. santhiti) haidunayi "recognizes' (P. samjiniti) hamadi 'sweeps' (P. Sammaitiati)
2. Primary Roots from Causatives in Old Indo-Aryan:
eg. upayayi "earns = Sk. utpadayati; nipayayi' "manufactures - produles” (P. nipphãdeti, Sk. nispādayati); tohayi “pleases, propitiates’ (P. toseti, Sk. togayati) ܚ *
3. Primary Roots introduced from Sanskrit:
Besides the inherited forms, with or without prefixes, there are some semi-loan forms of verbs that are presumably later borrowings as is proved by the existence of inherited forms corresponding to some of them. e.g.,
pririksayi' 'examines' (Sk, parikgate), Cf. pirisayi
aveksayi "looks for’ (Sk, apeksate)
asvasayi consoles" (Sk. ã-évasiti Cf. asas pasas < àévãsa.
praśvāsa and āśvās ayati)
iksayi 'sees, looks' Sk. iksate)
uveksayi "considers, expects' (Sk. upeksate)
niiriksayi “observes” (Sk. nirīkşate)
visma- 'to be surprised' (Sk. vismayate)
visuasi 'trusts' (Sk. visuasiti, Cf. visat "trusted' Sk. visvasta)
4. Primary Roots, probably indigenous, or of doubtful origin:
There is a considerable number of Sinhalese verbs that cannot be traced to any known source and which have therefore to be considered to be of indigenous origin. e.g.
aňdayi "weeps"
aibarayi "twists, grinds'
amayi, hamayi "blows'
amórayi "holds threateningly'
ārayi 'grows fat"

HISTORY OF THE SINALESE VERB 4S
illayi 'asks for, begs инауй, 'oozes, springs' uğayi ‘rubs” usulay "bears, supports' elaminbey coiles, eacnes elavayi 'produces yields; chases οιαyι wraps
obayi presses down оyayi "peels off katatayi “churns stirs” katanbay 'stis, agitates' kiidavayi 'invites'
křída- 'sinks'
kirayi "weighs’ koidurayi "whispers' garayi 'cleanses the grain, sifts
galapay joins' givisay "agrees to, pledges' tatanayi 'strains' tatanayi "strains, strives' tamayi "makes' tambayi “boils' tavarayi "smears tepalay 'speaks' tera payi 'presses'
törayi 'chooses' damayi "puts' davatayi "envelopes, wraps' dodayi 'speaks, talks' narambay "looks' niyavayi 'grins, makes grievances' የነewayé "juts out' merapayi , "expels, banishes' patalayi 'ties round, confuses' фатї "jumps'
päyi "shows' pirimasayi economizes" pihinayi, pīnayi 'swims' фїrayі "combs'
büdi "filowers" poigayi 'soaks' babalayi “shines'
burayi “barks”
bεγανι 'saves, spares meheyayi “urges’ molavayi kindles fire' yomayi 'directs, pays attentioûየaህay፧ "frowns'

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5o JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Wol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974.
ravațayi “deceives”
layi 'uts, "inserts' vagurrayi “sheds’ valakavi 'prevents, avoids' valai dayi "embraces' vilikseyi “ripens’ Sarahayi 'decks, adorns' Salasayi 'causes to do, provides'
sãdayi 'makes' sārayi, hāray digs siňgay “begs"
helavi 'drops down'
The verb nelayi, 'weeds' corresponds in Old Sinhalese Glossaries to P. middeti e.g. Dhampiyä Atuvá Gätapadaya.224-30. The Pali Text Society's Pali Dictionary mentions niddayati 'to weed' and equals it to Sanskrit nirditi. Although a reduplicated consonant or a consonant cluster normally developes in Sinhalese into a single consonant, sometimes that consonant undergoes a further change e.g. kaivarta "fisherman” > P. kervatta > kelvulu ; Sk. kuşthin “leper': P. kut thi > kili. Likewise middleti mav have given rise to nelayi. Although gaivasenava to frequent, to be densely crowded with" cannot be traced to a Pali or Sanskrit verb, its participial form givasigat'crowded with, full of' is given as the Sinhalese equivalent of Pali gavacchita in Jataka -attuva Gätapadaya (Sir D. B. Jayatillake's edition page 37-7). The verbal form is presumably derived from the past participle.
urayi 'sucks' is in all probability a borrowing from Tamil Cf. urital 'sucking'.
mumumayi, manu-munu-gayi 'whispers, hums' is strongly reminiscent of Tamil muniu-munenru presinām. Vide Pope’s Handbook. of the Tamil Language, Lesson 100.
II. SECONDARY ROOTS
5. Causatives
There are some verbs in Sinhalese which derive their origin from the M.I.A. Causative but which have virtually lost their causative significance. Hence they give rise to double causatives. e.g. hiknayi, hikmavayi “disciplines'

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52 JoURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (Neu Series), I97
vk pittei, pittai = Sk. pistayati from Sk. pista. Hindi baith- "to sit' = . Sk. upavista 'seated'; Hindi paith- "to enter' = Sk. pravista; E.
Hindi sut-“to sleep' Marathi suta?em = P. sutta, Sk. Subta: Cĩ. Sinh.
tiţi, tuţu & tili.
9. Secondary Roots-Intensives
Among the verbal forms traceable to intensives in Sanskrit, mention may be made of Sinh. kakiyai “boils intensively”=Sk. kãkvathati, P. kakkuthati and sanahayi "bathes to one's heart's content = Sk. sāsnāti (or samsāti).
Adjectival forms like diligum 'mobile' = P. Sk. jangama, diduru ‘decaying” = P. jajjara, Sk. jarjara; sasala “moving, unsteady = P.Sk. caicala seem to go back to frequentatives in old Indo-Aryan.
10. Secondary Roots-Desiderative
Vivakayi 'wishes to say' = Sk. vivaksati seems to be a relic of an Old Indian desiderative.
11. Secondary Roots-Analogical
The Sinhalese verb asayi "hears, listens to' seems to be a back formation due to Analogy, based on the causative asvayi = P. assaveti, Sk. asiravayati. Sir Ralph Turner in his Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages (S 1460) traces it to the preterite verb disuva. The verb upurayi "roots out' too seems to be an analogical formation based on the past participle upula from utpatati or utpitayati. The verb sakasayi fashions well' as in Dhampiya-Atuva-Gätapadaya 278-26, seems to be an analogical formation based on Sakasa 'well'
= P. sakkaccam, sakkaccaka, Sk. sat-kritya. سمسمبر
12. Compound-Roots
The verbal bases rukura- "to do', porora- "to put on, wear, robe one self, namada- "to salute, bow down, seem to consist of two radical elements. Professor Helmer Smith sees in nanaidi, a contamination of namati and vandati (Journal Asiatique, 1950, $ 20-7).
There is a small group of verbs in Sinhalese in which a noun has coalesced with the verb karayi 'dces' to form verbs like hajarayi, hadirayi 'studies' literally' does studying, does the recitation' = saijhäyan-karoti, vadärayi says, vamärayi 'vomits', vapurayi 'sows”. kaiburayi "does menial work'. Although they do not have any causative sense, certain modern Indian languages like Sindhi have forms like piyiranui 'to cause to drink' sikhardyanu 'to cause to learn', and Apabhramsa has vaisirai (caus. of upa-vis) and dekhilai 'shows' all of which are causatives. With them may be compared the Hindi

HISTORY OF THE SINHALESE VERB 53
causatives such as khilani and khilavana from khana 'to eat' pilānā
and pilavana from pina 'to drink' sulani and sulavana from sönd “to sleep’, baithalānā from baithamā 'to sit’ pathalānā from pai thanã 'to enter'.
The Sinh. verb nàắgi{ĩ seems to be an expanded root like Prakrit bhamadai from Sk. bhramati, or a contamination with another verbal element. Sk. bhramati developes in Pk. into bhamadai, bhandidai, bһататфаi.
As has been pointed out by Prof. S. K. Chatterji, certain terms like sphut (phut) dhak, bahis, camat, rudh and cyut are compounded with a verbal form of V kr. Though the two elements are clearly discernible in Sanskrit, they seem to have coalesced in Prakrit and pass as single verbs in modern Indo-Aryan. Thus sphat-karoti or phut-karoti blows' = Pk. phukkei, phukkai > E. Hindi phukai; dhak karoti+ Pk, dhakkai 'destroys’ dhakk- ''to destroy’, bahiskriyate> Pk. bahikkei, bahikkai> bahak-'to stray”, E. Hindi bahakai, camat-kriyate > Pk. camakkai, canakkei > canak- 'glitters" ; rudh+ kriyate > Pk. rukkei, rukkai > Hindi rok- “to hinder’; cyut -- kr.> Pk. cukkei, cukkaid Hindi cuk- 'cease, drop'.
13. Onomatopoetic verbs
The Sinhalese verbs gugurayi "thunders', pupuraya "bursts' mumumayi 'whispers, hums' and probably burayi "barks' may be due to onomatopoea. Cf. bhukkai "barks' in Prakrit.
Thus one notices that the Sinhalese verb has also developed from OIA through MIA or Prakrit along parallel lines. The indigenous
element, not traceable to old or Middle Indo-Aryan may go back
to an older stream, probaly pre-Vijayan or pre-Aryan.


Page 30
The Munnesvaram Tamil Inscription of Parākramabahu VI
፲By S. PATHMANATHAN, PH.D.
The Tamil inscription of Parakramabahu at the Hindu shrine of Munnesvaram records the grant of land and money by the king to that temple and its Brahmins. The inscription is of considerable academic interest as it throws some light on the history of the reign of Parakramabahu and on Munnesvaram which is one of the principal Hindu shrines in the island. It is one of the three Tamil inscriptions of Parakramabahu that have hitherto been brought to light, and being one of the important Tamil documents of the Kotte period that have survived it cannot be ignored in any study of the development of the Tamil language and script in the island. Besides it gives some idea of the importance of Munnesvaram in the fifteenth century.
The inscription is engraved in an admixture of Tamil and Grantha characters. The text of the inscription is drafted in two languagesTamil and Sanskrit. The main portion of the text concerning the grant is in Tamil but the initial and concluding portions are in Sanskrit. All the Sanskrit expressions and passages are written in Grantha. The epigraph begins with a conventional description of the king's descent, titles and epithets and concludes with a Sanskrit sloka.
The use of Sanskrit and Tamil languages in this and several other records testifies that some of the court officials were familiar with those languages. The initial portion of the record giving a description of the king slightly varies from that given in the Sinhalese inscriptions of the period. Instead of the expression Dinakara vam. sabhiyata the Oruvala sannasa contains the expression siryavamsötbhita. The Kudumirisa epigraph, however, contains the expression siryavamsabhijita. Moreover, instead of the phrases Samantabhadra Caranairavinda vandita the phrases Mahasammata paramparanuyata
I. The other two are from Naim mana and Jaffna. S. Paranavitana, The shrine of Upulvan at Devundara, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Vol. VI, p. 73; A. Veluppillai, "The Naimmana inscription of Parakramabahu', Ceylon Tamil Inscriptions (CTI), Pt. II, Peradeniya, I972, pp. 56-67; K. Indrapala, The Jaffna (Main Street) Inscription of the reign of Parākramabāhu VI.” Epigraphia Tamilica, (ET) Pt. I
Jaffna Archaeological Society, I 97 I) pp. 29-3 II.
2. H. W. Codrington, “The Oruvala Sannasa', Epigraphia Zeylanica, (EZ),
Vol. III, No. 3.
3. Mudaliyar B, Gunasekara, "Three Sinhalese Inscriptions', Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JCBRAS), X, (34), p. 98.
54

THE MUNNESVARAM TAMIL INSCRIPTION 55
occur in the Sinhalese inscriptions. In drafting the texts of inscriptions the court officials of this period do not appear to have been concerned about maintaining uniformity as regad; the language and form of the introductory portions of the official records.
Fowler's translation and Velupillai's edition
Fowler's translation of this epigraph was published in 1887. In his introductory remarks Fowler observes:
I have examined the Monnisvaram inscription several times and much of it is illegible. It has I think been removed from an older building and built into the present one. Several of the letters near the joints of the stones are covered by mortar which I think would not be the case if it has been cut in situ. Tine inscription runs along a kind of cornice and consists of four lines extending for about thirty or forty feet.
Fowler frankly admits that much of the inscription was illegible to him but he gives the translation of almost the whole text. We are therefore led to imagine that he had access to a copy of a record preserved presumably in manuscript form by the temple authorities."
An article on this inscription by A. Velupillai has been published recently. He has used the estampage prepared by the Archaeological Department of the Government of Ceylon and in his article a photo copy of the estampage and a transliteration of the text of the inscription have been published for the first time. The letters in the last few expressions of each of the four lines of the inscription were mostly obliterated and any clear trace of them is not to be found in the estampage. The full text of the inscription cannot, therefore, be restored from a reading of the estampage.
The text of the inscription as given by Velupillai is incomplete; there are some important gaps. There are some errors in the decipherment; as will be seen later some of the expressions which are quite clear and legible on the estampage have been deciphered wrongly. Moreover, the historical significance of the inscription and its contents deserve an elaborate discussion-a sort of which has not been attempted
4, ibid., EZ, Vol. III, no. 3; H. W. Codrington, "Gadaladeniya slab pillar
inscriptions”, EZ, Vol. IV, p. 24.
5. J. M. Fowler, "Translation of an Inscription at the temple of Monnisvaram',
JRASCB, Io (35), I 887, pp. II, 8-I I 9.
ibid. 7. Fowler is not quite correct in saying that much of the inscription is illegible.
Much of it is legible. It is indeed strange that he gives the translation of the whole text although he observes that much of the text was illegible.
8. "An inscription from the Munnesvaram Siva Temple', CTI, Pt. I, pp. 37-43.


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56 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series,) 1974
in his paper. Moreover we now have the means of restoring even those
ortions of the text that have become obliterated in the stone and are therefore not portrayed in the estampage taken by the Archaeological Department.
Errors in the decipherment:
The expressions svasti Sri samantabhadra caramāravintan ãditya Vamsabhi jata' as read by Velupillai have to be modified to read as Svasti Sri Samantabhadra caranáravinda vandita Dinakaravam sābhijata. In the estampage there is no trace of the expression aditya but the letters representing Dinakara are quite clear. The last few expressions in the preserved portion of the first line are read by Velupillai in a curious manner as sarama Svapanam ta puróhi 10 but as far as I could make out, there is no trace of any such thing and the expressions Vijascinagava partitar puröhita are quite clear in the inscription. Velupillai has not deciphered them correctly. In the third line the expression candradityavarai is followed by that of sarvamányamika, but instead of the latter the text as given by Velupillai contains the expression sthraimakai which does not make any sense. In the Concluding portion of the inscription a Sanskrit verse is engaved in Grantha characters. The initial portion of the verse is very clear and readstadidam Gananathasya saivaiana Mahódadheh. This expression is, however not deciphered correctly by Velupillai.
A manuscript copy of the inscription
A manuscript copy of the text of this inscription is found in the Oriental manuscripts collection of the British Museum. It is bound together with a manuscript of the Tamil chronicle, the Yalpparavaipavamalai. No details of this manuscript copy seem to be recorded anywhere. The interesting feature about this manuscript is that it gives almost the entire text of this inscription; there are no gaps except at one instance. Any study on this inscription which ignores this manuscript could only be partial and incomplete. The manuscript contains also a paraphrase of the text which helps to interpret and translate the obscure passages in the text which are archaic in style and obscure in meaning. The paraphrase as found in the manuscript is given here in the form of an appendix.
9. ibid., p. 4І.
πο. εύία.
II. ibid., p. 42.
12. He gives the reading taddangatandithalla Saiva aran mahódayamon, ibid.,
P. 42.
13. British Museum Oriental Manuscripts: 6616. This was published in 1972 by the present author. S. Pathmanathan, Tamiļcciācanankaltum illa vara larru dirdycciyun (Tamil Epigraphy and studies on Ceylon History) Ilantenral (Colombo, I972), p. 24.

THE MUNNESWARAM TAMIL INSCRIPTION 57
The text- as found in the manuscript mostly conforms to the original and if it is the product of the decipherment of the stone inscription it represents a uIost successful attempt at decipherment of the epigraph. But, unfortunately there is no means of knowing when and by whom this inscription was originally deciphered. It could be surmised that some learned Brahmin attached to the shrine deciphered the inscription at a time when the engraved stone was in a better state of preservation. It is even probable that this manuscript reproduces a copy of the text either engraved on copper plate or written on palm-leaf. The expression kallilum cempilum elutikkotuttom as found in some inscriptions in India and Ceylon testify that sometimes inscriptions were issued in two copies-one engraved in copper and the other in stone. 14 A few copies of inscriptions in palm leaf also have been brought to light in Ceylon.
Parakramabahu: Titles, epithets and religious policy
As Parakramabahu is said to have been residing at Jayavardhanapura by which name Kotte was known in medieval times, he was undoubtedly a ruler of Kotte. Among the kings of Kotte there were four rulers who had the name Parakramabahu: Parakramabahu VI (1412-1467), Parākramabāhu VIII (1477-1485), Parākramabāhu VIII (1485-1505) and Parākramabāhu IX (1506-1520).16 As the inscription is dated in the 38th regnal year the ruler mentioned in it is evidently Parākramabahu VI because none among the other rulers mentioned earlier had a reign of more than twenty years duration. There is some confusion about the date of Parakramabahu's accession in the sources that relate to his reign. According to some of them he ascended the throne around A.D. 1412 while others reckon the year A.D. 1415 as the year of his accession. The 38th year in which the . grant was made would correspond to either A.D. 1450 or A.D. 1453.
I4. This expression is found in the slab inscription of the Velaikkaras at Polonnaruwa and the Lankatilaka inscription. See SII, IV: 396; UCR, XVIII, Nos. I & 2, January, I96o, pp. I 6-23.
I5. The texts of the Niyamgampaya and Madawela inscriptions are among
those that are known only from palm-leaf manuscript copies.
I6. EZ, III, p. 4o.
7. According to the Sinhalese chronicle, the Rajavaliya, Parākramabāhu VI had a reign of 52 years. The contemporary sources, however, are not agreed on the date of his accession. According to the evidence from some of ... them he ascended the throne in I412 while others make 1415 the year of his accession. This contradiction could be reconciled if we assume that he came to power in T 412 but underwent the ceremony of consecration in I415 after shifting to Kotte from Rayigama. See University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon (UCHC) Vol. I, pt. ii, ed. H. C. Ray and others Colombo, 19бо), p. бб9.


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Sankabodhi-varmar: The king according to the inscription, had the title cankabodhi-panmar, Rajadhiraja and the epithets Tiribhuvamaccakkaravartti and Pararajasekharabhujanga. The expression can Rabódhivanmar is the Tamilised form of Sanghabodhivarmana compound of the words Sanghabodhi and varman. Sanghabodhi (s. Sangabo) was one of the two alternate titles assumed by the kings of Ceylon on their consecration, the other being Abhayasalameghal. Both titles are mentioned in Sinhalese and Tamil inscriptions. The title Sanghabodhi occurs in varying forms in the Tamil inscriptions set up in Ceylon from the ninth century onwards. This title is of some significance as it implies a reciprocal connexion between kingship and Buddhism. It may be regarded as the Ceylonese (Buddhist) counterpart of such titles as Paramabhagavata, Paramamahésvara, and Paramabrahamanya borne by some of the Hindu rulers of medieval India.19
In the Tamil inscriptions issued in Ceylon the honorific particle varmar(n) is mostly suffixed to the title Cankapóti as a result of South Indian influence. Varman derived from Varmma meaning armour or coat of mail is suffixed to the names of several kings perhaps to indicate their ksatriya origin. All the rulers of certain dynasties had names ending in varman. The rulers of Kamarupa, the Salankayanas, the Vishņukuņdins, the Pallavas of kāfici, the Maukharis of Kanauj, the Khmer rulers of Cambodia and the Hindu kings of Champa are the most notable among such dynasties. In the genealogy of Ceylonese kings only two rulers of the Anuradhapura period-Manavamma (Manavarman) and Sénavarman are known to have had personal names ending in Varman. This was undoubtedly a result of Pallava influence. Manavamma had lived at the Pallava court and subsequently secured royal power in Ceylon with the aid of an army supplied by Narasimhavarman. In the case of Sena (IV or V) only a Tamil inscription refers to him as Sénavarman.
18. Two Tamil inscriptions of the Anuradhapura period mention the title Cankapotivanmar. Vijayabāhu I (I o7o-III o) and Nissankamalla (II I 88-II 97) are said in Tamil inscriptions to have borne this title. Two Tamil epigraphs from Tirukkovil also mention a ruler called Vijayabahu who had this title. SSI, IV, 1396, I4o4, I4o5; S. Paranavitana, "A Tamil Inscription from Palamottai”, EZ, IV; no. 23, p. I 9 I; CTI, pt. I, pp. 4, 6.
(9. In some of their records the Gupta Emperors are given the titles paramadaivata and paramesvara. The Panduvamsis of Baghelkhand had the epithets Parama-maheswara and Parama-brahmanya, see The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III-The Classical Age, ed. R. C. Majumdar
Second Impression, Bombay, Ig62, pp. 3I, 349.
20. Madras Tamil Lewicon, VI, p. 35o6; Jibananda Vidyasagara, Shabda
Sagara (Culcutta, I9oo), p. 634.
2I. The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III-The Classical Age
pp. 67, 68, 7o, 8o, 282, 283, 2o4, 2o6, 643, 646.
22. SII : I4o3, I 4o4.

THE MUNNESVARAM TAMIL INSCRIPTION 59
In South India the word varman was suffixed to the alternate titles assumed by the Pandya and Cola rulers on their accession to the throne. The Pandyas had the alternate titles Maravarman and Jatavarman while the Colas had the titles Rajakesarivarman and Parakésarivarman. As varman was suffixed to the alternate Consecration names of the Sinhalese rulers only from the 11th century onwards it may be assumed that it was the result of Cola influence. In this conneXtion it may be mentioned that the Cola prince who was consecrated as the king of Ceylon had the title Cankavannar which is an abbreviation of Caikapótivanmar.2
Rajidhiraja. The title Rajadhirāja which signified imperial power and status was widely used in India and in the other countries of Asia which came under the influence of Indian culture from the time of the Husanas onwards. However, in course of time it lost its original significance. Rajadhiraja also was the personal name of two Cola kings who ruled in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In Ceylon this title came into vogue during the fifteenth century and is mentioned in the records of the kings of Kotte and Kandy. The assumption of the title Rajadhiraja by Parakramabahu VI may have been inspired by the partial revival of the power and glory of the Sinhalese monarchy after a long period of decline covering a period of nearly three centuries. He brought the 'whole island under one umbrella' during his long and eventful reign and this was a remarkable achievement. Nevertheless, his unification of the island was only nominal; it did not lead to the administrative integration of all the kingdoms and principalities in the country. To his subjects, Parakramabahu's use of the title Raja dhiraja may have implied his overlordship over the whole island. The Oruvala sananasa also refers to Parakramabahul VI as Rajádhiraja. The epithet Maharijidhiraja also came into vogue during. the Kotte period. It had become a conventional epithet and had no specal significance.
Tiribhuvanaccakkaravartti: The epithet Tiripuvanaccakkaravariti meaning 'the emperor of the three worlds' was assumed by the Sinhalese rulers in imitation of the practices of the Tamil monarchies of South India. In the Cola kingdom the epithets Cakkaravartti and Tirifu vamaccakkaravartti were widely used in connexion with royalty only after the accession of the Cola-Calukya prince, Kulottunga I (1070-1122). The second of these epithets was assumpd by Kulottunga I and all his successors and in this respect the Cola practice was soon adopted by the Pandyas.
23. S. Pathmanathan, Cölla Rule in Ceylon, 993-1 o'7o: Administrative Organization'. Paper presented at the 4th Conference Seminar, International Association of Tamil Research, Jaffna, 1974.
24. EZ, Vol. III, no. 3; EZ, Vol. IV, no. 3, p. 24.
25. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas (Second edition, University of Madras,
T955), pp. 3o2, 33o.


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60 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974
Indian influences on kingship in Ceylon during the Polonnaruva period were mainly from two regions-the Tamil country and Kalinga. The term cakravartti, which was used as a royal epithet in both these regions, was used in official documents from the time of Jayabahu during the early twelfth century. Whether the epithet Tiripuvanaccakkaravartti implied any notion of the Divinity of Kingship—the Devaraja cult of some of the oriental courts of the medieval age, is debatable. This epithet does not seem to have been assumed by any Sinhalese ruler during the Polonnaruva period despite the close political and dynastic connexions between Ceylon and South India.
The earliest reference to the epithet Tiripuvamaccakkaravartti is found in two Tamil inscriptions from Tirukkovil both of which are dated in the tenth year of a ruler named Vijayabahu who may be identified as the fifth ruler of that name. The assumption of this title by Parakramabahu VI of Kotte may suggest that some hazy ideas about the Divinity of Kingship were sustained by his court. The reference to him as Bodhisattvavatara (an incarnation of Bödhisattva) in an inscription of one of his successors seems to lend some support to this view.28
Pararajasëkharabhujanga : The epithet Pararajasëkharabhujanga is of considerable historical interest as it signifies one of the major political achievements of Parakramabahu. Pararicacekaran was one of the alternate titles assumed by the rulers of Jaffna on their accession to the throne.29 Parākramabahu's epithet which may be rendered as 'serpent to Pararajasekhara' implies that he vanquished his contemporary ruler of Jaffna. The conquest of Jaffna by Sapumal, the general and adopted son of Parakramabahu, is a favourite theme in contemporary Sinhalese literature, notably the Kokila Sandesaya'. According to the latter, Arya Cakravartti, the king of Jaffna fled to India when he lost his kingdom. Our inscription provides some confirmation of the claims made in Sinhalese literature about Sapumal's conquest of Jaffna.
26. In the Polonnaruwa slab inscription of the Vélaikkaras Vijayabahu I is
referred to with the epithet cakkaravarttikai. ヘ
27. In two inscriptions from Tirukkovil, which could be assigned to the Kotte period, a ruler called Vijayabahu is described as Cankapotivanmar and Titipuvanaccakkaravarti. CTI, Pt. I, pp. 4, 6,
28. EZ, Vol. III, no. 3. 29. S. Pathmanathan, "The kingdom of Jaffna: Administrative organisation',
paper presented at the 4th Conference Seminar on Tamil Studies, IATR, Jafina, January 1974. W
3o. Kokila Sandesaya, ed. P, S. Perera (Colombo, 9o6), v. 263; UCHC,
Vol. I, pt. (ii), p. 67I.

THE MUNNESWARAM TAMIL INSCRIPTION 6.
Patronage of Hinduism: Hindu and Tamil influences were increasingly felt in Sinhalese society as a result of active social and cultural contacts between the Sinhalese kingdom and South India. Such influences were further strengthened by the arrival cf a considerable number of Indian Brahmins, the activities of mercantile communities of Indian origin and the settlement of several such groups of Indians in the towns and fhe coastal regions. The court which inherited the legacies of the Malabar aristocracy of Gampola was very receptive to the new influences. Some members of the royal family had even Tamil names. The daughter of Parakramabahu VI had the name Ulakudayadevi Sapumal, the adopted son and general of Parakramabahu VI, is known to have had the name Cenpakapperumal.
The royal documents of the Kotte period are reminiscent of South Indian influences. In drafting the texts of some of the Tamil inscriptions the court officials adhered to the Pandya practice with respect to the manner of recording the regnal years. The Naymmana inscription mentions the regnal year in the following manner: yantu 20 avatukku etiravatu, in the year opposite the 20th'.84 Such manner of recording the regnal years, which is followed also in the Tamil inscription of Parakramabahu VI from Jaffna,3 is undoubtedly an imitation of the Pandya way of recording regnal years. The Sanskrit sloka that runs:
dāna pālanayōrmmadhyē dānāt srēyōnu pālanam danāt svarggam avāpnõti palānād accutam padam 11 3o
and which occurs in the concluding portion of many Vijayanagara
inscriptions set up from the fourteenth century onwards is included
in the Oruvala sannasa issued by one of the successors of Parakrama
bahu VI.87. It may be assumed that such South Indian influences on
the epigraphy of Ceylon were in some measure due to the employment
of South Indians as court officials in the Kotte period. Indeed, Tiru
varangamperumal, a Tamil officer of Indian extraction was in charge
of royal documents in the reign of Bhuvanekabahu VII during the sixteenth century,88
3. The two most influential and powerful families in the Sinhalese kingdom during the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries were those of Alagakkonára and Senalankadhikara both of which were of Malayala extraction. Both families were menavar (Menons) libid., pp. 64o, 655.
32. ibid., p. 767.
33. ibid., p. 766.
34. CTI, pt. II, p. 57.
35. ET, p. 3I.
36. The protection of a donation is more meritorious than making a donation, Through making donations one attains heaven but one who protects a donation attains the state of Vishnu.
37. EZ, vol. III, p. 67.
38. P. E. Pieris, "The Date of King Bhuvanékabahu VII, JRASCB, XXII
No. 65-1912, pp. 272-273.


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Hindu influences permeated Sinhalese society at different levels and in greater measure than ever before during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Lankaitilaka inscription of the time of Bhuvanekabahu IV (1344-1354) testifies that the images of Brahma, Vishnu, Mahésvara, Ganapati, Skanda and other gods of the Hindu pantheon were installed at the lowest storey of the Lankatilaka temple erected by the chief minister Senalankadhikara.89 The worship of the images of Hindu deities in a Buddhist shrine presupposes an atmosphere of harmony between the adherents of Hinduism and Buddhism. As a religion Buddhism did not demand from its adherents exclusive allegiance to and faith in the triratna. In popular estimation the worship of Hindu deities like Vishnu and Skanda did not conflict with gne's devotion to Buddhism. The cults of Skanda kumara and Pattini seem to have become popular di uring this period and in some documents recording the transactions of kings it was felt necessary to invoke the names of Brahma, Vishņu, Mahesy’ara, Skanda and Pattini along with the triratna perhaps on account of the popularity of their worship.40 -, ;.
Parakramabahu VI and his successors supported Hinduism and Hindu institutions. Parakramabahu had as Purohitas two Telugu Brahmins, Póta ojjhalun and Avuhulu ojjhalun, who were rewarded for their services with a land grant by one of his successors. Parakramabahul had set up an alms hall for the purpose of providing requisites for twelve Brahmins and made end winents for its maintenance. Moreover, he made a grant of land (dainaksetra) to 24 Brahmins most of whom were Tamils, the rest being Telugus.2 Parakramabahu VI is said to have constructed a three storyed Pattini temple in Kotte. His solicitude for Munnesvaram may be explained in the light of the religious conditions in the Sinhalese kingdom and his religious policy.
Munnesvaram: Tradition claims a hoary antiquity to Munnesvaram but its origins are obscure. There are no reliable literary or epigraphic notices on this shrine before the Kotte period. It had, however, become famous in the reign of Parākramabahu VI so as to attract the attention of the king. In the fifteenth century it appears
39. Mudaliyar B. Gunasekera, “Three Sinhalese Inscriptions'-I. Lankatilaka
inscription, JCBRAS. X (34)
4o. H. W. Codrington, ‘’Gadaladeniya Slab Inscription”, EZ, Vol. IV, no. 3,
pp. I 6-27.
4 r. EZ, III, no. 3, p. 5 I.
42. Kudumirissa Rock Inscription, JCBRAS, Vol. X, pp. 96-Io2.
43. UCHC, Vol. I, pt. II, p. 766. -
44. The Taksinakailasa Mahditmyam, a work which appears to have been written in Ceylon and which could not be regarded as authentic by any means, incorporates most of the legends concerning Munnésvaram. The legendary accounts incorporated in that work claim a pre-historic origin to
this temple and even attribute its foundation to Rama. See, P. Sivaramakrishna Sari a, Sri Munnesvara waralaru Colombo, I968), pp. 4-5.

THE MUNNESVARAM TAMIL INSCRIPTION ნვ
to have been one of the two principal Hindu shrines in the territories of Kotte, the other being the Vishnu temple at Devinuvara in the southern coast of the island. The division of Munnesvaram which is so named after the temple had come to be so called by the time. of Parakramabahu. The kokila sandesaya mentions of this locality. It may, therefore, be inferred that the origins of the shrine go back to a period very much earlier than the reign of Parakramabahu VI.
Its location in the neighbourhood of Chilaw may perhaps provide the clue for the explanation of its origins. Chilaw, one of the minor ports on the western littoral, became a centre of commercial importance in the medieval period, especially after the drift of Sinhalese political power to the southwest. By virtue of its geographical position it supported a population of seafarers, some of whom were engaged in chank and pearl fisheries. As a port town of some significance, it was also frequented by Indian traders operating from Malabar and the Coromandel. The temple of Munnesvaram must have developed for catering to the religious needs of the Tamil settlements in the neighbourhood.
Munnesvaram which is sometimes called Munnisvaram by the Hindus in modern times is however, referred to in the inscription as Monnisvaram. The contemporary Sinhalese text has the form Munnesarama. The use of the two variant forms of the name in two contemporary sources makes it difficult for one to decide which of the two forms is the earlier and the correct one. The form Monnisvaram is not altogether inexplicable and a clue for its explanation may be found in some of the expressions found in South Indian inscriptions. Monnaiappar and Monnaippiran are names that occur in medieval South Indian inscriptions. The exact significance of the term. Monnai is not known. It could be surmised that it is a toponym. Monnisvarar . could be a compound of the words monnai and isvarar. This expression may signify either a temple of Siva constructed by a dignitary who had the name beginning with the element monnai or a temple situated at the locality of Monnai. It is even probable that the name was introduced by settlers from South India who were familiar with such a name in their original homeland. Another explanation is that Monnisvaram is a corruption of the name Munnisvaram. The name Munnisvaram could be explained as a combination of the words muni and isvaram and would denote a temple of Siva, the foremost of Sages.
45. Kökila sandesaya ed. P. S. Perera (Colombo, 19o6), v. 263; GS
Vol. I, pt. II, p. 67I.
46. Annual Report on Epigraphy (ARE) Madras, No. 2age targ16. 47. CTI, pt. I, p. 39.
8 سس-15437


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The temple of Munnésvara III appears to have enjoyed royal patronage throughout the Kotte period. In the early years of the sixteenth Century another ruller of Kotte, Parākralılabāhu, IX issued a copper plate Tecording a royal grant of extensive lands to the temple." Munneswara in sell on evil days with the decline in the power and influence of the Sinhalese monarchy and the corresponding rise of Portuguese power in the kingdom of Kotte. The Portuguese soldiers Linder the cominand of Diogo de Mello had this temple razed to the ground when thcy ravaged the lands of Chilaw and Negol Ilbo in 1578.' Subsequently the sixty-two villages of Munneswarallpattu which belonged to the tetiple were given over to the Jesuits who constructed the church of St. Paul in 1606 and began the propagation of the faith." Chilaw was brought under Kandyan rule in the seventecnth century and in the subsequent century the Nayakkar ruler, Kirtti Sri Rajasinha (1747-1782) had the tellple reconstructed by architects brought from India. The work is said to have been colnpleted in 1753.
48. Sri PPSHEFFZ 25 yearg varaláir, p. g.
TTS SLSLL CCLktk TT kkTGtTk kLkLk TL LLTTLTTL LL LLLLLS LLLLLLLCC LL TtHCCCC
trans. S. G. Perra (Colorbu, 1930), pp. 424-425.
50. P. E. Pieris, Ceylo *: The Porfingese Era, Wol. II, p. 37,

THE MUNNESWARAM TAMII. INSCRIPTION
凯)『シu阅" Hጵሚዔ ;ዝ劑」密)| 耀譴寶麟 癥綫槳瀏对泄泻)
心 卧)瓯闵汽缸
概)慈搬『대해*玖* * - F .) 感)鰓*叱 劑 劑
就邯*H
劑譯 避隱鱷岡


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66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series.) 1974
Text
(மொண்ணிஸ்வரர் கோயிலிற் பதிவாகியிருக்கின்ற சமஸ்கிருதமுந் தமிழுங் கலப்பான சாசனத்தின் உண்மையான வாசகம்)
ஸ்வஸ்தி பூரீ ஸமந்த பத்ர சரணுர விந்த வந்தித திநகர வம்ஸாவிைஜாத ராஜாதிராஜ பரராஜஸேகர வை"ஜங்க பூரீ சங்கபோதி வத்மரான திரிபுவனச் சக்கர வர்த்தி பூரீ பராக்கிரமபாகு தேவற்கு யாண்டு 38 ஆவது அற்பசி முன்பத்தாம் பக்கம் மொண்ணிஸ்வரமுடைய தம்பிரானரை பூஜிக்கிற நம்பிமாரை ஜயவர்த் தனக் கோட்டைக்கு அழைத்து விஜஸாமக வ பண்டிதர் புரோகிதரிடம் தம்பிரானுருடைய க்ஷேத்திரங்களிற் செய்தி கேட்டு முன்பு நம்பிமார்க்கு நின்ற மொண்ணிஸ் வரத்தில் சீமைக்கு உள்பட்ட க்ஷேத்திரத் தம் பிரானற்குத் திருஞ மத்துக் காணியாக கற்பித்து நம்பிமார்க்குப் பூஜைக்காணியாக இலுப்பை தெணியில் வயல் அமணம் இருபத்திரண்டும் கோட்டைப் பிட்டியில் வயல் அமணம் முப்பதும் முதல் மைக்குக் கற்பித்துத் தித்தக் கடையில் வயல் அமணம் எட்டும் இதுக்குள்ள குடியிருப்புங் காடும் ஆகவும் நியமித்து மொண்ணிஸ் வரத்தில் நம்பிமாற்க்கு இருக்கக் கற்பித்து மனை உள்ளதும் முன்னுளியரிசியில் அமுது கறியமுது இலையமுது சுகந்தம் முதலான வையும் நம்பிமாற்கு மாதமொன்றுக்குப் பணம் முப்பதும் முதல் மைக்குடைமைப் பணம் மாசமொன்றுக்கு ஒவ்வொருத்தற்கு பதினென்றும் இவர்களுக்குப் பாரம்பரியமாக சந்திராதித்ய வரை சர்வமான்யமாக நடக்கும்படி மொண்ணிஸ் வரமுடைய தம்பிராஞர் அபமதியவர்களுக்கு நியமித்த அளவுக்கு மேல் ஒருவராலும் விக்னம் இன்றியே இருக்கச் கற்பித்தருளின இந்தக் காணிக்கு அஹிதம் செய்தவர்கள் பஞ்ச மகா பாதகம் செய்தவர்களாகவும். இதற்கு உறிதம் செய்தவர்கள் சூர்ய பதத்தைப் பெறக் கடவராகவும்.
ததிதம் கண நாதஸ்ய சைவ ஞான மகோததே மொண்ணிஸ்வர பிரசாதேந: சண்ட நாதஸ்ய சாசனம்.

THE MUNNESVARAM TAMIL INSCRIPTION ό7
Transliteration Of The Text
Svasti Srī. Samantabhadra caraņāravinda vandita dinakara vamsabhijata Rājādhirāja Pararāja sēkhara bhujanga Srī Sanghabōdhi vatmarāna Triblnu vanaccakkaravartti Srī Parākrama bāhu dēvarku yāņtu 38 āvatu arpaci Muņpattām pakkam moņņīsvaramuțaiya tampirānār ai Pūjikkira Nampimārai Jayavardhanak Köttaikku alaittu vija sāmagava paņțitar Purõhita (rai) Tampiränärutaiya kshèttirañkalip ceyti këtu munpu nampimarkku niņra moņņīsvarattil cīmaikku utpatta kshetrat Tampiranarkku tirunātmattukkāņiyāka karpit taruļiņa makku pūja kkāņiyāka nampimārkku iluppaiteniyil vayal amarqam irupattirantum köttaippittiyil vayal amaņam muppatum mutalmalikku karpittut tittakkataiyil vayal amaņam ettum itukkuļa kutiyiruppun kātum ākavum niyamittu monnisvarattil nampimärkku irukkak karpittu maņai ullatum munnäli ariciyil amutu kariyamutu ilaiyamutu sugandha mutalānavaiyum nampimārku māta monrukku panam muppatum mutalmaikktaima paņam māsamoņrukku ovvoruttar ku Patinon rum ivarkalukku parampariya māka candrāditva varai sarvamānyamāka natakkumpati Monnisvararutaiya tampirānār Avamatiyavarkaļukku niyamitta alavukku mēl oruvarālum vignam inriye irukkak karpit taruliņa intak kāņikku ahitam ceytavarkal pañca mahã pātakam ceytavarkalākavum, Itukku hitañ ceytav"arkal sūrya patattaip perakkațavārākavum Taddam Gaņa māthasya Saiva nana mahó dadhé: monnis’arap prasâdéna cançda nāthsya śāsanam. A n


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68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974
Translation
Let there be happiness and prosperity:
The king of kings and "Emperor of the three worlds', Sri Sanghabödhi Parakramabahu déver of the Solar dynasty who is (like) the serpant to (the king) Pararajasekhara(n) adores the lotus like feet of the Buddha. In the 10th day of the waxing moon of the month of arpaci (October-November) in the 38th year of his reign His majesty invited the chief priests who propitiate the God of munnés
Purohita (r) called vijasamagava panditar and endowed the lands in the temple district of munnésvaram which formerly belonged to the priests as temple land. For the performance of worship, he granted to the priests, 22 a manam of field at Illuppa (i) deni(ya) and to the chief priests, 30 amanam of field at köttaippitti and 8 amamam of field at Tittakkatai with the inhabited localities and forests attached to them. (Moreover), he provided for the (daily) offering of three measures of cooked rice, curry, betel and incense and a monthly grant of 30 param to the chief priests and 11 panan for each of the priests to be enjoyed in perpetuity (till the sun and the moon endure) and from generation to generation as a gift free of all taxes. Those who cause any obstruction to this grant will incur the sin of committing the five most heinous crimes while those who support it will attain the position of the sun.
This proclamation has been issued by Parakrama (bahu) through the grace of the lord of Munnesvaram, the lord of all beings and the ocean of the knowledge of saivism.
அட்டவணை
நன்மை பொருந்திய புத்தருடைய பாதத்திலுண்டான வராயும் இராசாதி ராசனகியும் அன்னியராஜாக்களுக்கு நாயகரா கியும் சிறிசங்க போதி என்ற நாமதேயத்தையுடைய வராகிய பூரீ பராக்கிரமபாகு இராசனுடைய 38 ஆவது ஆண்டு ஐப்பசி பூருவ பக்கம் 10ம் திகதி முன்னீஸ்வரமுடைய தம்பிரானரைப் பூசிக்கப்பட்ட குருக்கள்மாரை ஜயவர்த்தன கோட்டைக்கு அழைத்து . . . . முன்னிஸ் வரணுருடைய தலத்தின் செய்தி கேட்டு முன்பு குருக்கள்மா ருக்கு நின்ற முன்னீஸ்வரத்தின் எல்லைக்குட் பட்ட தம்பிரானருக்குத் திருநாமத்துக் காணியாகவும் இலுப்பத் தெணியில் அவனம் 22 கோட்டைப் புட்டியில் அவணம் 30 முதன்மைக்குக் கற்பித்து தித்தக்கடையில் அவணம் 8 இதுக் குள்ள குடியிருப்புங் காடும் ஆகவும் முன்னேஸ்வரத்தில் குருக்கள் மாருக்குக் கற்பித்த மனையுள்ளதும் முன்னழி அரசியில் அமுது கறியமுது இலையமுது சுகந்தம் முதலானவையும் குருக்கள்

THE MUNNESVARAM TAMIL INSCRIPTION б9
மாருக்கு மாதமொன்றுக்குப்பணம் முப்பதும் முதன்மைக்கு உடமைப்பணம் மாசமொன்றுக் கொவ்வொருவருக்குப் பதி னென்றும் இவர்களுக்குப் பாரம்பரியமாக சந்திராதித்யர் வரைக் கும் சருவமான்யமாக நடக்கும்படி முன்னீஸ்வரமுடைய தம்பிரா னர் . . . அபமதி . . . மேலே யொருவராலும் விக்கின மின்றியே இருக்கக் கற்பித்தருளின இந்தக்காணிக்கு தீமை செய்தவர்கள் பஞ்சமாபாதங்களைச் செய்தவராயும் நன்மை செய்தவர்கள் சூரிய பதவியைப் பெறக் கடவராகவும்.
இப்படிக்கு தேவகணங்களுக்கெல்லாம் நாதனுயிருக்கப் பட்ட, சிவஞான சமுத்திரரான மொண்ணிஸ்வரருடைய கிருபை யினுல் பராக்கிர மனற் பதிதற் பண்ணப்பட்டன.


Page 38
A Note on Rasmus Rask and the Ceylonese
Manuscripts at the Library of the Wesleyan Mission, Colombo, in 1822.
BY OVE K. NORDSTRAND
A precious collection of Ceylonese palm-leaf manuscripts is preserved at the Royal Library, Copenhagen. The collection, which is no doubt one of the best outside Ceylon, was brought to Denmark in May 1823 by the linguist, Rasmus Kristian Rask? when he returned from his great Indian journey. With a short interruption he had stayed in Ceylon for nearly nine months, from November 1821 to August 1822, and he had spent his time in the island well.
The primary aim with Rask's stay in Ceylon was to study Pali and Sinhalese. Secondarily he wanted, if possible, to acquire some Pali and Sinhalese manuscripts so that his studies of these languages could be continued after his return to Denmark. In both respects he was very successful, indeed. After having studied Pali for a couple of weeks only he was able to draft an elementary Pali grammar, and before he left the island he had written the introductory chapter for Clough's Pali Grammar, and a small Sinhalese syllabary in Danish, 'Singalesisk Skriftlaere'. Like Clough's Pali Grammar the
I. A catalogue of the collection, prepared by Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, Nugegoda,
Sri Lanka is in print. ... I 787-1832. 3. During the years 1816-1823 Rask made a journey which led him through Russia, Armenia, Persia, India and Ceylon. It was later to be known as his "great Indian journey'. 4. On 3oth March Rask left Colombo on board the ship "Colombo in order
to return to Denmark via England. Outside Galle the ship wrecked and Rask returned to Colombo to wait for another ship.
5. The news of the T817-uprising in Ceylon against the British reached Raskin St. Petersburg in Russia. After this he was not quite sure that he would be able to acquire any manuscripts in Ceylon.
6. Rask mentions this in his diary about 15th December 1821. (R. Rask. Dagböger (the diaries) MS in the Royal Library, Copenhagen, Ny kongelig Samling 389 ek – 8° vol. I.
7. Rask’s darv, 8th June, i 822.
It was Rask's intention also to let the syllabary comprise Pali. However, this plan was never realized. The Sinhalese syllabary was printed in 750 copies and was ready from the printing office immediately before Rask left Ceylon on Igth August 1822.
7ο

A NOTE ON RASMUS RASK AND THE CEYLONESE 7.
Sinhalese syllabary was printed at the Wesleyan Mission Press in Colombo. At the end of January 1822 Rask wrote a list of the texts, Pali and Sinhalese, he would like to acquire. With a few exceptions the list which comprises 223 numbers was written in Sinhalese characters. At the time when he wrote his list he had already purchased his first manuscripts with the aid of his Pali teacher, the mudelliar George Nadoris de Silva. The list served as a guide for all later purchases.
During his stay in Ceylon Rask lived, at least in periods, at the Wesleyan Mission House at Kollupitiya. Here he studied intensely the palm-leaf manuscripts of the Mission Library. And he made many notes,' so that at the present time we can reconstruct a list of at least part of the manuscript collection of that library as it was in 1822. With a few lacunae the reconstructed list which is reproduced below reaches from No. 1-84. The lack of system in arrangement and numbering of the manuscripts clearly demonstrates that whoever acquired them did it quite planlessly. The same does the fact that some texts evidently existed in the library in two or three copies, acquired at different dates. Some numbers, No. 23-24, 29, 43, 50, 53-58, 77 and 79-83 are missing in the present list because Rask did not mention them in his notes. This fact seems to indicate either that the manuscripts were not present at the library at Rask's time or that they contained texts which were outside his field of intel est. Of these the former hypothesis seems to be the most probable, since it would no doubt be difficult to find a manuscript which did not have Rask's interest.
9. Rask had prepared his own system for transliteration of the Indian languages (described in a paper presented to the "Literary and Agricultural Society of Colombo' in February 1822.
The MS of the draft of the paper is preserved in the Royal Library, Copenhagen, Ny kongelig Samling I 49c - 4°, 84, Indo-Roman Orthography ) Rask’s system was to be used in the grammar. Therefore some special types had to be cut.
Io. R. Rask : Optegnelser om Skrifter i Pali og Singalesisk med adskillige . Uddrag af samme. (Notes on writings in Pali and Sinhalese with various extracts of the same). MS in the Royal Library, Copennagen, Ny kongelig Samling 149c – 4°, 81, B fol. I R. – 2 V.
II. In the list Rask has marked with asterisks the manuscripts acquired by him, and in some cases he has written the price paid after the title. Outside No. 16 Rask has written (in Danish) : "the following were not in Ceylon before George Nadoris brought them.
I2. He had formerly been a thera at the Dadallavihara under the name
Dhammakkhandha rājaguru.
3. This fact may be deduced from the notes of the diary.
4. For instance Rask's (Notes of writings in Pali and Sinhalese with various
extracts of the same) (Ny kongelig Samling 149° – 4°, 81. A – Z)
T5. No doubt the Rev. Benjamin Clough acquired at least part of the MSS.


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72 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974
The list has the following appearance,
No. 1 - 14. Jataka-pota
15 - 19. Milinda-pafiha 20 - 22. Dhammapadațțhakathā 25 - 26. Pradipikáva 27 - 28. Sara-sangaha 30. Vimana-vatthu, 31. Nighaņdusannē 32. Vimana-vastuva 33. Balapandita-sutta 34. Subha-stitraya 35. Saleya-stitraya 36. Upasaka-janalankara 37. Anguttara-nikaya 38. Bālāvatārasannē 39. Vimana-vatthu 40. Padavitihara-jataka
41. Maha-anagata-vamsa
42. Dhamsaraņa (or Baņa) 44. Pūjävaliya W 45. Samskra-'akaradiya 46. Salaya-stitraya 47. Elu-akaradiya 48. Ge-bin-gastraya 49. Siigala-ovada-sutraya 51. Vadan-kavi-pota 51 (7). Nāmās takaya 51 (b). Mañgulakunusäntiya 52 (2). Navaratna 52. (last pt). Wyasa-karaya 59 - 60. Amarasimha 61. Eul-akaradiya 62. Janavamse 63. Veda-aksaradiya 64 - 66. Akhyata-padaya 67. Elu-akaradiya 68. Lökopakaraya 69. Gira-sandésaya 70. Rūpamālā 71. Ruvanimalnighaņçduva 72. Lõvädasafigaräva 73. Sidatsaňgāra 74 - 75. (unidentified astrological texts) Nakat-pota
6. In Rask's notes the titles are transliterated in his own system. For prartical reasons they are, however, given here in the transliteration used at the present time.

A NOTE ON RASMUS RASK AND THE CEYLON ESE 73
76. Subha-stitraya 78. (nnidentified astrological text) Nakat-pota 84. Dhatu-patho.
For the average missionary the manuscripts apparently had interest only as aids in learning Pali and Sinhalese, and thus, indirectly, in propagating Christianity among the Sinhalese. Rask, however, to judge from his notes seems to have taken a keen interest in the textual contents of the manuscripts, too. From his notes we also learn that he took every opportunity to compile from other sources information of the literature of Ceylon. In April 1822 for instance he had an interview with the Mahathera Karatota in Matara, discussing with hint Elu language and literature.*
Rask had free access to the manuscripts of the Wesleyan Mission Library, and studied them very intensely but his stay in the island was only short, and his chief aim was the study of Pali and Sinha'ese. Therefore his knowledge of Ceylonese literary history was confined to a few aspects of that great subject and especially such as were connected with the manuscripts in his own collection. However, this collection of manuscripts together with Rask's own fundamental work became the basis on which a Pali tradition gradually grew up in Denmark; a tradition which is still alive and which may perhaps some day again set flowers as those of the past.
17. In the diarv Rask mentions the names of many natives with whom he has
discussed these matters.
r8. The diary, 8th and 9th April 1822.
9. In March II 822 we learn from Rask's diary that he is overworked. for which
reason he decides to return to Denmark. (see above note 4).
2d. Among the foremost representatives of the Danish Paii-tradition mav lie mentioned V. Fansböll (1821-1908), V. Trenckner (1824-1891), and Dines Andersen (1861-194o).


Page 40
Book Reviews
GHOSH, A: The City in Early Historical India, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla, I973. 22 X I 4 cm., viii + 98 pages; one folding map. Price I7 Indian rupees.
This valuable piece of research in pre-history and proto-history of the Indian sub-continent is the result of the author's work as a Fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla, for a number of years from 1968. Having served a very long time in the Archaeological Survey of India finishing his career as the Head of that well-organized institution GHOSH had a first hand knowledge of the ancient sites of India and finds therefrom. Our author in addition is equipped with a sound first hand knowledge of the old literature of the country he is dealing with- a very necessary pre-requisite in ara undertaking of this nature, - and this is reflected through every page of the monograph. Modern authorities have also been critically examined, and relied on where admissible only; and the thesis is not only a study of the emergence of cities in the early history of India, but an important original contribution to the whole question of urbanization in scveral other regions of the inhabited world, beyond the limits specially selected.
GHOSH takes as his background the urbanism of the Indus valley, to critically examine whether the historical cities in India, mentioned in early literature, and remains of which have been found are a survival or revival of this or, whether they are the result of an entirely different idea. This makes the first chapter a nine of information. The Vedic texts are cited. Taking a number of sites as his remise he concludes that copper (Sanskrit: ayas) was coeval with l'ainted Grey Ware. Geographically the reader is taken from Baluchistan highlands, through the Indus Valley, Ganga-Yamuna dodib and Bihar to Karnataka in the South. He dates the early historical period in the sixth century with the kings and religious teachers whose historicity is reliable, and depends on the lists of political units (mahājana pada, and jana pada), and names of countries and royal personages found in the Buddhist and Jaina literature, and also the Sanskrit epics and purdina texts. With this period he associates the Northern Black Polished Ware. In certain instances iron was at this time substituted for copper-bronze, punched marked coins were prolific in silver, and there were also baked bricks.
The second chapter is devoted to a consideration of circumstances postulated by GORDON CHILDE as events which led to what he called the Urban Revolution. Ten such conditions are briefly defined (pages 23-24). Before coming to the main problem of the thesis, the city in the early historical period of India, the author profounds his main finding: "India had her second urbanism borrowing nothing from the Indus civilization, in the middle of the first millennium B.C., 'after which urbanism has a continuous history in the country.
The third chapter is mainly devoted to units of settlement occurring in ancient Indian Literature. Texts cited are : Kautilya's Arthaidistra, Panini's Astadhyayi, Pataijali's Mahdibhisya, Amarakosa, Mahdvastu, Bhagawat-sitra and Brhat-katha-koga. The modern equivalents used by present day writers for old settlement terms such as jauna pada, mahājanapada, grāma, ghoşa, nagara, LLLLLCCCCSSSLL0CCCCCLLCLLLCCCS LL0CEECCCLGL00S CCGGLCC0CCCS ELCCLC0S CLCLGCCESCCCLCLLS LCCLEELLS LGEES wafika, matamba, sangrahana, Sikhdi-nagava, pattana, puta-bhedana are explained. Referring to a large number of further texts, beginning from the epic Raindyaga, Asvaghosa's Saundara-nanda and Buddhaghosa's Papanicasadani, the
74

BOOK REVIEWS 75
origin of a number of cities such as Kausambi, Rajagha-Girivraja, Kušagranura and Mithila is discussed. Our author, with his first hand experience as a field archaeologist places but little reliance on the conventional picture of cities given in literature (pages 49-5a); and he doubts the distinction given to Taxila as a centre of learning in the Buddhist Jatakas (page 57). Foually instructive is also to learn in connection with places of pilgrimage that even Varanasi was initially only a political and commercial centre, devoid of an
religious importance (page 58).
After the discussion of the literary survey, GHOSH comes to the examination of the archaeological evidence very concisely, but with full references in the copious footnotes for detailed study. Rightly as the reader should expect he leaves out the development of sculpture "as the dates of isolated early stone sculpture have not been established archaeologically'. He has taken up the extent of inhabited area and planning, fortifications, monumental buildings and building-material, sanitary arrangements and coinage. Evidence of horizontal excavations has been made use of to measure the extent of occupation, and the report from the excavator of Atranjikhera has been cited (p. 6c). Some of the other city sites discussed are: Taxila, Sirkap, Sisupalgarh, Kausambi, Ujjain, Rajghat (the site of ancient Varanasi), Ahicchatra, Vaisall, Chandraketugarh, Pataliputra and Hastinapura. Having discussed materials used for building purposes our author concludes 'that burnt brick became popular very well after the appearance of N.B.P. ware'. He adds, "It became common only in the second century B.C. and abundant later on'. Does 'The application of this criterion', to use GHOSH'S own words, "deny a civic status even to those places which were renouned cities at the time of Ruddha ?' Here I should like to draw the reader's attention to H. D. SANKALIA, Indian Archaeology Today, London, page II : "the N R. P. is primarily confined to the Gangetic Valley, having come into existence about the 6th-5th century B.C.' What has the finds of the decade which followed SANKALIA'S statement has to add 2 The Buddhist texts should enlarge our knowledge concerning sanitary arrangements and coinage also.
The sixth, the one but the last chapter is headed, 'Survival 2 Revival Import 2' and is divided into eleven sections. Harappan survivals in historical urbanism are examined with great caution. Commenting on the evidence for Harappan influences on the southern neolithic cultures, particularly black-on-red pottery, GHOSH remarks, "To say that the neolithic folk adopted the Harappan tradition of painting pots but not the potter's wheel is to give away the show; surely, if there was any borrowing at all, it would have been of the technology of the potter's wheel rather than of the tradition of pot painting'. In section 5 of this chapter G. R. SHARMA'S dating of the impressive fortifications of Kausambi (Ewcavations at Kausambi, Allahabad, 1960) has been critically examined, and a later date has been suggested. Our author's conclusion for this chapter is 'that Harappan urbanism could not have even remotely produced or inspired the historical urbanism, for the simple reason that there is no perceptible link between the Harappa and the later Indian cultures' (page 85).
In the cis-Aravalli Banas culture at Gilund (in East Punjab) some lingerin elements of Indus civilization may be surviving. Our author does not accep that later-day Hindu religio-ritualistic practices and spiritual thoughts were derived from Harappa (pages 83-84). He cites SANKALIA'S authority that the so called liga symbols of Mohenjo-daro were found in streets and drains and were not enshrined in rooms as one would expect sacred objects to be. These discussions make the book interesting to a wider reading public other than archaeologists, historians and anthropologists. -
No conclusion has been arrived as to where North West India got the idea of the city from. There was a semblance of a city in the stronghold built by Darius. Nothing Persian has been revealed in the excavations at Charsada and the Bhir mound. Equally the idea of the city could not have come from Central Asia or Afghanistan.


Page 41
76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Wol, XVIII, (New Series), 1974
Our Indian colleagues omit Ceylon in their studies. The primitive fortification of stone of Ritigala a small version of Rajgir, and Anuradhapura where a village (grana) Anurogramma of Ptolomy was converted into a city (pura) at least fall within the period covered by the work of GHOSH. (Inlike in ornate poetry there is a realistic account of Anuradhapura and its suburbs in chapter ten of the Mahdivamsa (verses 3-Io 2), and the commentary to the chronicle supplements the information (see Vamsatthap pakās ni P.T.S. ed. I 955, pages 292-296 pages). Further details of the planning of Anuradhapura are obtainable in the Pali Mahābodhivamsa, the Sinhalese glossarial commentary to the same the Mahabhodhivamsa-gatapadaya and the Sinhala-bodhivamsaya. Some parts of the older parts of the ancient city, including a portion of the Southern Gate have been excavated. See also Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, London, 1960, Vol. I-s.v. Magama in the South of the Island did not attain the status of a pura. Several other seats of rulers remained grima (Pali: goina, Sinhalese gana). Ancient cities and villages in Ceylon should be helpful in a study of the city in early historical India.
The southernnest city in the map is Sisupalgarh, latitude 2c degrees North. In the final short chapter, "Conclusion', GHOSH, after emphatically repeating his theme on the survival of the Harappan culture or an impact of forcign traditions on the early Indian urbanism, justifies the title of his thesis in relation to the area chosen; "No survival nor revival of the long-dead Harappan urban tradition was necessary, and it is certain that there was none. Any motivating foreign influence can be easily ruled out, as it could not have come from any ouarter. In building their cities in the early historical period the people were writing on a clean slate, with no Harapan nor any other mark on it. All these developments took place in North India. They werc to spread to other parts of the country only later on, largely as a result of impact from that region. There is therefore every justification for having confined the present study mainly to the north'
(page 89).
These remarks should be helpful in a critical study of the development of large settlements and cities in Ceylon also as very early the island was influenced by the north-west and then the eastern Gangetic basin of North India.
C. E. GODAKUMBURA.
Maga-salakuna: ed. by Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., 2nd. edin. (Sinhalese), Colombo, 1974, Cr. 8oo, pp. xvi + 59, 2I. 5 14 cm. Rs. 3/5o.
On June 20th I947, the Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris read a quite exhaustive paper on "The Maga-salakuna', and comments on the same were offered by the audience, particularly in regard to the date assigned to the poem by the learned lecturer. (See Journal, vol. XXXVII I947, pp. 205-220 and 244-246).
About the same time there appeared an edition of the poem by the Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris and Mr. M. F. Fernando, with bibliography, English introduction, text with notes in Sinhalese, English translation with notes and two indexes-Sinhalese and English. That edition, published in Colombo bears no date of issue, but the introduction is dated 2 I.6.47. The bibliography appended to the lecture contains further titles and is more detailed than that which opens the first edition.
The present Sinhalese edition which is meant exclusively for the Sinhalese reader rightly contains more Sinhalese titles in its bibliog.aphy (pp. 53-54), but fewer English references. The introduction has been re-written for the non-English educated. Some additional matter has been brought in and material

BOOK REVIEWS 77
has been re-arranged under metre, style and figures of speech. In the geographical accounts Mandairampura-puvata, published in 1958, after the first edition of the poem under review, has been used. The text is identical with the sectional divisions. The notes follow the text, unlike in the first edition where they were printed in the bottom half of the page giving the text. The iew Pali and Sanskrit quotations in the comments, e.g. notes on verses 9, 20, have been left out perhaps as the Sinhalese student is now not interested in these classical disciplines. Further explanations, however, are added.
The Maga-salakuna has a great deal of information very useful for the study of Sinhalese society and the historical geography of the country through which the messenger journeys from Badulla to Kandy. The language and style also is representative of a particular epoch. In making use of Sinhalese texts as source material for any project, one has to be sure of their date. Our reputed editor tenaciously holds on to his decision of dating the poem in the first half of the seventeenth century (A.D. I6I2-I629), making a reference only to the present reviewer's comment in Journal, new series, vol. III, page 55, note II, but takes no notice of the criticisms recorded in vol. XXXVIT, at pages 244-246. Mr. C. M. Austin de Silva who had been librarian in the Colombo Museum for some time and was acquainted with Sinhalese manuscripts had pointed out that no King of Kandy is mentioned in the description of that city, and thus the poem must he placed after A.D. 1815 (Journal cited p. 244). Julius de Lanerolle, the cditor of the Sinhalese Dictionary, has drawn attention to the use of the word dalada-mdiligdiva (p.246). It is possible that the note to verse 203 on page 51, is meant to be taken as an answer to de Lanerolle, but it is vague, and Uda-rata-vitti on which the editor relies does not represent traceable ancient documents. So is the yersion of the Mandavampuya-puvata published in 1958 (See Godakumbura: Šāstriya li p i hā kathā, I97II, page 32í).
Our editor in order to get his date forces a meaning to Kundird sinhdisanaya in verse 33 line I, in taking it to stand for Kumarasimha or Kumara-asthana, the son of King Vimaladharma-sūriya. (A.D. I 593-I 6o4) and Dona Catherina, the prince to whom was allotted the Uva Kingdom. Sinhalese versification of this period was not free from repetition (punar-ukta), and both kumira-simhdisanaya and bara-nata-simhd panaya in lines T and 4 respectively of the verse cited mean the "the throne of Skanda'. Bara-neta in line 4 means the Twelve-eyed God, that is Skanda or Karttikeya. Kumara in line I also means the same. Reference may be made to any well-known Sanskrit Dictionary, Monier-Williams, Macdonell, Apte, etc. Skanda is represented as a beautiful youth. One may also compare the use of the title of Kalidasa's poem the Kundira-sambhava, the Birth of Kumara, the War. god. Note also Mallinatha's explanations on the Raghuvamsa: III, 55 : ku4mnôira-vikramah = k umôirasya skandasva vikramnaß iva...ibid. V, 36: kumôira-kalbamn = skanda—sadréam-.
Further, even if there were a tradition" that the Simhasana-throne was built by Prince Kumarasimha it need not necessarily follow that the poem, the Maga-salak una, was contemporaneous. One does not notice any evidence in the description of Radulla, Diyatilakapura or Senkadagla-pura to ascribe the poem to the early seventeenth century. They are imitations of the stereotyped accounts of cities obtained in kdiuva court-epics, except for the mention of an important monument in the city, or nearby.
The poem, however, is valuable in other respects. The historian's attention should be drawn to verse 2 I line 4: c225 2.g3 ce. 882 a 3832 where the poet follows the tradition that appears to have gained ground in the Kotte times, namely, that it is the right canine tooth of the Buddha that was brought to the Sinhalese Island from Kalinga and enshrined in the Tooth Relic Temple in the capital. In the ancient tradition it was the left canine tooth. (See Daladaisivita, ed. E. S. Rajasekera, Colombo, 1920, pp. IS-19). The Rajavaliya, the present text began in about the Kotte times, and continued up to later times records a tradition of a right Tooth Relic (op.cit. ed. B. Gunasekera,f


Page 42
, 78 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series), Ig74
Colombo, I9 I, p. 37. This is the sort of information that makes the efforts to publish the lesser known Sinhalese texts the more welcome. The linguistic peculiarities, including orthography, are of immense value in the tracing of the development of the language. The editor has corrected the orthography, and this gives a wrong picture of the state of the Sinhalese language at the relevant period. In the use of n, n, l, l, the author himself would not have followed the classical rules. And what was the need to change Sengagiagala to Senkadagala in verse 22 2 We are grateful to the editor for the few MS readings he has preserved in the notes.
It is a pity that verse 29 which is a contrastto the next verse has heen omitted from the text. The inquisitive peruser's attention would be better drawn to it now placed among the notes (p. 32). One can understand the difficulties in rendering verse 29 into English, in the first edition, but in the present Sinhalese edition notes could have been easily written. Here is a rare phrase lina ('eld in line 4. Is this the Sanskrit past passive participle liza employed as a borrowed word ? A lexicographer will fiind this a rare occurrence.
All students of the Sinhalese language, literature, history of Ceylon and sociology should be grateful to His Lordship the Rt. Rev. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I. for presenting to us the rare Sinhalese texts which are now difficult to be got at
o 拳 al
For a tradition relating to the foundation of the Badulla Kataragama devāle see JCBRAS., NS. Vol. XV (I 971), p. 8.
top cit: guha-sīva nam vaju ata tibū dakuņu daļadā-sāmīn. B. Gunasekara,
ibid., translation, Igoo, p. 53: 'king Guhasiva. . . . . had in his possession the Right Tooth-relic (of Buddha).' MSS of the Rajivaliya has dakuru, See A. V. Suravira, Ph.D.- Thesis Rdidualiya now being published. Watuwatte Pemananda Bhikkhu in his Raydivaliva, ed. Colombo, I926, p. 5 I has omitted dakuru perhaps in an attempt to make this Sinhalese chronicle tally with the Pali, the Maháāvansa.
July II, 975. - C. E. GOD A KUMBURA.

Office-Bearers for 1974/75
Patron
His Excellency Mr. William Gopallawa, M.B.E., President, Republic of SriLanka.
President
Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., B.Sc., Ph.D., LL.D. (London).
Past Presidents
Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D., B.A. R. L. Brohier, O.B.E., F.R.I.C.S., F.R.G.S., D.Litt. G. C. Mendis, D.Litt., Ph.D., (London). N. D. Wijesekera, B.A. (Hons.) London; B.A. (Tripos) Cantab; M.A.
(Cantato.) Ph.D. (Calcutta). C. E. Godakumbura, M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt., (London).
Vice-Presidents
Prof. K. W. Goonewardena, Ph.D. (London). Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi, Ph.D. (London), Ph.D. (Calcutta). Prof. M. B. Ariyapala, Ph.D. (London).
Members of the Council
Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, J.P.U.M. Mr. D. G. Dayaratne, B.A. (Hons.) London. Mr. Th. W. Hoffmann, M.Sc.Agri. (Zurich). ID. C. Gunawardena, M.Sc., Ph.D. (London). Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, B.A. (London). Prof. N. Mudiyanse, Ph.D. (Ceylon). Mr. D. J. Moldrich. Prof. T. Nadaraja, Ph.D. (Cantab.). Mr. G. P. S. H. de Silva, B.A. (Ceylon) Prof. K. Kularatnam, Ph.D. (Lond.), M.A. (Lond.) Mr. Roland Silva, A.R.I.B.A., F.C.I.A. Mr. S. D. Saparamadu.
Јt. Hony. Secretaries Mr. P. R. Sittampalam, J.P. K. M. W. Kuruppu.
Нопу. Treasurer Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail, J.P.U.M., M.A. (Cantab.) LL.B. (London).
15437-3*


Page 43
Annual Report for 1973
am)
Meetings.--Three Council Meetings were held during the year 1973. The I27th Annual General Meeting was held on 28th December 1973. The Presidential address was delivered by Dr. N. D. Wijesekera on "A Plea for Humanistic Studies and Research in Sri Lanka'.
We thank the University authorities for allowing us the use of the New Arts Theatre and the Biology Lecture Hall, free of charge, for our Lectures and Council Meetings.
Membership.--7 new members were admitted during the year. The
Society had at the end of I973 on its roll 415 members. Of these 6 were Honorary
Members, 201 Life Members (Resident and Non-Resident), I88 Ordinary Resident Members, and 20 Ordinary Non-Resident Members.
It is with sorrow that the Society records the deaths in 1973 of the following members: Mr. Wilmot A. Perera, Dr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala, Ven. G. Sri Dheerananda. Thero, Dr. G. P. Malalasekera ad Ven. M. Pannallankara Thero.
Life Members.-The following ordinary members were transferred as Life Members of the Society under Rule 36 of the Constitution and Rules: Messrs. J. P. Obeyesekera, M. J. Perera, R. J. G. de Mel, Sir Razik Fareed, Dr. D. C. Gunawardena, Messrs. H. A. J. Hulugalle, E. S. Mohotti, B. J. Perera, L. J. de S. Seneviratne, P. A. Silva, S. Somasundaram, H. P. Wanigatunga and N.P. Wijeyeratine.
The following ordinary members were transferred as Life Members from 1973. Professor B. A. Abeywickrema, Mrs. M. D. M. Perera, Messrs. P. T. Perera and T. G. Piyadasa.
Office-Bearers of the Society for the year 1973: Patron: His Excellency Mr. William Gopallawa, M.B.E. President of Sri Lanka.
President: Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, Ph.D.
Past Presidents: His Lordship Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Drs. R. L. Brohier, G. C. Mendis, N. D. Wijesekera and C. E. Godakumbura.
Vice Presidents: Prof. K. W. Goonewardena, Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., and
Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi.
Members of the Council: Messrs. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, D. G. Dayaratne, Prof. B. A. Abeywickrema, Messrs. J. T. Rutnam, Th. W. Hoffmann, Prof. M. B. Ariyapala, Dr. D. C. Gunawardena, Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, Prof. N. Mudiyanse, Mr. D. J. Moldrich, Prof. T. Nadaraja and Mr. G. P. S. H. de Silva.
Joint Honorary Secretaries: Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu. Honorary Treasurer : Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail.
ii

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1973 iii
Library.-I4. Miscellaneous Journals and Periodicals were received as donations from local and foreign institutions and individuals and 248 Journals and Periodicals in exchange for the Society's Journal. A list of all such donations and exchanges is published annually in the Society's Journal.
Publications.-Journal Vol. XVII for 1973 is being printed and will be distributed to members shortly.
Library Books.-Several members who borrow books from the Society's Library do not all return the books within the time specified in Rules 43 to 48, and this has caused considerable inconvenience to other members and visitors. Members are kindly requested to abide by the Rules.
P. R. Sittampaiam K. M. W. Kuruppu, Joint Honorary Secretaries.


Page 44
Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1973
The Balance Sheet for the year ended 31st December 1973 discloses an Excess of Expenditure over Income of a sum of Rs. 1,235. 14.
The Bank Balances were: 49
Rs... cts,
I. State Bank of India 8 II, 62o . I 8 2. Ceylon Savings Bank 0 4,73 .00 3. Chalmers Oriental Text Fund . . 4,б35 - 43 4. Society Medal Fund A a 0 3,39ο 46 5. Chinese Records Translation Fund 6,6ვ6.96 Receipts by way of Annual Subscriptions
amounted to br 8 Ι,76o.oo Arrears of Subscriptions recovered
amounted to O R. 1,2O3 . Oο Entrance Fees is a 7o.oo Life Membership fees 0. 255.00 Sale of Journals A dy a I, ο Ι6 56
A sum of Rs. 45/- was expended on purchase of books. A sum of Rs. 6,63o.88 is due as arrears of Subscription for 1973 and earlier.
Attention must be invited to the remissness of a large number of members in payment of their subscriptions. Action has been taken by writing to the defaulting members on several occasions requesting payment of the arrears. but no response has been received.
Efforts to recover the arrears of subscriptions are being continued. Defaulting members are not allowed the use of the Library, and the Journals of the Society are also not made available to them until they have paid their membership subscriptions.
Members are reminded that from 1967 the annual subscription of the Society has been increased from Rs. 5/- to Rs. 2 os- for Resident members and from Rs. 7/5o to Rs. Io/- for Non-Resident members.
The Society would be greatly obliged if members would pay their annual subscriptions regularly and promptly, and thus avoid the need for unnecessary expenditure on postage and reminders.
(Sgd.) A. H. M. Ismail, How9ሃaሃy TyeaStፊነeነ”. Colombo, 6th December, 1974.

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(qɔuzug zauzi ES) ALAIDOS OILVISV TVXOI


Page 45
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Sri Lanka Branch)
Current Assets as at 31st December, 1973
Schedule B -
Rs... cts. Rs... cts, Arrears of Subscription for 1973 and earlier
years O. O. e O 6,630.88 Educational Publications Dept. .. e as 179.72
Cash and Bank Balances State Bank of India. . . as ... 11,620.18 Ceylon Savings Bank . . ... 4,731.00 Cash in Hand () ) o u w 15.92 . Stamps in Hand 520 16,372.30
Total as shown in Balance Sheet Rs... 23, 182.90
PROVISIONS & CURRENT LIABILITIES
Schedule B II
Rs... cts. Rs... cts.
Provisions w Audit Fee 1973 Messrs. Pope & Co. . . 35000 Current Liabilities Sale of Journals-Vol. VI, ... 1,362. 15 Dept. of Cultural Affairs ... 10,000.00 Subscriptions paid in advance .. es 52.50 11,414.65 Total as shown in Balance Sheet .. Rs... 11,764.65 =്ടത്ത്
ASSETS REPRESENTING SPECIFIC FUNDS AS AT 31.12.1973
Schedule B
Rs... cts. Ceylon Savings Bank Account No. 133495
Chalmers Oriental Text Fund .. . . . . 4,635.43 Ceylon Savings Bank Account No. 141850
Chinese Records Translation Fund go to to 6,636.96 Ceylon Savings Bank Account No. 226282
Society Medal Fund O O to 3,390.46
Total as shown in Balance Sheet .. Rs... 14662.85
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(qɔueigequoiĮIS) ÄLGIOOS OLLWISV TVĀORI


Page 46
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Sri Lanka Branch)
GENERAL, EXPENSES
SCHEDULE E1
Rs... cts. Salaries S o O to e 5,100.00 Bicycle Allowance . . s a a 60.00 Printing & Stationery o, 57.24 Bonus to Peon 8 o e 15.00 Audit Fees . O 350.00 Audit Expenses B 8 P 0 35.00 Postage O. O. O 316.15 Lectures & Meetings 4 s s 25.50 Purchase of Books . . to . 45.00 Bank Charges p . . . . . . 11.70 Maintenance of Typewriter .. 42.00 Bank Debit Tax O. O. O. O. up a • 12.92. Commission on Sale of Journal .. O 71.40 Travelling 1.50 Sundry Expenses d O 33.00
Rs. 6646.41
—
geslagmamama
viii

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Receipts and Payments Account for the
Cash and Bank Balances on 1.1.1973
State Bank of India. . . Ceylon Savings Bank . . . . e. Cash in Hand e O " . . Stamps in Hand , a 0
General Account
Life Members .. ҹ* * Arrears of Subscription ..
Current Subscription .. Entrance Fees .. 8 Sale of Journals g a
Sale of Journals Vol. VI Interest from Ceylon Savings Bank Repayment of Staff Loans go o Subscriptions in Advance 8) Withdrawal from Savings Bank Medal Fund
Rs... cts. Rs... cts.
17,540.58
4,413.48
110.37
1.45 22,065.88
255.00 1,203.00 1,760.00
7000
1,016.56
75.00 317.52
220.00
52.50 250.00 5,219.58
Rs... 27,285.46
-mlm topp


Page 47
(SRI LANKA BRANCH) Year Ended 31st December, 1973
Rs... cts. Rs. cts/ General Account
Salaries a A KP 5,100.00 Bicycle Allowance o o to b 60.00 Purchase of Books s 8 45.00 Printing and Stationery 517.24 Lectures and Meetings . . . . . 25.50 Postage 8 8 & 316.15 Bank Charges . . a KA AP o 0 11.70 Bonus to Peon 4) Ab s a o 15.09. Commission on Sale of Journals Ο και 71.40 Income Tax .. s e to a 430.00 Bank Debit Tax 0 8 a 1292 Travelling e Νν Κ». 9 v. 11.50 Audit Fees & Expenses .. a 335.00 Colombo Apothecaries' Ltd. s s o 3,586.75 Cost of Medals . . 4 A 300.00 Maintenance of Typewrite 4200 Sundry Expenses 9 KWA 33.00 10,913. 16
Cash and Bank Balances on 31.12.1973 State Bank of India . . ... 11,620.18 Ceylon Savings Bank . . O ... 4,731.00 Cash in Hand p O 8 O 15.92 Stamps in Hand , 5.20 16,372.30
Rs... 27,285.46
ܟܬܒܫܒܐ ܩܡܒܣܡܒܘܕܒܝܩܪ

Abstract of Proceedings
Minutes of the 127th Annual General Meeting of the Sri Lanka
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held at 5.15 p.m. on
Friday 28th December 1973, at the New Arts Theatre,
University of Sri Lanka, Colombo.
Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, the President of the Society, presided. A large gathering of members and visitors were present.
Absent.-Letters received from Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy and Professor K. W. Goonewardene intimating their inability to attend the meeting, were tabled.
Vote of Condolence.-The President proposed a vote of condolence on the death of the following members of the Society during the year Ig72 and 1973: Prof. S. Paranavitana and Dr. P. E. P. Deraniyagala (Former Presidents of the Society), Dr. G. P. Malalasekera and Mr. Wilmot A. Perera (Former Members of the Council) and the Ven. G. Sri Dheerananda. Thero (Life Member) The President referred to the services rendered by each of them and mentioned that they were of considerable service to the Society and their contributions to the discussions of the Council were always very useful. The vote of condolence was passed in the usual manner.
BUSNESS
Minutes.-The President called upon Mr. P. R. Sittampalam the Honorary Secretary to read the Minutes of the I26th Annual General Meeting held on 29th September I972. Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., proposed the adoption of the Minutes, which was seconded by Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi. The Minutes were adopted unanimously. The President called upon Mr. P. R. Sittampalam the Honorary Secretary to read the Annual Reports of the Society for the years I97 and Ig72, which had been printed and circulated among the members. Mr. J. T. Rutnam proposed the adoption of the Annual Reports for 1971 and I972, which were seconded by Prof. K. Kularatnam.
Audited Statement of Accounts and Honorary Treasurer's Reports for 1971 and 1972.--Dr. N. Mudiyanse proposed and Mr. Th. W. Hoffmann seconded the adoption of the audited statement of accounts and Hony. Treasurer's Reports, which had been printed and circulated among the members. The Statement of Accounts and the Reports were adopted unanimously.
Donations.-The Hony. Secretary announced the names of the Donors from whom donations of books had been received during the year under review.
Acquisitions.-The Hony. Secretary tabled the list of books which had been purchased during the year under review and announced that the list of books donated to the Society and acquired by the Society were available at the Society's Library for perusal by the members.
Announcement of New Members.-The Hony. Secretary announced the names of Io new members who had been admitted during the year 1973.
The President announced that the Council of the Society has decided that the Society's Medal donated in 1945 by Lady Hilda Pieris in memory of her uncle the late Hon'ble Sir Christopher Obeysekera to be awarded once in 3 years at the Council's discretion to such member as in its opinion has made a contribution towards the furtherance of the Society's aims, which merits special
xi


Page 48
xii JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series,) I974
recognition, should be awarded to the Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Emeritus Bishop of Chilaw and to Dr. Nandadeva Wijesekera. At the request of the President Mr. D. G. Obeyesekera presented the two medals.
The President announced that under section 2I of the Constitution and Rules of the Society Mr. N. P. Wijeyeratne and Mr. W. B. Marcus Fernando had retired from the Council, and therefore Council recommended the election; of Prof. T. Nadaraja and Mr. A. Devaraja in their places. Council also recommended that Mr. P. R. Sittampalam and Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu be re-elected Joint Hony. Secretaries, Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail be re-elected Hony. Treasurer and Messrs. Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants be re-elected Auditors. Proposed by Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., and seconded by Prof. M. B. Ariyapala.
Mr. L. A. Adithiya explained regarding the land site for the building of the Society.
Lecture.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, President of the Society, then delivered his Presidential Address on 'A Plea for Humanistic Studies and Research in Sri Lanka.
Vote of Thanks.--Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., proposed a vote of thanks to the President.
The President in winding up the proceedings thanked the members and guests for their presence.
The meeting was then declared closed.
COUNCIL MEETING Summary of Proceedings
Date & Venue. --28th February I974 at 5.15 p.m. at the Biology Lecture Hall.
Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, President in the Chair, and the following members: Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Messrs. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, J. T. Rutnam, Th. W. Hoffmann, Dr. D. C. Gunewardene, Dr. N. Mudiyanse, Mr. D. J. Moldrich, Prof. T. Nadaraja, Al-Haj. A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu (Joint Hony Secı eteries).
Minutes.--The Minutes of the meeting held on 3o.II. 73 were confirmed.
Election of New Members.-5 new members were elected. Mr. S. S. Wijesinghe (Life Member) Mr. V. Mutu Cumara Swamy (Non-Resident member) Mr. A. L. de Silva, Mr. N. F. Gunesekera, Rev. Fr. Marius Peiris.
Donations.-Sir D. B. Jayatilake Biography by Dr. N. D. Wijesekera; The Journal of the Tamil Studies (Reprint) by Mr. J. R. Sinnatamby; Colombo Plan-Intra-Regional Technician Training by the Director, Colombo Plan Bureau.
The Council was informed that a sum of Rs. 6, ooo/- was received from the Govt. by way of Grant for I973. In order to get an enhanced grant, the President suggested that a deputation consisting of Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., Prof. T. Nadaraja, Dr. D. C. Gunewardena and Hony. Secretary, should interview the Minister of Cultural Affairs and get the grant increased.
The Council was informed that a sum of Rs. 6,ooo/- was paid to the Colombo Apothecaries' Co., Ltd. for printing and supplying 8oo copies of R.A.S. Journals Vol. I6 (Ig72) and 3oo copies of the Index to Journals. Council agreed that in view of the high cost of printing and paper, R.A.S. Journal Vol. 16 (1972) should be sold for Rs. 15/- and the Index for Rs. Iof-. -
Tabled Mr. A. Devaraja's letter, and the Council accepting his suggestion elected Mr. G. P. S. H. de Silva, Asst. Director, National Archives to the Council in place of Mr. A. Devaraja, who is away from the island at present.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEDINGS xiii
The Council agreed to transfer Mr. S. Somasundaram to the list of Life Members of the Society, under Rule 36 of the Constitution.
The resignation of Mr. Percy Colin-Thome was accepted.
Permission was granted by the Council to write-off the sum of Rs. 6ofdie as subscriptions for Ig7 I-73 from the late Mr. Wilmot Perera.
Permission was granted by the Council to keep open the Society's Library on Saturdays and Sundays from Io a.m. to 4 p.m. in order to enable the members to make use of the Library, and to close the Library on Mondays and Tuesdays instead, and on all public holidays, in view of the five day week.
Programme of Lectures.--Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., agreed to deliver a lecture on 'Administration of Justice by the Kings of Sri Lanka on I 8th March I974. Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., agreed to deliver a lecture on 'The Origin of the Sinhala Nadagam' in May or June I974.
The Hony. Secretary Mr. P. R. Sittampalam appealed to the Members of the Council to contribute suitable articles for the next publication of the Society's Journal.
Special allowance to the Librarian and the Peon. The Council autho: rised payment of Rs. 2 of- to the Librarian, and Rs. 5/- to thé peon as a special allowance with effect from 1.2.74.
Date & Venue.-27th June 1974 at 5. I5 p.m. at the Law Faculty, Colombo Campus.
Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, President in the Chair, and the following members: Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi, Dr. R. L. Brohier, Messrs. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, J.T. Rutnam, Th. W. Hoffmann, Dr. D. C. Gunewardene, Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, Prof. N. Mudiyanse, Prof. T. Nadaraja, Mr. G. P. S. H. de Silva and Mr. P. R. Sittampalam (Hony. Secretary).
Vote of Condolence.-The President proposed a vote of condolence on the death of Mr. D. C. R. Gunewardene, a former Member of the Council of the Society. The vote of condolence was passed in the usual manner.
Minutes.--The Minutes of the meeting held on 28.2.74, were confirmed. Election of New Members.-3 new members were elected: Messrs. Chula de Silva, K. Ratnayake and U. L. Kadurugamuwa.
Donations.--Ancient Ceylon No. 1-Journal of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon (off-print) and Artibus Asiae Vol. 28 and Vol. 34 (off-prints) by Dr.
L. Prematilleke; Journal Tamil Studies-The Pandyans (reprint) by Mr. J. R. Sinnatamby.
Acceptance of the grant of land by the Colombo Race Course Development Committee to the Society for Institution Building. The council decided to accept the offer and when the decision was communicated to the Ministry of Housing and Construction, we were advised that until the Cabinet Committee approved the proposal, the grant of land cannot be confirmed.
The Council resolved that the printing of the Journal vol. XVII (1973) should be entrusted to the Colombo Apothecaries' Co., Ltd., as in the past.
Book Review.-'University of Ceylon-History of Ceylon, Vol. 3' to be referred to Prof. N. Mudiyanse.
The resignation of Mr. G. A. Pieris was accepted.
Date & Venue.-22nd November 1974 at 5.15 p.m. at the Law Faculty, Colombo Campus.
Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, President, in the Chair, and the following members: Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi; Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty; Mr. D. G. Dayaratne; Prof. B. A. Abeywickrema; Mr. J. T. Rutnam; Prof. M. B. Ariyapala; Dr. D. C. Gunewardene; Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy; Prof. N. Mudiyanse; Mr. D. J. Moldrich; Prof. T. Nadaraja;


Page 49
xiv. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI IANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974
Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu (Joint Honorary Secretaries).
Minutes.-The Minutes of the Meeting held on 7th June 1974.
Election of New Members.-2 new members were elected. Mr. Sumitta Kuruppu and Mr. N. A. L. Bilimoria.
Donations.-Wesley College Centenary 1974 by Mr. A. E. H. Sanderatne; Studies in Medical Herbaria (off-print) during the Portuguese and Dutch Times in Sri Lanka by Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I.; Ist Annual Report of the Marga Institute by Marga Institute; The Colombo Plan for Co-operative Economic Development in South and South-East Asia by the Director Colombo Plan; Senerath Paranavitana Memorial Volume (Sinhalese) by Sanskruthi Dept.; Scientific Documentation in Sri Lanka (Ceylon); Prolegomena to Cooperation and Co-ordination by Mr. H. A. I. Goonetileke; An Etymological and Comparative Lexicon of the Tamil Language-4 parts and "We Relations'. Author Rev. Dr. H. S. David, by Mr. A. M. Selvanayagam.
Purchases.-The Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies-New Series Vol. 3 No. I was purchased.
Annual General Meeting-Council resolved that the Annual General
Meeting should be held on 2 oth December 1974 at 5.30 p.m. The title of the Presidential address to be "Slavery in Sri Lanka'.
Nomination of Office-Bearers for the ensuing year:
President.--Dr. H. W. Tambiah in place of Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, who retired under Rule I8.
Members to the Council-Prof. K. Kularatnam and Mr. Roland Silva were proposed for election to the Council in place of Prof. B. A. Abeywickrema and Mr. J. T. Rutnam, who retired under Rule 2 I. Messrs. M. St. S. Casie Chetty and D. G. Dayaratne were nominated for re-election.
Joint Honorary Secretaries.-Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu, who retired under Rule 2 o, were nominated for re-election,
Honorary Treasurer.-Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail, who retired under Rule 2O, was nominated for re-election.
Auditors.-Messrs. Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants, were nominated as auditors of the Society.
The Audited Statement of Accounts.-The Hony. Treasurer's report and Hony. Secretaries' annual report for the year I973, were accepted for submission at the Annual General Meeting.
Council was informed that a sum of Rs. 35o/- was paid to Messrs. Pope &
Co.
Book Review.—The book “A Critical Pali Dictionary” Vol. 2 Fasc 8, was referred to Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi for review. It was decided that the book "University of Ceylon-History of Ceylon, Vol. 3 from the beginning of the 19th century to 1948' by Dr. K. M. de Silva be returned to the author with regrets because the Council was unable to accept the Author's directions as regards the person to whom the Council should refer the book for review.
Tabled the report of the deputation interviewed with the Minister of Cultural Affairs.
Permission was granted to transfer Dr. A. S. Sinnatamby to the list of Nonresident members of the Society from I975 as he is leaving the island for Singapore.
Mr. A. D. T. E. Perera's letter was tabled and the Hony. Secretary was requested to write to the Editors of the Journals mentioned in Mr. Perera's letter in order to obtain their Journals on exchange basis.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEDINGS sky
The correspondence with regard to the acquisition of land for the Society's building was read by the Hony. Secretary.
Council was informed that Mr. T. G. Piyadasa, having paid his balance subscriptions, has become a Life Member of the Society.
Mr. Th. W. Hoffmann's letter on the preservation of typical Dutch Fort Buildings and Towns etc., was tabled.


Page 50
PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED IN EXCHANGE PERIOD 10.73 TO 309.74.
America
American Oriental Society John Hopkins University
Smithsonian Institute
Australia
Royal Society of New South
Wales . . «v m
Burna
Brunei The Brunei Museum
Ceylon
Ceylon Forester
Department of Archaeology
Department of Census and Sta
tistics
Director, National Museums Engineering Association of
Ceylon
University of Sri Lanka
Denmark
Det Kongelige Danske Videns
abernes Selskab . . as
England
John Rylands Library Royal Asiatic Society (Great Britain and Ireland) Royal Commonwealth Society Royal Geographical Society Imperial Chemical Industries . .
India Office Library ..
School of Oriental and African
Studies
France - Journal Asiatique
Journal Vol. 93 Nos. 2-3. f American Journal of Philology. Vol. 94 Nos. I-3. Year Book I 973; Contributions to Astrophysics Vol. I2 and 13.
Journal and Proceedings Vol. Io5 parts 3-4; Vol. Io6 parts I-4; Vol. Io7 parts I-2.
Report of the Director, Archaeological Survey for the year ending 30-9-1963.
Journal-Vol. 3 No. I.
Vol. II. Nos. I-2. Epigraphical Notes-No. 13.
Statistical Pocket Book I972 (Sinhalese and English); Lanka Varshika Granthaya, I97o (Sinhalese).
Periodicals Directory I972.
Transactions for Ig73; Quarterly Journal and Year Book Ig73; Quarterly Journal-Vol. I Nos. 3-4. Modern Ceylon Studies-Vol. 2 Nos. I-2.
Historisk Filologiske Meddelelser, Bind 46 Nos. I-3; Bind 47 No. I.
Bulletin-Vol. 55 No. 2; 56 No. 1. Journal-I973 Nos. I-2.
Journal-Vol. 15 No. 2; 17 No. 4.
Journal-Vol. I39 part 2. Endeavour-Vol. 32 Nos. II6 and II, 7; Vol. 33 No. III 8. Report for the year ended 31st March 1968 and I972.
Bulletin Vol. 36 No. 2 and 3; 37 part I.
Report of the Governing Body.
Tome-CCLXII Nos. I-2.
xvi

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED Xνii
Germany Baessler Archiv
Holland Koninklijke Voor, Taal-Land
En Volkenkunde u Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie Van Wetenschappen, Afd letter- kunde Kern Institute Rijksherbarium Leiden
Hungary Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia
India
Adyar Library and Research
Centre . . Deccan College Research Insti
tute Indian Council for Cultural
Relations
Mysore Economic Review Oriental Institute, Baroda.
Soil and Water Conservation . . The Maha Bodhi
Italy
Instituto Italiano Per IL
Medio Ed. Extreme Oriente
Historical Institute of the
Society of Jesus
Sarawak Sarawak Museum
Unesco
Vietnam
De la Societe Des Etudes Indo
chinoises 0.
L'Ecole Francaise D'Extreme
Orient
Neue Folge-Band XIV (1971) XLIV Heft 2: XX (I972).
Bijdragen, Deel 129 No. 2.
Meddedelingen, Deel 36 Nos. 4-7; Deel 37 No. I. Blumea, Vol. 2 I Nos. I -2.
Acta Orientalia, Tomus 27 Fasc. I-3; Tomus 28 Fasc. II.
Bulletin-Vol. 37 (II 973).
Bulletin-Vol. 3o.
Cultural News-Vol. I 4 Nos. 4-6; Vol. I 5 Nos. I-2. Vol. 58 Nos. 7-I, 2; 59 Nos. 2-4 and 6. . Journal-Vol. 23 Nos. I-3.
Journal-Vol. I 8 Nos. 3-4; I9 Nos. I-4. Vol. 8 I Nos. 5-I 2; 82 Nos. I-2.
East and West Vol. 22 Nos. 3-4.
Archivum Historicum-Anno 4 I i Fasc. 8I and 82; Anno 42 Fasc. 83 and 84.
Journal-Vol. 2o Nos. 4o-4 II (N.S.)
Indian Science Abstracts-Vols. 5; 6;8 and 9.
Bulletin-Tome 48 No. 4; 49 Nos. I-3.
Publications-Vol. XC; XCIIII; LXXXIV LXXXVIII.
- − PUBLICATIONSADDED TO THE LIBRARY
DONATIONS 110.73 TO 30.9.74
Director, The Colombo Plan
Bureau . .
Marga Institute
Colombo Plan-Intra-Regional Technician. Training. The Colombo Plan for Co-operative Economic Development in South and South East-Asia. 1st Annual Report of the Marga Institute.


Page 51
xviii JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVIII, (New Series), 1974 Peiris, O.M.I., Rt. Rev. Dr.
Edmund . Studies of Medical Herbaria (Translation)
During the Portuguese and Dutch Times in Sri Lanka.
Prematilake, Dr. L. . . ... Ancient Ceylon-No. I-Journal of the
Archaeological Survey of Ceylon (off-print). Artibus Asiae—Vol. 28 and 34 (off-print).
Sanderatne, A. E. H. ... Wesley College Centenary 1974.
Sanskruthi Department . . Senerath Paranavitana-Memorial Volume.
Sinnatamby, J. R. . . ... Journal of Tamil Studies (Reprint).
Journal of Tamil Studies (Reprint) The Pandyans.
Wijesekera, N. D. . . . . . Sir D. B. Jayatilake Biography,
PURCHLASED
- 10-73 TO 30.9.74.
The Ceylon Journal of Historical
and Social Studies ... Vol. 3 No. 1 (New Series).
MEMBERS ADMITTED DURING THE YEAR 1974
Non-Resident Ordinary Member
Muttu Cumara Swamy, W. Teacher, 4. Thurleigh Court, Nightingale Lane,
London, S.W.I2.
Life Member Resident
Wijesinha, Samson Sena, Clerk to the National State Assembly 8, Alfred House
Road, Colombo 3.
Ordinary Resident Members Billimoria, N. A. L., Planter, Niriella Estate, Uda-Karawita. De Silva, Anslem. L., Faculty of Medicine, Peradeniya. De Silva, Chula., Advocate, 21 / I, Bullers Lane, Colombo 7.
Gunesekera, N. F., Medical Officer Port (Cargo) Corporation, No. 2, Longden
Terrace, Colombo 7.
Kadurugamuwa, U. L., Attorney-at-Law, 98, D. S. Senanayake Mawatha,
Colombo 8.
Kuruppu, Sumitta., Attorney-at-Law, Colombo Municipal Council, No. 45
Kuruppu Road, Borella.
Peiris, Rev. Fr. Marius., B.A. (Cey.) S.T.L. (Rome) Professor of Theology.
National Seminary, Kandy.
Ratnayake, Kolitha, Mercantile Executive, No. 6, 28th Lane, Off Flower Road,
Colombo 7.
Change of Address-Life Members بیر Abraham, V. B. S., 243, Hultsdorp Street, Colombo I2. Cumaranasinghe, N., “Mihira” 25, Pokuna Mawatha, Boralesgamuwa. De Silva, Miss M., 1.6, George E. de Silva Mawatha, Kandy. Dharmaratne, M., 3I8, Ratnasiri, Makola North, Kelaniya. Don Peter, The Rt. Rev. Mgr. Dr. W. L. A., Archbishop's House, Colombo 8. Fernando, W. B. Mạrcus, 63, Kent Road, Colombo 9.

xix.
Goonewardena, Prof. K. W., 22/3, Old Galaha Road, Peradeniya.
Jayasena, K. L. A. D., M.A. (Cey.), Dip.in. Edu. (C.E.O.) F 22, Marapona,
Kegalle.
Panawatta, Senerath, I6, Deepthi Mawatha, Watapuluwa.
Housing Scheme, Kandy.
Perera, Fr. G. Quintus., Bishop’s House, Chilaw. Saparamadu, S. D., II 29, Dutugemunu Street, Dehiwela. Thambinayagam, Prof. Xavier S. Bishops House, Velalai, Nilaveli, Jaffna. Thananjayarajasingham, Dr. S., Vidyalankara Campus, Kelaniya. Weerakoon, T. B., 35/7, Raymond Road, Nugegoda. Wijayasundera, Senerat, Buddhist Encyclopaedia Office, 7, Reid Avenue,
Colombo 7.
Ordinary Resident Members Abeyawardena, H. A. P., I/Io, Sulaiman Terrace, Colombo 5. Arumugam, S., 4/7 I, Polhengoda Road, Talakotuwa, Colombo 5. De Silva, L. D., 4, Colombo Road, Kurunegala. De Fonseka, D. R. H., P.O. Box 93, Colombo. David, Rev. Dr. H. S., Holy Family Convent, Mattekele, Talawakele.
Fernando, M. R., Dept. of History, Vidyalankara Campus, University of Ceylon,
Kelaniya.
Goonewardena, J. S., 7, Boyd Place, Colombo 3. Moonesinghe, S. L., II 2, Hospital Road, Kalubowila, Dehiwala. Marcan-Markar, A. H., C/o. MICH, 3rd Floor, 27, Bristol Street, Colombo I.
Perera, Prof. L. S., Commonwealth Secretariat, Marlborough House, Pall Mall,
London SWIY, 5 AX, U.K.
Prematilleke, Dr. L., 532/2, Seibel Place, Kandy. Pathirana-Wimaladharma, K., B.A. (Socio.) Cey., C.A.S., Director, Agriculture
Diversification Project, Peradeniya. Poologasingham, Dr. P., 37-32nd Lane, Wellawatta. Perera, A. D. T. E., “Gauri” I 4, Sarikkamulla, Moratuwa. Silva, P. A., "Kusumsiri" 4, Inner Bagatalle Road, Colombo 3. St. John, R. B. L., 44.9/3, Galle Road, Mt.Lavinia. Wijesinghe, Premachandra, Sub. Dept. of English, Vidyodaya Campus, Univer
sity of Sri Lanka, Nugegoda. t Wijesundera, Premaratne, 415, High Level Road, Nugegoda,
NOTICE. To CoNTRIBUToRs
The editor welcomes from the members original and previously unpublished material for publication in the Journal. "Copy' should be typed in double spacing with a generous margin at the left hand side of a sheet.
In view of the high cost of printing photoprints as illustrations must be kept down to the barest minimum. Likewise scripts should be in their final form. When the article has been approved for printing, any amendments, additions, etc. to the submitted text, if made at the proof stage, may have to be paid for by the author.
Reference to any matter in the text which may have been adverted to in any earlier journal sould be specifically mentioned with the relevant details.
A script will be returned only if return postage hebeen'sent. i,


Page 52
NOTES AND QUERES
The Council has decided to review NOTES AND QUERIES as part of the Journal. This section will generally comprise short papers; illustrations accompanying them, too, will be duly considered.
The Editor welcomes papers from Members for consideration in this feature
sĩGIRIYA, KASSAPA AND KUVERA
A key argument for the deification of the king, proferred by Dr. S. Paranavitana is that Sigiriya, its components and adjuncts, were a representation on earth of the mythical paradise of Kuvera of whom King Kassapa was the earthly counterpart (J.C.B. R.A.S., N.S., Vol. I., chiefly p. 135 ff. Repeated in University of Ceylon, History, I, p. 297).
This argument may have a semblance of force if elsewhere in the chronicle the references to Alakamanda are without exception connected with kings. Con the contrary we have the fortress of Yapahuva (Subhapabbata) described as Alakamanda, with the minister Subha as its genius. ('On the summit of the Subha mountain, hard to ascend by the foe, the Senapati Subha had founded a town, as Vessavana the town Alakamanda etc. Calavariasa, II, trasl. W. Geiger, Ch. LXXXI, v. 2 ff). Vessavana is an alternative name of Kuvera. We thus have a conflict in ideas which runs counter to any parallelism. The deification of the king is, by this sole instance, thoroughly to be investigated.
If Kuvera was held in pre-eminent esteem by the Sinhalese so that he was regarded as a sort of god over all other gods whose form should be (metaphorically) absorbed by Kassapa, how came it to be that about the 5th Cent. -A.D., Kuvera was regarded as a humble henchman of the god Sakra (Indra) whose bidding he had to perform? (See Sihalavatthuppakavana, the story of the upāsaka Mahādeva).
f CULTURAL MISSIONS TO ARAKAN (RAKKHANGA-DESA)
Reference J.C. B. R.A.S., Vol. XXXV, 93, pp. I-6; Vol. XV (N.S.), 97 I, pp.
26-35; U.C.R., XVIII, Nos. I and 2, Jan.--Apr. I959, pp. 4 I-46.
The ola document which came into the hands of the late Sir D. B. Jayatilaka (which was considered lost) has since been recovered by me from his niece, (Mrs. E. Sirimanne of Haig Road, Bambalapitiya) and has been deposited in the library of the Y.M.B.A., Colombo. For its text seu The Buddhist (Organ of the Colombo Y.M.B.A., Vol. XLVI, No. 3., 1975 pp. 26-33).
RAJOVADA: AN ADMONITION TO A KING
Reference J.C. B. R.A.S., (N.S.), XVI, VII 972, p. 25. The Sinhalese text of this document has since been published by me in The Buddhist, Vol. XLV, Jan.-Mar. I974.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL CODE OF RAJADHIRAJASIMHA
Reference J.C. B. R.A.S., (N.S.), XVII, ro73, p. 22. The above document which includes a history of the Buddhist Church from the reign of Vikramabahu of Kandy up to the last days of Raiadhirajasirinha, has since been published by me (the Sinhalese text) in The Buddhist, XLVI, Jan.-June 1975.
Nandasena Mudiyanse.
KK

PERADENIYA
Dr. D. G. Gunawardena, in his note published in this journal, New Series, volume XVII, pages 55-56, seeks an explanation of the place name Peradeniya (Sinhalese: Pera-deniya). The writer points to the analogy of other place names ending in -deniya, such as Dambadeniya, Belideniya, Dehideniya, and questions referring to Péra in Peradeniya, 'what then is the ruit if it refers to a fruit at all?'
We cannot go here into an explanation of many examples of place names ending in-deniya. It is sufficient to point out that there are other words, not only names of fruits (and also trees, shrubs, etc.) which stand as the first part of such place names. I would give only a few examples: Gadaladeniya, close to the present Peradeniya Junction Railway Station, Panideniya (the almost displaced older name of this latter locality), Teldeniya also in the Kandy District. Then we have Kondadeniya (NWP), Malandeniya (NWP), Kannadeniya (CP), Hadeniya (CP), Randeniya (several), Pindeniya (Kegalla District); Diddeniya, etc., etc. Apart from fruits, but connected with flora we have Nelundeniya, Embuldeniya (ambul), Imbuldeniya, Middeniya, Toradeniya, Vervaldeniya, etc. We shall not tarry on the interpretation of these names.
A comment on the literary evidence depended on by Dr. Gunawardena is necessary. He cits the authority of the Mahdivamsa relating to events in the fourteenth century. The reference in the chronicle precisely is chapter 91, verse 2. This portion of the mahavamsa was written only in the latter part of the eighteenth century, during the reign of King Kirti Sri-Rajasimha (AD 1747-C. I782) and Péradoni and Mahadiganga are Paliazations from Sinhalese. Clearly the source of this part of the Pali chronicle is the Sinhalese Rdiaratndikaraya (Rik) dealing with the history of the Sinhalese kings up to AD 1542. Thus this chronicle was also written after the advent of the Portuguese, but there was hardly any time for the Guayavo fruit to have been introduced to the island and carried to the centre of the island. In the Rijk we read: Mahaváli-gam asa Pérödemi- muvaya (Rik. I887 edin., p. 49; I929 edin, p. 42).
. As for the species of the fruit or tree péra not occurring in the Sinhalese lexicons of the fifteenth century, this is only an argument from the negative. These laxicons for the most part attempt to supply Sinhalese (Elu) equivalents for corresponding lists in the Sanskrit or Pali laxical poems. We may note that péra does not also occur in the eighteenth century Sinhalese lexicons the Helladiva-navandindivaliya or the Heladiv-abiddinavata. -
While we dwell on the etymology of the name Péradegiya it would be of interest to know the geographical location of the site. This was on the KandyGátambe side of the river, that is, to the north of the University Camp. Peradeniya Tunction Railway Station got its name from the Botanical Gardens, just as Gampaha was formerly Henaratgoda named after the gardens at the latter place close by. New Peradeniya, the present Sarasavi-Uyana, was a later creation. The Kirala-sandesaya of 1815 (ed. Godakumbura, Ig61, verse I27) in its description of the journey from Kandy to Embekke has Gatamba-tota, Halmasikandura, Péradeniya, Mivatura and then the river. Santana Hill (present Hantané) is above Péradeniya, which originally must have been about that through like depression of land between the old race course, and the slopes of the Hantane hill over which the railway-line to Kandy now runs. This would have given the name to the new city founded at the site of the present Botanical gardens in the fourteenth century. The present writer recollects that about a half a century back the folk in the Gatambe areas speaking of the Peradeniya Junction Station as Panideniya Station.
Dr. Gunawardena is correct in his assertion that Péradeniya has no connection with the fruit pera. Apart from the history of the fruit, the first component of the name is pērā-and not pēra. The name is Pērádeņiya even in the manus
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cripts of the Rajaratndikaraya as far as the present writer has examined. In the popular etymology of this place name the difficulty is got over by breaking the compound into three components péra + d + deniya, 'the valley or field into which pera fruits have come (or were washed down by the floods of the river)'.
I would venture to suggest a meaning for Péradeniya, on the analogy of certain place names. Páni-deniya, "honey field, can be a field that was allotted to those who supplied honey or treacle to the court. In the same way Tel-deniya could mean the field of the suppliers of oil, whatever kind of oil this may have been. I can cite at least one instance where deniya occurs after the name of a class of artisams, that is Badahdila-deniya potters' field' in my own village of Hewadiwela in the Valgam-pattuwa of the Kegalle District. There are no more potters in the area, but there would have been at some time, and the field jutting into the high land and a house-hold garden boardering it are called Badahaladeriya. There is also Kunbal-deniya, the Potters' Village somewhere.
Thus it could be that Péradeniya means the 'Weavers' Field'. The Sans- . krit pešakara (Pali: pesakara) gives the Sinhalese pehera (nominative singular: peherd which by the elision of the h and the coalition of the two e's becomes *pēra with the possible nominative singular and oblique (historical genitive) case "pérd. In support of the Sinhalese pehera from Pali pesakdiva I may cite the Glossary of the Dhammapadatthakathidi (story no. I44), the Dhampiyd-attuvdigata padaya (ed. Jayatilaka, p. I99); pasakära-dhitaram, pehera-duvaÈ, and the corresponding passage in the Saddharma-ratnãvaliya (story no. I 5 I, ed. Jayatilaka, p. 663): pehera-duvaniyange vata. (It has to be pointed out that Jayatilaka's equation of pehera with pesakdira in his glossary to the same text (p. 57) is, however, not correct. The term pesakdiva denotes a 'flour-grinder', being derived from the root pis "to crush'. The word pesakdiva is from the root pis, pins originally meaning 'to adorn'.)
Further examples may be quoted to establish the meaning of pehera. The Mahābodhivam sa-gata padaya (191 o edn, p. 14o) translates pesаќӑra by peheva. The Sinhala - Bodhi varm saya (I 93cə edin, p. 2 o2) lists beheya-kulla ata ki “eiglot families weavers' among the various craftsmen that accompanied the Sacred Bo-tree from the Maurya kingdom to the Simhala island. The employment of the word hu lavdi in the Sikhavalanda leaves no doubt as to its meaning: Sivu vak-peherakhu lava viyavuva, "if a robe is caused to woven by a weaver-" (ed. Jayatilaka, 1934 p. 3). The lexicon Ruvannala of the fifteenth century, complied probably with older material (verse 395) also lists pehera in its list of craftsmen.
C. E. Godakumbura.
NOTES ON TWO'' OLD SINHALESE SWORDS BY C. M. FERNANDO
These 3 swords were taken from Mudaliyar A. de Roivel for the purpose of Mr. G. A. Dharmaratne's book. The Kara-Goi Contest (I89o). A translation of the inscription is given in the Book (pp. 58-59) and inspection of the swords was invited (p. 59). The swords were therefore kept back and were not returned. In 1905, the late Mr. C. M. Fernando, Crown Counsel read a paper before the RAS, Sri Lanka Branch, on the first and second swords and made an attempt to connect the swords with another family--that of the late Lady Catherine de Soysa, Mr. Fernando's mother-in-law (RAS XIII p. 388). The only evidence he adduced in support was a transcript and a translation of an ola which was not accepted by the society and is not published in its journal. The original ola. though it was said to have been shown to Mudaliyar Simon de Silva, Government Chief Translator, was not submitted to the Society for examination (RAS XVIII p. 39.o note) and Mr. H. C. P. Bell, the Government Archaeologist in a letter to the Times of Ceylon of Ioth March I9o5 condemns this ola and says that despite special request to examine the ola it was not shown to him though it was said to have been shown to Mudaliyar Simon de Silva. These 2 swords
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as well as the third were submitted for report to Mr. Bell by the Committee of the RAS. Mr. Bell in his report mentions seeing them at the time of the publication of the Kara-Goi Contest and accepted the genuineness of the swords and the inscriptions (RAS XVIII p. 4I7). Dr. Paul Pieris too commenting on these swords and the inscriptions accepted their genuineness (RAS XVIII pp. 39o to 39I). Mr. Dharmaratne in his book (p. 59) indicates that these swords belong to the Varnakula Additiya Arsanillaite families of the Negombo-Chilaw District and Mohotti Mudaliyar F. E. Gooneratne in a letter to tne Ceylon Independent recognised the authenticity of these swords and referred to them as the heirlooms of the Varnakula Additiya families of the Negombo-Chilaw District. The late Mr. C. M. Fernando himself in his lecture admitted that the names' Additya Arsanillaite, have been used by the members of the family whose their head was Mudaliyar Abrosius de Rowel of Pitigal Korale South and that The Dutch Act of Appointment dated 2 oth January I765 appointing the greatgrandfather of the present Mudaliyar to the office of Mudaliyar of Alut Kuru Korale describes him as Anthony Rowel Warnakula Additya Weerasooriya Arsanillaite (RAS XVIII p. 388).
The date on the first sword corresponds to AD I416. The recipient to whom the Patabendi name of Maha Nagate Rajasinghe seems to have been given would be the Arsaillaite Mudali of the old Sinhala Chronicle. The Janavamsa (Tr. Neville's Taprobanian I886) says that the Court of Parakrama Bahu VI was full of Indians.
On the second sword along with the Royal sign manuel are incised some of the insignia of the Karava Community (Bell's Report on the swords RAS XVIII p. 448 note). All these insignia appear on the Karava Flag (Sinhalese Banners & Standards and The Karawe Flag). The grantor was either Parakrama Bahu VII’s second son Kuda Cumara or his grandson, the son of his daughter Oeha Kuda Devi, both of whom administered the Kingdom during Parakrama Bahu VI's lifetime and ascended the Throne later (RAS XXII & Bell's Kegalle Reports p. 42).
The grantor of the third sword is either Pandita Parakrama Bahu (A.D. ir 47 I to I485) or Weera Parakrama Bahu (AD. I 485-II 5o5). The dates on the second and third swords are incorrectly deciphered.
Sunil Goonewardene.
PARJANYA AND AGN
Did they make Agriculture productive in Sri Lanka
Agriculture and famines, is a theme much discussed thoughout the history of mankind This is not unusual in the annals of Sri Lanka's past too. How an early monarch of Sri Lanka averted famines and made the country prosperous through agriculture would be a matter worth recalling.
It was king Kassapa V of Anuradhapura (cir: 929-39 A.D.), who had left a lithic record at the premises of the Abhayagiri temple, wherein is found, interalia, a sentence referring to the ways and means adopted by the king in his urge to make agriculture productive in Sri Lanka. The particular phrase refering to the method adopted by the king has proved difficult to be understood since the phraseology used by the Toth century lithographer has become archaic, hence ambiguous at some places. It is as follows :-
Podomavullu-Pulu içdivuluyem ket-kam sulab-kot Siyi Lak loq duyuvay söz-biyas mivay (Epigraphia Zeylanica EZ, ed. D. M. De Z. Wickremasinghe, Vol. I, London, I.9o4, pp. 46 f.)
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According to the English readering of this phrase by the late Dr. Senerat Purana vitana, it would stand as follows:-"made agriculture (ketkam, lit: works in the fields) productive (sulabkot, lit: advantageous) by invoking both Parjanya Podon) and Agni (Pulunda)’’ (see S. Paranavitana in Artibus Asiae, Ascona, witzerland, vol. xvi., for I 953, pp. I97-I8I). His translation was however based on a very hypothetical phonological process. Moreover, his was an attempt to trace the prevalence of the cult of Parjanya (rain-god) and Agni (fire-god) in ancient Sri Lanka, in his bid to identify the Isurumuniya sculpture of a man and horse's head as an artistic expression to represent these two Vedic divinities. Both his identification of the sculpture and his rendering of the above phrase in the Abhayagiri slab inscription were challenged and disproved subsequently by others (Second International Conference Seminar on Asian Archaeology -SICSA, held in Colombo in 1969. SICSA proceedings are being published by the Department of Archaeology, Sri Lanka. Refer the two papers read by Prof. Dr. J. E. van Lohuizen de Leeuw and the present writer respectively).
In our own study of the same Isurumuniya bas-relief we have shown how arbitrarily and insufficiently the phrase in the lithic record under review, has been construed by the late Dr. Paranavitana (see, East and Wert, IsMEO, Rome, vol. 2d., for 197o, pp. 126 t.) However at that time we were unable to demonstrate clearly how the equivocal passage -Podonavulu. -Puluidivuluvenetc., could be explained. In a recent attempt we have found that a more plausible meaning for the above ambiguous phrase could be obtained. Our observations are given below for the verification by the more learned.
* The word Podon if taken to be etymologically equal to Poson our hypothetical rendering of the unintelligible passage could be accepted as more probable and reasonable. Poson could probably be derived from Prasana, meaning flowers (cf. prasana varsi, showers of flowers, in early texts; Sanskrit English Dictionary, ed. Monier Williams, p. 698). In fact one writer has made a futile attempt to hold brief for the case of Dr. Paranavitana's Parjanya-Agni theory, by striking an analogy with Poson and Podon and trying to explain that the word Poson means Parjanya (see, C. E. Godakumbura, JRASCB, new series, vol. xiv,
for 197c, pp. 92-97).
* Both Podon and Puluiddi we may take to mean flowers and fruits respectively, as in Malpala in common Sinhalese parlance, and Avutu to mean, causing rainfall. Probably an early aorist formation from the root 'vris'- varsati, As analogical formations from the same root could be cited, vald, valakula, both meaning raincloud. Such expressions like -Maltala visiuasvd, malvavasdivahaving caused flowers and fruits to rain, a shower of flowers etc., are not uncommon in Sihalese and other early Indian literary references.
The statement that the king Kassapa V, made agriculture productive by the action indicated in the expression 'Podonavulu. -Puluidavuluyen', is given as the cause of the two next statements that the island of Lanka was made to sprout. Sirilak londuruvay, and that the fear of famine was dispelled, sdibiya niva v. Dr. Paranavitana thinks that these conditions of prosperity and the absence of fear of famine throughout the whole of Lanka could not have been brought ahout by the construction of two irrigation reservoirs as his precursor, Dr. Wickremasinghe had thought. Having rejected Wickremasinghe's explanation, Paranavitana goes on to suggest that by the expression PodonavuluPuluidavulu-etc., it is meant an invocation of Parjanya and Agni, the rain-god and the fire-god, respectively, of Vedic repertory (see Artibus Asiae, op. cit. p. I8o).
* The expression Sirilak londuruvay, would on the controry, substantiate, further our suggested meaning of the words Podon and Pului di + A vuluyen or vuluyen). Sirilak londuruvay is translated as-Sri Lanka was made to sprout.
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Needless to say that only by the dispersal of seeds for germination by a shower of flowers and fruits that the and could be made to sprout.
On the above obscrvations the frloving translation could be suggested
by us for the difficult passage of king Kassapa's slab inscription-Padonavulus Pulungdiuutuven keikan slabknt Sirilah londuruway sabiya at iaay-'through showers of flowers and fruits agriculture was made productive and caused Sri Lanka to sprout, thereby dispelling the fear of famine.'
A. D. T. E. PERERA.
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